——
.—-—-

 

._ 'i ,., _- . - ,. _. .v g" ' ""1"
; w a has: n
I. ‘ “oi" 1 ;.\h.“; .‘f‘:\ .3! . ,. H a“; .
— “till v‘lMI"l ‘4 A"““- :- lli" J1": ‘t‘J II‘QL'l I?‘ 0‘“ 1:0":

. Lem-:1» I
‘ 3"“‘a‘fli‘:
'3“?fo
IszLLv '
4:3
‘ ‘5

..v .-
5» ..
.c—
f

I

 

*"i-.‘.-.
i. . .“~‘-

.-
, . 1:1. W‘

.3 . . ;.» -:. . r:
n- “,5”? ‘ 5" .457
. ‘,3:"rI:-;'-§v*~..v. ,I 3..
.. ,"thdfr '27. : u".
Jr- 3‘ '.. r"?

‘ M
r w.
Tar.
Y

 

7‘2.
o"- O'-
. 91". _. . ,of
. .. u' ‘
p.

.4

~11]

,_ ' .
L: “‘1“
I ‘.

-«.v~

’3‘
5.3,.“

L '- L
‘Lv.
5;! “Li.

4 - 0
“M44

. .¢-u
I. .

 

2 '5' :15:

' “ :93.
l ‘9“: :E‘EE’.
l I D 6
.'. :1; Q
-‘ " ‘l' ,

A) I w

. ' x . I .
' ‘ 3’ .I y. _ _ ‘ . H "L.
' "I-z“ 5.3.” I V - ._ ' ' « ;~ ~‘:‘ I: 1‘. g‘IE‘L' “' 931‘:

g. , . 'I‘_ j! .: ' ‘. , ‘ L n. . 1"”: D :32"? 1‘5““,

" I I i511
'IE : 13:131.}
1"": 'ngzhta-I

7..
...-- ,
--.:..

IJ‘,
b‘-,‘

I ‘ .-'. .
‘ 'T'I'E‘. "
LL 2 ‘ ' “u'l.
' ' I" J ':i.‘ I

—.

 

-" .T '.
‘9." [Lu
'IL:. 7':
It. 1" '

.r
......_
--«--‘-
I
w‘
.. ._n .

.3. ‘,
.‘ .. L:
I -,.g;--"““1I'|;l“
:' ”11“”! H.”

.

 

‘3‘
. .
3:22
«4.... ..
.-

1:.-
' 3.

v
"....~~

..
‘ "‘3" 21':
I ‘ .l

I. 'v

. Q
1“}:bt:
leg. f .-

-n
.. ‘
u—u- .
~14». -

,-
--~¢
.

 

'4 L .
3"! "' ‘ 23%;" ‘LJ "‘4 0.1L“: I1 ‘1"‘393‘: ..‘ ' : .. ' “.3 ‘ .7 . : Y
"1‘ ‘1‘“! It}. . .. ‘5 ‘ . Q‘h ‘ .l ' 2 ' H fimhm‘nhht
I q‘iQ‘l' I f} 'I 5‘ 1 _
2‘33’1?u . . ‘t‘

I ""

TH

g)

llllllll’llfll illlllllllli'flll illlll'llll

3 1293 01686 0854

This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled

Framing an Environmental Controversy
in India's English-Language Press:
A Study of Text in Context

presented by

Elizabeth Ann Burch

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph .D . degree in Mas; MediaL

Md?

Major professor

\

W /(/77¥

Date

 

MS U L: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771

 

 

LIBRARY

' Michigan State
University

 

 

 

PLACE IN RETURN Box
to remove this checkout from your record.
TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due.

 

MTE DUE

DATE DUE

DATE DUE

 

"it. 13.31 4 Z-.3

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1/98 animus-p.14

 

Framing an Environmental Controversy
in India's English-Language Press:
A Study of Text in Context

By:

Elizabeth Ann Burch

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Communication Arts and Sciences

1997

ABSTRACT

FRAMING AN ENVIRONMENTAL CONTROVERSY IN INDIA'S
ENGLISH-LANGUAGE PRESS: A STUDY OF TEXT IN CONTEXT

By
Elizabeth Burch

This dissertation explores the relationship between the contextual
forces and environmental news in two of India's leading English-language
newspapers. The study examines the framing of one particularly salient
environmental controversy within India - the building of the macro-hydro-
electric Narmada Dam. The problems associated with the project - balancing
modernization goals with environmental protectionism - are
representative of the challenges of developing countries.

The study adapts Shoemaker and Reese's theoretical framework of
the hierarchy of intra- and extra-organizational influences to investigate the
framing of the sustainability and development debate. A triangulation of
methods, including content analysis, in-depth interview, and historical
review of the country's newspaper industry and environmental
movements were used. Interviews with environmental reporters from two
competitive major English-language dailies reputed to follow opposing
political ideologies were conducted to analyze the context within which the
performance of the press was studied. Framing of the Narmada dam issue
was examined via analysis of articles written in both newspapers between
1989 and 1993. The textual analysis data was organized into crossbreaks.
Cramer's V and Phi measure the degree of association between framing of

the controversy and the papers' political stance toward government.

Elizabeth Burch

It was found that the papers' political ideologies did not necessarily
affect their support for environmental sustainability or economic
development paradigms, except in the case of prominence of headlines.
Thus, headlines in the pro-government paper supported the building of the
dam, while the anti-government paper opposed it. Both newspapers used
similar framing devices in terms of editorial tone, story type, source use and
theme emphasis. Both framed the issue toward an environmental
sustainability ethic. Both used a balance of sources. Both also used stories
that were sensationalized and over-simplified.

The newspapers faced similar constraints, except in terms of the
factors of political ideology and target audience. Interviews with reporters
indicated themes, such as democracy and freedom of the press; advocacy
versus objectivity; market journalism; and cultural resonance (or values)
influenced their reporting on the environment. Intra-organizational
cultural factors were most influential in framing Narmada coverage in
India, followed closely by extra-organizational political and extra-
organizational cultural factors. Intra-organizational political and intra- and
extra-organizational economic factors exerted equal weight upon

environmental coverage in the Indian English-language press.

Copyright by
Elizabeth Burch
1997

Dedicated to Maya

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I credit my mother for teaching me perseverance, creative vision and
the love of art. My sister reminded me to have a sense of humor and
overcome my "worried warrior" syndrome. My father taught me to be
brave in the most difficult of times. Mark and the rest of the clan
continually encouraged me. My admiration is theirs always.

My dissertation committee deserves special thanks. My dissertation
director, Bella Mody, became my friend and mentor. She taught me to take
risks and still meet my goals within a livable time frame. Her eye for detail
is astounding. My respect for her wisdom and warmth is simply
immeasurable. Stephen Lacy, Joseph Straubhaar and Todd Simon helped
me to focus my ideas while expanding theoretical boundaries.

Without the support of the MSU Center for Advanced Study of
International Development this project would not have come to fruition.
World Wide Fund of India deserves special mention, as well as Darryl
D'Monte, Jim Detjen, Mary Murphy, Martin Schoenmaker and Howard
Dean. My language instructor, Virendra, was tough yet fair. He taught me
to remember Hindi by saying the magic words, "I know it!" My friends,
Vicky, Lisa, Kate, Pat, Robyn, Stephanie, Anne, Bob and Betsy kept me
laughing. Joe kept me playing music, even when there was no time. Kelly
and Adria made all the difference in the final months of completing this
project.

My husband, Bill, helped me survive through this process. He was
an endless source of support. My daughter, Maya, taught me I can give birth
to a baby, live with little sleep, complete a Ph.D. and still have the desire to

play. My love for them is my strength.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................... x
LIST OF FIGURES AND MODELS ..................................................................... xi
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 1
Environment and Development in India ............................................ 1
The Study ..................................................................................................... 3
Significance of Study ................................................................................. 5
Summary ..................................................................................................... 8
CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................. 9
Theory ............................. . ............................................................................ 9
Frames .......................................................................................................... 9
Reasons for Particular Frames ................................................................ 13
Environmental Coverage in the Indian Press ..................................... 21
Summary of Literature Review .............................................................. 28

CHAPTER III. ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND

RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................. 30
Analytical Framework .............................................................................. 30
Research Questions ................................................................................... 36
Contextual Analysis .................................................................................. 36
Content Analysis Research Questions .................................................. 36
Summary ..................................................................................................... 37

CHAPTER IV. METHODOLOGY ....................................................................... 38
Research Design ......................................................................................... 38
I. Contextual Analysis: Interviews ......................................................... 39
II. Content Analysis: Newspaper Articles ............................................. 39
Operationalization and Measurement of Variables ........................... 39
Independent Variables .............................................................................. 4O
Dependent Variables ................................................................................. 41
Population and Sample Selection Procedures ..................................... 44
Unit of Analysis: Contextual Analysis .................................................. 44
Unit of Analysis: Content Analysis ....................................................... 45
Data Collection Methods .......................................................................... 47
Obtaining Evidence/ Gaining Access ..................................................... 48
Validity 8: Reliability ................................................................................ 49
Analysis Plan .............................................................................................. 50
Report of Findings ..................................................................................... 51
Limitations .................................................................................................. 51

vii

Timetable ..................................................................................................... 54

CHAPTER V. RESULTS ...................................................................................... 55
Reliability ..................................................................................................... 55
Content Analysis Findings ...................................................................... 57
Summary of Content Analysis Findings .............................................. 7O
Contextual Analysis of Interviews with Journalists from

the Pro-govemment and Anti-government Newspapers ............. 70
Background on Pro-government Newspaper ..................................... 71
Summary of Interviews on Influential Factors at

Pro-government Newspaper ................................................................. 72
Background on Anti-government Newspaper ................................... 76
Summary of Interviews on Influential Factors at

Anti-government Newspaper .............................................................. 77
Comparison of Pro-government to Anti-government ..................... 81
Explaining Newspaper Framing Decisions through

Journalists' Perceptions of their Newspapers' Context ................... 82
Editorial Bias ............................................................................................... 83
Prominence: Stars in Headlines ............................................................. 84
Prominence: Pro- and Anti-dam Headlines ........................................ 86
Types of Content ........................................................................................ 87
Kinds of Sources ......................................................................................... 89
Variety of Sources ...................................................................................... 91
Themes ......................................................................................................... 92
Summary ..................................................................................................... 94

CHAPTER VI. DISCUSSION .............................................................................. 97
Implications of Study ................................................................................ 97
A. Democracy and India's Free Press ..................................................... 98
B. Objectivity versus Advocacy ............................................................... 102
C. Market Journalism ................................................................................ 110
D. Cultural Resonance .............................................................................. 115
The Hierarchy of Contextual Influences

on Framing the Environment in India .............................................. 118
Hypotheses for Future Testing ................................................................ 123
Significance of Study ................................................................................. 125
Future Research ......................................................................................... 127
Conclusion .................................................................................................. 127

APPENDIX A (Interview Schedule) .................................................................. 130

APPENDIX B (Coding Book) ............................................................................... 135

APPENDIX C (Coding Definitions) .................................................................... 138

viii

APPENDIX D (In-depth Interview Summaries) ............................................. 182

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................... 198

ix

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Reliability Indexes .................................................................................. 56
Table 2: Editorial Bias —— Pro or Anti-dam ...................................................... 59

Table 3: Focus on Stars — Headlines Pro or Anti-Dam Broken Down
By Category .................................................................................................. 60

Table 4: Topic — Headlines Pro or Anti-Dam By Combined Categories..61

Table 5: Topic — Headlines Pro or Anti-Dam Broken Down By
Category ........................................................................................................ 62

Table 6: Type — Episodic or Thematic News By Combined Categories....63

Table 7: Type — Episodic or Thematic News Broken Down By

Category ........................................................................................................ 64
Table 8: Sources — Pro or Anti-Dam by Combined Categories .................. 65
Table 9: Sources — Pro or Anti-Dam Broken Down by Category ............... 67

Table 10: Theme — Environmental Sustainability vs. Economic
Development by Combined Categories ................................................. 68

Table 11: Theme -— Environmental Sustainability vs. Economic
Development Broken Down by Category ............................................. 69

LIST OF FIGURES AND MODELS

Figure 1: Contextual Forces and Framing on Pro-government versus
i- rn ..................................................................................... 32

Figure 2a: The Relationship of Extra-Organizational
Context to Text ............................................................................................ 34

Figure 2b: The Relationship of Intra-Organizational
Context to Text ............................................................................................ 35

Figure 3: Contextual Forces and Framing on Pro-government versus

Anti-government in India ....................................................................... 121
Model 1: Hierarchy of Intra- and Extra-Organizational Influences
on Environmental News Content ......................................................... 33

Model 2: Hierarchy of Intra- and Extra-Organizational Influences on
Environmental News Content in the Indian English-language
Press .............................................................................................................. 122

xi

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

E ir n V] mntinIn ia:

In order to provide a framework for finding solutions to the South's
environmental problems, political ecologists analyze the inter-relationships
between the physical environment and the economic, socio—cultural, political
and technological components of a society.1 In the case of India, this contextual
approach reveals a perplexing set of issues. The 1997 Human Development
Report of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) ranks India
among one of the least developed countries in the world (1995).2 Yet
modernization attempts have led to environmental degradation. In reaping the
benefits of modernized industry and agriculture, India‘s progress has led to a
rise in pollution, deforestation, loss of biological diversity and other grave
ecological concerns. Man—made disasters, such as the well-documented
pesticide gas accident at the Union Carbide plant in Bhopal in 1984, are a
testament to this fact.

A look into the historical development of India's environmental problems
shows a trend of oppression of the poor. After the collapse of imperialistic
British rule in 1947, control over the country's natural resources transferred to
the state. However, the change from colonialism to democracy meant little to

India's villagers, whose demands for basic needs continued to fall on deaf ears.

 

1 David J. Campbell and Jennifer M. Olson, "Framework for Environment and
Development: The Kite," Occasional paper No. 10., Center for Advanced Study
of International Development, East Lansing, Michigan, 1991.

2 Human Development Report (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).

Conflicts over renewable resources led to an increase in poverty and deprivation
among the rural poor.3

The 19705 brought a rise in environmental concern in India as it did in the
rest of the world.‘1 In 1972, Former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi addressed the
United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm calling
poverty the "biggest polluter." Also, environmental social movements began to
form with the help of non-governmental organizations (NGOs).5 Following
Mahatma Gandhi's tradition of the non-violence ethic, most well known was the
Empko movement, a grass-roots crusade begun in 1973 to fight against the
Indian government's deforestation of the Himalayan foothills. Subsequently,
Former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi focused on environmental conservation
with his Planet Protection Fund. He also initiated the creation of the
Department of Environment, Forests and Wildlife in 1985, which became a part
of the higher level Ministry of Environment and Forests.

Today, within the nations of the developing world, the dominant
paradigm of "cultural givens," such as belief in mastery over nature or progress
through science and technology,6 is said to be giving way to a new

environmental aradi .7 The ideolo is meant to link the rate of rowth in
P gm 83’ 8

 

3 Jayanta Banyopadhyay and Vandana Shiva, "Development, Poverty and the
Growth of the Green Movement in India," The Ecologist 19, no. 3 (1989): 111-117.
4 Theodore Baskaran, "The Rise of the Environmental Movement in India," Media
Development 37, no 2 (1990): 13-16.

5 R. V. Rajan, "Environmental Policies and the Media in India," Media Asia 19, no.
2 (1992): 772-777.

6 Anders Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment,"
Media, Culture and Society 13 (1991): 443-458.

7 Riley E. Dunlap and K. D. Van Liere, "Commitment to the Dominant Social
Paradigm and Concern for Environmental Quality," Social Science Quarterly 65
(1984): 1013-1028; Priscilla Murphy and Juliet Dee, "Reconciling the Preferences
of Environmental Activists and Corporate Policy-Makers" (Paper presented at
the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, New Mexico, May
1995): 1-36.

the world to a normative ethic of environmental sustainability.3 Yet the reality
is the South still carries a heavy burden of foreign debt, and lacks the capital to
invest in environmental protections.

Within the locus of the controversy, stands the press. Badri writes,
"Journalism has come a long way to witness the day when the fragile earth
depends so highly on the competency and proficiency of journalists."9 In India,
correspondents write on pivotal environmental issues, trying to address the
economic development / environmental sustainability question.10 As this and

other studies show, the job is a formidable one.11

W

This study examines the portrayal of one particularly salient
environmental issue in the Indian English-language print press in India - the
controversy over the building of the Narmada Dam. The study investigates
framing theory as it applies to the coverage of the Narmada Dam in the Indian
English-language press by examining: 1) the nature of the coverage; and 2) the

role of key social factors, forces and actors that influenced that coverage.12 The

 

3 World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987); Robert Goodland, Herman Daly, Salah
El Serafy and Bemd von Droste, eds. Environmentally Sustainable Economic
Development: Building on Bruntland (Paris: UNESCO, 1991).

9 M. A. Badri, "Mass Communication and the Challenges on Global
Environmental Protection," Journal of Development Communication 1, no. 2 (1991):
1-16. (see p. 15)

10 Such as Darryl D'Monte, Bittu Sahgal, Demandeep Singh, Kalpana Sharma
and others.

11 Sharon M. Friedman and Kenneth A. Friedman, Reporting on the Environment:
A Handbook for Journalists (Bangkok, Thailand: The United Nations Economic
and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 1988); Sharon M. Friedman,
Sharon Dunwoody, and Carol L. Rogers, Scientists and Journalists: Reporting
Science as News (NY: The Free Press, 1986).

12 Bella Mody, "DevelopmentCommunication: From Media Effects to Media
Contexts," Media Development 3 (1988): 35-37; Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen

purpose is to identify patterns in Narmada Dam reporting in India in order to
uncover relationships between the Indian media's portrayal of the larger debate
over environmental sustainability versus economic development.

The complexity of issues the press negotiate in covering environmental
issues in India is well illustrated in the hotly debated case of the Narmada Dam
development project. Originally conceived in the 19403, the $3.6 billion project
typifies many of the problems economic growth can impose on landless tribal
peoples. Affecting the western Indian states of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Gujarat and Rajasthan, the dam is to be the largest ever built in India. The
primary argument concerns the construction of approximately 30 major dams,
between 135 to 300 medium dams and over 3,000 minor dams along the
Narmada River and its tributaries.13 Two of the largest are the Sardar Sarovar
Project (referred to as SSP) in Gujarat and the Narmada Sagar Darn (proposed
for upstream in Madhya Pradesh). A number of irrigation canals will also be
built.

At issue is the submersion of over 91 thousand acres of land. Supporters
state the project will generate 1,450 megawatts of electric power to the country,
provide drinking water to 40 million people in chronically drought-stricken
areas, as well as irrigate 4.4 million acres of land. In opposition is a grass-roots
activist group, MW (NBA) — the Save Narmada
Movement — which leapt into action in India in 1985 in reaction to the dam’s
construction. The movement's leaders, Himanshu Thakkar and Medha Patkar,

have staged numerous protest marches, including one that covered 125 miles

 

D. Reese, Mediating the Message: Theories of Influences on Mass Media Content (NY:
Longman, 1991); Sharon M. Friedman and Kenneth A. Friedman,
”Environmental Journalism: Guardian of the Asian Commons," Environment 31,
no. 5 (1989): 7-37.

13 Rajan, "Environmental Policies and the Media in India," 772-777.

from Madhya Pradesh to the site of the SSP Dam. Rallying to halt the project,
NBA maintains the environmental impact of such large dams are
overwhelmingly negative. Protesters point to the potentially forced relocation
of between 50,000 to 200,000 people out of the region (although these figures are
presently in dispute), and the lack of adequate resettlement and rehabilitation
programs for those displaced by the dams. Loss of wildlife habitat and religious
shines are also of great concern.

Decisions on the height of the various dams (some in the range of 450
feet) continue to be scrutinized in the Indian courts, as every foot represents a
piece of land lost or saved. Meanwhile, the NBA says large agricultural
businesses and urban—dwellers would be the primary beneficiaries of the project
and not the rural poor, as advertised. They charge that well-irrigated Madhya
Pradesh, not the parched lands in Gujarat, will benefit the most. Also, they
point to the devastating ecological effects of large-scale dam projects, such as
deforestation, soil erosion, the potential for floods and other problems as
evidence against the building of the dams.

The fight over Narmada has become highly politicized, particularly by
government officials seeking re-election. NBA leaders have undertaken long-
term hunger strikes, and in some cases, police have responded with violence
and arrests. Consequently, the struggle has received extensive coverage in the

Indian press. Today, the battle continues in the courts.

5"t' ElSl°

The Indian Narmada dispute was chosen for analysis in this study of
environmental communication and national development in the South for three
primary reasons. First, the project has great environmental and social impact.

Second, the outcome of the controversy has far-reaching implications for

development policy worldwide. And finally, there is plenty of data for a
systematic study such as this because the debate has been widely covered in the
Indian press in the last 10 years.

In 1954, Nehru declared large development projects in India "the temples
of today." Later, a well-known Indian environmental journalist, Darryl
D'Monte, wrote that the temples of today have turned into "tombs for
millions."14 In recent years, large-scale hydro-electric dam projects implemented
in developing countries have become a focal point of dissent among
environmental activists. For example, the building of the Three Gorges Dam in
neighboring China has become highly controversial. India's anti-dam group,
the NBA, has gained strong support from numerous international
environmental organizations, such as the International Rivers Network in the
US. Consequently, the World Bank's $450 million investment in the project was
held up as a test case by these organizations. The Bank came under fire for its
support of a project that symbolized the very argument against large "top-
down" development programs.“ Significantly, the Manebeli Declaration of
1994, drawn up by India's "50 Years is Enough" campaign, called for a
moratorium on World Bank funding of large dams in the region. Finally, under
intense political pressure, the intemational lending agency suspended its
commitment to finance the completion of the N armada.16

The Bank's pullout, however, was not enough to overcome the
government of India's support of the project. Talk of self-financing of the

project seems to be on the government's agenda. As of today, the differences

 

14 Darryl D'Monte, Temples or Tombs? Industry versus the Environment: Three
Controversies (New Delhi: Center for Science and Environment, 1985), 1.

15 ibid.

16 K. Nayar, "Government Worsens Narmada Mess," India Abroad, 19 Aug. 1994,
2-3.

between the pro- and anti-dam factions remain unresolved. The case is still
pending in the country's overloaded court system.

While it is difficult to demonstrate a causal relationship between
environmental news, increased public awareness of the issues and
environmentally sustainable development policy, some believe the media in
India have served as a powerful force toward social change.17 Gupta writes that
print news of ecological problems has often led to mobilization of effected
communities, despite the country's literacy rate of less than 50 percent.18 Also,
the press indirectly plays a role in influencing governmental policy on the
environment by informing India's educated class of readers about
environmental issues.

Through a study of this kind it will be possible to gain greater
understanding of how English-language dailies frame the debate on
environmentally sustainable development in India through identification of
patterns in the news production process as they relate to the quality of coverage
of the Narmada Dam issue. Also, it will not only shed light on the "culture" of
environmental journalism in India, but is the first step in understanding the role
that contextual forces play in the media's portrayal of environmental protection.

Finally, it must be noted that the lion's share of communications research
on environmental journalism has been conducted within a Western context.
Consequently, theoretical perspectives on press performance are predominantly
Western-oriented. By focusing on one case study of environmental journalism
in a developing country context, this study will begin to assess the validity of

Western press performance theories as they address the stark realities among

 

17 R. V. Rajan, "Environmental Policies and the Media in India," 772-77.
13 V. S. Gupta, "Media and Environmental Protection: An Indian Perspective"

(Paper presented at the Asian Pacific Seminar on Media and the Environment,
Varanasi, India, 1989).

the Third World press. Thus, the investigation is likely to generate new
hypotheses for future research on the topic. Likewise, new methodologies may
emerge through exclusive attention to the unique characteristics of a newspaper

industry based in the global South.

Summana

This study examines the following questions about environmental
journalism in India: 1) How was the Narmada Dam controversy "framed" in the
English-language press in India? 2) What contextual factors, forces and actors
influenced framing of the Narmada Dam controversy in English-language
newspapers in India? 3) What is the relationship between those factors, forces
and actors and the framing of the larger sustainable development debate in

coverage of the Narmada Dam in English-language newspapers in India?

CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
A number of theoretical frameworks inform research on journalism in
society. This study attempts to incorporate relevant frameworks in order to
generate new hypotheses on press performance of environmental reporting in
India. Both framing theory and contextualism are examined in relation to the
Indian news media and coverage of the environment. Finally, a review of
Indian press history leads to a preliminary examination of some of the

constraints at play within the field of environmental journalism in India.

Tim
limes
In 1922, Lippman assessed the role of the news media, saying the press
helped to define the "world outside and the pictures in our heads."19 This
perspective laid the groundwork for agenda setting research,20 in which the
press are said to tell people not what to think about an issue, but what issues to

think about.21 According to Tuchman, news serves as a primary "window on

 

19 Walter Lippman, Public Opinion (NY: Macmillan, 1922).

20 Maxwell McCombs, "News Influence on Our Pictures of the World," in Media
Effects: Advances in Theory and Research, eds. Jennings Bryant and Dolf Zilhnan
(Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994), 1-16; Maxwell McCombs
and Donald L. Shaw, "The Agenda-Setting Function of the Press," Public Opinion
Quarterly 36 (1972): 176-187.

21 Bernard C. Cohen, The Press and Foreign Policy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1963); Maxwell McCombs, "News Influence on Our Pictures of
the World," 1-16.

10

the world."22 Thus the act of making news is essentially the act of "constructing
reality."23 In the case of environmental news, "the environment" as a critical
social issue was said to have been constructed in the press.24 That portrayal
came about by "framing" the news in certain ways. Tied to psychological and
sociological theory, "framing theory," or "frame analysis," is an area of mass
communication research that addresses the explicit and implicit meanings of
messages in the news.25 Tuchman writes that frames are an organizing device,26
while Gitlin defines media frames as frames of reference.27 They are the
"persistent patterns of cognition, interpretation, and presentation of selection,
emphasis, and exclusion, by which symbol-handlers (journalists) routinely

organize discourse, whether verbal or visual.28 Likewise, frames are the

 

22 Gaye Tuchman, Making News (NY: The Free Press, 1978).

23 Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality: A
Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., 1966).
24 Edna Einsiedel and Eileen Coughlan, "The Canadian Press and the
Environment: Reconstructing a Social Reality," in The Mass Media and
Environmental Issues, ed. Anders Hansen (London: Leicester University Press,
1993), 134-149; A. Clay Schoenfeld, Robert F. Meier, and Robert J. Griffin,
"Constructing a Social Problem: The Press and the Environment," Social Problems
27, no. 1 (1979): 38-60.

25 Shanto Iyengar, Is Anyone Responsible?: How Television Frames Political Issues
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); W. Russell Neuman, Marion R.
Just, and Ann N. Crigler, Common Knowledge: News and the Construction of
Political Meaning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); William A.
Gamson, "A Constructionist Approach to Mass Media and Public Opinion,"
Symbolic Interactionism 1 (1988): 161-174; Esther Thorson, Robert Meeds,
Ekaterina Ognianova, H. Denny Donnel Jr., and Jeanette Jackson-Thompson,
"Framing the Flood of '93: A Comparison of Newspaper and Television Frames
with Citizen Perceptions and Preferences" (Paper presented at the Association
for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington DC, August
1995)

26 Tuchman, Making News.

27 Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1980).

28 ibid., 7

11

"cognitive maps"29 the press adopt in constructing news. According to Gitlin,
frames in the media "are principles of selection, emphasis and presentation
composed of little tacit theories about what exists, what happens and what

matters."30

In defining frames, Goffman writes, "Frames are schemata of
interpretation" used to "locate, perceive, identify and label."31 Gamson and
Modigliani maintain the organizing structure of the news story is the frame,
which helps give meaning and make sense of the issue.32 According to
Dunwoody, the press employ the frame in the construction of the content of a
message.33 Entman writes that the purpose of a frame is to; define problems,
diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and suggest remedies.34 They can be
said to be the recurring, persistent arguments invoked when raising salience of
an issue.

As Gurevich and Levy write, the media become "a site on which various
social groups, institutions and ideologies struggle over the definition and

construction of social reality" or meaning.35 In Trumbo's study on "The Life

 

29 ibid.

30 ibid., 6.

31 Erving Goffman, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience
(NY: Harper and Row, 1974).

32 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public
Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of
Sociology 95, no. 1 (1989): 1-37

33 Sharon Dunwoody, "The Media and Public Perceptions of Risk: How
Journalists Frame Risk Stories," in The Social Response to Environmental Risk, eds.
Daniel W. Bromley and Kathleen Segerson (Boston: Kluwer Academic, 1992), 75-
99.

34 Robert M. Entman, "Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm,"
Journal of Communication 43, no. 4 (1993): 51-58.

35 Michael Gurevich and Mark R. Levy, eds. Mass Communication Review Yearbook
5 (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1985), 19.

12

Course of an Environmental Issue," he discusses the role of claims-makers, as
well as frames in the news, writing that who gains access to the media and what
themes emerge in the treatment of an issue are central in understanding the
construction of social reality.36 In the press, an issue gains a forum for debate
among various claims-makers. According to Spector and Kituse, the process of
defining social reality is fundamentally based on the organized activities of
claims-makers (sources cited by the media).37 Claims-makers are those involved
in defining a social problem.

The portrayal of news through the use of claims-makers, tone, themes
and other variables manifests as different kinds of frames. For instance, framing
can create an underlying bias reflected in the tone of a story, its use of sources
and themes. Thus, journalists can present an advocacy stance or include certain
sources while excluding others. Also, certain themes (also called frames) have
become dominant in press coverage.38 Over-simplification of news is another
way of framing the type of news-writing style used. Episodic frames (hard
news) are often used more predominantly than thematic frames (features or
editorials).39 Iyengar writes that, by portraying news as discrete events or

instances, as in the case of hard news, the interconnections between issues are

 

3" Craig Trumbo, "The Life Course of an Environmental Issue: Claims, Frames,
and Global Warming" (Paper presented at the Association for Education in
Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington DC, August 1995).

37 Malcolm Spector and J. Kitsuse, Constructing Social Problems (Menlo Park, CA:
Cummings, 1977).

38 Jacob Bendix and Carol M. Liebler, "Environmental Degradation in Brazilian
Amazonia: Perspectives in US News Media," The Professional Geographer 43, no. 4
(1991): 474-485.

39 Iyengar, Is Anyone Responsible?: How Television Frames Political Issues.

13

lacking, leaving readers in the dark about who shares responsibility for a
problem. Framing can also manifest as sensationalization of coverage, a
common charge against the press.40 Thus, regarding environmental news,
frames can create certain biases, oversimplification and sensationalization of

issues.

Reasons for Particular Frames
Contextual forces within which the press play a major role in this process
affect content.41 One analytical framework for analysis can be extended to
examine the following variables: intra-organizational and extra-organizational
political, cultural and economic factors.42 These different factors play an
important part in environmental news content.43 In the case of news involving
development and environment issues in the Third World, these points merit

further investigation.44

 

40 Edward J. Burger Jr., Health Risks: The Challenge of Informing the Public
(Washington, DC: The Media Institute, 1984).

41 Herbert J. Gans, Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC
Nightly News, Newsweek and Time (NY: Vintage Books, 1979).

42 Shoemaker and Reese, Mediating the Message: Theories of Influences on Mass
Media Content.

43 Sharon Dunwoody, "Community Structure and Media Risk Coverage," Risk:
Health Safety and Environment 193 (Summer 1994): 193-201.

44 Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment," 443-
458; S. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman, "Environmental Journalism: Guardian
of the Asian Commons," 7-37.

14

The press are part of a larger social environment45 and "news is the end-
product of a complex process."46 Hall et. a1. writes that the process begins with a
"systematic sorting and selecting of events and topics according to a social
constructed set of categories." But how can we explain this process? Hansen
writes about environmental communication, noting that people make sense of
the world through "cultural resonances," or values.47 To attract audiences, the
press tend to frame environmental stories in ways that adhere to widely held
belief systems within the culture. Issues are cast as narratives corresponding
with certain subtle, resonant themes. For instance, in the Exxon Valdez oil spill
in Alaska's Prince William Sound, press coverage used resonant "cultural
metaphors" of a "disaster narrative," portraying the incident as a result of
society's "Faustian bargain with the devil."48 The accident was framed as a
dramatic "morality play,"49 filled with victims, villains and heroes.

The job of framing environmental issues in the news has not always been
done equitably. Critics charge news reports are often inaccurate.50 One reason,

as Tichenor notes, is that environmental reporters deal in the realm of the

 

45 Allan Rachlin, News as Hegemonic Reality: American Political Culture and the
Framing of the News (NY: Praeger, 1988).

46 Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, and Brian Roberts,
Policing the Crisis: Mugging the State, and Law and Order (London: MacMillan
Press, 1978), 53.

47 Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment," 443-
458. Hansen was probably influenced by George Gerbner and Larry P. Gross,
"Living With Television: The Violence Profile," Journal of Communication 26, no 2
(1976): 173-199.

43 Patrick Daley and Dan O'Neill, "'Sad is Too Mild a Word:' Press Coverage of
the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill," Journal of Communication (August 1991): 42-57.

49 Sharon Dunwoody and Robert J. Griffin, "Journalistic Strategies for Reporting
Long-Term Environmental Issues: A Case Study of Three Superfund Sites," in
The Mass Media and Environmental Issues, ed. Anders Hansen (London: Leicester
University Press, 1993), 22-50.

50 Phillip P. Tichenor, "Teaching and the 'Journalism of Uncertainty,” The Journal
of Environmental Education 10 (Spring 1979): 5-8.

15

"journalism of uncertainty," since much of the information they collect is based
on scientific hypotheses, not pure fact."1 And while environmental stories are
typically highly complex, space and time limitations of the media often force
reporters to portray issues in over-simplified ways.

The simplification of environment and development issues is reflected in
the emergence of certain development-oriented themes in news of the Third
World. For instance, Bendix and Liebler examine Western press coverage of the
deforestation of the Brazilian Rainforest, noting how the cause of the problem is
explained by a variety of competing theories.52 These include discussion on the
use of inappropriate technologies, land speculation, the impact of a market-
driven global economy and repressive government policies imposed on
indigenous peoples, among others. The explanatory frameworks thus became
the themes on which environmental news was framed.

Certain over-simplifications of themes dominate over others. This can be
seen through analysis of accounts of Third World environmental disasters. For
instance, Western media coverage of the Bhopal poisonous gas disaster of 1984
adopted a disaster narrative, portraying technology as dangerous "when left in
the (implied) incompetent Third World."53 In perpetuating the stereotype that
developing countries are a place of random disasters, what was missing was the
context of post-colonial development policies and exploitation by Western
industry, according to Hansen.

News-making is what Tuchman calls a "negotiated enterprise"54 and

framing is a result of pressures from the societal context in which media operate.

 

51 ibid.

52 Bendix and Liebler, "Environmental Degradation in Brazilian Amazonia:
Perspectives in US News Media," 474-485.

53 Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment," 443-
458.

54 Tuchman, Making News, 6.

16

Given this, a case can be made that disaster coverage, the bread and butter of
the environment beat, is likely to reveal something of a country's political
context. This can be seen in one study of the coverage of a Bangladeshi cyclone
in the Bangladesh press.55 The study found that domestic news of the event
reflected government resignation over the country's on-going environmental
crises. Bangladeshi news portrayed the Malthusian argument, that communities
become "vulnerable" due to unchecked population growth. That classic theme
was more likely to be found in local news than more unpopular, alternative
debates. The press avoided discussion of the root causes of over-population
(material uncertainty, the greater earning power of males over females, and so
on). While the storm story was framed as a "natural disaster," international
scholars maintain it was more of a "political and social disaster."

In Gandy's study on the media's framing of US. minorities in the news,
he finds that the proportion of African Americans in the marketplace was the
most powerful explanatory factor for the framing of race in the news.56 Yet
more important than community wealth is the size of the black population and
minority presence on staff. Gandy writes that the perception of the importance
of the racial makeup of the audience could be interpreted as a manifestation of a
newspaper's economic interests, wherein editorial judgments reflect the
"tension" between reliance on circulation revenue versus revenue from

advertisers.

 

55 Michael R. Dove and Mahmudul Hug Khan, "Competing Constructions of
Calamity: The April 1991 Bangladesh Cyclone," Population and Environment: A
Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 16 (May 1995): 445-471.

5" Oscar Gandy, "From Bad to Worse: The Media's Framing of Race and Risk,"
Media Studies Journal (Summer 1994): 39-48.

17

Dunwoody and Griffith57 apply the theory of news "frames," in an
examination of stories about environmental risk.53 Saying it is possible to "see"
the impact of a political structure on the news, they investigate how reporters
write about highly controversial issues. The study shows that quality of
coverage of environmental issues is affected by the homogeneity or
heterogeneity of "community structures" in which the press are based.59 Thus,
reports in pluralistic settings were more likely to reflect conflicting views then
news in less diverse communities. Dunwoody and Griffith also note that
"occupational and organizational norms" play a key role in framing
environmental news as well.

Hirsh examines trends in the study of mass communications identifying
what he calls "closed system" (occupational and organizational) and "open
system" (external institutional) research.60 Further cataloguing of factors
playing a part in the new production process helps to facilitate analysis. In their
study of media content, Shoemaker and Reese develop a model of the influences
on reporting from an individual- to societal-level.61 The micro to macro level
analysis identifies five predictors: professional norms; media routines; the role
of organizations; "extra-media" factors (such as government intervention,

advertisers or audiences); and affect of ideology on news practices. The model

 

57 Dunwoody and Griffin, "Journalistic Strategies for Reporting Long-Term
Environmental Issues: A Case Study of Three Superfund Sites," 22-50.

53 Michael R. Greenberg, David B. Sachsman, Peter M. Sandman, and Kandice L.
Salomone, "Risk, Drama and Geography in Coverage of Environmental Risk by
Network TV," Journalism Quarterly 66, no. 2 (1989): 267-276; Peter M. Sandman,
David B. Sachsman, Michael R. Greenberg, and Michael Gochfeld, Environmental
Risk and the Press (New Brunswick, NJ : Transaction Books, 1987).

59 Dunwoody and Griffin, "Journalistic Strategies for Reporting Long-Term
Environmental Issues: A Case Study of Three Superfund Sites," 22-50.

60 Paul Hirsh, Strategies for Communication Research (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage,
1977).

61 Shoemaker and Reese, Mediating the Message: Theories of Influences on Mass
Media Content, 54.

18

facilitates study of the "sociology of news," by looking at how content is shaped
by the characteristics of the media, media workers and the media environment.

Shoemaker and Reese note that levels tend to overlap, often one blending
into another. A look at professional norms and media routines, for instance,
illustrates this overlap. Environmental reporters in the US. become socialized
into the field of journalism, adapting to professional (or "occupational") norms
of the job.62 They are said to embrace the "noble ideals" of responsibility and
objectivity, which create a standard in the field. Yet in his book, Deciding
W5, Gans noted the ideal of objectivity is rarely ever attained in full.63
One reason could be the role of routines — those repeated patterns or practices
that facilitate decision-making under deadline. The profession routinizes the
news gathering process through beat coverage, which fosters a heavy reliance
on "routine channels" — press releases, press conferences and so on!"4 The
problem is that news from routine channels is often manipulated by interest
groups hoping to "build the agenda" of the press.65 Likewise the over-use of
"official channels" of a beat, such as governmental experts, may also bias the
news",6

Shoemaker and Reese's model can be used to explain why issues may be

"framed" in certain ways by the media. For example, Gitlin discusses how the

 

62 Warren Breed, "Social Control in the Newsroom: A Functional Analysis,"
Social Forces 33, no. 1 (1955): 326-335.

63 Gans, Deciding What’s News.

64 Leon Sigal, Reporters and Officials: The Organization and Politics of Newsmaking
(Lexington, MA: DC Heath, 1973).

65 Dan Berkowitz, "TV News Sources and News Channels: A Study in Agenda-
Building," Journalism Quarterly 64 (Summer / Autumn 1987): 508-513.

66 Some among the press in India have suffered from a lack of credibility due to
the acceptance of bribes (money, favors, etc.) from government officials seeking
positive publicity. See Dinanath Mishra, "India's Scribes Who Take Bribes,"
India Post, 1 September 1995, A 20; "Credibility Crisis for Lucknow
Newspapers," The Hindu, 4 August 1995, 9.

19

perceived pressure of the economic interests of news organizations can
influence the selection of stories by gatekeepers67 of certain versions of reality
over others.68 In environmental news, the press tend to emphasize "sexy" issues,
such as stories on certain endangered species (whales over plankton). Likewise,
since media operate within a larger extra-media context, Gitlin says that core
ideological systems affect the framing of news in ways that are consonant with
the prevailing power structure. This can be seen in the portrayal of the Exxon
Valdez oil spill in Prince William Sound where the mainstream press
marginalized native American concernsf’9 As Gitlin notes, with reality
emerging from the "omnipresent media...the media have become core systems
for the distribution of ideology" (and selected versions of reality).70

The hierarchy of levels of influence provides a useful conceptual
framework for the organization of factors that affect news. However,
operationalizing the macro-level factors can be a challenge. In a developing
country context, for instance, extra-media factors and ideology on an
international level likely play an important role in the framing of environmental
news in the Third World, but effects on content may be difficult to show.

This point can be illustrated by examining developing countries' heavy
reliance on foreign news services for information on the environment. At the
heart of the issue is the continued resource inequality relationship between core
countries in the North and periphery nations in the South, brought to the

forefront by the 19703 New World and Information Communication Order

 

67 D. M. White, "The Gatekeeper: A Case Study in the Selection of News,"
Journalism Quarterly 27 (1950): 383-390.

‘53 Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching.

69 Daley and O'Neill, "'Sad is Too Mild a Word:' Press Coverage of the Exxon
Valdez Oil Spill," 42-57.

70 Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching.

20

(NVVICO) debates on cultural imperialism.71 Explained by hegemony theory?2
the perspective opens up the flood gates on discourse on the environmental
aspects of the North-South divide, as well as the relationship of dependency
between the industrialized West and the Third World.73 Thus, in terms of
environmental news in developing countries, it is possible that problems in
news content may be a symptom of an unequal dependency relationship
between the two poles. Yet asserting the relationship between hegemony and
portrayal of an issue in the news is easier said than done.74 Likewise, domestic
political ideology on the economic-development/ environmental-sustainability
debate may affect reporters' abilities to access documents damaging to the
reputation of the ruling government. However, showing the relationship would
be difficult.

Finally, Friedman and Friedman studied the constraints at play in
environmental news in South Asia, identifying several factors specific to the
regional context.7S These include a lack of financial commitment to support

coverage of rural-based issues or science training for journalists; inadequate

 

71 Many Voices, One World: Communication and Society, Today and Tomorrow: The
McBride Report (Paris: UNESCO, 1984).

72 Wherein a ruling coalition advances the interests that function according to a
dominant political economy. See Daley and O'Neill, "'Sad is Too Mild a Word:'
Press Coverage of the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill," 44; Antonio Gramsci, Selections
from the Prison Notebook of Antonio Gramsci (London: Lawrence and Wishart,
1971); Denis McQuail, Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction, 2nd ed.
(London: Sage, 1987).

73 Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment," 443-
458; Lee Wilkins, Shared Vulnerability: The Media and American Perceptions of the
Bhopal Disaster (NY: Greenwood Press, 1987); Sanjoy Hazarika, From Bhopal to
Superfund: The News Media and the Environment (Discussion paper, Harvard
University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1994).

74 Rachlin, News as Hegemonic Reality: American Political Culture and the Framing of
the News .

75 S. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman, "Environmental Journalism: Guardian of
the Asian Commons," 7-37; 8. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman, Reporting on the
Environment: A Handbook for Journalists.

21

press laws against censorship (such as the Freedom of Information Act); price
fixing of raw materials, like paper; as well as a variety of other factors. In the
case of India, the content of Indian news can not be attributed to one single
factor or set of factors at only one level, as Shah's study of "societal, occupational

and communicator-level factors" in India shows.76

E ' ra ' dian Pr 3 :

The first daily newspaper in India, the Bengal Gazette, was printed in
English on January 29, 1780. It was begun by James Augustus Hicky, an English
printer, who was said to have used it as a means to criticize the East India
Company.77 Since newspaper publishing in India began during the country's
colonial domination by the British Raj, British journalistic traditions helped
shape the growth and practices of journalism in India. However, as Hachten
wrote, the powerful force of nationalism contributed to the growth of the press
in India as well.73 For instance, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawahar Lal Nehru, both
founding fathers of modern India, wrote for or started newspapers to oppose
British rule and promote independence. Today, democracy is in part
maintained by India's free press.

The first local-language ("vernacular press") paper was established in
1821 by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, "one of India's greatest champions of political
and press freedom."79 It was followed by the Bombay Samaghar, founded in

 

76 Hemant Shah, "Factors Influencing Development News Production at Three
Indian Dailies," Journalism Quarterly 67 (Winter 1990): 1034-1041, (see p. 1040).

77 IS. Yadava, "Press System in India," Media Asia 18, no. 3 (1991): 132-136, 142-
147.

73 William A. Hachten, "India: A Free Press Survives" in The Growth of Media in
the Third World: African Failures, Asian Successes (Ames: Iowa State University
Press, 1993), 59-69.

79 Anju Grover Chaudhary and Anne Cooper Chen, Asia and the Pacific, in John
C. Merrill, ed. Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication, 2nd ed.
(NY: Longman, 1991), 274.

22

1822. Although today English is spoken by only about 50 million of India's 950
(?) million citizens, its use is critical in providing a link between the educated
elite across the region. The first Indian-owned English-language newspaper,
also called the Bengal Gazette was, established in 1816. Several English-
language newspapers in existence today sprung up in the 19th century as well,
including The Times df India (1838), The Statesman (1875), the Emu (1878) and
Ihelribnne (1881). The Indian Express, which played an important role in
covering news of India's nationalist struggle, was begun in 1932.

The majority of newspapers in India today are owned by private
individuals (families),80 as opposed to the broadcast media, which, until
recently, had been totally govemment-run. Several large conglomerates
actually run the newspaper industry, however, creating an oligopoly market
environment. These include four major newspaper publishing groups: The
Bennett, Coleman and Co.; The Indian Express Group; The Hindustan Times
Group; and the Ananda Bazar Patrika Group. There are two major Indian news
agencies, The Press Trust of India and the United News of India, and 18 smaller
agencies.81 There are also 29 foreign news agencies that are represented in
India. Foreign ownership of newspapers is banned.

There has been significant growth of the press in India since
Independence, due most recently in large part to India's free-market economy.
Hachten reported that by the 19508, 214 dailies were published, 44 of those in
English, and by 1987, India produced over 1,500 dailies and 22,000 other
publications in approximately 90 languages and dialects. By 1993, total

 

30 Press in India: 1994, Eighth Annual Report of the Registrar of Newspapers for
India Under the Press and Registration of Books Act, 1867, Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, New Delhi.

81 Anura Goonasekera and Duncan Holaday, eds. Asian Communication Handbook
(Singapore: Asian Mass Communication and Research Center, 1993).

23

circulation of daily newspapers was over 15 million, with the biggest growth
being in the vernacular press.82

The major sources of revenue for newspapers are advertising and sales.
Circulation is tracked by the Audit Bureau of Circulation, created in 1948, yet it
is difficult to measure the actual dissemination of news in India, whether it be in
English or local languages. For instance, critics charge that approximately 93
percent of sales of daily newspapers are limited to large urban areas, accounting
for only 10 percent of the population.83 Regarding the English-language press,
however, it is common practice for the vernacular press to translate and reprint
articles from English newspapers into local-language papers, thereby widening
the English press' actual reach. And while India's literacy rate was about 52
percent, according to the 1991 census,84 news does trickle down to illiterates in
villages throughout India.85 36 This is because it is common practice to find a
literate person reading from a local-language newspaper to illiterates in village
tea stalls and such.

In Kumar's account of the 200 year history of the Indian press he outlines
the struggle between government oppression of newspapers and nationalism.87
Laws that led to the oppression of press players included the 1910 Indian Press
Act, which required owners of printing presses to deposit funds with the
government. These securities would be forfeited if "objectionable matters"

about violent clashes or terrorist acts in the country were published. World War

 

82 Hachten, "India: A Free Press Survives," 59-69.

83 J5. Yadava, The Price of Freedom, in Press Systems in SAARC (Singapore: Asian
Mass Communication and Research and Information Center, 1994), 37-46.

84 Census of India, 1991.

35 Darryl D'Monte, personal communication, 5 December 1995.

36 Niaz Ahmed Khan, "Press and Government Relations in India, Pakistan, and
Bangladesh: A Historical-Critical Analysis" (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern
Mississippi, 1991).

37 Keval J. Kumar, Mass Communication in India: A Comprehensive and Critical Look
at the Mass Media in India (New Delhi, India: Jaico Publishing House, 1981).

24

I introduced even more severe press laws and during the 19305 the trend
continued forcing the closure of many publications. Likewise, editors were
often arrested during India's Swadeshi Movement (the movement to buy
Indian-only products), accused of publishing "inflammatory literature." Other
key press laws include: the 1867 Registration of Books Act; the 1962 Defense of
India Act; Sections 124A, 505 and 295 (A) of the Indian Penal Code; Section 5 of
the 1885 Indian Telegraph Act; Section 26 of the 1885 Indian Post Act; and the
1956 Harmful Publication Act.88

After the Quit India Movement of 1942, in which Gandhi called on the
British to leave India, and India's Independence in 1947, Indian capitalists
acquired English-language newspapers from their British owners. The new
Indian industrialists tried to maintain a tradition of freedom of the press. The
Indian Constitution of 1950 made some guarantees for freedom of speech and a
free press, repealing or amending many of the previous press laws. Yet, the
1923 Official Secrets Act, which allowed censorship of so-called secret
government information, and codes that prohibited the reporting of communal
hatred and other disruptive elements of Indian society, kept a tight, albeit subtle
grip on the Indian press. In 1965, the Press Council was established to uphold
professional standards in journalism and confront issues related to objectionable
writing not addressed in the law. However, from June 1975 to March 1977,
former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency, which
instigated a policy of out and out censorship of the press. Later, in 1987,
published reports of misuse of power within former Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi's administration led to further censorship of the press. In 1988, the
government tried to pass a defamation bill which would have led to the arrests

of journalists critical of the government; however the measure was unsuccessful.

 

83 Yadava, "Press System in India," 132-136, 142-147.

25

Continuing today, other government threats to press freedom come in
the form of taxes or control of imported newsprint (on which the press is highly
dependent), licensing of imported printing machinery and prohibition of
subscriptions to foreign news agencies. The government also controls
accreditation of journalists. Likewise, government advertising accounts for
about 30 percent in Indian dailies, thus pressure from government advertisers is
a concern.89 Additional pressures include government surveillance of press
activities and physical assaults and arrests of journalists, although direct attacks
are typically limited to rural-based reporters.90 Small and medium-sized papers
are the most vulnerable to government coercion.

Starting in the 1950s, the Hindustan Times began the trend of
"Development N ews" in India, which is characterized as in-depth reporting on
the functioning and problems of public sector projects geared toward national
development. Aggarwala defines Development News through the journalist's
role, writing that reporters "should critically examine, evaluate, and report the
relevance of a development project to national and local needs, the difference
between a planned scheme and its actual implementation, and the differences
between its impact on people as claimed by government officials and as it
actually is."91 The 1984 Bhopal poisonous gas disaster at Union Carbide brought
the problems associated with the impact of industrial development on the
environment to the forefront of the nation's consciousness, which led to a
greater commitment by the press to cover environmental issues, as well as

development news. Previously, the environment had been considered a "soft"

 

39 Shah, "Factors Influencing Development News Production at Three Indian
Dailies," 1034-1041.

90 Ela Dutt, "Treatment of Journalists is Assessed," India Today, 24 March 1995,
36.

91 Narinder K. Aggarwala, "What is Development News?" Journal of
Communication 29 (Spring 1979): 181-182.

26

issue, covered primarily by women reporters. After Bhopal, reporters began
seriously specializing in the environment, although there were still no official
environment reporters assigned specifically to that beat within India's English-
language newspapers.

Special "environment and development theme pages" became weekly
fare of the print press in 1992. This was in response to the interest in
environmental issues created by the Rio, Brazil summit on the environment.
Environmental niche publications began growing as well, including magazines
such as, "Sanctuary," "The Ecologist" and "Down to Earth," the latter is produced
by the Delhi-based Center for Science and Environment. The Center also brings
out the "Green File," a compilation of environmental articles published in the
Indian press.

Despite these new venues, the limits on space for environmental stories is
an increasing problem within the English-language press. This is due in part to
the rising costs of newsprint on the international market. Runaway newsprint
costs has been a key concern in India, especially after severe shortages between
1973 and 1975. India imports over 300,000 tons of newsprint (per year), and
produces the same amount within the country. In a bid to cut costs, some of the
larger papers are considering building their own mills. These plans are meeting
opposition from environmental groups concerned with the damaging emissions
and discharges such plants would produce.92

The biggest barrier to reporting in India is information gathering. As
Shah wrote, to counteract rising newsprint costs, newspapers sought to cut costs

in other areas, primarily in newsgathering.93 This has limited papers'

 

92 David Price and Shani Wasantharaja, Newsprint Prices Soar, The Pioneer, 14
Nov. 1995, 5.

93 Shah, "Factors Influencing Development News Production at Three Indian
Dailies," 1034-1041.

27

commitments to fund travel to rural areas, which in the case of some
environmental and development news is where many of the stories are in India.
The trend toward political and economic news has also had a chilling effect on
investigative reporting of environmental issues. The problem is based in the
English-language press' urban bias, in which it caters to the interests of India's
elites, often ignoring poor villagers and their development interests. "The
private press often gives support to an economic system that values private
consumption of expensive goods. By thus catering mostly to the middles-
classes, the press prevents, or fails to support the fulfillment of the basic needs
of the poor majority."94 On the other hand, India's English-language press is
said to be less biased in its coverage of village concerns than the local press. In
the case of the Narmada Dam controversy, Kothari wrote that a clear link
between pro-dam government interests in Gujarat and the local press existed,
exhibited by the similarities between official government press releases and
news reports in Gujarati newspapers.95

The Narmada Dam issue was deconstructed by the English-language
press as another example of confusion over how India's environmental concerns
can be reconciled with its commitment to modernization and development. The
press role in the drama is critical. As Sheth wrote, "The print media's response
provides a productive case study on the politics of free press in India."9‘5 After
the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1991, the new prime

minister, P.V. Narasirnha Rao, shifted India away from a socialist structure,

 

94 Gouri Banerjee, "Interregional Information Flows and National Development:
An Evaluation of Indian Newspapers" (Ph.D diss., Boston University, 1979), 31.
95 Ashish Kothari, "The Press and Jan Vikas Sangharsh Yatra," Economic and
Political Weekly, 11 May 1991, 1207-1209.

96 Pravin N. Sheth, "The Sardar Sarovar Project: Ecopolitics of Development," in
Crisis and Change in Contemporary India, eds. Upendra Baxi and Bhikhu Parekh
(New Delhi: Sage, 1995), 421.

28

welcoming foreign investment. However, India's new economic policy
promoted by the Congress-I Party government has had a dampening effect on
environmental writing in Indian newspapers. The Indian press continues to
play a watchdog role, although a guarded one. As Koppikar, an environmental
reporter for Indie Ilinday, wrote, "The liberalization is perhaps the more critical
factor at this stage because its pro-industry thrust calls into question the entire
gamut of relations between industry and environment — a traditionally

uncomfortable relationship in other countries and a not too happy one in

India."97

Summanmthterabuflem

This literature review suggests that theoretical perspectives on framing
and contextualism can be applied to press performance in India. The implicit
and explicit meanings of messages in news are organized according to the
context in which the press operate. Clairnsmakers, as well as other forces,
factors and actors, play a central role in the media's construction of social reality,
ultimately influencing the portrayal of environmental news. These motivaters
fit into the rubric of intra- and extra-organizational constraints, according to
Shoemaker and Reese's "Hierarchy of Influences." In this way, certain thematic
aspects of environmental controversies become emphasized over others, leading
to a bias in the framing of ecological debates in media coverage.

In the case of the Indian press, a historical review of the political,
economic and cultural constraints at play begins to illuminate the issues at hand
in the evolution of environmental coverage in the country. A tradition of

democratic values devoted to freedom of the press led to the reporting of

 

97 Smruti Koppikar, "Environmental Journalism: India" (Paper presented at the
Seminar of International Journalists, Tokyo, Japan, November 1995), 5.

29

environmentally-oriented development issues. Today, however, the push
toward a policy of economic liberalization and market-controlled journalism has
put environmental news lower on the media's agenda. India's pro-industry
stance is in direct conflict with environmental protectionism. The press
struggles to portray this tension between India's goal toward modernization and

the risk of growth to environmental sustainability.

The following chapter applies the theoretical frameworks presented
herein to the study of environmental news in India. This exploratory,
hypothesis-generating study examines the following questions about
environmental journalism in India: How did the English-language press in
India portray the debate between sustainable environmental development (the
"new environmental paradigm") versus economic growth and development, and
why? Based on framing theory and the hierarchy of contextual influences, the
study analyzes reporting and news content of one highly controversial
environmental issue in India today: the building of the Narmada Dam. It will
identify the "frames" found in coverage — economic development frame vs.
sustainable development frame — and investigate whether there is any
difference in the use of frames in reporting at pro-government versus anti-

govemment newspapers in India.

CHAPTER III
ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS

W

The literature review in the previous chapter shows that the framing of
news can be affected by a variety of mitigating factors. These motivaters
conspire to influence the coverage of environmental controversies in a
developing country context. This study examines how the English-language
press in India portrays the debate between India's economic growth and the
country's environmental sustainability and why it does so. It asks what the
influence of contextual forces (extra-organizational and intra-organizational:
political, economic and cultural) are on the framing (the editorial bias,
prominence, type of story, kinds of sources and themes) of stories on the
Narmada Dam in a pro-government newspaper, henceforth the be called, "P_rQ;
gdvennnent," versus an anti-government newspaper, henceforth to be called,

The issues examined are the following: 1) How was the Narmada Dam
controversy "framed" in the English-language press in India? 2) What

contextual factors, forces and actors influenced framing of the Narmada Dam

controversy in English-language newspapers in India, and why?
A lexicon of the factors, forces and actors?8 in the context of India that

have may have a relationship to coverage of the Narmada Dam project in the

 

98 Bella Mody, "Development Communication: From Media Effects to Media
Contexts," 35-37; Shoemaker and Reese, Mediating the Message: Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content; S. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman,
”Environmental Journalism: Guardian of the Asian Commons"; S. M. Friedman
and K. A. Friedman, Reporting on the Environment: A Handbook for Journalists.

30

31

Indian English-language press provides a useful framework for analysis. That
framework is based on the dichotomy of 1) extra-organizational factors and 2)
intra-organizational factors on a political, economic and cultural level, which
have emerged out of the historical development of the Indian press since its
tenuous beginnings in the year 1780.99 Figure 1 and Model 1 below provides an
illustration of the influences of contextual forces on framing of environmental
news in India. Following is Figure 2a and Figure 2b: an extensive list of possible
explanatory variables and their relationships to characteristics of the text in the

news on the Narmada Dam in India.

 

99 Yadava, "Press Systems in India," 132-136, 142-147; "Family Settlement will
Split 'Anigflernmentj newspaper," India Abroad, 17 Feb. 1995.

32

FIGURE 1
Contextual Forces and Framing
on Pro-govemment versus Anti-government
on Environmental Journalism in India

 

LEVELS or CONTEXT
Extra-organizational
Political
Economic
Cultural
Framing
(Tone)
(Prominence)
(Type)
Intra-organizational (Sources)
Political (Themes)
Economic

Cultural

33

Model 1
Hierarchy of Intra- and Extra-organizational
Influences on
Environmental News Content

 

 

Extra-organizational Intra-organizational
Influences Influences
Cultural
Political

Economic /~\
0 ' ,1
Political

l

Framing of Content

Cultural

 

34

FIGURE 2a

The Relationship of Extra-Organizational Context to Text

(Data collected)
via interviews

DEW
W

A. Enlities

1. Aesessjefieurees

a. intergovernmental donor agencies
(such as the World Bank)

b. foreign governmental donor agencies
c. national government

d. impacted state governments
(Maharashtra, M. P., and Gujarat)

e. local (village) governments

f. international, national, state

or localized industries

g. international or domestic
environmental activist organizations
h. international or national
university-affiliated scientists

i. domestic courts

j. non-affiliated

impacted villagers

2. Gestflnmentfientrel

a. press laws (censorshépz

prior restraint in perio s of

national "emergencies")

b. denial of citizenship

c. arrest (and violence)

d. access to documents

2. bureaucracies

f. newsprint supply

g. low rent in government buildings
. threat of government libel suits

8- Emir:
Extemalities
a. "vested" advertiser revenue
(pressure from dam-related
industries)
b. "vested" government revenue
(pressure from government)
c. newspaper Circulation
(pressure to maintain)

. investors to newspapers
(pressure from indus )
e. threat of private libe suits
f. government licenses
g. tax on raw materials (paper)

. competition with foreign media
i. competition with domestic media
j. innovations of news technologies

CW

1.

a. urban elites (readers, electronic media)
b. regional readers (vernacular press)

c. audience cultural resonances perceived
by reporters

(Data collected
via content analysis)

NOTE: Characteristics
below repeat for each
contextual factor)

Emminenee
Imefiterx
Kmdietfigurees
Themes

35

FIGURE 2b

The Relationship of Intra-Organizational Context to Text

11) W
A. 29mins

limeritieneudeelegx

a. ublishers( a membershi )
b. IEditors (parlay gmbershipl) p
c. reporters (party members 'p)

2.

(British colonialism; freedom
movement; elite press issues versus
vernacular press issues; development

journalismloo)

B. Ecenemiss

1. Ensinessflrientatien

a. type of ownership

(private ownership, famil squabbles)

b. employer/emp oyee re ations

(capricious management policies affecting

ri ts and freedom of editors and re orters;
jo / salary uncertainties; union me ership)

2. Einaneialgemminnent

funding of environment beat

(reporters' science literacy

training; travel to environmental

sites; number of environmental
reporters; resources: number of

wrre services and news agencies
subscribed to, kind of wire services

and news agencies used, such as forei n
or domestic, access to Internet sources

C. W
1-Gatelseeperflias

(lack of interest in environmental stories:
Klolitical emphasis; rural / urban or
orthem India/ Southern India orientation)

2.

(environment beat; source/ document
selection and use, such as press releases;
subscription to environmental

journals; rapport with sources;

deadline pressures)

3-.Erefessienal.l§lerms

(journalism education, accreditation;
lack of prestige; membership in
professxonal organizations,

such as the Asian Forum of
Environmental Journalists, Society
of Environmental Journalists, etc.;
environmental advocacy approach);
objectivity tradition

4-lndixiduaLfiaelsgmund

 

(Data collected
via content analysis)

Note: Characteristics below

repeat for each contextual
factor)

Emminenee
lepeefflerx
Wm
Themes

10° Aggarwala, "What is Development News?" 181-182.

36

Based on the analytical framework presented above, the following
research questions emerge for a contextual and textual analysis study of

environmental coverage in India:

antextnal Analysis Questidns

(Q1): Which extra-organizational political, economic and cultural factors affect
the, prominence, type of stories, inclusion of different kinds of sources, number
of sources, emphasis on certain themes and editorial bias (tone) published in
coverage of the Narmada Dam in a pro-government newspaper (henceforth to
be called, BBL-W) and an anti-government newspaper (henceforth to

be called, Ammgevemmeml?

(Q2): Which intra-organizational political, economic and cultural factors affect
the, prominence, type of stories, inclusion of different kinds of sources, number
of sources, emphasis on certain themes and editorial bias (tone) published in
coverage of the Narmada Dam in Prd-gdvernment and i- v mm n ?

nt ntAnal si R ar h sti n

(Q1): Did the pro-government newspaper under study (henceforth called Erg-
gnyesnment) tend to publish more pro-dam content (tone: editorials, features or
hard news/ features), while the anti-government newspaper (henceforth to be

called Andgmrerrnnent) tended to publish more anti-dam content (tone:
editorials, features or hard news features)?

(Q2): Was Ern-gnvernment more likely to use the names of famous pro-dam
"stars" (a form of prominence) of the Narmada Dam controversy than anti-dam
"stars" in headlines for stories on the issue, while Anti-gsvemment was more
likely to use the names of famous anti-dam "stars" of the Narmada Dam
controversy than pro-dam "stars" in headlines for stories on the issue?

(Q3): Did Enogoxemment tend to publish more stories with pro-dam headlines
or conditional pro-dam headlines (prominence) on the Narmada Dam issue,
while Anthgoxennnent tended to publish more anti-dam headlines in stories of
the issue?

(Q4): Did Ere-gdyemment tend to publish more episodic (hard news) stories on
the Narmada Dam issue, while Anti-gdvernment tended to publish more
thematic (analysis, features or editorial) stories of the issue?

37

(Q5): Did Ero-gdvernment tend to include more pro-dam kinds of sources
(Indian government, industry and pro-dam NGOs), while Anti-gdvernment
tended to include more anti-dam kinds of sources (villagers and anti-dam

NGOs)?

(Q6): Did Pntgovernment tend to include less of a variety of kinds of sources,
while Anti-gdvernment tended to include more of a variety of kinds of sources

on stories about the dam?

(Q7): Did ErQ-gnvernment tend to emphasize economic development or
quantification themes (arguments) in stories on the dam, while Anti-
W tended to emphasize more environmental sustainability themes
(arguments)?

Summary;

The analytical framework presented above illuminates a conceptual
approach to examining the portrayal of environmental news in India. Applying
this strategy, intra- and extra-organizational political, economic and cultural
factors, along with the tone, prominence, story type, source use and thematic
emphasis of the text on the Narmada Dam in English-language newspapers in
India will be examined. In this way a road map is provided to answer the
study's research questions. This road map will facilitate insight into the
relationship between the characteristics of news on India's environmental
sustainability/ economic development debate and the contextual factors at play

which affect that text.

CHAPTER IV
METHODOLOGY

This study first identified relevant theoretical factors that could influence
environmental reporting in India, through interviews with those involved with
the Indian English-language press. The study then examined characteristics of
news in Indian English-language newspapers focusing on the Narmada Dam
project, in order to identify relationships between characteristics of the press

and portrayal of the issue.

Researchflesigm

This study encompasses a multi-method approach of quantitative and
qualitative analyses. These included in-depth interviews with the Indian press
and a content analysis of Indian newspapers. A period of three months of
fieldwork was undertaken in India from November 1995 to January 1996. The
qualitative data was then analyzed to develop hypothetical relationships
between the independent and dependent variables. To protect the identities of
participants, neither the identities nor the locations of the papers are identified.

A two-tiered research study was carried out in which: 1) The views of
practitioners (elites)101 on the political, economic, and cultural constraints

involved in reporting on the environment at W and Ani

 

101 Elites are typically "the influential, prominent and well-informed people in
an organization or community," according to Catherine Marshall and Gretchen
B. Rossman, Designing Qualitative Research (London: Sage, 1989).

38

39

goyernrnent were examined; 2) The qualitative data was then compared with a

content analysis of articles on the Narmada Dam in both papers.102

t x al ' : In i
In-depth interviews with the press from W1 and Ant:
W were conducted, in order to assess which of the explanatory factors
listed previously were relevant to reporting on the environment in India, and to

gain an understanding into the nature of those relevant factors.103

For the second tier of the project, a content analysis of articles on the dam
in BILL-W and W was conducted that coded coverage in
terms of inclusion of different kinds of sources, type of story, prominence, tone

and themes.

r'aiz'n dM rmn a'al
In defining and measuring variables, categories must be created that
conform to a number of rules.104 Of these, the three most critical state that 1)
categories are constructed according to the research problem and purpose; 2)
categories must be exhaustive; and 3) they must be mutually exclusive. The

following constructs were defined keeping these points in mind.

 

102 Content analysis is defined as "a research technique for the objective,
systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest content of
communication." Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis in Communication Research
(NY: The Free Press, 1952), 18.

103 The method for collecting "factors data" was utilized by Shah, "Factors
Influencing Development News Production at Three Indian Dailies," 1034-1041.
104 Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, 3rd ed. (Chicago: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1986).

40

IndependentL/an'ables

Extra-organizational factors are the competing socio-cultural, economic
and political forces that comprise the context within which the press conduct
business. These include governmental control of the press and the political
ideology of news sources; economic externalities, such as advertiser and
circulation revenue, competition, new technologies, and other financial
constraints; and the cultural value system of media audiences.

Inna-organizational factors refer to the outlook of news practitioners on
traditions and activities which mediate a news organization's social structure
and rules of conduct. Those factors include the political ideology of
practitioners in news organizations, and the historical development of those
organizations in the political arena of a society; a news organization's economic
structure and approach toward financial support of journalism activities; and
the cultural value systems of communicators within news organizations.

Abstracted from Einsendel's and Coughlan's research on Canadian press
coverage of the environment,105 as well as the author's own research on the
subject, reporters and editors were asked a number of questions about
constraints and motivations related to intra- and extra-organizational factors.
Questions examined the following information: interviewees' backgrounds; how
they received assignments; views on jobs; views on audiences; beat assignment;
story and source selection, access, and relationships to news sources; access to
documentary and other Indian and foreign research on the subject (including
broadcast television and radio, Hindi-language newspapers, wire copy,
scholarly and trade journals, and primary data); understanding of

environmental issues in general and the Narmada Dam project in particular;

 

105 Einsiedel and Coughlan, "The Canadian Press and the Environment:
Reconstructing a Social Reality," 134-149.

41

what stories and issues were ignored and why; view of government constraints;
view of development journalism approach; organizational / occupational and
community constraints; approach to issues of accuracy, and advocacy
journalism. Interviewees were also asked about total space (news hole) and
prominence of the issue in their newspapers, commitment to covering
environmental stories (funding for specialists, travel, etc.), and assumptions

about their audience.

D n n ariabl

The following variables were used to categorize portrayal of stories on
the dam. They can fit into the dichotomy of presenting either an ethic of
economic development or environmental sustainability through presentation of
a certain tone and use of certain sources, themes and headlines stance (a form of
prominence) on the issue. Likewise, they may reflect a trend to over-simplify
Narmada news by use of a certain type of news style (episodic or thematic)
and/ or sensationalize the story via emphasis in headlines on famous
personalities involved in the controversy (another form of prominence).

Environmental sustainability or sustainable development frames are
defined as those which present "a process of change in which the exploitation of
resources, the direction of investment, the orientation of technological
development and institutional change are made consistent with the future as
well as present needs."1°6 Economic development frames are defined as those
presenting "a long range policy of enhancing and improving the standard of

living of the people of developing nations. These nations generally experience

 

106 Badri quotes Our Common Future (The Bruntland Report) (Oxford: World
Commission on Environment and Development / Oxford University Press,
1987); Badri, "Mass Communication and the Challenges on Global
Environmental Protection," 9.

42

severe unemployment and have low family incomes. Economic development
policies are designed to raise the gross national product by converting a nation's
economy from an agriculture base to one which has greater reliance on
industrialization."107

Tone refers to the tone of coverage, such as the editorial bias on the
controversy put forth in the article by the reporter. The reporter's position was
coded as either pro or against the building of the dam.

Prominence refers to the position put forth in the article via the headline,
coded as either pro or against the building of the dam. It is also measured by
the presence or absence in headlines of prominent pro-dam versus anti-dam
personalities ("stars") debating the controversy.

Story type refers to the news peg of an article, which will be coded as
either hard news (event-oriented) or analysis (including background and / or
future predictions and / or explanations of the issue); or a combination of both
hard news and analysis.

Kinds of sources in coverage refers to the different players and the
documents they produce in the controversy that are mentioned in news
coverage of the dam. In US. papers, sources are traditionally included if they
are quoted or paraphrased in an article. In the Indian print context, however,
direct quoting or paraphrasing of sources is quite rare. Therefore, the mention
of a group or individual will qualify for inclusion in coding. Kinds of sources
include the following persons and attributed documents: those formally
affiliated with intergovernmental donor agencies (such as the World Bank),
foreign governmental donor agencies, the national government, impacted state
governments (Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Rajasthan), or local

(village) governments; those formally affiliated with international, national,

 

107 Dictionary of the Economy (NY: Wiley and Sons, 1995).

43

state or localized industries; those formally affiliated with international or
domestic environmental or human rights activist organizations (pro or anti-dam
non-governmental organizations); scientists formally affiliated with only
international or domestic educational institutions (such as universities); those
from within the court system; or impacted villagers not specified as formally
affiliated with any government, agency, organization or institution.

Themes refer to the overall debate about development and the
environment as it is portrayed by the media. Themes are the arguments
presented in news coverage on the building of the Narmada Dam. They reflect
the polarization of goals toward environmental sustainability versus national
economic development.

On the environmental sustainability spectrum the themes include:108

1) Human / Environmental Impacts: Statements, debates or discussion on
the impact of the project on human life (loss of livelihood, rehabilitation,
compensation and ethics of forced relocation, health risks, discrimination
against "tribal peoples"); desecration of traditional cultures, (immersion of
religious temples or destruction of the Narmada as a "holy" river); as well as the
impact on biodiversity (extinction of endangered species through loss of habitat
or destruction of flora and fauna and care of natural resources such as
deforestation and afforestation of forested lands for fuel, cultivation of fisheries,
soil erosion, siltation and soil conservation).

2) Project Review: Statements, debates or discussion on allowing a review
of the project and review of policies of the project

3) Mistrust of Project/ Red Tape: Statements, debates or discussion on

possible forms of cover-up (or conspiracy) among vested players who are said

 

103 Survey of the Environment, The Hindu, 1992, 1994, 1995 (See Kalpana
Sharma's articles on the Narmada Dam); Rohit Brijnath, "Damming the
Evidence," India Today, 15 Sept. 1995, 62-65.

44

to suppress information on the project, cause delay in implementation of court
directives toward the project and so on.

4) Top/ Down Theory: Statements, debates or discussion on the
perpetuation of foreign- or nationally-imposed top down development
strategies.

5) Protest: Statements, debates or discussion about protests for or against
the building of the dam.

On the economic development side of the spectrum:

6) Macrodam Benefits: Statements, debates or discussion of the benefits of
the project (irrigation of drought-ridden lands, or projected energy-production
estimates).

7) Number Debates: Statements, debates or discussion on the accuracy of
number estimates (people effected, cost of project, years to complete, etc.).

8) Height Compromise: Statements, debates or discussion on compromise
through negotiation on height of dams.

9) Finance: Statements, debates or discussion on the question of funding
the project.

10) Mistrust of Anti-dammers: Statements, debates or discussion on the

impedance of India's economic growth by those who fight against the dam.

n' f ali: x lAnali:
The unit of analysis is reporters and editors from the English-language

newspapers, Went and W from New Delhi and

Bombay. Data will be analyzed from five interviews with reporters and editors

45

from W and three interviews with reporters and editors from

Ten additional interviews from seven other newspapers may be
incorporated into the discussion of the findings where relevant, to provide
additional insights. Those additional papers include: Business Standard, the
Economic Times, the Hindu, the Hindustan Times, the Pioneer, the Statesman
and the Telegraph.

For the interview portion of the study, the population sampled included
only those actors who potentially influenced how the English-language press in
India covered the Narmada Dam. Selection of the newspapers was based on
three criteria: 1) The English dailies are said to exercise an important agenda-
setting role among policy-makers and the vernacular press;109 2) 13m;
W and W are among the largest circulation of English-
language newspapers in India;110 and 3) W is characterized by
Indian reporters as a paper most closely aligned with the government of India,
while Anflgdyernment is considered to be least aligned with the government,

providing variance in the study.111

Unit Qf Analysis: gidnteni Analysis:

The unit of analysis was the news article, including approximately 200

news articles from BILL-391mm and flti-gdvernmen; from 1989 to 1993.
These included any published pieces that discussed the Narmada Dam in the

form of "hard" news and "analysis" stories. Editorials were also included.

 

109 Mazharul Haque, "Is Development News More Salient then Human Interest
Stories in Indian Elite Press?" Gazette 38 (1986): 83-99.

110 Hamish McDonald, "Changing Times," Far Eastern Economic Review 24 March
1994, 22-23, 26.

“1 Flexibility on selection of newspapers is mandatory based on availability of
archived materials.

46

Unless/the dam under study was specifically named, general pieces on hydro-
electric projects were not included in the sample.

Three hundred and fifty articles from 10 other newspapers may be
incorporated into the discussion of the findings where relevant, to provide
additional insights. Those additional articles are from: Business Standard, the
Economic Times, the Financial Express, the Hindu, the Hindustan Times, the
Independent, the Patriot, the Pioneer, the Statesman and the Telegraph.

Examination of the life cycle of the Narmada Dam debate since its
inception in India in 1985,112 shows that critical periods of activity occurred
during the following dates: 1) September 28, 1989: 60,000 people gathered in a
rally in Madhya Pradesh to protest the project; 2) December 25, 1990 to January
15: a mass protest was carried out in the form of a 125-mile march, which went
from Madhya Pradesh to the bank of the Narmada Dam site in Gujarat; 3) June
18, 1992: The World Bank's independent review of the project was released; 4)
March 30, 1993: the World Bank canceled payment of its last loan installment
toward the project to the Indian government, bringing the question of credibility
of the project to light; 5) June 1993: Medha Patkar, the leader of the grassroots
opposition movement to the dam, began a hunger strike to the death,
demanding the government conduct a review of the project. Her fast lasted two
weeks. At the same time, the village of Manebeli (the heart of the resistance
movement) was flooded, during which villagers declared they would let
themselves drown as a form of protest against the dam. Eventually, residents
were dragged from their huts to higher ground.

Knowledge of these events facilitated selection of a purposive sample for

the content analysis portion of the research, since they were likely to have been

 

112 A full scale historical analysis would likely examine the issue further into the
past, since the debate on the building of large hydro-electric dams in India is at
least 48 years old.

47

chronicled in the Indian press.113 For this level of the study, the coverage of the
dam in the two national English-language newspapers, W and
WEI. during the following five three-month periods were

considered the population (or universe) to be sampled:

I) 8 / 89 to 10 / 89: The Harsud Demonstration (9 / 28 / 89)

II) 11/90-1 / 91: Mass March (began 12 / 25 / 90 to about three weeks later)

IH) 5 / 92-7/ 92: World Bank independent assessment report released (6/ 18 / 92)
IV) 2 / 93-4 / 93: WB withdraws remainder of loan (3/ 30/ 93)

V) 5 / 93-7/ 93: Manebeli flood, and hunger strike: (around 6/ 93)

Da ‘1 ' h

Through triangulation of methods, multiple sources of information were
gathered. With the massive amount of data qualitative research typically
produces, management of materials and time is a key point.114 A systematic
literature review began to tap into the "facts" of the case through "testimony of
the facts."115

Open-ended interviews were conducted by the researcher, recorded on
audio tape and later transcribed onto computer.116 They were based on a
prepared list of questions (see Appendix A for sample schedule). Questions

were the same for parallel kinds of sources from each newspaper (i.e. journalists

 

113 A form of nonprobability sampling characterized by the effort to
"deliberately" include groups into the sample deemed relevant to the study.
Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, 120.

114 Marshall and Rossman, Designing Qualitative Research.

115 In an ethnographic study, a visit to the Narmada Dam site would be
essential.

“6 David L. Morgan, Focus Groups as Qualitative Research (London: Sage, 1988).

48

from mm were asked the same questions as those from the Anti-
gmtetnnientl. Interviews were typically held for one hour.

ta' ' ' n a' ' A s :

This study was based in the Indian capital cities of New Delhi and
Bombay where the two national newspapers sampled had their main offices and
bureaus. During this period of fieldwork, association with an Indian
educational organization, the Center for Science and Environment (CSE) in New
Delhi was helpful in securing access to archived newspapers and interview
sources. Local academic support helped to provide an avenue for obtaining
advice when problems arose, and association with the CSE helped to legitimize
the study.

World Wildlife Fund-New Delhi also helped in this endeavor. Likewise,
a number of key environmental reporters and science communication experts in
India and the US. put me in touch with some of the members of the press I
interviewed. Contacts "snowballed" once I arrived in the country.

The Center for Science and Environment houses the bulk of the
newspaper archives needed for the content analysis study. Other repositories at
Indian newspapers in New Delhi existed as well. The original intention was to
make two copies of each article - one to be carried back to the US, the other
stored in India and shipped to the US. as a backup against loss of baggage in
transit; however, reality made this difficult.

Under the time constraints of the fieldwork portion of the study,
accessing and copying needed articles needed was a challenge. In a worst case
scenario, articles could have been collected upon return to the US. through
inter-library loan services at the MSU library. The Center for Library Research

in Chicago has extensive archives on the Indian Press and access can be gained

49

through MSU. Unfortunately, the Center's resources are not catalogued on a
database, so this method of data collection would have been very time
consuming. The International Rivers Network also keeps clippings on the

Narmada Dam, however, they charge an expensive fee for their services.

V l' i lia ili :

It is necessary to show that a study measures what it means to measure.
Thus, validity is of the utmost irnportance.117 Validity helps guard against bias
in the study, which can distort the findings. For instance, noting that cross-
cultural misunderstandings can introduce error into historical investigations
conducted in other cultures, Shafer urges historians to deveIOp "cultural
empathy" or "historical mindedness" with those they study. Likewise,
relativism guards against the researcher's own ethnocentrism and "inverted
ethnocentrism."118

It is equally important to assess reliability. A study is said to be reliable if
the results produced would be similar if the study was repeated. Kerlinger
defines reliability as the "relative absence of errors of measurement in a
measuring instrument."119 To assure reliability of the content analysis, coders

were carefully trained for the study and a pretest was conducted. Intercoder

 

117 Babbie defines validity as the "extent to which an empirical measure
adequately reflects the real meaning of the concept under consideration." He
goes on to discuss the importance of criterion-related, content and construct
validity. Earl Babbie, Survey Research Methods (CA: Wadsworth Publishing,
1990).

113 A term that relates to the idea of the researcher working in foreign countries
and "going native," or over-identifying with the studied cultural values. For
more on this point see Marshall and Rossman, Designing Qualitative Research.
The discussion on "emic" and "etic" is also useful in David M. Fetterman,
Ethnography: Step by Step (London: Sage, 1989). Also see Robert J. Shafer, A Guide
to Historical Method (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 1980).

“9 Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, 405.

50

reliability was assessed by comparing two independent coders' ratings of a
randomly selected portion of the sample of stories similar to those to be
included in the main study. Percentage of agreement was calculated using
Scott's pi.120 To reflect an acceptable level of reliability, answers should yield
approximately 80 percent intercoder agreement. If reliability is below .80, then
the researcher should determine where the problem lies and adjust accordingly
(i.e. redefine overlapping measures, rewrite unclear instructions or retrain
coders). After this preparation, the study began. Intercoder reliability was

recalculated using 10 to 25 percent of the sample.

Analytic procedures involved organizing the data, generating categories
and matching findings with the research hypotheses and questions.121 The
content analysis study was analyzed through the appropriate statistical means.
For the study, the evidence collected was catalogued and characterized into
various levels, according to the contextual framework provided above. The
dominant political, economic, cultural, geographic, historical and contemporary
forces, factors and actors were analyzed, making it possible to "map reality."122

A contextual analysis of the text addressed the relationship of the
independent to dependent variables of the study. It helped provide a rich
explanatory framework for the investigation as it related to the specific case of
the Indian print press. A synthesis of the data led to interpretation of the state

of each of the national newspapers under study and their approach to

 

12° pi = % observed agreement - °/o expected agreement / 1 - % expected
agreement. See William A. Scott, "Reliability of Content Analysis: The Case of
Nominal Scale Coding," Public Opinion Quarterly 17 (1955): 321-325.

121 Marshall and Rossman, Designing Qualitative Research.

122 John J. Pauly, "A Beginner's Guide to Doing Qualitative Research," Journalism
Monographs 125 (1991): 1-29 (see p. 7).

51

environmental coverage. Likewise, analysis of interviews identified logical
patterns in informants' explanations of the environmental beat in India. It
represented "the world according to" Indian environmental reporters.

The research identified relationships between the influences on the press
in environmental reporting in India and press performance as it relates to stories
on the Narmada. The primary goal was to take note of recurring patterns and
over-riding themes where they present themselves in the evidence. In short, the
study attempted to explain the quality of content of environmental coverage in
India's English-language press. Generalizing the findings was not the goal of
this communications study, although evidence may translate to the press in

other developing countries or other topics in India.

13 IE 1. .
Content analysis findings are presented in this dissertation through
tables and graphs, as well as in narrative form. Since the qualitative findings are

descriptive, they are written in a narrative style. This allowed for the telling of
"the story" of environmental journalism in India. From the data collected, a
discussion of Indian journalistic tradition has became possible. The point is to
present a holistic discourse on environmental news production in India. On the
advice of Pauly, who discusses the goal of qualitative research, the narrative
attempted to "render possible the terms by which groups [the Indian press]

explain themselves to the world."123

I . 'I I' :
Patience is a way of life in India, so researchers must conform to this fact.

Thus, with a three month time limit and a finite budget, it was important to be

 

123 ibid.

52

realistic about what could be accomplished. Aside from the clear challenges a
study of this kind evoked, inevitable limitations were likely to be related to
cultural differences.

For one thing, working in India demands great physical fortitude and
perseverance, and working out logistics is a challenge. Gaining access to
officials is often very difficult to achieve in India, and with problems in phone
service, arranging interviews is a very frustrating enterprise. Travel is not easy
and must be limited because distances are great in Delhi and Bombay.
Additionally, addresses are badly marked and therefore difficult to find. Thus,
it was not possible to formally interview all conceivable sources related to the
topic, such as environmental activists, ministry officials, development experts
and so on. This seemed to de a disappointment to a number of interviewees,
who questioned the credibility of the study. I tried to explain that the in-depth
pursuit must wait for another day. Other expected logistical problems arose.
For instance as a female researcher traveling alone in the country, it was
necessary to anticipate certain hazards. For instance, women must take care in
their activities in India, which might preclude them from conducting certain
business (holding interviews at night where safe passage home on public
transportation facilities is not guaranteed, etc.). Research is also more expensive
when one must rely on taxi drivers who force western travelers to pay higher
rates after dark.

Access to newspapers was also difficult to secure in the limited time
frame of the study. News archives were rarely indexed and copying services
were antiquated. Consequently, the scope of the content analysis portion of the
study was not as extensive as it might have been under different circumstances.

The study had to be adapted to fit the difficult conditions of data collection.

53

Furthermore, although it would be useful to include news from the
vernacular press in this study, without knowledge of the vernacular languages,
it was impossible. With a virtual plethora of dialects to chose from, it was also
unrealistic to try to be totally inclusive. This is a crucial point in a country
where language is associated not only with regional pride, but also a sense of
sovereignty (that many have been willing to die for). Studying only English-
language newspapers can, therefore, be justified, given that much of the elite
who play a role in public policy formation on development primarily tend to
read the English-language press. Also, the urban-based papers often set the
agenda for stories published in the vernacular papers.

This study did not address the effects of environmental media on the
region's audiences or governmental policy, although both would prove excellent
subjects for future research. Nor did it prove a causality between biases in the
press and treatment of the Narmada Dam issue. What it did do, is show how
coverage of an environmental development issue in one developing country's

sociological climate is framed in the mainstream press.

November 1995:
November 1995:

Between January 15

and February 8, 1996:

February 15, 1996:

June 1996
September 1996
November 1996

December 1996
June 1997

54

Arrived in New Delhi, India
Began interviews

Photocopied press articles

Returned to East Lansing, Michigan
Collected missing data,

Wrote coding book

Coded data

Entered data into SPSS

Began analyzing quantitative data
and qualitative data

Began writing dissertation

Dissertation Defense

CHAPTER V
RESULTS

This chapter is divided into the following three sections: First, it presents
the findings of the quantitative content analysis portion of the study in relation
to the research questions; Second, it summarizes the findings of the qualitative
contextual analysis of the interviews, categorizing and comparing the data by
newspaper into the relevant intra- and extra-organizational factors examined in
the research questions. Last, it relates the findings of the content analysis to the

contextual factors as they address the research questions at hand.

31.11.,

Reliability is critical to content analysis, wherein objective measures must
be consistent. According to Wimmer and Dominick, "Intercoder reliability
refers to levels of agreement among independent coders who code the same
content using the same coding instrument. Reliability is present when repeated
measurement of the same material results in similar decisions or conclusions."124

A subsample of the data (20 percent) was coded by two independent
coders and Holsti's formula (1969),125 Scott's pi (1955)126 and Pearson r were
applied on SPSS to analyze reliability. While Holsti's formula for determining

reliability for percentage of simple agreement can be used, Scott's pi corrects for

 

124 Roger D. Wimmer and Joseph R. Dominick, Mass Media Research: An
Introduction, 4th ed. (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1994), 178.

175’ Ole Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (Reading,
MA: Addison-Westley, 1969).

126 Scott, "Reliability of Content Analysis: The Case of Nominal Scale Coding,"
321-325.

55

56

chance agreement between coders. Scott's pi is an appropriate measure for
nominal level data. To assess reliability of ratio data, such as the number of
sources used in newspaper articles on the dam, Pearson r can be applied.
Pearson r correlation coefficients range from -1.0 to +1.0. For this study, a

reliability of .80 was considered acceptable. The following reliability indexes

were found:
TABLE 1
Reliability Indexes
Milli Helsti's Agreement
Editorial Bias pi: .65 .98
Headlines Focus on Stars pi= .92 .98
Headlines Pro or Anti Dam pi: .86 .93
Story Type pi= .90 .95
Major Theme pi: .87 .90
Bearsen r-Enrges

Anti-dam NGOs r: .9957

Courts r: .9401

Educational Experts r= .9472

Foreign Government Donors r: .9718

Indian Government r= .9893

Industry r: .9554

Villagers r= .9938

Pro-dam NGOs r: .9541

Others r: .9707

Unidentified r= .8749

Source Total r= .9896

In the case of editorial bias, a Scott's pi of only .65 was determined,
however percentage of disagreement using Holsti's formula produced a
reliability of .98, which was deemed acceptable. This variable was considered
reliable because only three cases out of the 40 sampled produced a result that
applied to the question at hand. The choices for coders were: Anti-dam bias;
Pro-dam bias; Undetermined; Does Not Apply. The Anti-dam category was

chosen twice by coder one and once by coder two. All other decisions produced

57

a "Does Not Apply" category. With so few cases in which the Scott's pi formula
was applied, the result looked like chance agreement, producing a lower
reliability index. However Holsti's formula shows that the reliability was at an

acceptable level.

CententAnalxsmfmmgs

One hundred and ninety four articles (120 from PrQ-gnyernment and 74
from Anthgomrnem) were coded for this study. The articles were sampled
from five discrete three-month periods between 1989 and 1993 that were critical
in the development of the debate (one and a half months before and after a key
event). Ere-gdvemment averaged eight Narmada Dam articles per period,
while Antimernrnent averaged approximately five articles per period.

The data were organized into crossbreaks to investigate the research
questions. According to Kerlinger, "a crossbreak is a numerical tabular
presentation of data, usually in frequency or percentage form, in which
variables are cross-partitioned in order to study the relations between them."127
Cross-breaks (also known as contingency tables) are principally used with
categorical or nominal level data.

Cramer's V and Phi were the statistics used to measure the degree of
association between variables. Phi and Cramer's V, which are based on chi
squares, are appropriate for contingency tables using nominal data. Unlike Phi,
Cramer's V can be applied to tables with more than two rows and two columns.
Statistical significance was not a factor in this study because purposive sampling
(a sample specifically chosen to be representative of a population), rather than
random sampling, was applied to the data collection method. Therefore, chi

square results were not reported. Both Phi and Cramer's V range from 0 to +1,

 

177 Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral Research, 149.

58

with 0 indicating no relationship between variables and +1 indicating a perfect
relationship between variables. A +1 does not indicate positive or negative
correlation, but instead simply shows a perfect association.128 It should be noted
that, sometimes in the analysis, the Cramer's V and Phi did not indicate an
association between variables, however, the percentages in the contingency
tables showed some differences between papers. In these cases, the differences
were discussed, indicating limited support for the hypotheses.

In the case of ratio data that examined the number of sources used, the
mean and standard deviation (an index of dispersion) were also reported.
Finally, in some cases where percentage results from data were minimal, data
was dropped from the calculations. These included categories such as "other,"
or "unidentified." Using Cramer's V and Phi, the following results were

revealed:

Research Question One says:

(Q1): Did Etgtgevernment tend to publish more pro-dam content (tone:
editorials, features or hard news / features) on the dam , while Anti-gdvernment
tended to publish more anti-dam content (tone: editorials, features or hard news

features)?

 

123 Guido H. Stempel and Bruce H. Westley, eds. Research Methods in Mass
Communication (NJ: Prentice Hall, 1989).

59

TABLE 2
Editorial Bias - Pro or Anti-dam

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
. Newspaper Newspaper
Bias
Anti-dam 7 6 13
5.8% 8.1% 6.7%
113 68 181
Not Apply 0 o
94.2 /o 91.9 /o 933%
120 74 194
61.9% 38.1% 100%

Between the two papers only a small percentage of editorials, features
and hard news/ features expressed any editorial bias (6.7 percent).129 Within
both papers as well only a few articles expressed a biased tone (6 percent within
Brn-gnyernment and 8 percent within Ann-gdvernment). Of those articles that
did express bias, all were found to be anti-dam, while none were pro-dam.

Phi was .059638 and Cramer's V was .0596372, indicating a weak
relationship between the newspapers and editorial bias (or tone) in stories.
Therefore, there is no basis to generate a hypothesis that pro-government
newspapers in India tend to present a pro-dam bias while anti-government

papers present an anti-dam bias from this comparison.

 

129 While Went published more articles than Antigdnemrnent,

articles in the latter tended to contain one more paragraph on average (Pro. had
a mean = 9.5; Anti. had a mean = 10.5), thus were a bit longer. While longer
articles are often interpreted to be more in-depth, this is not necessarily so in
this case. Future studies should examine length of article in terms of word
count.

60

(Q2): Was W more likely to use the names of famous pro-dam
"stars" (a form of prominence) of the Narmada Dam controversy than anti-dam
"stars" in headlines for stories on the issue, while Anti-gdvernment was more
likely to use the names of famous anti-dam "stars" of the Narmada Dam

controversy than pro-dam "stars" in headlines for stories on the issue?

TABLE 3
Focus on Stars - Headlines Pro or Anti-Dam Broken Down By Category

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
FocusStars Newspaper Newspaper
Headline-
22 21 43
Anti-d
am 18.3% 28.4% 22.2%
Headline- 11 3 14
Pro-dam 92% 4.1% 7.2%
72.5% 67.6% 70.6%
120 74 194
61.9% 38.1% 100%

Stars' names were used in headlines approximately 30 percent of the
time. Percentages show that Antimtnent included anti-dam stars 10
percent of the time more than Ere-gevemment, when examining approximately
the same number of articles (22 in X and 21 in Y). Similarly, Prg-gnvernment
included more pro-dam stars than Anti-gnvernment. Therefore, although Phi
was .14177 and Cramer's V was .14177, indicating a weak relationship between

the newspapers and their use of stars in headlines, there is minor support to

61

generate a hypothesis that pro-government newspapers in India use pro-dam
stars to support the government-supported dam and vice versa.

Within the newspapers themselves certain tendencies can be detected
that may indicate prominence in one direction or another. Within 1:112
gonemment, approximately 73 percent of the articles did not include any stars’
names whatsoever in the headlines, either anti-dam or pro-dam. Yet of the stars
that were named, there were twice as many anti-dam personalities as pro-dam
personalities. In Anti-gdvemment, on the other hand, a different trend
emerged. Sixty-eight percent did not mention any stars, yet of the 24 stories (34
percent) that did mention famous people, the majority (21) were anti-dam stars,
while only three articles used pro-dam stars in headlines.
(Q3): Did W tend to publish more stories with pro-dam headlines
or conditional pro-dam headlines (prominence) on the Narmada Dam issue,
while W tended to publish more anti-dam headlines in stories of

the issue?

TABLE 4
Topic - Headlines Pro or Anti-Dam By Combined Categories

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
Topic Newspaper Newspaper
Headline- 60 30 90
Pro-dam 54 10/ 42 8°/ 0
8: Condition ' ° ' 0 49.7 /o
Headline- 51 40 91
Anti-dam 459% 57.1% 50.3%
111 70 181
61.3% 38.7% 100%

Topic

Headline-
Pro-dam

Headline-
Anti-dam

Headline-
Condition
Pro-Dam

Headline
Undeterm

62

TABLE 5
Topic - Headlines Pro or Anti—Dam Broken Down By Category

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
Newspaper Newspaper
15 6

12.5% 8.1%

51 40

42.2% 54.1%

45 24
37.5% 32.4%

9 4

7.5% 5.4%
120 74
61.9% 381%

21
10.8%

91
46.9%

69
35.6%

13
6.7%

194
100%

Table four shows that Prd-gevernment published over 10 percent more

pro-dam and conditional headlines than W while Qti;

gment published over 10 percent more anti-dam headlines than 12rd-

gmmment. The undetermined category was dropped from the calculation in

Table 4. Phi was .1090 and Cramer's V was .1090 for Table 4, indicating a weak

relationship between the newspapers and their use of pro-dam

headlines / conditional pro-dam headlines, or anti-dam headlines. Yet in

examining the percentages in Tables 4 and 5, a difference between newspapers

is detected. Therefore, there is a basis to generate a hypothesis for subsequent

63

testing that pro-government newspapers in India tend to publish pro-dam and
conditional headlines more often than anti-government newspapers.

Within the papers, there was a propensity for pro-dam and conditional
headlines to appear more frequently in Brn-gdvernment (54 percent of the time),
while Anti-gevernment published more anti-dam headlines (57 percent of the
time). Broken down by category, each paper used more conditional pro-dam
headlines than exclusively pro-dam headlines. Finally, it should be noted that
W did cover the dam issue less frequently than W
during the sampling period, with PrQ-gdvernment publishing eleven more anti-
dam headlines than Anti-gnvernment.

(Q4): Did Brn-gdvernment tend to publish more episodic (hard news) stories on
the Narmada Dam issue, while Anti-gevemment tended to publish more

thematic (analysis, features or editorial) stories of the issue?

TABLE 6
Type - Episodic or Thematic News By Combined Categories

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"

Type Newspaper Newspaper

Episodic 156
95 61

H N

( "rd 8W3) 79.8% 82.4% 80.8%

Thematic 24 13 38
20.2% 17.6% 19.7%
119 74 193

61.7% 38.3% 100%

64

TABLE 7
Type - Episodic or Thematic News Broken Down By Category

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
Type Newspaper Newspaper
Hard News 95 61 156
79.2% 82.8% 80.4%
10 4 14
Feature 8.3% 5.5% 7.3%
Hard News / 12 7 19
Feature 10% 9.6% 9.8%
2 2 4
Editorial 1.7% 2.7% 2.1%
I O 1
Other .8% .5%
120 74 194
61.9% 38.1% 100%

Within both papers, there was a strong tendency to publish more
episodic stories than thematic ones. Of the articles published in P_rc:
geneminent, almost 4 out of 5 (80 percent) were hard news stories, while in
Anti-went, the trend was the same with 82 percent of the stories being
hard news. "Other" types were not included in Table 6.

Phi was .03387 and Cramer's V was .03387 for Table 6, indicating a weak

relationship between the newspapers and the types of stories they publish. In

65

absolute numbers between the papers, W published almost twice
as many thematic articles as Anti-gdvernment. However, Pro-gdvernment was
also found to have published an additional 34 articles beyond Anti-gnvement
that were of the episodic type. Despite these differences, percentage rates on
types of published articles between the two papers were fairly similar. This
indicates that there is no basis to support testing a hypothesis that pro-
govemment Indian newspapers tend to publish more episodic news than anti-
govemment newspapers.

(Q5): Did Pre—gevernment tend to include more pro-dam kinds of sources
(Indian government, industry and pro-dam NGOs), while Anti-geyemment
tended to include more anti-dam kinds of sources (villagers and anti-dam

NGOs)?

TABLE 8
Sources - Pro or Anti-Dam By Combined Categories

 

 

 

 

 

 

"Progov" "Antigov"
Sources Newspaper Newspaper

Pro-dam 204 125 329
52.2% 49.6% 512%

Antwan, 187 127 314
47.8% 50.4% 48.8%

391 252 643

60.8% 39.2% 100%

There were more overall sources in Prd-gdvernment than Anti-
ggyeniment, most likely because Piggmtement published more articles on

66

the Dam than Anti-gnvernment. The study found that ESL-W and
W included a similar percentage of pro- and anti-dam sources

when source kinds were combined. Within Inn-W pro-dam sources
were used approximately 52 percent of the time while anti-dam sources were
used a bit less at around 48 percent of the time. @ti-gevemment used pro-dam
sources 50 percent of the time while relying on anti-dam sources 50 percent of
the time. The most used source was Indian government officials, followed
closely by anti-dam NGOs and villagers.

Phi was .0251 and Cramer's V was .0251 from Table 8, indicating a weak
relationship between the newspapers and the kinds of sources they included in
stories. Therefore, there is no basis to support testing a hypothesis that pro-
government Indian newspapers tend to use more pro-dam sources while anti-
govemment newspapers use more anti-dam sources.

(Q6): Did End-gmLetnment tend to include less of a variety of (kinds of) sources,
while Annggmnimt tended to include more of a variety of kinds of sources
on stories about the dam?

There seems to be a fairly even distribution of different kinds of sources
used between the two newspapers (the mean is 14.814 and the SD is 7.903);
therefore there is no basis to generate a hypothesis for further testing that pro-
govemment newspapers in India tend to use less of a variety of sources than
anti-government newspapers. Within each paper, the predominant source used
was the Indian government (a pro-dam source), followed closely by anti-dam
NGOs. Villagers (anti-dam) were also a significant portion of the source

population in stories, followed by pro-dam NGOs. Neutral sources were also

67

TABLE 9
Sources - Pro or Anti-Dam Broken Down By Category

"Progov" "Antigov"

Source its
Indian Gov (Pro)

 

119 / 22.4% 73/ 21.8%
38/ 7.5% 14/ 4.2%
Pro-dam NGOs 47 / 8.8% 38/ 11.3%
Foreign Gov (Neut) 34 / 6.4% 25 / 7.5%
““9" EXPE'” (N) 29 / 5.5% 21 / 6.3%
Courts (N) 23/ 4.3% 5/1.5%
Villagers (Anti) 88/ 16.6% 64 / 19%
Anti-dam NGOs 99 / 18.6% 63/ 18.8%

 

Industry (Pro)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Other 47 / 8.4% 28/ 8.4%
Unidentified 8 / 1.50/0 4/1.2°/o
532 335

examined, indicating PrQ-ggvernment included neutral sources 18 percent of
the time while W used them 17 percent of the time. A number of
sources coded as "other" were also included in the articles but not included in
this table. "Other" sources included Indian citizens not involved in the dam
debate or the press (i.e.: So and so said to the United Press df India...). Within
W sources mentioned the least, were the courts (a neutral source),

followed by educational experts (a neutral source); while within Anti-

 

ggn/ennnent the source least mentioned were also courts, followed by industry

(a pro-dam source).

(Q7): Did W tend to emphasize economic development or

quantification themes (arguments) in stories on the dam, while Anti-

 

68

gnnemment tended tend to emphasize more environmental sustainability

 

 

 

 

 

 

themes (arguments)?
TABLE 10
Theme - Environmental Sustainability Vs. Economic Development
By Combined Categories
"Progov" "Antigov"
Themes Newspaper Newspaper
Environ.
. 99 59 158
Sustam.
83.9% 85.5% 84.5%
Econ. 19 10 29
Deve10p. 16.1% 14.5% 15.5%
118 69 187
63.1% 36.8% 100%

Table 10 shows that both papers used more environmental sustainability
themes than economic development themes (84 percent within Ern-gdvernment
and 86 percent within Anti-gdvernment), with the percentages of major
emphasis being approximately equal between papers. Table 11 shows the
sustainability themes emphasized most within both papers: "Protest" most often
framed the arguments presented in articles, followed by "Human and
Environmental Impacts" within Ere-gevernment and "review of the Project"
within aid-geyemment. The sustainability argument least emphasized across

both papers was "Top-down Development." Of the economic development

themes, most prominent between both papers was "Finance," followed by

"Macrodam Development" within Ere-gevernment and Anti-gdvernment

69

(although Antigexennnent also focused on "Mistrust of Anti-dam Movement").

Both papers used the economic argument of "Height Compromise" the least.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 11
Theme - Environmental Sustainability Vs. Economic Development
Broken Down By Category
Themes "Progov" "Antigov"
H/éfiflpad 31 / 26% 12/ 16% 43 /22.2%
ProiectReview 22/ 18% 13/17% 35/18%

WSW“ ”01'9“ 8/6% 4/5% 12/6.2%

“’7 ”m we" 2 / 2% 2 /3% 4/2.1%
“0‘8“ 36/30% 28/38% 64/33%

Mag; Dem 6/5% 2/3% 8/4.1%
Height Compmnfise 1 /1% 1 /1% 2/1%

Finance 10 / 8% 5 /7% 15/7.7%
M‘Sm'm'dam 2/2% 2/3% 4/2.1%
Other 2/2% 5/7% 7/3.6%

120 74 194
61.9% 38.1% 100%

Phi was .0215 and Cramer's V was .0215 for Table 10, indicating a weak
relationship between the newspapers and the emphasized themes used to
portray stories. Therefore, there is no basis to support a hypothesis that pro-
government Indian newspapers tend to publish more economic development
themes while anti-government newspapers publish more environmental

sustainability themes.

70

a1 i ' d'

It would appear India's two leading English-language newspapers frame
environmental news regarding the controversial Narmada Dam in most cases
more similarly than not, in spite of differences between them in editorial policy
toward the government.

Both papers published similar content in terms of editorial bias (tone),
types of stories written, kinds of sources included and themes emphasized. This
speaks to the maturity and independence of the press in India. Differences were
detected, however, in terms of prominence, wherein the pro-government
newspaper tended to publish more headlines with pro-dam stars' names than
the anti-government paper. Likewise, the pro-government paper used more
pro-dam and conditional headlines than the anti-government paper. Both these
points do not necessarily reflect differences in editorial policy toward the
Narmada Dam and are thus a weak basis on which to justify a hypothesis that
pro-government papers in India support the building of the Narmada Dam

more than anti-government papers.

Cententnsl Analysis Qf Interviews with Idnrnalists
- '- v a r :

We expected framing decisions on editorial bias (tone), story prominence,
types of story, inclusion of sources and emphasis on certain themes in articles on
the Narmada Dam to be influenced by:

* Intra-organizational cultural factors
* Intra-organizational economic factors
* Intra-organizational political factors
* Extra-organizational cultural factors

* Extra-organizational economic factors

71

* Extra-organizational political factors

We also expected framing decisions might vary on a controversial
environmental issue (like the Narmada Dam) between a newspaper with a pro-
government and an anti-government editorial stance.

Interviews were conducted with journalists in each of the two
newspapers to understand their perception of the factors that influenced how
they conduct their jobs. In this section, a brief background on each newspaper is
presented, the interviews are summarized by newspaper, and then synthesized.
The section that follows examines whether and how the listed factors exerted
any influence on framing decisions and if those decisions were different
between the two newspapers. (See Appendix D for in-depth analyses of each

interview)

r r - v rn nt N w a r:

The oldest of the English-language newspapers in India, "En:
W" began as a weekly in 1838 and continued as a daily in 1850.130
Internationally recognized, it is included in Merrill and Fisher's Mdd’s
£3;th Dailies: Etnfiles Qf Eiffl Newspapers. Published in Bombay, New Delhi
and Ahmedabad, it is one of the largest circulation papers in India.131 The P_ro_-
geyennnent group is owned by Bennett, Coleman 8: Co. Ltd., a public
corporation, which is controlled by the Jain family. The editor-in-chief is Girilal
Jain. Originating as a conservative newspaper supporting the British empire,
the paper continues today to be aimed at India's educated urban elite. Pro-
government has its own training program and usually absorbs its own students

into the paper. After hiring, a year's probation is typical. In 1994, eight senior

 

130 John C. Merrill and Harold A. Fisher, The World '5 Great Dailies: Profiles of Fifty
Newspapers (NY: Hastings House, 1980).
131 410,000 according to the Indian Audit Bureau of Circulations (ABC), 1995.

72

editors resigned in protest of the intrusion of business executives into editorial

affairs.132

a Intrviw nIflu tilFatratr-vrnmn war:
Intra-organizational Cultural Factors: In terms of professional norms, none of
the journalists from Bre—geyernment had a degree in journalism nor any formal
science training except one who had an engineering background. All learned
reporting skills on the job. All had worked for various media organizations,
moving around to advance their careers. Two out of five resigned from BLQ;
ggnLemment because of management policies and criticism of their work. Of the
five, two were women and three were men, showing a gender balance in the
environmental reporting field (previously it was mostly women who covered
the beat). All five defined themselves as environmental advocates but qualified
the characterization by emphasizing the importance of the principle of
objectivity in journalism. Three out of five were members of the Forum of
Environmental Journalists of India (FEJI) although they had strong criticisms of
the organization. They said FEJI would best serve them if it became an
information and networking resource. Members felt that Indian reporters did
not work hard enough to do the necessary research, because of their intense
workload, though environmental reporters did better than the average reporter.
They also felt there was not enough analysis of the Narmada story.

Regarding routines of the beat, none of the journalists were specifically
assigned to cover the environment exclusively, although there was an emphasis
on environmental stories in their work. Most viewed themselves as

environment and development reporters. The anti-dam protest organization,

 

132 Hamish McDonald, Changing Times: Resignations Shake Up Prestigious
Indian Newspaper, Far Eastern Economic Review, 24 March 1994, 22.

73

the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), helped them meet deadlines by providing
a plethora of information, as well as staging newsworthy events on the
Narmada Dam story. NBA leader, Medha Patkar, became the "star" or
"giittetati" of the movement and journalists felt the story was often
sensationalized.

Regarding gatekeeping: there is a clear chain of command in the
newsroom. The ascending hierarchy is as follows: reporter / special
reporter / principle correspondent/ special correspondent (assistant
editor)/ senior assistant editor/ senior editor (executive or managing
editor)/ (editor-editorial page)/ owner. Several of the journalists were frustrated
with their jobs and felt they were ridiculed by their superiors and peers for
covering the environment.
Inna-organizational Economic Factors: There is no environment beat.
However, over the years, the environment has become a more "sexy" t0pic. The
problem was that interest in the subject was not sustained, but cyclic. All the
reporters said that management policies affected their work. W
was more pro-business since India's economic liberalization, which meant that it
became harder to get space to publish stories on the environment, especially on
the Narmada. That was because the anti-dam movement was highly critical of
industry. Pro-government journalism was, then, highly market-oriented.
Stories on the economy and politics were more prevalent. There was a limit on
the paper's financial commitment to covering the environment. For instance,
travel funds were scarce and most reporters funded their own travel to the
Narmada site or simply covered the story from urban centers, unless it was a
major story. Investigative reporting was not encouraged. Computers in the

newsroom were limited. A reporter's individual reputation played an

74

important factor in the allocation of resources for story development and space
in the paper.

Intra-organizational Political Factors: The political ideology of PrQ-gdvernment
was pro-establishment and pro-government until India's economic liberalization
policy in 1991. Since that time, the owners and editors have been moving more
toward the middle of the spectrum. Those interviewed said the management
views on the political situation affected the way they did their jobs. They felt
management forced a standard of objectivity that was not truly objective, but
pro-dam. For instance, if the facts of a story were accurate, then one reporter
did not think it necessary to present both sides of the case every time. "If you
see a lot of people being beaten up, you are going to report that, you are not
going to sit back and say 'let us be objective," one journalist interjected. All five
of the journalists were against the dam but felt that a compromise was needed
to resolve the issue. They all believed that the English-language press played an
important role in national development because it set the political agenda of
decision-makers in government, as well as affected what gets published in the
local-language press, which reaches a wider general public.
Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Cultural values (cultural resonance)
were considered important in how a story was written. W
audience was considered the urban educated elite of India; however, some
editors who supervised the journalists interviewed did not think the audience
was sophisticated enough to understand or care about complex environment
issues. Environmental journalists were inclined to disagree with this
assessment. Also, the audience in Gujarat was pro-dam, thus editors were
concerned about offending readers in that area. Therefore, space for
environmental stories was limited, often "ghettoized" to the

"environment/ development theme page," which was published once a week.

75

The journalists pointed out that circulation was difficult to assess because more
people were exposed to the paper than bought it: In villages in India, it was
typical for one literate person to read the paper aloud to a group of illiterate
people at tea stalls.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Advertisers explicitly tried to pressure
Rte-gnvernment to publish only pro-dam stories. Also, there was concern that
circulation would drop when anti-dam stories were published. A price war, in
which the cost of Etn-gnvernment was lowered, increased circulation. The
result was that owners felt readers cared less about content and more about low
cost. This conclusion worried the journalists, who felt their worth was devalued
by the assessment. The journalists concluded that newspapers were more
market-oriented than they used to be.

There was a lot of competition from other papers (the vernacular press in
particular) and other media, such as television, although it is perceived as too
superficial to attract the newspaper audience. Foreign newspapers were not a
threat because they were banned in India. Foreign investment and ownership in
Indian newspapers was not permitted at the time of these interviews. Libel was
not an issue of general concern to the paper, so threats of libel did not affect how
reporters wrote their stories. Any libel cases were first heard by the Press
Council of India, which serves as an ombudsman.

Extra-organizational Political Factors: Government sources were extremely
closed to reporters, especially on environmental stories like the Narmada.
Although India is said to have a democratic tradition of freedom of the press,
government officials hide behind laws, such as the Official Secrets Act, to
defend their positions against openness. As one reporter said, "They make you
dance for information." Industry in Gujarat and World Bank sources in general

were equally closed, therefore it was difficult to gather information for the

76

Narmada story. Sources would routinely only talk to reporters off-the-record or
if a reporter had a reputation of being anti-dam, pro-dam sources would refuse
to be interviewed. Often sources would complain to management directly if
anti-dam stories were published; however, the paper had "deep pockets" and
was able to overcome outside pressure.

Misinformation and disinformation was commonly disseminated.
Publication of off-the-record comments led to questions of credibility of the
story (lack of objectivity) and journalists said that some in their field fabricated
information. It was difficult to meet deadlines, since information could not be
substantiated in time. To counter this effect, much information was used that
was supplied by the NBA. Some of the reporters criticized the NBA, saying the
organization tried to pressure the paper to publicize the NBA's cause. The NBA

would complain when information they gave to reporters was not used.

a k u '- v rnm n w a r:

The W group is published at over seven locations around
the country, with a circulation second only to Ere-gdvernment. It is known to
carry much more news about southern India than Prd-gevernment; however, it
has less overall credibility than W because it is viewed as
somewhat sensationalistic in its approach. The paper has a strong nationalist
tradition and is known for its anti-government stance. During the State of
Emergency imposed from 1975 to 1977 by the late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi,
Anti-ggyernment was at the forefront of the struggle against censorship of the
press. The paper was targeted by the government because of its criticism of
administration policies. In 1987, after several editorial attacks on Prime Minister

Rajiv Gandhi accused him of corruption, Anti-gdvernment's offices were raided

77

by customs and revenue officials from the government.133 The paper was
temporarily shut down.

The paper, begun in 1932, was owned by B.D. Goenka until his death in
1979. His father, Ramnath Goenka, took over until he himself died in 1991. His
death was followed by a family feud for ownership of the paper between B.D.
Goenka's wife and Ramnath Goenka's two grandsons. Today, publication of
W is split between the grandsons.134 The editor-in-chief is H.K.
Dua. The Editors' Guild of India complain that the split has led to interference
by owners into policy on content. Journalists at the paper fear job uncertainty,

salary cuts and "distortions in the line of command."135

.0!!!:‘ 0 .l‘l‘ u “fluni a or - iJ!‘:OV‘ 1' w pa.-
Intra-organizational Cultural Factors: Regarding professional norms, none of
Antkgoyetnmentls journalists had degrees in journalism, nor any formal science
training. All had learned their profession on the job. All had advanced their
careers by moving around from one media organization to another. There was
a ratio of two women to one man. One out of three resigned from Anti;
gdyemment in order to become a full-time environmental advocate. All three
defined themselves as environmental advocates but only two qualified the
characterization by emphasizing the importance of the principle of objectivity
in journalism. Two out of three were members of FEJI but had strong criticisms
of the organization, saying it needed to do a better job as an information
resource. One had not heard of the organization.

In terms of routines of the beat, none covered the environment

exclusively, although they geared their work toward environmental and

 

133 The Economist, 5 Sept. 1987, 36.
134 Arun Katiyar, Divide and Rule, India Today, 31 March 1995, 66-69.
135 Family Settlement will Split 'Anti-gevernment' newspaper," 2.

78

development stories. All praised the NBA for helping to supply needed
information on the Narmada controversy. They all followed the activities of the
NBA closely in covering the Narmada story.

Regarding gatekeeping the chain of command in the newsroom was as
follows: reporter / special reporter / principle correspondent/ special
correspondent (assistant editor)/ senior assistant editor/ senior editor (executive
or managing editor)/ (editor-editorial page)/ owner. One out of the three was
frustrated with the paper, having felt ridiculed for covering the environment
"too much."

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: There was no environment beat at Anti;
geyemtnern. All felt that management policies at the paper affected their work.
Antigmmment was more pro-business and market-oriented since India's
economic liberalization policy, making it harder to get space to publish stories
on the environment. Stories on the economy and politics became more
prevalent. A limit on the paper's financial commitment to covering the
environment meant that travel funds were scarce. Most reporters funded their
own travel to the Narmada site or simply covered the story from urban centers,
unless it was a major story. Enterprise reporting was not encouraged and
computers in the newsroom were limited. Each reporter's reputation played an
important factor in the allocation of resources for story development and space
in the paper.

The environment/ development theme page of Aingoyennnent had
been dropped a year prior to this interview. Reporters were told it was due to a
shortage of newsprint, but one could be skeptical, viewing it as a change in
priorities toward more economic development news. Many reporters were
beginning to work under two to three year contracts, which gave them higher

salaries but less job security.

79

Intra-organizational Political Factors: The political ideology of Anti;
gnyetnment had traditionally been avidly anti-establishment/ anti-government.
Recently, since economic liberalization, the paper had moved more to the
middle ideologically in an attempt to become more credible and mainstream.
The journalists felt that the English-language press was important in national
development, especially in terms of democracy and freedom of the press. The
paper had promoted the publication of the development theme page. They also
said it set decision-makers' political agenda, as well as affected content in the
local-language press, which reaches a wider general audience. All three were
against the dam, though only two felt a compromise was needed to resolve the
situation.

Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Anti-ggvernment's audience was
characterized as the urban educated elite of India and writing that fit in with the
values of the culture (cultural resonance) was considered important.
Nevertheless, reporters had to fight with some editors who viewed the audience
as not sophisticated enough to comprehend or care about complex environment
issues. Because of the editors' stance, space for environmental stories was
restricted, often "ghettoized" to the "environment/ development theme page,"
which was published once a week. The journalists pointed out that circulation
was difficult to assess because more people were exposed to the paper than
bought it. One journalist felt that the anti-dam NGO community was large part
of the paper's audience (although no market surveys were conducted). One said
that the audience viewed national papers as more objective than the local press.
Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Discussing the situation since
liberalization, the journalists thought that newspapers were more market-
oriented than they used to be. In fact, Anti-gevernment lowered their rates in
response to the price war started by Prd-gdyernment. They also said that

80

advertisers tried to pressure Anti-went to publish more pro-dam stories.
Likewise, editors did not view anti-dam NGO readership as important because
NGOs did not bring in needed advertising revenue.

Competition from other Indian papers and media, such as television, was
a factor with which reporters must contend. There was little concern over the
issue of libel and threats of libel did not affect the reporters.
Extra-organizational Political Factors: Anti—gevernment had endured a targeted
campaign of censorship by the government over the years, contrary to India's
tradition of democracy and freedom of the press. During the State of
Emergency the paper came under fire for its criticism of government policies.
Editors were arrested. Later in 1987, when it exposed the late Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi's government of corruption in arms deals with Swedish and
German companies, customs and revenue officials raided W
offices, closing the paper for a period of time.

Two out of three of the journalists said it was difficult to get information
from the government. Gujarat Industry and World Bank sources in general
were also quite closed. One reporter said the World Bank was calculated in
their manipulation of the press wherein misinformation and disinformation was
commonly disseminated. All said they routinely had to use off-the-record
sources. Consequently, questions of credibility often arose since publication of
off-the-record comments portrayed a lack of objectivity. Journalists said that
some reporters fabricated information under these conditions.

It was difficult to meet deadlines, since substantiating information was
time-consuming. To counter this effect, much NBA- supplied information was
used. Complaints to management if anti-dam stories were published were
common, however, the paper's "deep pockets" allowed it to overcome the

pressure.

81

r - n An '- rnm n :

In almost all factors, both newspapers and the journalists interviews
exhibited similar characteristics. The primary difference noted was in the area
of intra-organizational political factors. The papers promoted opposing political
ideologies, although in recent years (1993 onward), both had moved more
toward the middle of the spectrum. While Prd-gdvernment was viewed as
traditionally pro-establishment/pro-govemment, Anti-gdyernment was said to
be anti-establishment/ anti-government. Another difference between papers
was an extra-organizational factor: Beg;nge_rn_ment and Anti-gevernment had
somewhat different audiences in terms of political ideology.

Interestingly, all the journalists interviewed described themselves as
environmental advocates and all were also anti-dam (with qualifications).
However, they said they were still committed to the ideal of objectivity.
Likewise, all said they felt that management policies affected their reporting to
the point where some resigned.

The situation creates a tension between the political ideology of the
papers and their readers, versus the journalist's own political viewpoints and
autonomy in writing. The questions are: Did this tension manifest itself in a
difference in coverage between the two newspapers? And if not, why?

This section presented the background of each newspaper, summarized
the interviews by factor and newspaper, and then synthesized the findings. The
intra- and extra-organizational factors manifested themselves most clearly in the
following traditions or themes: Democracy and a Free Press, Advocacy versus
Objectivity, Market-Oriented Journalism, and Cultural Resonance. The next

section examines what kind of influence intra- and extra-organizational factors

82

had on framing decisions between the two newspapers, discussing the rationale

for similarities and differences.

Exl" Nw rFramin D isin hru rnalit'
r ' n ' w a r ' nt xt:

Both papers were found to use generally similar framing devices ——
editorial bias, type of stories, use of sources and emphasis on certain themes —
in how they presented the story of the controversial Narmada Darn, which
pitted the national and state governments against local environmental advocacy
and grassroots organizations. The primary framing differences were detected in
the area of prominence, measured by the use of stars in headlines and pro- or
anti-dam headlines.

Interviews conducted with journalists helped to gain an understanding
into their perceptions of the contexts they worked in — cultural, economic and
political (internal and external to their particular paper) — to be able to generate
hypotheses that would explain expected differences in framing. Both papers
were similar in context except for differences found between the intra-
organizational political factors and the extra-organizational cultural factors.
These differences in internal politics and readership ideology notwithstanding,
it appears journalistic conventions shared by these two leading newspapers
were stronger and led to similar framing devices, with the exception of
prominence.

The following section uses interviews with journalists of the two papers
to understand forces in their contexts that contributed to the use of framing
devices, in order to help explain differences and similarities in content on the

Narmada Dam.

83

Editdrial Bias
Intra-organizational Cultural Factors: When bias was shown in articles on the
project, it was always against the building of the dam; therefore, differences
between the two papers did not become apparent in framing decisions. In fact,
little bias was framed in articles on the dam in either paper. The tradition of
objectivity in journalism appears to have been stronger, in this case, than
reporters' own personal feelings of being environmental advocates or the
papers' managerial views on the subject. Another reason for the lack of bias
may have been that reporters feared the ridicule they received for writing anti-
dam views. In fact, some journalists resigned over this issue.
Inna-organizational Economic Factors: Enterprise and analysis reporting of the
environment was not financially supported in either paper and there was
comparatively less space allocated for it. Everyone had to fight for space in both
papers. Therefore, a reporter's reputation was important in determining how
much space he was allocated: the stronger the reputation, the more likely space
would be provided for their editorials and features.
Inna-organizational Political Factors: Management, fearing a drop in
circulation, was likely to discourage any anti-dam bias in r - v rn nt so
only a minimal amount trickled through to the news. Why W
avoided an anti-dam bias remains unclear.
Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Editors, who often wrote editorials,
tended to think the audience was not able to comprehend the complexities of
the issue and may have discouraged analysis writing which might carry a bias.
This was the case in both papers. Biased writing may have been limited because
it was ghettoized to the theme page, which only came out once a week. Since
the audience was said to perceive national papers as more objective than the

local press, bias may have been discouraged. Certainly, in the case of Pro-

84

goyennnent, concern over alienating the pro-dam lobby in Gujarat affected
content in the paper.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Pressure from advertisers and concern
over loss of circulation may have kept bias low in both papers.
Extra-organizational Political Factors: Subtle government censorship made it
difficult to write analysis, and with use of off-the-record sources already
bringing up the question of credibility, any lack of objectivity was viewed as too

much of a bias, so less actual opinion was presented in either paper.

EtQtnjnenge: Stsrs in Headlines
Inna-organizational Cultural Factors: Editors, not reporters, tend to write
headlines; therefore, Brn-gnvernment's pro-dam bias and MW
anti-dam bias were reflected in the framing of the headlines. In this way, the
difference between the two newspapers showed itself in framing decisions in
the use of stars' names in headlines. On the other hand, within each paper, the
majority of stars were anti-dam personalities. This appears to have been
because most journalists at both papers were environmental advocates. This
also may have had to do with routines of the beat, since the NBA regularly gave
the press lots of information on the anti-dam movement. Likewise, highly
politicized stories often make the paper in India. In order to pass the criteria for
news set up by the gatekeepers in the press, the NBA created many highly
politicized events that made their way to print because they were considered to
be newsworthy. Finally, the majority of stories in both papers did not mention
stars' names at all. This may have been because of the tradition of objectivity in

journalism.

85

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: The decision to use stars in headlines
was not affected by internal economic factors because headline writing did not
require a financial commitment from either paper.

Inna-organizational Political Factors: Management views affected what was
written; therefore, the pro-government paper made the decision to place less
emphasis on dam-related personalities in headlines, while mn-gnvemment
placed more emphasis on anti-dam stars. Later (by 1993) at P_ro_-ge1e;nm_ent,
stories focusing on NBA leader Medha Patkar were literally banned from the
paper by the paper's executive editor because the NBA's anti-dam stance was at
odds with that of W.

Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Since editors did not think that readers
were sophisticated enough to handle complex environmental issues, politicizing
the issue by using famous personalities was a norm in both papers. Both
papers' audiences were seen to be more interested in the battles between the
stars of the movement than the actual issue. Anti-gdvernment's audience (a
number of whom were anti-dam NGOs) would be interested in the actions of
anti-dam players, therefore it was natural that anti-dam stars would frame
stories on the Narmada Dam in that paper more than in W. Why
W emphasized more anti-dam within its paper than pro-dam
personalities cannot be explained by this factor, since a majority of the paper's
audience in Gujarat were said to be pro-dam.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: It may have been because of both
papers' "deep pockets" that they were able to overcome the pressure from
advertisers to publish only pro-dam stories focusing on pro-dam personalities.
It is interesting to note that because libel is not much of an issue within the
Indian press, both newspapers were able to use names of dam personalities

prominently in headlines without fear of reprisals.

86

Extra-organizational Political Factors: A basic reason why more anti-dam
personalities could be used in headlines within both papers was that
government and industry sources were simply more closed to reporters than
anti-dam NGOs. Government and industry sources mostly talked off-the-
record. Pro-dam sources did not seek the limelight as did anti-dam activists.
Anti-dam activists felt they kept the movement alive by publicizing the actions

of their leaders; thus they were framed more prominently in the supportive

W and a bit less so in Pre—ngemment.

r ' n : Pr - An '- l'
Inna-organizational Cultural Factors: Since editors tended to write headlines,
Btttgdyennnent's pro-dam bias and W anti-dam bias were
reflected in the headlines. Therefore, the difference between the two
newspapers was revealed in their decisions on the use of pro-dam versus anti-
dam headlines.

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: The decision to use anti-dam versus
pro-dam / conditional headlines was not affected by internal economic factors
because headline writing did not require a financial commitment from either
paper.

Intra-organizational Political Factors: Management policies affected content.
At W management was more pro-dam so more pro-

dam / conditional headlines were published. In contrast, W111;
management was more anti-dam; thus more anti-dam headlines were used. In
examining Pm;gg_ye;n_ment's framing of headlines, more conditional headlines
were used than pure pro-dam ones. This can be explained by the fact that
reporters interviewed at W were against the dam yet felt a

compromise was necessary. On the other hand, editors were generally pro-

87

dam. As a compromise, the majority of headlines were pro-dam / conditional.
At W both editors and reporters were more anti-dam than pro-
dam (and conditional-oriented), thus headlines were more likely to be framed as

anti-dam than in W.
Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: PrQ-gdvernment's audience was said to

be more pro-dam than Anti-geyernment's; therefore, Entggnternmentis
headlines were more geared toward it's pro-dam readers. Editors may have felt
that readers focus more on headlines than the content of "complex
environmental issues," so made an effort to use more pro-dam and conditional
headlines than anti-dam headlines. This was the reverse for W
which played to its audience (many of whom were anti-dam NGOs).
Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Newspapers often sell papers based on
their headlines. Advertiser pressure on Ermgoyernment may have been
effective in convincing editors that circulation would drop if anti-dam headlines
were used.

Extra-organizational Political Factors: Neither paper needed the cooperation of
players involved in the controversy (sources such as government, industry,
World Bank, or the NBA) in order to make framing decisions on headlines, thus

this factor was not a major consideration in this case.

presetflemem
Inna-organizational Cultural Factors: All the journalists across both papers
complained that there was not enough analysis in the news, so the results of the
content analysis data —- that both papers framed their stories as episodic news
more often than thematic news — were not surprising. Since the principle of
objectivity was held in such high esteem, journalists were less likely to write

editorials and straight features, which were often criticized for having an anti-

88

dam bias. Hard news was simply seen as more objective. Western gatekeeping
news values reflect that current events (often in the form of disaster narratives
or crisis reporting in environmental news) tend to dominate over analysis. This
seems to be the case in India as well. Deadlines mandate that hard news is
published before features, which are more in-depth and take more time to write.
Since reporters at either paper were not assigned to the environment beat
exclusively, they did not have the time to engage in enterprise reporting.

Other aspects played a factor in this finding. For instance, almost none of
the environmental journalists interviewed had any science training, which
meant that writing analysis of the technical aspects of the Narmada dam was
less likely. Also, information on the dam was difficult to attain for reporters at
either paper. Reporters suggested that the Forum of Environmental Journalists
in India (FEJI) was needed to fill in the information gap.

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: Because there was less commitment to
environmental news than other beats at either paper, less space was allocated to
environment stories in the papers. Later, around 1994, Antigeyetnrnent even
dropped its environment and development theme page from the paper. Hard
news stories tend to be shorter than features and editorials, thus more hard new
and hard / news features were published in each paper. Enterprise reporting
was not encouraged and there was little funding of travel unless a hard news
event was occurring in that area. This made it more difficult for any of the
reporters to write analytical stories.

Inna-organizational Political Factors: Management views on publishing more
politicized news may have affected framing decisions on a day-to-day level at
both papers. Hard news tends to be heavily politicized, which was a style

favored by management at both papers.

89

Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: The journalists interviewed said that
editors did not think the audience could handle analysis of environmental
issues; thus news was more likely to be framed as hard news than thematic at
both papers.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Because of pressure from advertisers to
publish only pro-dam stories, both papers published more hard news, which
was considered more objective on the issue.

Extra-organizational Political Factors: It was likely less analysis reporting was
conducted at both papers because of the scarcity of information on the topic
from key sources in government: the World Bank and industry. It was difficult
to obtain reports on the Narmada dam, which needed to be scrutinized before
analysis could occur. Off-the-record comments from sources were also a
problem since they lacked credibility. This factor was even greater in analysis
stories where reporters could be accused of a lack of objectivity. Therefore, it .

was simply safer to stick to hard news.

Kinds Qf Seutees
Inna-organizational Cultural Factors: Differences between papers were not
apparent in framing decisions on the use of sources. Although all journalists
described themselves as environmental advocates there was a relative balance of
pro- and anti-dam sources used. Environmental advocacy may have affected
reporters' use of anti-dam NGOs over pro-dam NGOs however. Likewise,
advocacy may have led to less of an emphasis on industry sources (which were
pro-dam) over villagers (anti-dam). On the other hand, this may have been a
function of routines in journalism in India. Since the NBA provided a good deal
of information to the press at both papers it was natural that the organization's

voice played a major role in coverage. Similarly, it is a common practice in

90

news reporting to include the voice of the "man on the street," thus villagers
were included a great deal as well. Also, both these sources staged
"newsworthy" events to gain press attention. As for the heavy use of
government sources, reporters relied heavily upon official channels in
government, which is a typical routine in newsgathering.

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: When broken down into specific
categories, the source used most often by both papers was the Indian
government (a pro-dam source), followed closely by anti-dam NGOs. This may
have been a matter of convenience. With limited funding for travel, reporters
spoke to those closest to urban centers (government officials and those
organized to combat the political process in government). They were, however,
able to include many villagers (anti-dam) at the site as well, because they were
given the funds to cover hard news about protests and the negative human and
environmental impacts demonstrations in the local villages railed against.
Intra-organizational Political Factors: Neither the joumalists' own opinions
(anti-dam but interested in a compromise in India's development) nor
management policy on the controversy seemed to affect source use.
Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Because anti-dam NGOs and
government officials are a large part of the audience for the environmental
theme page, it was natural to use them often as sources. Also, because
audiences were said to view national papers as more objective than the local
press (which was avidly pro-dam), national papers may have been more
balanced in their use of sources.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: These factors did not apply because no

reporter interviewed commented on them.

91

Extra-organizational Political Factors: Despite the fact that government sources
were often said to be closed to talking on-the-record to the press they were the

source most used.

Vari f r
Intra-organizational Cultural Factors: There was a balance in the variety of
anti-dam, pro-dam and neutral sources used between the two papers, showing a
similarity in framing decisions. This may have been due to the objectivity
principle so instilled in all the reporters. While there was a balance of sources,
certain kinds of sources were clearly used more often than others. For instance,
both papers relied minimally on educational experts (neutral sources), even
though the issue was highly controversial and technically complex. Perhaps
because of the lack of scientific training of journalists, reporters were
uncomfortable dealing with scientists and engineers who often spoke in jargon
difficult to understand and interpret to readers. Also, because FEJI was not in
full operation, reporters' networking abilities with educational experts may have
been limited.
Inna-organizational Economic Factors: Fewer industry sources (pro-dam) and
pro-dam NGOs — both local sources — were used by either paper because of
limited financial commitment to travel to the area.
Intra-organizational Political Factors: Reporters' opinions on finding a
compromise to the controversy may have influenced them to use a balance of
sources. Also, because journalists at both papers believe the national press plays
an important role in national development, it is natural that they would try to
use decision-makers in government as a major source.
Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: Many sources were villagers (anti-dam).

This may have been because both of the national papers considered villagers as

92

part of their audience in stories that effected rural-dwellers. The majority of
sources were Indian government and anti-dam NGOs because these are both
papers' biggest audience.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: No reporters discussed these factors in
relation to source use.

Extra-organizational Political Factors: Few foreign-government donor sources
(neutral) were used by either paper, possibly because this source was typically
logged by research coders as the World Bank, which was very closed to the
press. The courts (neutral) may not have been included much because the
controversy had not yet made its way into the court system in India during the

time under study.

Themes

Inna-organizational Cultural Factors: Differences between the two newspapers
did not show themselves in framing decisions on themes. Because all the
reporters were self-described environmental advocates, a majority of stories at
both papers focused on environmental sustainability (ES) themes (especially
"Protest" and "Human and Environmental Impacts") over economic
development themes (ED). Also, the press relied heavily on information the
NBA supplied to them, and the NBA's focus was clearly on sustainability issues.
The NBA held a lot of protests, so that was news to be covered. Also, "Protest"
stories could be more easily filed under deadline than other kinds of stories.
Both "Protest" and "Impact" stories were considered more exciting news ("if it
bleeds it leads"). Interestingly, despite a press ethic toward compromise of the
controversy, articles on "Compromise over the Height" of the dam (ED theme)

were limited.

93

Intra-organizational Economic Factors: "Protest" stories fit the hard news
criteria and with less space allocated for environmental stories, "Protest" stories
could be fairly short and to the point. It was also easier for reporters to justify
funding for travel to cover large demonstrations, rather than more complex
aspects of the controversy, such as the themes of "Mistrust Between Players" or
"Finance" considerations. These require more enterprise reporting, which was
not encouraged. However, when ED themes were used, "Finance" was the one
most included. This may have been due to the pressure on reporters from
management to pay more attention to economic stories.

Inna-organizational Political Factors: "Protest" stories are typically highly
politicized and the papers' management preferred to publish political stories
over environmental ones. Journalists' views overrode management's pro-

dam / economic development bias in WEI, thus both papers focused
on E5 themes. The fact that journalists felt the press played a key role in
national development may have been a factor. "Human and Environmental
Impact" is a theme often discussed in relation to development in India and if
stories were published in the environment / development theme page, then this
BS theme would have been used often. Also, "Protest" has always been a big
part of India's democracy movement, so protest themes would have been
resonant with the press.

Extra-organizational Cultural Factors: "Protest" and "Human and
Environmental Impacts" may have been considered themes "simple" enough for
the audience to grasp (according the editors), so there was more of a focus on
these themes than others among both papers. A theme like "Top-down
Development" (an ES theme) may have been considered too complex for the
audience. Village readers would want to hear about "Protests" and "Human and

Environmental Impacts" because these themes would effect them the most. The

94

anti-dam N GO community would want news of their movement's activities,
which also involved these themes.

Extra-organizational Economic Factors: Advertiser pressure on newspapers
did not work to get more pro-dam ED themes into press. This may have been
because with "deep pockets" both papers could resist them. Management may
not have been as concerned with content since the price war showed that
circulation increased when prices were lowered, not necessarily when content of
the papers was framed a certain way.

Extra-organizational Political Factors: The fact is, it was simply easier for
reporters to gather information on "Protests" and "Impacts" because of the
plethora of information supplied by the NBA. The NBA was more apt to
provide reports on impacts than financial records, which were hard to attain
from the World Bank and industry. "Protest" stories could be substantiated
through direct observation — an important tool in reporting. Therefore, articles
on protests may have been seen as more credible and objective. "Review of the
Project" (an ES theme) was another major theme (the third theme most covered)
touted by the NBA and could not be ignored by the press. The so-called
"targeted campaign" of censorship by the government may have backfired
against them, because the less information the press had on the dam, the more
likely they were to focus on the negative aspects of the project, regardless of the

paper's political ideology.

Summann

This chapter has summarized both the findings of the content and
contextual analyses, relating the results to the study's research questions about
the portrayal of the Narmada Dam controversy in two of India's leading

English-language dailies. The premise was that coverage in a newspaper which

95

supported the dam presupposed a pro-economic development bias while
dissent implied a pro-environmental sustainability bias. Papers with opposing
political ideologies were analyzed to detect framing devices that portrayed these
biases between them. Likewise oversimplification and sensationalization of the
issue were detected in this way. Contextual analysis was then used to explain
the differences and similarities found.

The first section applied the research questions to compare the text on
Narmada news between both newspapers. Despite the opposing political
ideologies of the papers, the study found that articles in both used similar
framing devices in terms of editorial tone, type of stories, use of sources and
emphasis of themes. Specifically, regarding tone and themes, the text in both
papers had an environmental sustainability bias. Source use was relatively
balanced. In terms of story type, both papers used more episodic frames than
thematic, exhibiting an over-simplification of the issue. The emphasis on certain
themes over others also represented a simplification of the debate. The use of
famous personalities (or "stars") in headlines sensationalized the issue.

Differences in framing between the papers were detected in the case of
prominence, reflected in each one's use of stars in headlines. The pro-
govemment paper used more pro-dam stars and the anti-dam paper used more
anti-dam stars. These differences were also found in terms of pro- or anti-dam
headlines, where Brn-geyei'nmentwas more pro-dam and Antigoyetmnent was
more anti-dam. Therefore, only regarding the most blatant aspect of coverage -
headlines - and only to a limited degree, could it be said that the pro-
govemment newspaper supported economic growth while the anti-government
paper took an a pro-environmental stance. Otherwise, with the exception of

headlines and sources, both papers supported the environmental sustainability

96

ethic over that of economic development. Both also presented the issue in an
over-simplified and sensationalized manner.

The results of the content analysis were followed by the analysis of
interviews with environmental journalists from the pro- and anti-government
newspapers, relating those findings to the study's research questions.
Background on each newspaper was provided, followed by a summary and
comparison of influential political, economic and cultural factors at play within
and between both. It was found that press performance between papers was
primarily similar, except in the case of political ideology (an intra-organizational
factor) and perceived target audience (an extra-organizational cultural factor).

The final section examined which contextual forces most contributed to
the framing of the text on the Narmada within the pro-government and anti-
government papers. Differences in internal political and external cultural
factors help to explain the variations in prominence between the two papers.
Furthermore, similarities in contextual forces between the two papers were also
examined to identify which affected the portrayal of the controversy. According
to the qualitative data, the following traditions or over-riding themes
constraining coverage were repeatedly mentioned: objectivity and advocacy
journalism, the democratic value of a free press, and the policy of economic
liberalization, which created a market-based approach to journalism. Likewise
cultural resonance played an important role. These factors affected bias in
coverage, as well as over-simplifying and sensationalizing of the issue. The

following final chapter discusses these findings and their implications.

CHAPTER VI
DISCUSSION

The overall aim of this study was to examine the relationship between
those factors, forces and actors that constrained press performance in English-
language newspapers in India and the portrayal of environmental news in
India's two opposing English-language newspapers. In examining framing of
coverage of the Narmada Dam in light of the larger sustainable development
debate at hand, it was found the papers had more in common than expected.
The text on the Narmada Dam controversy was framed similarly, despite the
opposing political ideologies of the papers. Likewise, variations in press
performance between the journalists from each paper were minimal. The
primary pattern of difference in framing between the two papers was reflected
in terms of prominence via the headlines, which is the most blatant presentation
of the issue. Regarding influences upon framing, variations between papers
were found primarily in terms of their political stance (an intra-organizational
political factor) and the perception of possible subtle differences in audience for
each (an extra-organizational cultural factor).

Subsequent findings of this study lend serious doubt to the justification
for a hypothesis that English-language papers in India with opposing political
ideologies produce substantive differences in framing of environmental news.
That being said, examination of the similarities in text, as well as the context of
newspaper production, provide an opportunity to discuss the factors
influencing framing of the Narmada Dam in light of the following over-riding

themes or traditions in Indian environmental journalism: A) Democracy and

97

98

India's Free Press; B) Objectivity versus Advocacy; C) Market Journalism; D)

Cultural Resonance.

A. Demeemgeandlndiaisfireehess

Extra-organizational political factors, such as problems related to
censorship and access to sources, played a role in the framing of Narmada news.
Further, intra-organizational cultural factors of routines and professional norms
of the beat affected coverage. According to journalists, these levels of influence
lead to sensationalization and over-simplification of the Narmada story, as has
been the case in environmental news in the U.S.136 Interestingly, they also
helped reporters balance the claims made by competing sources.

These findings are illustrated in the problem of government control of
information gathering in environmental journalism in India. For example,
formerly, censorship of the press had led to numerous clamp-downs on media
critical of governmental policy. Despite India's declared democratic values to
support freedom of speech, during Indira Gandhi's State of Emergency,
publishers at Antigmnnnent were arrested for not parroting the party line
like most of the rest of the press. In order to gain editorial control, the
administration tried to buy out the paper and restructure the board of
directors.137 The owner managed to stall the process for a time, however,
finally, the paper was forcibly closed. Journalists continued to speak out against
the government and eventually Gandhi's policies were overturned in a national

election. Anti-gdyernment reopened its doors. At the time of this study, India's

 

136 Sharon M. Friedman, "The Journalist's World," in Scientists and Journalists:
Reporting Science as News, eds. Sharon M. Friedman, Sharon Dunwoody and
Carol L. Rogers (NY: The Free Press, 1986), 17-41.

137 Kuldip Nayar, The Judgment: Inside Story of the Emergency in India (New Delhi,
India: Vikas Publishing House, 1977).

99

privately-owned newspaper industry had been able to overcome these kinds of
overt government attempts to censor media. Still, environmental reporters
covering the Narmada were often frustrated in their efforts to write on the
environment and development debate, due to laws such as the Official Secrets
Act (still in place in the UK. and many of its former colonies like India), which
seriously hindered press efforts to uncover facts on the case. The result,
according to Indian journalists, was a sensationalization of news, such as the
over-use of stars to publicize the controversy. In environmental news in the
U.S., spectacular and unusual events, like the Three-Mile Island accident,
dominate environmental journalism.138 In India, reporting on the dramatic
activities of actors involved in environmental controversy is an extension of this
kind of coverage. It focuses on the human interest aspect of a story. According
to interviewees, this was the case because information on actors in the
controversy was more available. Stories on anti-dam leader hunger strikes were
easier to produce than those on difficult to attain cost / benefit analyses the
government compiled and then buried.

Problems in accessing information in India are great. While Article 19 of
India's constitution is said to guarantee freedom of speech, the secretiveness of
officials made it difficult for reporters to collect information on highly
controversial issues involving the government, such as the Narmada dam.
Reporters in the US. face similar difficulties, according to Friedman, who
discusses the Reagan administration's suppression of information about cancer-
causing chemicals.139 Reporters in India complained they were unable to ensure
the availability of relevant information, since India's public servants stonewalled

the press in order to protect themselves from public scrutiny. According to

 

133 Greenberg, et al., "Risk, Drama and Geography in Coverage of
Environmental Risk by Network TV," 267-276.
139 Friedman, "The Journalist's World," 17-41.

100

Indian journalists, without press laws, like the US. Freedom of Information Act,
there was a greater likelihood of the sensationalization of news. Thus,
newspapers relied on the use of stars in headlines.

Access to sources and the routinization of news affected framing as well.
For instance, government officials only liked to talk "off-the-record," and
industry, scientists and the World Bank gained a reputation for avoiding the
press at all cost. In fact, a number of reporters felt the World Bank had a
calculated policy to manipulate the media in favor of the dam in order to
improve the image of the Bank, saying it was extremely difficult to get
information from the lending institution. As one reporter said, "We could only
get glossy brochures with a pro-dam perspective. They make you dance for any
real information." Consequently, reporters were forced to rely heavily upon
claimsmakers typically marginalized by the political system — sources opposed
to the government-funded project. Just as Berkowitz found in studying the use
of news sources in the U.S., interest groups often manipulate routine channels in
India, such as press releases, hoping to build the press' agenda.”0 For example,
it was typical that when reports on the Narmada were made available, it was
only through the efforts of the anti-dam NGO, the NBA, which collected the
documents via leaks in the ministries. In total, anti-dam sources more
vigorously availed themselves to the media than foreign-government, Indian
government, or government-supported industry officials, providing a plethora
of press releases on the topic to the over-burdened journalists. Thus, anti-dam
sources may have been included more in stories then they might have had the

pro-dam sources been more forthcoming. This was revealed in the study which

 

14° Berkowitz, "TV News Sources and News Channels: A Study in Agenda-
Building," 508-513.

101

found that a balance of pro- and anti-dam sources were used in framing the
Narmada story.

The lack of government cooperation to provide information on
development projects also led to the oversimplification of coverage. This
manifested in the over-reliance on the use of episodic news over more in-depth
feature articles on the dam. Part of the problem of oversimplification of the
issue may have been that reporters had to deal with the enormity of India's
government bureaucracy within which journalists are forced to negotiate under
deadline. The intense workload for reporters covering the environment, as well
as other beats, limited what reporters could do, juggling their coverage of a
variety of ministries and other sources involved in environmental stories.

Some reporters criticized their cohorts, saying information was possible
to access within the country's democratically-oriented society but journalists
were not always willing to work hard enough to get it. They said that it was a
norm of the profession in India that the press felt they should be handed
information. "They had to be fed it on a platter," one commented. Interestingly,
this problem is said to be similar in the US. where journalists charge the
Washington press corps with relying too heavily upon government handouts on
environmental issues in the form of press releases, official speeches, news
conferences or staged events.141 Consequently, government policies were often
announced in the press but not evaluated.

Environmental journalists in India said they would have benefited from
the aid of an organized information network within the profession at the time
they were covering the Narmada story. Support for investigative reporting
from the primary environmental journalism organization in India, the Forum of

Environmental Journalists of India (FEJI), may have helped Narmada reporters

 

141 Friedman, "The Journalist's World," 17-41.

102

to overcome problems in information gathering, but, according to interviewees,
the group lacked the initiative to provide that support. This was the case, they
said, because leadership was weak and in severe need of restructuring. Those
FEJI members interviewed also said that the group needed to develop the use of
computer networking, which at the time of this study was limited in India. As
reporters said, the Internet would prove an important direction for information
gathering for environmental journalists in developing countries in the future.
This was because access to accurate scientific data on environmental issues
would broaden coverage of the environment/ development debate considerably,
creating less of a reliance on uncooperative government bureaucrats to provide
information on controversial issues.

In summary: the extra-organizational political factor of government
control through censorship of documents led to a sensationalization of the issue
through the use of stars in headlines; the extra-organizational political factor of
access to sources and the intra-organizational cultural factor of routines helped
to create a balance of the use of claimsmakers; and the extra-organizational
political factor of censorship of documents and the intra-organizational cultural
factor of a professional norm, wherein reporters lacked support from an
environmental journalism association, led to an oversimplification of the issue

through a reliance on hard news.

BtheetiyinmcwueAdmeaex

In examining Narmada news in each paper, a critical issue is advocacy
versus objectivity. This involves intra-organizational cultural factors of
professional norms, routines and gatekeeper bias, as well as the intra-
organizational political factor of the historical development of the press. These

factors led to bias in certain aspects of coverage but a balance as well.

103

Environmental journalism in the West is held up to a professional norm
of objectivity in which credibility of reports must be rigorously maintained,
letting the audience "come to its own conclusions."142 The Western perception
of news coverage in developing countries has been that objectivity is lacking.
However, this study found that in India this was not necessarily the case.
Consequently, that may have been why expected differences in political
ideology between the pro- and anti-government newspapers turned out to be
minimal — because the norms of the profession regarding the
objectivity/ advocacy debate in writing were sometimes stronger than the
publication owners' particular political stance on an issue.

Evidence suggests that the professional norm of objectivity was neither
entirely rejected nor embraced in India but rather fell into a gray area, as is
sometimes the case in the US. For instance, Rogers discusses what makes a
good science story saying that the journalistic tradition in the US. is to seek after
truth and fairness by using a two-handed approach: balancing information "'on
the one hand' with information 'on the other hand'."143 Yet as Gans found,
achieving such a standard of total objectivity is rare.144 While environmental
journalists in the US. find the problem to be a daily struggle, they say their goal
is to be fair and honest, letting the public decide 'truth' for themselves,
according the Jim Detjen, president of the International Federation of

Environmental Journalists (IFEJ).145 Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman state that

 

142 Gans, Deciding What's News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News,
Newsweek and Time, 189.

143 "What Makes a Good Science Story?" Panel discussion with Ira Flatow,
Dennis S. O'Leary, Joann E. Rodgers, Stephen H. Schneider, and Robert J.
Trotter in Scientists and Journalists: Reporting Science as News, eds. Sharon M.
Friedman, Sharon Dunwoody and Carol L. Rogers (NY: The Free Press, 1986),
107.

144 Gans, Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News,
Newsweek and Time .

145 Jim Detjen, personal communication, 5 March 1997.

104

journalists often endorsed a participant role as well as a neutral role toward
news production.146 Based on this research, Weaver and Wilhoit suggest that
US. journalists do not actually fit into these dichotomous belief systems, but
rather, tend to follow one or more of three approaches toward press functions:
adversarial, interpretive, and disseminator.147 They assert that the dominant
professional role is interpretive, followed closely by the disseminator
orientation. In their study, a third of the time these roles were followed in
tandem. The adversarial role was rated to be the least important. While Weaver
and Wilhoit's categories were not explored in the Indian context, Detjen notes
that reporters from other countries may not follow the objectivity / advocacy
tradition.148 Reporters in India said they applied the rules of objectivity while
also taking certain sides in stories. Thus, just as the Weaver / Wilhoit study
found of American journalism, Indian journalists are also extremely pluralistic
in their conceptions of media roles.

The culture of objectivity and advocacy in environmental journalism in
India likely found precedence in India's socio-historical context. For instance,
although the principle of objectivity was inherited from a press system borne
under British rule, Indian newspapers played a seminal role in the country's
nationalist struggle and were not afraid to take a stand in their reports, voicing
criticism of colonial domination. Likewise, in a shift from the days when
development journalism was expected to fully support government policies,

journalists today regularly question the validity of government-funded

 

146 John Johnstone, Edward Slawski, and William Bowman, The News People,
(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976).

147 David H. Weaver and G. Cleveland Wilhoit, The American Journalist: A
Portrait of 11.5. News People and their Work (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986).

143 Jim Detjen, personal communication, 15 August 1997.

105

industrial development projects, expressing their dissent either Openly or in
more subtle ways in the news.

Participants in the study viewed environmental advocacy journalism as a
norm of the profession. As one defined it, "it is being sensitive to an
environmental issue, lobbying for it and trying to spread the word." Of those
included in the study, all characterized themselves as advocates for the
environment, as well as "development writers," and were forthright in their
criticism of the Narmada Dam project organizers, although some expressed the
view that both sides might consider a compromise at some point. In the case of
news on the Narmada, reporters gave great support to covering the issue, and
thus overcoming the limits imposed by gatekeepers in the culture of the
newsroom. They often had to fight for space to present the issue, and despite
enormous criticism that compromised the credibility of their reputations, fight
they did. Some journalists even spent their own salaries in order to cover the
issue on location, instead of just relying on the plethora of press releases
received in the newsroom regarding the project. As one reporter pointed out,
the only way to be an environmental advocate in India was to push for
"sustained reporting with follow-up action," since otherwise coverage of
environmental problems tended to be only cyclic.

Journalists said they expressed their views by demonstrating a certain
tone in their writing. Thus the historically-rooted advocacy norm elicited a
certain bias in the text. For example, in editorials, which are expected to be
opinionated, editors wrote about their dissent to the project. This was also the
case on any feature-style stories (literally in features and hard / news features, as
operationalized in the study). Loaded words, phrases or metaphors portrayed a
judgmental attitude toward governmental supporters of the dam. Editorials

registered their mistrust of project promoters, such as the World Bank,

106

questioning the overall legitimacy of government or foreign-imposed
development. Foremost was the viewpoint that modernization would decimate
India's cultural integrity by destroying tribal village practices. Those practices
were said to show a commitment to land preservation, without which India
would not survive. In total, the tone of Narmada editorials was unequivocally
against the Narmada development in India or this type of top-down macro-
development projects within the developing world in general, because the costs
outweighed the benefits, showing that the principle of sustainability, as
operationalized within this research, prevailed in this form of the text on
Narmada coverage.

It should be noted that, despite the tenacity of anti-dam sentiment in
editorials, data analysis showed that editors did not bias coverage by increasing
the number of editorials: approximately 80 percent of the articles in this study
were coded as hard news. The fact that the hard news type of story was used
most often may be attributable to the trend to overcome advocacy in journalism,
since hard news is seen to be more objective, although it has also been viewed as
a way to oversimplify coverage of an issue.

Interestingly, some journalists felt the objectivity argument was later
used to manipulate coverage to be more in favor of the project when in fact it
was gatekeeper bias that played a stronger role. For instance, at 1219;
geyetntnent, the paper's owners received a lot of pressure from pro-dam
business interests to avoid coverage of the dam altogether, or to present it in a
positive light. Thus, despite the environmental advocacy of reporters at the
paper, this pressure may have managed to filter into the most overt aspect of
coverage — headlines, which were written by editors closely linked to
management. The study found that the pro-government paper used more pro-

dam headlines than the anti-government paper.

107

One journalist interviewed said that later on in the controversy, Peg;
ngetnmenth editors buckled even more under that pressure, forcing a standard
of objectivity with which she and many others did not agree. Her explanation of
the phenomenon helps to express the views of Indian environmental journalists
on the subject of advocacy and objectivity nicely. She felt it was not necessary to
present all versions of a story in every case if, in the reporter's opinion, the facts
were accurate. "If you see a lot of people being beaten up, you are going to
report that, she said. "You are not going to sit back and say, 'let us be objective
and present both sides of the story'." In kind, journalists covering the Narmada
debate felt they were often unfairly criticized by their superiors, particularly one
executive editor who was in favor of the project. Even the use of certain words
in the language of stories were under scrutiny. For instance, if a story
characterized a beating by government police against anti-dam protesters as
"brutal," the author might be accused of expressing too much bias in favor of the
anti-dam movement.

Overcoming pressure to follow publisher position on the environment
and development debate may have only been possible by the most veteran
reporters, as Breed found with US. journalists, since experienced newspeople
are experts at using their knowledge to subvert policy.149 As is the norm, old-
time staffers were the ones typically writing editorials. Thus, the study showed
that despite enormous pressure to conform to the enforced objectivity standards
within the journalistic profession in India, it was found that, in general, an
environmental ethic was supported in the framing of themes in coverage on the
dam. This was reflected in the dominance of environmental sustainability

themes used in stories in both newspapers under study. These themes were

 

149 Breed, "Social Control in the Newsroom: A Functional Analysis," 326-335.

108

overwhelmingly focused on the anti-dam aspects of the story, such as the
negative impacts of the project and anti-dam protests.

It is a testament to Indian reporters' commitment to advocacy journalism
that a general environmental ethic was portrayed in coverage, given the
constraints imposed by an industry-advertisement dependent media. However,
the devotion to the so-called "pure" ethic of objectivity was also cherished by
Indian reporters and did reveal itself somewhat in the text as well. In terms of
the use of sources, reporters felt there was a bias in favor of including anti-dam,
urban-based sources in the news on the Narmada. The data confirmed,
however, that rural-based anti-dam Village sources were included in stories a
sizable percentage of the time, overturning the urban-bias myth. Likewise, pro-
dam government sources were utilized to a large extent as well. This finding is
interesting given that reporters complained that government officials would
only talk off-the-record. Off-the-record sources create problems in credibility,
for when source names are left out of the news, the nagging question of the
believability of an article's assertions arise. Consequently, reporters interviewed
were skeptical of certain reports, charging journalists in the profession with
occasionally "making 'the facts' up" in order to get their own viewpoints across
on an issue. Of course bias in this way would be nearly impossible to detect.

Routines may have also been a factor in creating a balance of source use.
As Coulson and Lacy found in their study of economic news of motor vehicle
emission standards in US. newspapers, specialty reporters tended to provide
more balanced coverage than general assignment reporters.”O Thus, those with
more experience covering environmental and scientific issues tended to be more

balanced in their reporting. In the case of India, those interviewed considered

 

150 David C. Coulson and Stephen Lacy, "Newspaper Economic Coverage of
Motor Vehicle Standards" (Paper presented at the AEJMC, Chicago, August
1997).

109

themselves environmental reporters, although they also carried the burden of
covering other beats, especially when the legislature was in session in
government. Beat reporting routinizes news gathering and helps journalists to
cultivate a greater variety of sources than those covering an issue for the first
time. This may have contributed to a balancing of claimsmakers in Narmada
news.

The characterization of environmental reporters in India becomes
important when trying to establish how debates over the environment are
portrayed. Indian reporters from the English-language press felt the media play
an important role in national development, saying their voice is critical in
setting governmental policy. To a lesser degree, they felt that they did help to
educate the public, although the local-language press was seen to have an
overall greater impact on India's general public. Reporters said the national
press was viewed as more objective than local newspapers because it was less
open to the forces of corruption, an issue considered of great importance in
India.

In short, the study found that the intra-organizational cultural factor of
professional norms toward objectivity, versus advocacy, led to an
environmental bias in terms of tone of coverage and themes. The intra-
organizational political factor of the historical development of the press also
likely affected how tone and themes were framed as well. The intra-
organizational cultural factor of gatekeeper bias constrained the framing of
headlines in papers while objectivity norms and routines regarding beat

specialization helped to balance use of claimsmakers.

110

C. Market lenmalism

The coverage of environmental news in India was driven by market
forces, such as the pressure to maintain circulation and advertising, as well as
internal policies. These fall under the rubric of both intra- and extra-
organizational economic factors, both of which tended to affect how the
sustainability / development debate was framed.

According to interviews with journalists, market-oriented journalism led
to a pattern of sensationalization of Narmada Dam coverage. In other words,
the press felt they had to encourage circulation of the paper by publicizing the
actions of the key players involved. Consequently the issue became
sensationalized via the use of famous people involved in the controversy. For
instance, the analysis of the text on the use of stars in headlines as a framing
device, showed that, to a limited degree, the need to sensationalize the issue
affected whether prominent players were featured in Narmada news. It was
found that anti-government paper articles were somewhat more likely than the
pro-government ones to focus on anti-dam personalities. However, within each
paper there was more of a focus on anti-dam rather than pro-dam stars. This
shows that it was less important whether a difference in political ideology
between the two papers existed than that the issue in both be framed in terms of
the actions of the more popular stars, since journalists felt that could affect sales
of papers. This finding — that the perception of the buying audience is an
important explanatory factor in the framing of environmental news — is similar
to Gandy's findings in the U.S., wherein perception of the racial makeup of the
audience led to framing decisions on coverage of minorities in the news.“1 As
Gandy found, news was targeted toward a certain audience as a manifestation

of the papers' economic interests to maintain circulation.

 

151 Gandy, "From Bad to Worse: The Media's Framing of Race and Risk," 39-48.

111

The anti-dam view was seen as more popular overall for the urban-based
part of both papers' audience. According to interviews, this was especially so
after 1992 when both papers introduced their environment and development
theme page in which most Narmada stories became "ghettoized." The anti-dam
NGO community were known to follow that page closely. Early on in the
controversy, anti-dam champions Medha Patkar and Himanshu Thakkar were
idolized in much the same way that India has been known to idolize its beloved
human rights activists, such as Mahatma Gandhi. Within the urban centers,
which are the primary target audiences for both papers under study, journalists
felt their highly educated audience was skeptical of the motives of the primary
promoter of the dam, the Gujarat state prime minister Chimanbhai Patel. This
may have led to less of an emphasis in headlines on his actions than on those of
the anti-dam NBA leaders, showing that sensationalization was one way in
which Narmada news was framed in favor of those who pushed for an
environmental sustainability ethic.

Interestingly, while India's environmental problems escalated, the
mainstream media's support for environmental protectionism lessened
considerably in the mid-1990s, according to the journalists, although this study
did not analyze articles from that time period to substantiate the claim.
Beginning in July 1991 when India's government embraced economic
liberalization of the country, Prime Minister P.V. Narasirnha Rao's
administration made changes in policy regarding trade, foreign investment,
industry and so on, constituting a direction for the economy highly supportive
of privatization of the public sector.”2 The implication was that industry-driven

development would be supported for the good of the country. Interviewees

 

152 A.N. Agrawal, Indian Economy: Problems of Development and Planning, (New
Delhi: Wiley Eastern Limited, 1993).

112

said that political ideology of management within newsrooms shifted; therefore,
news coverage of issues underwent a change toward a more business
orientation. Ownership of newspapers in India is said to give complete
independence to its managing editors who are expected to be non-partisan and
promote democratic values of a free press. However, PrQ-gnvernment's
business orientation particularly affected journalists who explained that, by
1994, it became the paper's unofficial policy to exclude any stories focusing on
Patkar. The executive editor of the paper, a pro-dam and industry advocate,
unilaterally decided that readers were "burnt out" on Medha news and would
respond negatively to "one more story on the 'dam queen'."153 W
reporters were told that every time a story was published on Patkar, sales in
Gujarat would decline. In fact, industry-supported advertising would threaten
to drop. There was also concern that the World Bank would suspend its loans
for the project (which eventually happened). As the issue evolved, and despite
a perception that the urban audience did not necessarily support the dam, the
pro-government newspaper began to sour on the anti-dam movement, favoring
its pro-industry audience in Gujarat.

These kinds of unilateral editorial policies weakened morale in the
newsroom, ultimately leading to the resignation of several prominent journalists
at the paper. Likewise, journalists from A_nti;ge_y_ennment said they felt
disappointed with their paper in the 1990s because the country's shift toward
economic liberalization affected the paper's agenda as well. Stories targeted at
the anti-dam NGO community became low priority and the amount of
newshole devoted to Patkar's anti-dam actions was said to have been reduced.
In fact, in a surprising move, Wdiscontinued its environment

theme page for an indefinite period of time. Some felt, this move was to better

 

153 Anonymous source, personal communication, 12 November 1995.

113

woo industry, which provided far more advertising support for the paper than
the anti-dam factions.

Although an environmental ethic was supported, both papers showed an
overall lack of financial commitment to cover environmental stories in-depth, as
is the case in the US. According to a 1996 survey on the state of American
environmental journalism, Detjen reported that 38 percent of journalists
included in the study said the most serious problem they faced was a lack of
adequate resources for research and travel.154 In India, reporters were not
specifically assigned to an environment beat, therefore it was difficult for them
to explore the issue as deeply as they would have liked. In terms of framing of
the sustainability and development debate in the press in India, this was
another reason for oversimplification of Narmada news. For instance, the
prototypical news peg used to illustrate the Narmada story was
overwhelmingly episodic — hard news — in nature, as opposed to thematic.
According to the interviews with journalists, this was due to monetary
constraints, which restricted the amount of time reporters had to cover the issue,
allowing for only a limited news hole for environmental news. Editors were
influenced by their papers' lack of financial commitment to cover rural-based
environmental news in-depth. Likewise, editors felt readers would only be
interested in "those kinds of stories" when a "newsworthy" event occurred.
Therefore, coverage focused primarily on current events related to the issue,
which were often in the form of hard news as disaster coverage or crisis

reporting. But just as Iyengar found in examining how television frames

 

154 Survey conducted by the Environmental Journalism Program, Michigan State
University (Paper presented at the Society of the Environmental Journalists, St.
Louis, MO, October 17-20, 1996).

114

political issues in the west, when news in India is portrayed as discrete events,
readers are left in the dark about who shares responsibility for a problem.155

According to Friedman and Friedman, crisis reporting has traditionally
been the bread and butter of the environmental beat in Asia (as is in the West as
well).156 This study found that in Narmada coverage this was also true. Because
of a lack of financial commitment, this led to a bias toward environmental
sustainability themes. Themes in the text often focused on the negative,
disaster-oriented news of the dam, such as the suicidal drowning of villagers
during the Manebeli area protest, since that was considered newsworthy. As
journalists said, this may have been because only when a large-scale protests
against the project took place were they given the resources to go to the region
to cover the story first-hand. Thus information gathering was hindered due to
financial restraints.

As Iyengar explains of episodic and thematic frames, the former tends to
omit the presentation of the socio-historical context of a controversy, focusing
on events or individuals rather than linking players with structural problems in
society. As Liebler found to a limited degree in the study of the framing of civil
disorder, US. media were more likely to rely on episodic, crisis-oriented themes
than thematic ones.157 Thus was the case in the framing of science and
technology in the Canadian press, wherein Einsiedel states hard news tended to
dominate. For Indian environmental reporting, coverage focused
predominantly on the most overt aspects of the controversy as well. Thus,

journalists complained Narmada news often lacked information on the

 

155 Iyengar, Is Anyone Responsible?: How Television Frames Political Issues.

156 S. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman, Reporting on the Environment: A Handbook
for Journalists.

157 Carol M. Liebler, "Individual, Organizational and Social Structural Influences
on Newspaper Framing of Civil Disorder" (Paper presented at the International
Communication Association, Montreal, Canada, May 1997).

115

complexities of India's environmental sustainability/ economic development
debate. They felt certain critical themes were marginalized, such as the
continuing dependence of developing countries on western capital (referring to
the World Bank), the effects of colonial development policies on current
attempts at modernization and examination of technological alternatives to
large scale development projects. Reporters suggested that a more holistic
presentation of environmental issues would encompass an examination of the
causes and solutions to problems associated with poverty, as well as an
examination of compromise in the controversy.

Due to extra-organizational economic extemalities, the pressure to
maintain paper circulation and advertising led to sensationalism in coverage
through the use of stars in headlines. The intra-organizational economic factor
of a lack of financial commitment created an over-simplification of coverage in
the form of an over-reliance on crisis reporting (hard news) on the controversy.
Likewise, a lack of financial commitment led to a bias toward crisis-oriented

environmental sustainability themes.

D. Cnltnral ResQnanee
Cultural resonance (conceptualized as the values inherent in a culture)
acted as an extra-organizational factor that played an important part in the
sensationalization, simplification and bias of the story in the press. For instance,
the Narmada narrative was framed as a "disaster narrative," or drama. This
finding was similar to research on news on environmental controversies in the
West, such as the Exxon Valdez oil spill, in which it was found that the long-

standing conflict between environmentalists and the petroleum industry became

116

focused around the players in a catastrophic incident, as in a morality play.153
This is one example of coverage of environmental issues that become
sensationalized. Like the cultural metaphor in the West — society's Faustian
bargain with the devil over its use of petroleum products — Indian religious
mythology, with its morality plays involving victims, villains and heroes, may
filter into news coverage of environmental issues.

Thus, headlines on the Narmada were filled with key players willing to
sacrifice their lives or political careers for the cause. For example, traditionally,
environmental and human rights advocates in India viewed those in charge of
development projects negatively — as power holders or oppressors trying to
impose an unpopular policy from the top down. Likewise, personalities who
fought for environmental sustainability, such as anti-dam NBA leaders or poor
villagers directly affected by the project, were seen as the victims or heroes in
the controversy. Thus, it made sense that there was a focus on the stars in the
controversy, since under the rubric of a morality play, the pro-dam villains in
the controversy had to face the anti-dam heroes in a fight for good over evil.

The study confirmed previous research in the West, such as Bendix and
Liebler's study of US. news coverage of the causes behind deforestation of the
Brazilian Rainforest, that accounts of environmental issues in developing
countries are often crisis-oriented.159 Bias of Western news concerning
developing countries is affected by cultural resonance, according to Hansen's
study on Western coverage of the BhOpal disaster in India“)0 In the case of

Indian coverage, bias through cultural resonance also likely affected which

 

153 Daley and O'Neill, "'Sad is too Mild a Word:' Press Coverage of the Exxon
Valdez Oil Spill," 42-57.

159 Bendix and Liebler, "Environmental Degradation in Brazilian Amazonia:
Perspectives in US News Media," 474-485.

160 Hansen, "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment," 443-
458.

117

themes dominated the development / sustainability debate, because the press
worked to emphasize only those themes most consonant with the culture (or
target audience). For example, democratic values in India have historically been
publicized through non-violent protest of injustices, and demands to overturn
oppressive government policies. Regarding India's Narmada Dam controversy,
this theme appears to have prevailed.

This study found that the focus of most coverage in both papers was on
the environmental sustainability themes of protest and human and
environmental impacts, as well as review of the project's policy agenda. Other
economic development themes included the pragmatic financial aspects of the
project, involving the discussion of India's economic growth as well as the
benefits of macro hydro-electric dams representing independence from western
technology. Yet, only to a much lesser degree did articles focus on these
economic development themes. Since the predominant themes emphasized
were those of an environmental protectionism position, both sides of the Indian
value system were not fully presented. Based on this finding it can be
determined the debate was framed portraying a crisis-oriented version of the
issue. That becomes clear when examining what was least prominently
emphasized. For instance, the environmental sustainability theme of top-down
development theory — where deve10pment imposed on villagers from power
holders in government is viewed as destructive to people and nature — is a
point often discussed by anti-dam advocates as an explanatory factor for their
dissension to the dam. Yet it was also often left out of coverage since it may
have been considered too academic for the audience. Likewise, the economic
development theme of compromising over the height of the dams was virtually
ignored, providing a sense of limitation on any possible solutions to the

problem. Themes emphasized tended to oversimplify the issues, focusing on

118

the most blatant dramatic power play in the form of protest over the oppression
of the poor and the rape of the environment versus India's push toward
modernization. Therefore, identifying what was left out becomes equally
important in understanding how the overall context of the debate was framed in
India as well.

In summary, the extra-organizational factor of the cultural resonance of
the target audience led to the sensationalization of the story through the use of
stars in headlines. Likewise, audiences' perceived values constrained reporting

toward the use of environmental sustainability themes.

1‘ 1‘1'10f 1 PM al_1flun ' 0 8111' 1- ' V' o ‘1 -1 10.1...
The Shoemaker and Reese model of the levels of influences on mass

media content illustrates that, respectively, the individual, media routines,
organization, extramedia and ideological constraints on the press are
hierarchical.”l The implication is that macro-level factors are the most
influential in predicting the portrayal of news content. By combining the "levels
of influence" paradigm with framing theory, inquiry into the linkage of content
with constraints on press performance is facilitated. For instance, in Liebler's
investigation of the framing of civil disorder in newspapers in the U.S., she
found that social structural variables predicted framing most consistently.162
The task of assigning a hierarchy remains confounded, however, since as Liebler
found, the organizational level was not necessarily subsumed by more macro-

level factors. In fact, newsroom diversity also played a significant role in the

framing of controversies. In examining which levels may be most influential,

 

‘51 Shoemaker and Reese, Mediating the Message: Theories of I nfl uences on Mass
Media Content.

162 Liebler, "Individual, Organizational and Social Structural Influences on
Newspaper Framing of Civil Disorder."

119

she finds that factors operative on different levels change with the context.163
Liebler's research, among others', provided a basis for study into the levels of
influence on environmental news frames in a non-western context. Likewise, a
contextualism approach toward press performance lent inspiration for the
reconceptionalization of the classic Shoemaker and Reese model making it
possible to examine a new framework of a hierarchy of extra- and intra-
organizational political, economic and cultural levels of influences on
framing.164

By examining environmental reporting in India, this study expanded
Friedman and Friedman's assertion on environmental news production in Asia:
that the socio-historical context there encompasses a complexity of political,
economic and cultural constraints.165 Likewise, it found agreement for
Friedman's statement that environmental reporting around the world is no easy
task, wherein charges of sensationalism, oversimplification and bias of
environmental news must be grounded in consideration for the constraints
affecting press performance.166 Through the qualitative data, this research was
able to provide a contradiction to Shah's findings that no one level of influence
of societal, occupational or communicator factors in India necessarily
dominates.167 In fact, the study found that the intra-organizational cultural level
was most important in constraining environmental reporting in the country,

followed by factors on the extra-organizational political level. These levels

 

163 ibid.

164 Bella Mody, "Development Communication: From Media Effects to Media
Contexts," 35-37.

165 S. M. Friedman and K. A. Friedman, "Environmental Journalism: Guardian of
the Asian Commons," 7-37.

166 Friedman, "Environmental Reporting: Problem Child of the Media,"
Environment 25, no. 10 (1983): 24-29.

167 Shah, "Factors Influencing Development News Production at Three Indian
Dailies," 1034-1041.

120

subsumed the extra-organizational cultural level, which was the next most
important. Less critical in framing of Indian environmental news were the intra-
organizational political level and, interestingly, given the importance of
financial concerns in developing countries, the intra- and extra- organizational
economic levels, which were found to exert an equal strength of influence upon
framing. Thus, contrary to the Shoemaker / Reese model, ideology was not the
over-riding force driving press performance in the portrayal of environmental
news in India.

Based on these findings it was possible to show that the classic model of
hierarchy of levels of influence varied when applied to in a Third World context,
wherein the macro-level was not the most dominant in predicting framing. The
study also showed that the Shoemaker/ Reese model could be adapted
depending upon the context of the content under study. Influential levels of
influence may vary based on which particular environmental controversy in a
country (e. g. India) is examined. Thus the following figure and model

illustrates the influences upon environmental reporting in India.

121

FIGURE 3
Contextual Forces and Framing
on Pro-government versus Anti-government
on Environmental Journalism in India

 

DEVEQOF CONTEXT Traditions/1‘ hemes
Democracy and
Free Press
Extra-organizational
Political \
Economic Objectivity and
Cultural Advocacy \
Framing
/ (Tone)
Market- (Prominence)
Journalism (Type)
Intra-organizational (Sources)
Political (Themes)
Economic Cultural

Cultural Resonance

122

Model 2
Hierarchy of Intra- and Extra-organizational
Influences on Environmental News Content
in the Indian English-language Press

Intra-political
Extra-economic
Intra-economic

. Extra-cultural

'I Extra-organizational

political

lntra-organizational
cultural

 

1

Framing of Content

123

In trying to determine which frame prevailed in Indian news —
environmental sustainability or economic development — the study found that,
in some ways, both papers tended to be somewhat biased against the project.
However, both also tended to over-sirnplify and sensationalize news on the
dam, thereby superficially presenting the issue of sustainability. The study
showed that news frames legitimize certain ideas while marginalizing others;
the framing of environmental news in India was not value neutral.168 In other
words, the sustainability perspective was legitimized in the press but only to a
certain degree. The ethic of environmental sustainability tended to prevail in
coverage of the dam, yet within limits, moderated by a highly constrained

media system.

Based on analyses of both the text and context data, the following

hypotheses can be generated for subsequent testing:

(H1): The intra-organizational cultural level will be the strongest level
predicting framing of environmental news in India compared to the intra-
organizational political and economic levels or the extra-organizational political,
economic and cultural levels.

(H2): Sensationalization of environmental news in India through the over-use of
stars in headlines is related to circulation and advertising pressures (extra-

organizational economic factors), in addition to resonance of the target audience

 

163 Liebler, "Individual, Organizational and Social Structural Influences on
Newspaper Framing of Civil Disorder."

124

(an extra-organizational cultural factor), and government control (an extra-
organizational political factor), such as censorship of documents.

(H3): Over-simplification of environmental news in India through the
dominance of episodic frames is related to a lack of financial commitment of
newspapers (IE), in addition to government control (EP), such as censorship of
documents, and professional norms (IC), such as a lack of support from an
environmental journalism support network.

(H4): The use of a balance of sources in environmental news in India is related
to reporters' access to sources (EP), in addition to professional norms toward the
traditions of objectivity and advocacy in journalism (IC), and news routines (IC),
such as expertise coverage of the environmental beat or use of press releases.
(H5): An environmental sustainability bias in terms of tone used to frame
environmental news in India is related to professional norms toward the
traditions of objectivity and advocacy (IC), and the historical development of the
press (IP), such as the influence of British colonialism and development
journalism.

(H6): An environmental sustainability bias in terms of themes used to frame
environmental news in India is related to professional norms toward objectivity
and advocacy (IC), in addition to a lack of financial commitment (IE), the
cultural resonance of the target audience (EC), and the historical development of
the press (IP), such as the influence of British colonialism and development
journalism.

(H7): A bias in headlines used to frame environmental news in India is related

to gatekeeper bias in journalism (IC).

125

Theoretical perspectives examined in communication literature on
environmental journalism have predominantly been based on press
performance in a Western context. This study has begun to address the validity
of those assumptions in the Third World by focusing on the case of Indian press
coverage of one highly controversial issue. For instance, through this study it
was possible to confirm that the trend in the West toward an over-reliance on
disaster coverage of environmental issues is also the case in India as well.

By combining framing theory with the notion of the hierarchy of
influences, the investigation provided evidence for the basis of generating new
hypotheses for further research on environmental reporting in developing
countries. From a methodological standpoint, new measures of bias and
sensationalization emerged, especially in relation to the examination of stars in
headlines and themes representative of environmental sustainability and
economic development paradigms. Likewise, the coding of claimsmakers as
"simply mentioned" in stories, not just quoted, provided a new measurement of
source use previously limited in communication methodologies to date. In
kind, much was learned about ensuring reliability of studies conducted by
Western researchers in a developing country such as India. For instance,
flexibility and creativity in defining and refining definitions of variables are
critical in order to establish a reliable level of inter-coder agreement. Also,
selection of coders comfortable within the world of journalism and Indian and
Western cultures is important as well.

It is necessary to examine the way in which the press throughout the
world portray development projects, since they help set the political agenda for
policies with great environmental and societal impacts. Likewise, investigating

the forces, factors and actors that constrain the press is critical in order to

126

understand those that hinder or try to manipulate performance. Since media in
India have the potential to be such a powerful force toward social change, it is
useful to explore the culture of environmental journalism there.

The study has implications on an international level in its examination of
the World Bank's relationship to the press in a Third World context. Since the
Bank represents the Western power structure in developing nations around the
world, it is valuable to know the way in which they dealt with the Indian press
and how that affected the portrayal of foreign intervention into the matters of
developing countries. It is telling that since the Bank avoided the press, editors
mistrusted the institution. Consequently, public opinion of the Bank grew
suspicious and eventually they had to withdraw support for the project rather
than risk further criticism of their actions.

Finally, the study also examined the role of the Forum of Environmental
Journalists of India, a networking group for reporters covering the environment.
We found that the association needs to rally support if it is to provide any
substantive guidance to reporters in the country in the future. Extending help
to organizations of this kind is critical if the state of environmental journalism in
the developing world is to continue to improve. This could come from groups,
like the International Federation of Environmental Journalists, which could offer
grants to bolster computer networking services among members in developing
countries. Communication between environmental organizations in Third
World nations is essential if journalists there are going to know the important
part they play in increasing awareness of environmental problems within and

across their boundaries.

127

W

Future research is needed to explore a variety of aspects of environmental
reporting in the Third World. For instance, new hypotheses on freedom of the
press, advocacy, market forces and cultural resonance could be generated by
applying the constructs related to framing theory and the hierarchy of
influences. Comparative studies of environmental news coverage are
recommended in both developing and industrialized countries. In kind,
comparisons could evaluate countries with differing political systems, or
different kinds of media within one country could be explored. These studies
could evaluate the media by extending the study into new levels of contextual
influence or variables within the levels not previously explored. Likewise, there
could be more of an emphasis on the effect of individual differences between
journalists in places such as India, including those related to religion, caste,
gender and so on. Finally, a longitudinal study of various environmental issues
covered over a number of years by the Third World media would help
illuminate the effect socio-historical forces play upon the environmental
sustainability and economic development debate in the developing nations of
the world. Quantitative study into amount of newshole of environmental news
in the Third World would also be useful. This type of study might help in

predictions of the direction of environmental journalism in the future.

A combination of intra- and extra-organizational contextual factors
constrained press performance in India; construction of the environmental
sustainability and economic development debate was mediated by several
issues. Political, economic and cultural constraints upon two of the country's

leading English-language newspapers were found to be similar, except for

128

political ideology (an intra-organizational factor) and perceived target audience
(an extra-organizational cultural factor).

Despite the opposing political ideologies of the newspapers under study,
both portrayed the Narmada Dam controversy similarly, except in the case of
headlines: the pro-government paper tended to support the dam, while the anti-
government paper opposed it. Differences in internal political, and external
cultural factors help to explain the variation found between the two papers in
this case. Based on this one difference, however, it cannot be said that pro-
govemment papers in India will necessarily support economic development
while only anti-government papers support environmental sustainability. In
fact the study found that, in terms of certain variables, such as editorial tone,
story type and theme emphasis, both supported the environmentalism ethic
over that of modernization, at least before the implementation of India's
economic liberalization policies. In terms of source use, the controversy was
framed in a balanced manner. However, both papers also over-simplified and
sensationalized the dam story, presenting the issue of sustainability in a
somewhat superficial manner. It is likely that because of the overwhelming
similarities in contextual forces constraining press performance in India,
framing of the sustainability / development debate was found to be somewhat
uniform between Indian national newspapers, with the sustainability paradigm
legitimized in the press to a certain degree.

The study found that the most prominent contextual factors influencing
the framing of environmental news in India tended to be those related to the
freedom of the press within India's democracy: traditions of objectivity and
advocacy journalism, a market-based approach to journalism, and the values
inherent in Indian culture. Factors on the intra-organizational cultural level

were found to be the most dominant in affecting framing of environmental news

129

in India. This finding is in contrast to the Shoemaker and Reese model which
shows the macro-level of ideology to be most influential on news content in the
West. Perhaps this is the case because the day-to-day pragmatic constraints
upon Indian reporters are more influential than the overall issues related to
ideology operating within Western society. These findings may be generalized

to environmental journalism in other developing countries as well.

APPENDICES

Appendix A

Appendix A

lntemiem’ihednle

Intra-Qrganizatinnal Cultural Values:

How did you come to be a journalist?

What is your background (prompt only if necessary: "journalism education,"
"professional history")?

(Later ask about family life, etc. if appropriate)

How did you come to be a journalist at the paper?

How did you become interested in environmental issues?

How did you come to cover environmental stories?

How do you select the stories you write?

What is it like to work at the paper?

How do you receive assignments?

What is the chain of command in the newsroom?

What are the editors like to work for?

Give some background on your experiences in covering the Narmada Dam
issue?

How do you select the sources you use in your stories? (How do you find / meet
them?)

What is your relationships to sources? Do you like to call on them regularly or
do you prefer not to call them regularly?

What kinds of information sources do you like to use in stories (press releases,
scientific reports, journals, etc.)?

What kind of deadlines do you work under?

What do you think about science training (prompt only if necessary: "how much

did you get" and "were you satisfied with the experience")?

130

131

What approach do you take in covering the environment? What do you think
about India's press tradition toward environmental advocacy?

How do you feel about being a reporter covering environmental problems?
What do you think about environmental journalism organizations, like the
Asian Forum of Environmental Journalists or the Society for Environmental
Journalists?

Do you ever want to participate in their events (like training sessions)?

(If yes, then "can you participate?")

How do you View your job?

intta-Qrganizatidnal Eennemie Faetdrs:

Tell a bit about the owner(s) of the paper and the paper's history in terms of
management?

What kind of management policies affect they way you do your job?

Are reporters part of a union? If so, explain how the unions work and what you
think of them.

What wire services and news agencies do the newspaper subscribe to?

What do you think of computers for research? Do you use them for research in
the newsrooms? If not, is there anywhere else that you use them?

How many reporters cover environmental issues?

Do they (you) work on stories other than those on environmental issues? (If yes,
what kinds and how much?)

Do you feel you are given support to cover environmental issues? For instance,
if you would like to travel out of the city to cover a story, is it possible to
arrange that with your editors? Would they pay for you to undergo some

training in your field?

132

Do you feel you get your stories into print when you want to? In the paper, are

you satisfied with the amount of space you get covering environmental stories?

lntta-Qrganizatinnal Pelitieal Faeters:
What is the "political ideology" of the paper (explain the term generally)?

Does the owner's political views tend to influence what you can write about or
say in an article?

Does the editor's political views tend to influence what you can write about or
say in an article?

What do you think is the role of the press in national development?

What is your opinion on India's economic growth?

What is your view on the political situation in India in terms of the
environment, and the Narmada Dam in particular?

How do you relate to special interest groups (such as the NBA?) or government

officials.

a-rnia' aPli'al t
What is it like trying to get access to government or other official documents
(e. g. from the World Bank) on environmental issues like the Narmada?
Are there sources you would like to interview but whom you cannot gain access
to?
What kinds of events or activities by sources or players in the Narmada Dam
issue have gotten the press' attention?
Whom do you typically use as sources in an environmental stories and why?
Is there information on stories that you know about that does not get into the

news? Why do you think it doesn't?

133

Have you ever known any of the press to be arrested for their activities? (if yes,
what were the circumstances?)

Do the press ever operate under censorship by the government? (If yes, describe
the circumstance?)

Have you ever worried about libel suits?

Exna-Qrganizatienal Eenndmie Faetdrs:

Are there any information sources from the media that you use to get more
information on the environment (other domestic or foreign media, wire services,
Indian vernacular press)?

Is there much competition in your field, and if so, in what way?

Does your work involve accounting for the desires of the paper's advertisers?
(anything specific on advertising and the darn issue?)

Does the issue of newspaper circulation affect the way you write your stories?

Exna-Qrganizatidnal Cnlniral Faetnrs:

Who is the audience you write for?
What do you think is their interest in environmental issues?

What do you think is their interest in the Narmada Dam stories?

Mi . ti n

If you wanted to, is there anything you would change about the way you have
to cover the environment?

What would you change about the way that you have had to cover the Narmada

Dam issue?

134

*flnelndes some questions above modified fo_r_ editors)

In - r anizati n l ultural Value :

Inna-thanizatidnal EeQanig Faeths:

Inna-thanizatidnal Pelitieal Faetbrs:

Ex - r anizai na P liti alF t rs:

Enna-thanizatienal Eedndmie Faetdrs:

Ex - r aniza' na 1 ral a rs:

P bli hers: I iew Sche ul
*flnglndes sbme questidns above medified fer publishers)

Discuss circulation and advertising revenue issues.

I - i at' l ral alu s:
In - a iz ti E mi F r :
I - izaian iialFa tor:

Exna-Qrganizatidnal Pelitieal Faetnrs:

Ex - aiz'nlEnmiF r:

E a- '2' a1 lralFa r:

Appendix B

Appendix B
Content Analysis Coding Book

INDIAN ENVIRONMENTAL JOURNALISM STUDY
Story Coding Form (See coding grid at end for entry)

Coder initials
Headline / Author (only if name included)

 

 

 

Column VAR NAMES CODING RESULT

A. ID
1—3 (VAR01) STORY NUMBER

 

4-5 (VAR02) NEWSPAPER

(01) Times of India (02) Indian Express
(03) Economic Times (04) Financial Express
(05) Hindu (06) Hindustan Times
(07) Independent (08) Pioneer
(09) Statesman (10) Telegraph
(11) Business Standard (12) Patriot
(99) Other

6-11 (VAR03) DATE

 

B. PROMINENCE
12 (VAR04) HEADLINES FOCUS ON STARS

(1) headline named anti-dam person

(2) headline named pro-dam person

(3) headline named person - unidentified stance
(9) No name in headline

13 (VAR05) HEADLINE/INTRO PRO-DAM/ANTI-DAM _

(1) pro-dam topic
(2) anti-dam topic
(3) conditional pro-dam topic
(9) undetermined

135

136

C. TYPE

14 (VAR06) STORY TYPE _
(1) hard news (2) feature
(3) hard news/ feature (4) editorial
(9) other

D. KINDS OF SOURCES

15-16 (VAR07) FORGOV DONOR SOURCE _
17-18 (VARO8) INDIAN GOV
19-20 (VARO9) INDUSTRY

21-22 (VAR 10) EDUCAT EXPERTS
23-24 (VAR11) COURTS

25-26 (VAR12) VILLAGERS
27-28 (VAR13) ANTI-DAM NGOS
29-30 (VAR14) PRO-DAM NGOS
31-32 (VAR15) OTHER

33-34 (VAR16) UN-ID SOURCES

35-36 (VAR17) SOURCE TOTAL
(Pro-dam = Var. 7,8,9,14; Anti/ Neutral = 10,11,12,13)
E. MAJOR THEME EMPHASIS

37-38 (VAR18) MAJOR EMPHASIS

(Sustainability Themes) (Economics/N umber Themes)
(01) HUMAN / ENVIR IMPACTS (06) MACRODAM DEV.
(02) PROJECT REVIEW (07) NUMBER DEBATES
(03) MISTRUST OF PROJECT/ RED TAPE (08) HEIGHT
COMPROMISE
(04) TOP-DOWN THEORY (09) FINANCE
(05) PROTEST (10) MISTRUST ANTI-
DAM
(11) OTHER
(12) UNDETERMINED

E. OPINION PIECES: BIAS
39 (VAR19) EDITORIAL BIAS

(1) Pro-dam (2) Anti-dam
(3) Undetermined (9) Does not apply

137

003 mama.

 

 

jVar 3 Date

Var 7 Forger Donor
Var 8 Indian Gov

,Var 9 Industry

Var 11 Courts

Var 12 Villagers

Var 13 Anti-Dam Ngos
Var 17 Total

'Major Emphasis

Immagm

 

 

 

 

j War 1 Story Number
l IVar 2 Newspaper

1

l
l
l
I
I
l

j Var 6 Story Type

‘ ‘Var 19 Editorial Bias

‘ jVar 15 Other

I
I
l

j jCoder ID
I __L\(_ar 16 UN-ID

 

. ‘ 'Var 4 Focus on Stars
I I
, l [Var 5 Pro-Dam/Anti-Dam

I I
l f jVar14 Pro-Dam Ngos

 

 

 

I
I

 

‘ i j jVar 10 Educat Experts

 

 

 

 

 

 

I
I
I
I
I
l
I
I
l
I
I
W
I
I
l
l
l
l
l
Ill
I
i
I
I
I

 

 

 

 

I l . l I Ila l l Llll lle l
_
l l l ll l ll l all IlL ll l l l l l l I Il.|. ll ll Fl l l) l gl lllll ll l .l 1m l l l l l i
l l l l l l l H ll l Llll l l l Ill l. Ill. la l l lll ili l g l l l l l l l Tl ll l Il
l l l l l l l? l l lTl Il Al ll l T . lllJTl l l I lL Ill ll Illfi l Ill ll Illl l l

 

l
l
I
I
i
I
I
I
I
l
l
I

 

 

i
l
.
III
I
i
I

 

II .lv ii
I I I l .l l l ll rill. IT. ll.

 

 

 

 

Iii‘

I_.I_I

II
IIIIII

I

T

I

l

l

l

l

I

i

I

I
If
I
l
L
I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I
I
I

 

 

 

Appendix C

Appendix C

FRAMING STUDY: STORY CODING DEFINITIONS

A. Identification

Headline/Author

(SPSS Column Number)

 

The whole headline will be copied for identification purposes. Also include the
reporters name if it is in the byline.

Coder initials

 

1. (VAR01) Story number

 

(1-3)

The story number is a three-digit number assigned for identification purposes
that will be hand-written on the Xerox-copied article page.

2. (VAR02) Newspaper __ _

(4-5)

The name of the newspaper is associated with a two-digit number assigned to
each paper. ”The” is dropped from the names on this list.

3. (VAR03) Date

(01) Times of India
(02) Indian Express
(03) Economic Times
(04) Financial Express
(05) Hindu

(06) Hindustan Times
(07) Independent
(08) Pioneer

(09) Statesman

(10) Telegraph

(11) Business Standard
(12) Patriot

(99) Other

 

(TOI)
(1E)
(ET)
(FE)
(Hindu)
(HT)
(IND)
(PIO)
(STM)
(TELE)
(BS)
(PAT)

(6-11)

The date is the month, day and year of the paper in which the story appears. It
is a six-digit number. *It is important to note that the date in India is written

differently than in the US. For example, Au

gust 4, 1959 is written in India as

4 / 8 / 59. For coding: August 4, 1959 (or 4/ 8/ 59) will be converted to a six-digit
number, such as 080459, which is the normal order in the US. *Also: Ignore the
date given in the byline (in some articles). Only use the date written in by hand

on the copied article.

138

139

. O
B. Prominence

1. (V AR04) Headlines: Focus on stars (12)

A story may or may not focus on the actions or statements of a particular well-
known personality involved in the Narmada Dam controversy in the headline of
the story. This person may be against the building of the dam or for it.

Whether the person is pro-dam or anti-dam can typically be determined by
reading the headline and/ or what they say on the topic near the beginning of
the story.

Anti-dam personalities can include the following Narmada Bachao Andolan
anti-dam activists: Medha Patkar, Baba Amte, Maneka Gandhi, Sundarla
Bahuguna, B.D. Sharma, Rajni Kothari, and others.

Pro-dam personalities can include: Chief Minister of Gujarat Chimanbhai Patel,
the wife of Gujarat Chief Minister Urmilaben Patel, and others.

CODING PROCEDURE:

If a particular person is named in the headline of the story, then try to determine
if they are for or against the dam. Code the headline accordingly: code ”1” for
anti-dam personality in headline; "2" for pro-dam personality in headline; "3" for
personality of unidentified stance on the dam in headline; "4" if no person is
named in the headline.

(1) headline named anti-dam person

(2) headline named pro-dam person

(3) headline named personality - unidentified stance
(9) no name in headline

* If necessary, to determine whether the person is anti-dam or pro-dam, coding
of this variable can be conducted after coding Of other variables in the story
have begun.

140

2. (VAR05) Headlines/lead: Pro-Dam/Anti-Dam _ (13)

It may be apparent from the headlines and introduction (lead) of the article that
the piece is either about a pro-dam topic, an anti-dam topic, a topic that is pro-
dam, but with conditions, or a topic that is impossible to determine according to
these categorizations.

Pro-Dam Topics: will focus on the actions of pro-dam players or general pro-
dam activities, perspectives, philosophies and so on, and will relate specifically
to the fact that the project will be implemented — that the project will not be
stopped. The topics involve dam information that is biased in favor of the
project.

By reading the headline (and lead if necessary) it would be possible to
determine if the following are "pro-dam" topics:

Examples: "State Government Committed to Project"
"Narmada Authorities Procure Funding"
"Increase in World Bank Aid Likely"
"No SSP Compromise on Dam Height"
"Environment Not At Risk in Valley"

Anti-Dam Topics: will focus on the actions of anti-dam players or any general
anti-dam activities, perspectives, philosophies and so on. They will tend to
relate specifically to efforts to curtail the project. The topics involve any and all
dam information that is biased against the project.

By reading the headline (and lead if necessary) it would be possible to
determine the following are "anti-dam" topics:

Examples: "Narmada Project: Waste of Funds"
"Baba Amte Says Narmada Must Go"

"Harsud Protest Draws 50,000"
"Narmada Activists Allege Police Repression"

Conditional Topics: will focus on the activities, perspectives, philosophies and
so on, of those who accept that the project will be implemented, yet may have
criticisms of the process, seek compromise on certain aspects of the project, or
engage in a review of certain policies. This could relate to debates on
implementation (rehabilitation for instance) and so on. The emphasis is not on
fighting with anti-dam forces over WHETHER the dam should be implemented
- the project is seen as a given - but to focus on details of the project as it
continues. This may include simple status updates on implementation.

141

Topics will typically involve a struggle between pro-dam players (mostly
government and industry) about the dam, or a willingness of government
players to discuss certain aspects of implementation of the project with anti-dam
forces.

Examples:
A) "Elections Divide MP. and Gujarat Over
Dam"
B) "Opposition Grills Government Over
Rehabilitation

or

C) "Gujarat to Discuss Impact on Narmada
Oustees"

By reading the headline (and lead if necessary) of letter D, it would be possible
to determine that the Gujarat panel is a pro-dam force, and that they will not
discuss curtailing the project, but will discuss details on the impact of the project
on people of the area.

Undetermined Topic: will not fit into any of the categories above.

CODING PROCEDURE: Read the headline of the article. If the meaning is clear,
code the category. However, if the meaning of the headline is unclear, then read
the first one or two paragraphs of the article to understand the topic of the
headline. Then code the piece into the above categories. Code "1" for pro-dam
topic, "2" for anti-dam topic, "3" for pro-dam with conditions, or "9" for
undetermined.

(1) pro-dam topic
(2) anti-dam topic
(3) conditional pro-dam topic
(9) undetermined

142

C. Episodic or Thematic Frames
2. (VAR06) Story type _ (14)

A story will be categorized as either: hard news; feature; hard news / feature;
editorial; or other.

CODING PROCEDURE

After reading the first five paragraphs of an article on the Narmada Dam project
(not including the headline), the story should be classified. If paragraphs are
quite long (cover half a column of a full page), read only the first two to three
paragraphs to determine the type. If an article is a hard news story, it will be
coded as a ”1." If it is a feature only, it will be coded as a ”2.” It will be coded as
a ”3" if the story is deemed hard news / feature. Editorials will be coded as a "4,"
with all other categorizations being coded as a "9."

(1) hard news

(2) feature

(3) hard news/ feature
(4) editorial

(9) other

"HARD NEWS" is any story on the Narmada Dam that is focused or based on a
current event. An event is something that has happened (typically recently or
will happen in the near future). It could be a demonstration, a report
publication, a governmental policy decision, a committee meeting, a conference,
a discovery in research, a disaster, an accident and so on. For instance, a story
that begins by discussing the February 23, 1992 findings of the Independent
Review Commission report, which was a cost/ benefit analysis of the Narmada
Dam project, could be considered a hard news story if it is written around the
time the report was published.

To be a current event, the event should have occurred on the same day or within
the last week or "fortnight" (two weeks) prior to the date the article was
published. Likewise, the event could be coming up within the next week or
fortnight after the article publication date. Terms like, ”today,” ”yesterday,”
"tomorrow," "in a fortnight," etc., are also cues that the article is a hard news

story.

IMPORTANT NOTE: an exact time element will not always be mentioned or
may be hard to discern within stories in the Indian press. For instance, the word
"recent" may be used — or no time element is used at all — yet the story is
Clearly geared around an event. In that case, use the definition of hard news
above to try to decide how to code the story.

143

Stories that discuss a current event for the first five paragraphs of the story will
be coded as hard news. Some hard news stories, however, employ a ”delayed
lead style.” A lead is the beginning of the story and should indicate what the
story is about. In a ”hard news lead” a summary of a current event will be
discussed. In a ”delayed lead” the news event is not discussed until after the
first one or several of paragraphs. Therefore, if a story begins with a non-
current event lead, but then discusses a current event no later than paragraph
five, it will be coded as a hard news story.

In addition, stories that are four paragraphs or less will be coded as hard news
unless they very clearly appear to be other types.

A ”FEATURE” is analysis and discussion of an issue (often controversial issues
like the Narmada darn project). A feature story may examine the background
and history of an issue. It may provide explanation and offer speculation about
the future. It may encompass a question/ answer format (as in an interview) or
a profile on a person. A feature is not based on a current event. If a current
event is NOT discussed in the first five paragraphs of the story, that is the CUE
that the article is a feature story only. Also, check the last paragraph to identify
if it is a feature.

A "HARD NEWS/ FEATURE” is a story which is based on a current event but
then provides analysis/ discussion on the topic. To qualify for this category, the
event should be mentioned near the beginning of the story, but by the second, or
at least fifth paragraph, the story should shift into a feature mode.

An ”EDITORIAL” emphasizes the writer's opinion on the topic published in the
newspaper. It may (or may not) use any of the personal pronouns, ”1, me, my,”
or "us, our, we," and so on. It may contain questions throughout the article. It
may also begin and/ or conclude with an opinion or a question; therefore, if
there is a question of whether something is an editorial, read the last two
paragraphs to be sure.

In addition, it may contain "loaded words": loaded words or phrases tend to
foster a judgmental attitude. For instance, the "fanatical" activists, the project is
a "mockery," or "The government's game is transparent." An editorial may refer
briefly to a current event and / or it may provide some analysis like a feature but
it always comes back to the writer's own judgments on the issue.

"OTHER" types of stories will include those stories that don't seem to fit into any
of the above categories.

144

D. Kinds of Claims-makers (Sources)

"CLAIMS-MAKERS" are kinds of sources. They are the many people or groups
(and the documents they produce) that are referred to in news coverage.
Sources involved in the dam controversy can be identified, then characterized
by the kind of source they are (the type of group they are affiliated with). They
can then be coded to fit into a number of different appropriate categories.

1. Kinds of Sources _ (15-34)

Sources are those that are quoted or paraphrased in news stories. In addition,
for this study, they are also those that are merely mentioned in the story.

On sources "MENTIONED": This refers to including sources that are in the
story, but are not quoted or paraphrased. It is important to include all relevant
sources in a story, yet this could be difficult in this study, because some news
stories lack direct attribution of certain highly relevant sources -— such as
villagers impacted by the dam project. Therefore, statements such as, "villagers
are desperate"; "activists are outraged over the project"; "Chief Minister
Chimanbhai Patel seems unconcerned about the seismic activity in the region";
and so on, will merit the inclusion of the subject of the statement (the "villagers,"

"activists," or "Chief Minister Patel" etc. ) as a source to be coded.

COUNTING KINDS OF SOURCES:

Sources will be categorized based on their affiliations (the kind of source they
are). The total number of similar kinds of sources then will be added up in each
category and noted on the coding sheet under the correct variable as a two-digit
number, such as 01, 03, 10, 12, etc. If no sources for a category exist, "00" should
be added to the coding sheet.

(VARO7) FORGOV DONOR SOURCE
(VARO8) INDIAN COV

(VAR09) INDUSTRY

(VAR 10) EDUCAT EXPERTS
(VAR11) COURTS

(VAR12) VILLAGERS

(VAR13) ANTI-DAM NCOS

(VAR14) PRO-DAM NGOS

(VAR15) OTHER

(VAR16) UN-ID SOURCES

2. Total number of sources _ _ (35-36)

Finally, the total number of all the kinds of sources should be calculated and
coded as a two-digit number, such as 02, 07, 14, etc. The coder should be careful

145

not to miscalculate the totals. (These should be double checked before data
entry into the computer from the coding Sheet).

(VAR17 SOURCE TOTAL)

COUNTING PROCEDURE:

The idea of this part of the study is to identify and count accurately all the kinds
of sources included in the story, not missing any or counting any more times
than they appear. Because of the variations in references (see below), this is a
painstaking process and care must be taken to 1) continuously refer to the
reference list; 2) use common sense where sources are ambiguous; 3) to double
check work, assessing that the choices made are correct, and 4) to double check
counting method.

An article Should be read all the way through, keeping track of how many of
each kind of source was used (this should be done as coding is conducted by
writing on the article page the appropriate variable number next to the source
indicated, then carefully totaling all the similar kinds of variables at the end).
Do not count any sources in the headline or "deck" (semi-large type below the
main headline before the article text). Those totals should then be entered into
the coding sheet under the correct variable heading.

The majority of sources will be counted ONLY ONCE (see *exceptions below),
even if that source is quoted or mentioned several times in a story. Try not to be

confused if they are referred to in a different way from the first mention but
represent EXACTLY THE SAME AS THE FIRST MENTION, such as:

COUNT ONCE (GOVERNMENT):
First Reference: "The government
of India..."
Second Reference: "The Center..."
Third Reference: "The borrower..."

COUNT ONCE (GOVERNMENT):

First Reference:

"Gujarat says..."

Second Reference: "The state
authorities..."
Third Reference: "Officials from
Gujarat..."
COUNT ONCE (VILLAGERS):
First Reference: "The villagers
of Manebeli..."

Second Reference:

"Project-affected-

146

peoples
(from Manebeli)..."
Third Reference: "Tribals (from
Manebeli)..."
Fourth Reference: Manebeli, pop.
10,000, is...
COUNT ONCE (ANTI-DAM NGOS):
First Reference: "Protesters..."
Second Reference: "Activists on the
march..."
Third Reference: "Environmentalists
acting to..."
Fourth Reference: "The massive
gathering of
people..."

However, if a KIND OF SOURCE (ORGAN IZATION/AFFILIATION) is
mentioned (government officials; Narmada Bachao Andolan anti-dam activists,
the villagers of Harsud, etc.), code that source once. BUT, if the NAME of a
member of that group appears (Chief Minister Patel; (NBA leader) Medha
Patkar; Manebeli villager Mohan Mohan) then count that SPECIFIC person as

another, similar kind of source.

COUNT ONCE (Government):
"India warns that..."

COUNT AGAIN (GOVERNMENT):
"Minister of Water Resources, Mr. S.T.

Sukla..."

OR:
COUNT ONCE (ANTI-DAM NGOS):

"Environmentalists..."
COUNT AGAIN (AN TI-DAM NGOS):

"Baba Amte..."

This can be the same even in the same sentence if a particular person is
Specifically mentioned (perhaps set off by a comma) in reference to the group.

COUNT ONCE (Government):
Sentence one: "Officials in the
government..."

147

COUNT AGAIN (GOVERNMENT):

Sentence one: "..., including Prime
Minister Rao,..."

Likewise, THERE ARE DIFFERENT SOURCES FROM WITHIN THE LIST OF
"KINDS OF SOURCES" (or FROM WITHIN THE SAME ORGANIZATIONS)
that need to be counted but are not named specifically. THEREFORE: If an
ORGAN IZATION/ AFFILIATION/ KIN D OF SOURCE is mentioned
(government officials; Narmada Bachao Andolan activists, the villagers of
Harsud, etc.), code it ONCE as a source. THEN, if a specific person of THAT
organization / kind of source is mentioned (drawing attention to the that
category again), BUT THEIR NAME IS NOT USED, then count it again as
ANOTHER similar kind of source, separate from the first mention. THE KEY
HERE IS THAT THE NEW SPECIFIC SOURCE IS FROM WITHIN THE GROUP
THAT HAS ALREADY BEEN MENTIONED - but is highlighted as yet
another / different source TO BE COUNTED AGAIN.

COUNT ONCE (GOVERNMENT):
"The state intends to..."
"Maharashtra..."

COUNT AGAIN (GOVERNMENT):
"Officials from the ministry say..."

COUNT AGAIN (GOVERNMENT):
"In a cabinet decision..."

COUNT AGAIN (GOVERNMENT):
"The Maharashtra legislature..."

COUNT AGAIN TWO MORE TIMES (GOVERNMENT):
"Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh
demand..."

OR

COUNT ONCE (ANTI-DAM NGOS):
"Environmentalists declare that..."

COUNT AGAIN (ANTI-DAM NGOS):
"50,000 protesters intend to..."

148

COUNT AGAIN (ANTI-DAM NGOS):
"Leaders are planning..."

COUNT AGAIN (ANTI-DAM NGOS):
"Anti-dam non-governmental
organizations..."

- VILLAGERS/PROJECT-AFFECTED—PEOPLES: In the case of villagers, since
names are rarely mentioned, villagers are difficult to count accurately. Count
them once when first mentioned, THEN only count them again if names are
used or new places where they come from are mentioned.

Note the following if found in the same articles in this order:

Count Once: "Harsud villagers said..."

Don't Count Again:

"Landed farmers and encroachers want..."

Count Again: "But oustees from Dhule feel..."

Count Three Times:

"Project-Affected-Persons from Gujarat, MP. and
Maharashtra..."

Count Again: Mohan Hiralal from M.P. demands..."
Count Twice: "Local business owners from Manebeli,
such as Mohanbhai..."

*Total number of villagers counted from examples above = 8.
"*Note other counting tips below:
CATEGORI‘ZING AND COUNTING MULTIPLE SOURCES:

- If the quote mentions something multiple sources within a group said (for
instance, "Government officials commented..." or "Activists said..." etc.), it will
be counted as only ONE source. If names are mentioned, they should be
counted individually, categorizing each as best as possible.

- If two or more different kinds of groups are cited together in a quote (for
instance, "government and environmental spokesmen said"), each individual
kind of source Should be counted as ONE source each and then categorized
accordingly.

149

DUAL AFFILIATIONS: a‘EXCEPTION to counting sources once only:

- Some sources may have dual affiliations. In other words, they may be
characterized as two kinds of sources at once (see reference list of names for
SOME of those with dual affiliations frequently mentioned in the stories). For
instance: a national government official may also act as an activist with an anti-
dam non-governmental organization; Or an impacted villager may be an
activist involved in a rally with an anti-dam non-governmental organization. In
these cases, place the source in the TWO categories that best fit. That means that
source WILL BE COUNTED TWICE.

UNSPECIFIED TERMS

- Some unspecified terms like, ”the international community” do not tell which
kind of specific source is being referenced according to the categories set up or
the reference list. They cross the boundary of one category or another. In these
cases, the best guide to identifying the kind of source mentioned is use the
context of the statement or article to assess categorizations.

For instance: Source may be pro or anti-dam. Thus, the "international
community" refers to pro-dam OR anti-dam non-governmental organizations
(based on the context).

Some Rules to Help Identify Source Category:

The "international community" —- will be anti-dam NGOS, unless otherwise
stated.

"Environmentalists" — will be anti-dam NGOS.

"Activists" - will be anti-dam NGOS or pro-dam NGOS based on the context of
the statements being made.

NOTE: If terms: "environmentalists" and "activists (humanists)" are used
together, count each separately.

"project authorities"; ”project engineers”, ”project contractors” unspecified
sources are government sources unless agency name appears to clarify: NOTE:
However, if government is separated from "project authorities, etc." in same
sentence — "government and project authorities say..." — then count
"authorities" as industry not government.

Some unspecified terms are nearly impossible to categorize without the context
of the story or are just too general. In some cases, if the context does not give
enough information to assesses these very generalized sources terms, then it is
impossible to do so. For instance, there are times when it will be difficult to

150

assess terms like: "NGO community; "vested interests , opponents of the dam";
"proponents of the dam," etc.

RULE: In these cases, only if it is impossible to categorize them, mark them as
"un-identified."

UNSPECIFIED/ DUAL AFFILIATION SOURCES:
On occasion, unspecified sources may be counted as dual affiliation sources and
COUNTED TWICE.

For instance, in the case of "project officials" or "authorities," these could be
government or industry officials OR both, depending on the information
provided in the article. For instance, project authorities from the Sardar Sarovar
Development Corporation could be government and industry both.

Rule: If it is not specifically made clear that both kinds of sources are being
referred to, code them as government sources.

a”Try to avoid doubling up categories wherever possible. Use the context of the
story to make this assessment.

CONSULTANT S/ COMMISSION ED / HIRED EXPERT SOURCES:

A consultant / commissioned / hired expert source will typically be identified as
such in an article. These include engineers, scientists, lawyers, economists, etc.
who have been hired by the national and state governments, the Narmada Dam
resistance movement, local industries and so on to gather and present
information on the issue. Thus, they represent the kind of groups they are
working for and should be coded as such. Therefore, a "lawyer" working for an
Indian anti-dam NGO will be categorized based on their affiliation with the
NGO and not into the category of courts — unless they are affiliated with the
court only.

However, if the courts are mentioned in the context of the lawyer's work for the
Anti-dam NGO, then count both the courts category and the Anti-dam NGO
category.

Likewise, if an economist (educational experts) conducts a study through a
named university or institution, for instance, but the study is said to be
commissioned by the government — count as a dual source (educational experts
and government).

* One exception to this rule is the "Independent Review Commission."
Although the Commission was hired by the World Bank to review the study, it
worked independently of the Bank and was at times, at odds with the Bank.
Thus the Independent Commission fits into the category of Foreign
Governmental Donor source, as does the World Bank. If the World Bank is

151

mentioned with the Commission — "The World Bank's Independent Review" —
code each separately.

If it is unclear whether a person or group is being used as a consultant, then
code the source under the appropriate category, such as "educational experts"
(who conduct studies in their own right), lawyers of the "court," and so on.

"FORMER" SOURCES:

Regarding the term ”former,” some sources may have played one role at one
period in the Narmada Dam struggle, then moved on to another role at a later
time. In this case, categorize the source based on the context of the time period
of that particular story being coded. For instance, a source may have been a
national government official in 1989, but in 1991, become a ”former politician,”
turned pro-dam activist. In this case, for stories in 1991, the source will be
categorized as a pro-dam activist. The key is to follow the writing in the articles
for that source referred to as a ”former” politician, or ”former” activist and so
on.

NOTE: Be aware that, occasionally, sources will have moved from one role to
another as well as have a duel affiliation. For instance, a former chief minister
could have become a minister and a pro-dam activist. Therefore some sources
will be "former" kinds of sources with duel affiliations. Include them in each
category that applies.

152

DEFINITIONS OF KINDS OF SOURCES:
(SEE SPECIFIC EXAMPLES IN DETAILED REFERENCE LIST BELOW)

(VAR07 FOREIGN-GOVERNMENT DONORS)

those formally affiliated with inter-governmental donor agencies (such as
U.S.A.I.D. or the World Bank, etc.), or those commissioned by them (such as
engineers, economists, scientists, etc.). Foreign governments as donors and
potential donors fit into this category, as well as those formally affiliated with
inter-governmental diplomacy organizations (such as the United Nations), or
those commissioned by them (such as engineers, scientists, economists, etc.).
This also includes the Bradford Morse Commission, which conducted the
"Report of the Independent Review."

(VAROS INDIAN GOVERNMENT)

CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
Indian national government officials (such as the Prime Minister, the Ministry of
Environment and Forests, etc.), or those they commission (engineers, scientists,
economists, etc.).
Also, the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal.

STATE GOVERNMENT — GUJARAT
officials representing the state government of Gujarat (Chief Minister, Chief
Secretary, Narmada project organizations, etc.) [see list], or those it commissions
(engineers, scientists, etc.).

STATE GOVERNMENT — MAHARASHTRA
officials representing the state government of Maharashtra, or those it
commissions (engineers, scientists, etc.).

STATE GOVERNMENT — MADI-IYA PRADESH
officials representing the state government of Madhya Pradesh, or those it
commissions (engineers, scientists, etc.).

STATE GOVERNMENT — RAJASTHAN
officials representing the state government of Rajasthan, or those it commissions
(engineers, scientists, etc.).

STATE GOVERNMENT — GENERAL
The four concerned states above, and those they commission (engineers etc.), if
not mentioned by name and unable to identify by dateline (city name), the
dateline reference list, or story context. This also includes political party
leaders, and members if not identified, which state they are affiliated with (see
list below for names of parties)

153

(VAR09 INDUSTRY)
those formally affiliated with international, national, state or localized
industries, or those they commission (engineers, scientists, etc.).

(VAR10 EDUCATIONAL EXPERTS)

scientists, engineers, economists, etc. formally affiliated with domestic or foreign
educational institutions (such as universities, think tanks, etc.) or those experts
unaffiliated with educational institutions.

Note: "Intellectuals," "Writers," etc. who represent the anti-dam movement will
not be coded in this category.

(VAR11 COURTS)
those from within the court system (such a judges, lawyers, etc.).

(VAR12 VILLAGERS)

NEGATIVELY IMPACTED VILLAGERS
villagers negatively impacted by the Narmada Dam and similar development
projects (often farmer families) not specified as formally affiliated with any
government, agency, organization or institution — often referred to as "the
villagers of ..", ”project-affected persons,” "oustees" (those forced to leave their
land), "landless encroachers" (those with no formal title to government-owned

land or communal lands), and so on.

BENEFITING VILLAGERS
those villagers (often farmer families) from drought-ridden areas not specified
as formally affiliated with any government, agency, organization or institution
who are said to benefit from the project. They are sometimes referred to as "the
villagers of (in regions identified below)."

(VAR13 ANTI-DAM NGOS)

INTERNATIONAL ANTI-DAM NGOS
those activists affiliated with or supportive of anti-dam international non-
governmental organizations, or those they commission (engineers, scientists,
etc.).

DOMESTIC ANTI-DAM NGOS

those activists affiliated with or supportive of anti-dam Indian non-
governmental organizations, such as the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), or
those they commission (such as engineers, scientists, etc.).

(VAR14 PRO-DAM NGOS)

INTERNATIONAL PRO-DAM NGOS
those activists affiliated with or supportive of pro-dam international non-
governmental organizations, or those they commission (engineers, scientists,
etc.).

154

DOMESTIC PRO-DAM NGOS
those activists affiliated with or supportive of pro-dam Indian non-
governmental organizations, or those they commission (such as engineers,
scientists, etc.).

(VAR15 OTHER)

other kinds of sources: those specified but not listed above, such as Indian
citizens in general — not affected by or involved with the project — and the
press ONLY if they specifically add something to the story, NOT if sources are
only said to have spoken with them, such as "in a press conference the prime
minister said...").

(VAR16 UN-ID SOURCES) unidentifiable sources: those not identified in the
story or impossible to identify. * Coders should try to determine a kind of
source whenever possible. Read through a whole story once before categorizing
a source as "unidentifiable." Often a source will be quoted a second time with
more biographical information given than in the first citation.

(VAR 17 TOTAL SOURCES) (Mentioned above)

155

E. Major Emphasis of Kinds of Themes

1. Emphasis on Subthemes
This study examines two larger theme categories:
sustainability issues
versus
economics/ quantification issues

Within these larger categories, different subthemes can be identified.
Coding will be conducted to identify which subtheme is most emphasized in
coverage of the Narmada Dam issue.

Subthemes are statements on the issue that are presented in stories. They are
said to be simplified arguments, but in coding, just think of them as statements,
discussion points or debates on the issue.

Stories will be coded identifying the major subthemes emphasized.

(VAR18) MAJOR EMPHASIS __ _ (37-38)
(Sustainability Themes) (Economics/N umber
Themes)
(01) HUMAN / ENVIR IMPACTS (06) MACRODAM
DEVELOP.
(02) PROJECT REVIEW (07) NUMBER DEBATES
(03) MISTRUST OF PROJECT / RED TAPE (08) HEIGHT
COMPROMISE
(04) TOP-DOWN THEORY (09) FINANCE
(05) PROTEST (10) MISTRUST
ANTI-DAMMERS
(11) OTHER
(12) UNDETERMINED

Major subtheme emphasis: is defined as any subtheme that is used most
frequently in the first FIVE paragraphs of the article. This is based on the
"inverted pyramid" technique, in which the most important information of the ‘
story is presented toward the beginning.

CODING PROCEDURE: the first FIVE paragraphs should be categorized
according to subthemes (not including the headline or deck). Then the one most
often identified is the major subtheme. That subtheme code number should
then be added to the coding sheet. If the article is less than five paragraphs long

then count the number of themes per article and code the subtheme most often
identified.

156

As coding is conducted, write on the article page the correct category number
next to the theme indicated. If the statement under question does not fit into
any of the categories below, code it as "OTHER" and a one or two-word
comment should be written on the coding sheet of what the coder thinks the
statement iS about.

Themes:

To figure out which themes are present, the first five paragraphs of the story
should be read carefully, paragraph by paragraph, trying to identify which
themes are referenced. NOTE: Not every sentence has to be identified with a
theme (for instance, a record of names of people who attended a meeting is
listed; or sometimes, in features, the beginning just sets the scene for the piece;
etc.).

COUNTING THEMES:

Coders should try to pick out the over-riding themes of each paragraph.
Typically, there may be one or more per paragraph. Once a theme is identified,
it should be noted once. When another theme is identified, it should be noted
once. This should be done paragraph by paragraph. If the same theme carries
over to the next paragraph, then it should be counted again.

NOTE: This categorization requires common sense. Occasionally (only
occasionally!), the counting method above may not reflect the true emphasis of
an article. For instance, If an unusually long paragraph that takes up most of
the article focuses on one theme, then another theme is mentioned briefly twice
in two non-consecutive short sentences, it may not make sense to code the two
briefly mentioned themes as the major emphasis. In this case, use common
sense to make the judgment.

Rule: If an two or more subthemes are used an equal number of times in the
first five paragraphs, then the headline of the article Should be the determining
factor on which subtheme is the major emphasis of the piece. If the headline
does not clarify the matter, the major emphasis will be the first tangible theme in
the article (in features, for example, it may be necessary to skim through the
beginning part to get to the substance of the article). It may prove necessary to
skim the article in full to decide, if the above methods do not help determine the
major emphasis of the article.

ASSESSING THEMES:

Themes can be assessed by looking at the points, statements and key words that
are included in the article, paragraph by paragraph. For instance, the word
”compensation” in a paragraph may or may not relate to the variable
”HUMAN / ENVIRONMENT AL IMPACTS” depending on the context of the
statement it is used in. Other examples include: ”anti-dam movements,” which
may relate to the variable ”PROTESTS.” The sentence, ”implementation of

157

rehabilitation is slow,” may relate to the variable, ”RED TAPE”; or ”meeting
energy needs” could relate to the variable, ”MACRO-DAM BENEFITS.”

158

THEME DEFINITIONS:
SUSTAINABILITY SUBTHEMES:

HUMAN/ENVIRON IMPACTS (01) human aspects of rehabilitation and
relocation, as well as plant and animal aspects.

-HUMAN IMPACTS relate to statements, debates or discussion on the impact
of relocation and rehabilitation (R & R) on people. It involves the quality of life
for human beings (villagers) affected by the Narmada Dam and similar projects.
These include positive and negative impacts on people's way of life. NOTE.
impacts on people outside the Narmada Valley fall under the theme of
MACRODAM BENEFITS.

Examples include: eviction of village "oustees," loss of livelihood through
submergence of land, forced relocation, lack of compensation for relocation,
Shelter and rehabilitation, health risks of rehabilitation, preservation or
desecration of traditional religious cultures, submersion of religious temples,
destruction of the Narmada as a "holy" river, treatment of low status "project-
affected peoples," discrimination of ”tribal peoples,” and so on, as well as the
benefits of relocation and rehabilitation.

In addition, If the Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal award is mentioned then
this theme is generally considered to be present. The highly controversial 1979
award provides compensation in money, land, etc. for displaced families.

- ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS relate to statements, debates or discussion on
the impact of these kinds of projects on nature and the ecology of the
environment, such as the submergence of land. This may relate to protection or
lack of protection against extinction of endangered plant and/ or animal species,
loss of habitat or destruction of flora and fauna and so on. It is concerned
particularly with issues of "ecology."

This theme also relates to debates or discussion over care (protection or lack of
protection) of land and water resources. This can be viewed in terms of issues
relating to deforestation, denuding and afforestation of forested lands for fuel,
cultivation of fisheries, soil erosion, siltation and soil conservation and SO on.

159

PROJECT REVIEW (02) review of the project.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion over allowing a REVIEW of the
project and REVIEW of policies of the project — taking seriously the findings of
those who conducted studies or reviews.

Examples include: anti-dam activists demanding an analysis of the dam or a halt
in construction, while project authorities refuse to talk about the issue and state,
specifically in reaction to criticisms, that they plan to continue the project. Anti-
dam activists may point to the ”Report of the Independent Review,” which
eventually strengthened the case against building the dam.
Words like, "review," ”dialogue,” ”deadlock,” ”stalemate,” "negotiation,"
"meetings," "settlement," and so on may be mentioned. In addition, the Indian
courts could be mentioned.

There may also be statements, debates or discussion within and among the anti-
dam groups about the project, or within and among the pro-dam groups about
the project. For instance, some pro-dam sources are concerned with the issue of
oustee rehabilitation and want to discuss that with other pro-dam sources.

MISTRUST OF PROJECT/RED TAPE (03) mistrust of the project
organizers / stagnation.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion over possible forms of cover-up
(or ”conspiracy”) among "vested" players (government officials, industry, the
World Bank, etc., as beneficiaries) who are said to suppress information on the
project (such as blueprints of the project, environmental impact reports), or give
false or inaccurate misinformation or no information.

The focus is on suspicion of vested project authorities and financiers.

This may be subtle: For instance, the word "alleged" may appear in the article.
Likewise, a statement that no information is available from the World Bank may
portray a mistrust in the project; or claims may be refuted, as in someone Simply
contradicting an assertion made about a piece of official business conducted by
a government official (A minister said She never received an important memo
said to be sent by the chief minister).

This may be overt: There may be admissions of anger, disappointment, disbelief
etc. in policies and decisions. If it is an anti-dam editorial, parts of the article
may fall into this category at times.

160

There could also be a concern over a lack of credibility of government
engineering practices. This relates to the danger associated with construction of
the dam (such as questions of floods due to structural damage from
earthquakes, etc.), which could adversely affect peOple and animals.

There may be times when the ”Official Secrets Act” gets mentioned if this theme
is present.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion over stagnation of players and
agencies involved. Inactivity is a major factor in this theme.

In addition, there may be inaction in decision-making by officials about the
project (tardiness in paying relocation compensation, slowness of courts to
decide if project should go further or be stopped, lack of decisions by
governments to give clearances, and so on).

It could relate to failure in implementation of various aspects of the project,
including inaction in following the court's directive to review the project or give
clearances and so on.

TOP-DOWN THEORY (04) national development.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion over large, expensive, foreign-
imposed or nationally-imposed development strategies that are viewed as
destructive to people and nature. “The focus is: large scale development SUCH
AS THE NARMADA DAM, seen as unhelpful and destructive.

These include issues of the theory about ”top-down” or "trickle-down"
development (developmental) models (where development comes to the
villagers from those controlling-agencies in power above them), the lack of
"people's participation" in large development projects; the assertion that large
development does not benefit those most in need, imperialism of pro-dam
international, national or state governments and organizations, promotion of
inappropriate technologies or more new projects; North-South

”developed/ developing country” debates over the environment (like those
discussed during the ”Earth Summit”), and so on.

PROTEST (05) protest related to the project.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion (which may be held for a
variety of reasons) about protests or actions for or against construction of the
dam.

161

The actions (resistance) may be in the form of marches, petitions, hunger strikes,
group suicides ("sacrifice" drownings), rallies and so on. This theme examines
issues of democracy, human rights abuses, campaigns, government actions for
or against protesters, non-violence or Gandhian principles, etc.

162

ECONOMIC AND NUMBER-ASSOCIATED SUBTHEMES:
MACRODAM BENEFITS (06) benefits of macro hydro-electric dams.

This relates to statements, debates or discussion over the benefits of large-scale
hydro-electric dams, such as irrigation of drought-ridden agricultural lands or
villages, energy-production, and so on. Also, included is references to
implementation of resource policy, water policy and so on.

This theme tends to reflect positive statements about the benefits of large-scale
development projects like the Narmada Dam.

Includes positive and negative impacts on peOple affected by the project
OUTSIDE the Narmada Valley (not in the submergence zone but said to receive
water from the dam).

If not part of "PROJECT REVIEW," simple statements that the dam project
construction will be implemented, statements of support, progress reports, etc.
fit into this category.

Article may generally discuss government policy on resources.
Phrases like the dam being called "the lifeline of Gujarat" fit in this category.
NUMBER DEBATES (07) the question of accuracy of numbers.

This entails statements, debate or discussion on the accuracy of number
estimates related to the project.

This could include the question of number estimates on the following: amount
of people affected, number of different kinds of animals or plants affected, loss
of soil in inches, cost of project, financial benefits, acreage to be submerged,
years to complete (could include dates), and so on.

This theme is present if number amounts are mentioned in a context in which
they are being questioned or scrutinized. Thus, for example, if just the
estimated cost of the project is mentioned, it is not enough to count as presence
of this theme. However, if the estimated cost is presented in a way that it
becomes a matter of disagreement, then this theme is present.

This theme is also likely present when number estimates mentioned in a story
are compared with other Similar number estimates. For instance, "Project
authorities say the project will be completed by the year 2003, however, anti-

163

dam activists project that dam construction will carry on until 2015." OR "Anti-
dam activists claimed that the actual number of people to be relocated was
much more than the official estimates."

Monetary and Acreage Equivalencies: Indian currency is in "rupees." One
"lakh" rupees equals 100,000 rupees; one "crore" rupees equals 10 million rupees.
Ex. Rs. 100 crore is 1 billion rupees or approximately $30 million; "Hectares" are
used instead of acres. One hectare equals approximately two and a half acres.)

164

HEIGHT COMPROMISE (08) compromise on height of dams.

This primarily involves statements, debate and negotiation specifically on the
issue of compromise over the height of dams — whether they should be
lowered or raised, not whether the project should be stopped.

If the height of the dam is mentioned, that is not enough to count this theme as
present, however, if the issue relates to compromise or the lack of compromise
over the darn height, then this theme is present.

FINANCE (09) finances of the project.

This examines statements, debates or discussion related to finances: who pays
for the project, how it is paid for and how money is being spent?

Articles might discuss loans for the project (the building of the dams), as well as
financial responsibility for implementation. They may refer to the issues of
fiscal planning, financial provisions, the allocation and administration of
resources (such as land or water) for development, paying for completion of the
project and other on-going projects, aid, lenders, credit, loans, economic losses,
and so on.

Note: if the World Bank or the Planning Commission is mentioned, then it is
may be a finance theme, depending on the context of the article.

MISTRUST OF ANTI-DAMMERS (10) mistrust of anti-dam sentiment.

This relates to statements, debate or discussion on impeding India's economic
developmental "progress" by those who are influencing others to resist the
project. This theme focuses on the idea that those who try to stop dam
construction are blamed, denounced and accused of hindering the country's
"positive" economic growth and development. There is a mistrust of anti-dam
forces - their intentions, motives and actions.

Examples: Pro-dam forces may accuse Indians working against developments,
like the dam, of being "unpatriotic." By stopping large development, they are
said to be working as "agents of the west," involved in a "plot" to keep India
dependent upon the First World. They may be portrayed as "traitors" against
”Mother India.”

Anti-dam advocates may deny these kinds of charges.

Pro-dam advocates urge people to take a stand against the anti-dam advocates.

165

OTHER THEMES (11) other focus.
This includes any theme not identified above.

UNDETERMINED THEMES (12) undetermined focus.
This category is to be used only if it is impossible to determine which theme
represents the major emphasis.

166

F. Bias
(VAR19) EDITORIAL BIAS (39)

This variable is a factor if the story type is coded as an "editorial" or "feature"
piece. If the story is net an editorial, then code as directed below.

Since an "editorial" emphasizes the writer's opinion, it will reflect a bias in favor
of the dam project or against the dam project.

This bias can be assessed by examining the judgmental, or "loaded" words or
phrases used by the author of the article: loaded words or phrases tend to foster
a judgmental attitude. For instance, those "fanatical" Narmada enthusiasts (pro-
dam), or the project is a "mockery" (anti-dam). It may imply a sense of mistrust
of players involved in the controversy, such as "The government's game is
transparent" (anti-dam), or "Anti-dam forces are at it again, trying to manipulate
the villagers of Manebeli" (pro-dam). Bias may also be seen in the form of a
question or an assertion. For instance, "Why does the government continue to
fund this ill-fated project? (anti-dam)" or "NBA leader Medha Patkar must end
her hunger strike" (pro-dam).

On occasion, it may be difficult to determine if the writer is pro-dam or anti-
dam, however, this category should be avoided if possible.

CODING PROCEDURE: The first five paragraphs and the last three paragraphs
of the story Should be read, looking for any opinions. If the writer is pro-dam,
code a "1" for pro-dam. Code a "2" for anti-dam and "3" for undetermined.
Code a "9" if editorial bias does not apply (not an editorial type article).

(1) Pro-dam

(2) Anti-dam

(3) Undetermined

(9) Does not apply (not an editorial piece)

167

Narmada Dam/Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP)
Story Source List of Groups/Organizations/Reference Terms

(These are examples: the list is not all-inclusive)

SOURCES (For time period between 1989 8: 1993)

“ For unidentified terms like "officials," authorities," "project engineers," etc.;
for government/ industry officials: can look to datelines (and/ or see dateline
and geography reference list below) to see which states' Officials are being
referenced.

“ For ”former” kinds of sources or sources with duel affiliations, see
reference list below.

NOTE: Also, watch for differences in initials to distinguish between people (ex:
Mr. G.I. Patel vs. C. Patel).

RULE: To assess categorizations, assess the CONTEXT in which the source is
referenced.

*Remember about dual or triple affiliations (not all are listed, so assessing the
context of the story is critical).

(V AR07) FOREIGN GOVERNMENT DONORS AND POTENTIAL
DONORS:

* All countries' governmental agencies or bodies other than India's (EX: a senate
subcommittee of the US. Congress). The governments may be referred to as
"the United States" or "Brazil" (but don't confuse with straight geographical
reference); "The West" or "North"; The "South" or East" (if not India).

* Diplomatic organizations like: The United Nations

" The World Bank (”the Bank”); ("the lender" or "funding agency");
member countries of the World Bank

Director of India Department of World Bank, Heinz Virgin

World Bank President

International Development Association (a part of loan)

* Independent Review Commission (*NOT A DUAL SOURCE). The
Commission published a report by Bradford Morse (former United Nations
Development Program administrator and US. Congressman) and Justice
Thomas Berger (worked on the Sardar Sarovar Project).

* Overseas Development Assistance
* US Agency for International Development (USAID)

168

* Multilateral Development Banks (MDB)

(VAR08) INDIAN GOVERNMENT:

CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
”Officials” OR ”the government”; ”the state” (unless specified otherwise);

II, 11

”India”; ”the central government”; ”the Center , union” officials;

n, u

”bureaucrats , the military"; "GOI" (government of India); "planners"; "the

borrower , Delhi;" "politicians , the country"
"Lok Sabha" (house of the people); "Rajya Sabha" (council of states)

* Congress I Party (Pradesh Congress I)

* Prime Minister: P.V. Narasimha Rao (Former PMS were Jawaharlal Nehru
("Neruvian tradition"), Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Chandra Shekhar, Singh
and so on)

" Other former politicians (*if they represent the central government)

" President of central government

* Minister of State (assistant secretary to central government)

" MPS (Members of Parliament) (not to be confused with the state of Madhya
Pradesh - referred to as MP OR M.P.)

* Union Ministries, departments, and commissions, such as the Ministry of
Environment and Forests, Water Resources (and the National Water Board),
Power, Finance, etc. or the Central Water Commission and the Planning
Commission (committee led by Jayant Patil)

*“ Narmada Valley Control Authority (NCA) (part of Water Resources
Ministry - S.C. Verma former chairman) (the highest decision-making body on
the project)

*’” Narmada Valley Development Authority / Agency (NVDA)

* Union Secretary of Social Welfare

* Comptroller and Auditor General of India

* Dam Safety Panel (has water resources development minister)

*Khosla Commission

" The Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal

REMEMBER: NOT SARDAR SAROVAR PROJECT

GUJARAT STATE GOVERNMENT

”Gujarat” (don't confuse with straight geographical reference);

"GOG" (government of Gujarat); ”The state” (see dateline for city and examine
context of story. To be based on context -— not to be confused with the Central
Government);

169

”Assembly House”; Congress MLA (Member of Congress Party elected to
legislative assembly of the state); ”officials”; "the (local) police"; "the (local)
authorities"; "district Officials" (local)

*NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”; ”project contractors”: these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources unless an agency
name appears to clarify what they are: NOTE: If government is separated from
"project authorities," etc. ("Sardar Sarovar authorities") in same sentence -
"government and project authorities say..." — then count "project authorities" as
industry only.

* Sardar Sarovar Development Corporation (also industry): NOTE: If
government referred to in same sentence - "the government and the SSDC" -
count SSDC as industry only.

" Chief or Executive Engineer and Plant Officer (also could be industry)

* Chief Minister (Ex: Amarsinh Choudhary. Most active was Chimanbhai Patel
who was Choudhary's successor. Patel died in 1994).

* Governor

" Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee (Congress I for Gujarat: Pro dam)

* Chief Secretary (was H.K. Khan in 1990)

” Irrigation Minister

* Chunibhai Vaidya, Yoginder Alagh and others specified

*Sardar Sarovar Narmada Nigam Ltd. (SSNNL) and Chairmen Sanat Mehta and
CC. Patel (also industry, NOTE: SEE BELOW)

* Gujarat State Rehabilitation Department (Mr. Anup Kumar associated)
Sardar Sarovar Rehabilitation Agency

” State Minister

* State Rehabilitation Minister and Secretary

* State Planning Board

* Minister for Narmada Development ("Narmada minister") Babubhai Patel
(former chief minister; became president of pro-dam NGO)

MAHARASHTRA STATE GOVERNMENT:

”Maharashtra” (don't confuse with straight geographical reference);
”Assembly House”; Congress MLA (Member of Congress Party elected to
legislative assembly of the state); ”Officials”; ”the state” (based on context - not
to be confused with the Central Government); "the (local) police"; "the (local)
authorities"; "district officials" (local)

*NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”; ”project contractors”: these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources, unless an agency

170

name appears to clarify what they are. NOTE: If government is separated from
"project authorities, etc." in same sentence - "government and project authorities
say..." - then count "project authorities" as industry only.

* Chief Minister

’* Governor

* State Minister

" State Rehabilitation Minister and Secretary

* Chief or Executive Engineer and Plant Officer (could also be industry)
* State Flaming Board

MADHYA PRADESH STATE GOVERNMENT:

”Madhya Pradesh” (don't confuse with straight geographical reference);
”Assembly House”, Congress MLA (Member of Congress Party elected to
legislative assembly of the state); ”officials”; ”the state” (based on context — not
to be confused with the Central Government); "the (local) police"; "the (local)
authorities"; "district officials" (local)

a‘NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”; ”project contractors”: these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources, unless an agency
name appears to clarify what they are: NOTE: If government is separated from
"project authorities, etc." in same sentence - "government and project authorities
say..." - then count "project authorities" as industry only.

’* Chief Minister (S.C. Shukla, Sunderlal Patwa, etc.)

" Governor

* State Minister

* State Rehabilitation Minister and Secretary

* Chief or Executive Engineer and Plant Officer (could also be industry)
* State Planning Board

Minister for Narmada Development (Narmada Minister)
RAJASTHAN STATE GOVERNMENT:

”Rajasthan” (don't confuse with straight geographical reference);

”Assembly House”; Congress MLA (Member of Congress Party elected to
legislative assembly of the state); ”officials”; ”the state” (based on context - not
to be confused with the Central Government); "the (local) police"; "the (local)
authorities"; "district officials" (local)

*NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”; ”project contractors”: these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources, unless an agency
name appears to clarify what they are. NOTE: If government is separated from

171

"project authorities, etc." in same sentence - "government and project authorities
say..." - then count "project authorities" as industry only.

" Chief Minister

" Governor

* State Minister

" State Rehabilitation Minister and Secretary

* Chief or Executive Engineer and Plant Officer (could also be industry)
" State Planning Board

STATE GOVERNMENTS IN GENERAL:

Congress MLA (Member of Congress Party elected to legislative assembly of the

state); ”officials , project authorities ; project engineers , project contractors”
and ”the state” and all state posts.

* Other Indian states, such as Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh, Sikkim, etc.

Opposition political party leaders and members not identified with a state

government, such as "left-wing political parties ; Leftist political parties” or
specifically:

* Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ("BJP government") (State Gov. Pro dam)

* Janata Dal (JD) (JD government) (mostly pro-dam); (other Off-shoots of the
Janata party, such as the Yuva Janata & the Chhatra Janata -- youth wings)

* Communist Party of India (anti-dam)

" Democratic Youth Federation (anti-dam)

AND SO ON...

(VAR09) INDUSTRY:

Chief or Executive Engineer and Plant Officer (could also be government); ”the

II, I

private sector”; certain ”corporations , ’business”; (not local Narmada Valley
shops); "large agribusiness"; "Chemical industry"; banks and financial
institutions (except multilateral lenders like the World Bank); technologists;
"private interests"; and so on.

*NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”, ”project contractors” these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources, unless an agency
name appears to clarify what they are: NOTE: If government is separated from
"project authorities, etc." in same sentence - "government and project authorities

say..." - then count "project authorities" as industry only.

172

*Sardar Sarovar Narmada Nigam (Agency) Ltd. (SSNN) and Chairmans Sanat
Mehta and CC. Patel (“also Gujarat government)
* Sardar Sarovar Development Corporation (also Gujarat government)

* (Gujarat) Chamber of Commerce and Industry (pro) (GCC). President is
Jagdish Jhaveri

* Narmada Abhiyan (a group of industrialists)

* Jai Prakash Associates

" Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited

* Karnataka Power Corporation

* Gujarat Mineral Development Corporation

" Indian funding agencies such as: Reserve Bank of India; Provident Fund; Unit
Trust of India

* Narmada Power Corporation Nigam (Narmada Nigam)

* Forest Development Corporation

* Large landowners (rich, better-off, landed farmers but not Project-Affected
Peoples)

(VAR10) EDUCATIONAL EXPERTS:
”The scientific community”; ”economists;” sometimes those who hold seminars;
and so on

* Maharaja Sayajirao University

" Tata Institute of Social Sciences

* INTACH (The Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage)
* Osmania University

* Vijay Paranjapape (economist) - against the dam

(V AR11) COURTS:

”The magistrate”
" The Supreme Court

* The Gujarat High Court
* Lawyers

(V AR 12) VILLAGERS:

IMPORTANT "See counting procedure above to count accurately
"*NOTE: If they are villager demonstrators, they are to be coded twice under
"Villagers" and "anti-dam NGOS."

"Communities" ; those from "far flung places"

173

NEGATIVELY IMPACTED VILLAGERS:
Those people who may potentially be or already are "relocated and
rehabilitated" or have been negatively impacted by the Narmada Dam and
similar development projects.

The villagers of Manebeli, Harsud and others in the Narmada Valley

"The villagers of ..."; "families from..."; "farmers from..." "local business" owners
(not industry if comprised of owners from project-affected areas)

”Tribals” (often referred to in Hindi as ”adivasis” (the original dwellers);

II, I:

”oustees , project-affected persons”; ”displaced persons”; ”landless laborers”;
H. II II. H H. H

"encroachers , poor farmers , a village patel (headman) , agriculturists";
"major sons"

* Villagers allocated land
" Village government leaders

BENEFIT ING VILLAGERS:

The villagers from Saurashtra and Kutch and other drought-ridden districts in
different states said to be the beneficiaries of the project.

"The village of ..."; "families from..."; "farmers from..."

(The other beneficiaries will be industry, but large businesses or industries
mentioned outside the Narmada Dam region should be placed in the ”industry”

category.)

(VAR13) ANTI-DAM NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
(”NGOS”):

INTERNATIONAL ANTI-DAM NGOS:
People from countries other than India (such as West Germany, USA, UK, the
Netherlands, Sweden, Japan and so on) who actively support anti-dam
organizations. Also can include anti-dam ”NRI” (Non Resident Indians)

"Environmentalists , greens; voluntary organizations"; international "trade

union organizations" international "anti-dam lobbyists , activists; "Narmada
activists"

* Lawyers (work with anti-dam international activists)
” The Wapenhans Report on the World Bank

* International community/ forum

* Natural Resources Defense Council

* International Rivers Network

174

* Environmental Defense Fund
* Friends of the Earth
" Oxfam

DOMESTIC ANTI-DAM NGOS:

II, 11

Note: ”Andolan” means ”movement . the movement"

II II II H H II

"Narmada activists; environmentalists; activists; extremists”; anti-dam
n. n

"voluntary organizations , trade union organizations"; anti-dam "farm labor

organizations , a citizen's committee to review the project"; "Sangharsh Yatra"
(anti-dam demonstrators); Gandhian principles.

* Villager-demonstrators (NOTE: Code as villager and anti-dam NGO)

* Lawyers (work with anti-dam domestic activists)
Important activists of the movement:

* NBA leader Medha Patkar

* Baba Amte

* Sundarla Bahuguna

* Rajni Kothari

* Ashish Kothari

"' Smitu Kothari

* Swami Agnivesh

* Girish Patel

* Shabana Azmi

* Srilatha Swaminathan

" Satinath Sarangi

" Claude Alvarez

* Ramesh Billorey

* B.D. Sharma (NOTE: SEE BELOW)

" Ms. Maneka Gandhi (NOTE: SEE BELOW)

Anti-Dam Orgs or activists:

* Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA)

" Khedut Mazdoor Chetna Sangathan

* Jal Sankat Nivaran Samiti

* Multiple Action Group

* Lok Adhikar Sangh

* Janhitvadi Vikas Manch (Action Committee Against Destructive
Development)

* Bharat Jan Andolan

* Jan Vikas Andolan (People's Development Movement)
* Azadi Bachao Andolan

* Indian People’s Front

175

* Human Rights Campaign on Narmada

" Keshubhai

* Kalpavriksh

* ALCOM

* Saheli

* Ankur

" Sruti

’* CENDIT

* All India Federation of Trade Unions

" Dalit Student Federation

* Himalaya Bachao Andolan

* Lokayan

* IIT Nature Club

* People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)

* People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR)
* Bhopal Gas Pidit Mahila Udyog Sangathan

" Karjan Jalashay

* Yojana Sangharsh

* Narmada Jyot, Yuva Janata and Chandra Janata
* Gujarat Sarvodaya Mandal (initially supported dam, then changed and
became anti-dam)

’* Narayan Desai (Narayanbhai)

Other anti-dam types of groups:
* Anti-dam "Gandhian" activists
" Women's groups

" Student organizations

* Social workers

* Actors

* Labor unions

* Anti-dam religious groups (see list in this category above) (also found in pro-
dam camp)

* Artists

* Writers

* ”Intellectuals”

(VAR14) PRO-DAM NGOS:
INTERNATIONAL PRO-DAM NGOS:
People from countries other than India (such as West Germany, USA, UK, the

Netherlands, Sweden, Japan and so on) who actively support anti-dam
organizations.

176

Also can include anti-dam ”NR1” (Non Resident Indians). These are mostly
Gujaratis living abroad.

* Activists
* Lawyers (work with pro-dam international activists)

DOMESTIC PRO-DAM NGOS:

Note: ”Andolan” means ”movement”

"The people of Gujarat" (could include "tribals , middle Class", etc.).
Pro-dam "voluntary organizations"; pro-dam "lobbyists"; "trade union
organizations"; pro-dam "farm labor organizations"; "Shanti Yatra" (pro-dam
demonstrations); villagers from other states; "activists"

" Lawyers (work with pro-dam domestic activists)
" Pro-dam "Gandhian" activists

* Bharat Ekta Andolan (President Urmilaben Patel, wife of Gujarat

Chief Minister Chimanbhai Patel) (NOTE: IF Bharat Ekta Andolan President
Urmilaben Patel is mentioned Specifically as "the wife of Gujarat Chief Minister
Chimanbhai Patel," then count them each separately (pro-dam NGO and
government); The same is true for any other chief ministers' wives involved in
pro-dam activities, such as G.C. Chimanbhai Mehta's wife).

" Lok Swaraj Manch (President is minister for Narmada Development Babubhai
Patel: he was Chief Minister of Gujarat) (NOTE: SEE BELOW)

* Harivallabh Parikh (pro dam Gandhian social worker in Gujarat)

"' Chunibhai Vaidya

* Krishnaprasad Patel

* Swami Sachidanand

* Chunibhai Vaidya (Gandhian activist)

" Pro-dam student organizations (like those from Maharaja Sayajirao University)
" Pro-dam political leaders

* Pro-dam religious groups (such as the Swami Narian Sect or N iketan Ashram)
* Friends of Nature Society

* SETU (Achyut Yagnik is activist formerly anti-dam)

* ARCH-Vahini (Anil Patel is activist formerly anti-dam)

* Gandhian Sadavichar organization

* Gujarat "Narmada Foundation"

* Foundation Trust

” Shramik Vikas Sansthan

" Anand N iketan

177

(VAR15) OTHER:

N on-irnpacted, unaffected or uninvolved Indian citizens ("countrymen"; "the

people , people of the country" etc.)

W*"""’The news media ONLY if they specifically add something to the story,
NOT if sources are only said to have spoken with them, such as "in a press
conference the prime minister said..."): Count once, no matter how many
different kinds of media are mentioned, unless different specific journalists'
names are used.

COUNT ONCE:
"According to the BBC, national press and the Gujarat papers,
which covered the event extensively..."
DON'T COUNT AGAIN:
"the media blitz..."
COUNT AGAIN:
"Mr. Choudary, of the Nav Bharat Times, says..."

NOTE: Ignore reference if it mentions name of newspaper article published in:
EX: In the Times of India, "as told to a Times of India reporter...")

Those whose affiliation does not fit into this list, such the militia in the Punjab
and Kashmir, TADA (unrelated to this issue)

Doctors and hospital officials, etc.
(VAR16) UNIDENTIFIED:

"Others"; "Other people;" if not identified with a kind of source (Note how this is
not the variable "other" above). NOTE: "Others at the anti-dam demonstration"
should be in the Anti-Dam NGO category.

Some sources are not identified on purpose (such as off the record sources):
"according to sources..."

Some unspecified terms are nearly impossible to categorize without the context
of the story or are just too general. In some cases, if the context does not give
enough information to assesses these very generalized sources terms, then it is
impossible to do so. For instance, there are times when it will be difficult to
assess terms like: "NGO community; "vested interests"; "opponents of the dam";
"proponents of the dam," etc.

RULE: In these cases, only if it is impossible to categorize them, mark them as

"un-identified."

178

It is often difficult to identify sources in stories. However, it is critical to try to
avoid this category as much as possible.

To accomplish this 1) read stories all the way through and / or re-read them if
necessary; 2) use this reference list of organizations, and 3) place stories into
their geographical context whenever possible by looking at datelines and using
the dateline reference list.

The keys to choosing categories are to think of the context of the story and to use
common sense.

179

REFERENCE LIST FOR MISC. SOURCE TYPES

”FORMER” KINDS OF SOURCES:

" Ms. Maneka Gandhi (during this struggle she was first the union environment
minister; then became an activist with anti-dam non-governmental
organizations)

NOTE: " Gujarat Sarvodaya Mandal (initially supported the dam, then changed
and became anti-dam: code as anti-dam, unless specific statement reflects pro-
dam stance.)

 

"FORMER AN D/ OR DUAL AFFILIATION" KINDS OF SOURCES
(for counting: include source in each relevant category = count twice):

* Minister for Narmada Development Babubhai Patel (became president of pro-
dam NGO; was former chief minister)

* B.D. Sharma (Commissioner of the national govemment’s Commission for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (AS WELL AS activist for anti-dam non-
governmental organizations)

" Sardar Sarovar Narmada N igam Ltd. and Chairmen Sanat Mehta and CC.
Patel (industry and Gujarat government);

* Sardar Sarovar Development Corporation (industry and government): NOTE:
If government referred to in same sentence - "the government and the SSDC" -
count SSDC as industry only.

IF Bharat Ekta Andolan President Urmilaben Patel is mentioned specifically as
"the wife of Gujarat Chief Minister Chimanbhai Patel," then count them each
separately (pro-dam NGO and government); The same is true for any prime
ministers' wives, such as G.C. Chimanbhai Mehta's wife).

UNSPECIFIED TERMS: MAY BE DUAL AFFILIATION SOURCES:

(The best guide to identifying the kind of source mentioned is use the context of
the statement or article to assess categorizations)

*NOTE: "project authorities"; ”project engineers”; ”project contractors”: these
unspecified sources are government AND industry sources, unless an agency

180

name appears to clarify what they are: NOTE: If government is separated from
"project authorities, etc." in same sentence — "government and project
authorities say..." — then count "project authorities" as industry only.

- ”The international community” can refer to pro-dam OR anti-dam
international non-governmental organizations (based on the context).

"Environmentalists" — based on the context, determine if they fit into
international anti-dam N GOs or domestic anti-dam NGOS — or both.

RULE: If the story does not mention an international component — assume they
are domestic activists and vice versa.

"Activists" -— based on the context, determine if they are international or
domestic activists AND if they fit into anti-dam NGOS or pro-dam NGOS.
RULE: If the story does not mention an international component — assume they
are domestic activists and vice versa.

“*NOTE: If they are village demonstrators, they are to be coded twice, under
both villagers and anti-dam N GOS.

Some unspecified terms are nearly impossible to categorize without the context
of the story or are just too general. In some cases, if the context does not give
enough information to assesses these very generalized source terms, then it is
impossible to do so. For instance, there are times when it will be difficult to

assess terms like: "NGO community; "vested interests , opponents of the dam";
"proponents of the dam"; "protagonists" etc.
RULE: In these cases, only if it is impossible to categorize them, mark them as

"un-identified".

SPECIAL POINTS:
(See counting specifics above)

For the "other" category

""“This includes the news media

NOTE: Ignore reference if it mentions name of newspaper article is published in:
EX: In the Times of India, "as told to a Times of India reporter..."; or Times of
India news agencies/ Express news agencies)

181

DATELINE GEOGRAPHY REFERENCE LIST FOR STATES:

GUJARAT STATE GOVERNMENT (pro-dam):
The capital is Ahmadabad. Baroda is in Gujarat. Kheda District is in Gujarat.
Kutch and Saurashtra are in G.

** NOTE: Ferkuwa (or Ferkuva) on the MP. / Gujarat border is in Madhya
Pradesh Gujarat. However, in 1990 march, when anti-dam demonstrators were
forced to camp on M.P. side for most of time, authorities dealing with the
protest were administratively on the Gujarat Side.

MADHYA PRADESH STATE GOVERNMENT (less pro-dam):
The capital is Bhopal. Village of Harsud is in MP

MAHARASHTRA STATE GOVERNMENT:

The capital is Bombay. Pune and Manebeli Villages are in Maharashtra. Dhule
District is in this state.

RAJASTHAN STATE GOVERNMENT:

The capital is Jaipur. The districts of Saurashtra and Kutch, the drought-ridden
areas said to benefit from the dam, are in Rajasthan.

Appendix D

Appendix D

Intenn'ews: Cnntextnal Analysis:

The following observations were taken from interviews with journalists from
Eregoxernment:

leumalistfl:

inttaflganinaticmabcidnatailjm Regarding professional norms, Journalist
P1 did not attain a degree in journalism but studied commerce and post-
graduate work in sociology. She came to the profession as a freelancer. She
started as a reporter at Went in 1987, working her way up to
"principle correspondent." She expressed great pride in the paper and
environmental reporting in India in general. While not designated to an
environment beat, she tended to mostly cover environmental stories, or at least
stories with environmental angles. She views herself as an environmental
advocate, which she said means "sustained reporting with follow-up action."
Advocacy, however, does not preclude presenting all versions of the story.
Objectivity is an important principle to reporters in India. She is a member of
the Forum of Environmental Journalists of India (FEJI), but said the organization
is basically defunct. She would like to see it be more of an information resource
than it has been in the past.

Her news-gathering routines on the environment beat were affected by
the NBA because the organization presented an endless diet of information in
the form of press releases, press conferences, press tours, demonstrations, and
so on. The NBA built a strong rapport with the reporter helping her to meet
deadline pressures. "Journalists are not willing to run around looking for

information. They have to be fed on a platter." This is so, she believed, because

182

183

of the intense workload wherein only one reporter is assigned to cover the state
capital per state. She expressed frustration with government and World Bank
sources, who seemed to hold back information.

Inna-thanizatibnal Eebnbmig Factbts: Management policies were forced on
reporters, affecting the way they did their jobs, according to Journalist P1. Often
they were directly told what subjects to cover and how a particular "special
page" (the environmental page) should look. In the last three to five years
hegbyei'ntnent has become more pro-business, putting an emphasis on
economic stories and sales of the paper. There were no Official environment
reporters, so reporters had to juggle their coverage of the various ministries. It
was difficult to sell environment stories to management and editors because
they were more interested in stories on politics and the economy, which tend
not to offend government or corporate interests. Financial commitment to the
beat was limited, especially because it Often required travel to rural areas, which
was costly in terms of time and money. Therefore reporters often financed their
own travel. More often they covered the story from afar. This was often the
case in the Narmada story and many reporters criticized each other for that.
Space for environmental stories is limited more so today than in the past.
Lunafltganiaatinnafli‘niitieafiactnts; Journalist P1 said the political ideology of
the paper' management (its publishers, managers and editors) was pro-
establishment or pro-government. She did not say if they were pro- or anti-
Narmada Dam. Personally, she was skeptical of the top-down nature of the
Narmada project in which the project-affected-persons "seem to sacrifice more
than they receive." While the press did play a role in national development,
they focused more on politics and the economy than on environmental issues.

E - r 'za ' n lFa r :The paper's audience was viewed as

primarily the urban elite, yet there was an irony as the editors tend to patronize

184

the audience by declaring that they are typically unable to grasp complex issues
of public debate. Editors told reporters that the audience was not interested in
the environment, were not ready for it and have a short attention span for it
(though polling was not done to confirm this). Consequently, environmental
stories were limited in length and ghettoized to the environment page.
Exnazoi'ganigtienaliignndmiefiantdm Advertisers actually called management
and suggested what the content of the paper should be. There was a lot of
competition from other newspapers, especially non-English newspapers (Hindi-
language papers' circulation has increased). Geographically, much
environmental coverage was in local (regional) papers. Also, because of
television, graphics had become more important. Progovernment began a price
war in 1995, which increased circulation. This impressed management so much,
they became less concerned with content. This weakened joumalists' autonomy.
Emaflganiaanonalflbneaifiaetnts India has a strong tradition of freedom of
the press, but there has not been much investigative journalism. Consequently,
government policies are announced in the press but not often evaluated, except
by the government itself. Government sources were very closed to the media.
Covering politics generated power, access and contacts for reporters. Covering

the environment had a counter effect.

IenmalieLEZ:
WWW Journalist P2 studied for a year at

Cambridge and then worked in England as a reporter for a year receiving on-
the-job training. He returned to India in 1969 and was made assistant editor for
Prbgeyeinment, leapfrogging the hierarchy ("caste system," he called it)
typically in place because of his overseas experience. Later, he worked briefly
for Antigovemment but eventually returned to W, freelancing at

times. By 1981, he became interested in environmental issues and development,

185

writing a book on the subject. Today the environment has become a
"respectable beat," no longer seen as an issue only covered by women reporters.
In 1994, he left the paper when management policies became "too oppressive" to
allow him to do his job the way he wanted.

The Narmada story generated interest because it got international
attention (even before it became an issue in India). It was a very peOple-
oriented movement and the leader, Medha Patkar, was very charismatic. It
represented the merging of two movements: human activists and
environmentalists. It fit many of the news values of a good news story. By 1989
(during the Harsud demonstration) it became the biggest environmental story in
India. Also, the NBA made it relatively easy to gain access to information on the
story.

Journalist P2 played three roles at the paper: overseeing news from local
editions in the region, writing features, or writing "signed editorials" (as a
columnist) for the editorial page. Although he supported India's tradition of
environmental advocacy, he said it was important to report both sides of an
issue accurately or risk losing credibility. Even in editorials, he said the fact that
he wrote for a "big establishment paper" affected how he presented his
arguments, taking a middle of the road, "democratic" approach. He was often
ridiculed for being "pro-environment." He was a member of FEJI but said there
was little action in the organization. He blamed this on the fact that the
membership is quite spread out geographically and communication is difficult
in India. While he believed that environmental reporters try to educate
themselves more than the average journalist in India, he thought that most
Indian journalists did not read enough, research stories, cross check

information, nor understand the technical jargon of the beat.

186

InttaflganinanenaLEeanmmEaetdts Journalist P2 said that he typically had to

fight for Space to get an environmental article published, however his reputation
gained him much leverage.
MW Journalist P2 said that he understood the
pro-dam argument (that so much has been spent on the dam so far that it cannot
be stopped) and he blamed the anti-dam movement for not compromising
earlier. For instance, they should have suggested alternatives, which would
have made it easier to fight the dam. He wrote about alternatives in his
columns. He personally was against the dam's top-down approach toward
development, but admitted that India does need to deal with its electricity and
drought problems, which were highly emotive issues in the affected states. He
was skeptical of the pressure on the press by the Indian business lobby abroad,
which is comprised primarily of pro-dam Gujaratis.

He said the press had been at the forefront of the freedom struggle in
India and its role in national development was extremely important. English-
language papers greatly influenced what went into print in the local "language-
press." The national press also sets the political agenda. He said that
Pingpyemmtent was pro-government and that meant pro-dam, which forced
him to juggle his personal views with that of the paper's. He said his views as
an editor would subtly influence what reporters wrote about the dam, except for
the local editions, which were avidly pro-dam. More recently (between 1993
and 1994), a new executive editor, who had ties to the World Bank, took over,
instituting a policy that Journalist P2 and his colleagues found highly
condescending. Eventually, four senior editors left the paper, including

Journalist P2.
WW Much of the audience in Gujarat was pro-

dam.

187

Exnja-thanizatienal Eednbmie Eaetdts: Reporters at local editions of the paper

would complain when Journalist P2 would write against the Narmada project,
claiming that circulation would drop in pro-dam areas.

There was great competition from television, which promised higher
salaries. However, the TV business was still too disorganized to deliver all that
it promised. Also TV had less credibility than newspapers since it was so
recently govemment-run.

Newspapers are more market-oriented these days, and libel is not an
issue.

WW While there was not overt censorship, it
was difficult to get access to government and industry information. Records
could be retained as company property. Certain laws, such as the Official
Secrets Act, allowed government agencies to legally withhold information, even
from the Parliament. Officials often refused to be named, even if they were
referred to in a federally-sponsored official report, therefore most sources were
mentioned off-the-record in news reports. The division of ministries made it
difficult to attain information. Misinformation and disinformation were
commonly disseminated.

Inumalietlfi:

WW Journalist P3 received a bachelor's degree
in English literature, history and French, and a masters in English. She began
working as a sub-editor and reporter in 1984 for magazines and news agencies,
focusing on women's issues, development and the environment. From 1989 to
1995 She worked at W.

In covering the Narmada, the NBA provided a lot of information to the
press. Medha Patkar became the "star of the movement" - the "glitterati" - and

the press sensationalized the issue. Journalist P3 wrote many articles about the

188

Narmada and related issues, which led to criticism from some of her editors.
Writing on the environment became a stigma against her. Since she was viewed
as an advocate, her reputation as a credible journalist was damaged. She
thought that Etegoyei'nment was "a bad place to work" and quit in 1995. She
was a member of FEJI.

Intnafltganigatinnalfignnemiefiactgns; She spent her own money to travel to the
Narmada region because the paper did not provide a travel budget. The paper
did not encourage enterprise or investigative reporting and she had to fight for
Space in covering the issue.

Inna-thanizatienal Eblitieal Eathrs: Journalist P3 was against the dam. The
paper's owners received a lot of pressure from Gujarati business interests (pro-
dam) not to cover the project or cover it in a positive light. Journalist P3
believed that, eventually, the paper's editors buckled under that pressure
forcing a standard of objectivity with which she did not agree. If the facts were
accurate, she did not feel it was necessary to present both sides of the issue in
every story. "If you see a lot of people being beaten up, you are going to report
that," she said. "You are not going to sit back and say, 'let us be objective'." She
was also criticized as being biased because she used certain language in her
stories, for instance, characterizing the beating of demonstrators as "brutal." She
said this standard of objectivity was not applied as heavily in other types of
reporting but was indicative of environmental journalism in India. She said the
fate of environmental reporting at Etegbyetnment was "doomed" when the new
executive editor (who had worked for the World Bank) came to the paper, Since
he set an anti-environmental agenda in the newsroom. Since his arrival, a "tacit
ban" on Narmada stories was introduced, particularly anything that mentioned

Medha Patkar.
WW (Not discussed)

189

ExtmzergenizatienalEeenemieEaetera There was a lot of pressure from

advertisers to run pro-dam stories. Many ads by the Narmada authorities that
supported the dam were run in the paper.
Ezgttafltgal'gatigmaLfloiitigaifiaetots; The NBA often tried to pressure reporters
to use the information the organization provided for publicity, which created
tensions between reporters, editors and the activists. It was difficult to get
confirmation of information from government and industry authorities,
although it helped that Journalist P3 was from a large, established paper. "They
make you dance for the information," she said. Stories were often delayed,
waiting for confirmation of facts. Sometimes industry sources threatened to call
up the editor and have a story banned.

Ieurnaliemm:

InttaflgainzatinnaLCulbnaLEaetnts; Journalist P4 was an engineer and
academic who became involved in political activism and, eventually, in 1977,
journalism. In 1981, he began work at Emgeyernment as a special
correspondent and assistant editor. Then he wrote for the editorial page and is
now a syndicated columnist writing on the environment and other issues. He
thought environmental advocacy was a positive position since it made people
aware of critical issues, such as deforestation, and how to combat them. He was
critical of Narmada coverage because he thought the press did not explore the
issues deeply enough. "It focuses very often on episodic stories," such as a fast,
a protest, or a report, instead of debate of alternatives and compromise. He was
not a member of FEJI.

LnttafltganiaanenaLEcenntmcfimts Journalist P4 said that no reporter at the
paper was assigned specifically to the environment beat, which meant there was
too much for each reporter to cover and too little time for analysis of

environmental policies and other issues. "Editors don't seem to understand the

190

importance of the environment." However, Journalist P4 said that he had an
editor who was very supportive and often ran his stories on the front page. He
said that there used to be some support for travel to cover stories, or training for
reporters, but now that had changed. He would only discuss the matter further,
off-the-record.

Inttafltgain'zatibnal Pelitieal Faetbrs: The press played a crucial role in national
development, framing the discussion on the dichotomy between economic
development and environmental sustainability. In terms of the Narmada, he
said the media had made a serious contribution to the public debate on the
issue; however, the paper should have taken a stand against the project, which it
did not. He was generally against large dams but did not classify himself as a
total "rejectionist" of the project.

Extta-brganizan'enal Cnltural Faetdrs: He felt that the English-language press
was an elite medium but that information in the papers did filter through to a
general audience and was somewhat accessible.
WW Occasionally, libel suits over
environmental issues arose, but it was rare. While there was competition from
television, Journalist P4 did not see TV as a viable medium for reporting on the
environment because it was "too superficial" and too "elitist" (expensive for the
average person in India).

Extta-drganiaatienal Pnlitigal Faetbts: It was difficult to gain access to
information from sources on environmental stories. Sometimes documents
were leaked to the press and, on occasion, agencies had tried to get certain
reporters arrested under the Official Secrets Act (including Journalist P4), but
had been unsuccessful. Censorship was not overt but came in the form of subtle
government pressure on newspaper publishers. For instance, publishers were

threatened with blackmail. Enngyernment could afford to be relatively

191

independent, but Journalist P4 said editors tended to be weak, fearing arrest.
He said, during the State of Emergency under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi,
Antigovemment publishers were arrested and the power supply to the paper
was cutoff. Smaller papers were at even greater risk for government
manipulation.

memes;

intta-thanizatienal Cultnral Eagtdrs: Journalist P5 worked in academia for 12
years teaching economics, then moved into journalism in 1990. He began as
associate editor of a large English-language daily (at a sister paper to
Progovernment), starting work for W in 1993 as a business and
economics editor. Now he is an editorial page editor. In terms of
environmental advocacy, he said, "We have tried to tread a very narrow path
between supporting environmental causes and supporting developmental
causes...I have tried to take a balanced position as often as possible." Journalist
P5 said for stories to be published they must be controversial, and the Narmada
fit into that formula. He complained, however, that there was not enough
analysis of issues overall.

WW He said it was a battle to get
environmental stories into the paper because there was a bias in favor of
political and business stories. The environment was covered only cyclically,
with no sustained interest. He said that, today, there is more financial support
for training of environmental journalists. The environment had become a more
"sexy" subject. Although the cost of newsprint was rising, he said
Progovemment had deep pockets and could absorb the costs.
inttgaflgarnaatienaiflbncalfiagtnrs Up to 1993, the paper was considered very
much a pro-establishment paper, supporting the government in power.

However, since economic liberalization in India, the influence of the

192

government over the economy had decreased and the private sector, including
the newspaper industry, had become much more ideologically independent of
the government. He felt that with the arrival of the new executive editor (from
the World Bank) and himself, the paper became more liberal and critical of
government (this is the opposite of what other reporters said).

In the past, the press saw itself as part of a nation-building process, but
currently, the press' role in national development has Shifted away from
government, to the marketplace. The press saw itself as defender of consumer
interests and rights. Journalist P5 said it was not the government who should
decide what was right for India, but consumers themselves.
ExtraergammtlenalsulnlraLEacters. (Not discussed)

Egna-thanizatienal Eebnemie Eaetbrs: The Press Council of India often
mediated complaints that could have led to libel cases in the courts. They
operated as an ombudsman. Also, Emggyemment lowered its prices in 1994,
increasing its circulation and beating out other papers. Foreign newspapers
were banned and there was no foreign investment of newspapers. TV was
widely available and relatively inexpensive so there was a sense of competition
with newspapers. Journalist P5 thought this would change a bit when pay
channels are introduced.

W In terms of sources and information,
Journalist P5 said, "the government at all levels is extremely secretive."
Therefore, most information was given Off-the-record. This lead to problems of
objectivity among reporting. "How do you prove you have substantiated

information?" he asked.

193

The following observations were taken from interviews with journalists from
.Amtigevemment:
IeumalistAlt
intra-etganizatibnal Cultural Faeters: Journalist A1 is the development editor
for W. She started as a trainee reporter, working over half her
career for Progovemment. She had been in the business for 30 years. She had
no formal science training but did not see this as a hindrance. She was a
member of FEJI but saw little activity in the group because "journalists are too
busy to participate." She started covering the environment when only women
worked that beat. She did not consider herself an environmental activist but did
take sides in certain stories. She said she did this by eliciting a certain "tone" in
her articles. She said there was a lot of tension in the newsroom. There was a
great deal of uncertainty in the profession, and one always had to prove oneself.
She complained that the competition and jealousy among reporters was fierce.
Before, one had to just be a good journalist to get the best assignments; now,
journalists had to agree with the managers' philosophies. She was struggling
with whether to become a manager, although she preferred writing, to
administrative work. However, She was frustrated that she did not have higher
status after so many years in the profession.
W A recent hiring practice was to put
employees under contract (2-3 years) instead of regular salary. One could
receive a slightly higher pay scale that way but could be fired at the end of the
period. There were unions for the reporters but they were not very effective.
There were no reporters covering the environment beat exclusively and it
was difficult to get environment stories on the front page. Journalist A1 often
had to fight to get her articles in the paper because they were not considered

high priority. In fact, the development theme page, which she primarily wrote

194

for, was dropped at a certain point (it ran for two years). The reason was said to
be a newsprint shortage but Journalist Al was skeptical of that and felt it was a
new editor's influence that canceled the page. She had some financial support
to travel to the region to cover the Narmada story but has done much of her
writing from reports only. With a limit of 600 to 800 words, it did not seem
worth it to travel to the area. The paper subscribed to a number of wire services
but did not yet fully utilize computers or the Internet.

Lntta-Qrganizatidnal Pelitieal Faetbrs: Journalist A1 said Ann'gnyetnnient was
definitely anti-establishment Since it was very critical of the government. The
paper's development theme page contributed much to national development in
India. She felt that she personally had done a lot over the years to bring
environmental issues to the media's attention. She was against large top-down
development projects like the dam but at this point felt that it was time to
compromise on the issue.

Entta-Qrganizatibnal Cnitnral Eaetprs: Journalist A1 felt there was a big
audience among the N GO community for the development theme page (no
market survey had been conducted).

W W did not value the NGO
readership because the stories NGOS were interested in did not promote the
kind of advertisers the paper needed for financial success. Also, NGOS did not
tend to advertise in the paper. There was a lot of competition from other
newspapers and other media, including television. Accuracy was considered
highly important to avoid having one's work brought before the Press Council,
or result in libel suits.

WW It was difficult to get information on the
Narmada from the government or the World Bank, especially on deadline.

Most information in reports, etc., was provided by the NBA. Reporters were

195

often criticized for the articles they wrote, by groups who disagreed with the
content mentioned in the stories.

InLra-Qrganizan'enal Cnltnral Eaetets: Journalist A2 viewed himself as an
environmental activist that became a journalist in order to use the media to
promote an environmental message. Having worked as a reporter for
Annggntement for a number of years, he left to begin a new environmental
magazine. He was originally fighting for the protection of wildlife. He was
avidly against the dam. He felt the NBA got the media's attention so well
because they treated the project not as a local issue but as one representative of
the negative aspects of development. He was a member of FEJI but said the
organization was not engaged in any activities. He thought that there was a
problem because the reporters involved were not good at networking but
instead wanted to be the center of attention. Reporters, he felt, were too
competitive with each other to Share information. "I think the person who
should run this (organization) should be an administrator with a pathological
need to disseminate information." He suggested that FEJI should raise funds to

give environmental reporters at papers around India e-mail accounts.

WW (Not discussed)

- 'z ' l P 1' ° 1 : He said that the new executive editor at
W definitely influenced content of the paper in favor of the World

Bank and the dam.

WWW (Not discussed)
ExtramganizationalEcenomieiaeters: (Not discussed)
Eanaflrgamzatimaihlitigflaetnts He felt that the World Bank had a
calculated policy to manipulate the media in favor of the dam and improve the

image of the Bank. He said it was difficult to get valid information from the

196

World Bank — only glossy brochures with a very one sided perspective. He
said the Bank tempted decision-makers in ministries (who dealt with the press)
by rewarding them with consulting-jobs abroad, and so on, if they looked
favorably upon the Bank's objectives. Most information for stories was obtained
through the NBA. He said that newspapers in Gujarat are pro-dam/pro-
government because of the power of business interests there.

leumelisiAlz

Intta-Qrganizatibnal Cultural Eaeters: Journalist A3 is a special correspondent
with Antigdyerntnent, starting as a trainee 13 years prior. She did not cover the
environment beat exclusively but defined herself as a development writer. She
had written quite a bit on the Narmada. Although she was personally against
the dam, she said she wrote according to a standard of objectivity. She felt that
it was not the newspapers that took a stand against the project, but individual
reporters. She was not a member of FEJI because she was not aware of it. She
said an organization would help if it provided reference material, contacts for
stories, and also Short term training programs.

Intta-thaniaatibnal Eeenbmie Faetbrs: Most of what she wrote tended to
eventually get published in the paper, however, since liberalization, the
environment was viewed as far less important than financial and political news.
Market journalism was now the norm. She said she had the support of the
executive editor to travel if necessary. Computers were in use in the newsroom
but the paper was not yet equipped for e-mail or the Internet.
Intta-btganizatidnal Belitieal Eaetbrs: She said the paper had been avidly anti-
establishment, but was less so in recent years. It had, however, a subtle policy.
Now, with a new editor-in-chief, the paper had tried to gain back some
credibility it had lost by being so far to the left. She believed that the local press

were more influential on development issues than the national English-

197

language press; however, the national press had an important impact on policy-
making. Also, it had an affect on the regional press Since national stories are
reprinted.

Extta-Qrganizatidnal Cnltural Faetbrs: Stories filtered down to illiterate villagers,
since peOple read the local papers aloud to others. She said the national papers
were more respected because people viewed them as more objective.

Exna-drganizatidnal Egbnemie Faetbrs: The paper lowered its rates in response

to Progovernrnent doing the same. Other papers have followed suit.
Extra-erganizatibnal Enlin'eal Faeters: She felt it was not difficult to get "official
information" from the government. However, she often had to use off-the-
record sources. The World Bank was very inaccessible. Most information came

from the NBA and other NGOS and industry sources.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Aggarwala, Narinder K. "What is Development News?" Journal of
Communication 29 (Spring 1979): 181-182.

Agrawal, A.N. Indian Economy: Problems of Development and Planning. New
Delhi: Wiley Eastern Limited, 1993.

Babbie, Earl. Survey Research Methods. CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 1990.

Badri, M. A. "Mass Communication and the Challenges on Global
Environmental Protection." Journal of Development Communication 1, no. 2
(1991): 1-16.

Banerjee, Gouri. "Interregional Information Flows and National Development:
An Evaluation of Indian Newspapers." Ph.D. diss., Boston University,
1979.

Banyopadhyay, Jayanta, and Vandana Shiva. "Development, Poverty and the
Growth of the Green Movement in India." The Ecologist 19, no. 3 (1989):
111-117.

Baskaran, Theodore. "The Rise of the Environmental Movement in India."
Media Development 37, no 2 (1990): 13-16.

Bendix, Jacob, and Carol M. Liebler. "Environmental Degradation in Brazilian
Amazonia: Perspectives in US News Media." The Professional Geographer
43, no. 4 (1991): 474-485.

Berelson, Bernard. Content Analysis in Communication Research. NY: The Free
Press, 1952.

Berger, Peter L., and Thomas Luckman. The Social Construction of Reality: A
Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. Garden City, NY: Doubleday and
Co., 1966.

Berkowitz, Dan. "TV News Sources and News Channels: A Study in Agenda-
Building." Journalism Quarterly 64 (Summer/ Autumn 1987): 508-513.

Breed, Warren. "Social Control in the Newsroom: A Functional Analysis." Social
Forces 33, no. 1 (1955): 326-335.

Brijnath, Rohit. "Damming the Evidence." India Today, 15 Sept. 1995, 62-65.

198

199

Burger Jr., Edward J. Health Risks: The Challenge of Informing the Public.
Washington, DC: The Media Institute, 1984.

Campbell, David J., and Jennifer M. Olson. "Framework for Environment and
Development: The Kite." Occasional paper No. 10., Center for Advanced
Study of International Development, East Lansing, Michigan, 1991.

Census of India, 1991.

Cohen, Bernard C. The Press and Foreign Policy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1963.

Coulson, David C., and Stephen Lacy. "Newspaper Economic Coverage of
Motor Vehicle Standards." Paper presented at the Association for

Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Chicago, August
1997.

"Credibility Crisis for Lucknow Newspapers." The Hindu, 4 August 1995, 9.

Daley, Patrick, and Dan O'Neill. "'Sad is Too Mild a Word:' Press Coverage of
the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill." Journal of Communication (August 1991): 42-
57.

Dictionary of the Economy. NY: Wiley and Sons, 1995.

D'Monte, Darryl. Temples or Tombs? Industry versus the Environment: Three
Controversies. New Delhi: Center for Science and Environment, 1985.

Dove, Michael R., and Mahmudul Hug Khan. "Competing Constructions of
Calamity: The April 1991 Bangladesh Cyclone." Population and
Environment: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 16 (May 1995): 445-471.

Dunlap, Riley E., and K. D. Van Liere. "Commitment to the Dominant Social
Paradigm and Concern for Environmental Quality." Social Science
Quarterly 65 (1984): 1013-1028.

Dunwoody, Sharon. "The Media and Public Perceptions of Risk: How
Journalists Frame Risk Stories." In The Social Response to Environmental
Risk, edited by Daniel W. Bromley and Kathleen Segerson. Boston:
Kluwer Academic, 1992.

Dunwoody, Sharon. "Community Structure and Media Risk Coverage." Risk:
Health Safety and Environment 193 (Summer 1994): 193-201.

Dunwoody, Sharon, and Robert J. Griffin. "Journalistic Strategies for Reporting
Long-Term Environmental Issues: A Case Study of Three Superfund

200

Sites." In The Mass Media and Environmental Issues, edited by Anders
Hansen. London: Leicester University Press, 1993.

Dutt, Ela. "Treatment of Journalists is Assessed." India Today, 24 March 1995, 36.
The Economist, 5 Sept. 1987.

Einsiedel, Edna, and Eileen Coughlan. "The Canadian Press and the
Environment: Reconstructing a Social Reality." In The Mass Media and
Environmental Issues, edited by Anders Hansen. London: Leicester
University Press, 1993.

Entman, Robert M. "Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm."
Journal of Communication 43, no. 4 (1993): 51-58.

Environmentally Sustainable Economic Development: Building on Bruntland. Edited
by Robert Goodland, Herman Daly, Salah El Serafy and Bemd von
Droste. Paris: UNESCO, 1991.

"Family Settlement will Split Indian Express." India Abroad, 17 Feb. 1995.
Fetterman, David M. Ethnography: Step by Step. London: Sage, 1989.

Friedman, Sharon M., Sharon Dunwoody, and Carol L. Rogers, eds. Scientists
and Journalists: Reporting Science as News. NY: The Free Press, 1986.

Friedman, Sharon M. "The Journalist's World." In Scientists and Journalists:
Reporting Science as News, edited by Sharon M. Friedman, Sharon
Dunwoody and Carol L. Rogers. NY: The Free Press, 1986.

Friedman, Sharon M. and Kenneth A. Friedman. Reporting on the Environment: A
Handbook for Journalists. Bangkok, Thailand: The United Nations
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 1988.

Friedman, Sharon M. and Kenneth A. Friedman. "Environmental Journalism:
Guardian of the Asian Commons." Environment 31, no. 5 (1989): 7-37.

Gamson, William A. "A Constructionist Approach to Mass Media and Public
Opinion." Symbolic Interactionism 1 (1988): 161-174.

Gamson, William A., and Andre Modigliani. "Media Discourse and Public
Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach." American
Journal of Sociology 95, no. 1 (1989): 1-37.

Gandy, Oscar. "From Bad to Worse: The Media's Framing of Race and Risk."
Media Studies Journal (Summer 1994): 39-48.

201

Gans, Herbert J. Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC
Nightly News, Newsweek and Time. NY: Vintage Books, 1979.

Gerbner, George, and Larry P. Gross. "Living With Television: The Violence
Profile." Journal of Communication 26, no 2 (1976): 173-199.

Gitlin, Todd. The Whole World is Watching. Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1980.

Goffman, Erving. Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. NY:
Harper and Row, 1974.

Goonasekera, Anura, and Duncan Holaday, eds. Asian Communication

Handbook. Singapore: Asian Mass Communication and Research Center,
1993.

Gramsci, Antonio. Selections from the Prison Notebook of Antonio Gramsci.
London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971.

Greenberg, Michael R., David B. Sachsman, Peter M. Sandman, and Kandice L.
Salomone. "Risk, Drama and Geography in Coverage of Environmental
Risk by Network TV." Journalism Quarterly 66, no. 2 (1989): 267-276.

Grover Chaudhary, Anju, and Anne Cooper Chen. "Asia and the Pacific." In

Global Journalism: Survey of International Communication. 2nd ed., edited
by John C. Merrill. NY: Longman, 1991.

Gupta, V. 8. "Media and Environmental Protection: An Indian Perspective."
Paper presented at the Asian Pacific Seminar on Media and the
Environment, Varanasi, India, 1989.

Gurevich, Michael, and Mark R. Levy, eds. Mass Communication Review Yearbook
5. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1985.

Hachten, William A. "India: A Free Press Survives." In The Growth of Media in
the Third World: African Failures, Asian Successes. Ames: Iowa State
University Press, 1993.

Hall, Stuart, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, and Brian Roberts.
Policing the Crisis: Mugging the State, and Law and Order. London:
MacMillan Press, 1978.

Hansen, Anders. "The Media and the Social Construction of the Environment."
Media, Culture and Society 13 (1991): 443-458.

202

Haque, Mazharul. "Is Development News More Salient then Human Interest
Stories in Indian Elite Press?" Gazette 38 (1986): 83-99.

Hazarika, Sanjoy. From Bhopal to Superfund: The News Media and the Environment.
Discussion paper, Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of
Government, 1994.

Hirsh, Paul. Strategies for Communication Research. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1977.

Holsti, Ole. Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities. Reading, MA:
Addison-Westley, 1969.

Human Development Report. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Iyengar, Shanto. Is Anyone Responsible?: How Television Frames Political Issues.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.

Johnstone, John, Edward Slawski, and William Bowman. The News People.
Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976.

Katiyar, Arurt. "Divide and Rule." India Today, 31 March 1995, 66-69.

Kerlinger, Fred N. Foundations of Behavioral Research. 3rd ed. Chicago: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1986.

Khan, Niaz Ahmed. "Press and Government Relations in India, Pakistan, and
Bangladesh: A Historical-Critical Analysis." Ph.D. diss., University of
Southern Mississippi, 1991.

Koppikar, Smruti. "Environmental Journalism: India." Paper presented at the
Seminar of International Journalists, Tokyo, Japan, November 1995.

Kothari, Ashish. "The Press and Jan Vikas Sangharsh Yatra." Economic and
Political Weekly, 11 May 1991.

Kumar, Keval J. Mass Communication in India: A Comprehensive and Critical Look
at the Mass Media in India. New Delhi, India: Jaico Publishing House,
1981.

Liebler, Carol M. "Individual, Organizational and Social Structural Influences
on Newspaper Framing of Civil Disorder." Paper presented at the
International Communication Association, Montreal, Canada, May 1997.

Lippman, Walter. Public Opinion. NY: Macmillan, 1922.

203

Many Voices, One World: Communication and Society, Today and Tomorrow: The
McBride Report. Paris: UNESCO, 1984.

Marshall, Catherine, and Gretchen B. Rossman, Designing Qualitative Research.
London: Sage, 1989.

McCombs, Maxwell, and Donald L. Shaw. "The Agenda-Setting Function of the
Press." Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (1972): 176-187.

McCombs, Maxwell. "News Influence on Our Pictures of the World." In Media
Effects: Advances in Theory and Research, edited by Jennings Bryant and
Dolf Zillman. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1994.

McDonald, Hamish. "Changing Times: Resignations Shake Up Prestigious
Indian Newspaper." Far Eastern Economic Review, 24 March 1994, 22-23,
26.

McQuail, Denis. Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction. 2nd ed. London:
Sage,1987.

Merrill, John C., and Harold A. Fisher. The World ’5 Great Dailies: Profiles of Fifty
Newspapers. NY: Hastings House, 1980.

Mishra, Dinanath. "India's Scribes Who Take Bribes." India Post, 1 September
1995, A 20.

Mody, Bella. "Development Communication: From Media Effects to Media
Contexts." Media Development 3 (1988): 35-37.

Morgan, David L. Focus Groups as Qualitative Research. London: Sage, 1988.

Murphy, Priscilla, and Juliet Dee. "Reconciling the Preferences of
Environmental Activists and Corporate Policy-Makers." Paper presented
at the International Communication Association, Albuquerque, New
Mexico, May 1995.

Nayar, Kuldip. The Judgment: Inside Story of the Emergency in India. New Delhi,
India: Vikas Publishing House, 1977.

Nayar, Kuldip. "Government Worsens Narmada Mess." India Abroad, 19 Aug.
1994, 2-3.

N euman, W. Russell, Marion R. Just, and Ann N. Crigler. Common Knowledge:
News and the Construction of Political Meaning. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1992.

204

Pauly, John J. "A Beginner's Guide to Doing Qualitative Research." Journalism
Monographs 125 (1991): 1-29.

Press in India: 1994. Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of
India, New Delhi.

Price, David, and Shani Wasantharaja. "Newsprint Prices Soar." The Pioneer, 14
Nov. 1995.

Rachlin, Allan. News as Hegemonic Reality: American Political Culture and the
Framing of the News. NY: Praeger, 1988.

Rajan, R. V. "Environmental Policies and the Media in India." Media Asia 19, no.
2 (1992): 772-777.

Sandman, Peter M., David B. Sachsman, Michael R. Greenberg, and Michael
Gochfeld. Environmental Risk and the Press. New Brunswick, NJ:
Transaction Books, 1987.

Schoenfeld, A. Clay, Robert F. Meier, and Robert J. Griffin. "Constructing a
Social Problem: The Press and the Environment." Social Problems 27, no. 1
(1979): 38-60.

Scott, William A. "Reliability of Content Analysis: The Case of Nominal Scale
Coding." Public Opinion Quarterly 17 (1955): 321-325.

Shafer, Robert J. A Guide to Historical Method. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth
Publishing, 1980.

Shah, Hemant. "Factors Influencing Development News Production at Three
Indian Dailies." Journalism Quarterly 67 (Winter 1990): 1034-1041.

Sheth, Pravin N. "The Sardar Sarovar Project: Ecopolitics of Development." In
Crisis and Change in Contemporary India, edited by Upendra Baxi and
Bhikhu Parekh. New Delhi: Sage, 1995.

Shoemaker, Pamela J., and Stephen D. Reese. Mediating the Message: Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content. NY: Longman, 1991.

Sigal, Leon. Reporters and Officials: The Organization and Politics of Newsmaking.
Lexington, MA: DC Heath, 1973.

Spector, Malcolm and J. Kitsuse. Constructing Social Problems. Menlo Park, CA:
Cummings, 1977.

205

Stempel, Guido H., and Bruce H. Westley, eds. Research Methods in Mass
Communication. NJ: Prentice Hall, 1989.

Survey of the Environment. The Hindu, 1992, 1994, 1995.

Thorson, Esther, Robert Meeds, Ekaterina Ognianova, H. Denny Donnel Jr., and
Jeanette Jackson-Thompson. "Framing the Flood of '93: A Comparison of
Newspaper and Television Frames with Citizen Perceptions and
Preferences." Paper presented at the Association for Education in
Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington DC, August 1995.

Tichenor, Phillip P. "Teaching and the 'Journalism of Uncertainty."' The Journal
of Environmental Education 10 (Spring 1979): 5-8.

Trumbo, Craig. "The Life Course of an Environmental Issue: Claims, Frames,
and Global Warming." Paper presented at the Association for Education
in Journalism and Mass Communication, Washington DC, August 1995.

Tuchman, Gaye. Making News. NY: The Free Press, 1978.

Weaver, David H., and G. Cleveland Wilhoit. The American Journalist: A Portrait
of LLB. News People and their Work. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1986.

"What Makes a Good Science Story?" Panel discussion with Ira Flatow, Dennis
S. O'Leary, Joann E. Rodgers, Stephen H. Schneider, and Robert J. Trotter.
In Scientists and Journalists: Reporting Science as News, edited by Sharon M.
Friedman, Sharon Dunwoody and Carol L. Rogers. NY: The Free Press,
1986.

White, D. M. "The Gatekeeper: A Case Study in the Selection of News."
Journalism Quarterly 27 (1950): 383-390.

Wilkins, Lee. Shared Vulnerability: The Media and American Perceptions of the
Bhopal Disaster. NY: Greenwood Press, 1987.

Wimmer, Roger D., and Joseph R. Dominick. Mass Media Research: An
Introduction. 4th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1994.

World Commission on Environment and Development. Our Common Future.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.

Yadava, J.S. Press System in India. Media Asia 18, no. 3 (1991): 132-136, 142-147.

Yadava, IS. The Price of Freedom, in Press Systems in SAARC. Singapore: Asian
Mass Communication and Research and Information Center, 1994.