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This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

SENIOR WOMEN COMMUNITY COLLEGE ADMINISTRATORS:

LIFE IN HIGHER EDUCATION'S INNER CIRCLE
presented by

Barbara Maruschak Tedrow

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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SENIOR WOMEN COMMUNITY COLLEGE ADMINISTRATORS:
LIFE IN HIGHER EDUCATION’S INNER CIRCLE
By

Barbara Maruschak Tedrow

A Dissertation
Submitted to
Michigan State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Higher, Adult, and Lifelong Education

1998

ABSTRACT
SENIOR WOMEN COMMUNITY COLLEGE ADMINISTRATORS:
LIFE IN HIGHER EDUCATION S INNER CIRCLE
By

Barbara Maruschak Tedrow

This study investigates how senior-level women administrators at community
colleges construct leadership identities. For women at community colleges, the
construction of a leadership identity is a dilemma. The community college’s egalitarian
mission is in conflict with its traditional organizational conceptions framed by masculine
orientations. This is an orientation that is generally neither open to nor inclusive of
women’s tendencies to use relational responses. Using data fi'om thirty interviews, the
study’s findings based on qualitative research methodologies Show how contextual
forces shape a woman’s leadership identity. The study’s implications suggest ways that

organizations ean foster women’s leadership in more creative comprehensive ways.

Copyright 1998
by Barbara Maruschak Tedrow

Midland, Michigan 48640

TO my family

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A friend once told me writing a dissertation was like convalescing from a lengthy
and distressing illness. I might compare it to finding my way through an underground
tunnel. Both metaphors emphasize that writing a dissertation is a grueling but
transformative experience, best appreciated when completed. Therefore it is with heartfelt
thanks that I acknowledge those who supported me in the dimcult journey to completion.

I am indebted to Robert Rhoads, my advisor whose direction, patience, and
criticisms helped me turn my idea into a study. In addition, I thank Ann Austin, Maenette
Benharn, and Marilyn Amey, members of my dissertation committee. Each woman gave
me her sincere encouragement, an insightful critique on the study’s content, organization,
and its future implications.

Recognition must go to my colleagues at Delta College, Michigan State, and the
women I met at the Women’s Leadersz Institute especially Jean V. Kartje and its former
director, the late Carolyn Desjardins. Their advice, enthusiasm, friendship, and sense of the
absurd carried me at times when I hit the low moments Of writing. I am also deeply
appreciative Of the senior women administrators with whom I have worked over the years.
They first kindled the idea of such a study. For their generosity, I gratefully acknowledge
the senior women administrators who took the time to participate in the study. I especially

thank those who encouraged me to extend this inquiry at crucial points in its development

I thank my family for their invaluable encouragement especially my husband,
William F. Boley, who believed in me and in the importance of this research. He dialogued
critically about the ideas, critiqued my writing, and was my final editor. As for my
children, Leslie and Mark, it is their presence in my life that inspired me to take the
challenge this research represents.

Finally, I am deeply grateful to Walter F. and Mary Jane Johnson for their
endowment recognizing the best dissertation proposal in the College of Education at
Michigan State University. It was their financial support of me through this endowment

that allowed me to pursue the topic of my dissertation beyond my original plan.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER ONE — INTRODUCTION .................................... 1
A. Voices from the Inner Circle ............................... 3

l. Filling Big Shoes: Adaption ......................... 5

2. Keeping Your Place: Reconciliation ................... 8

3. Breaking Through: Resistance ....................... 13

B. Defining the Problem ................................... 18

C. The Significance of the Study .............................. 23

CHAPTER TWO — REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ....................... 26
A. Women’s Leadership .................................... 26

B. Theoretical Assumptions ................................. 33

l. Assumption 1: Gender and Ways Of Knowing ......... 33

2. Assumption II: Organizational Theory .................. 36

Traditional Organization Frames .................. 36

Culture and Feminist Frames .................... 39

3. Assumption III: Culture and Identity ................... 40

The Role Of Communication ..................... 42

Outsider: Attitudes and Behavior .................. 46

C. Summary ............................................ 50

CHAPTER THREE — RESEARCH DESIGN ....................... 53
A. Data Collection Techniques .............................. 53

B. Sample Selection ....................................... 54

C. Managing and Recording Data ............................. 56

D. Data Analysis Strategies .............................. 56

Leadership Identity Chart ....................... 60

E. Issues Of Credibility: Validity and Reliability ................... 61

F. Limitations ............................................ 64

G. Summary ............................................. 65

CHAPTER FOUR — ADAPTION ....................................... 67

A Leadership Identity ..................................... 68

B. The Role of Communication .............................. 76

C. Adaption Attitudes and Behaviors .......................... 82

D. The Costs and Benefits Of Adaption ......................... 98

E. Summary ............................................ 104

CHAPTER FIVE — RECONCILIATION ................................ 107
A Leadership Identity ................................... 108

B. The Role Of Communication ............................. 114

C. Reconciliation Attitudes and Behaviors ................ 121

D. The Costs and Benefits Of Reconciliation .............. 132

E. Summary ................................... 137

CHAPTER SIX — RESISTANCE ...................................... 140
A Leadership Identity .................................... 141

B. The Role Of Communication ............................. 146

C. Resistance Attitudes and Behaviors .................. 151

D. The Costs and Benefits of Resistance ................. 163

E. Summary ................................... 169

CHAPTER SEVEN — THE STUDY SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS ...... 172
A. Summary of Theory, Methodology, and Findings ............. 185

1. Theory ........................................ 185

2. Methodology ................................... 187

3. Findings ....................................... 188

B. Implications ......................................... 193

1. Implications for the Individual ....................... 194

2. Implications for Institutions ......................... 194

C. Conclusion ........................................... 198

APPENDIX

A. University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects . . . . 201

1. Approval Letter .......................... 201
2. Consent Form ............................ 202
3. Project Description ............................... 203
4. Letter to Study Participant ......................... 207
B. Interview Protocol ..................................... 208
TABLES
Figure 1 - Study Participant Chart ........................... 216
Figure 2 - Leadership Identity Chart .......................... 217
REFERENCES ..................................................... 219

CHAPTER]

INTRODUCTION

Community colleges are often described as the most accepting higher education
environment (Brint & Karable, 1989). As the “people’s college,” first generation college
students and students Of diverse backgrounds comprise the largest population at
community colleges. Moreover, community colleges at the faculty and administrative
levels, are reported to be more diverse than research universities because they have
included personnel with nontraditional backgrounds (Moore et al, 1983; Townsend,
1995). For example, data reveal that women make up roughly fifty percent of the faculty
at community colleges (Townsend, 1995). This is in comparison to four-year colleges and
universities that report women hold about thirty percent of the faculty positions (The
Almanac of Higher Education, 1995). From tlu's background, one might conclude that the
community college is a dynamic institution, ripe with possibilities for change and
innovation. The paradox is that we also know these colleges for their bureaucratic and
hierarchical cultures dominated by masculine leadership perspectives (Amey & Twombly,
1992; T wombly & Amey, 1994). The contradiction between the image Of the inclusive
“people’s college” and the administrative conceptions strongly favoring masculine
orientations provides the background in which the results Of the study must be interpreted.

This study investigates how senior-level women administrators at the community
college construct a leadership identity in the context of the preceding contradiction. TO

accomplish this goal, I analyze how organizational culture, gender, professional

successes and struggles, educational background, and early life experiences work together
to shape a woman’s leadership identity. This study assumes tension exists within
organizational life because research over the past two decades has suggested that women
tend to see the world difi‘erently than men (Belenky, Clinchy, Goldburger, and Tarule,
1986; Gilligan, 1982). This difi‘erence Ofien situates women as outsiders within their
workplace culture and forces them to construct leadership in distinctive ways as a means
to function effectively (Kanter, 1977; Ferguson, 1984).

Using qualitative research methodologies, I interviewed thirty women to examine
how each viewed herself as a leader within their community college. A useful tool
involved asking the women to create a metaphor to discuss their leadership role in their
organizational culture. In evaluating their responses, I came to realize the importance Of
their organizational culture in the construction of the women’s leadership identity. I found
that analyzing each woman’s leadership identity by traditional leadership categories, such
as relational, instrumental, or androgynous (mixed) characteristics developed by such
standardized measuring instruments as the Bern Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), did not pay
adequate attention to context. However, by analyzing the data through a response
schemata such as adaption, reconciliation, or resistance, I could add depth to the
women’s responses as I considered their organizational context. In particular, each
response schema was better able to Show how organizational culture, gender, professional
successes and struggles, educational background, and personal life experiences interweave
to form a leadership identity. This analysis showed that while one schema may be

dominant for a particular woman, the participants in negotiating their careers through

the community college culture generally used all the response schemata. To what degree
the women used relational and instrumental behaviors, and in what response pattern,
depended on factors such as the way each woman understood organizational cultures in
relationship to gender issues and other issues of difference. Other dimensions to their
leadership identity were the result of factors such as the use of a critical perspective in
their decision making processes, educational background, and personal life experiences.
The voices of the three women’s in the next section highlight the basic ways
senior-level women administrators responded to their organizations’ cultures. “Filling Big
Shoes” is one woman’s story of how she used adaption to traditional male oriented
standards of her organization to be successful. “Keeping Your Place” shows how a
senior-level administrator used reconciliation to her organizational culture through
stereotypical womanly behavior and meeting traditional standards. “Breaking Through”
illustrates a story of a resistance approach to traditional organizational culture and a
senior-level administrator’s struggle to include the relational paradigm in her institutional

culture.

A. Voices from the Inner Circle

Regina Ibsen, Sonya Ziegler, and Terry Rheinhart are pseudonyms for three study
participants. Each woman tells of her struggles to respond to the demands of
organizational life at the community college. For example, Regina Ibsen, with twenty-nine
years of work experience, tells of her path to success and its cost. Sonya Ziegler, despite

a stellar academic record and extensive knowledge of community colleges, reveals how

she struggled to survive and earn her way to a senior-level position by overachieving,
remaining silent, and reconciling multiple expectations. Finally, Terry Rheinhart’s account
explains how her progressive education, which emphasized individuality, self expression,
and social responsibility, enabled her to resist accepted norms of her college to pave the
way for women and relational ways of leading in her institution.

These women’s voices highlight three responses to traditional organizational
cultures: adaptation, reconciliation, and resistance. They are not meant to delimit but to
Show the range of responses these women used to make sense of their organizational
culture. Regina’s story exemplifies conformity or adaptions made to traditional
organizational practices and standards that have made her successful and useful to the
college. Sonya’s story, on the other hand, explains how She must modify or reconcile her
behavior to be consistent with the culture of the traditional organization while maintaining
appropriate womanly behaviors. Reconciliation as defined in this study is a response
fi'equently used by women in situations where nonacceptance of relational paradigms
exists. Finally, Terry’s story highlights how she defined herself and her leadership through
resistance to accepted norms by integrating relational and instrumental behaviors, so that
she could be “herself” and act on her values. Each woman constructed her leadership
identity to deal with the contradictory nature of the community college culture. Each faced
the challenge of a culture that espouses an inclusive mission while building its structure on

traditional organizational constructs that are neither inclusive nor open.

l. Filling Big Shoes - Adaption

Regina Ibsen found she had big shoes to fill as she grew on the job. Regina
explained that her male supervisors encouraged her career development and she adapted
to their expectations and standards with enthusiasm. She discussed several impressive
accomplishments such as guiding the building of a new center that houses university
classes, the formation of a human resource ofice, and the development of a fiinge benefit
program as the capstones of her twenty-nine-year career.

When asked to explain her leadership in a metaphor, Regina said she saw herselfas
alone wolf because wolves are known for their independence. Regina’s independence,
from her account, stemmed fi'om her early family experience. She grew up in a single-
parent family. Her parents divorced when she was young and she lived with her mother in
the city with her father nearby. Afier her father died, Regina spent a great deal of time
with her grandparents and less time in the city where her mother worked.‘ Regina
poignantly described her grandparents’ influence:

My grandparents were from Western Europe and hard working. They had a farm,

a fi'uit farm near here, although they didn’t always work it. It was kind of a part-

time thing. When I was young, I had the opportunity to work with them. They

used to bring in migrant workers and, at a young age, I used to help keep their
books and write the checks.
Regina spoke fondly of her grandfather and remembered him as an active Democrat
and a strong union advocate. However, she proudly emphasized she is a Republican

and was recently named to an important state board by the governor of her state.

Regina began her career as a student worker in the department she now

supervises. Describing her college culture as a family, Regina said her jobs grew as the
college grew and employee demands expanded. Moreover, she developed skills and
experience that were useful to the organization, because she was more than willing and
able to do the job even though she did not have the appropriate credentials. Over time, she
completed an associate’s degree at her community college, a bachelor’s degree at another
institution, and finally, earned a master’s degree in business administration from a nearby
university.

Regina was trained by and worked for men who supported her advancement
through the organization. Eventually, she had conflicts with some of her male colleagues
and thus developed assertiveness as another skill. In a pivotal moment in her career, she
told the college president that he would have to choose between her and another male
employee who continually obstructed her efl‘orts. The college president chose Regina and
ended the man’s employment. Since then she has grown in her ability to identify problems
and has developed a rational problem-solving style. These skills helped to elevate her to a
position on the president’s senior stafl‘.

Nonetheless, some aspects of her success have confused Regina. Though she is a
senior-level staff member, she believes the president keeps her at a distance. Moreover,
she doesn’t relate informally to the women with whom she works and has few close
colleagues. Nor does she have much time for informal chatter or discussions with her staff.
This is especially true in the morning, which is her best work time. Small talk does not
interest Regina, because she does not talk much about her own family, and family is

the major topic of conversation among the women. Regina also

believes the women on the staff do not accept her position of authority because many
knew her as a student worker. She is frustrated with her subordinates’ inability to
complete projects without constant supervision.

Regina used the metaphor of a “lone wolf” to describe her leadership style. She
keeps to herself, though She is responsible for moving the group along. Her identity as a
leader, though successful on the organizational level, has created some confusion in the
interpersonal realm. “I’m sure that the stafl‘ thinks that I’m an ogre. I feel like I don’t fit
into any of the gender things. I don’t really fit in over here with the men and I don’t fit in
here with the women. I’m just kind of out there.”

Regina Ibsen provides a glimpse at a senior-level woman administrator who uses
an adaptation leadership style to conform to masculine or instrumental standards of
traditional organizations. Regina’s account suggests that adaptation to values such as
maintaining an emotional distance and employing objective thinking have worked well
for her. Regina is assertive, goal oriented, a master at rational problem-solving, and an
astute judge of organizational inefficiencies. Regina’s identity as a leader is aloof but
nonetheless eating. She would like to pursue the goal of equalizing the salary inequities
between women and men doing the same job. Regina periodically considers ways to
equalize the salary scales without upsetting the entire college budget, but has yet to find
a workable solution to the problem. These attributes and her caution make her a
valuable asset to the organization. However, she suggests her success has had some
costs. She feels isolated and distant from both female and male colleagues, even those
who support her work and rely on her abilities. She has far exceeded her goals often

7

doing morethanrequired, sosheisnotsurewhythisis so. Whydoesshepersistwith
her conformity despite her sense of isolation and feeling of being a “lone wolf?” One
reason is that she enjoys the benefits of her hard work and is energized by the ongoing
challenge she faces. In some ways, her manner of relating to colleagues has become
natural to her now. She does not always like the isolation but accepts her role as a “lone
wolf“ who moves the group along. To a degree, Regina fits into the culture. She
believes that her decisions and skills clearly have helped the college. Regina highlights
the sacrifices and challenges women Often must make in adapting to a masculine-
oriented organization. The story of her adaptation and those of other women will be

presented in Chapter IV.

2. Keeping Your Place - Reconciliation

Sonya Ziegler grew up in a community college family. Her father was the founding
president of a community college in another state, and everyone in her family pursued
careers in education. From observing many experiences of the teachers in her family,
Sonya decided she did not want to teach, so when she went to college she majored in
journalism. She laughingly explained that she chose to use her journalism degree as a
community college administrator, rather than at a newspaper, because she thought she
would not have to deal with so many deadlines. Though she was not aware of the many
deadlines involved in administrative work, Sonya was keenly aware of the unique features
of the community college such as its egalitarian mission, its distinct culture, and the

importance of community relations.

When she completed her bachelor’s degree with honors at a small liberal arts
college, she married and moved to the small cosmopolitan area where She now lives
with her husband. That was twenty years ago. Sonya began her career as the lone woman
on the staff. Today at her community college she is a senior-level administrator
responsible for directing a major support service that deals with the community. In the
interview, Sonya described her college culture as community-oriented because many years
ago the businesspeople of the area provided the political force to create its establishment.
She explained:

It was the people who said we want to have higher education opportunities

available for our young people. At the time, the young people were leaving the

area and not coming back. So to make a future for the region, the businessmen

decided we needed to create this community college opportunity. Local, quality

and afl‘ordable education was important to the growth of the geographical region.
Sonya’s role now is to use the community as a resource and advise the other members of
the senior administrative staff to meet the goals of her community college.

Despite the importance of her job, Sonya said she often feels out of the
mainstream. A factor contributing to her feelings of being an outsider is the hierarchical
nature of her organization. A major factor is that Sonya is employed in a support service
area and not in academics. The core of the institutional mission, academics, with its faculty
imperatives colors the entire culture of her college. Sonya believes that this makes her an
easy target for faculty who look at her area as dispensable in times of financial crisis. This
also makes her uneasy about her place at the college. Sonya described how She has come

to terms with the Situation:

I used to resist being seen as dispensable. I remember one of the first days I was
on the job here in my little broom-closet ofice, one of the most vocal faculty
members came in to tell me that they didn’t need me. He asked why the
administration hired me and told me I was going to have to do a lot to prove that I
was of value to the college. He said, “the faculty is where it really all happens.”
The faculty bias is there at this college. I try not to have those similar but
contradictory biases. For me, to paint all faculty with the same brush I would be
just like that man. Administrators cannot all be painted with the same brush just as
faculty cannot. I’m not in conflict with faculty members -- I don’t want to leave
that impression.
Sonya’s remarks Ofl'er a glimpse into her reality and her sense of being on the margins. She
must harmonize the expectations of several groups: the faculty, her superiors, the people
reporting to her, and the community. Her juggling act shows she is flexible, but it also
takes all her energy. Sonya explained that her first reaction to a lack of acceptance by the
powerful faculty and to her boss’s expectations was to overachieve. No one asked or
advised her to overachieve; it was a natural reaction. Sonya said over the years she noted
women responding to these contextual pressures in a distinct way: “ I think that’s one of
those differences between the males and females in administrative positions. We women
(this is the case for most of the women I know) constantly operate at 150 percent and do
more than is expected because you have to do that to break even.”
Sonya has had a variety of bosses. Each Offered opportunities and challenges.
One supervisor focused on journalism and not on fund raising. Another boss decided her
ofice should not be represented on the administrative stafi so she was taken Ofl‘ for
several years. When she applied for the top job in her department years ago, she was even

passed over for an outside man who, according to his resume, had more years of

experience in public relations. Sonya kept her plans to herselfand developed fund

10

raising skills despite its lack of acceptance at the time.

Sonya has learned to reconcile the many demands though it has not always been
easy. Once, while working for a demanding boss, Sonya’s desire to prove herself wore her
down and she was forced to take a sick leave. She even seriously considered leaving the
institution after making a plea to her mentor, the president, who would do nothing to
alleviate the intolerable situation for her and the other employees. Both men have since
left the college and there appears to more reasonable leadership. Since then she faces the
demands and stress in healthier ways. For example, when the current president asked
her to move her Office, Sonya said she thought it through and reacted in a healthier
way:

I could have just dug in my heels and said, ‘No, we are not moving.’ We

moved out of the administration building on main campus as part of a plan to

put students first -- to make sure that all of our student services are in one
building on one floor so students don’t have to go chasing all over eampus to
get their [services]. I knew our office would no longer be in that loop or visible

or as visible. Sometimes it takes extraordinary measures to keep students a

priority, so we moved.

Because Sonya feels so much is expected of her and because she must continue to
prove her value, overachieving is now second nature to her. For example, her
department’s philosophy is service oriented; therefore, they accommodate the needs of
the internal constituents, such as faculty, to meet their goals. Sonya’s leadership metaphor
reflects the nature of her position:

You know, magicians use the interlocking rings to separate and put back together.

I think that probably typifies me because I can’t do this by myself, and yet there are

times when I have to be independent. Ultimately, I always rely on the team around
me. So I think the fact that the rings fit together and yet can be separated when

11

necessary would probably describe my leadership best.
However, the position of supporting others is dificult because Sonya or her stafi‘ receive
little recognition from the college for their accomplishments. Sonya explained:

When we have those situations that arise where we know we can help somebody

internally . . . we try to give exceptional customer service. We thought if any

department or division on campus needs to be a model, it is this one. Yet despite
extraordinary efl’orts, when internal quality service surveys are given, the ofice is
routinely rated below average by faculty. Fellow administrators and support stafl‘
don’t rate us that way, but the faculty consistently do. So I think it’s just going to
be an ongoing task, and I’m not sure that we’re ever going to convince everybody.

There are some people who don’t understand and will never understand. I think if

we try to convert them, we’re probably wasting our time.

Sonya must also serve the community and its needs to foster its support of the
college’s goals. Sonya’s role makes it important that she remain even tempered. This has
not been a problem, since she does not lose self-control often. Yet Sonya admits she can
become angry if someone commits to a responsibility and does not follow through.
Because her role depends on her ability to work interdependently with other areas of the
college, when individuals don’t firlfill their commitments, Sonya’s job becomes even
harder. Overall, Sonya has learned to accept a position on the organization’s margins
outside the academic core mission. By being flexible, finding ways to bridge the
expectations of diverse groups, understanding community needs, and being helpflrl on an
almost daily basis, Sonya has survived. Moreover, she survived because she made few
enemies and was at the right place at the right time when it became apparent her
community college needed her fund raising skills.

Sonya’s leadership style of reconciliation also seems to correspond with her family

12

life. Though she would like to return to school to earn her masters or even a doctorate,
Sonya has not done so and can’t consider the possibility for a few years. Pursuing an
advanced degree would take away from her family responsibilities because her children are
still in school. Also, Sonya believes her mother-in-law would disapprove of such a
decision.

Sonya’s account tells how she reconciles contradictory expectations at home and
at work. Reconciliation is distinct fi'om adaption, because reconciliation helps the woman
modify her behavior to deal with the double bind of being a working women. Just as a
good daughter or wife might be, Sonya is flexible, doing the best job she can to help
others and maintaining stability in the face of change. She also relies on selftalk to deal
with unfair judgements and situations to keep them fi'om affecting her self esteem.
Reconciliation is necessary for Sonya because it brings harmony to a situation where the
expectations are ambiguous and often contradictory. She faced the demands of a culture
that expected her to spend a large amount of time modifying her behavior to suit various
supervisors and situations. One can only imagine what Sonya might have accomplished
had she had opportunities for growth. Her “Reconciliation.” story and that of others will

be highlighted in Chapter v.

3. Breaking Through - Resistance
While Regina Ibsen provides an example of women as adapters, and Sonya Ziegler
reveals a pattern better characterized as day-to-day reconciliation, Teny Rheinhart, a

community college president often years, tells a story of resistance.

13

Terry grew up in a family of teachers on the East Coast. “My mother is Irish and
my father Polish.” Terry’s family was religious and she entered the convent as a young
woman. It gave her a progressive education where she learned that a critical perspective
and reflection enabled her to act in socially responsible ways. Because Terry also was
encouraged to develop her individuality, she left the convent for a life style which she felt
would allow her to more fully express her identity. After teaching a few years, Terry
received a Ford Foundation Fellowship which allowed her to earn a master’s and
doctorate in English, English literature, and intellectual history from a leading research
university.

Terry choose a book as her leadership metaphor because it symbolized teaching
and learning, which She believes helps every administrator to be an engaged and thoughtful
leader. Books symbolize Terry’s personal love of teaching and is reflected in her work
history. Terry, who has brought many women onto her administrative stafl‘, is confident
about her position at her college and how she is perceived as president. She explained:

My competency isn’t challenged very much because I’ve been in the classroom all

my life. I’m a really good teacher and I love it. I have a degree that’s as good as

anybody else’s, from one of the best schools in the world . . . I guess you’ve got to
love what you do, and I guess I didn’t really aspire to the position. It just came to
be the next logical thing to do. I think not to love what you do and not to be
grounded in the heart of the mission of the institution, which is teaching and
learningwouldbedificult. . . Ididwhatldidbecauseofthe circumstancesin

which I found myself . . . In hindsight it was the right thing to do; but in a sense
it’s like it was the opportunity that I was ready for.

Terry described her college culture as diverse because there has been an influx

14

of immigrants to her district in recent years and this phenomenon has changed the
demographics of the college. As a top administrator, Terry defined diversity in terms of
gender, ethnic, and philosophical diversity. However, She explained that identifying and
hiring women and men of color for administrative positions has been diflicult. Terry says
the college is trying to do better.

In the interview, Terry described a situation where gender issues were at the core
of a serious conflict. She said that over the last few years Board members tried to
maneuver her into choosing men for senior-level positions. The main pressure came
from a senior-level board member who was getting nervous about having so many
women on the senior administrative staff. Afier Terry was selected as college president
from a national search, the Board told her they had been especially impressed with a male
candidate they had rejected for the position filled by Terry. They suggested she hire him
for the position of academic vice president. “I can’t do that,” she told them. “You have
to have a national search . . . You don’t understand. He doesn’t want to be an academic
vice president; he wants to be a president. That’s why he applied for this job.”
Nonetheless, the board persisted with its demand. Unmoved, she countered, “I will have a
national search and we’ll hire the best person for the job.” After they completed the
search, the committee brought her a dilemma. She explained:

In the last round of interviews my executive assistant was in the pool. They

agonized. They finally said, ‘We cannot recommend to you three people from the

candidate pool. We cannot recommend one. The committee knows it’s not our

prerogative ...but we can’t find anybody that could do the job as well as [the acting
vice president], but she doesn’t have her doctorate.”

15

Terry met with the co-chairs of the search committee to discuss alternatives. They brought
them to the next board meeting. Together they made their argument to hire a woman
without a Ph.D. .She explained how she made her case to oppose the traditional standards:

The files of eight people are on my desk, three women and five men. The three

women are by far the strongest candidates . . . You’re telling me I have to hire a

man. Now, I can pick one of those men out of there and hire him, but it’s the

wrong thing to do and I will not do it . . . I am recommending to you that we do
exactly what the committee suggests and appoint the acting academic vice
president and not go through another national search.
After much discussion, the board agreed and Terry claimed a victory for herself and the
search committee.

Terry’s account reveals her resistance to the traditional standards imposed by her
community college board. In a culture that values distance and objective responses,
resistance could put Terry at risk. She reacted boldly and with conviction. Moreover, she
continued to resist conformity over an extended period despite the board’s insistence she
hire a man as academic vice president. Why did she persist? She believed it was the right
thing to do because she wanted to hire the best person for the job. As a new college
president, Terry set the tone for her tenure as president with the outcome of the first
interaction with the Board. If she had capitulated to the board’s demands, she would
have been a target for other power maneuvers. By supporting the search committee, she
created a working coalition with college personnel at all levels. Her resistance became not

an individual voice, but a voice in concert with a collective group. Terry understands the

meaning of resistance because her education and life

16

experiences, which stressed individuality and self expression, firmly implanted in her mind
the idea of justice and social responsibility. She resisted conformity at several other points
in her life as when she left the convent. Terry’s education also exposed her to the
intellectual history of ideas and to notions of oppression and resistance. This background
gave her the knowledge and skill to build coalitions by equalizing the balance of power
between the faculty, administration, and the Board of Trustees.

The stories, Filling Big Shoes, Keeping Your Place, and Breaking Through
highlight the responses women make to adapt, reconcile, and resist the community
college’s traditional organizational orientations. They show how factors such as the
culture of an organization, gender issues, and personal and educational background shape
leadership identity. The roles these women play at their colleges represent the three
traditional firnctionfl entities of most traditional higha educational institutions: student
services, community outreach, and academics. Regina is in Student or Administrative
Services; Sonya, Community Outreach, and Terry, as a president, is focused on academics
as a president because of her faculty background. Student Saw/ices and Community
Outreach have been traditionally viewed as support to the core mission of the college, the
academic area with its faculty oriented concerns. Therefore, the women must negotiate
another contextual issue the perceived importance of the department in their college
culture. Their stories illuminate the complex dynamics at work in women’s leadership

at the community collegeanother contextual issue

17

B. Defining the Problem

The question addressed by this study is: How do senior-level women
administrators construct leadership identities to function at community and two-year
colleges in the United States? I define leadership as the ability to interpret the culture of
the institution, thereby helping others find a common vision of the organization in formal
and informal leadership roles (Bensimon, Neumann, & Birnbaum, 1989). Foster (1989)
contends that today two fiames conceptualize traditional educational leaders: the
business/public administration model and the political model. The most popular business
model is the bureaucratic manager who develops goals to meet organizational needs. As
leaders, they are the link between labor and the administration, focusing on motivating
individuals for production. This model promotes effective management such as situational
leadership (Fiedler, 1967), which focuses on choosing individuals with appropriate work
attitudes and who show a high level of competency with specific skills. Making the right
choice also enhances the position of the superior. The bureaucratic leadership model is
usually gender-blind and built on the masculine- oriented organizational models with
attention given to outcomes (Blackrnore, 1989). The second leadership flame is the
political model. Also known as the transactional model, it is built on relationships with
such groups as unions, instructors, or the community. Successful leadership in this
model shows competency in maneuvering and managing the interaction between work
groups.

While bureaucratic and political models are the dominant leadership frames in US.

education today, in this study I give particular attention to a more recent conception of

18

transformational leadership (Foster, 1989). In view of gender issues embedded in
traditional organizational structures, I examine how women leaders facilitate within an
institution a common vision that builds community and deals with gender and other
difi‘erences. Transformative leadership aspires to include values other than authority and
goal setting to create a common vision of organization that recognizes and learns fi'om
difference (Foster, 1989). At the core of this leadership identity are critical and
transformative practices, as well as, educative and ethical practices. For example,
transformative relational leaders are critical observers who consider the past and current
constructions of reality, but hold up ideals of justice by seeking to include all groups into a
community. “This means a reconceptualization of life practices where common ideals of
individuality, self expression, and democracy stand important” (Foster, 1989, p. 52).

Foster stresses the critical perspective because it is at the heart of transformative
leadership oriented to social change. Rather than being locked into tradition, Foster views
leadership and organizations as socially constructed realities and seeks to deconstruct its
traditions and norms. Thus women prompt changes for the good of the community as
based on reflection of the past, future, and the self. Self-reflection is encouraged as part
of the critical process because it is necessary for the transformation of social
consciousness.

Social change is not about revolution or destruction of all authority. Social change
happens in small segments when groups work together for gender and racial equality.

Transformative leaders have a personal and a civic morality as they constantly

19

seek to improve social conditions which are either “dehumanizing or threatening.” (p. 56)
Thus, Transformative leaders live out the ideals inherent in a progressive educational
philosophy because they “combine the notion of a civic moral, inherent in democratic
principles, with the aim of nurturing the individual to take responsibility for her/his
educational growth” (ASCD Yearbook, 1982, p. 1).

Belenky (1996) brings this relational transformative leadership identity into
sharper focus by describing individual behavior, which is community-focused rather than
self-focused as a patriarch ruling over others. An individual transformative leader creates
other leaders. In this sense, Belenky describes leadership as shared and communal. While
transformative relational leaders are often engaged in serious battles with repressive
individuals and systems, they seek to transform rather than destroy their oppressor by
focusing on strengthening and entrusting the silenced. In summary, women’s leadership
in this study is examined through traditional frames as well as transformative leadership
perspectives focused on critical, educative, ethical attitudes, and actions. These models,
bureaucratic, political, or transformational, can be correlated to the three leadership styles
developed in this study--- adaption, reconciliation, and resistance.

The basic hypothesis of this study is that women as leaders must contend with
traditional organizational settings that often marginalize them due in part to their ways of
thinking and behaving. This hypothesis is grounded in the literature on women's identity,
which contends that women develop relational ways of thinking and behaving. Relational

ways of knowing, as Gilligan (1982) and Belenky, Clinchy, Goldburger,

20

Tarule (1986) argue, are tied to socially constructed gender roles. Further, relational ways
of knowing often exist in opposition to the primary patterns of traditional organizational
structures (Ferguson, 1984;1annello, 1992; Smircich, 1985). Therefore, a central
assumption of this study is that:

Traditional organizations tend to function as male-centered with norms and

standards reflective of male values and ways of knowing. Specifically, traditional

organizations tend to embrace hierarchical structures governed by a few with
rational and objective rules of behavior and language are characterized by
individual activities and linear thinking which are designed to increase conformity,
stability, and productivity. In traditional organizations competition to gain status
and power is essential to the success. Consequently, women often exist as

“outsiders” within these traditional organizational cultures because of their

tendency toward such behaviors as relational ways of knowing and acting.

Understanding the behaviors women enact to succeed in such settings can help
higher education institutions identify barriers that discourage women fi'om seeking
membership at the senior administrative level. An understanding of women’s choices may
provide insight into how environments can be created where relational ways of knowing
are more likely to be embraced, thus offering a wider range of leadership styles and
opportunities for women and for men.

The theoretical perspective derives from studies suggesting that leadership style is
best understood as a continuum, with relational style at one end and instrumental style at
the other end (Bern, 1977; Wahl & Vocante, 1993). An ethic of care characterizes the
relational style of leadership and is shown by a concern for others and a desire to foster

relationships. Such a style promotes collaboration, cooperation, and networking. An

instrumental style emphasizes autonomy, control, and competition (Smircich, 1985). The

21

literature suggests that women tend to use relational styles, while men tend to have
instrumental styles (Bensirnon, 1989; Denmark, 1993; Gilligan, 1982; Lyons, 1983). While
tendencies may exist, it is more likely that both genders use both styles. In other words, it
is too simplistic to suggest that all women are relational leaders and all men are
instrumental leaders. Context afi‘ects the way an individual responds to situations and
environments.

In additional to context, Collins (1985) and hooks (1994) suggest that a woman’s
position along this leadership continuum will further be afi‘ected by her self-definition as an
"insider" or an ”outsider" within environments that are considered hierarchical and
directive. Because men have dominated senior administrative positions in higher education
and contributed in significant ways to organizational structure, colleges and universities
tend to foster instrumental styles of leadership. Thus, both women and their relational
styles of leadership are often situated outside the organization. Aisenberg and Harrington
(1988), in discussing the lives of women faculty say that women in academe may indeed
be outsiders in the sacred grove.

In a broad sense, an ”insider” is an individual who exhibits behaviors and mental
and personality attributes defined as acceptable to a particular culture (Gofinan 1990). By
comparison, an "outsider" is someone who fails to meet the standards of behavior or
accepted norms of the culture. The term “outsider” may also refer to someone who,
because of social distance, has not been defined as a member of a specific group. For
example, a professor of sociology at Harvard University may not be considered an insider

at another university's sociology department despite similar

22

values, norms, and beliefs.

For purposes of this study, a senior-level administrator is an individual in a position
such as dean, director or executive director, vice president, assistant to the chancellor,
president, or provost. These positions have a high level of responsibility for institutional
operations and decision making and traditionally are most often filled by men (Moore &
Sagaria, 1991; Warner & DeFluer, 1993). Thus, their male colleagues ofien outnumber the
women in such roles, situating them as outsiders in the work situation. In summary, this
study investigated the experiences of community college women at the senior
administrative level against this traditional backdrop to answer the following research
question: How do senior-level women administrators construct leadership identities to

firnction within community and two-year colleges?

C. Significance of the Study

Knowledge obtained from this study will lead to greater understanding of how
community and two-year colleges can be altered to better accommodate and reflect
women's diverse leadership styles. Such a transformation may make the participation of
women in senior-level roles more likely. Thus, a secondary concern of this study
isincreasing women's participation in higher education leadership.

Women in higher education have largely remained under-represented in senior-
level administrative positions. As Sandler explains:

Women administrators remain concentrated in a small number of low status

areas traditionally viewed as women's fields (i.e., nursing, student affairs,
afirmative action) or other academic support roles such as

23

admissions oficer, registrar, or bookstore manager. Or they are locked into associate or
assistant positions with little chance of advancing (1986, pp. 175 -176).

An unanswered question is: Why has the number of women in senior-level
administrative positions remained relatively low despite their increased participation in
middle-management positions (Moore & Sagaria, 1991; Wahl & Vocante, 1993)? Recent
research points to organizational structure as a possible explanation. Wahl and Vocante
(1993) suggest that the low participation rate may be due to a system that is unfiiendly to
women's ways of knowing, therefore requiring women to compromise too much of their
identity to participate. Although a faculty position often leads to an administrative
position, studies on women faculty by Aisenberg and Harrington (1988) and by Moore
and Sagaria (1991) found that under-representation may be due to women's career
choices. These studies suggest that the system creates a situation under which women
cannot feasibly negotiate a continuous work pattern while managing personal and family
responsibilities.

As a result of this study, I suggest that women's participation rate on senior-level
administrative teams may be low because women’s ways of knowing and leading cause
them to be marginalized within higher education institutions. In effect, women'sviews are
treated by the majority of the senior-level administrative culture as outsider perspectives.
Therefore, in the sacred grove of senior-level administration, women face significant
barriers to career growth and advancement.

A significant finding of this study concerns the ways women respond to contextual

factors such as community colleges cultures. Such a finding may provide

24

insight into why women are underrepresented on senior-level administrative teams.
Furthermore, this study highlights the major compromises in personal goals and choices
women are often forced to make to enter and operate within senior-level administration.
The compromises also serve as a deterrent for many women to seek administrative
positions. Through understanding obtained from this study, I offer suggestions that can
make the community college climate more suitable and desirable for women leaders.
Ultimately, these insights may make it possible for all leaders, both men and women, to
embrace multiple ways of knowing and foster the development of cognitively diverse

leadership styles.

25

CHAPTERII

LITERATURE REVIEW

A. Women's Leadership

Women in higher education are less likely than men to participate in upper levels of
leadership (Warner & DeFluer, 1993). One-half the women holding senior-level positions
as deans are in traditionally defined women's fields such as nursing, home economics, the
arts, and continuing education. Furthermore, more than halfof these positions are in
liberal arts colleges, while similar positions in the larger research comprehensive
universities are held by men.

Community colleges reported the greatest increase of women in senior-level
positions between 1986 and 1991 (Faulconer, 1995; Warner & DeFluer, 1993). This data
makes community colleges an interesting site for analysis. For example, does the
hypothesis that higher education institutions are defined by traditional hierarchical
structures also apply to community colleges? Perhaps at the community colleges some
progressive changes have taken place. Is the climate relatively fiiendlier to women's ways
of knowing, despite Amey and Twombly's study (1992) suggesting that the community
college leadership paradigm is male-centered? Ifthe climate is more supportive, how is it
so and what is happening? This study is designed to show how women work within
community colleges as organizations, and, in particular, how the prevailing structures of
such organizations shape their leadership identities. Is the increasing percentage of women

leaders in community colleges a reflection of a

26

women-centered organizational structure? Or, is it due to the community college’s
relatively lower status in the higher education hierarchy? The literature is vague about
these factors and other possibilities that may be at work in shaping women’s career paths
at community colleges.

The research on women’s administrative leadership is helpfirl when considering
community college organizational contexts. Research by Bensirnon (1989) suggests that
within higher education relational leadership is needed to change traditional structures.
Relational leadership seeks to use collaborative problem-solving rather than hierarchical
leadership models which direct fiom behind or in fi'ont. Ferguson (1984), Iannello (1992),
and Smircich (1985) also contend that to move an institution from a hierarchical top-down
structure to a flatter structure requires relational and flexible leadership. They fiuther
argue that relational leadership benefits higher education overall because this philosophy
tends to foster inclusive policies for the benefit of multiple and diverse constituencies. In
particular, relational leadership tends to move beyond decision-making based solely on
cost emciency. Relational leadership also considers context and culture when addressing
current educational issues such as diminishing resources and changing student and faculty
needs (Amey & Twombly, 1992; Pearson, Shavlik, & Touchton, 1989; Wahl & Vocante,
1993).

A study by Wahl and Vocante (1993) on the surface reveals some contradictions
to this argument. For example, they examined women's leadership at a research university
and found that all senior-level administrative women in their study had masculine

leadership styles as identified by the Bern Sex Role Inventory (BSRI), while

27

senior women faculty identified their leadership style as more versatile using both
instrumental and relational styles. This seems to support Kanter’s findings (1977) that
suggest women have to behave like men to hold senior leadership positions and have their
achievements recognized. For example, Kanter explains how embedded masculine traits of
rationality and task orientation in leadership images are inherent to traditional
organizational theory:

This thinking elevates the traits assumed to belong to men with educational

advantages to necessities for efi‘ective organizations; tough minded approach to

problems; analytical abilities to abstract and plan; a capacity to set aside personal,
emotional considerations in the interests of task accomplishment; and a cognitive

superiority in problem solving. (Kanter, 1975, p. 43)

These findings lead one to ask: What is it about the senior-level administrative
circle in higher education that limits participation of women with relational styles, or at
least relational and instrumental styles? Are women chosen for administrative positions
because they have masculine styles, or do they adapt these styles?

The argument suggesting that organizational structures would change with the
addition of women to senior-level leadership roles is not straightforward. Hersey and
Blanchard (1982) and Powell (1988) question the connection between gender and
leadership style. Baxter and Lansing (1981) found that, although women may have
difi‘erent opinions than men regarding war, peace, child care, the poor, and education,
when in leadership positions they do little difi‘erently from their male counterparts.

Furthermore, political research shows that increased participation by women in governing

bodies shows little difference in legislation proposed or enacted (Kathlene,

28

1989).

As for these apparent contradictions, psychological research has uncovered factors
that may explain women's adapting masculine styles when in leadership positions. Eagly
and Johnson (1990) investigated the relationship between gender and leadership style.
Their analysis compared findings from three types of studies: laboratory, survey, and
organizational. In experimental laboratory studies and survey studies women tended to use
an interpersonal style; men were more task-oriented. In on-site organizational studies,
however, no significant difference existed between genders. Overall, their study indicates
that, while women may tend to have a set predisposition for relational styles, contextual
factors may modify that style.

Eagly, Makhijani, and Klonsky (1992) investigated the relationship between gender
and evaluation of leaders. Finding that women in leadership positions were evaluated
slightly more negatively than men in similar positions. Specific circumstances appeared to
afi‘ect the negative evaluations. For example, they were more likely to occur when women
chose to deviate from relational gender roles and engage in autocratic, detached leadership
behaviors typically associated with men. Also, when women occupy men's fields and are
evaluated primarily by men, they tend to be negatively evaluated. These findings suggest
that traditional workplace standards put women in a double bind. Bateson (1972) defines a
double bind as a situation where an individual by obeying one rule automatically disobeys
a second. The double bind is that men expect women to conform to masculine work
standards, but when women conform, men judge them harshly. Furthermore, the second

findingsuggeststhatmen

29

may judge the performance of women in masculine fields using stereotypical gender
standards. Further study is needed to understand precisely what causes these negative
evaluations within a given context. In summary, we know that women who enter male
fields must negotiate a double bind by working harder and adapting the appropriate style
to gain acceptance and access to information and resources. Such hard work and behavior
management do not necessarily guarantee success because the tendency exists for women
to encounter negative evaluations by co-workers and superiors, especially in masculine
career fields.

A study by Stokes (1984) at the University of Florida illustrates this point. She
found that the mere presence of women in senior-level administrative positions was not
the solution to the problem of designing organizations around more relational orientations.
Stokes argues that women cannot employ relational leadership styles because the
organization's norms produce conformity to traditional male styles. Ifwomen choose not
to conform to male gender norms, the resulting social isolation presents barriers that make
it dificult, if not impossible, for them to do their jobs. Logically, isolation increases an
individual's sense of being an "outsider," and may discourage a woman from pursuing
relational styles even firrther because of her need to connect to others and to achieve in
her job.

Kanter (1977) contends that many women in senior-level administrative positions
are outnumbered by men and are viewed as tokens or outsiders within organizations.
Furthermore, women may be viewed as tokens or outsiders because masculine traits

(competitiveness and instrumentalism) continue to be more highly

30

 

valued than feminine traits (collaboration and afiliation) despite increased participation
rates of women in the workplace (Broverman, Broverman, Rosenkrantz, & Vogel, 1970;
Williams & Best, 1990). This phenomenon creates a foreign environment for most women.
However, a study by Brown and Geis (1984) suggests that the stress of an unfiiendly
environment can be modified, if not eliminated. They found that when women were given
support (authority legitimation), thereby mediating the consensus values about the favored
leadership style, discriminatory bias against women could be weakened.

The paradox between women's leadership styles and their actual behavior may be
largely due to the masculine or hierarchical context of most institutions, to being
outnumbered, and to peer norms. This paradox situates women as outsiders and shapes
their leadership style by inhibiting relational styles of leading (Brown & Geis, 1984;
Kanter, 1977; Wahl & Vocante, 1993).

Wahl and Vocante (1993) identified some specific institutional barriers tlmt
exclude relational ways of leading. They found that a predisposition of the senior
administrative circle to masculine styles may influence the selection process. Also the
senior-level administrative women in their study saw the under-representation of women in
administrative circles as a result of other career choices by senior women faculty. The
senior women currently in administrative positions did not regard the organizational
culture with its expectations as a problem. The researchers speculated that this lack of
empathy by senior-level women is the result of the blind acceptance of traditional

organizational structures.

31

Despite the differences of perception both women faculty and women senior-level
administrators in the Wahl and Vocante (1993) study saw themselves as outsiders in a
ritualized setting dominated by masculine norms and a higher representation of men. Both
senior tenured women faculty and senior-level women administrators agreed that: (1)
women have to work twice as hard as men to be accepted, (2) women were more likely to
assume personal responsibility for failures in their careers, and (3) women were excluded
from male information networks.

Research on faculty development is pertinent here because senior-level
administrators often come fi'om faculty ranks. Morgan (1987) argues that women faculty
must learn to think like men. While embracing the cultural behavior and values of academe
(rationality and critical analysis), women faculty also must learn to negotiate a variety of
roles, such as mother, daughter, wife, peer, mentor, fiiend, and professional expert.
Morgan describes the role adaption that women must learn as the "bearded mother” --
implying that they have to be both male and female. However, Aisenberg and Harrington
(1988) maintain that even with beards women are still outsiders in the academe.

Although leadership and gender difi‘erences are popular research topics, there is
seldom a focus on how women's self-definitions as cultural outsiders shape their leadership
experience. Also missing is research on the behaviors women use and attitudes they hold
to achieve and maintain membership in senior administration within community and two-
year colleges. Questions addressed in this study are: (1) What type of leadership styles are
used by women community college leaders and how are these styles shaped by their

organizational culture, and (2) How can the inner circle of leadership be open to women

32

so relational styles can be embraced?

B. Theoretical Assumptions

Three primary assumptions undergird this study: first, women more often than
men, use relational ways of knowing and reasoning; second, traditional views of
organizations do not provide an adequate framework to analyze structures that produce
and foster gender bias, nor do they offer an adequate fiamework to analyze leadership;

and third, cultural context is important to understanding women's leadership styles.

1. Assumption One: Gender and Ways of Knowing

According to Gilligan’s research (1982), women tend to use relational ways of
knowing and reasoning. Advancing the work of Chodorow (1979), Gilligan theorizes
that women's identities are formed through intimacy and that this becomes the basis for
women's developmental processes. Because female children do not need to separate or
differentiate fi'om their mother, most often the primary care giver, to develop an identity as
women, girls can continue to maintain a sense of attachment to their mother and grow
personally. Boys, on the other hand, must differentiate fiom the mother and reject, to a
degree, the intimacy that they established early with their mothers to develop a masculine
identity. Boys, and later men, therefore, relate to others and the world in a more detached,
autonomous way.

While early childhood experiences influence gender identity, ongoing socialization

continues to shape different roles for girls and boys, and men and women. For women the

33

belief that they are to care for, help with, and respond to others carries over to adult
relationships. They can express inappropriately the need to be caregivers in certain adult
roles, especially the roles in formal organizational settings, where male detached,
instrumental values are the norm. For instance, women can use relational behaviors as an
over-dependence on the need to please others. Ferguson (1984) explains, however, that
the conditions of unequal power foster women’s dependence on the need to please others,
which is common to the cultural experience of most women. Administrators should not
construe this as a weak response. Women who do not seek approval as expected can be
affected negatively by public opinion of their abilities. According to Ferguson, women's
initiatives to gain approval through asking advice, keeping their supervisor informed,
or through a steady stream of questions, may be an astute political strategy to gain
favor and to survive professionally.

Lever's (1976) and Maccoby's (1990) seminal studies on the influence peer groups
have on gender roles suggest that context is important to understanding how the
difi‘erences between men and women emerge. For example, Maccoby's study found that
behavior difi‘erences between the sexes are small when subjects are observed or tested
individually. However, gender difi‘erences do emerge in social situations and the types of
difl‘erences are often dependent on the gender composition of the group. Further,
Maccoby found that same-sex compatibility appeared at an early age. Girls tend to form
close relationships while boys' relationships are oriented around mutual interests in
activities. In this environment men learn the importance of maintaining their status in the

male hierarchy. Also, the Maccoby study found that when other men are around, males are

34

inhibited from entering equal exchanges with female partners. Maccoby contrasts the
differences between male and female patterns. The female pattern is a facilitating style.
Female activities, she observed, are meant to keep interaction going and to encourage
intimacy such as supporting, agreeing, and making suggestions. On the other hand, the
male pattern is restrictive and tends to derail or inhibit the interaction, through
contradiction and interrupting. As adults, women disclose more, describe more, and move
toward a greater intimacy. Men are more task-oriented and are more likely to share
activities rather than talk.

Lever's study (1976) suggests that childhood play rituals maintain and support
traditional adult gender roles. For example, boys engage in large-group public outdoor
games while girls engage in private smaller groups, mostly indoors. Also, when there are
not enough same-age members, boys include younger children, who are expected to keep
up with the older ones, stifle their fiustration, or drop out. Older girls who play with
young children tend to play at the level of the youngest child. Boys' games are competitive
more often than girls’ games. Finally, girls will play in male-dominated games more than
boys will play in female games.

In summary, Chodorow and Gilligan’s work on women’s tendency to develop a
pattern of connection to others with an ethic of responsibility, and the interactive play
rituals studied by Maccoby and Lever, show that boys and girls learn gender role-
forrnation through family socialization and peer interaction. The studies illustrate how
behavior codes foster stereotypical behavior to gain acceptance within the culture. The

cumulative efl‘ect of these interactions prepares young boys for a career in an adulthood

35

defined by men and male-centered organizations. Girls, on the other hand, are prepared for
adulthood with social skills for the family and developing relationships, in what is

generally considered the private sphere.

2. Assumption Two: Organizational Theory

Traditional views of organizations do not provide an adequate framework to
analyze structures that produce and foster gender bias, nor do they offer an adequate
fiamework to analyze leadership. While traditional views are most often used to examine
colleges and universities a cultural frame that focuses on gender issues guided by feminist
theory may serve to shed light on some struggles women face in today’s organizations,

and especially at community and two-year colleges.

Traditional Organization Frames

Birnbaum (1988) contends that higher education structures are generally
understood by four organizational fi'ames: bureaucratic, collegial, political, and symbolic
or cultural. The bureaucratic fiame looks at organizations as the scientific management of
subsystems and at institutional processes as the measurement of outcomes. Such
organizations have clearly defined lines of hierarchical authority. The hierarchy enforces
compliance to rules and regulations, which in turn brings stability through eficient and
efi'ective operations.

The collegial fi‘ame appears to be the opposite ofthe bureaucratic fiame because it

focuses attention on consensus decision-making. The hierarchy in a collegial institution,

36

though flatter, is present in another form. The group with the most status and the ability to
influence decisions is the senior faculty. Senior faculty and senior administrators see each
other as equals with the right to discuss and influence each other’s decisions. Though the
views of the students and stafi‘ may be considered, this senior group has the most power.
Furthermore, the senior faculty, who are often recruited for high ranking administrative
positions, advance colleagues with similar values. They give recruitment and retention of
these individuals top priority those chosen must conform or become isolated.

Political and symbolic fiames also offer distinct contrasts to each other. The
political frame gives attention to opposing claims to power. Political frameworks are
applicable when institutions are large and when the diversity of the interest groups (i.e.,
disciplines and departments representing difi‘erent ideologies) makes it diflicult to achieve
a consensus because no group is strong enough to dominate the others. Authoritarian
decrees are impossible to enforce because of expectations of the various groups.
Therefore, those who want specific outcomes spend time building coalitions, negotiating
tradeofl‘s, and forging compromises.

The symbolic or cultural frame views the culture of the institution and the ways
members make meaning through various processes and structures. Leaders in the symbolic
fiame provide direction through the subtle facilitation of institutional processes. For
example, rational data-gathering methods are often used to create a common perception of
reality and the values that are important to the particular institution. This type of symbolic
fimctioning by leaders uses rational objective processes to create impressions of efi’ective

managemert when in actuality the cause and effect processes are unclear and imprecise.

37

The leaders’ use of the symbolic fiame protects the existing culture and furthers the
leaders' agenda for change, by showing stability during tumultuous times (Cohen &
March, 1974).

In summary, taken separately the four analytical frames of traditional organization
theory do not question the male-centered values of instrumentalisrn and rationality.
Moreover, in the Western tradition of social organizations, despite other prevailing
frameworks within a given organization, bureaucracy sets the tone for reaching goals and
developing processes for production. Traditional organizational structures are
environments where authority is in a line of command, pyramid-shaped, and where
authority flows down and information flows up. Given this background, it is not
surprising, that leadership research using a traditional fiamework has focused on
masculine traits such as level of self-esteem, competitiveness, directness, and achievernent—
related skills (Bensirnon, Neumann, & Birnbaum, 1989; Denmark 1993). Such research

has not considered the relational type of leadership attributes whiCh women may bring to

organizations.

Culture and Feminist Frames

Of the four traditional organizational frames, the symbolic or cultural fiame
provides a useful analytical lens when combined with gender concerns. Ferguson (1984)
and Iannello (1992) use culture and gender to analyze women's positions in the
contemporary organizations to develop an alternative conceptualization of organizational

structure. By taking the position that women experience the world differently from men,

38

they seek to create a new vision of organizations around women’s diverse perspectives.
As an example, women's ways are learned through traditional gender roles, which tend to
situate them within the ”private" realm of family life, often this personal development is
subordinated to the family. Gilligan (1982) addresses this sense of women as “self-
sacrificing”. Women, though historically confined to the private realm, have learned to
build, produce, and communicate with people in creative ways that promote inclusiveness
and connections (Ferguson 1984). It is this "difi'erent voice” of women around which
Ferguson (1984), Iannello (1992), and Smircich (1985) develop an alternative model for
organizational structure - a women—centered organintion suitable to women's ways of
knowing. A central feature of this conceptualization is a rejection of the dominance of
masculine hierarchical thinking, not its exclusion or elimination.

Iannello (1992) characterizes non-hierarchical structures in several ways. First,
they flatten the authority of a few into a shared authority with the collective group.
However, should authority or a type of stratification be created, the delegated authority is
flexible and open to being repealed by the group. Second, the flattened hierarchy creates a
climate of consensual decision-making. Iannello maintains that consensual decision-making
involves a process where ”after an issue is discussed by organization members, one or
more members of the assembly sum up the prevailing sentiment, and if no objections are
voiced, this becomes agreed-upon policy" (p. 27). Third, non-hierarchical structures
feature social control through peer pressure. ”Social control is rarely problematic because
of the homogeneity of the group's values. Such homogeneity of values is usually a

conscious aspect of membership selection" (p. 28). Fourth, difi‘erentiation or division of

39

 

 

labor is negligible, especially between intellectual and manual labor. Employees are cross-
trained, thereby knowing the culture and the job well enough to have demystified the
expert’s role. Accountability is largely the responsibility of the collective peer group. This
allows for more holistic egalitarian relationships between work group members by
reducing role or work relationships.

In summary, Ferguson (1984), Iannello (1992), and Smircich (1985) use culture
and gender fiarneworks to reconceptualize organizations. Through these two flames, they
highlight dominance and subordination between men and women to illustrate the
subtleties of power and control. They suggest that through women’s personal identity and
tendencies toward social interactions fiarned by connection and collaboration,

organizations can build a non-hierarchical culture.

3. Assumption Three: Cultural Context and Identity

Cultural context is important to understanding leadership identity. Bureaucracies
shape individual behavior through fostering compliance to institutional goals and
traditions (Ferguson, 1984). Conformity to goals and traditions is maintained and
fostered through competition and communication patterns. A competitive climate creates
an adversarial atmosphere where responsibility or blame for failure is put on another group
or individual. Moreover, because participants are generally seeking individual recognition,
they are diverted from looking to each other to develop creative new options to solve
problems and grow. Competition also complicates the position of women, who as

outsiders often must negotiate alone the expectations and the realities of an organizational

40

culture.

In a traditional sense, women as leaders are required to embrace the goals of the
organization through its mission and focus on the values of goal attainment and eficiency.
Through socialization, they learn techniques of impression management, as outlined by
Ferguson (1984), Tannen (1994), and Lakoff (1975), to maintain these goals and values.
Impression management includes smiling, ridding oneself of anger through psychological
self-talk, and avoiding displays of passionate attachment that could inhibit one’s usefulness
to the organization. Simply put, workers must learn to take the role of the superior,
internalize it, and use it as a guide for behavior. Therefore, subordinate women managers
must learn to sense the moods and prejudices of their superiors. In this way, the manager
presents a position of unbiased detachment to an issue as a form of impression
management. Their supervisor uses this to guard against attacks of insubordination or
resistance and also to pursue advantage over others by presenting the appropriate face. In
low- level jobs, where they are often positioned, women are particularly vulnerable to this
form of control because they are accountable for their own actions, yet dependent on the
actions of others as a measure of success. This situation often leads to an over—dependence
on rules because of limited options to control situations. It also accounts for reports that
when women are given leadership positions they are often perceived as “lording it over”
others (Kanter, 1977).

Bureaucracies also shape behavior through ritualized communication patterns and
language codes. Institutional communication patterns, often called technocratic language

or pseudo-neutral administrative language, are used to describe interactions in mechanized

41

and/or objective terms in order to manage mishaps or mistakes. The goal of techno-speak
is to cover up institutional struggles so that other interpretations can be created to explain
disturbing processes. Blaming problems on “red tape” is one example. Techno-speak also
serves to silence responsible and prudent opposition, institutional members tend not to

resist because they fear isolation or punishment, and thus limit their responsible dissent.

The Role of Communication

The role of communication is important in understanding the influence culture
has on shaping identity because an individual’s language reveals values and assumptions
about the social world. Words not only reflect attitude, they shape action (Tannen,
1998). Qualitative research relies on language as its primary source of data. Research
on women’s communication patterns is helpfirl in analyzing women’s descriptions of their
senior-level leadership experiences. Lakofi‘s (1975) research on women’s language
patterns is based on two assumptions. First, as the dominant cultural group, males control
organimtions in almost every culture (Tiger, 1969). They set the stereotypes of other
groups and define acceptable behaviors. Second, the norms to which women are
expected to conform often become stereotypes and shape the interactions between men
and women within a given organization. Only the woman’s position within the hierarchy
mediates the extent to which the stereotypes afi’ect her (Kanter, 1977). For instance,
women in the higher levels of an organization have more ways of diverting fiom feminine
stereotypes than do women lower in the hierarchy, therefore a woman president or vice

president may not see gender as an issue because she has more power.

42

Lakofi‘ argues that men’s and women’s language patterns are difi‘erent. Women’s
language patterns have a tendency to use personal indicators because they signal to the
listener that the speaker is interested in having them respond to their statements, thus
providing a means to connect. Such personal speech indicators are synonymous with
women’s informal speech patterns because they soften women’s moments of assertion.
According to Lakofi; because of the double bind women must negotiate within the
workplace women generally have fewer moments of outright assertion as compared to
men. Therefore, Lakofl‘ maintains, we must judge women’s communication patterns within
the context in which they are spoken. Men’s language patterns also reflect how they think
and their gender socialization. They show men’s tendency to establish a camaraderie with
other men to achieve a goal. Therefore, we expect men to speak and think clearly,
concisely, directly, and to the point. Additionally, men may joke or react gruffly, but gloss
over major disagreements. Neither pattern is inherently superior to the other, but in the
workplace the standard language pattern is the instrumental or masculine style.

Women’s speech patterns reflect a tendency and willingness to know another as
an individual. Their use of indirect, repetitious, meandering, unclear, and exaggerated
language to share and express emotion is distinct. Lakoff maintains that women want to
know each other as individuals so they can work together when needed in small intimate
groups. Therefore, the masculine standard presents a special problem for women in
traditional organizations. To be heard, women must adapt men’s speech patterns, but
not adapt so much that women reject them (Tannen, 1994). This is the woman’s double

bind and the contradictory messages they must reconcile. (Bateson, 1972).

43

Lakofi‘ identified the following as typical of women’s language: (1) hollow
adjectives such as “wonderful,” “super day,” “spectacular”; (2) attached questions: “it’s a
beautiful day, isn’t it?” or “I think it’s the right thing to do, don’t you?”; (3) evasive
statements: “I sorta would like to go” or “Well, I kinda like that room better.” -- words
suggesting that the speaker is uncertain about her position; (4) the use of intensive “so”: “I
want that so much” rather than “I would like that very much”; (5) superpolite forms;
women are expected to learn to make just the right statement at just the right time and are
expected to say “thank you” and “please”; (6) speaking in italics; as if italics strengthen
their thoughts. For example: “I would like this in by Friday (if this fits your schedule --
hopefirlly it should it not be too much trouble)” . . .; (7) the use of gestures and wider
range of voice intonations: “It is cold in here,” which really means, “Please close the
window.” Lakofi' speculates that women use these language forms to insure they are heard
and to insure they receive a response that they have been heard. It also circumvents the
double bind of being knowledgeable and being acknowledged without appearing
aggressive or haughty. McIntosh (1985) also argues that a woman’s tendency to begin
with an apology when speaking in front of a group or giving her opinion, is her
discomfort with her role as expert. Tannen suggests these patterns discredit the
messages women send to other women, but may in fact help their relationships with
men because the women appear to be less intimidating. language also reflects a
woman’s sense of her own position within the culture or group.

Silence, also a part of communication, serves as a language code. It may mean

something different for men and women. Women who remain silent in meetings often do

44

so because the situation intirnidates them, while men’s silence often is a signal of
disapproval (T annen, 1994). Spender’s (1989) research shows women have one-third the
talk time of men, but often are perceived as talking too much. This rule is dismissed
only when the woman is the highest ranking officer in a particular situation. A woman,
therefore, does not just attend a meeting. She must be conscious about when she
remains silent, what she says, how she says it, and how long she takes to give her
response. Although middle-class women tend to avoid arguments, fights, and
confrontation, Tannen (1998) and Ong (1981) found that women will engage in verbal
aggression when it concerns something they believe in, therefore, choosing when and
how to engage in confrontation becomes the issue.

Language reveals basic values and assumptions of a culture. It is also a tool to
control interactions although total control through communication is almost impossible to
maintain for several reasons. First, the delegation of authority makes interpretations of
orders dificult to enforce uniformly because controlling only welcome information is
impossible. Second, individual goals motivate more than institution goals. Therefore,
those who want to advance controlled top-down change may have difiiculty explaining
change to suit all facets of the hierarchy. Finally, where power exists, resistance exists.
Individuals resist demands for conformity and find ways to define themselves by

reinterpreting events to fit accepted operating procedure (Ferguson, 1984).

Outsiders: Attitudes and Actions

Research by Lakofi‘ (1975) and Tannen (1994) shows that a woman’s speech

45

pattern often reflects her feeling of being discredited. Gomnan's (1990) study of social
stigma also supports the notion that cultural context affects the identity of women in the
workplace. Gofinan argues that a culture's definition of “normal” places in positions
individuals as insiders or outsiders through many subtle but real messages that are
experienced through language and relationships. The lack of firll acceptance is present
even when the woman's performance is superior or her credentials impeccable.
Furthermore, the dominant culture expects the woman to accept the discredited cultural
definition and behave in stereotypical ways. McIntosh’s (1985) research suggests when
we expect women in the workplace to replace their relational ways with traditional
expectations, they often feel like frauds, not belonging, or being there under false
pretenses.

Gofinan (1990) generally found that those with a social stigma responded to their
cultural norms through a set of behaviors ranging fi'om conformity to a militant or
separatist stance. The stigmatized may deny the definition as outSider and blend in as much
as possible with the dominant culture. As described previously, women who are viewed as
outsiders often give too much attention to detail and or a rigid enforcement of rules to
achieve acceptance through outstanding performance (Kanter, 1977). Or as Gofinan
detailed, those with a stigma may choose to behave in a clownish way by acting out
exaggerated stereotypical behavior.

Gherardi (1995) investigated how women respond to their position as outsiders
within organizations and developed firller descriptions to show the complexity. She

explains that a woman's response to hierarchies and inequality is often based on her

46

socialization to power relations developed in her family of origin and also on how the
organization views outsiders. For example, she found that one group of women enacts the
positional archetype of the strong independent woman. Such women may take one of
three positions: (1) acting as sisters with other women against men or other women; (2)
being the favorite daughters of the father separate fi'om other women; or (3) women
behaving as the hard working aunt who does not become involved in family politics but
can be counted on for her faithful routine of high quality work.

Another group may enact the positional archetypes of the vulnerable woman. Such
women may be: (1) wife who acts as mediator between the challenger and the father (or
president); (2) motha to a group of women who need nurturing and; (3) daughter to the
mother who has created a dependency. A woman’s sensitivity to conditional acceptance
prompts a situational awareness. Her actions related to self-disclosure and stance are
based on her perception of the accepted or rejected norms and standards of the particular
situation (Gofi‘man, 1990). Therefore, women may play many different roles within a given
context (Gherardi, 1995). The work of sociolinguist Ann Sheldon ( 1992) supports this
notion of the multiple stance through her idea of “doubling.” Sheldon found girls in play
groups used a “double—voiced discourse” because they simultaneously considered their
own and another’s agenda while making initiatives to achieve group harmony.

Goffman (1990) observed that social and family support plus one's group
tradition (if one grew up among other outsiders) influences the individual's
interpretation and reaction to the negative outsider definition. Most professionals who

are outsiders, for example, develop a code of conduct that helps distinguish the necessary

47

conformity, personal information to reveal or conceal, and what behavior to change
(Collins, 1986). Today, because a woman’s leadership identity is largely defined by her
acts and her ability to communicate in the workplace, she must overcome the expectation
that good girls do not speak up as well as the fear of an antagonistic response (Iehlen,
1984; Tannen, 1998). Ong (1981) also argues that women must understand the historical
origins of western educational traditions based on adversarial rituals between student and
faculty and its military orientation to change the culture. They must have other cultural
fiameworks for the construction of knowledge such as enlightening an inquirer and
demonstrating an earnestness of investigation. Once learned, the outsider passes on these
informal codes through the outsider network where they are important to survival.

A successful outsider joins the system and makes it, playing by rules of the culture.
However, the responses from the other men and women of the organization set the tone
for her reaction. Kvande and Rasmussen (1995) found that men react to women in their
organizational hierarchy according to their own age, experience, and positional status.
Research suggests that senior-level women who are tokens or outsiders are often less
likely to help new women in an organization because it might upset the delicate hard won
acceptance by male peers (Kanter, 1977; Yoder, 1985). Also, the woman who has made
it as the “first woman” may have a sense of pride or specialness created by her visibility.
While visibility becomes hurtful when she makes mistakes, the same woman could
jeopardize the specialness of her hard-won position if she is associated with new untested
women who do not meet the standards. More likely, the woman enjoys the special status

and does not want to share it and risk diminishing her sense of importance.

48

From this overview of literatures on culture and identity, it is clear theoretically
how a woman’s leadership identity is in part a response to her organizational culture’s
norms and her outsider status. She also shapes her leadership identity by her position in
the hierarchy, early family and life experiences and educational background which includes

her knowledge of gender and other issues of difl‘erence and their roles in organizations.

49

C. Summary

The literature reviewed for this study covers relevant research on women’s
leadership at community colleges. Additionally, theories that ground the three theoretical
assumptions of the study were outlined. First, “Gender and Ways of Knowing,” outlines
why women tend to use relational ways of knowing more often than men. Second,
“Organizational Theory”, describes an inadequate traditional fiamework for examining
gender issues in contrast to culture and feminist organizational fiames. Third, “Culture and
Identity”, explores the assumption that cultural context shapes leadership by examining
how communication, attitudes and behaviors of others within the cultural context of the
community college influences the way a woman constructs her leadership identity.

Research on senior-level women at community colleges is limited, but
acknowledges an increase of women in senior level positions from 1981 to 1991.
Moreover, studies suggest that the differences between the leadership style of men and
women establishes a diffith dynamic for women to negotiate. As a result women are
caught in a double bind. By embracing expected traditional organization standards and
their masculine norms, women inadvertently break the code of expected feminine
behavior, and may not be accepted by females or males. Ifthey fail to embrace masculine
values, their success is limited.

How and why this conflict between instrumental behaviors, typically men’s, and
relational behaviors, typically women’s, permeates women’s leadership experiences may
be analyzed by examining the theories that ground the three basic assumptions of the

study.

50

Traditional organizational paradigms generally do not help to explain the
experiences of women within traditional organizations because they do not acknowledge
gender difi‘erences and complexities; however, the cultural fi'ame, when used with feminist
theory, ofi‘ers insight into the leadership experiences of women.

Cultural context shapes identity (Lakoff, 1975; Tannen 1994) so that a woman’s
leadership identity is shaped by family, life experiences, edueation, her role within the
organization’s hierarchy, and the response of its members to her presence.

In summary, the literature and supporting theories provide a backdrop for
investigating how senior-level women administrators respond to their context and become
transformative leaders within the college environment. In the following chapter, I explain
the strategy used in conducting the study of conununity and two-year college women

senior administrators.

51

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH DESIGN

Organizational culture, guided by feminist work on gender, was used to analyze
how senior women administrators construct meaning in the community college context.
To gather data, I used qualitative research methodologies, which ofi‘ered greater flexibility
for unraveling the organizational context and for understanding the many behaviors and
attitudes women construct in response to their circumstances. Qualitative methods
allowed for adjustments based on individual differences (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

Specifically, this study focuses on the question of how senior-level women
administrators construct leadership identities at community and two year colleges in the
United States and looks at:

(1) The struggles women face in forming their leadership identities.

(2) Women’s perceptions of gender influence on the process of their developing as

leaders.

(3) The responses senior-level women administrators use to negotiate their

organizational culture.

(4) The intersection of women’s personal and leadership identity.

(5) The consequences of women’s responses to managing their professional and

personal lives.

Finally, the study addresses what knowledge might be gained fi'om women’s experiences

52

which may be helpful in transforming organizational culture within the community and

two—year college setting into a more inclusive and creative culture.

A. Data Collection Techniques

The principal instrument used for data collection was the formal structured
interview (Appendix B). After three pilot interviews were conducted, the final interview
questions were developed in collaboration with my dissertation chair, Dr. Robert Rhoads.

Following the initial interview with each participant, and after preliminary data
analysis, a short second interview was conducted, allowing the participant to review the
transcript and offer additional thoughts or clarification. This amounts to a "member check"
and adds to the credibility of the interpretation by the researcher (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Member checks also broaden and deepen the researcher’s understanding of the data

Where possible, I used memos, job descriptions, personal notes, appointment
books, mission statements, strategic plans, and other written reports or artifacts deemed
helpfirl in interpreting the organizational context and the experiences of the specific
individual. These material artifacts supplied key information about the organizational
context. For example, an artifact may be a subject’s pen given to only top performers. The
pen, in this case, represents a ritualistic artifact of honor. A day planner may be interpreted
as a utilitarian artifact, meant not for show but for eficiency. Finally, the artifacts with

their contextual meaning supplied evidence of the congruence or ********

53

incongruence between what the subject reported during the interview and what she
actually did on the job (Hodder, 1991). Ultimately, this helped construct a web of
associations and provided for a richer description allowing for more subtle interpretations

(Geertz, 1973).

B. Sample Selection

1 selected the Midwest as the primary region for this study. Thus, I could identify
participants who would be within reasonable traveling distance. Senior-level women
administrators outside the region were included in the study if they were traveling to this
area, or if I were traveling to their locality for a conference or meeting. In all, thirty
women from thirteen difi‘erent community colleges were selected to participate. Twenty-
seven were employed within the primary region and three at community colleges outside
the Midwest. The racial breakdown of the participants is as follows: twenty-four whites
and six Afiican Americans.

To identify women with a high level of administrative responsibility, I used job
titles listed in the 1996 Higher Education Directory as a guide. I consulted colleagues who
worked with institutions in the general area and I also worked with the Institute of
Women’s Leadership in Phoenix, Arizona to identify potential candidates. The final study
group was made up of women who held positions such as director, dean, vice-president,
provost, assistant to the president, president, or chancellor. Each participant was a
member of the senior executive staff holding a position with a high level of responsibility

for institutional operations and policy. Because my study dealt with the way women

54

handle leadership-related concerns, it made sense to choose women who clearly had
leadership demands placed on them and interacted regularly within the highest levels of the
institution.

A chart profiling the participants by position level, age, highest degree earned,
years at the senior level, and enrollment size of their community college is provided in
Tables Section, Figure 1. Senior-level positions were categorized as follows: Level I -
chancellors and presidents; Level II - vice presidents and provosts; and Level III -
executive directors, directors, or special assistants. These position levels were
developed to provide additional data about the participants and to insure confidentiality.

According to the Higher Education Directory, community colleges fall into four
enrollment groups: Group A - community colleges with less than 1,000 students; Group
B - 1,000 to 4,999; Group C - 5,000 to 9,999; and Group D - 10,000 and over. My
original goal was to interview three subjects from two different institutions within each
enrollment group. This was not possible, however, because mOst community colleges
in the geographical region studied fell into Group D.

Introduction of the study and entry into each institution was sought through
face-to-face contact or phone call. Subjects who informally agreed to participate were
thoroughly informed of the nature of the research project in a follow-up letter. A formal
consent agreement, according to guidelines of the Michigan State University Committee
on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS), was developed for all participants to
sign. This process met the Human Subject requirements of Michigan State University and

approval to conduct the study was formally granted. (See Appendix A)

55

C. Collecting and Managing Data

The formal interviews were tape recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts,
once completed, were filed under a pseudonym for each participant. I maintained a list of
each participant's name and pseudonym for my own records. This was explained to the
subject during the initial phase of the interview and other observations and reactions to the

interviews were recorded in a journal.

D. Data Analysis Strategies

The data analysis was conducted as a two-phase process, first interpretive, then a
quantitative oriented process. The first phase involved reading and rereading textual data
from interviews and documents and allowed me to become thoroughly familiar with the
data (Marshall & Rossman, 1989).

The second phase involved synthesizing the data into categories, themes, and
patterns. This grouping of the data was generally based on the study’s principal
theoretical assumption that women more often than men use relational ways of knowing
and reasoning. This strategy helped me to evaluate the strength of the principal
assumption. For example, did the data analysis reinforce the assumption that women more
often than men use relational styles of leadership? Or to the contrary, did it raise
fundamental questions about the validity of this assumption?

Initially, I organized the data fiom the participants according to their tendency to
use relational or instrumental behaviors, loosely basing these on the Bem Sex Role

Inventory categories. To verify my categorization of the leadership identities, I developed

56

a matrix that cross checked and verified specific behaviors of the participants as
instrumental, relational, or mixed leadership characteristics (Miles and Huberman, 1989).
The leadership behavior analysis also included various speech patterns that

revealed qualities associated with women’s decision making. As noted in Chapter II,
Lakofi’ (1975), Spender (1989), and Tannen (1994), showed that speech patterns reflect a
person’s organization of reality. Each participant’s transcript was analyzed to identify
relational leadership characteristics as: (1) use of attached questions and italics embedded
within their communication style, (2) use of stories to make important points, (3)
expressed recognition of gender issues, (4) discussion of the intersection between work
and family, (5) tendency to play supportive roles, (6) preference for working and leading
in teams, (7) concern for community, (8) preference for less competitive situations and
concern for connecting to others, and (9) establishment of a network of supportive female
colleagues.

Instrumental leadership characteristics were also identified as: (l) masculine
speech patterns (linear and concise), (2) individual responsibility with little or no
reference to family or personal context, (3) rational objective explanations, (4) concern
for efficiency and organization, (5) preference for independent leadership, (6) concern
for hierarchy and position, (7) use of aggressive behavior, (8) engagement with
competition, and (9) concern for reaching goals.

Once the data were organized, it was clear to me that simply identifying
women by their tendency to use relational or instrumental behaviors was not adequate for

mldng sense of women’s experiences and for conveying that knowledge to others. Based

57

on a more inductively oriented process (Patton, 1990) three major categories emerged:
adaption, reconciliation, and resistance. This categories are largely based on Gofi‘man’s
research and define the response of individuals who are stigmatized by social categories.
This allowed me to focus on why certain behaviors were chosen and provided a means to
link behavior and context. Adaption identifies the tendency of women to conform to
traditional standards, often using instrumental behaviors to meet expectations.
Reconciliation identifies women’s tendency to harmonize or try to fix the situation by
using instrumental and relational behaviors in a compartmentalized fashion. Finally,
resistance identifies the response of women who integrate relational and instrumental
behavior and work collectively to build coalitions to create a more inclusive college
culture.

From this second analysis, I found that all participants used both relational and
instrumental behaviors. The degree to which a woman used each set of behavior
characteristics appeared to depend on context and personal inclination.

I then examined the data to assess how the women responded to their context; the
community college culture. To understand this context I asked the women to identify a
metaphor that would describe the culture of their community college. Normally, to study
organizational cultures, an ethnographic study would be conducted. In this case because
community colleges do not have enough women at the senior-level to get a comprehensive
picture of the culture of one community college. I used the stories of the thirty women
with the descriptive metaphors to construct a comprehensive picture of a general

community college culture; I then evaluated the link between the instrumental college

58

culture and the women’s tendency to use relational responses.

To show that these conceptual fiameworks intersect and overlap, I
plotted the thirty participants’ instrumental and relational leadership characteristics on a
scatter chart. From this, I was able to illustrate how response strategies corresponded to
instrumental, relational, and mixed leadership behaviors.

The following chart illustrates how relational and instrumental behaviors intersect

and overlap with response patterns of adaptation (A), reconciliation (C), and resistance

(S).

59

Leadership Identity Chart

Adapters (A)

lmjm'€“tal Reconcllers (C)
Onentatrons 9

8

   

MOO-#01

Reslsters (S)

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Relational t'. rientations

Note that adaptation and reconciliation leadership response patterns overlapped
with instrumental and relational behavior patterns. A high relational score did not mean
women necessarily engaged in collective resistance to include relational ways of knowing.
This indicated that several factors shaped the response of these women to their
organization’s culture. The woman’s leadership identity was shaped by the culture of her
organization, gender issues, her educational background, and knowledge of how the

cultural context affects human behavior. Just how women interweave these factors to

60

construct a leadership identity is explored in the chapters on adaption, on reconciliation,

and resistance.

E. Issues of Credibility: Validity and Reliability

One strength of qualitative research is that the presentation of descriptive data
enables the researcher to lead the reader to a better understanding of the phenomenon
under study. Therefore,‘a chief concern of such research is the validity and reliability of the
data as it explains how and the why of the studied phenomenon.

Validity and reliability standards used to assess the credibility of qualitative
research are difi’erent than those of traditional quantitative research. In quantitative
research, a study measures the response of a number of people to a finite set of questions
so a statistical composite of data can be created (Patton, 1990). Validity in quantitative
research is tested through an analysis of the testing instrument to determine if it measures
what it purports to measure. Reliability, or dependability, of such a study is determined by
reapplying of the test instrument and assessing its ability to obtain similar findings.

In qualitative research, the study involves on an in-depth detailed investigation of a
selected phenomenon, typically with fewer study participants than in traditional
quantitative studies. The methodologies of qualitative studies may include observations
and interviews conducted by the researcher/field worker. Therefore, the proficiency,
competence, and rigor of the field worker are important factors for assessing validity
issues. Lather (1986a, 1986b) suggests that such research studies ought to be judged by

validity criteria such as face validity, construct validity, and catalytic validity.

61

Face validity insures that the researchers descriptions and interpretations make
sense to the research participant. This is done by giving the research participant the right
to discuss the researcher findings and interpretations. Lincoln and Guba (1985) describe
these as “member checks” because they allow the researcher to test interpretations through
discourse with the research participant. I accomplished this by providing transcripts of the
interviews to the participants for review and comment.

Construct validity relates to the study's theoretical explanation and to whether or
not the findings support the initial argument. It requires the researcher to assess and report
whether or not the original interpretation of theories undergirding the study is altered by
the findings. An initial theory of this study is that women use relational ways of knowing
more often than men. This theory is derived fiom gender identity and cultural context
theory as previously outlined. Moreover, leadership research has connected these concepts
to women’s leadership styles. For example, recent research categorizes women as having
relational leadership styles, instrumental masculine styles, or androgynous styles (W ahl &
Vocante, 1994). A qualitative researcher examines and reexarnines such categories (and
theories) as the study progresses. In the process of this ongoing assessment, I found that
masculine, feminine, and androgynous categories of leadership was too simplistic and did
not capture how and why senior-level woman administrators chose a particular leadership
style. I found that context had a major impact on the leadership style of the study
participant.

Catalytic validity relates to the notion that the findings should produce change

(Lather, 1991). The goal of my study is to obtain knowledge that will lead to a better

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understanding of how community and two-year colleges can be altered to accommodate
diverse leadership styles consistent with women’s tendency to use relational behaviors,
and through that understanding, to serve as a catalyst for change. The concept of catalytic
validity alters the traditional test of reliability. A duplication of the research to get similar
findings, as one would do in quantitative research, would be highly unlikely if this study is
successfirl.
Tierney and Rhoads (1993) offered the following set of questions as a guide in
examining reliability issues in qualitative studies:
* Are the voices presented in the study believable?
* Is the situation plausible?
* Where does the author/researcher fit in the formation of the text and what other
interpretations might be offered?

"‘ Hasthetext enabledthereader to reflect on his orherown lifeandwork?

As Tierney and Rhoads point out, if these conditions are met, a study is more likely to
produce change. Validity and reliability in this study involve continual assessment of
theory and its basic assumptions, feedback from research participants, and a determination
as to whether or not the study prompted change. In summary, a primary validity test of
this study is whether it prompts a self-reflective process and can be a catalyst for
change within community and two year colleges.

Finally, a triangulation method of data analysis was employed to support both the

validity and credibility of the study. To do this I use both a matrix and a scatter chart to

63

analyze leadership behaviors and verify the credibility of my interpretation of these
behaviors (Miles and Huberman, 1994). The matrix was used to specifically identify the
participant’s leadership style in terms of relational and show instrumental behaviors and
shows how the two intersect in quantitative terms. The scatter chart (page 60) was used to
illustrate how leadership characteristics converged with leadership response strategies of
adaptation, reconciliation, and resistance. The use of metaphors to verify the participant’s
self-described leadership identity and her community college culture were also used to

help verify the study’s assumptions and interpretations.

F. Limitations

Interview transcriptions were the primary source of data for this qualitative study.
According to Ferguson (1984), conversation, if considered analytically, reveals an
understanding of an individual’s experiences in life, how power works, and how
knowledge is defined. There are, however, some limitations to this perspective. For
example, one two-hour interview with a study participant does not insure that a researcher
has captured anything more than a sampling of the participant’s thoughts. Another
limitation is the unstable nature of the interview experience. For example, how much is
revealed is dependent on the level of trust and the choice of the individual participant at
the time of the interview. Also, the relationship between the researcher and the participant
can be a factor in the responses given by the participant. If the tone is formal then the
person interviewed is less likely to be open. Therefore, the interviews in this study, while

covering a broad range of topics, cannot be claimed to give a comprehensive picture of the

64

individual’s assumptions about the world and her place in it. Nonetheless, the study does
provide an initial view of the experiences thirty senior-level women administrators in the
community college organizational context within the United States.

Another limitation of the methodology of the study is the question of the
researcher’s objectivity in relationship to the overall study. I am a ten-year employee of a
community college. My experience could potentially create bias in my interpretation of the
study data. However, since bias is inherent in any research, my attachment to the topic
does not discredit the study’s findings. In many respects, my insider’s point of view
helped lead to a more informed analysis and interpretation of the data.

The final limitation of the study’s methodology is that the organizational culture of
the community college analyzed is a composite culture constructed through the voices of
the women and the imagery of the metaphors they used in descriptions of their
organizational contexts. This methodology was used rather than the stronger ethnographic
research, because too few senior-level women administrators exist at any one community

college in the study to construct an ethnographic study.

G. Summary

This analysis of the experiences of senior-level women administrators moves
beyond the traditional research on women’s leadership. Women leaders are more than a
textbook of conceptual categories. They are shaped by and shape their environments. The
interview methodology and protocol were developed to focus on the interpretation and

definition of the women’s work experiences as senior-level administrators and as women.

65

My research identified three leadership patterns: adaption, reconciliation, and
resistance. The following chapters describe how women responded to their community
college’s culture. In each chapter, I also describe the behavioral responses within each
leadership patterns. By profiling the participant’s responses in this way, the study
illuminates the norms, traditions, and personal experiences that convm'ge to build a
woman’s leadership identity. I also present an overview of the role communication plays in
the development of a leadership identity, attitudes that are relied on to rationalize the
behaviors associated with the woman’s leadership patterns, and the costs and benefits

associated with the particular leadership behavior profiled.

CHAPTER IV
Adaption

The research on gender and organizations has centered on whether women can fit

inandhowtheycando it. .. Theplots ofthesebooks stressthattheindividual

womanisthesourceofherownsuccessorfailure. . . and [she] bearsthe
responsibility for societal and organizational patterns. A woman accepts the
assessment of her deficiencies and learns to overcome them by adapting her
behavior to male characteristics. She does not question the wisdom of the present

structure, nor does she argue for changes in the organization (Smircich, 1985,

p.9).

The community college is probably not the first place that the senior-level women
administrators in this study faced the masculine world and its standards. The community
college is, however, where gender distinctions may have reached a new level of
prominence because of the increased number of women administrators entering senior-
level positions. Community colleges, therefore, provide an ideal context where
women’s responses to traditional organizational standards may be studied.

The overarching experience of the senior women administrators in this study
centered on adaptions to “fit in.” Nine of the thirty senior women administrators in this
study relied primarily on a traditional leadership orientation with its instrumental or
masculine orientations to construct their leadership identity. All the women in the study,
however, used aspects of the instrumental orientation to define themselves, but in varying
degrees.

In this chapter, I discuss how traditional organizations shape the senior-level

woman administrator’s leadership identity, communication style, attitudes and behaviors,

and I showthe cost and benefits ofthese adaptions.

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A. Leadership Identity

A metaphor helps to generalize a complex phenomenon. They can also give shape
and voice to feelings at the heart of a phenomenon. The leadership metaphor given by
each participant in this study helped explain how the senior-level woman administrator
viewed her role within her community college culture and perceived herselfas a leader.
Nine participants used adaption as their primary leadership behavior to "fit in” to their
traditional community college culture. This was reflected in metaphors such as a
conductor of an orchestra, a wolf leading a pack, a sheep dog setting limits, or a head
goosethatfallsbackinthelinelettingotherstakethelead from timetotime. Generally
these images describe a person in charge or one at the highest rank oftheir institution
or department. Leadership from this viewpoint is goal-oriented, ofien acting as the link
between labor and outcome (Foster, 1989). Leadership as adaption accepts existing
traditions. These traditions focus on effective processes that are outcome-oriented and
negotiated with several constituencies to maintain a balance of power. How successful
women leaders constructed leadership identities around these traditional frames is
profiled in the next section.

The cases of Louise Jennings and Madeline Hall, presented in this section,
illustrate how adaptation to traditional standards influences the construction of leadership
identity. Their stories also show how each woman’s knowledge of organizational theory
with its embedded images of leadership and gender, her personal experiences and beliefs,

and her educational background interact to form her leadership identity.

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1. Louise Jennings - Action Oriented

Louise Jennings, a community college president, used the “head goose in a wedge
of geese” as her leadership metaphor. She chose the metaphor because she willingly leads
but will share leadership fi'om time to time by letting others move up fiont. Lou, however,
is always ready to take over when she decides the situation demands that she move up
fi'ont. This metaphor also helps explain her leadership expectations. Lou is forthright
about wanting “can do” people around her. She is always in search of practical and goal-
oriented people. She is especially disapproving of individuals who are theoretical but
cannot meet their goals. Moreover, she does not want excuses for inaction. Lou’s
description of leadership and leadership expectations are defined through an instrumental
perspective because she wants women and men who will be productive. As the “head
goose” she is hierarchical and action-oriented. As a leader, she strives for maximum
effectiveness as defined by traditional standards of productivity.

Lou behaves the culture of the college is fiiendly because she, as head
representative of the management, tries to include all the institution’s groups in enacting
its mission. Lou is adamant that she wants everyone to feel included so “there are certain
things you do and don’t do to interact with the middle-level managers or faculty.” She
explained:

There’s a pecking order within the faculty and some are more articulate than

others. Some are more academic than others. I think you need to be very, very

sensitive in terms of where folks are and how they perceive thanselves and,
therefore, how they can be treated. That’s true of the whole institution. For
example, I feel very strongly that our janitorial staff is a very important part of this

institution and they need to be made to feel that they are an important part of the
institution.

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This means an occupational faculty, general education faculty, and janitors may have
difi‘erent responsibilities, but their goal is to move in the same direction in pursuit of the
college’s mission. Lou confirmed that janitors are especially important because a clean
institution shows that the college is well-organized and people take care of details. Also,
when asked about the many women on her senior administrative stafl‘; Lou agrwd that
there are many senior-level women on her staff, but dismissed that as not unusual. “How
people perform is a far greater issue at this college than whether they are a man or a

’9

woman.

Lougrewupinacity, theonlychild ofworking—classparents, whereherfather
worked on an automotive assembly line. Her career within a masculine-dominated field
beganwhenshewastheonlywornaninherdoctoral program Her assigned mentor, a
man, did not want women in the program, so she had to prove herselfand did so
successfully. “I was truly the token woman. I don’t regret it because he was very
influential. He was a vice president at the university. He knew his way around politically
andhehelpedmealot. Hegavememystart. ”

After she got her doctorate, she was selected for a faculty position at the
university. In time, they dismissed her when they reorganized the department. “I took it
on as my problem, my errors, and my weaknesses. It took a toll and it was devastating.”
People had acknowledged her hard work, but it wasn’t enough. The reality of
organizational life, where hard work is not enough, shook her confidence and hope for the

firture.

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After the downsizing, her mentor at the university guided Lou to the community
college. Lou said that:

When I was let go fiom my position at the university, he called the city’s
community college and said, “I have someone for you.” So when I started at the
community college, I had few women colleagues.

Lou followed the lead of the administration at the community college and was at
the right place at the right time, and therefore climbed the hierarchy rapidly. Now after
twenty years administrative experience, Lou said this about leadership:

I’ve changed my opinion about leadership over the years. I think in this day and
agethatthereisno onewaytobealeader. Idon’tthinkthere is anyonekind of
pasonality. I don’t think there is any one kind of style. I think that in my opinion
if we could, we should teach people how to assume difi‘erent kinds of leadership
styles for the situation. I change my style depending on my stress level and what
we’re working on. I mean, I can be pretty directive at times. I’ve been told that
over and over again. I have a very strong personality (whatever that means). That
canbeefi‘ectiveattimesanditcanalsobeveryinefi'ective. SoIthinkmychanges
are that I’ve become more confident over the last couple years.

Lou explained her tactics to get her administrators to be productive:
I’ve tried all kinds of tactics. I’ve tried stamping my feet. I’ve tried screaming.
I’ve tried everything as well as I’ve gone into writing. At this point I just decided
that I was going to be as directive as I possibly could. “These are the things that
have to change. This is what has to happen and this is what is going to happen. If
it doesn’t, this is how I’m going to make it happen. Now, what are you going to
do about it?” Low and behold, it worked.
Lou acknowledges that reactions vary from person to person. What works for one
may not work for another and she believes leadership is trying to figure out what makes
the person produce. Lou explained that learning to read pe0ple and situations is not easy:

I’ve made a lot of mistakes. I’ve come down hard on some people who I
shouldn’t have because I misread their personality and their strengths. I found out

71

that they are much softer underneath than I had anticipated. It hurts me when I’ve

done that because you can destroy a person and I don’t like that.

Acknowledging her mistakes is especially painfirl for Lou because she always
wants to do a goodjob. She says she is very interested in the health ofher college family
andthehealthofthelargercomnnmity. “Thismeansattimes, hard decisionsmustbe
made, so people have to go.” Of special concern to Lou is that even though she has
several womai at the senior level, women are conspicuously absent at the middle-
managernent level and she is not sure why.

Overtheyears, Louolten called otherpresidents, allmen, toget adviceabout
specific issues such as the budget. Yet she would not say she had a strong working
collegial relationshipwiththemen. Lou saidthatherhusbandhasbeenatremendous
support through the years and often gives her advice. He has a similar position in a nearby
school district. Not until a nearby community college named a woman as president did she
have a trusting relationship with another president. Being a community college president,
shesays, hasbeenverypainfulattimes,whethersheisleadinginthefiontorfiomthe

back.

2. Madeline Collins - Dotting I ’s and Crossing T ’s

Madeline Collins grew up on a large dairy farm. As her father’s helper, she was
responsible for a variety of challenging jobs. One job she loved was guiding the farm’s
sheep dog to bring home the cows. Madeline explained the sheep dog kept the cows

moving pushing them back in place when they got out of line. One challenge in her life

72

wasbeginningcollegeateighteen. Asthefirstpersoninthefamilytoattend college, she
had to argue with her father, and eventually her high school counselor, who thought she
should go to a small college. Madeline persisted and graduated from one of the most
prestigious universities in the world, where she has completed all but her dissertation for a
terminal degree. Ironically, as a president she finds many usefirl metaphors from her early
experiences on the farm. She used a sheep dog as metaphor for her leadership identity
because as president she must set and keep limits within her college’s union culture.

Madeline explained that the college administration had been slowly moving away
fiom the union rules, moving into their own territories and not talking with each other.
Furthermore, the college was failing financially and enrollment was declining. Because
Madeline had earned a reputation for her organintional and marketing abilities, along with
her clarity, and precise knowledge of the union contract fiom her previous assignment, she
was chosen president. Madeline also explained that her mentor, the former president,
supported her candidacy. So three years ago, with her list of exemplary professional
accomplishments, including the presidency of the faculty union when she was a faculty
member, she was chosen to revitalize the campus. “I was chosen president because I had
put a lot of systems in place [at her previous college] and had the reputation for having the
1’s dotted and the T’s crossed.”

As the designated change agent at her college, organizational revitalization for
Madeline has meant several firings plus facing severe public criticism. She acknowledged
thatthejob ofsettinglimitshasbeendificult. Sheexplainsherrelationshipwiththe

faculty:

73

They’re like kids. You set up limits and they’re pushing the limits. Everybody here

pushes limits all the time but I’m the one who puts the limits in. I’m not just a

gatekeeper, I’m also the limit person. I’m trying to change direction. I often feel

like the tug boat taking the ocean liner out.

By most accounts, Madeline’s presidency is very successful. The college’s
enrollment has increased, she and the union are on better terms, and new programs have
been established. She has shown highly-developed organizational abilities by improving
manycollegeprocessessuchasano-cancellation scheduleandengagingintheeconomic
development of the area through training programs. Her struggle has involved facing
some very tense times such as the stress of harsh, mean-spirited personal attacks that made
the fi'ont page of the city’s newspapers. Nevertheless, Madeline’s accomplishments
proved that she thrives on challenge and that despite many obstacles she has created a
more productive campus.

Though she had to dismiss people when she first took the position, Madeline
would rather save good people and work with them to see if they can be brought along.
For example, at her campus, Madeline evoked change by mentoring several women in
administrative positions. However, she emphasized that they had to buy into her vision. A
rwent success story concerned a woman she encouraged to attend the Women’s
Leadership Institute. It seemed alter the woman attended the Institute, she understood
Madeline’s idea of leadership and what had to be done. The woman is now supporting the
college’s changes, thereby supporting Madeline’s vision of what has to be done.

Madeline’s experiences in her district make her a pioneer, but her belief in the

mission has bufi‘ered the often harsh experiences she has had to endure. Madeline believes

74

in the community college because it is one of the last places where students who don’t
have many opportunities get a second chance to be pioneers as well. She knows from
personal experience how much an education can change a person’s life. Moreover, as the
first women president in her district she is one of three women out of eight presidents in
similar positions. “Previously there was only one woman president at a time. They’ve
always been kind of the odd person out or kind of tokens. We’re not tokens anymore.
The Chancellor of this district is very open to leadership by women.” Madeline’s notion
that they accept women’s leadership is not quite accurate. In actuality, the district’s most
senior stafi‘ around the Chancellor is made up mostly of men with one lone woman.
Women’s leadership, though becoming more visible, remains relatively marfinalized.
Madeline maintains, however, that her community college district ofl’ers leadership
opportunities for students and women administrators.

Madeline and her husband are partners in education and the parents of two grown
children. Over the years when the children were small, she supported he: husband’s quest
for tenure at a major research university, working evenings while he worked days. Now it
is her turn and he supports her in coping with the tremendous public pressure of her
presidency. Madeline plans to retire in a few years because she believes the maximum
productivity of any president to be about five to seven years.

The stories of Lou Jennings, Madeline Collins, and Refina Ibsen represent
adaption to traditional standards as one way to construct a leadership identity. Refina’s
story was presented in chapter one. Although these women primarily used traditional

leadership identities, they are not one dimensional leaders. When the situation or context

75

called for another response, they could also use reconciliation or resistance as will be

shown later.

B. The Role of Communication

Communication is the public focal point where a person’s identity, as defined by
internalized learned behaviors and attitudes, intersects with external contextual forces
(Jehlen, 1984). In chapter two, I outlined a pattern of tendencies that distinguishes men’s
and women’s communication styles. Masculine communication patterns include concise,
clear, unbiased language, and power symbols such as the business suit. These language
patterns and symbols are the first signatures of power adapted by women in conforming to
traditional organization cultures. Moreover, the use of masculine communication patterns
is often the benchmark for assessing a woman’s leadership potential. Women in this study
typically adapted masculine speech patterns, dressed in no-nonsense tailored clothes, and
maintained a neat orderly ofice to communicate an image of eficiency and power. Often
her ofice was arranged so that the line between herself and a subordinate could be
distinguished, perhaps with a desk serving as a barrier.

Community college president, Lou Jennings, used visual symbols such as
appropriate business dress to show personal authority. Lou also used orderliness and
cleanliness to present herselfand her college as eficient and effective. College operations
were set with this priority in mind. Lou Jennings explained why she places such
importance on maintaining facilities:

Wecareaboutyou...Wecareaboutourfaculty.Wewantourfacultyand

76

students to have a clean, right environment. That’s not going to happen if the folks
who are responsible for that don’t feel that they’re an important part of the
institution. The custodians and maintenance people are a part of the team and get
special attention at this college.
Lou’s impression management strategy links language and symbols. Anyone can use
words to say they are eficient, efi’ective and caring, but this president proves these
qualities by presenting a clean and organized physical plant.

Within the traditional context of the community college, communication is a verbal
performance that arranges the significant players in their order of importance. How the
players acknowledge a participant, who is ignored, included, and supported in the
conversation identifies and sustains the network of social, political, and administrative
order. President Madeline Collins told how communication skills played an important part
of her professional identity. She has learned to analyze each situation and adapt her
message to each group. She has learned to be direct and five generic information relevant
to a particular group clearly outlining the purpose of her talk and her decision. She moves
fiom the larger issue to the more detailed as objectively as possible. Madeline recognizes
this strategy has served her well and acknowledges that it has become one of her
leadership strengths. Exceptional communication skills helped make her leadership visible:

When they needed someone who could speak with precision and would have the

organized documentation to prove the district’s case, I was on the witness stand.

Theycross-examinedmenonstop on someoftheissuesbecausetheyknewmeand

they knew I was a law and order person. Ifthere’s a rule, hey, you’re suppose to

follow it.

She can analyze a problem or dilemma, identify the key issue, and provide the

needed remedy. Madeline described her analytical process:

77

I’m very conscious of the group and I think that also comes fi'om having taught
communications. Your audience is everything. If you don’t speak to your
audience, they’re not going to hear what you’re saying. IfI speak to them [my
subordinates] the same way that I speak to my fellow presidents, the message
would not be accepted.
When Madeline speaks with her executive stafi’, she is more informal than with any other
group at the college. With these six people, she has an agreement that there will be
laughter at the end of each meeting. “We’re not going to walk out of here depressed under
any circumstance.” When she meets with the union, she adapts another stance. “I maintain
a certain posture with them and watch my words carefirlly because they can be actionable.
I know that. I mean, I’m a professional in grievance hearings, arbitrations, and as a
witness . . . I have been sued by every force in the book...we’re in a litifious society.”
Madeline’s descriptive analysis of her communication stratefies with be college
constituency illustrates her understanding of communication. Madeline found that
effective leadership comes through astute political acumen communieation skills,
problem solving abilities, and knowledge of the rules.
Each woman’s organizational role requires a particular set of communication skills.
For example, one senior-level administrator explained that she could not directly manage
faculty and remain efi‘ective. At her college the academic vice presidents or deans are most
efi‘ective when they build a consensus and do not engage in flats when dealing with
faculty. However, in service departments where they can measure outcomes and

production, the senior administrator can take on a more directive managerial role.

Another senior administrator confirmed this perception of consensus building with

78

the faculty but adds a traditional twist to its interpretation. In her community college
culture, which she said is often called a family, the faculty wants a hand in every decision.

However, the family has favorites. Though she was considered an insider when she was
faculty, she was aware that many people were not. She describes the situation this way:

It always amused me, (although maybe it wasn't so amusing to the people who

were there) that we do a lot of talking about the family. But everybody wasn't in

the family, you know. I mean those people who were in it thought it was
wonderful and they've always felt that the college was special. But if you are not
part of the favored group you are not included so a lot of people and groups were
and are left out [of any consensus building].
This description suggests that, while it appears that consensus building is an integral part
of her faculty culture, a defined hierarchy limits whom they include. The chosen faculty
who follow traditional values work with the men around the president. Furthermore, they
build communication networks in the locker room after the noon pickup basketball game,
customary golf outings, and bowling leagues.

Several senior-level women administrators emphasized the importance of
adapting neutral and objective communication skills. One young woman, for example,
found that, after being named vice president of operations, she was often running the
college on the days the president was gone. To her surprise, people who had worked
with her for years saw her in a way that difi‘ered fiom her previous faculty role. With her
newstatusandvisibilitytheytookeverythingshesaid seriously. . .“Itwasarumora
day.” Accordingly, she has learned to choose her words carefiilly and tries not to create
rumors. She explains that one’s place within the organizational structure fi'ames one’s
interpretation: “A secretary will hear and see issues in ways different from someone in

79

middle management. ' This explanation illustrates why neutral or objective
administrative discourse is an important part of traditional organization cultures.
Neutral discourse is equivalent to a “time out.” It maintains stability and control of a
situation until an answer can be found, defends the administrator from attacks, and
gives time to develop a counter move.

Elaine Hill believes she beeame a leader because of her ability to identify
problems and address their source directly. She has twenty years of experience rising in
the organizational hierarchy through her readiness and willingness to do the job when
superiors, all men, left the college for other positions. Assuming these responsibilities
caused a problem for Elaine. It surfaced in her job evaluation a few years ago. Her
experience is a lesson in appropriate communication skills that displayed awareness of her
culture, its notion of leadership, its expectations, and her need for justice. Elaine had taken
on new responsibilities over time without a salary adjustment. “1 did some checking and I
found very quickly they paid all the women less at their job level. At one point, I was paid
less than anyone in my division. I was paid less than anyone in the division below me and
I was equal to one man in two divisions below me.” After fiving some thought to the
situation, Elaine decided to talk to the president, befinning the conversation in a
diplomatic way. “I think you have a serious problem,” she said explaining the overall
inequity of women’s salaries compared to men at the same level. Then she tactfully
explained her personal salary dilemma. The president responded, “Well, I didn’t know that
was happening.” Elaine gently but firmly ofi‘ered this advice to him, “Well, it would only

take about ten minutes for personnel to get the information for you if you’re interested in

80

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looking at it.” After the president reviewed the data, he said, “Well, maybe you’ve learned
a lesson. Don’t take on anything next time unless you’re gonna get paid for it.” With this
story, Elaine showed her communication skills by expressing concerns to a superior
without alienating him. Moreover, Elaine was no longer naive about salary equity and
took personal responsibility for monitoring her salary.

Elaine had explained her problem objectively, as though she were helping her
president with an institutional concern. In that way, she showed her sense of duty and
loyalty to the president and to the institution. Furthermore, she gave him time to save
face. The president responded, but never admitted that the pay inequity was an
organizational problem. He, in fact, made Elaine responsible for her own pay inequity.
Hesaidthatsheshouldlearnalessonfromthisandnottakeonnewjobsunlesstheypay
her fairly. By accepting his interpretation of the standard, Elaine gave the impression of
cooperation. She showed respect for his position as president and his associated power
andwiselychosenottoernbarrassorattackhirn.

These examples of communication by women suggest that leadership involves
the adaption of both verbal and synbolic communication skills including the ability to read
individuals and groups, and to tailor the message to gain understanding and acceptance.
The adaption of a neutral or objective communication style, a factor that identifies some
women as potential leadership material is also important. Communication style is so
irnportanttovarying degreesthatittended to shapethe leadership identities ofall the

women in this study.

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C. Adaptation Attitudes and Behaviors

Research by Gherardi (1995) suggests that women’s attitudes and behaviors in the
workplace are largely based on their interpretation of hierarchy and inequities learned in
their families of orifin. She contends that when women enter the workplace, “it can be
compared to children entering the world of adults. Each new work role has its own

inflexible etiquette and the implicit rule is not to ask questions . . . It’s a subterranean

world in which everything takes on an opposite meaning” (p. 97).

I. Assimilate the Mission and Standards

The tendency of women to use relational ways of reasoning and knowing was an
advantage to the senior-level women administrators in this study making it easy for them
to embrace the altruistic vision of the “people’s college.” Most of the women
ernpathized with the notion of fiving a second chance to students who don’t have much
opportunity. One woman called this her way of “saving the world.” “Funding for college
is not as available as in the past, so my job is to get and keep people in school. This is even
more important today,” said one president. Perhaps this response should not be a
surprising revelation because many study participants were first-generation college
students and could personally relate to what an education could do for an individual’s life.

The altruistic or relational attitude appeared to five many women administrators
incentive to conform to standards because this was the familiar model used to facilitate the
mission of the college. They knew few other leadership or organizational models to

consider. They summed up their altruistic attitudes in the following statements, "I love

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education - that is why I am here,” and “The community college really relates directly to
thereasonlwentintoteaching. Ibelieveallpeoplecanlearnandourjobisto setupan
environment in which they can find the ways to learn. As administrators, we need to
facilitate that.” Specifically, one woman, who manages finances and operations, is proud
to be associated with the efi‘orts of her college to provide a practical education so people
can help themselves.

Several women explained that they related to the community college because of
their experiences in the community. One president grew up in a family of union organizers
and community activists. She saw activism as an important part of being a responsible
adult and professional. Another president told her faculty: “You have to know your
comrnunityandthatmeansyou measureyourselfbyhowmuchyourcommunityisinyour
college. . . howmuchyou areparticipatinginyourcommunity. . .Iwillbeoutinthe
community and I will expect you to be out in the community, too.” With these
descriptions, the women administrators show how their tendency to relational attitudes
influences their leadership identities. The remarks also highlight an important contradiction
that woman must come to terms with as they conform to traditional organizational
expectations: The contradiction is that despite their relational orientations to connect with
a sense of responsibility to others they are expected to embrace traditional leadership
standards based on instrumental or masculine values which are not inclusive. Moreover,
the women must actively meet the traditional standards or risk not being identified as a
leader.

The women in this chapter assimilated the standards of traditional organizational

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life through a process of conformity to expectations. They were motivated by their desire
to be efi‘ective in doing something good for others. With few alternative leadership models
in mind, they learned their behaviors through mentors who choose them and/or carefirl
observation of the culture. These attitudes, along with learned behaviors fiom educational
experiences and interactions within thdr families, were the elements women drew upon to
construct their leadership identity.

As stated previously, Gherardi (1995) contends that the attitudes and behaviors
of women toward hierarchy and inequity in the workplace generally reflects those learned
in their family of orifin. Gherardi does not distinguish a woman by her family role but
emphasizesaculturalpatternthatlinksacertaintypeoffemalenessandmalenesstofarnily
roles. Gherardi identifies “diversity, plurality, and ambiguity to feminine responses to
hierarchy and inequality” (p. 83). The women in this study who relied on adaption often
played the role of the favorite daughter, the sister who works with womw and men
against other women and men, or the favorite aunt who is nonpartisan between
competing groups but can be counted on to do a quality job. The favorite daughter
conforms by taking sides with the hierarchy and is often the official representative for
the established order. She is the “right hand,” person who through tireless work can five
advice because she has made herselfindispensable. She scorns weakness in others and
loves the astute and the victorious ”(p.75). All adaptive leadership roles required the
established norms of professional behavior such as discipline, rationality, objectivity,
irnpersonality, and the development of specific administrative skills. Using this backdrop, I

now turn to specific behaviors that women who are adaptors in this study used to fit into

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their organizational culture.

2. Keep a Distance

Women who are adaptors often thought it best to keep colleague or professional
relationships at a distance. One president explained that leadership required a degree of
isolation. Several vice presidents from large urban community colleges feared by having
friends on campus, they would be perceived as showing favoritism. One woman often has
lunchwithafarnilymembercreatingaspacewhereshecanthinkandtalkfieely. Another
woman summarized the whole notion of distance by declaring that she makes better
decisions if she remains aloof.

MargaretUlster, anAfiicanAmerican, hasbeenamernberofthe senior
administrative staff since the early seventies. She highlighted this attitude of keeping a
distance saying that presenting an aura of objectivity is important to her. She maintains a
distance so that she can make decisions based on all the information. She does not five
too much in meetings for fear that anyone gets to know her too well. Margaret wants to
remain unpredictable so “they” have to figure her out. She does not want to five the
impression of making promises she does not intend to keep. Ifshe is too fiiendly or
accommodating, people may conclude that they can easily sway her. Margaret avoids
discussing issues that might be problematic and incorrectly interpreted.

An example of Margaret’s distancing is her decision not to take a job as
afirmative action officer early in her career in order to avoid becoming stereotyped.

Though she omcially keeps a distance from this type of role, privately she remains a

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supporter of efi'orts to resolve racial discrimination. When a problem surfaces that may
relate to gender or race, she concentrates on understanding individual behavior a strategy
which helps her maintain an unbiased image. Margaret insists she maintain a neutral
position even on issues she feels passionate about such as civil rights. This reflects her
conformity to traditional masculine expectations embedded in the community college
culture. According to Org (1981), the tradition of objectivity began in higher education
because it was to be a place of unbiased reason and where the teaching of lofic would be
revered. As early as the time of Aristotle traveling poets because of their ability to stir and
influence the emotions of the people were considered dangerous afitators. After that,
administrators and faculty were placed in a position where they could not acknowledge
personal values without causing suspicion and disdain.

A vice president explained how her personal beliefs and her lack of neutrality
caused great problems at one point in her career when there was much political strife at
her college:

It was a two-camp situation. Faculty members had reason to be disillusioned with

some of the leadership. One group wanted it corrected through negotiations and

another group wanted a union. I was on the union side. This was during the civil
rights movement and when individualism was of primary importance. I was
working staff development at the time and because I was identified so strongly
with the union camp I felt that a lot ofthe arguments against me were being waged
for political reasons. I felt that it was not easy to do what I behaved really needed
to be done because no matter what I did it was seen in the light ofthis larger
struggle. There were days when I really didn’t like to come to work.

Today she acts with caution and hears all sides before taking a position on an issue. She

understands that most issues are complex and the answers are not always clear-cut:

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I’ll tell you I’ve changed. I have gotten so dumb. I said, you know, I wish I’d had
this problem 20 year ago because 20 years ago I would have known the answer. I
would have known it was the right answer. I don’t know anymore. The older I
get and the more experience I have, the more I have come to live in a world of

8“!

One way to display objectivity and unbiased thinking is to minimize or deny
opinions on controversial topics especially those related to gender. In earlier stories
introducing the adaption response, Louise Jennings denied gender issues explaining, that
at her college what a person accomplishes is more important than their gender. Madeline
Hall acknowledged but minimized gender issues, saying that gender bias may have been
prevalent in the past, but the numerical representation of women has changed over the last
few years. Therefore, fiom her experience women’s leadership is respected.

Sue Olsen, an administrative operations vice president spoke for several women
in the study by declaring, “Gender just never seemed like a real issue to me. I’ve seen
difl’erences between men and women, but I don’t know that I could attribute it as much to
gender as to individual personalities.” She went on to describe other women
administrators who were aggressive and operated much like a man in battle. On the other
hand, she had worked with and for men who are not at all conflict-oriented. “ So . . . I
don’t think I could make any distinctions based on gender in the people that I worked
with.” Several other women expressed a disinterest in gender issues as not relevant to
their experience.

Some women may have denied or minimized gender issues for several

explanations. Impression management may be at the core of this stance. The women’s lack

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of response to gender-related issues shows trust in the system as it exists. By ignoring the
influence of gender issues, the participant deflects possible flaws within her organization
and her complicity (Ferguson, 1982; Gherardi, 1995). Other women just do not see
gender issues as relevant. Women administrators who express this view are positioned
in roles where they have little knowledge of other employees’ experiences at lower
levels in their institution. In other instances, women may deny or ignore gender issues
because collefial relationships are important alliances for future movement within the
college. To acknowledge gender issues might be counter productive to building
alliances. The women who have won a special position often are hesitant to share this
with other women, especially if the others have not proven themselves professionally
(Kanter, 1977;Yoder, 1985).

Overall, senior-level women administrators who are adaptors in traditional
organizational cultures tend to maintain their position by keeping a distance fiom
colleagues and from controversial issues to fit in with traditional cultural norms and gain

acceptance.

3. Learn a Needed Skill

The women with adaptive leadership identities have developed technical skills
which not only help their institution but foster their own sense of self-reliance. Sue Olsen,
a vice president of operations at a suburban community college, said she would advise
women seeking a senior position to have a technical skill such as finance or computers.

Taking her own advice, she developed skills that positioned her so that she can

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maintain an independent attitude and be perceived as self-motivated. Being independent
helps her remain objective about issues. She recalled having to figure out a complex
budget on her own because she did not have a mentor to help her learn the job. She
believes learning by herself has its benefit. “By not having a mentor, I have a level of self-
confidence and a level of independence that those who have mentors do not have. They
are more dependent. I didn’t have that opportunity to experiment or ask for advice. I just
had to do it.” Acting as a mentor to other women is not part of her vision of leadership.
Sue prefers mentoring men because she works mostly with men. She further explained that
she grew up working with her father alter her mother died so this preference for working
withmenhaslongbeenapartofherstyle.

Once a woman proved herselfcompetent to the community college senior
management team, she was often encouraged to get additional credentials. The
participants in this study tended to return to graduate school to earn their Ph.D.,
Ed.D., ID, or Master’s degree after they were appointed to an administrative position.
Typically, this was done to develop expertise or a special skill needed at the
administrative level of the particular college. Over the last several years, many of their
advanceddegreeshavetmdedmwardmchmworspeciahtydegreesmflierthan
professional degrees from colleges of education. Examples of specialty degrees they
earned are law, finance, master’s in public or business administration, and computer
technology. Ferguson (1984) suggested that they generally ground these programs in
traditional views of organizational life. Unfortunately, this orientation suits the needs of

the current organization, but offers little direction for women to creatively explore

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critical frameworks or alternative organizational structures.

Community colleges often recognize relevant expertise and oficial credentials
when choosing women for senior administrative positions. One president in this study who
does not have a doctorate, said she brings just the right blend of expertise and credibility
to her community college. She was chosen for the position because she is respected in her
community. In addition, she had nearly twenty years of administrative and faculty
experience. Also, she represented, the African American community, one of the
college’s key constituencies and brought strong ties and understanding of this
community to the position. Because a geographically defined area supports a
community college, its constituency reflects the demographics of the area. As an
African American, she provided the leadership and dynamic role model her college
needed to correct its mismanagement and improve its poor self-image. As a role model,
she offers the community promise and pride in their ethnicity and racial identity.

Another community college president, also without a doctorate, was hired
because of her strong organizational skills. She said the selection committee made no
secret of it, 'I was chosen because the college was failing financially and came close to
not receiving accreditation during the previous accreditation visit. " Because she showed
skills associated with emcient and productive leadership in dealing with similar challenges
at her former college, she was chosen as a change agent for her current college. These
examples show the importance adaptors place on skill based formal education and on-the-

job learning in the development of their leadership identities and career advancement.

4. Be Prepared

“Be prepared” is more than the Girl Scout motto, it is also the motto of astute
senior-level women administrators who are adaptors at the community college. Two vice
presidents spoke displaying their leadership by focusing on details and doing their
homework on projects. An academic vice president says she learned the details of the
union contracts and the rules that govern interactions with the Board of Trustees as an
adaption to make herself more effective. For example, she learned that when faculty has a
grievance, the best approach is to state the policy and refer them to a specific clause in the
contract. Ifit is another administrator who has a problem, she refers them to the contract.
Because the policies that define interactions with the Board of Trustees have not changed
in years, she knows them quite well and can advise others about how to handle issues and
conflicts with the Board. At times she has shown competency by warning her president
not do the things she was doing. However, in dealing with superiors she is quite cautious
believing that this focus on details can make her appear harsh and inflexible. She is
working on becoming more diplomatic and less authoritative.

Another woman found that she ean reduce her insecurity about a project if she
knows the policies of the college and the union contract. Before she begins a project, she
studies its underlying philosophy and background as well as the associated costs and
benefits. Most of the women declared that they tackle projects thoroughly so that they can
defend their position from any point of view. Being prepared is an important adaptive
response and shows how adaptive behaviors help construct a woman’s leadership identity.

These accounts may explain why women administrators are often criticized for

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being rule-minded and showing disdain to others who do not follow process.
Dependency on rules can replace not only the non-availability of information from
colleagues, but can also serve as a justification for the decisions made and reduce
criticism of the decisions. A problem with this focus on detail is that these senior women
administrators may appear rigid in interactions or projects, thus making them seem rule-
minded and inflexible. This quality difl‘ers with women’s expected relational position and

sets them up for harsh treatment from both men and women.

5. Compete

Traditional organizational cultures foster competition because it keeps the
hierarchy in place (Iannello, 1992). Therefore, women who are adaptors feel pressure to
compete on the traditional organizational culture’s terms. A president of a small Midwest
community college recalled places that she worked where competition clearly shaped the
organization’s traditions and norms. To prove competency and efl‘ectiveness, every
administrator worked long hours and then took paper work home. “It was expected. If
you didn’t, they didn’t think you were efl‘ective. Then it became a battle of pointing out
your mistakes or the fact that you were unprepared.” She explained, “If I was not being
stabbed, I was doing the stabbing. It was standard operating procedure.” However, she
felt uncomfortable with the situation and explained that she was difl‘erent from the others
because, when she was doing the “stabbing,” she always told the truth.

Another president explained that her fiercest political battles have been with other

WOIIICI‘II

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I think women have a hard time accepting another woman being the ultimate

authority. And I think we still haven‘t moved as far as one would like in terms in

kind of forgetting the gender thing. Let's get down to brass tacks; the competition
problem, I think, is still there. And that's real unfortunate, but it is there.

Yet another women dean told of a younger colleague who was interested in
moving to a higher position and asked for her advice on issues. The dean said she felt
used because after earning the position, both were members of the president’s staff, and
the younger woman “stabbed her in the back” publicly. The older woman identifies this
behavior of the younger women as a character problem.

Sue Olsen experienced a similar political battle when she supported the hiring of a
women acadanic vice president thinking she would be a good addition to the team. As
she got to know her better, Sue’s perception was that the women had a Jekyll and Hyde
personality. “She had a very pleasant side to her, but she also had a very ugly side which
became clearer the longer she was there. Finally, the woman went into open battle with the
president over a number of issues.” Because the college was a part of a large urban
culture, the battle between the two took on major political overtones. The woman won,
the president, a man, was fired and the woman elevated to the presidency:

It was impossible not to take sides in this battle. I sided with the current president

and so when she became the new president I had to leave. She was going to, I

mean, she was out to fire me. She had to work hard to develop a background, you
know, in any institution you just can’t fire without reason. You have to show

cause. I knew that over time, no matter what I did, she was going to develop
cause.

In this case, Sue choose to leave a situation where she would be at the mercy ofa

threatening and fierce competitor who would eventually win and where she would lose.

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One women told of a competitive situation with a male colleague. An emergency
arose when she and a male colleague were left in charge of the campus. Because the
president was out of town and the state inspectors required that a decision be made about
building codes, the two decided together a course of action. However, when the president
returned and heard of their decision, she was firrious. It had greater implications than the
two had considered. The possibility arose that irregularities the state inspector uncovered
could damage the college’s image. However, the male colleague “left the meeting and
let me take the blame for the situation.” Though the president overreacted and her
fears neverbecarnereal, thewoman still wondershoworwhethershecaneventhe
score with her male colleague. She felt victimized but could not complain because her
president hates complainers, victims, and people who make excuses for their mistakes.
Furthermore, this type of behavior by her male colleague is considered fair play in her

institution because competition is at the heart of its traditional organizational culture.

6. Replicate Traditional Leadership Values in Hiring Practices

Women who are adaptors tend to hire individuals with traditional organizational
values. Lou Jennings, a community college president clearly knows that choosing the right
person is important to the success of her organization, and she wants people with
traditional values to match hers. Most of the faculty and the administrative stafl‘ are made
up of men and women with traditional leadership styles who enact and set the traditional
standards of organizational life. Therefore, whether they are men or women those hired

are measured by this standard and must conform to it to be defined as leaders,.

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Lou Jennings and many other women in the study believe that hiring the right
personisessentialtothesuccessofthecollege. Louwantspeoplewhoarewillingto
work hard. “I don’t get along with people who don’t.” She does not want those who are
“intellectually ofl‘ in the stratosphere,” nor, those who cannot bring theory to reality and
make it work. Lou does not care for people who are always making excuses about not
getting their job done. “I’m not interested in excuses. I also believe that behaviors such
aslazinesscanchangeifthepersonwantsthernto.” Lou doesnotwantcomplainers,
victims, or people too good to get their hands dirty. Finally she commented, “You can
have all the equipment that you want, (but it) you don’t have the right people around, it’s
not gonna work.”

Louandherstafl‘recognizethatfewwomenareatthemiddlelevel ofmanagement
ready to move into senior positions. Hiring priorities systematically exclude women who
do not have traditional masculine work styles and related skills and therefore, exclude

many women fiom the candidate pool for such positions.

7. Validate Yourself through “Self-Talk”

Successful adaption to traditional organizational standards often meant that the
women needed to learn to validate their accomplishments through positive self-talk and
not to rely upon the organization and others for validation. One vice president explained
how her self-esteem has improved since she has conformed to the culture. She has even
learned to live with the general coldness and aloofness she experiences prevails from

central administration having learned not to take it personally, “Who knows why they

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don’t like you? It an be racial, style, gender, or whatever. When the testosterone flies
atthemainoffice, itcanbeforanyreason.’ Shehaslearnednottoattractattentionto
herself by asking questions or by being helpful. From her account adaption has had
some benefits. By concentrating on the rules and regulations and not on why people don’t
like her, she has been able to survive in her combative college culture.

Managing negative moods through positive self-talk is essential to conformity
helping to create a positive impression beeause others perceive that competent leaders
are in control of their emotions. President Lou Jennings described her system for handling
self-doubt and anxiety:

Therearedayswhenlthink,ohmyl.ord,Ishouldjuststayinbedandkeepmy

had covered. We’ll all be better off. But for the most part I think, okay, I can

do this. You’re going to be able to mamge this . . . Most problems are going

to resolve themselves . . . It seems overwhelming and I think I just ean’t do it. I

don’t know how to deal with this. Then you find out it is going to work out.

JIL’: not pleasant, sometimes it’s very painful, but this is life. This is part of the
Lou stays calm and avoids panic with positive self-talk realizing that doing nothing is often
the best course of action. When problems of a political nature arise, they often have a way
of resolving themselves without intervention. Though Lou’s feelings of panic often
required consultations with her spouse, who holds a similar position, she found that by
presenting herself in a positive way, despite feelings of isolation, anxiety, and
incompetency, she could create an impression of competency.

Another president, Madeline Collins, reported that she felt like the most hated

woman in town, but she decided not to take the attacks personally. She learned to

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think of the hostility as one would when a child says “I hate you.” To both Lou and
Madeline, this self-talk was an important adaption to create their successful
presidencies helping them to present a positive face.

Several women said that they handle the shame or ridicule surrounding personal
attacks through positive self-talk. Then they take on a grand project to prove their
compaency. By overachieving, they demonstrate their competence to themselves and
others by accomplishing visible and diflicult goals. Yet another woman handled her
negative moods when her competency was questioned by overlooking the negative
remarks and seeing the people as uninformed. She tried not to condemn anyone but just
move on and accept the situation. By learning to self-validate their accomplishments
and talking themselves into a positive stance and into action, senior women administrators
can project an aura of strength and certainty that traditional organizations interpret as
competency.

Overall, Gherardi’s descriptive analysis of positions women may take in the
work place as a response to hierarchy and inequity was helpful in interpreting women’s
attitudes and behaviors in their organizational culture. The need of senior-level women
administrators who are adaptors to “fit in” to traditional standards is prompted by the
culture’s definition of leadership as functional and productive. Because so few women
are in senior-level administrative positions at community colleges, this token position
accentuates performance pressures and helps explain women’s adaptive behaviors. Some
of those behaviors are over attention to detail and competitiveness to prove competency,

separation of work and personal relationships, dissociation from controversial issues,

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hiring like-minded colleagues, and the need to self-validate.

D. The Costs and Benefits of Adaption

In the previous section, I discussed attitudes and behaviors of women
administrators who construct a leadership identity by adapting to traditional organizational
standards. In this section, I explore the costs and benefits of such adaptations. The
contradiction between their relational tendencies and the actual traditional practices of the
community college put women in a double bind. When they achieve through traditional
processes, they jeopardize the quality of their relationships with both men and women.
The following are accounts of how colleague relationships changed when senior-level
women administrators became representatives of the hierarchy.

Isolation. A cost of adaptation is a sense of isolation. The shape and intensity of
the isolation varies according to context but nevertheless is potentially damaging to the
individual woman. One woman said that she received the shock of her life alter the
president promoted her to a senior position. Long-time fiiends did not include her in
facultygatheringsandtheydid notinvitehertoeatlunchwithherworkgroup. Asa
founding member of one of the local faculty unions, Madeline Collin’s first job as
president was to redefine the union contract she had helped to write thirty years prior.
The faculty reacted and she endured long-term mean-spirited public attacks beeause of
her work. Madeline’s office is close to the chancellor’s and some faculty were going
directly to the chancellor with their concerns. Therefore, she and the chancellor agreed

that should any faculty or administrator try to bypass her authority she would be kept

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informed. This worked well to protect her from isolation and sneak attacks.

Two senior-level administrators explained that when they made changes to
remove racial quotas for employment and kept a purposeful distance from issues such
as affirmative action, the Afiican American community isolated them. As a result, they
were accused of turning their backs on the Afiican American community. However, the
women believed they could not change their position on the issue and remain efl‘ective
leaders.

One community college women administrator described a recent dramatic situation
illustrating the vulnerability that can result from being isolated. A high ranking oflicial at
hercollegewhohadbeenchosenasachangeagent receivedmuchacclaimforher
distinctive innovations and efl‘orts to create a more diverse institution. She was a task
nmster with a traditional authoritarian leadership style, so despite her many successes, she
alienated both men and women in the college and on the Board of Trustees. When her
term expired, the board ended her employment without cause in a very public hearing.
Observers speculatedthatshehadbecarnetoo successfirlmakingthefonner
administrators look bad. Her assertive manner also alienated those board members who
were not committed to the changes she initiated. This suggests that even when a woman’s
adaption appears successful, it can often isolate her from the political maneuvering within
her community college and make her susceptible to actions such as betrayal and even
firing.

Regina Ibsen the adaption prototype described earlier claimed, ‘1 really don’t fit

in over here with the men and I don’t fit in here with the women . . .The women keep me

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at arms length....I’m just kind of right out there. The women keep me at arms length.”
She infers that a woman who becomes too successful breaks the stereotypical female
role of nurturer, intimidating both men and women. This can isolate her and make her
politically vulnerable. If she does not adapt, others may perceive her as too difl‘erent.
When she is not taken seriously, she is respected by neither men nor women.

Does this isolation extend to a woman’s personal life by affecting her relationships
at home? The data are unclear. Of the participants who constructed predominantly
traditional leadership identities through adaption, I found no set pattern of successful or
unsuccessful marital relationships due to their careers. Some Afriean Ameriean women
in the study suggested that they believed that few African Ameriean men could handle
the demands and constraints of a spouse’s career. These women have given up earlier
illusions that they might marry. Other women in the study, both African American and
white, reported that their spouses had supported their careers often acting as mentors.
Several said that their spouses had retired and followed them in their career moves. All
women who reported divorces during their careers hesitated to say that their marriage
ended primarily because of their career goals and adaptions. As one administrator
explained, her marriage ended because she and her former husband were going in difl‘erent
directions in life.

Failure to maintain supportive relationships. A competitive culture stymies the
collective emotional growth of an institution because it restricts collaboration and dialogue
between women, men, racial, and ethnic groups. One Afiican American woman explained

that without exception white women within her community college system have

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disappointed her because they are so competitive. “There is no more vicious a woman out
there than a Caucasian woman because she brings with her a lot of entitlement. They come
in the form of the Jewish princess, Mayflower queen, the prima donna They make it
within their institution by whatever means necessary.” This woman has tried to build
professional fiiendships with some of her white female colleagues but without success.
“The minute your guard is down they put you in your place. It’s so competitive; they bring
a lot of baggage.” They also bring many perceptions of race and leadership as well as how
to get ahead.

The work ofbell hooks (1995) suggests that despite the call for sisterhood and
colleagueship by feminists in the workplace, tension still persists between white and black
women. Specifically, hooks maintains that, until white women come to terms with their
role in the organizational system that oppresses black women and men, trust between the
two groups is unlikely.

Overall, competition within an organization is a destructive force. It does not
foster community, collaboration, and meaningful exchange about difi‘erences.
Furthermore, competition between departments and individuals produces winners and
losers. Winners are entitled to attitudes and behaviors of superiority and privilege while
losers face additional hostility.

The restraint of individual and institutional growth is another cost of adaption.
Yoder (1985) suggests that women administrators have received benefits and privileges
associated with their willingness to adapt. It is not likely that these women will include

other women in the inner circle. First, they do not want to put their competency in

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question if they make a mistake in judgement about other women. Second, they are less
likely to include women with different leadership styles because they do not want to have
their loyalty to the institution questioned. Third, they do not want to lose their status of
specialness. Thus an inadvertent cost of adaption is that few women or minorities reach
middle-management positions. Those who could are reluctant to move into senior
administrative positions because they must conform too much or have already conformed
enough to a culture based on traditional standards.

President Lou Jenning’s remarks illustrate this flame of reference. Though many
women serve on her senior administrative stafl‘, she describes them as task oriented
people; not particularly visionary leaders. That they are women is incidental to her
college’s organizational culture. Because she is not knowledgeable of leadership styles
other than her own, based on traditional conceptions, Lou has not considered alternatives
and the strengths of other leadership styles. Nor has she seriously considered the
beneficial long-term efl’ects that relational paradigms might bring if introduced into her
college’s culture. Instead, Lou looks for women who are practical, not too theoretical, and
who do not give excuses for failures; “people who can make things happen.” If the
individual does not follow the traditional standard, they must change to succeed at her
institution. Other women administrators also reflect Lou’s attitude. The implied
conclusion is that younger women who do not strive to “fit in” by adapting, generally do
not “have what it takes” (the emotional character) to do the job. This suggests that those
who have adapted believe that senior women administrators must fit a certain mold to be

leadership material. How ironic that Lou put creative effort into making physical

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maintenance a major part of the organization’s culture, but that she did not go to the same
efi‘ort to make relational ways of knowing and relational paradigms just as acceptable.
Clearly, a major cost of adapting is that it sets limits, does not create a diverse climate
which could spark creativity and personal growth. Adaption does not foster the altruistic
values of social change such as uplifting of women, new immigrants, and racial minorities
so needed with today’s demography.

Despite the women’s isolation and the institution’s loss of human potential and
creativity, a few participants reported satisfaction in learning new skills and a sense of
achievement resulting from adaption. To these women, adaption meant predictable
guidelines to success and the hope that if, they get “it right” they will be rewarded. An
African American woman spoke of the advantages:

I think that this job [at my local college] has done a lot to build my confidence. I

remember my first few years in my undergraduate education when I said, “I just

can’t do this because I’m not college material.” Then to turn around and to look at
those individuals who have come here with Ph.D.’s and are now reporting to me,

sometimes it’sratherawesome. I sort oflookbackatitandlarnstunnedbutlfeel
good. I really feel that the advice that I’m giving is correct (based on the rules and

regulations). They respect it and they go by it. It’s quite an experience. . .

A sense of respect for her position in the hierarchy has given this woman a feeling of
accomplishment. However, in comparing the overall costs and benefits of adaption to the

individual and to the institution, it appears that the costs outweigh the benefits.

E. Summary
Adaption is a natural reaction for women who want to achieve, especially those

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Val.

raised in a patriarchal family where pleasing parents, particularly their fathers, has
equated to goodness and acceptance (Gherardi, 1995). Adaptiorr to traditional
organintional cultural context was the overarching experience of the thirty women in this
study. Though the findings suggested a range of conformity, nine of the thirty women
tended to use an adaptive response strategy laden with instrumental behaviors as the main
core of their leadership identity. Believing in the altruistic mission of the community
college, the women profiled here were willing to accept, not question, its traditional
orientations in theory or practice. They rationalized that adaption was a necessary
response if they were to have any success in furthering that mission. Unfortunately,
adaption often prevented them from considering what they could have brought to the
organization.

Women who chose to adapt viewed leadership either through the bureaucratic
model built on production and outcomes (Blackrnore, 1989) and/or the political model
built on relationships with unions, instructors, and the community. Because both models
are gender blind, explicit and implicit gender issues and other issues of difference
were unattended or invisible to these women. Nevertheless, gender issues were a
consistent source of tension in their adaptive processes.

Women who had constructed an adaptive leadership identity made conformed to
“fit in” so their work and achievements would reflect the community college’s notion of
competency. They engaged in a learning process to acquire basic skills of negotiating and
managing their image of effectiveness. They learned to communicate, speak and dress the

values of the college culture, and to maintain a detached and dispassionate approach to

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their interactions with people and their ideas to avoid appearing biased.

Because adaption skills are in direct opposition to behaviors associated with
relational ways of knowing which favor connection to others, conformity to traditional
expectations puts women in a double bind. When women obey the rules of traditional
organizational standards, they break the rules of behaviors typically associated with
women. When women break traditional gender roles they pay the price of becoming
isolated fi'om other women and from men. The cost to the institution is that it diminishes
institutional growth because it separates colleagues. Problem solving in such a climate is
an independent activity rather than a collaborative community efl‘ort.

Adaption creates two dilemmas for women trying to “fit in” to traditional
organizations. The first, because of their comnritrnent to egalitarian ideals of the
community college and their desire to achieve, they must accept traditional organizational
orientations that are hierarchical and non-egalitarian. If they do not conform to these
traditional orientations women are seen as inefl‘ective. A risk they cannot take if they want
to succeed. Consequently, the women subjugate relational ways of knowing, leading, and
organizing. Second, alter successfirlly adapting to traditional standards, the women no
longer “fit in” with their women colleagues. In the end, the adapters are outsiders in
relation to both men and other women, because they have rejected relational ways of
leading and organizing.

The stories of Lou, Madeline, and Regina illustrate the range of conformity in this
chapter. These women should not be viewed as one-dimensional leaders. Though they

clearly had a strong tendency to use adaptive strategies, but the data also suggested they

105

used reconciliation and resistance strategies to achieve and succeed in their community

college culture.

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CHAPTER V
Reconciliation

The successfirl woman is capable, competitive, and gets along well with men. The

female manager is “feminine but not seductive, assertive but not aggressive . . .

[The woman who tries] to strike the appropriate balance between masculine and

feminine behaviors will inevitably fail to accomplish her goal to be accepted, since

in order to do so she will have to be a difl‘erent thing to different people” (Koester,
1982,p.l70)

Women who use both relational and instrumental behaviors based on contextual
considerations to construct their leadership identities are termed reconcilers. Adaption
to instrumental or masculine norms at community colleges was established as the
overarching experience of senior women adnrinistrators. As cultural outsiders,
however, women conforming to masculine norms do not necessarily earn acceptance.
To counter this lack of acceptance, women in this study often used relational responses or
instrumental responses depending upon the context.This contextual-based reconciliation of
behavior responses is a way to reduce the stress of their outsider status. For most of the
women highlighted here, reconciliation also provided a means to fix the situation
harmoniously and helped them to survive on a day-to-day basis. The dual nature of
reconciliation is built on the women’s ability to read work situations clearly and
manage appropriate responses which then allow them to use either relational or
instrumental behaviors as context demands. To determine the evolution of this
response, I investigated the participants’ leadership identities, the role of
communication, reconciliation attitudes and behaviors, and the costs and benefits of

reconciliation.

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A. Leadership Identity

That some women used either relational or instrumental behaviors depending on
context is a reasonable response to a complex situation. By using alternative behaviors,
women leaders can work within the traditional organizational system without
threatening too many women and men. Women who used reconciliation often gave
metaphors such as a kaleidoscope and a miner boring through rock, a bear, and a group

of interlocking rings to explain their leadership identities.

1. Patricia Kruger - No Junior Leaguer

Patricia Krugger, a vice president with a warm engaging personality described her
leadership style:

The kaleidoscope on my desk is somewhat indicative of at least, I don’t know, of

my leadership style. It’s howl see things - constantly changing but every pattern is

pretty. You know, you do have some control over it. All those pieces are already
there. I didn’t create it. But they can be rearranged. It is also like being a nriner
trying to crawl through this rock because some days are like that, too. You are
looking for the end of the tunnel, at least the light at the end of the tunnel.

Crawling and digging through rock.

This description highlights the relational side of Patricia’s leadership style when
she is working with her staff. When they work as a team, they each bring in skills that
complement hers. She endeavors to make them feel included and important professional
colleagues. For example, Katie, a longtime trusted colleague reads people well. Katie
often restrains Patricia fi'om being too empathetic and naive about employees’

motivations. At times, Patricia gets her feelings wrapped up in employees’ personal

108

 

 

situations. On such occasions, Katie might warn her, “Now don’t go hugging and crying
whenyou meetwiththisperson. Remernberthereasonwearefiringhimistlrathehas
been pilfering filnds fi'om the college.”

On the instrumental side, Patricia is a direct assertive supervisor. She has high
standards, pays attention to detail, and completes tasks. She wants the total commitment
of her stafl‘ when working on an assignment. Patricia said one of her biggest compliments
came fi'om an older man on her maintenance stafl‘who told her he liked working with her
because she was just one of the guys. Patricia did what she needed to do in working with
thatpersonto getthejob done. “Ifheseesmeasaferninistbitch,Iamnotgoingtobe
able to work with him. Nor are we Junior Leaguer socialites around here. We all come
from working-class backgrounds.” Hard work, visible accomplishments, orderliness, along
with appropriate attitudes and behavior are important instrumental features of Patricia’s
leadership style. These feature makes sense when Patricia describes the culture of her
community college: “cleanliness is next to godliness.” Her leadership metaphors were the
kaleidoscope and the miner. Each illustrates the compartmentalized instrumental and

relational aspects of her leadership style.

2. Linda Tifton - A Tough Competitor

Linda Tifton, a vice president at a suburban community college, used a bear
metaphor for the two sides of her leadership: a likeable warm character to her stafl‘ but a
fierce protector of turf to outsiders. “We are a transfer culture," Linda explained. Most

of the students are full-time traditional college-age students. This culture is different

109

from most community college districts which have an abundance of part-time students
who drop in and out. Because Linda is responsible for research and community relations,
she is compelled to have high standards and be aware of the latest technology. To get the
most fi'om her predominantly female staff, Linda uses a collaborative open-door leadership
style. She knowing her stafl‘s weaknesses and strengths, makes every effort to help them
grow in their professional skills.

Whenever working with her boss or others outside her department, Linda puts
onanotherfaceinordertodefendherterritoryandsupportherstaff. Shecompares
herselftoabmrbecauseflrestaffperceivesherdifferenflydepardingonthecontext:
fierce in some situations, likeable and reassuring in others. She described herself as
flexible and consistently honest. Men in her organization do not intimidate her. She can
small talk with any of them because she genuinely is knowledgeable about their
interests, such as sports. She developed her expertise in the new educational
technology, therefore, maintains relationships with people in very different ways: with
male colleagues through sports and technical knowledge and with subordinates by
relational behaviors such as never asking them to do anything she wouldn’t do. “I stufi‘
envelopes with the rest of them,” she flatly states. She has an implicit agreement with her
staff that she will not behave haughtily or act superior. In return, she expects absolute
honesty and loyalty from them. Linda wants to hear about problems fiom her group rather

than from someone outside the department.

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3. Irene Morgan - The Spot Quiz

Irene Morgan, a vice president, says that her community college is like a family
but describes the it as cold and demanding. In this family, meeting standards is taken so
seriously that it almost made her ill. Although Irene had fifteen years experience and
impressive accomplishments when she was hired for her position, they were not arough
for her supervisor to treat her as a professional. Nor were her considerable abilities in
nrathernatics and rational analytical skills enough to meet the standard.

Irene quickly learned that working at this college had many contradictions. She
had to prove her competency daily, far beyond a normal transition period. She
described in painful detail how she had to start from “scratch.” For three years, her
supervisor, the director of accounting, gave her a daily spot quiz. As a “dutiful
daughter," Irene placated and complied to maintain her connection to this male
supervisorbecauseherfuturewasliterallyinhishands. Hehadthepowertodismissor
advance her career. She explained:

I was walking into an arena where everyone knew more than me including the

VP of Instruction . . . I never knew what to expect. It was my own inadequacy

becauseIdidnothavethedegreesonmywall. Everydaylwouldgototlre

directorand tlrerewouldbeanew spotquiz . . . Hedidn’ttlrinklkrrew whatI

was doing . . . Finally, I figured out that he was no more knowledgeable than I

was . . . He never could find “the chinks” in my armor. His chinks were bigger

[than mine]. I would say I handled it by being over prepared.

The “examination” model used to establish Irene’s competency was harsh. The daily quiz
resulted in self-doubt and low self-esteem that virtually silenced her for three years. Under

these circumstances, Irene could not consider mentoring or networking with others

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becauseshebelievedshelmdnothingtogiveandnoonevaluedheropinion. Ittookher
three more years to get to the point where she could ask questions or say, “Why don’t we
look at it this wa ” or “How about if we change the way we look at things?” In time, she
realized that shekrrew morethan hedid. Irenewondersifhertraininghadtobesoharsh.
She also questions whether the strict standards actually set back her ability to develop
confidently and creatively. Irene turned her response to this continuous scrutiny by her
boss from a self-defeating into strength building. For her compliance during those
years, she was promoted to a senior position. Only then but with much anxiety, did she
finally begin to speak up. Just recently, she told the president of her college that a
project assigned to her was physically impossible to do within the given schedule. She
considered that a step toward integrity. Also, she decided to work on her Master’s
degree in Public Administration to get over “credential intimidation. "

Based on these accounts, the range of reconciliation behaviors the women chose
was often related to their position in the hierarchy. As supervisors, Patricia’s and
Linda’s stories show how they compartmentalized their work lives. They used
competitive and astute political behavior when working with colleagues and superiors
outside their group and they responded empathetically as a sister with their team of
subordinates. They expected loyalty from their team in return and when necessary were
direct and confrontational with a deviant team member.

Irene and Sonya, reconciler prototypes profiled earlier earned their way to the
board room by virtually remaining silent during much of their professional careers. Each

earned her way to the irmer circle through trial and error. Each described her entrance into

112

the community college when she was young, naive, uncertain, trusting, but fill] of pronrise.
To their bosses, they were receptive, passive, and flexible. These relational qualities helped
them meet the standards of entry-level employees. They placated their superiors by
satisfying their demands. They defended their right to enforce standards although they
became ill fi'om such an environment. Eventually, Sonya and Irene realized that the
competitive culture of their community colleges would never allow them to rest and they
would have to continually prove their competency. Hard work was not necessarily the
gateway to success in such a hierarchy. Each woman was at the right place, at the right
time, withasetofskillsthecollegeneededandneitherhadmadetoo manyenerrries.

For reconciliation leaders, the use of both instrumental and relational behaviors
depending on context is an attempt to satisfy a culture dominated by traditional
instrumental standards, an environment where ignoring the relational behavior could be
damaging. According to sociolinguist Sheldon (1992), who studied play groups, this
reconciliatory response may begin in childhood for girls. Young girls used a “double-
voiced discourse” as they simultaneously considered their own and anotlrer’s agenda
while constantly making initiatives to achieve group harmony. In this study I found that
women often used a “double voice" to communicate that they are competent to both
men and women. This was done in decidedly different ways depending on their

position in the hierarchy.

B. The Role of Communication

Leadership is defined as the ability to interpret the culture of the institution,

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thereby, facilitating a common vision of the organization in formal and informal leadership
roles (Bensimon et al 1989). Once they acknowledged the differences between relational
and instrumental leadership expectations, the women in this study came to understand
the contentious aspects of the two leadership styles. This awareness put a new
dimension to leadership choices (Kanter, 1977; Yoder, 1985). A study by Deborah
Kolbe reported by Tannen (1998) suggested that women generally respond to fighting
or confrontation by avoiding it. They would rather placate acting as problem solvers
from behind the scenes. Yet leadership is judged by the ability to sell ideas. Women
using reconciliation tended to look for harmonious solutions to problems even if it
meant compromising their views. Women leaders who work with divergent expectations
ofien attempt to reconcile this situation by compartrnerrtalizing relational and instrumental
thinking to communicate their ideas. For example, the women in this study fi'equently
sofiened direct orders while maintaining an image of friendly conrpeterrcy. They also used
language forms such as parenthetical statements, tag statements, and questions to soften
their authority or expert role. Typically women learn these skills through observation and
refine them through their experience in a man’s world.

Sheila Danforth, a community college president, declared that because clear
guidelines do not exist for communicating successfully in every situation, every senior
woman must develop her own strategy within her own context. Sheila developed a new
tone of voice and told humorous stories to persuade others to her way of thinking. Sheila
is the youngest of seven and grew up among many brothers. She is comfortable with

instrumental behaviors and is not afraid to participate in the world of men. Because she

114

was the youngest of seven children with many brothers she said, “I learned to feel
comfortable with men. So that may have influenced some things for me difl‘erently than
maybe the average women. I don’t mean that I haven’t known there were certain things
that were a problem.” Nevertheless, when she began her career journey, she found that
to be effective she would have to make some changes.

Sheila took lessons to moderate her voice so she would speak clearly and with a
softer intonation and not appear shrill or loud. She wanted. "I was sulking . . . about my
voice, youknow, becauselleamedtlratlwastlreloudestpersonaround . . . Imean, I
justlaughedloudertlrananyoneelse. Italkedlouderthananyoneelseandsotlratwas
embarrassing me. SoItooklotsofvoiceanddictioncoursestogetoverthat.’ Shehas
learned how to keep her directives light through humor. With her soft voice and her
humor, she manages to be assertive without being abrasive. When she was the only
female reporting at the president’s cabinet level, one of the men asked her to play
racquetball. She responded to her male colleague, “Bill, I appreciate the intent but unless
I’m going in the locker room with you, it won’t put me any closer to the dean’s job, cause
those positions are really not cut on the court.” Through humor and stories, Sheila added
a southern-like charm to her leadership and, in this situation, she expressed her knowledge
of how the selection process for dean really worked. She described features of her
leadership identity through her leadership metaphor of baking an angel-food cake. To
lead, she must build a closeness to people or for her it doesn’t work. For Sheila leading is
not pushing and shoving people but is similar to making an angel-food cake. One gently

folds the ingredients together:

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You have got to constantly fold in your ideas (to their thinking) . . . If I throw a

trial balloon out, you’ve got to fold in one group of influence at a time. Employees

should be thought of as a series of sociograrns you got to fold in. And so I’ve

often used the analogy of making an angel-food cake because you don’t beat it as

opposed to any other item you might bake. The angel-food cake requires that you

gently but constantly fold in the next ingredient.

Women who use reconciliation behaviors often give assurance and

encouragement when they speak to others in professional roles. Christine Noe
uses this strategy within her institution. Christine, a vice president of student services, has
a counseling background and often acts as a bridge between adversaries in a self-described
hostile environment. She negotiates her way through the college hierarchy by making
fiiends, passing along information, giving advice, and being a good listener. She has
helped clean up some institutional messes for instance by convincing a top administrator to
retire. Task-oriented, Christine is responsible and has initiated many innovative programs
that have received national recognition. Today, she no longer does the micro-managing of
these initiatives. She is looking for new challenges. As a bridge to the main power
structure, Christine brings people together by finding common ground and keeps a
dysfunctional institution from erupting. However, traditional organizations do not
recognize these types of communication skills as a valuable asset to the institution.
Today Christine is looking for another challenge because she believes that the current
administration has not identified her skills as important for the presidency at her
college.

Women who are reconcilers also communicate through informal channels.

Members of the dominant group at community colleges often get information and keep

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it among themselves. Gale Goffman, the only woman administrator on the male-
dominated senior staff at her college, leamed to get the information by techniques she
described as follows: “I developed a working relationship with one of my male
colleagues because he has a lot of information. He's very open in one-on-one and likes to
complain because he is under a lot of stress.” She has learned by sincerely listening to his
venting, hewilltell herwhat sheneedsto know. Incontrast, thenewpresidentisvery
closed with his communication. In Gale’s experience information- sharing with the new
president is selective, based on his opinion if he likes you. She intuitively feels that when
sheisinmeetingswithmentheyaresonysheistherebecausetheymustrestrain
themselves fi'om telling their hunting stories. It seems they are thinking: “The ‘nicey-nice’
person is here. . . You know, wewanttojusttalkaboutthebusinessofthemeetingand
get onto the stories.” Gale sees a marked distinction between how men and women
experience her college’s culture. Because the men dominate, they resent having to change
their stories and ofl’-color hunting tales to include her, the only female administrator. Gale
gets the information she needs but finds it mostly through informal tedious channels. She
has two communication networks, one for fiiendship and another for obtaining
professional information.

Women who are reconcilers communicate by connecting with others. For example,
one senior-level woman described herselfas a problem solver connecting or acting as a
bridge between others who are in conflict:

When I look back, I ask myself why they picked me for this senior position. . .

. lthinkitisbecauselgobackand forthbetweenpeopletoseeiflcan'tfigure
out what's making them unhappy. And can we work this out? Then I go to the

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otheroneandlgobackand forth and that'showlhandlefaculty . . . Wejust
almost always end up working it out. Even with faculty who are known to be
crazy, I am able to work things out.
Another communication skill used by reconcilers is the ability to read an audience
and choose relational or instrumental communication based on its receptivity.
One woman quickly learned to speak so as never to make the dominant-culture men look
bad. Her strategy also pertains to communicating with women who use an instrumental or
masculine style of leadership. Consideration of situational factors helps women put the
odds forwinning ontheirsidewhentheyhaveto fightabattle. In a situation where
gender may be an underlying issue, one vice president described how she had to change
her communication style when speaking to a male trustee:
I am very astute politically when it comes to external concerns. But internally, I
have always just been a straight shooter and basically said what’s on my mind. I’m
easy to read because I verbalize it.
Unfortunately, she misread that situation by identifying the Board of Trustees as an
internal group and using the direct approach. Alter a few direct confrontations, her boss (
a woman) told her:
. . . . ‘You must learn to watch your words. They view it as disrespect when you
confront their questions. . . .’ It wasn’t that I felt they were stupid because they
were here only once a month. I was being challenged by two male board members
- they [were] constantly challenging my knowledge base.
Now her president will joke when she slips back into her old ways: “There goes any filture

presidency.” She has learned not to be defensive and to use a more indirect feminine

approach when dealing with the men on the Board of Trustees. In this way they see her

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as less threatening.

Women who modify their behavior to reconcile traditional norms with relational
normsoftenlead and communicatethroughpersuasion. Theyusepersuasionbecause
wherrtheyaremore directive, asinthe instrumental style, theyruntheriskofbeing
censored and excluded. Sarah Long said her work environment has a “let’s take tea with a
task” orientation. As academic vice president, she says that she feels like an octopus most
of the time. She must be agile to juggle many difl‘erent issues and groups. Moreover, she
must persuade each group in difl‘erent ways to her point of view. Her ability to persuade
is important to her leadership effectiveness. Sarah said she is constantly compelled to
censor and or translate her words for fear of misunderstanding because of the factional
dissensions between departments. For instance, she described the outcome of a recent
newspaper interview where she was rrrisquoted as suggesting that the college no longer
needs good lecturers in the classroom. This caused a minor uproar among the faculty.
Another misunderstanding occurred when she received nrinutes of a faculty organization
meeting. Upon reading the summary, she found that they had misinterpreted her. She
brought this to the attention of the chair. He responded that because of this interference
she would no longer get the minutes to the meeting. They took her name ofl‘ the mailing
list. It also infuriates Sarah to have offered an idea to a group only to have it totally
ignored until one of the men brings it up later. He is then applauded for his creative genius
andthegroupactsasthoughitwerethefirsttimetheyeverheardtheidea.

Sarah concluded her interview by remembering the days when she was a middle

nranager and could creatively involve herself with projects. She finds all this “figuring out”

119

about how to communicate with others tedious and stressful . . . “I do sometimes resent
how much of my time this life takes.” She confesses that it is a relief to be with other
female administrators because she can be herself again without have her competency
constantly questioned.

Women who are reconcilers learn to accept that despite their achievements, they
will be subject to personal attack and will have their competency questioned. One woman
bridges the gap between her self-image and those who are critical with her this way:

I just accept it. You know, I believe strongly that there is a personality type of

people who-and some of them I like a lot personally-—who just no matter what

are suspicious, are negative and aren't sellable. And I'm not that kind of
person. I can't deal with it very well but I've learned to just accept and like
you would in anybody else. I sort of think of it as a character flaw. [She
laughs] Andl'mnicetothemandhopetheydobetterandlthinknranyofthe
people have become more trusting.

From the preceding stories, it is clear that the women’s reconciliation strategies are
developed to soften directive communication so as not alienate senior men administrators
and some women. However, when women soften traditional communication patterns and
engage in indirect language they are likely to have their competency questioned. Often,
when they use a direct style of communication women are considered haughty and
overbearing by some groups. If work groups could be compartmentalized into men’s and
women’s groups, switching communication styles might help. But because most groups
are mixed, women are often in a no—win situation and cannot efl‘ectively make that switch.
When a community college is deeply divided along gender lines, this analysis suggests that

no matter which strategy a woman uses, it will not insure she can efi‘ectively persuade or

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lead others without criticism.

C. Reconciliation Attitudes and Behaviors

Much more than reconciliation is involved when women combine relational
leadership responses with instrumental leadership responses. It also means survival. Such
women are concerned with accommodating the context and bringing harmony and order
to a contradictory set of expectations. In the process they hope to prove their leadership

abilities.

I. Assimilate the Mission

Thirteen women in this study tended to use reconciliation by constructing a dual
but compartmentalized, relational and instrumental, leadership identity. They embraced the
mission and the performance standards espoused by the traditional organization. They also
related to the altnlistic theme embedded in the open access mission of the college.

women who are reconcilers experienced a socialization process in which they
learned the skills of adaption to which they added feminine or relational behaviors.
Gherardi (1995) contends that because authority in the workplace is expressed through
masculine models, as in most families, men’s instrumental bias is found in mentoring and
resource allocation. Women adapt instrumental values to achieve and get more
information to achieve in the filture. In reality they remain outsiders. Insiders are often
ambivalent about the presence of women in the workplace. Kvande and Rasmussen (1994)

found four response groups among men to the presence of women in their workplace. One

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group was older men, who played traditional roles and were uncertain about women’s
presence. The second group, competitors, see women as intruders and construct reasons
to maintain their hostility keeping the women in a subordinate status. Criticisms include
not linear enough, too motherly, no sense of humor, and lack of motivation. Group three
is a cohort of young men who are accustomed to competing and working with women.
The fourth group is men who are satisfied with their careers and are not competing with
men or women. Women respond to these various attitudes through their reconciliatory
behaviors.

The standards associated with relational behaviors allowed women to create a
work climate that fostered collaboration, consensus building, and supportive leadership
styles while achieving instrumental goals. This often resulted in the women being unseen
or having their personal accomplishments presented under guise of their supervisor’s
success. These women developed pseudo split-personalities resulting fi'om their use of

relational and instrumental behaviors based upon contextual expectations.

2. Becoming a Member of the Fanin

As previously described, the nuclear family is the primary training ground for
women to reconcile relational and instrumental behaviors in a compartmentalized fashion.
When women adopt a relational role within an organization, they often use behaviors
similar to those of wife or daughter. In these roles, they learn to charm others and to
observe the moods, biases, or weaknesses of those in charge. As well, they often let the

parent figures save face by covering up mistakes for them. In the particular college culture

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where women viewed pe0ple as family, they learned to mend hurt feelings and acted as
bridges between opposing forces. Just as wives and daughters do, the women elevated
each individual in the contest to show the good in both. These skills are fi'equently
unacknowledged because they are not part of the traditional organization framework for
assessing competency, nor are they measurable by conventional means. Vickie Barnes, an
academic vice president described herself as “wife” to her female president. In addition
toherroleasleaderofthefaculty, sheisthesecondpersoninthecollegehierarchyand
watches the “environment” and helps with the “scanning” of people who may be
troublesome for the president. Vickie explains how that relationship evolved:

I was not looking for a mentor but when I got to the administration as dean, my

president was then the vice president. It was a very dificult time and I think she

was looking for a fiiend. She needed someone to talk to and cover her back. I

provided that kind of relationship. As time went on, as fiiends tend to do, I began

giving her advice. At one point, she said, “I’m headed for the presidency and I

want you to come with me.” And I said, “I really don’t want to go with you. I

don’t want the vice presidency because I really need to figure this job out.” But

things moved faster than we thought and both of us jumped into it ready or not . . .

Iwent alongbecausesherelied onmetodothosetlringsthatshedid nothave

experience in, which could be helpfill in her presidency.

While the president had the central administrative experience, Vickie’s
experience filled the void, i.e. , background as chairperson, dean, and the all important
knowledge of faculty contracts. She provided for her president an island of safety as a
trusted colleague and fiiend. The president’s goal was “to make sure that I had what I
needed to stay with her, you know. So whatever mentoring was needed she would insist I
attended national workshops.” At first her relationship to her president was about her

asking advice fiom the president. In time, however, she came to see the difference that she

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could make through her ideas. She now gives advice more often. In her fantasies, she
wonders what it would be like to be president. She hasn’t decided who will be her “wife.”
Vickie’s experience suggests that in a hierarchy, even if a woman is at the top, a loyal
“wife” continues to be useful. Vickie and her president have compartmentalized areas
wheretheycanusetherelational styleswithintheirpartrrershipbuttheycanputon
instrumental masks for the outside when necessary.

In some situations, reconciliation of the instrumental and relational models
incorporated in the family model does not work. Hilary Abbott, a community college
president, explained a situation she encountered on her way to the presidency. Hilary
played a plurality of roles at her college, collaborating with both men and women
colleagues. However, when she was vice president, she played the role of the “favorite
daughter” acquiring power by making herselfindispensable. 'I noticed through the years
menalwayswant somebodytodotlreirwork, squsedmyabilitiestomakethem
dependent. That’s how I got my power.” Hilary clarified that being indispensable did not
mean giving sexual favors. She emphasized that she did not have, and would never have, a
romantic relationship with any supervisor.

In one of her earlier senior administrative positions, Hilary began working with a
presidentwhowasnewtothedistrict. Shehadgrownup thereandkrrewitwell. Hilary,
who is African-American, was vice president in a behind-theseenes support role for the
president. She liked the job because it was secure and she knew how to make the president
look good. During a messy district crisis, the president delegated her to “clean up”

because she was more aware of the nuances involved in the local politics. Hilary said that

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she handled the situation well and received recognition for its resolution. Unfortunately,
by making herselfindispensable and recognized for accomplishments, she inadvertently
threatened the president. Her friends warned Hilary that he was trying to discredit her and
gave her examples of ways he was distancing himself. Hilary refused to believe their
warnings. However, when she noticed he was having private business luncheon meetings
withheradversaries, shebeganto suspectthatwamings ofhisbetrayal nrightbetrue.
The betrayal finally became clear when the president set up a college-wide
evaluation of his staff so that his fiiends, both men and women, could participate along
with the faculty. Only ten out of one hundred faculty participated. Four evaluation forms
had negative comments about Hilary. Later, in her performance review, the president
clearly began using his position of authority to dernean Hilary by reading aloud the
negativeevaluations. “Hesattheretryingtohumiliatemeanddenigrateme. Heevensaid
something about myweight ... Itwasverypersonal. . . . Istoodup, leaned overthe
desk, put my finger in his face and said, ‘You won’t fuck with me and get away with it’.”
I-Iilarylmewheheardherandunderstoodthewarningwhenaflickeroffearhadcrossed
his face. Hilary said she did nothing to get herselfback on track with the adnrirristration
and, in particular, the president. She wanted nothing more to do with advancing in the
administration. About a year later, the president’s enemies mounted an efi‘ort to discredit
him. Hilary refused to participate. She did not try to get even with female colleagues who
had worked with him to betray her. Below the surface, the episode caused Hilary to doubt
her judgement about people and her ability to read the environment. Hilary said for a time

she behaved as though she had lost faith in herself and her ability to prompt change. This

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resulted in low self-esteem that lasted for years until she could come to terms with all the
factors in the incident.

At first Hilary had tried to harmonize the different expectations fiom her
colleagues and her superiors. The two sides of Hilary collided, however, when her
reconciliatory response no longer created harmony but opened her to attack. For women
in traditional organizations expressing anger of this intensity is unacceptable behavior
(Ferguson, 1984). Nevertheless, Hilary found it necessary to regain ha authority and self-
respect.

The women who use the reconciliation style respond to the need to survive by
developing the capacity to use both relational and instrumental responses, thus
accommodating the double bind. Women achieved or maintained their status without
exclusively using hierarchical, often, aloof behaviors associated with masculine standards.
Such behaviors used by women tend to alienate both women and men colleagues.
Specifically, these women handled reconciliation in ways that were reminiscent of the
family roles of a serving wife or daughter. Other relational behaviors included in their
repertoire were silence, placating, making others look good, ignoring discrediting

comments, and not confronting dificult situations directly except in extreme cases.

3. Gender as an Issue
Women who have a reconciliation leadership style acknowledged that gender
issues afi‘ected their leadership identities. In contrast to women who were adapters either

disnrisscd or denied the existence of gender issues. One academic vice president said

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that the divide between men and women’s ways of doing things is more obvious than
ever. She is a consensus builder in the upper circle of her college. She finds that the
men at her college generally prefer to work in directive, closed systems because the
systems are more manageable and controllable. “The men are in charge and this is their
preference. It is an unusual man who works in an open system because that is about
communicating and learning.” She added that men act as the gatekeepers because they are
needed in closed systems. “They really don’t want new ideas. Most want to make the
existing power structure more efficient. Gatekeeping or controlling information is not
necessary in an open system because inclusion is the goal.”

Another veteran vice president, finds working with many of the men in her campus
fiustrating and summed up her perception of the difference between the genders: Overall,
she. “They’re [the men at my college] a really dull group. Really, they don’t have a whole
lot of new ideas. That’s my basic problem with them. I think men (in this institution)
generally are very conservative. They want to keep the social order and they want things
the way they are . . . ” She also believes that most men can’t understand an outsider’s
position, the experience of many community college students. She wonders how efl‘ective
these men are as administrators:

Ifthe president [a woman] or I say something critical, it is taken in a difl‘erent way

tlranifamanhadsaid it. . . Thereisundeclared strifebetweenwomerrandmen

that goes on unacknowledged. I think they believe they are dominated by women

and that is an undercurrent among the men here. I have no empirical proof. They
would deny it.

Although reconciliatory women were willing to acknowledge gender issues as

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related to their leadership styles, they felt powerless to do anything about them. Their
sense of powerlessness may be due to their seeing gender difl‘erences as creating inevitable
dificulties between men and women within the organizational structure. One woman
commented, “You know... you hear it over and over, but it is very interesting to try and
truly communicate with another pason. We’re using the same words but we may have
entirely difl'erent meanings for them, given our background, given our experience. I think
thae’s some gender dificulties there.” She said that the men compliment her for
communicatingsowell, butthen are resentful ofthefact. “Ithinktlratwemeetevery
week, and then when I say ‘let’s give it up,’ they say, ‘oh, no, no,’ ‘cause they know what
they get fi'om the interaction.”

Another woman explained how the climate of her community college has changed
with the new president. He would say he liked women and would be dismayed and
offended ifhe were accused ofbeing sexist. “...I don't think he dislikes them. But I think
he likes women to be inthe middle and be all the ‘working bees.’ In that way, he can hang
onto some of the guys and then they can pull the strings. He's a pretty singular leader and
really not a collaborative leader.”

Women who primarily used reconciliation acknowledged gender issues although
they have not engaged in an in-depth analysis of how gender shapes behaviors and
attitudes. Inparticulartheyhadnotanalyzedhowwelearntheeebehaviors, howwecan
unlearn them, or how gender bias is enacted in institutional policies. Generally, these
women are juggling so many difl‘ererrt responsibilities to maintain their efl‘ectiveness and to

maintain a level of acceptance that they have little time for an in—depth analysis of gender

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issues at their institutions.

4. Acquiescence and Silence

When the women in this study first adjusted to their environments through
reconciliatory behaviors, they learned to sense the moods of their superiors and responded
appropriately to expectations without being told. These women tended to conform so
that they could have opportunities to use their real strengths in activities giving meaning
to their jobs. For example, Kay Walston, a senior administrator in charge of developing
a new campus saw herself as a crystal hell, with a clear voice. She described an early
career experience when her dean expected her to develop a new way of doing business
and of presenting herself. He decided that Kay needed to improve her organizational
skills and Kay understood that she must acquiesce to his expectation to win his support.
'I guess ultimately I gave in because going ahead was easier just because he was my
boss. It influenced me to be more detailed.” Today her organizational skills help her in
administrating a new campus center but she admits they are not the outstanding feature
of her leadership identity.

For years when she was a faculty member, Kay observed deans and decided she
wanted to be an administrator because she thought she could handle the people
problems with more sensitivity. When she began her administrative career, she
endeavored to bring people together. Whether the process looked tidy and orderly to
others was secondary to her goal. She understands now that, had she not read the

situation correctly and conformed to the standard of organization, it would have been

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disastrous for her career. Efficiency was important to her getting ahead in the
organization so that she could use her people skills.

Gloria Williams, a support service senior administrator, chose reconciliatory
attitudes and actions to fit her community college culture. She told about taking a
maternity leave and nearly being dismissed from a job where she had achieved much
success. Shortly after her second daughter’s birth, Gloria went to the personnel ofice to
pick up her contract but it had not been processed. The director of personnel, a woman,
explained that ifher position was vacant when she returned from maternity leave they
wouldseeaboutplacingherinitagain. Inshortthecoflegegavenoguaranteesthatthe
job would be hers when she returned. Gloria considered suing but decided not to pursue
that because she feared that it would probably ruin her career. In time the situation
resolved itself but it left her edgy, mistrustful, and vigilant. She is proud that she managed
the situation without a confrontation and did not have to threaten the top administration.
She got what she wanted: she got her job back.

Another woman spoke of the advantages of perfecting the art of silence. Silence
can help a woman overlook suggestions that she is not competent. Silence lets others
save face. Silence gives one time to observe and assess contextual power patterns.
Finally, silence gives one time to choose the battles to fight, because confrontations
should be kept to a minimum.

The experience of two women brings these points together. One academic vice
president’s was cautioned not to disagree with the men in the central administration. She

was told that it was important that she be a well-mannered participant of the organization

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and that it would do her little good to get angry and attack the men for their mistakes or

slights.
Another woman explained how she adjusted to the expectation that she conform to

traditional standards by acquiescence and silence:
I'velearnedto sitandwaitbetter, to keepmymouthshuttocollaboratewiththe
guys. To respect the “good old boys” and their power is important. In the past, I
sometimes got the boys and their power mixed up. They're who they are and I
have to work with them. Well, I respect, I try to understand what makes them
whotheyareandtryto developarelationshipwiththemsothatlcangetwhatitis
that I need to do. I try not to be realjudgrnental when I think sometimes they’re
ignorant. Itrytoleamhowtheirsystemworkseventhoughlcan'tgetinitnordo
I want to be in it, I really no longer want to be in it. I only want to know enough
aboutitsolcandowhatitisthatlneedtodo. Youknow,it'skindoflikemy
dad's generation, when they say, “ hi honey, hi baby to me. “ You know, my dad's
friends, Inolongergetinsulted. Andthat'stheirculture. Tlreymeanitasatermof
endearrnent. And boys, old boys aren’t always terms of endearment but I try to
takethernforwheretheycame, wheretheycomefi'om.

Reconciliation clearly is a leadership style that attunes women to the traditional structure

and to was of reducing conflict.

5. Limited Career Aspirations

Many women who identified themselves as reconcilers said that they are
deliberately limiting their careers although many have the skills and experience to advance.
Some gave family priorities as the reason, however, they also based their decisions on the
realistic assessment of their environment. Linda Tifton married ten years ago, has been a
vice president for seven years. She likes her life just the way it is. When she considers the

political and performance pressures inherent in a presidency at most community colleges,

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she concludes that she has found her place in the hierarchy:
Think about it. Really. You know, life’s too short. And there are a lot of ways
that you can be challenged. I never have aspired to be a president, and I don’t
wanttobeonebecauseldon’t likethepolitical games. AndIthinkthatifyou’re
very comfortable with political games, you can be president. But understand that,
wherever you are, it’s probably going to be short term. And that’s just not a
lifestyle that I would say to women to get involved with. I would say to women,
“become a vice president.” There’s more stability so that you can have a personal
life, too.
Shetalkedfilrtheraboutherselfasvicepresidentandthebalancesheneedsto
maintain her integrity. “I’m not some robot or beast. I think I am myself and that is very
threatening to some people. I intend to stay this way.“ Many women ruled out further
advancement because they did not have the support of their families or the energy to earn
their doctorates or other advanced degrees. Each woman defined her aspirations according
to her context, and most women included personal factors in making their decision.
I found women leaders who tried to reconcile relational and instrumental behaviors
developed a distinct leadership idertity. An identity based on survival strategies such as
the acceptance of gender tensions, the value of acquiescence and silence over

confiontation, and limited career aspirations.

D. The Costs and Benefits of Reconciliation

The attempt to reconcile both the instrumental and relational expectations within a
traditional community college context often comes with a price. It is impossible to be all
things to all people.

Performance Pressures. Most of the womer who used reconciliation strategies

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took personal responsibility for their job successes and failures. This had repercussions.
The literature confirms the tendency for women to personalize their failures (Ferguson,
1984; Kanter, 1977; Tannen, 1994). Women often equate professional failure with
personal failure and this makes them vulnerable to organizational attack. One senior
adnrinistrator considered herself a failure because she could not get her college support
staff to initiate change. Also, she believed it would be a personal failure, if she could not
resolve a disagreement with her current president. Another woman told of hiring a
female specialist to develop a tutorial program and finding that the women’s
communication style was too abrasive for her colleagues. She saw it as a personal
failure. She had not recognized this abrasive quality in advance when she interviewed the
women; nor had she realized that the woman did not have the necessary skills to reconcile
the instrumental and relational patterns needed for working efl‘ectively in that
environment. The administrator had set herselfas the standard. After all, ifshe could
reconcile this communication expectation, surely this woman could as well. While women
who are reconciliation leaders had used relational styles successfully in working with
groups and establishing warm professional relationships, they had also integrated the
individual responsibility model inherent in masculine models. Consequently, they often
blamed themselves for failure in situations that had elements over which they had little
control.

Vulnerability to attack Because perceived failures are intrinsically painful,
women who use reconciliation behaviors tended to shy away from risks and confi'ontations

with colleagues and superiors. Ironically, the women’s need to be liked, their reluctance

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tocauseproblerns orengageinmessybattlesolten makestherntargetsintheir
competitive environment. During the time her college was undergoing major
reorganization Gloria a vice president was asked to lead an initiative to revitalize one
component of the college. Although it removed her fiom a track toward a higher
administrative position just when she was at her peak in terms of efl'ectiveness and
proficiency, Gloria, as a reconciler, was willing to accept this position.

Women reconcilers pay a price for their need to please and to avoid
confrontation. As Christine Noe moved through the ranks of the colleges she
encountered men who were unaccustomed to working with women. Some tried to take
advantageofherconcern forthemandherwillingnessto please. Christinethought she
could save the world. She was single, young, and attractive and she found that her
supervisor made unwanted advances or set up situations where personal interactions
would occur. The situation became so stressful that Gloria considered leaving. These
incidents happened at a time before laws were established about sexual harassment. Gloria
feared she might be held responsible for a scandal so she remained silent. During this time
she met her future husband and got married. That seemed to settle the whole situation
because the supervisor stopped his inappropriate advances. Gloria doubts that such
incidents are as prevalent now because sexual harassment laws would make it less likely
for this to happen. Nevertheless, women continue to be cautious about raising problems.
This reluctance makes them vulnerable to attack and often delegates them to auxiliary
positions out of the administrative mainstream.

In her accounts of interactions with faculty, Sarah Long suggests that she

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sacrificed creativity because she continually molded her responses so as not to threaten
other. Sarah remembers warmly the days when she was a middle-manager and could
develop a project or be intellectually challenged by helping someone in the classroom.
“Administration; I will admit I’m doing it because that is finally what was available to me
andIneeded to eamaliving. IfIhad myway, I’dbebackirrtlreclassroom rightnow."

Health Issues and Stress. Women who are reconcilers reported concerns about
their health. Among others, Vicki Barnes confirmed her prevalent stress-related health
issues. Although her confidence continues to grow as a senior administrator, Vickie finds
stress a part of the experience:

I developed high blood pressure. I’ve had less time to devote to me, which

means I do less exercise which, of course, probably brought on the high blood

pressuretobeginwitlr. Mystressleadstodistressandthat’sbeerraproblem. I

know when my head starts hurting, I brow I have a stress-induced sinus

condition. I actually had lumps on my neck, and when it sfiffens I blow that it’s
stress. Idorealizethatlspendfartoomanyhourshere. Mykidsareincollege
and I’m divorced. I could go home, but what do I do when I get there. Just

watch TV and cat. You brow, so there’s no point in rushing home to that. I’m

fartooexhaustedattlreendofthedaytogototlrehealtlrclub. Themental

stress takes over the physical well-being. I’m going to work on finding some
time for me and voicing my concerns about my health and taking action. You
brow, I’ll be fifty next year. I think it’s time to start worrying about getting to
sixty.

The confi'ontation and eventual battle Hilary Abbott had with her boss burdened
her with the stress of self-doubt for years. As a team player, she could read people and
situations; she could not accept that she had misread him. Another vice president said
that stress was a central part of her life because she never brew when a confrontation

could break out. She was never sure what her superiors expected or what they meant in

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their communication.

Sarah, a vice president at a large urban community college said that her stress does
not leave even during sleep. Admittedly, she is a perfectionist and fearful of making
mistakes. Over the years, Sarah worked at being less of a perfectionist but with limited
success. She continually has nightmares about work and has even tried writing them
down. One morning she woke up humming a song after a nightmare:

I had one dream where we were having a shootout with people at the school. We

were all meeting to determine how we were going to kill somebody and I had to

bringinthegunandhideit.1twaswild.Afteralongtimelfiguredoutthesong

inside the dream, it was the Beatle’s song that goes something like this, “I’d love

to be, under the sea in the octopus’s garden in the shade.”
Sarah believes these subconscious messages are telling her it is time to leave. She sees
herselfas a creative and happy person, but her job does not bring that out. Women are put
at risk by a personalization of failure based on their sense of responsibility and neeed for
connection to others. While personal responsibility made them high achievers within their
community college, it also tended to serve as a barrier to taking risks and dealing with
hard issues. By play it safe avoiding confiontations, and staying within gender roles limits,
the women actually made themselves more vulnerable to attack. This contradictory action
and reaction fostered self-doubt and lack of confidence.As a result, women who used
reconciliation strategies to survive often reported personal stress and related health
problems.

Reconciliation as a short-term survival strategy may help reduce conflict in an

immediate situation. Ideas for specific programs can be promoted and tasks can be

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completed. The women who use this survival strategy may also build a small group of
supporters so they are not totally isolated within their organization. Over time, however,
womar who use reconciliation indirectly advance traditional standards to compensate for
its dysfunctional and outdated role expectations. In short, the predominant use of

reconciliation limits potential growth for women and for the institution.

E. Summary

Several lessons can be learned from this examination of reconciliation leadership
identities. First, the use of both instrumental and relational behaviors within a
traditional context may be a reasonable approach to solving the dilemma of the double
bind for women. However, deeper examination reveals major limitations in leadership
strategy. Relationalbehaviorasanadded strategytothetraditional instrumental
behavior is useful in some situations; however, the leader is not necessarily recognized
for her competency and effectiveness. In fact, colleagues and co-workers may think of
her as insincere or lacking integrity. Fluctuation between relational and instrumental
behaviors can make a woman seem unpredictable or inconsistent because of her
compartrnerrtalizing of the two responses.

Second, woman may respond to the double bind by taking on the role of
“daughter” or “wife” to show their loyalty and prove theier competency by capitulating to
their superior’s demands. Therefore, they often remain silent. Passiveness often comes at a
cost to selfesteern because they began to doubt their abilities. The women leaders avoided

risk because they feared making nristakes.

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Third, women who used reconciliation strategies typically acknowledged gender
as an institutional issue. However, though they were aware of gender issues, they
generally felt powerless to do anything about them. Such issues are impossible to address
or negotiate if their efl‘ects cannot be discussed. Reconcilers keep gender issues to
themselves because there they do not have the support to address them within their
organization. Solving gender issues in hierarchical situations where non-emotional
responses are expected adds another barrier to their resolution. Because women could see
no way to change the environment, they decided to limit their careers. This lack of hope
and unwillingness to take risks or engage in messy confrontations to change the situation,
meant the that traditional standards were maintained making women more vulnerable to
attack from others. Tannen (1994) reported that when corporate leadership changes and
people in the hierarchy jockey for position, men are especially likely to try to move in on
areas held by women. This definitely happens in community colleges. Moreover, women
were susceptible to being placed in dead-end career paths. While reconciliation strategies
might be a good idea irrititally, over time they were not helpfill to the individual or the
institution.

Finally, I noted that women who primarily used reconciliation strategies appeared
stressed and insecure during their interviews. Their responses were uneven and
fi'agmented. Considering the competitive and combative environment they described, it is
not surprising that such speech patterns existed. To most of these women, I had come to
interview and had not earned their complete trust. Moreover, I was asking them to speak

honestly about their work experience. I believe that these women were being cautious,

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considering the impact of their words and how they nright be reported It is not every day a
stranger arrives in your oflice to ask that you speak honestly about your work
experiences. My interpretation is that the senior women administrators were practicing
caution, considering the impact of their words and how I might report them. During the
interviews I learned that dealing with the mental stress of one’s environment and one’s
image is a constant concern of these senior women. Yet most of them wanted to report
their experiences to let others know what it is really like to be “in their shoes.” Perhaps

this is a step forward to empowerment and change.

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CHAPTER VI
Resistance

Many people resist organizational demands for conformity, if done with skill, one

can resist and survive, but one seldom both resists and prospers (Ferguson, 1984,

p. 191) . . . It is possible to resist bureaucratic domination if a substantial number

of people act collectively and in a nonbureaucratic fashion to challenge the

discourse (p. 298).

To resist is to oppose conformity to expected standards. Resistance can be
expressed as an individual or collective act. For instance, individual resistance to
traditional organizational demands could be a refusal to comply with expectations of an
intolerable situation. For example, women individually resisted confornrity by refilsing to
work on Saturdays or evenings because it would interfere with their family time. Others
refused to serve on committees that met after work hours, refused to comply with the
dress codes, or refused to accept derrigrating comments from supervisors.

Collective resistance, the second type of resistance typical of women discussed
here can foster the development of organizational cultures. Women who are resisters build
coalitions for collective action to include relational ways of knowing. Collective resistance
can redefine an organizational culture and change leadership dynamics. This process of
cultural change involves a dialogue that questions the institution’s traditional authority
structure and its definition of reality. Incorporation of the relational organizational model
insures a process of ongoing cultural change. Such change does not require the
overtluowing or replacement of the traditional culture. Instead it makes way for slow
incremental change. In this way, relational aspects of organizational life such as

collaboration and inclusion can be enacted. In essence, leaders in this chapter sought to

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decerltralize traditional norms through collective action. With this philosophy, the senior
women also acted as transformative leaders.

The four women profiled here have used resistance leadership. They acted as
advocates for leadership and institutional practices that were relational and inclusive. As
well, the women advocated a holistic development of the whole person for students,
professors, and administrative colleagues. Terry Rheinhart, introduces at the beginning of
this study, advocated linking mind, body, and spirit. As advocates of this practice, the
women used a relational response to build coalitions creating a new reality where
community and inclusion are of a primary concern. Terry Rheinhart, Ann Roe, Carolyn
Finley, and Lisa Yoder, and others describe their leadership identity, the role of
communication, resistance attitudes and behaviors, and the costs and benefits of their

leadership style.

A. Leadership Identity

Women who are resisters work as advocates of a growth process. They used
leadership metaphors as teachers/learners, gardeners, and a group of people holding hands
while crossing a street. These women are concerned with the development of an ongoing
dialogue, which offers individuals the freedom to define themselves through speech and
interaction with others. Ferguson (1984) noted that this dialogue is often criticized by
traditionalists for its seeming lack of order. Discussion and analysis fi'om many
perspectives allow for the deeper meaning of an issue to emerge and by revealing the

motivations of the various groups. This opens the process of making consensus thereby

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restricts the domination of one group over another. Resistance leadership allows the
groups to establish a new standard for making decisions. Women who facilitate such
change tend to act fi'om the center urging the inclusion of other leadership styles. This
philosophy makes it easier for women having relational ways of knowing to become a part
of their institution’s culture and facilitate learning fi'om difl‘erences. The eight women
included here told of developing opportunities for individual growth and expertise for their
employees. They also fostered an organizational culture where relational styles had an
equal status with tradition organizational paradigms.

College president Terry Rheinhart described her leadership philosophy with the
metaphor of a book symbolizing the teaching and learning process inherent in leadership.
Because leadership prompts an exchange of ideas, knowledge, and values. Terry sees
herselfas both learner and facilitator. As facilitator, she acts as consciousness-raiser and
organizer so that groups of people can collectively decide the most constructive, creative,
and caring direction in which to move. Terry also strives to develop a collective
conscience that has a sense of right and wrong so that the college continually holds equity
ofpower and fair processes as an institutional value. Terry has a sense ofethics that
prompts her consistently to look for ways to include groups that are not already involved
in the governance process of her college.

Another community college president, Carolyn Finley, has worked in many
traditional organizations over her twenty-year career. These organizations were typically
’ highly competitive. Based on this experience, Carolyn has concluded that people work

better when they are respected and have opportunities to collaborate. Carolyn feels she is

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personally more reflective and her organization is more successfill when she functions as a
team leader in accomplishing organizational goals. As a facilitator, Carolyn includes
relational leadership to foster openness, inclusion, empowerment of individual expertise
and collaboration in coalitions. Ultimately, Carolyn is seeking fi'om her employees a
personal and civic morality to improve social conditions in her district.

\Vrthin Carolyn’s leadership style her personal skills worked for the benefit of the
college. She is astute at identifying and developing talented people. Her current vice
president of operations is a young woman on the faculty who is goal oriented, good in
mathematics, andworkswellwithpeople. Carolynbrewshehadtheexpertisearrdcarein
leadership that the institution needed so she put resources into developing this woman’s
talents. By example, Carolyn cultivated the college culture, setting a tone where a sense of
humor and risk taking were accepted, a place where comfortable hard work and honesty
were promoted. Carolyn described her college as a “place where you can be yourself’
where the leader does not have to be formal, remote, queenly, or withhold information to
manage people. When promising individuals are identified, they can grow with a job and
the institution. “It is really nice. It’s in this kind of place that you can say you are really
having a good time.” Carolyn is an efl’ective leader who changed her college culture with
relational behaviors. The college culture includes many difl’erent people in the decision-
making process creating a wanrr, respectful working environment where hard work is
rewarded. Carolyn’s leadership illustrates how she has changed the culture of her college
since she became president seven years ago. She conceded that the organization was ready

for change because it was near financial collapse and facing a public scandal; it had little

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choice but be open to a new way of doing business. Nevertheless, it was an intimidating
responsibility and Carolyn is very proud of the results. Ten years later the college is not
only financially stable; it is known for its creative programs that include all segments of its
rural constituency.

Lisa Yoder another community college president described her vision of leading as
the metaphor of “everyone holding hands when crossing a street.” Lisa explained that the
European town where her mother lives today was almost all destroyed in the war more
thanfiftyyears ago. Becausesheandherfamilywereapartoftherebuilding oftheir
community and country, Lisa learned that war produced few solutions. “I remember
growing up in that kind of environment. It was kind of a, you know, it’s an experience
that moves you toward a consensus and peace-making. I think our generation realized
that there will always be conflict. War is not the answer.” Lisa says her role as leader is to
nurture others and to challenge them by asking the lard questions. She is passionate about
looking for answers together. According to Lisa, reflection and action are a healing art.
Lisa’s life experiences in postwar Europe have drawn her to many mentors and role
models. They have given her a vision to guide her as an activist and transformative leader.
She was fortunate to attend a college in the United States where she learned the
importance of social and political involvement. Lisa walked in a candlelight peace march in
the small town with the college’s dean of students leading the nrarch.

As a new president, Lisa strives to live out the values her mentors taught her. This
motivates her to be as open and honest as possible when dealing with problems at her

college. Many of her constituents have recognized this philosophy in her behavior.

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Employees have responded quite positively to Lisa, and she interprets this as evidence of
their respect.

Ann Roe, academic vice president, sees her job as that of creating an open
environment in which her faculty can be creative and develop their skills. She never shied
away from speaking out on controversial issues. In fact, Ann never thought she could
thrive in the administrative culture, therefore she never really sought a senior- level
position.When she began at the college she was actively involved in social justice issues
outside the college. However, throughout these years, the faculty had accepted her views.
Because the president had set a tone which promotes the relational paradigm as part of the
organizational culture, she Ind the fi'eedom to be herself. Through the use of this
philosophy, Ann worked maintaining her own integrity and benefited the college through
her use of collective problem solving. When the college hired her to take the vice
presidency, Ann thought again of reducing her afliliation with controversial social justice
issues. Her concern was that her personal philosophy on these issues might conflict with
the role of administrator. However, afier reflection, she decided not to make any
change. Today, she continues enacting that philosophy in her role as vice president.
Ann sees no reason to present a false picture of neutrality.

These four women have chosen resistance leadership. They have integrated
relational ways of knowing into their leadership identity through committed action to
transformative values; such as inclusion, individual growth, expertise, collaboration,

coalition building, and honest ongoing dialogue.

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B. The Role of Communication

Women more than men are motivated to engage in dialogue and confi'ontation to
support their ideals and passion (Tannen, 1998). The women in this chapter used a type of
communication called “resistance discourse” (Ferguson, 1984) which seeks to question the
accepted basic assumptions guiding organizational cultures. It challenges and confionts
biases by prompting reflection before action. Resistance discourse emphasizes professional
growth and development, promotes cross training and collaboration, and the inclusion of
the community. These practices negate the need for traditional leadership responses such
as withholding of information and using deference language used to talk to one’s superior.
Such practices are inadequate and ineficient in today’s information age (Senge, 1990).

In organizational meetings where resistance discourse is used, the group operates
without hierarchy and generally sets aside rigid rules of order. Group members take turns
with facilitation, routine work, and other important tasks. Meetings are informal. When a
decision is to be made, the facilitator sums-up the prevailing opinion and if no objection is
raised, the decision becomes policy.

According to a president in an organization where resistance discourse is used,
intense dialogue is often part of the process. This is especially true when the dialogue
centers on perceived inequities such as concerns between group inequities about salary,
faculty appointments, or curriculum. One community college president said that this type
of communication is often unsettling for men on her campus and also to traditionalists of
both genders who are accustomed to orderly meetings governed by Robert’s Rules of

Order. One of the president’s male colleagues described his first meeting with a group of

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women. He wanted to be open, but he was dismayed at the interaction between women he
thought he knew. Their exchange became exciting when they free associated ideas rather
thankeepingtoaparticularagenda. “Hewastheonly maleand he said . . . this was
the greatest experience ever for him. Nevertheless, it took him a while to be able to
track what was going on in the meeting because we [women] were able just to let our
minds flow and explore. '

Women who use the relational styles believe intense informal dialogue is one of the
it’s strengths. Intense discussions evoke emotions and suggest a discrepency between
what is happening and what is expected to happen. Emotion then is a signal to reflect on
such discrepancies. While critics have suggested that too much emotion distorts reality,
advocates argue that the lack of emotion also distorts reality. The relational style
indicates that emotion reveals the best picture of reality, of the multiple realities that
exist within an institution. In this way, the individual and the collective body ean
engage in better decision making beeause they understand these multiple realities and
can consider them when solving a particular problem.

Honest dialogue is important to the senior-level women administrators who favor
resistance leadership. They actively searched for institutions where they could be
“themselves.” When Carolyn Finley began applying for her first presidential position,
she said honesty was her rule. In interviews she always told the truth about her
qualifications would be clear to the interviewers. "I think there are different leadership
styles that are appropriate for different jobs. And I also think there are times when I

ean see that an acid autocrat might be needed.” Honesty has been Carolyn’s standard

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way of handling interviews and dealing with problems. She believes that the truth about
who she was ultimately worked to her benefit because she found an institution where her
personality and her role complemented one another. Carolyn admits to times when
perhaps she was too open and honest. Rather than always considering what was
politically correct, Carolyn acted on her own sense of right and wrong. She ofien refused
to minimize problems as the group would have liked. In the past when Carolyn found that
she did not fit with the culture of an organization and the climate could not be changed,
she would leave. Carolyn knew when she had found the right position as president a
community college where she could be herselfand grow:

Ithastobeameshinmymind. The searchcommitteehasto agreethey“likeyou.”

And, you've got to like them, too. It's a two-way street. It's like falling in love, I

think. You can't measure how much or why you fell in love, but you did. And

when I interviewed for thisjob, I knew I wanted to be here. I also knew they were
goingtoaskmetobehere. Itwasjustameshingofpeopleonthecommitteeand
me.

In her role as president, Carolyn tries to develop this environment for others. To
eliminate power games and create a climate where people can be honest and be
“themselves":

When I came, I said to the stafi‘, [the college] is an open book. Our books are

open. Everything we do is open. There's no point in lying about anything. Now, I

have changed that somewhat by not lying but by withholding information at certain

times. For example, we've had a rash of robberies, so I withheld information so
the ongoing investigation would not be jeopardized . . . The only time to ever
withhold information would be if it were going to damage someone's career, or if

you were going to harm something like, you know, an investigation.
[Otherwise]what is there to hide?

Carolyn’s decision to develop an open climate fosters the growth of her

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employees, the students, and the entire institution. She describes her senior stafi‘ as
individuals who are accustomed to working as a group. They have a good sense of humor
and try not to take themselves too seriously. “After all,” she joked, “in the area where her
community college is, ‘college people’ are considered misfits.”

Ann Roe explained how communication and leadership go hand-in-hand. Ann
believes that a transformative leader will consider the other person and their perception of
a problem. “If it is your problem and it interferes with your work, then I as a leader, must
own part of that problem, even if it doesn’t seem like a problem to me.” Ann described a
situation that was created years ago when the college was founded. Using an
interdisciplinary philosophy, faculty and counseling ofices were placed helter—skelter
throughout the college. This was acceptable when the college was small, but as the college
grew, counseling and student support services were often perceived as ineffective because
of this decentralization. A group of faculty and administrators wanted to reorganize
according to traditional disciplines and administrative departments leaving student services
out. After much dialogue, Ann, speaking as a faculty member, pointed out that the groups
were behaving as adversaries rather than the complementary teams they were developed to
be. The college needed both groups, academic faculty and student services, to offer a
quality educational experience. Ann gave examples of this interdependency throughout the
college, eventually persuading the groups to reflect on these ideas and look for solutions
rather than engage in blame and accusations. After much dialogue, most of the faculty and
stafi‘ agreed that they needed each other to do their jobs well for the students. By dropping

the adversarial nature of the problem, the groups began to focus on ways to relocate the

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disciplines and the service aspect more efi‘ectively. They reorganized maintaining the
interdisciplinary philosophy which was the hallmark and strength of their community
college. Ann explained that the group came up with this creative compromise:

Each division should have a mix of student deveIOpment, faculty mernba's,

librarians, vocational and baccalaureate, so that now one of our divisions is

humanities, mathematics, and technology. And another division is computers and
communications. We’ve retained some of the best features of the interdisciplinary
philosophy but considered the disciplines. We worked through our difl‘erences to
the point of compromise.

Ann clearly helped to build a new vision based on understanding and consensus.

Over the years, Ann has come to understand that listening is important to
communication. Years ago she would have decided exactly what to do after only a few
words about a problem. Today she does not jump to conclusions; she listens with more
compassion. “The older I get and the more experience I have, the more I have come to
live in a world of gray. I mean, I know there’s black. I know there’s white. And if push
comes to shove, I’ll pick one or the other. But I can see more and more the complexity of
issues that makes it--that makes it a more considered process of deliberation.”

Relational leaders using collective resistance viewed themselves as change agents.
They placed a high value on communication skills as part of their leadership. By engaging
in responsible, informed, honest dialogue, active listening, and consensus building, these
women moved their colleges to a new cultural norm. They created institutions where
consideration for the common good is important. This new cultural norm is based on

respect for the past, but reconceptualized so that common ideals of individuality, self

expression and democracy are incorporated.

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C. Resistance Attitudes and Behaviors

Senior-level women administrators who used collective resistance as described by
Ferguson (1984) were closely aligned to Foster’s (1985) conceptualization of the
transformative leader. These women defined their leadership through their use of
collective resistance, open attitude, educational background, and personal experiences.
They break from traditional organizational cultures that require that women lead only with
instrumental behaviors focused on production and eficiency. They also break with the
consistent use of reconciliatory behaviors which allow the traditional organization to go
unchallenged without dialogue. These women seek to include other ways of leading and

organia'ng that transcend the narrowness of traditional ideas.

1. Assimilate the Mission and the Standards

Women leaders who use collective resistance embrace the egalitarian notion of the
community college mission and take it to a new level of undastanding. They believe that
knowledge and experience have the potential to change people and situations. They
believe that education is the expression of fieedom because it links awareness and practice
to develop the whole person. These women resist traditional norms that obstruct the
development of knowledge and experience for women and other groups who have been
left out of power settings within organizations. As resisters they are change agents using
relational ideals to build a consensus within coalitions, moving the organization and the

individual to new levels of awareness and direction.

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Women who use resistance leadership view themselves as stewards of the
community colleges’ egalitarian mission. Characteristics of reistance leadership include:
(1) the beliefthat education and leadership opportunities‘can foster self-esteem and
institutional growth; (2) ability to build coalitions; (3) background and skill to foster the
transformative qualities of the teaching and learning process within groups to move them
to constructive action; (4) ability to use and foster the acceptance of relational ways of
knowing; (5) ability to read environments to identify and understand obstructions; and (6)
individual integrity.

The women in this study envisioned a community college environment with
standards that allowed them to “be themselves” as leaders. To integrate relational and
instrumental behaviors and speech patterns without fear of being isolated, this
environment allowed them to work with integrity and live out the values that motivated
them. They did not feel forced to adapt, or pretend to adapt, traditional standards that
projected a “professional” image with little substance. They wanted to be able to talk
passionately and intensely about their work in authentic constructive ways. They also
wanted others to do the same.

Lisa Yoder earned the trust ofher faculty because she is honest about problems
and issues. She appreciates and supports scholarly values. Lisa has an undergraduate
degree and a doctorate in literature. She received an education comparing many different
philosophies of knowledge and life. It fostered her appreciation for metaphor, writing,
research, and feminist theory. After completing her doctorate, Lisa became assistant

director of a woman’s program at the university. Later she was appointed amrmative

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action oficer of the first community college where she worked. Through these
experiences, Lisa became aware of the strengths of the relational leadership and
organizational environments. Today she uses this understanding in many college wide
initiatives. The college named her an academic vice president in spite of her lack of faculty
experience. In that position, she advanced an academic progressive education philosophy.
Lisa appreciates academic excellence, understands teaching, and fully uses her skill of
bringing together a group of diverse people to solve problems and build coalitions. She
believes that this is her expertise she must share with her local community and college
community. In this way she creates opportunities for women and other groups who have
not had leadership or educational opportunities.

Terry Rheinhart describes herself as “always a teacher.” Even as president, she
teaches a literature course once a year. This continually strengthens her credibility as with
the faculty. When she was academic vice president, Terry earned their support by
negotiating a contract that she would have considered equitable for herself. Terry
continually tries to learn from those around her, often urging coalition building to resist
restrictive standards and prompt change.

Carolyn Finley is another administrator who has a resistance leadership identity.
She has an impressive history of demonstrated skills in academic administration and is
known for her ability to create a fiiendly and efi‘ective college climate. A pivotal pint in her
twenty-year career was her success in bringing together the college and the community to
pass the district’s first millage vote. This was an especially poignant accomplishment

because the college was in the midst of a financial crisis that had caused a public scandal

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and threatened the existence of the institution.

In summary, women who use a resistance leadership identity are transformational
leaders. They resist hierarchical, restrictive policies and embrace egalitarian ideals in the
college’s mission by incorporating elements of relational behaviors. This sets a new
standard for defining leadership. While such leaders may have respected credentials,
expertise, and demonstrated achievements, they are not elitist about their expertise.
They readily share with others and encourage constructive criticism and activism in their

institutions and communities through coalitions and consensus building.

2. Sofien the Competitive Climate

Carolyn Finley provided a perspective on how she sofiens the competitive climate
by using a mutual-gain bargaining process. In the college’s geographical area there is so
little that everyone needs to work together to keep the college frmctioning. Carolyn said
that her college’s organizational chart looks like a pyramid, but in reality it reflects a
hierarchy of responsibility but not of power. "We’ve instituted a very strong mutual-
gains bargaining process and it’s working." The process involves finding common
ground and problem-solving through equal access to information. In this way opposing
groups and the organization gain. Carolyn explained that, by using this problem-solving
process, contract negotiations have become more inclusive and open. “Until we did this,”
she said, “negotiations often got bitter and contentious.” They began with formal basic
training at a local university educating both sides in problem solving. The process
formed the model for all problem solving across the campus and gradually changed its

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culture.

Similarly, Terry Rheinhart explained how her organization softened the
competitive climate through education and encouraging the fi'ee-flow of ideas. A member
of Terry’s staff said that, when the administrative stafi‘ is facing a tough decision, knowing
who is president would be hard for an outsider. Terry is generally well informed about
the latest educational research findings, of special concern beeause of the growing
ethnic population in her district. She also encourages her employees to be informed
about issues. She wants them to understand how their work-er contributes to their
personal identity and to the identity of the college. Terry is an advoeate of professional
development which benefits both the individual and the college. Terry’s college also
uses a mutual-gain bargaining process. This and other types of empowering strategies
makes a difference to the growth and vitality of her institution because they foster

cooperation rather than competition.

2. Lead by Consensus

Earlier Terry Rheinhart, the resistance prototype recounted her struggle with the
Board of Trustees. She told of the board’s pressure forcing her to name a male academic
vice president. This incident prompted Terry to work with a group of colleagues to build a
consensus around hiring a vice president. The woman who had held the acting position
was not in the candidate pool because she did not meet the standard doctoral
qualifications for academic vice president. Beyond completing two masters’ degrees, she

had completed all but her course work in a doctoral program but she had not earned her

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doctorate by completing a dissertation. Terry’s persistent questioning inspired the group
to ask why the selection criteria were set originally and whether they could be modified to
accommodate the woman’s solid qualifications. After the committee researched the issue,
they met with the board to present their proposal. In short, the informal coalition looked at
all sides of the credential issue, worked togetha to formulate an argument, and won a
moral victorywhentheBoard ofTrustees agreedthatthewomanwasthebestpersonfor
the job. They decided through a consensus that her academic experience and educational
background were equivalent to a doctorate and provided suficient background for the

academic vice presidency position.

3. Empower and Include

At Carolyn Findley’s college the vice president of operations said that she thrives
on challenge and is excited about reorganizing departments. She loves her senior position
because it gives her the ability to provide the resources to help people. In this way, she
empowers them to do their jobs, achieve their goals, and take calculated risks. “It’s so nice
to be the person to support people in their endeavors.” She happily explained that she
likes working with Carolyn because she feels empowered to make informed decisions.

Carolyn Finley said that a concern for empowerment changed the tone of the
college fiom apathy to one of involvement and community. She reported that one group
found a way to save thousands of dollars on advertising and effectively carried out the
change on their own. The group accomplished this goal and recognized each other for the

efl‘ort. Carolyn is an effective leader because she fostered full participation by empowering

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others to solve their own problems. Through this philosophy she reduced competition.

Finally one woman who aspires to be a transformative leader, gave her reasons for
empowering men and women and including both instrumental and relational behaviors in
her leadership identity:

I have about 19 to 20 people in my division. Two of them are males. Most of
them are support stafl‘. I sincerely value working with those two men because they
work very difi‘erently than the females do and very much the same, too. So I see
my role as I need to nurture their leadership, too. But I really believe kind of with
Gilligan's stufi‘ that females are more other directed as leaders or feminine as more
typically other directed and masculine as more typically outcome directed. I think
that to [survive and be financially solvent], you know, we have to change pretty
radically now. I have been reading some of the predictions, some schools are
going to close and so forth and virtual university and all those kinds of things. If
we don't change radically, we might not be here. So I think in order to change
radically, you have to have collaborative leadership, too. I don't think you can
force people to make some of the changes that they're going to [have to make], so
we better nurture leaders or we really will not help our college culture.

4. Aspire to Values Not to Positions
On a personal level, Terry Rheinhart speaks for many other senior women
administrators in this chapter when she explains her leadership philosophy:
I really didn’t aspire to any position. It came to be the next logical thing to do. I
think. . .tolovewhatyou doand ...tobegroundedintheheart ofthemission
of the institution, which to me is teaching and learning, is the best possible guide
for one’s career track.

President Lisa Yoder’s story illustrates the resistance behavior of aspiring to
values and not to position. Lisa states that, although the faculty often gets a bad reputation
for being diflicult, she actually enjoyed the role of academic vice president and the position
it can play in the organization. This worked well with faculty: “As an academic VP you

knowthatthe focus is ...if you canget facultyto understand and trust you it’s easierthan

157

being president.” Lisa says that, because she admires intelligence and the pursuit of ideas,
the faculty’s passion for intellectual confrontation over ideas does not upset her.
Therefore, she and her faculty work well together. When the presidency was opened at
her college last year she applied and beeause of this faculty support, was chosen to
serve as president. Lisa is now in a position where she can show those values to the entire
organization. She is afl‘ective because she initially looked for a position where she could

enact her values and, in time, won the respect of both faculty and stafi‘.

5. Strive for Authenticity
Women who use a resistance leadaship identity were ofien concerned with

questions of authenticity, and therefore displayed emotion and passion in their interactions.
While they did not advocate continuous displays of emotion, most of these women
explained that they could be angered over particular issues and did not hide it. For
example, questions of integrity could get one community college president upset. She
explained, “Yes, I get angry. However, I always try to talk it over with the person and
move on. I also accept that some people will never be happy.” She recalled how she
invited a group of faculty to her omce when they wrote an unfair attack on her and her
stafl‘ without getting the whole story. She expressed her anger and then worked with the
faculty to set up a better process for handling disagreements.

While all the women who used this leadership response acknowledged that the
current academic climate requires attention to institutional efi‘ectiveness, this alone is not

enough for a successful organization. They generally stressed the importance of not

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becoming too enamored with trends such as Total Quality Management (TQM), strategic
planning, and outcomes assessment. These women are concerned for their entire college
climate, not only measurement of achievement and process control. They showed that they
got the same results working with divase well-informed teams. As Terry Rheinhart

explained, “After alL you don’t fatten a pig by weighing it. You nurture it.”

6. Grow with Controversy
To dispel the notion that conformity to the relational organizational paradigm

creates a utopian climate, women administrators emphasized that disputes continue to
arise over perceived inequities. Terry Rheinhart expects that intense dialogue will always
be a part of her leadership. Her disagreement with the Board of Trustees proved that
she had to take a stand and defend her thinking while being open to other viewpoints.
An academic vice president who has used resistance behavior to build coalitions for
changeinhercollege saidthat,whiletheclimateisgenerallycalmamongthefaculty,the
firture will probably be firll of salary disputes for most community colleges.

I predict in the next five years we will have more of a mass of junior faculty whose

vested interest in negotiations are not going to be satisfied with retirement

packages. They will be looking for perhaps salary to be allocated on the basis ofa

flat dollar amount rather than percentages. Right now senior faculty members who

are at the top of their salary range want a percentage raise.

A community college president fiom a large urban district told a story of a very

public disagreement with her president. At first, she withdrew and took a moratorium to

reflect on the situation. Her president was asked to resign a short time later and, after

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much consideration and consultation with her network of supporters, the woman applied
for the presidential position. Initially her district’s central ofice rejected her application.
However, after some background work where she used her network of fiiends, she
continued in pursuit of the ofice. Her efi'orts resulted in her being named her president of
her college, chosen from candidates across the United States. However controversial she
maybeattimes, sheisknownandrecognizedforherintegrity. Shehaswelcomedall
groups into her college and made it the center of the community with many innovative,
nationally-recognized programs. Consequently, the college is financially solvent for the
first time in years. Truly, she has transformed her community college into one that
promotes the individual, self expression and civic responsibility, one that elicits community
pride:
I used the knowledge of this city to help others. We were, I mean, we were major
partners and players in a national political convention. I just negotiated a $1.6
million agreement with the Sports Center, and they’re giving us scholarships.
They use our parking lot. We don’t just get straight money but they are paying us
by supporting programs. That is the entree into the business community that
women and men from our community did not have access to before.
6. Link the Personal and the Professional
Women resisters who used relational behavior to prompt change often talked
about the importance of linking their personal life experiences with their professional
careers. This leadership philosophy enables them to have integrity because they can enact
what they believe. Terry Rheinhart explained that her responses as an advocate for

inclusive structures came first from her experience as the oldest of six children. “We were

taught by our parents that you are your brother’s keeper.” They reinforced this again when

160

she went to parochial school where she admired the nuns who also taught these values.
When she went to the convent, the Jesuits educated her in high school and college. Jesuits
then were a liberal orda ofpriests. This was a time when the church was teaching
students to think critically about their religion and religious life. “They did such a good job
they essentially educated most of the women out of religious life because they were taught
to resist conformity.” Through this experience, Terry learned that giving opportunity for
growth to individuals while maintaining a connection to others can produce constructive
growth. This, she believes, is the essence of education as a transformative experience.
Terry says she is a real-life case study in living a life where you love what you do and feel
passionately committed to the lives of others. After leaving the convent, Terry was living
onapig farminaremoteareaoftheMidwestwhen shefoundapart-timeposition at
the local community college. This led to her first administrative position. When she told
her PhD. advisor that she was moving fi'om teaching to administration, he made a
surprising comment. “When I was going to become the dean, I called my adviser,
explaining that, ‘I’m going to be the dean. I’m going to teach still but I’m going to be the
dean ofthe faculty in liberal arts’ . . . He said, “Oh, Terry. I’m so sorry. Good teachers
aresohardto find and administratorsareadirneadozen. . . Whatyouleamed onthepig
farm will really help you.”

Other women described similar personal experiences that affected their leadership
style. Carolyn Finley came from a family of Baptist ministers and community activists.
Growing up she accepted this philosophy of service to the community; today it’s an

important part of her leadership identity.

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Lisa Yoder grew up in Europe immediately after World War 11. Her mother, a
traditional homemaker, and her father, a research chemist, expected that they would
educate her despite the devastation of war. In graduate school, she developed her skill as a
problem-solver. From these experiences, Lisa knows that solving problems is a way to
help people live together peacefirlly. She bridges the gap between the sometimes
' unrealistic expectations offaculty and stafl‘by being open and honest. “People have
already told me that I’m one of the most open people they have ever met. I try not to
createirnpressionsandexpectationsthatlcannotmeet. Itrulyliketo ... prorniseand
deliver."

One senior women administrator summed up the link between personal
experiences and leadership efl'ectiveness:

Ithinkfirstofallthatthemostirnportantpartofbeinganefl‘ectiveleaderisto

know a lot about yourself. You’ve got to start with the personal. I think that’s

why sometimes leaders don’t emerge until a little bit firrther on in their careers or
why some people never emerge as leaders. They really haven’t gotten in touch to
know very much about themselves. I think before you can reach out and interrelate
with people and then manage people, you better have a pretty clear understanding
about what motivates you first and where you come from.

7. Create a Supportive Environment

Women who used collective resistance often emphasized the importance of
having supportive family and fiiends to support them during diflicult professional times.
One woman administrator said that her entire family supports her career and personal
development. A parent of young children, her family and her in-laws moved from the city

to live nearby, so that they can provide continuous and reliable child care. This was

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important because as a parent of young children both she and her husband fi'equently work
long hours on their jobs.

Women administrators described their spouses support. One president explained
that through ha rise to the presidency, she had the total support of her husband. “He
wants me to become the best I can be and understands the stress related to the job.” Her
husband, now retired, can move wherever she finds a job. She concedes that he laughs at
how much work she brings home saying that he wonders and worries about her response
to performance pressures as he observes the night work Balance, he reminds her, is very
important.

In general, women who use relational ways of knowing and leading reject a narrow
reliance on traditional processes. They choose behaviors that soften the hierarchical and
competitive climate of the community college, that build a consensus and empower others.
Furthermore, they aspire to values and not to positions, they seek authenticity over
making an impression and they accept controversy. They link who they are as a person to
who they are as a leader. These leadership behaviors build connections and trust between

the woman and her constituency.

D. The Costs and Benefits of Resistance

By breaking with traditional standards and integrating relational behaviors into
their leadership style, the women here paid a price for their roles as change agents.
Significant costs were associated with their nonconforrnity.

Challenge to authority. By breaking with traditional leadership styles, the

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women challenged existing norms, choosing to be difl‘erent. One president said she was
careful not to appear to use her status in interactions, therefore understating her authority,
treating colleague: as equals. She acknowledged that she had a special role but did not
“lord it over” others. Speaking of “lording it ova” another,” one president declared that
she did not have one superior bone in her body. Other women administrators who chose
the resistance strategy reported that they use humor a lot to lighten up their supervisory
position.

By choosing resistance, these women made themselves vulnerable to having their
leadership challenged by traditional leaders for not being “presidential” enough. One
woman saidthatingeneralshehasagoodworkingrelationshipwithherfacultyandher
staff. However, on the state level one director, a male, thinks she is “way out” because she
uses informal language and does not act like a president should. She accepts his
disapproval as the price she must pay for her style and her honesty. Nevatheless, she
wonders if this man discredits her professional reputation to other colleagues.

Another community college president, who described her conununication style as
“up close and personal,” has made some very unpopular changes in her college over the
last several year. She decentralized the system and gave back power to the campuses. She
changed a practice of giving particular roles to minorities. This fits with the relational style
because it opens the institution to the possible inclusion of difi‘erent gender, racial, and
ethnic groups, in more than just token roles. This removal of the inherited job tradition
caused a backlash fi'om the minority group. She also encountered resistance baween the

senior faculty and administrators whom they brought in through other administrations.

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During the interview, she emphasized that she did not send other people to do her “dirty
work,” she always talked in person to those who were afi'ected by the changes, explaining
the moves as openly and honestly as possible. Nevertheless, she has not always been
successful in getting others to understand her reasons. Her authority has been challenged
over this process and she has even been accused of abandoning the racial minority group
of which she is a member. Hearing such accusations is very painful for her.

An academic vice president explained how men and women who maintained
traditional styles in her college challenged her credibility. “They respect women in senior
positions for the power and decisions they make,” she explained. However, [we women]
are not necessarily liked and are subjected to covert attack, indirect undermining, and
backstabbing. The men make negative comments to others in a surreptitious way in a
context where people cannot question them to get the whole story. She said that such
comments often go beyond known facts. The attackers, women and men in traditional
power positions, use fear to stop change. They predict that cpen and honest dialogue or
those with different ideas will cause horrific consequences to the institution. They imply
that they need to protect the institution from the foolish, naive mistakes that open
leadership will cause. They present their way, typically more closed, as the right way.
Sometimes this attack comes up as a concern; sometimes it is camouflaged among other
agenda items. Of course, the insider group will have discussed the real concern earlier.
They will have already formulated a group opinion and gathered support to stop a change:

Since the guys have probably all talked about the subject (in a group in the gym,

over coffee or other informal contacts) these comments often strike the person in
question as a surprise. I think the strategy is to surprise, disarm or place on the

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defensive in order to influence and/or negotiate decisions more aligned with their
preferences . . . The men prefer to work in closed systems because these are more
manageable and controllable.

Men will work in alliance with other women who have conformed within the traditional
styles to mount these surprise encounters. The women reported that, while such
challenges to authority can be stressful, an awareness of the challenge and their
predictability reduces the fear. Having supportive colleagues available to plan appropriate
responses helped these women face challenges with less anxiety.

Consensus takes time. When senior-level women administrators spoke of the
training and education required for the use of consensus processes, they emphasized that
time and homework were factors. For example, one college found it necessary to train all
the work groups involved at a nearby university. This training laid the basis for mutual-
gain bargaining with an emphasis on knowledge of college issues, listening skills, and
interpersonal communication skills.

Consensus has become so much a part of one college’s organizational culture that
when leaders there decide without consulting others they risk the loss of support. Ann Roe
explained that any senior administrator who makes a unilateral move without consulting
others “better have a darn good rationale for it.” Consensus or group problem solving
can inhibit those who are less verbal and less skilled. Advocates for consensus building
argue that the time is well worth the effort. The cost of professional developmmt is less
expensive in the long run because fewer legal legal mistakes are made. Moreover, the

mistakes are less public. Professional development, focused on consensus building,

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empowered employees beeause it prompted a sense of ownership and self esteem.

Hard work and stress. Performance pressure for women, who are resisters is
difl‘erent fi'om that of women who are adapters or reconcilers. As one woman explained,
the overworkand stressrelatedto herjobwasnotbecauseshewasafi’aid offailingor
trying to maintain credibility. Rather she was so empowered with opportunities that she
had over committed herself. In our interview she reported that she could not remember
whenshehadlasttakenavacation. Atthattime, shehadbeensickwithanundiagnosed
ailment andIlearned latertheillnessforced hertotakemonths ofi‘fi'omwork Other
women reported that the stress of returning to college to earn advanced degrees was hard
on their families.

Another type ofchallenge was sometimes necessary for women who use
resistance. This was the hard decision to move when their college was no longer receptive
to the woman’s relational leadership style. These women were likely to move on when the
institutional context became non-growthful and no longer supported them. For example,
several women told of situations where they realized that their philosophies and “being
who they are” made them adversaries of key power figures within their institutions.
Therefore, in time, in order to grow in their profession, these women accepted the need to
move and found places with a friendlier climates where they could institute their
educational and leadership philosophies.

Thus it is clear that resistance is costly. This unconventional style opens women
to attack. Moreover, it requires time, patience, hard work, endurance, investment in

professional development, and keen awareness.

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Benefits. Besides prompting growth for the individual woman, resistance
leadership can bring change to a college by including new groups. Women who use
resistance advance group consciousness raising and problem solving. This can lead to a
collective new vision for their community college, a vision where ideals of individuality,
self expression, and democracy can be realized.

Several women expressed the satisfaction of doing a job and carrying out the
values that offer individuals of all groups an opportunity to grow. “See this picture; this is
my leadership symbol. It is a picture of me celebrating when all the college worked to win
that first crucial survival millage. See, I’m saying 'Noooooooooool' (I can’t believe it!)
and they got a picture of me doing that just as it was announced on the radio. That
symbolizes the joy I have in what I do.”

One vice president who uses resistance type of leadership described how she and
her colleagues have gone through many life experiences. Having known each other
through marriages, divorces, birthing of children, deaths of parents, break ups, and
second marriages, they understand each other. “Because we see each other as people on a
journey, it has carried us through rough times.” Despite the intense period of growth
between 1970 and 1977, “when the college literally became born again, we retained
respect for our difl'erences.” The college has had both good and bad times:

Right now, the culture of the institution, I think, is characterized by a mutual

respect, a willingness to work with one another, a posture that says ok-I’m going

to trust you but that doesn’t mean I’m going to turn my back all together. And so

I think there is a healthy recognition of the differing and competing sometimes

interests. But also, at least on the academic side of the house, a recognition that

there is some interest that transcend our—our definition of ourselves as faculty or
administrators.

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A dynamic community college president, an Afiican American, reflected on the
benefit of her years at the community college, poignantly describing her many nationally
recognized achievements. These achievements, however, were obviously unimportant to
her role as a transformative leader:

I’m here to make sure dreams don’t die. Dreams have the ability to (transcend the

most hideous circumstances). There is always that flicker of hope and it’s up to us

tokeepitgoing. Those ofuswhohavemadeit, we mayhavebeenchangedbythe
system but we will also change it. Now that we are on the inside of the system we
have a responsibility to stand up, speak up, and reach back!

E. Summary

The eight senior-level women administrators who defined their leadership in terms
of resistance have many common characteristics. Their relational skills and experiences
are important features of their collective resistance strategies, along with their strong
command of instrumental behaviors. As advocates of inclusion they saw education as a
process of transformation and freedom; therefore their jobs as administrators were to
create climates for transformation. Accounts by Lisa, Terry, Carolyn, and Ann illustrate
their leadership philosophies using resistance behaviors. They described their resistance
leadership style as transformative. Common threads among these women are their valuing
of progressive educational ideals and capacity for a critical reasoning based on knowledge
of feminist and social theories. These dimensions of their knowledge and experience
influenced their perceptions of how difi'erences such as gender impact their college’s

culture and individuals in the college and motivated them to be inclusive in their leadership

169

identity. Lisa said that her experience of Postwar Europe her participation in women’s-
studies programs, and her role as an afinnative action ofiicer helped form her identity as a
leader who could bring people together to solve conflicts. As well, Terry’s knowledge of
progressive theological theories with its emphasis on empowerment and inclusion is
impressive. Ann’s involvement with social justice issues helped shape her leadership
identity and guided her confidently to use resistance as part of her leadership.

Women who used resistance were transformative leaders who felt fine to use
behaviors that they characterized as intregal parts of their personalities. Many women said
literally, “thisisme-thisiswholam,”thusexpressingtheabilitytoliveoutherpersonal
values within her leadership role. To these women this was integrity. They became
examples for otha's, empowered them to build coalitions, study issues, dialogue, and
problem solve to build a better college and community. In this way, the empowered group
constructed new ways to get things done, and these leaders provided pathways for women
to develop expertise to share with the community.

Resistance leaders create an environment in which rejecting bias can take the
egalitarian ideals of the community college to a new level to uncover barriers in the
traditional organization. By incorporating relational ways of knowing into their leadership
styles, they redefine leadership. These women encouraged the use of alternative discourse
in meetings to build a consensus after respectful yet sometimes intense dialogue which
allowed looking at a problem fi'om various perspectives. On the surface, this alternative
discourse method might appear to be a high risk process because of its seemingly untidy

and uncontrolled nature but the women in this clutpter believed that it ultimately brought

170

inclusiveness and vitality to their institutions.

Women who used resistance styles rejected the idea that they could manage
change in simple, goal-directed ways. They encouraged the analysis of a problem from
many different perspectives and they have shown by their success that this process works.
These women saw themselves as facilitators of processes to which they brought the power
of their convictions, academic credentials, expertise, and communication skills to make
group problem solving a constructive model for change.

As resisters, they sofiened the competitive climate of their college, empowered
others to become involved in decision-making processes, and they let their values drive
their career paths rather than striving for a position. These women sought authenticity
over creating impressions and were not afiaid of controversy. In addition, they nurtured
and challenged those around them to grow.

As with any behavior choices, there were associated costs such as vulnerability to
attack and criticism, consensus as a lengthy group process, personal health issues, hard
work associated with earning appropriate credentials and expertise, and job change. The
women featured here were successful because they were able to set the tone of problem-
solving methods by creating equal status for relational and instrumental behaviors.
Moreover, they developed collective resistance within the college culture to support their
leadership initiatives. These women had a sense of integrity and a desire to make a

difl‘erence for others in the world.

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CHAPTERVII

THE STUDY SUNIMARY AND IMPLICATIONS

The stories of Regina Ibsen, Sonya Ziegler, and Terry Rheinhart were chosen to
bring the issues of this study into focus. They illustrated three distinct responses, used by
senior-level women administrators to construct leadership iderntities within the culture of
the community college: adaption, reconciliation, arnd resistance. These strategies were
identified from data gathered during in-depth interviews with thirty womern. They were
asked to describe their leadership iderntity in terms of successes, failures, family
background, educational experiences, and perceptions of gernder. From these data, I
identified two sub-issues. First, the importance of cultural context in defining women’s
leadership identities. Second, the womern’s perceptions of gernder issues within their
orgarnization.

In this chapter, I summarize the theory, methodology, and findings as they relate to
the central research question of how women at community colleges construct their
leadership iderntities. I based this study on three assumptions: (1) women, more often
than men, use relational ways of knowing, (2) traditional organizational theory does not
provide an adequate framework to analyze structures that may foster gender bias, and
(3) cultural context is important in understanding leadership iderntities. These
assumptions are grounded in studies suggesting that community college cultures
generally define leadership through traditional frameworks, as well as literature on

women’s leadership, organizational theory, gender, and the influence of culture on

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identity.

A. Theory, Methodology, and Findings
1. Theory

F emirnist and cultural analytical theories are important for understanding how
women construct a leadership identity within traditional organizations. Between 1986 and
1991, community colleges reported an increase of womern in senior-level positions
(F aulcomer, 1995; Warner & DeFluer, 1993). Even with this increase of senior-level
women remain under-represented in proportion to the total number of women employed at
community colleges. The question ofwhy this is so, can partially be anwered by the
present study on how women construct their leadership identities at community colleges.
Hopefully, the knowledge gained here will provide the impetus for increasing womern’s
representation at the senior level.

In considering organizational cultures, research by Bensimon (1989) suggests that
community colleges need relational leadership to change their traditional structures.
Relational leadership uses collaborative problem-solving rather than hierarchical leadership
that directs from behind or in front. Ferguson (1984), Iannello (1992), and Smircich
(1985) also argue that to move an institution from a traditional hierarchical, top-down
structure to a flatter structure requires relational arnd flexible leadership. They firrther
argue that relational leadership benefits higher education overall because this philosophy
tends to foster policies to include multiple arnd diverse constituerncies.

The suggestion that organizational structures would change with the addition of

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women in sernior leadership roles is not a straightforward argument. Hersey and Blanchard
(1982) and Powell (1988) question the connection between gernder and leadership style.
Baxter and Lansing (1993) found that, although women may have different opinions than
men regarding war, peace, child care, the poor, and education, when in leadership
positions they differ little from their male counterparts. Thus, a question remains: When
womern enter higher education administration what happens to keep them from translating
their ideals into organizational structures?

Relational and instrumental ways of knowing are connected to socially
constructed gender roles of women and mern (Lever, 1976; Maccoby, 1990). Women
most often use relational ways of knowing to understand the world (Gilligan, 1982;
Belernky, Clinchy, Goldburger, Tarule, 1986). Studies show that women are expected
tousesuchbelnaviors(Williams&Best, l990)andtheyaretreatedharshlyiftheydo
not (Tannen, 1994). These theorists point out that relational and instrumantal patterns
should be thought of as a continuum because women and men may use either pauern
depending on context and factors such as career struggles, successes, educational
background, life experiences, and knowledge of gender issues.

Relational thinking, linked to women’s stereotypical roles, oftern exists in
opposition to the primary patterns of traditional orgarnizatiornal structures and
expectations. Most community colleges use traditional orgarnizational methods, which
do not easily fit relational styles and women must contend with these structures which
often marginalize them. As shown by Goffman (1990), individual responses a social
stigma in a traditional organizations range from conformity to separation. Leadership

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research suggests that a wonnan’s style can range from traditional such as charismatic or
production-oriented to transformative such as agents for social change (Blackrnore,
1989; Foster, 1989; Ferguson, 1982). In summary, the construction of a woman’s
leadership identity at the senior administrative level is complex. She must integrate aspects
of the college culture, her cumulative life experiences, educational experiernces, and her
sernseofpurposeasawomaniruodusidenfitywhfleoperafingmasettingthat
marginalizes women.

2. Methodology

To uncover the complex process of constructing a leadership identity in the
contradictory culture of the commurnity college, I initially used a qualitative
methodology. To gain a perspective on how a woman responds to her organizational
culture, I interviewed thirty women. In addition, to the in-depth irnterviews, I conducted a
short second informal irnterview. The irnfornnal second interview allowed the participant to
review the transcript of her first interview and added to the credibility of my
interpretations and served as a means of broadening and deepening my understanding of
the data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

In addition the multiple data-gathering methods, I used a triangulated analysis of
the data for a more quantitative approach. After quantifying the tendency of each woman’s
to use relational, instrumental, and mixed leadership behaviors, I used a matrix table to
compare the behaviors of each woman with those of others in the study. The second part

of the analysis involved identifying the response patterns of each woman to her

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organizational context: adaption, reconciliation, or resistance. Finally, I plotted the
quantified leadership behaviors and the response pattans on a scatter chart (Miles &

Hubernnan, 1994) to illustrate how the data overlap, intersect, or never meet.

3. Findings

Generally, leadership styles of the women in this study could be placed into one of
three response patterns: adaptiorn, reconciliation, and resistance. However, it is important
to recognize that no woman used one type exclusively: while preferring a particular
response pattern in practice the women used all three patterns. Of the tlnirty participants,
nine preferred adaption, thirteen used reconciliation, and eight used resistance. Given the
instrumental values and norms inhaent in community college cultures women in this study
chose adaption as their response to traditional standards. Their particular organizational
context and educational backgound largely determined their leadership styles. The
culture also presented women with a set of contradictory expectations creating a double
bind. If the women’s adaptive response patterns were embedded in the masculine
instrumerntal styles, they were often not accepted by either mern or women. Yet they
responded using predominantly relational styles, their accomplishments were not
recognized.

Women who used an adaption response to construct their leadership identity relied
on following the rules and regulations. Conforming to traditional rituals and practices such
as unbiased conversation, distancing, and competitive political nnaneuvering were aslso

important skills. These behaviors maintained the organizational culture and marked the

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women adapters as leadership material in traditional settings.

Women who used a reconciliation response to construct their leadership style
relied on botln relational and instrumental behaviors to harmonize the expectations of
both men and womern they did so in a compartmentalized way. Because the women did
not integrate relational and instrumental paradigms, the women shifted betweern the two
depending upon contextual expectations. For example, they maintained instrumental
behaviors when working with the highest levels of the institution and used relational
behaviors when working with goups of women colleagues and subordinates in the lower
levels of the institution or in informal contexts.

Women who constructed their leadership identity based on a resistance response
workedtocreateacontextwheretherelational paradignhadequal statuswiththe
traditional paradigm Thoughtlnesewomengernerallyterndedtouseahighdegreeof
relational behaviors; they also used instrunnental behaviors. A central feature of their
identity was the integation of relational and instrumerntal behaviors on their own terms.
Notably, the women who chose resistance used a fornn of collective action and matched
the description of the transformative leader as described by Foster (1989). These women
advanced consensus building and honest, open communication, all of which fostered
inclusion and collaboration. Leaders using this response saw themselves as
transformative because they were not blind followers of cultural norms. They engaged
in critical self-reflection and looked for ways to build community by including other
leaderslnip styles represernted by women and minorities within their organizations; they

challenged the institution to reflect on the ethics of conflictual situations, by facilitating an

177

educational process that fostered critical reasoning and empowerment. These womern saw
educational leadership as more than the passing on of information to strangers. They used
collective resistance through dialogue and interaction to efi‘ect incremental cultural
changes in their institution, often playing the role of facilitator, goup organizer, and
consciousness-raiser.

I identified a double bind that women must negotiate, which formed the basis
for many of their struggles. Specifically, they had to respond to a traditional
organizational context that expected them to use instrumental behaviors then penalized
them when they did, for not acting according to the traditional feminine role.
Specifically, if the women’s responses were embedded in instrumerntal masculine
behaviors, they were not accepted by men or by wonnen.

Although the main goal of this study was to learn how women construct leadership
styles at the community college, I also came to understand how women made sense of the
gender issues they faced. Most of the women faced such issues although they were not
outspoken about them and occasionally did not even acknowledge their presence.
Women who adapted a leadership style, to fit into tlne organization tended to deny the
existence of gender issues at their college. Also some women who used an adaption
leadership style were in positions where they no longer could see gender bias, and they
denied ever having experienced discrimination based on gender when they were at the
lower levels of an institution. Women who used adaption tended to accept the individual
responsibility model; they believed that their behavior choices had little to do with context.

Women who used a reconciliation leaderslnip identity acknowledged the problems

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associated with gender differences and could style their impact, but they did not know
how to deal with them institutionally to reduce their effects. They were literally
overwhelmed with the continual balancing act that required them to modify their behavior
to suit tlne expectations of that specific context. Therefore, these women had little time for
in-depth analysis of how gender bias afl‘ected them and their institutions.

Women leaders who chose resistance often used collective resistance to act on
issues and transform their institution in incremental ways. They recognized gender issues
and developed a strategy to deal with them. These included sofianing the climate of
competition, fostering collaborative problem solving, building coalitions, arnd encouraging
respectful dialogue. Inclusion and a climate of openness allowed their colleagues to
recognize and deal with gernder issues, not as polarizing issues but as an opportunities for
gowth and creative change.

In summary, I found that women’s leadership identities constructed around the
response patterns of adaption, reconciliation, arnd resistance, were in part a response to
their particular organizational context. This context was typically of traditional masculine
ideas of leadership as defined by men, for men. The degee and strength of perference for
instrumental behaviors within the responses adaption, reconciliation, and resistance
depended not only on the organizational context but on the women’s knowledge of

organizational cultures, gender issues, and early life experiences.

B. Implications

Ongoing reorganization and downsizing in the workplace require that people

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attend college throughout their adult life to update their skills. Also, the influx of
immigant goups to the United States, high student drop out rates, the gowing
population of students of color, and technological advancement give the community
college a plethora of issues with which to contend.

The community college’s challenge is to develop leadeship that has flexibility to
anticipate these changing needs and to then. Based on this research, traditional
organizational structures instrumental leadership styles appear to be inadequate. They tend
to be associated with maintaining the status quo, rather than with flexibility to
accommodate changes. The women I identified as resisters used a leadership style that
could nnake the institution more responsive to change and better able to fit the changing
environment in which must operate.

Resisters are transformative leades who can move community college leadeship
beyond the traditional idea of leaders, as simply managers and political strategists, to
define leadership in a way that ernpowes all employees through effective decision making

(Foster, 1985).

1. Inrplications for the Individual

The resistance leadership styles promote creative change that make inclusive
comnnunity colleges possible. The use of the resistance leadership pattern requires many
elements. First, women must have a strong sense of ethics about including marginal
groups. Second, they must openly slnare these ideals through well-developed writing,

spealdng, and interpersonal skills. Third, the women should also have critical thinking

180

and gounded in progessive educational ideals which focus on individual expression, a
community and civic morality, and an understanding of leaderslnip from a traditional and
critical perspective. Finally, women must be willing to seek out institutions in which a
resistanceleadeship stylewillbeaccepted. Attimesthismaymeanmovingtoanew
institution. With attention to these aspects of their leadeship expeiernces, the individual
senior-level woman adrrninistrator can develop the skills of collective resistance to become

a transformative leader.

2. Implications for Institutions

Thetlnreemost importantfindingsofthis studyarethatcontext playsanimportant
part in shaping a women’s leadership style; that traditional organizational cultures in most
community colleges often serve as a barrier to the selection and development of women’s
leadership; and that such cultures not only restrict women’s access to senior leadership
roles but can charmel tlnern irnto leadership styles that are less desirable than the women are
comfortable using.

First, community colleges are to serve the needs of the community and students
they must have transformative leaders. Foster (1985) envisions transformative leaders as
individuals that facilitate dialogue, strive for a sense of community based on traditions, but
continue the quest for justice, equality, arnd gowth. Leadeship, therefore, must be aware
of and critical of its influence and its constituent’s circumstances and not exclusively
driven by market forces. This vision recognizes self-reflection as an ongoing

organizational practice which provides an opportunity for all women and men in the

181

orgarnization to understand the structure, its dynamics, and its limitations. Within this
broad understanding, equal validity is given to the relational and traditional organizational
styles when evaluating leadership.

The local community college must re—examine the selection process for choosing
women to participate in the Women’s Leadership Institute developed by the late Dr.
Carolyn Desjardins. The majority of women have had limited access to the Institute
because, irn many colleges, the selection process is placed in a competitive format.
Leadership must look for ways they can better use the knowledge that women gain fi'om
their participation at the Institute. Though the Institute introduced relational concepts of
leadership into the community college culture, it has had only modest influence. When the
“chosen” woman returns to her home institution, her new awareness or efforts are often
given little support or recognition. Many women in this study recognized the Women’s
Leaderslnip Institute as a source of professional gowth, however, the relational style arnd
the notion of supportive women’s networks within each community college has not been
fillly developed. Most important, the general acceptance of relational leadership remains
on the fiinge and is not considered an equal to traditional methods of leadship in the
community college culture.

Third, to support transfornnative leaders, community colleges must critically
examine their governance structure. For example, leaders must have a sense of fairness to
balance the representation of relational and traditional styles on important committees
such as search, policy, and tenure. Attention must be given to the Board of Trustees and

representation of relational styles. These changes within the governance and

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admirnistrative structure will open the way for the development and inclusion of
transfornnative leadership and the responsible development of women’s leadership.

Fourth, community colleges should consider practices such as mutual-gains
bargaining as a means to build coalitions for goup problem-solving. Such new practices
use the alternative organizational conception in situations that were traditional
battlegounds in the past. Such processes include critical reasoning rather than criticizing
and problem solving to reduce contentiousness.

Filth, community colleges should encourage employees to take responsibility for
their own career development. By encourage, I mean require employees not only to
earn academic credit, but to continue to develop themselves professionally, so that the
cost of educational degree programs can be used as a tax writeoff. Also, the community
college could periodically provide three-month sabbaticals for administrators along with
external intemships to allow them to develop skills and understanding of other cultural
and organizational cultures.

A final implication extends beyond both individual women and community colleges
and addresses higher education and community college preparation progams. An
advanced degee in educational adnninistration should prepare both men and women by
teaching the distinction between instrumental and relational behaviors. Critical reasoning
would be an important part of such progam. However, I suggest a curriculum that would
include the history of intellectual development as it relates to work, technology, and the
gowth of industrialization through modern and postmodern era. They would gound the

curriculum in the development of schooling and university life that teaches instructional

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methodologies to foster liberation or transformative educational experiences. A particular
emphasis would be on the holistic development of the individual rather than the individual
as a functional component of the economy. This emphasis would give attention to issues
of gender, race, and class as they afi‘ect the developnnent of the individual. Such a progam
should do more to provide mentoring and research opportunities for all students, not just
full-time students or tlnose on campus. Within this curricula context, students would gain a
fundamental knowledge of traditional organization theory and alternative organizational
conceptions. Students should be given opportunities for envisiorning new practices and be
encouraged to take time for reflection. As the training gound for administrators, this
university curriculum would provide students with the tools to creatively integrate
relational and traditional styles into their institution and to develop leadership styles that

ultimately will allow them to be more efi‘ective and creative leades.

C. Conclusion

I found all the women in this study to be caring and conscientious leaders.
Overall, each had come to terms in some way with the double bind of working in a
traditional masculine culture and its contradictory expectations. Paradoxically the
community college in the United States known as the “people’s college,” is organized in
line with traditional adnninistrative conceptions strongly favoring male orientations, which
are neither inclusive nor egalitarian. The resolution of this paradox was the overarchirng
experience of senior-level women administrators and became the backdrop for exarrnining

how women respond to their orgarnizational culture. Moreover, the analysis of this

184

resolution has major implications for how women create their leadership identities.
Because traditional standards generally judge women’s leaderslnip, women who adapt
these standards often become alienated from both women and men. To other womern, they
are traitors for rejecting women’s ways of leading, and to men, they are no longer
“woman” enough.

These findings suggest that women have creatively responded to their
environments, but more could be done to support their development as leaders and to
use the tendency for their relational ways of knowing. To do this community colleges
must put more effort into developing cultures where resistance leadership is fostered.
When a sustained comprehensive effort is made, the community college will truly begin

to fulfill its mission as the people’s college.

185

APPENDICES

186

Appendix A - University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects

Approval Letter

 

- OFFICE OF
RESEARCH
AND
GRADUATE
STUDflfii

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regime

517/355-2180
FAX1517/432-1171

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DUShflMWNWuuy
emmmankun

USU is a! ”martian.
swat-mm Matron

    

MICHIGAN STATE .

U Pi l \l E 11 S I 1' Y

 

October 9, 1996

TO: Barbara Tedrow
3702 Asplewood
Midlan , MI 48640
RE: IRES: 96-576 .
TITLE: SENIOR “OMEN COMMUNITY COLLEG ADMINISTRATORS:

LIFE IN HIGHER EDUCATION'S INNER CIRCLE
REVISION REQUESTED: N/A
CATEGORY: l-A
APPROVAL DATE: 10/09/96

The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects'(UCRIHSl
review of this project is complete.' I am pleased to adVise that the
rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately
rotected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate.
herefore, the UCRIRS approved this preject and any reViSions listed
above.

RSNINAL: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with
the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to
continue a project beyond one year must use the green renewal
form (enclosed with t e original agproval letter or when a
project is renewed) to seek u date certification. There is a
maximum of four such expedite renewals oscible. Investigators
wishing to continue a progect beyond tha time need to submit it
again or complete review.

REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any changes in procedures involving human
subjects, rior to initiation of t e change. If this is done at
the time o renewal, please use the green renewal form. To
revise an approved protocol at any other time during the year,
send your written request to the. CRIBS Chair, requesting revised
approval and referencnng the progect's IRB 3 and title.. Include
in our request a description of the change and any revised
ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable.

raoanzns/

cannons: Should either of the following arise during the course of the
work, investigators must noti y UCRIHS promptly: (1) roblems
(unexpected Side effects, comp aints, e c ) involving uman
'subjects_or (2) changes in the research environment or new
information indicating greater risk to the human sub'ects than
ekisted when the protocol was preViously reviewed an approved.

If we can be of any future help, lease do not hesitate to contact us
at (517)355-2180 or FAX (Sl7)4 2- 171.

Sincerely,

   
  

avid E. Wright, Ph.D.
CRIHS Chair

DEW : bed

cc: Robert A. Rhoads

187

Appendix A - Consent Form

Consent Form

I ......................... freely consent to participate in the
research procedures outlined in the introductory letter sent on
............. I understand I may choose net to participate at all,
may refuse to participate in certain procedures or answer certain
questions or may discontinue the interview at any time without
penalty.

Also, I understand that my identity and the identity of other
subjects will not be revealed in any publications or ‘presentations.
In addition, all reasonable efforts will be made to present the
data in such a manner that your colleagues will not recognize your
institution. ‘There is, however, the risk that despite all
reasonable efforts that you and your institution may be recognized.
Within theSe restrictions at the end of the study, you may request

a summary of the study results.

Signature. ................................................... .:..

Date..... ............

UCRIHS APPROVAL FOR
THIS project EXPIRES:

OCT 0 9 1997

SUBMIT RENEWAL APPLICATI
ONE MONTH PRIOR TO ON
ABOVE DATE TO CONTINUE

188

Appendix A - Project Description

University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects ( UCHRIS)

Project Description

The purpose of this proposal is to present a theoretical perspective and a
research strategy for understanding the leadership styles women adapt to function
efi‘ectively in senior-level administrative positions in community and two-year colleges.
My hypothesis is that women, in order to be effective leaders, must make adjustments
within traditional organizational settings. This hypothesis is grounded in the literature on
women‘s identity, which contends that females develop relational ways of thinking and
behaving because of their initial childhood bond with their primary female caregiver. This
gender identity is further shaped through childhood and adolescent peer relationships. In
adulthood, women who have primarily adapted relational ways of knowing are often in
opposition to the main patterns of traditional organizational structures.

The central assumption of this proposal is tlmt : traditional organizations tend to
function as male—centered operations and establish standards toward that end. Specifically,
they tend to embrace hierarchical structures governed by a few, and guided by rational
objective rules of behavior and language designed to increase linear conformity, stability,
and productivity. Traditioml organizations are also arenas where competition to gain
status and power are essential to the success of the individual. The type of adaption
needed to function in such an environment poses a serious challenge to women's sense of

self

189

As a qualitative study, my research will focus on how senior women administrators
at two-year and community colleges make sense of their experience. I will seek answers to
the following:

(1)Do senior women administrators make adjustments in their leadership styles to
accommodate their institutional context in order to be successful?

(2) If so, what adjustments do they make?

(3) What are the consequences of these adjustments?

(4) What knowledge can we gain of women's adjustments as a means to transform

organizational culture within the community and two-year college settings?

Procedures

The principal instrument for data collection will be the formal structured
interview, approximately two hours in length. In addition to the interview, observations of
senior-level staff meetings will be used to describe the context and interactional styles of
the senior-level management team. Following the interview and observations, a short
second interview will be done to allow the subject to review the descriptions and written
observations. This audit (Janesick p. 101) will insure the validity of the interview and
observation data. It will also broaden and deepen the researcher’s understanding of the
data.

Also, if applicable, I will use memos, personal notes, appointment books, mission
statements, and strategic plans or any other written report or artifact that may be helpful in

interpreting the organizational context and the senior-level administrative team as well as

190

the individual under study. Where appropriate these artifacts will supply information about

the participant's cultural context.

Subject Population

Twenty to 25 senior women administrators from community and two-year colleges
will be selected fiom positions as chair, dean, vice president, provost, assistant to the
president and president as indicated in the 1996 Higher Education Directory. These
positions have a high level of responsibility for institutional operations and policy. An
introduction to the study and entry into the institution will be sought through a face-to-
face contact or through a phone call. A follow up letter will then be mailed which will
containbasic informationaboutthestudyand areminderoftheinterviewdataandtime.

Six study participants will be chosen fi'om institutions which fall into four
enrollment categories: (A) less than 1000 students; (B) 1,000 - 4,999; (C) 5,000 - 9,999;
and (D) 10,000 and over. Specifically, my goal is to interview two sets of three subjects

from two different institutions represented in each enrollment category.

13. Anonymity/Confidentiality

A formal consent agreement, developed according to the Michigan State
University’s Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) guideline, will
be signed by each participant. This document, to formalize the confidentiality component
of the study, legally assures that names of the subjects and of their institutions, along with

the interview narrative and other notes, will be kept in confidence.

191

Data collected fi'om the formal interviews will be recorded and transcribed
verbatim using a personal computer and will be filed under a pseudonym for each
participant. I will maintain a list of each participant’s name and pseudonym for my own
records, but this list will not be disclosed to others. The subject will be made of these
procedures during the initial phase of the interview. My reactions to the interviews will be
recorded in a journal and stored along with field notes on a personal computer.

Obsavations will be recorded and filed on a lap—top computer.

Risk/Benefit Ratio

Risks: Therisktotheparticipant inthis studyis minimal.

Benefits: Understanding the adaptations women must make to succeed in such
systems can help higher education institutions identify barriers that either encourage or
discourage women from seeking membership at the senior administrative level. Most
importantly, an understanding of thae adaptions may help to create an environment where
relational ways of knowing are more likely to be embraced, thus ofl‘ering a wider range of

leadership styles and opportunities for both women and for men.

192

Appendix A - Letter to Study Participant

Dear .................

Thank you for agreeing to be a participant in my research project. As explaine in
our phone conversation the purpose of the study, ”Senior-Level Women Community
College Administrators: Life in Higher Education's Inner Circle”, is to understand the
leadership styles women adapt to function effectively in senior administrative positions in
community and two year colleges. As a qualitative study, the main procedures used will be
an in-depth interview, observations, and a short follow-up interview. Please allow two
hours for the in-depth interview and one-halfhour for the follow-up session.

Per our phone conversation you have agreed to participate in a two hour
interview, on . In addition, I will observe a senior-level meeting where
you areaparticipant, andatalateryet—to-be arrangedtimewewillmeetforashort one-
halfhour follow-up interview to make additions or corrections to the interview transcript.

Confidentiality and anonymity shall be honored at all times about the contents of
the interviews and meeting. All results will be treated with strict confidence and the
subjects will remain anonymous in any report of research findings. Mthin these
restrictions at the end of the study, you may request the study results at any time.

Ifyou have any further questions about the study and your participation please
contact me at work (517) 686-9422 or home (517) 835-7527. Please return the following

consent form by ............

193

Appendix B - Interview Protocol

Senior-Level Women Administrators at Community Colleges

I. Introduction to Interview
Developing Rapport with Interview Participant
“Let's begin with the verification of some basic information”, via the participant's
resume i.e., ”I see you graduated from or have had a number of positions or
graduated .......... "
(1) Your Name .....................................................
Work Address ................................. Work Phone ...........
Home Address ................................. Home Phone ...........
(2) Position .....................................................
(3) Name and address of your institution .........................
Enrollment Category (Check One)
less than 1000 .........
1,000 to 4,999 .........
5,000 to 9,999 .........
10,000 and over ........
What percentage of your students are transfer oriented versus

occupationally degree oriented seeking terminal degrees?

194

(4) Education (Resume)
A. Undergraduate Education
Institution .................................................
Major and Degree ............................................
Year of graduation ..........................................
B. Graduate Education

Institution .................................................

Major and Degree ............................................

Year of graduation ..........................................
C. Ph.D. Program

Institution .................................................
Major and Concentration .....................................
Year of graduation ..........................................
(5) Racial Identity ..............................................
(6) Year of birth ...............................................

(7) Birth Order ..................................................

195

Interview Questions
I. Background
(1) What was the major influence that moved you to this career track? (Parents,
colleagues, or personality, other)
* Whatisinyourpersonalitythatdrawsyoutothisfieldandin
particular this position?
(2) Are you married?
* How long? Is this your first or second marriage?
" Do you have childrar? If so, how many? Briefly explain i.e. age of
children and current level of responsibility or involvement?
(3) In what ways does your spouse or significant other support your career efl‘orts?
(4) What other significant adults have impacted life choices?
" Explainwhotheyareandhowtheyafl‘ectedyourlife?
(5) Please draw a life line of the critical events that brought you to this position?
* Have you had any ”time outs" in your career such as raising children, move
to other career fields. Please explain briefly.
* Has health been an influence in your career? Explain.
How many years have you held this position at the
senior level?
* When was your first year?
* Were you appointed or were you selected fi'om a national

search?

196

* What other senior level positions have you held

and where?

II. Culture of the Organization
(6) What rituals, stories, artifacts, best illustrate the institutional culture of this
organization?
(7) What is it like to be a senior administrator (president, V.P.) within this organization?
“ How do others perceive you and your role within this organization?
* How do you negotiate this gap and perceived difl‘erences? Please give
stories to illustrate.
(8) How are women in senior positions viewed in your organization?
* In your opinion how are they viewed by other women, men,
and the institution in general?
" Please give specific examples that illustrate your perspective.
(9) Explain the conflicts that occur within the institution.
"' What do you see as the major political conflicts within the institution? Give
examples.
* What are some attitudes that cause problems? Give examples.
* What are the barriers? Give examples
(10) Are there difl'erences between how the various constituencies. . .faculty, administrators
handle conflict?

* Is gender a factor in how conflict is handled? What other elements afi'ect

197

conflict?

Views on Leadership
Lets look at the artifact(s) you have brought to describe your leadership.
(11) How do you define leadership?
(12) What is your leadership philosophy?
* How has it changed over the years?
(13) Have you had mentors...informal or formal?
* What was their leadership philosophy and how did they influence you?
* Whoaretheyandwhatdidyouadmireaboutthem?
* (Ifthey were the opposite sex) Do you think there was
significance to the individual's gender and the type of relationship
you had?
* How have these mentors impacted your (career) life
choices?
(14) Have you been a mentor to women in your organization?
* Please explain the relationship.
(15) Doyouu think gender affects gatekeeping strategies for new leadership positions?

* Explain with examples.

198

Pivotal Experiences in your Administrative Career
(16) Tell me or draw me a model ofthe high and low points ofthis job.
"' Tell me a story about your major success.
* Tell me a story about one of your failures.
(17) How do you deal with situations where your competency is questioned?
* Can your give some examples.
“ Describe the feelings.
(18) How have you changed to better fit this job?
* Or have you?
(19) Have you had to resist your organizations expectations?
* What support did you receive?
"' In what ways did you refirse to change?
(20) What advice would you give to women aspiring to senior positions?
4(21) How would your rate your institution on a scale fiom one to ten in terms of
openness?
What barriers do you see in (your) organizations that prevent it fi'om opening up?
OR

+(21) How would you make your organization more open?

Follow Up Interview
After the in-depth interview, the subject will be sent a transcript as well as

summary of the findings. The following questions will be asked:

199

(I) What is your reaction to the interview transcript?

(2) Has anything changed since the interview?

(3) Would you like to add anything to the interview?

(4) Have I missed any questions or points you think are important to senior-level women

administrators?

200

TABLES

201

Figure l - Study Participant Chart

 

 
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 Hilary Abbott #1 46 MA AA 10 Single B
2 Vickie Barnes #2 49 MA AA 5 Divorced B
3 Madeline Collins #1 58 MA 0 10 Married 0
' 4 Slrelia Danforth #1 53 EdD c 7 Divorced B
‘5 Hazel Evans #2 44 MA 0 2 Married B
6 Carolyn Finley #1 63 PhD c 17 Married B
7 Gale Goffman #2 46 MA c 5 Married B
8 Elaine Hill #2 60 MA c 1 1 Rernarlied B
9 Regina Ipsen #2 49 MBA c 12 Married B
10 Lou Jennings #1 60 EdD C 21 Married D
.11 Patricia King #2 47 c 14 Married D
12 Sarah Long #2 57 MA c 1 1 Divorced D
13 irene Morgan #2 48 as c s Remarried D
14 Christine Noe #2 53 EdD c l 1 Married D
15 Sue Olsen #2 so MPA c 8 Married D
16 Belinda Paul #2 61 PhD AA 3 Married D
17 Katherine Quinley #3 55 MS C 10 Divorced D
18 Denise Ralston #2 39 MBA c 1 Married D
19 Terry Reinhart #1 54 PhD 0 17 Married D
20 Anna Roe #2 54 MA C 3 Divorced D
21 Jill Roth #3 53 PhD c 7 Married D
22 Maggie Swayer #2 6o EdD c 15 Divorced D
23 Linda T‘lflon #2 54 PhD c 7 Married D
24 Mary Taylor #1 53 PhD c 15 Married D
25 Margaret Ulster #3 52 PhD AA 20 Married D
26 Marion Volk #1 ? JD AA ll Married D
27 Kay Walston #1 53 PhD AA 1 Divorced D
'23 GloriaWilliams #2 so MS c 1 Married D
29 Lisa Yoder #1 51 Ph.D c 2 Married B
30 Sonja Ziegler #3 42 BA 0 5 Married B

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

202

 

Figure 2 - Leadership Identity Chart

Leadership Identity Chart

Adapters (A)

“swam Reconcllers (C)
Orientations 9

8

NOOJ><JI

 

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Relations” lientalions

203

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204

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