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A QUALITATIVE COMPARISON
OF EMPLOYED AND UNEMPLOYED
LOW-INCOME AFRICAN-AMERICAN SINGLE MOTHERS
By

Donna Lucille McDonald

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology and Special Education

1 997

ABSTRACT
A QUALITATIVE COMPARISON
OF EMPLOYED AND UNEMPLOYED
LOW-INCOME AFRICAN-AMERICAN SINGLE MOTHERS
By

Donna Lucille McDonald

The goals of this research were to qualitatively examine the lives of employed and
unemployed Afi'ican-American single mothers within the context of societal, community,
and family variables. Specifically, I sought to 1) describe similarities and difi‘erences
between the employed and unemployed women’s lives along the dimensions of
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model; 2) understand the effects of employment and
unemployment on the women’s lives; 3) use grounded theory approaches to create
hypotheses concerning what factors may influence a low-income Afi‘ican-American single
mother’s abilities to gain and keep employment; and 4) make recommendations for
program development based on the results of the investigation.

Forty low-income Afi'ican-American single mothers were recruited fiom a Head
Start program in Flint, Michigan and interviewed in two, two hour sessions as part of a
larger research project titled the VoICES project. The women were asked questions
about their family life, support systems, stresses, and personal goals. In the first analysis
of this research, I compared the women based on their employment status and discovered
that more similarities than difi‘erences existed among the employed and unemployed
women. Two possible reasons were given for this finding. The experience of living in

Flint may be similar for low-income women regardless of employment status. Secondly,

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many of the women appeared to cycle between employment and welfare. Perhaps this
cyclical pattern also created more similarities.

Employment brought busy days with little respite from work and parenting
responsibilities. Moreover, employment did not alleviate financial worries. However, all
of the women wished to work and the employed women were able to fulfill tlmt wish.

In a second analysis I compared the women based on their work history and found
difl‘erences that formed the base of the theory I developed. Opportunity, support and the
ability to plan were hypothesized to affect a low-income woman’s ability to obtain and
keep employment. Opportunity included access to employment, education, and child care.

Access to positive supports was also important. The women who had longer work
histories were also more likely to have positive relationships with supportive individuals.
On the other hand, the women who had worked less than a year during their lives were
more isolated or appeared to remain in negative relationships. They also often discussed
trauma issues with more intensity than the other women. However, such factors as a
divorce, the death of a family member, and substance use also aflected employment
capabilities for a few women.

The ability to plan was a third important feature. Some women had developed
career plans for themselves that they were able to follow. These women appeared to be
closer to moving out of poverty than the other women. My recommendations for program

development also focused on the areas of opportunity, support, and career planning

lit work it

This work is dedicated to the women who were interviewed for this research
and to my parents, Bob and Gail McDonald

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ACIGVOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank my advisor, Dr. Linda Forrest, and the principal investigator of the
VoICES project, Dr. Marvin McKinney. Thanks also goes to the rest of my committee,
Dr. John Paul McKinney, Dr. Aaron Pallas, who read early drafis and suggested revisions,
and Dr. Robbie Steward. I also appreciate the help of Dr. Sharon Kruse of the University
of Akron who volunteered to read an early draft. Finally I want to thank Steve Pinard,
Barb Ebeling, Charlene Warner, Myra Gonzales, and the staff at the University of Akron
Counseling Center for their support and willingness to listen as I discussed my findings.

This research would not have been possible without all of those who helped us in
Flint, the women who allowed us to interview them, and the VoICES research team,
Mickey Melendez, Norman Peart, Linda Juang, Nancy Hill, and Kathy Gainor. This
research was funded by the C. S. Mott Foundation and the Institute for Children, Youth,

and Family, Michigan State University.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ......................................... 1
The Purpose of this Investigation .................................... 4
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ 8
Macrosystem .................................................. 12
Economics .............................................. 12
Ideology ................................................ 13
Welfare Policy ........................................... 15
Exosystem .................................................... 17
Changes in Cities . . .' ...................................... 18

The Economic History of Flint Michigan ....................... 19
Mesosystem ................................................... 21
Informal Supports ......................................... 21
Fornml Supports .......................................... 22
Microsystem .................................................. 24
African-American Culture and Family Life ...................... 24
Changing Family Demographics .............................. 25

The Individual ................................................. 28
Afi'ican-American Women: Education and Work ................. 28
Mental Health Issues ...................................... 32
Summary and Conclusions ........................................ 33
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ........................................ 36
The Appropriateness of the Chosen Methodology ...................... 36
Participants ................................................... 38
The VoICES Team ............................................. 39
The Interview .................................................. 40
Sources for Interview Questions .............................. 40
Review Process .......................................... 42

The Interview ............................................ 43
Procedures .................................................... 44
Participant Recruitment .................................... 45
Analysis ...................................................... 47
Analysis 1 ............................................... 47
Analysis 2 ............................................... 49

The Researcher’s Subjectivity ..................................... 51

vi

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS .......................................... 55

Analysis One .................................................. 55
Macro-system ............................................ 55
Discrimination ...................................... 56
Exosystem .............................................. 59
Community Discrimination ............................ 59
Perceptions of Flint .................................. 63
Mesosystem ............................................. 66
Family Support ..................................... 66
Support fiom Friends ................................ 74
Support From Romantic Partners ....................... 79
Support from Neighbors and Neighborhoods .............. 82
Support from Community Institutions .................... 88
Microsystem ................... , .......................... 92
Pregnancy ......................................... 93
Parenting and Children ............................... 95

Single Motherhood and Stressors ...................... 100

Daily Family Life ................................... 104
Individual .............................................. 107
Education and Work Skills ........................... 108
Motivation and a Sense of Control ..................... 111
Self-Concept ...................................... 1 15
Depression ....................................... 116
Personal Traumatic Experiences ....................... 118
Coping and Resiliency ............................... 120
Analysis Two ................................................. 122
The PlanfiIl Women ...................................... 123
Erica ............................................ 123

Pam ............................................ 125

Linda ........................................... 126
Common Themes for the Planfitl Women ................ 128

Low Work History Group ................................. 132
Edie ............................................ 133
Jameka .......................................... 133
Sheleatha ........................................ 135
Exceptions in the Low Work History Group .............. 137

Lois and Nikkia .................................... 137

Sara and Serena ................................... 139
Common Themes among the Low Work History Women . . . . 141

The Remaining Women ................................... 142
Tamara: ........................................ 143

Denise ........................................... 144
Carmella ......................................... 145
Dhyana .......................................... 147

Kathy ........................................... 149

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Common Themes among the Remaining Women ........... 150

Summary .................................................... 151

Analysis One ........................................... 151

Analysis Two ........................................... 158

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION ....................................... 161
Question One: What similarities and differences exist among the employed and

unemployed women? ..................................... 161

Question two: What is the efl‘ect of paid work on the women and their Emily life?
Question three: What effect does unemployment have on the women and

their Emily life? ......................................... 164
Question Four: What factors contribute to a women’s ability to gain and keep
employment? ........................................... 167
Opportunity ............................................ 168
Support ............................................... 170
Planfirlness ............................................. 175
Question Five: What implications for policy and program development do these
results have? ............................................ 178
Opportunity......: ..................................... 179
Support ............................................... 181
Planning ............................................... 183
Personal Counseling ...................................... 187
The Role of Counseling Psychologists .............................. 187
Limitations ................................................... 190
Future Research Directions ...................................... 194
Summary and Conclusions ....................................... 197
APPENDIX: The Interview Questions .................................... 201
LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................. 217

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Poverty continues to have an unabated influence within Afi'ican-American
communities despite efforts to alleviate it (Bennett, 1987; Corcoran, Duncan, & Hill,
1984). Recent figures (1991) show that the poverty rate for Afiican-American families is
three times that of white families and female headed Afi'ican-American families are the
most likely to live in poverty (Bennett, 1993). Not only do whites have lower poverty
rates tlnn blacks and other minorities, poverty afl'ects adults less than the elderly and
children, men are less likely to live in poverty than women, and married couples are less
likely to be affected by poverty than single mothers. Furthermore, all of these trends in the
poverty demographics have persisted for the past fifty years with only one exception. For
the first tirne the rate of poor children exceeds that of the poor elderly (Danzinger,
Sandefur & Weinberg, 1994).

In addition, the poverty rate and the gap between the lower and upper classes are
growing. Prior to 1973 family incomes grew rapidly, income inequality declined modestly,
and poverty declined dramatically fiom 19% of the population in 1964 to a low of 11.1%
in 1973. However, between 1973 and 1979 a stagnation in mean income and modest
cyclical changes in poverty occurred, and between 1979 and 1983 poverty rates grew
rapidly. Although mean income again grew after 1983 it did so unequally and resulted in a
rise in poverty and a larger gap between upper and lower class incomes (Danzinger et al.,
1994).

Moreover, poverty is associated with a host of negative mental health, physical
health, and social outcomes that are found to affect low-income African-American women
and their families disproportionately. These negative outcomes have been linked to the

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chronic stress associated with poverty as well as accompanying classism, racism and
sexism (Kessler, Price & Wortman, 1985; Kessler & Neighbors, 1986). In their review
Kessler et al. (1985) found that people in socially disadvantaged positions were more
prone to psychiatric disorders and concluded that a link between poverty and a
vulnerability to stress accounted for the major portion of the relationship between
depression and social class. In addition, women and Afi'ican-Americans were more likely
to show psychological distress.

Furthermore, poor physical health such as an increase in the incidence of cardiac
disease, high blood pressure, and diabetes has been linked to low-income Afi'ican-
American populations. Low-income Afiican-American women have also been found to
be more prone to have complications associated with pregnancy than white women. This
too has been attributed to higher stress as well as the lack of adequate health care (Paltiel,
1988).

In inner city areas where poverty is found to be concentrated, personal violence,
childhood homicide, drug arrests and violent crime are higher than in other areas (Peterson
& Harrell, 1992). These neighborhoods are also usually isolated from job centers within
the city as well as suburban areas where job creation is most likely to occur (Peterson & /‘ b.
Harrell, 1992). Again Afi'ican-Americans and women seem to be most affected. Poor
women of color have been found to be concentrated in these areas. Because of their
limited financial resources they typically have no choice but to live in housing and
environments that increase their vulnerability to hazards such as violence and disease.
(Gordon-Bradshaw, 1988).

Many argue that poverty rates and the problems associated with it have increased

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despite, or because of, governmental efforts to alleviate them. Scholars have blamed the
welfare system for the worsening of poverty in the United States (Axinn & Hirsch, 1994).
Mead (1988) argued that the "permissiveness" of the welfare state has led to dependency
and a lack of work motivation among low-income women.

During the completion of this dissertation, changes at both the state and federal
level have occurred (Engler, 1992). Changes have focused on increasing the self-
suficiency of families who receive welfare (Axinn & Hirsch, 1993). The Federal
Government’s Aid to Families with Dependent Chldren has now been retitled Temporary
Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). Reforms limit a Emily’s use of welfare to two
consecutive years and to five years over a lifetime. Moreover, states will have more
power over their own welfare policies.

These changes are accompanied by controversy and varying opinions. Many agree
with President Clinton (1993) declaration to “change welfare as we know it” and with
Governor Engler’s (1992) proposition that his changes will “strengthen Michigan
Emilies.” Others hope for more stringent policies such as those proposed by the
Republican party.

Still others have called welfare reform the “new patemalism,” pointing to the lack
of political power welfare recipients have and wondering why politics are focused on
inner-city welfare recipients even though they receive only a small portion of funding for
social programs. They argue that current policy changes ignore issues of discrimination,
unemployment, and the rise in income inequality. (Axinn & Hirsch, 1993; Heclo, 1994;
Shealy 1995).

Furthermore, the existing research base and many of the proposed policy reforms

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have been criticized for their focus on individual attributes without an examination of the
context in which low-income Afiican-American women live their lives. Although a
contextual approach to studying Afiican-American families has been widely advocated, it
is ofien neglected (Benjamin & Stewart, 1991; Malson, 1987; Parnell & Vanderkloot,
1994; Wharf, 1988). Smith (1992) has concluded that because of the neglect of family
life in poverty research, policy decisions have been made without the benefit of adequate
informed scholarship.
Due to the disproportionate influences poverty has on Afiican-American single /
mothers, the inadequacy of the research base, and the need for informed decisions
regarding changes in welfare policy, an investigation that examines the lives of low-income
Afi’ican-American female headed Emilies is needed. Furthermore, this information needs
to be embedded in a larger family and societal context. Such research would not only be
useful for programs seeking to improve the lives of low-income African-American female-
headed Emilies but also to better inform policy decisions (Jarrett, 1995).
The films: Of this mutation

This dissertation will focus on the similarities and differences between working and
non-working Afi'ican-American single mothers through a qualitative analysis of interview
data previously collected by the VoICES (Voices Initiating Community Empowerment)
project. The VoICES project is an ethnographic investigation of low-income Afiican-
American single mothers living in Flint, Michigan.

The project began with a concern that inadequate attention was being given to the
opinions and feelings of Afi'ican-American single mothers living in poverty, in designing

programs and intervention strategies. The project’s goal was to better inform policy and

5

to develop more appropriate intervention/prevention programs. The VoICES project stafl'
wanted to assess the interactive forces at work within the lives of the women without
losing the context within which these forces operated. Therefore, a qualitative
methodology was chosen. This methodology allowed for an investigation of the broad
spectrum of interactions between individuals and their environments.

During the first year focus groups of community members, interviews with
community leaders, and an examination of the community's history and economic
development ensued. From this initial work an interview schedule was written and field
tested. Subsequently, forty low-income Afiican-American women who were head of their
households were interviewed in two, two-hour sessions during the summer and fall of
1994. Although some of the women were involved in along term romantic relationship,
including live-in relationships, none were currently living with a legally married spouse.

I have worked on the VoICES project since its beginning and have been involved
in all aspects of the investigation. I have conducted focus groups, was the primary author
of the interview, and trained interviewers. During the last year I have guided the analysis
of the forty interviews.

The VoICES Project has focused on examining the interviews as a whole. This
study will be focused on the influence of work and unemployment on the women and their
children through an examination of the following questions:

What are the similarities and differences between the employed and
unemployed women?

What is the efl'ect of paid work for the women and their Emily life?

What effect does unemployment have on the women and their family life?

 

 

 

 

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What factors contribute to a women’s ability to gain and keep
employment?

What implications for policy and program development do these results
have?

The answers to these questions can be used to guide both policy and program
development. Because welEre policy is currently concerned with transitioning women °
fi'om welfare to work, an examination of the factors that enhance the women’s ability to
obtain and keep employment is needed. Furthermore, the results of this study will inform
program development as human service workers examine methods to help low-income
women cope with the current policy changes and make effective transitions fi‘om welfare
to work. Moreover, this study will also fill a void in the current research by looking at the
effects of employment and unemployment from a family-focused perspective as well as
creating a context fi'om which family and individual variables can be better understood.

Counseling psychologists should be interested in the results of this investigation.
Counseling psychology has focused on the working and developing human beings in the
contexts of school, Emily and work place. They have a specific interest in career issues
and the fit between the work environment and the personality of the individual (Blocher,
1981). However, the issues of low-income individuals’ career development have been
routinely ignored. Therefore, the results of this investigation should inform counseling
psychologists as they examine the issues of career for low-income women and the
developmental issue of moving from welEre to work.

Furthermore, counseling psychologists also have an interest in how work and
Emily life are combined in an individual’s life (Richardson, 1993). This investigation

should provide such information. Specifically it focuses on how low-income Afiican-

7

American single mothers combine the raising of their children with employment outside

the home.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Past research has examined low-income Afiican-American families from three
Mel-em frameworks: a deficit model; a model based on Emily strengths; and a structural
harrie‘work (Barbarin, 1983;0Benjamin & Stewart, 1991; Malson, 1987). Traditionally,
deficit models emphasize the deviance and weaknesses of the black family that have
ernanated fi'orn slavery and culminated in the “single parent, matriarchal and disorganized
black famrly of today” (Barbarin, 1983). Researchers who use this fiamework often‘
corxipare ‘Afi'ican-American families to white families and attribute differences to
“dysfimctional” aspects of black families. The idea that poverty is a result of the
“pathologi ” features ‘of the black family exemplifies the themes inherent in a deficit
fi‘arnework (McLanahan, 1985).

In a respOnse to this negative view of black Emilies, a second framework
developed. This Strength framework emphasized the capacity of black families to survive
0I3I)l:'ession, racial discrimination and economic hardships (e.g., Stack 1974). Authors
Who use this fi’amework focus on how an Afi’ican heritage combined with the historical
e"K‘IDeriencelof slavery formed a unique social identity, viable family structures, and an

adfilptive pattern of family functioning (Barbarin, 1983).
Both of these fi‘ameworks, however, have received criticism fi'om policy-makers
and program developers. The deficit framework does a disservice to low-income African-
American Emilies by ignoring the functional aspects of diverse Emily patterns.
Furthermore, deficit models ignore the context in which Afi'ican-American families live
their lives (Malson, 1987).
Although the strength fi'amework is an improvement because it recognizes the

8

9

assets of low-income Afi'ican-American families, it doesn’t provide a framework for
Wrowing life circumstances. This tradition has failed to discuss the ramifications and
antecedents of such issues as drug abuse and increased violence in many inner city low-

income neighborhoods. Ignoring these factors has left a gap in our understanding and

ability to create effective programs (Wilson, 1987).

A structural fi'amework examines the adaptation of African-American Emilies to
the unique social and economic pressures they face (Malson, 1987). It de-emphasizes
persomal criteria and instead examines the individual and the family within the context of
their specific environments. Structural fiameworks focus On the fimctional aspects of
Afiican—American families as mitigating against poverty and oppressive structures
(BeEjamin & Stewart, 1991).

The use of thrs type of contextual approach has been advocated as a superior
approach to studying low-income Afiican-American female headed households (Brewer,
1 995; HemmOns, 1995; Randolph, 1995). Burgess (1995) stated a need for a multi-

disciplinary approach that examines the psychological, sociological, historical and
e‘7'0nomic forces affecting the lives of low-income Emilies. Without this type of approach,
She feels that any report on the problems facing Afi'ican-American single mothers will add
Very little to our current understanding. Moreover, a contextual approach has been
advocated for the development of mental health and social programs for low-income
families and for the career development of women. (Brooks & Forrest, 1994; Haveman,
1994; Parnell & Vanderkloot, 1994; Wharf, 1988).
One popular structural fiamework is the ecological model proposed by

Bronfenbrenner (1979). The ecological model can be used to examine behavior of an

10
individual within the context of the settings in which she lives as well as examining the

interactions among those settings. Thus, an ecological framework allows a holistic
understanding of individual development (Wharf, 1988).

\

Furthermore, the ecological model has also been recormnended as a fiamework to
snldy Afi'ican-American Emilies. It allows practitioners and researchers an opportunity to
explore the interactions between the historical, political, and social influences on African-

Atnerican Emilies, as well as serving as a guide to human service workers to help black

families cOpe with occupational, educational and governmental institutions that create ,
stress (McAdoo, 1993).

Blocher" (1981) has advocated its use for counseling psychology. He states that
individual approaches tend to foster individual blame for social problems and that barriers
to healthy development are best understood within the context of the environments in
which they occur. The origins of counseling psychology are rooted in understanding
healthy development. Thus, an ecological model matches well with the philosophy of
c()‘~~‘urseling psychology.
' Bronfenbrenner (1979) felt that humanidevelopment occurs within an ecological
environment. He conceived this environinent as a set of nested structures. At the inner
nlost level was the immediate setting containing a developing individual. However,
development was also influenced by the interconnections between the settings in which an
individual was involved. For example, how the family interacted with the school would .
influence the academic development of a child. In addition, community and cultural
influences also influence an individual’s development. All of these nested structures or

levels were perceived by Bronfenbrenner to be interconnected and affect developmental

ll
pl.c,¢_--;esses in complex ways.
He offered the following definitions of the components of an Ecological Model:

Macro-system: consistencies that exist at the level of the subculture
or the culture as a whole, along with any belief systems or ideology
underlying such consistencies (p. 26). ,

Exosystem: one or more settings that do not involve the developing
person as an active participant, but in which events occur that
affect, _or are affected by, what happens in the setting containing the
developing person (p. 25).

Mesosystem: Comprises the interrelations among two or more
settings _in which the developing person actively participates (such
as for an adult, among family, work and social life) (p. 25).

Microsystem: Pattern of activities, roles and interpersonal relations
experienced by the developing person in a given setting with
particular physical and material characteristics (p. 22).

This investigation will also use these definitions. Specifically, however, this study
1

eXaJnines the following domains either in the literature review or in the analysis of the
VOICES interviews.

Macro-system: Economics, ideology, and welfare policy issues.

Exosystem: Demographic changes in the inner city, urban

isolation, and the historical and economic context of Flint,

Michigan.

Mesosystem: Informal support networks: supports supplied by

Emily, fidends, romantic partners, and neighbors; and formal

support networks: support supplied by churches, human service
agencies, schools and other community organizations.

Microsystem: Family mechanisms: culture, children and parenting,
daily family life, family stress. ’
Individual: EducatiOn, work skills, work motivation, sense of

control over daily and firture events, and mental health issues:
depression and self-concept

12
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The macrosystem includes economics, ideological issues, and policy concerns
(Bro nfenbrenner, 1979). These same macro systemic issues have been found to operate
simultaneously and interactively in low-income Afi'ica-American Emily formation and

functioning (Brewer, 1995)

 

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Economics
Women and children have a much lower and more unstable family income than

men (Corcoran et al., 1984). Furthermore, Afir'can-American children are most at risk for

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being poor due. {311E}: higher probability of living in female-headed households (Corcoran

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- $3 al., 1984). Although, women are Often the sole providers for their families, they still
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earn less than men in every occupational category and Afi'ican-American women continue
_ to {make less than whitelqwomenA(Hesse-Biber, 1985]).1In addition, since the mid 1970’s
the income impoverished women received from welfare benefits have also declined
(McLamhan, Sorenson, & Watson, 1989).
Corcoran, et al. (1984) examined questions fiom the Panel Study of Income
DYhamics (PSID) that asked. men and women questions about their work history,
in‘ier'r'uptions in work, absenteeism, and self-imposed restrictions on work hours and job
\Ocation to test the hypothesis that these factors contributed to income disparities between
men and women. They discovered that these variables only accounted for one-third of the
difl‘erence in wage gaps between white men and white women, and only one-quarter the
differences between white men and black women. They concluded that income differences

were based more on gender and racial discrimination than actual difi‘erences in work skills

and experience.

13
In addition, the changing economic base of the United States has created an
income inequality between the upper and lower classes. Higher paying industrial jobs are
now being replaced by low paying service work in such areas as food service and retail.
Unfortunately, minorities and those living in the inner city have been the most affected by
this change (Danzinger et al., 1994). Although, the black unemployment rate was twice
the white rate through the middle 1970’s, it rose to 2.5 to one during the 1980's when
many factories closed or laid ofl‘ workers (Hirschman, 1988). This situation is
cornpounded by the Ect that most of the new service jobs are located in suburban areas
not easily accessrble to inner city workers (Peterson & Harrell, 1992).
useless
Low-income Afi‘ican-American women also must battle misconceived images
baSec! on their race, gender, and social class. These issues are thought to be the most
oppressive sources of stress for black women (McAdoo, 1982). Currently the ideas of

I

l.‘Jgged individualism and the image of the welfare queen affect the popular views of low-

I

ilaconic Afiican-American women.
Those who believe in rugged individualism feel that poor individuals should be able
to find mechanisms to escape their economic conditions without the help of others. When
‘his doesn’t occur, they blame the individual instead of the conditions in which the
individual lives (Hemmons, 1995; Wharf, 1988). In addition, the image of the welEre
queen has created a picture of impoverished African-American women as individuals who
won’t work but instead collect welfare benefits while having more children (Brewer,
1995). This image has served to link race with welEre recipiency in the minds of many

citizens of the United States (Bobo & Smith, 1994; Heclo, 1994).

14

Stereotypically, welEre mothers are thought to be young women with a large
number of illegitimate children who stay on welfare indefinitely and are not educated or
mtivated to seek further education or work. However, a 1993 census report found that

the average age of welEre recipients is 30 and only about 8% of welEre recipients were
under age 18. Although higher illegitimacy rates are associated with AFDC recipiency,
the amount of money received fi'om AFDC is not related to birth rates. For example,
some states with the highest benefits have the lowest illegitimacy rates. Furthermore, the
birth rates of both welEre and non welEre mothers are remarkably similar (Shealy, 1995).
In addition, most welEre recipients have a basic education and do not remain
dependent on welfare. Thirty-eight percent have finished high school, another 19% have
at least one year of college and 15% continue to pursue their education. Furthermore,
II3l<>re than 70% of welEre recipients leave the welfare system within two years (Shealy,
1 995).

Corcoran et al. (1984) examined welEre dependency. They defined dependency
as a reliance on welfare income for more than halfof the total family income in any one
year and found that only one-third of those receiving welfare in their sample were actually

dependent on it. Furthermore, only 2% were dependent on welEre for eight or more
Years during a period often years. They concluded that welEre reaches a large number of
the poor without promoting dependency. Although a small group did depend on welEre,
this dependency appeared to be a result of barriers such as a lack of child care and
unemployment rates, not a lack of work motivation. Unfortunately, this dependent group

was disproportionately African-American single mothers.

my?

.‘wg

15
mm E21193!
Although welfare reform is a current controversy, it is not a new concept. Aid to
Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) (originally ADC - Aid to Dependent Children)
was incorporated into the social security act of 1935 without much debate. The program
provided federal support to financially strapped states trying to maintain a system of
rnothers’ pensions during the Depression. It was expected to become extinct as more
widows came under the protection of Social Security and was designed to keep widows
out of the labor force so that they could fiilly attend to their children. Although every
president since Truman has tried to change welfare, AFDC has remained basically the

satne. It is still categorized as a program where benefits are tied to having responsibility

for a dependent child and benefits still decline as a family’s economic position improves
(Corbett, 1993).

During the 1960’s the “War on Poverty” was initiated as a response to the fact that
he ither poverty nor AFDC had disappeared despite economic growth. This movement
was marked by an increase in social program spending for such activities as job training

and Head Start (a program designed to help children from “disadvantaged” families
I‘eceive a head start in education before entering kindergarten). Despite these efi‘orts
Poverty again did not disappear (Corbett, 1993).

Recent policy debates have focused on the idea that current welfare policy is
responsible for welfare dependency based on the following ideas: AFDC policies have
made recipients choose between public assistance and marriage, they discourage the
reporting of outside work because policy benefits decline disproportionately, and they

create a lowered self-image due to the public ideology connected with welfare recipiency

16
311d unemployment (Corcoran, et a1, 1984; Garcia, 1989; Wilson, 1987). Although

welfare debates have traditionally been associated with differences in political afliliations,
cwently this argument is being made by both Democrats and Republicans.

During the time of the VoICES interviews, the State of Michigan began
implementing changes in welfare policy. Welfare recipients were being asked to sign a
social contract outlining how they would spend 20 hours a week in productive activities
such as work, school, or volunteer work. Policy changes also expanded job skill,
entrepreneurial training, child support initiatives, and child care. Changes in AFDC policy
itself were also made so that paid employment would be less likely to reduce welfare
benefits disproportionately to the added work income (Engler, 1992).

Although some praise the State policy initiatives and feel that workfare will
Strengthen families by providing needed resources and positive role models, many are
critical (Garcia, 1989). Wilson (1988) argues that these ideas fail to look at economic
realities and instead emphasize the personal characteristics of the poor. Jobs are not
readily available to all segments of the p0pulation and even if many AFDC recipients

obtained jobs they would still be living in poverty. Furthermore, some speculate that
families may actually be harmed by workfare policies because they will have less time for
parenting and other home-based activities with little or no increased income (Garcia,
1989).
Others are concerned by the racist and sexist undertones. They point out that the
poor have very little power and that poverty and race have become ideologically
inseparable. Therefore, the current policy changes only legitimize the prejudices

characteristic of the larger society and create a pool of exploitable female workers (Heclo,

17
1 994; Hemmons, 1995).

Among all this controversy, some preliminary investigations are questioning

whether Michigan’s social contract actually works. Both changes in Michigan's policies
and those that have occurred in Wisconsin are touted as models for the country.
However, Whitman (1995) discovered that only one in four AFDC recipients actually
participates in Governor Engler's workfare plan in a given month and by September, 1994
less than 1% were actually working in Workfare jobs. He concluded that Engler's reforms
have had a modest success but have yet to show that welfare rolls can be slashed by

putting women to work.

Furthermore, both Michigan and Wisconsin have adopted policies more typical of

liberal politics. They have increased job skill training and initiatives for better child or
h€=zalth care Although Wisconsin now claims to save $2 for every $1, they have spent an
additional $1400 per family per year to help parents prepare for work (McCormick, 1995).

During the course of this dissertation, the Federal government passed legislation
Clmnging welfare policy. More power was given to the States to set welfare guidelines.
However, at the same time fieezes in spending for social programs are also being

proposed. Thus, it appears that finding may be insufficient to actually help women leave
the welfare rolls (McCormick, 1995).

Emsxstsm

The exgsystem consists of the communities in which the women live their lives.
Changes in the Midwestem cities and inner city neighborhoods have affected the job
opportunities and the degree of isolation felt by inner city inhabitants. Furthermore, these

changes are reflected in the city (Flint, Michigan) where the respondents live.

1 8
Changes in Cities
The de-industrialization and the servicing of the economy have largely affected
Midwestern cities that have historically relied on factory work to create a stable economic
base. Currently, 40% of the poor live in the Midwest (Brewer, 1995). With the transfer
of capital to suburban centers there has been a massive marginalization of Afi'ican-
Amcrican workers. Furthermore, corporate decision makers have moved out of urban
African-American communities on racial and economic grounds. This migration has
created neighborhoods that are segregated both by race and class (Brewer, 1995)
Moreover, inner city urban areas are associated with higher rates of crime and
Violence than other neighborhoods. in two qualitative studies, the added stresses caused
by drugs and violence created fear and safety issues for inner city Afiican-American
families (Dunlap, 1992 & Burton, 1992) .
Wilson (1987) originated the term social isolation which he defined as "a lack of
cOritact or of sustained interaction with the individuals and institutions that represent
mainstream society.” (p. 60) He felt that the shifts in industrial economy, the
Suburbanization of jobs and the exodus of the black middle class have left inner-city black
communities in crisis with their residents in serious danger of forming a permanent
underclass.

This concept is just beginning to receive empirical support and has been found to
have multiple dimensions (Fernandez & Harris, 1992; Peterson & Harrell, 1992). The
poor have been found to be physically isolated due to racial and class segregation. This
segregation has isolated inner city residents in areas apart fi'om urban and suburban job

centers. Segregation has also created residentially segregated schooling which often

19
translates into ineffective teaching and learning (Peterson & Harrell, 1992). Furthermore,
unemployed poor Afiican-Americans have been found to participate less in community
organimtions and to have social networks consisting of other non-working poor
individuals. Some have been found to have few or no social contacts outside their families

(Fernandez & Harris, 1992).
The Emmmic Hislmy 9f Flint Michigan
Flint, Michigan, the city where the respondents live, became one of the largest
industrial centers in the Midwest during the mid twentieth century (Edsforth, 1987). The

culture of the community was created out of the economic cycles of its largest employer,

General Motors (GM) and currently its economic condition exemplifies the decay of

Midwestern urban areas.
Two waves of migration to Flint occurred during periods of economic prosperity

in the auto industry. From 1900 to 1950 the population of Flint increased 600% due to an
influx of European-American workers and a small number of African-American laborers
who emigrated to obtain employment in the auto industry. Production rates during World
War II and the postwar economy created a second economic boom. Flint’s population
again increased and included, for the first time, a large number of Afiican-Americans.
F‘-~ll'thermore, the civil rights movement of the 1960's and 70's allowed African-Americans

to Secure the higher paying factory jobs once exclusively given to whites.
GM not only provided superior wages but also instituted policies to meet

“’0 rkers’ personal and familial needs for insurance, financial aid, education and recreation
These programs, know as ‘erlfare capitalism,” created a “paternalistic” environment for
FliIlt’s families. During periods of economic prosperity members of the Flint community

20
began to rely on the affluence of GM to meet community and personal needs.

Furthermore, a mass consumer culture was created where individuals were judged more

on what they owned than who they were (Edsforth, 1987).

Economic downturns have historically created a community consciousness in Flint.
During the Great Depression hundreds of workers lost their jobs as entire plants in Flint
were closed. Out of this grew the beginnings of a labor movement, the Great Sit Down

Strike of 1936, and the birth of the United Auto Workers’ union (UAW) in 1937

(Edsforth, 1987).

The current economic conditions began with the OPEC oil crises and inflation of
the 1970's, and the economic recession of the early 1980's. A trend toward compact, fuel
efficient imports hurt American automakers, instigating layoffs and plant closings. By

1 987, 30,000 jobs were eliminated in Flint. This created high unemployment, especially
among the Afi'ican-American population. Many left Flint permanently (Edsforth, 1987).

The results of the decline in the auto industry can be seen in the income statistics

for Flint and Genesee County. In 1980, the percentage of Genesee County families living
below the poverty level (7.1%) was halfthe rate of the state (14.7%) and below the
national rate (9.6%). However, by 1990, the percentage of families who were living
below the poverty level nearly doubled (14%) and both exceeded the national (10%) and
state (10.2%) rates. In 1990, the poverty level for individuals living in the city of Flint
(2 7 - 6%) was nearly triple the national and state rates. Furthermore, the percentage of
female headed families living in poverty in Flint increased dramatically fi'om 55% to 76%
betWeen 1980-1990. The state rates only increased 5% (from 62% to 67%) during the

me time period. According to the 1990 census, 40% of the population of Genesee

21
County was receiving some type of public assistance income (The Community Foundation
of Greater Flint, 1994).
Recently, General Motors ended their hiring fi'eeze. However, at the time of the

interviews, Genesee County had the highest unemployment rate for Michigan’s 12 major

labor markets (The Community Foundation of Greater Flint, 1994).

mm

The mesosystem includes the environments, people, and organizations a woman

interacts with outside her immediate family. For the purposes of this study, the
mesosystem consists of both informal (fiiends, extended family, romantic partners,
neighbors) and formal (agencies, churches, schools) support mechanisms.

Infcmaléumns

In their review of the literature, Taylor and Chatters (1988) note that Afiican-
Americans were more comfortable asking family for help than either fiiends or neighbors
and were least likely to turn to agencies or other formal organizations for support.
Empirical studies have found that African-American women are more likely to interact
With extended kill, to live in extended households, and to see these relationships as more
Significant than whites (Hays & Mindel, 1973; Multran, 1985; Wasserman, Rauh, Brunelli,
Garcia-Castro & Necos, 1990). Furthermore, black women receive more help with child
dare from their families than white women (Hays & Mindel, 1973; Parish, Hao, & Hogan,
1 99 1). However, neither the presence nor the degree of support provided from kin

lPlet‘vvorks is found to have a significant effect on the probability of receiving welfare

assistance (Benjamin & Stewart, 1991; Parish et al., 1991). Moreover, higher levels of

social support are linked to depression for low-income African-American women

22

suggesting that social support has a psychological cost for this group (Dressler, 1985;

Taylor, Henderson & Jackson, 1991).
Fewer studies have examined the supportive role of neighbors, fiiends, and

romantic partners in the lives of poor African-American women. Taylor and Chesler
( l 993) found those single Afi'ican-American mothers who had support from either a male
intimate or a female confidant also reported more afiliative relations with their children
than mothers with low support.

Oliver (1988) discovered that African-American communities, regardless of
income, had abundant social networks. In a low-income community, however, the
networks were dense and tied to local contacts. Two ethnographies of low-income black

women also portrayed a rich variety of reciprocal support networks based on fiiendship
and neighborhood ties (Jeflries, 1967; Stack, 1974). Jefli'ies, however, noticed that some
women chose to remain isolated. She observed that supportive relationships with
neighbors were of relatively short duration and that those who were the neediest were the
most likely to participate in neighborhood networks. Belle (1983) proposed that isolated
Women may have chosen to "therapeutically withdraw" from a demanding and stressful

nethork and those who utilize an extensive network to meet their needs may have no

otller choice due to economic necessity.

Eomlalfinnmns

Historically, the church has been the major institution around which Afiican-

All'lerican families organize their lives (Barbarin, 1983). It has served as a central source
of Imaterial aid and emotional support. Furthermore, the church has been a mechanism of

Political and social activism. Psychological benefits have also been noted. For example, a

23

religious orientation may reduce the perceived threat of a stressor by providing an

interpretation of a negative event as a part of God’s grand scheme (Barbarin, 1983;

Taylor & Chatters, 1988).
However, an empirical examination of the issue found that religious orientation

was linked to depression for Afiican-American women. Women who reported higher
levels of religious orientation also tended to identify with white racist stereotypes about
blacks. Therefore, the church became a mechanism of cultural oppression (Taylor et al.,
1 991).
Research on the effects of human service agencies have largely consisted of
individual program evaluations. Overall, most programs have been found to be successful
in meeting their objectives (Burtless, 1994). Job training programs have been linked to

modest employment and income gains among women receiving AFDC payments.

However, there has been no evidence that these programs actually move families out of

poverty (Blank, 1994).
In general, agency programs seem to be receiving more criticism than accolades.

Wharf(l988) states that agencies are so controlled by government and consumed by

crises that they are unable to track the impact of economic and social policies on the

Communities they serve as well as on their own practices. Often successful programs are
not brought to the attention of policy makers nor replicated on a larger scale. Although
1110 St writers advocate an empowerment perspective based on the economic and social
(:0 Ilditions in which low-income families live, most also criticize human service programs
for ignoring these same factors (Guittierrez, 1990; Parnell & Vanderkloot, 1994; Walters,

1 994). As a result many services are inappropriate and do not meet the needs of low-

24

income clients. In turn, the low-income client’s resistance to such services is viewed by

some human service professionals as lack of motivation to improve life circumstances.

Furthermore, the problems of low-income clients are most likely to be attributed to
psychological deficits without consideration of their environments (Parnell & Vanderkloot,
1 994).

The impact of schools and other community organizations on low-income family
life has received little attention. The use of schools as an important component of service
delivery and youth programs has been advocated (Gordon-Bradshaw, 1988; Jarrett,

1 995). Moreover, lower levels of family stress have been associated with involvement in
community organizations that enforce an African-American ethnicity for middle income
Black families (McAdoo, 1982). Both these areas deserve further attention and hold some
promise as effective support for low-income African-American families.
Microsystem
The microsystem focuses on the family variables of culture, parenting and stress.
Although, the African-American family has historically been described as deviant and
pathological, recent research and discussion have focused on family strengths. '

The strengths of Afiican-American families are attributed to their strong reliance
on the family, their sense of religiosity, the involvement of both parents in decision
"making, and their ability to protect themselves fi'om discrimination. Although, some
believe that Afi'ican culture was lost to black Americans during slavery, many argue that
fail1'1in strengths are a result of a solid cultural base (Burgess, 1995; Leslie, 1995;

McAdcc, 1982).

25
Afiican-American Emilies have adapted to life in racist America. During slavery,
African-American Ethers lived on other plantations and family members were sold. Due
to discriminatory practices after Emancipation, Afi'ican-American women often had an
easier chance of employment. In addition, welfare policy forced women to live with males
who often had dificulties finding employment due to structural barriers, or to accept
contributions provided by the government (Burgess, 1995).

Diverse family forms are hypothesized to have formed as a solution to these
problems (Dickerson, 1995). Although the nuclear family is considered the norm in the
dominant culture, extended family forms are often a part of the Afiican-American family
structure. The flexible roles found in African-American families and the power African-

American women have in family decision-making are also described as strengths derived
fi‘om this adaptation (Barbarin, 1983; Randolph, 1995).
Furthermore, African-American mothers often make sacrifices for their children so
they can have a better life. Researchers have noted that mothers may buy their children
exPensive clothing or send them to private schools to maintain the advantages of a middle-
ciass image. Often their disciplinary practices are strict and designed to protect their
children fi'om violence and racist practices (Harrison, Wilson, Pine, Chan & Buriel, 1990;
Randolph 1995). An ethnography of African-American Head Start Emilies found that

mothers stressed education, and emphasized self-reliance and autonomy for their children

(Rosier & Corsaro, 1993).
Three demographic trends have created changes within the American family.

These trends include an increase in female headed families, poverty, and maternal

26

employment. In 1990 more than halfof all Afiican-American children under the age 18
lived with one parent, usually their mothers (Randolph, 1995). In quantitative studies,
single motherhood has been associated with a number of deleterious efiects on children
such as poor academic achievement, higher high school drop out rates, higher rates of
delinquency, drug and alcohol use, lower earnings in adulthood, premarital pregnancy and
higher rates of poverty. Moreover, these variables are mediated by both maternal
employment and poverty. Children living in low-income single female headed Emilies are
found to be most at risk due to the stress associated with their impoverished status
(McLanahan, 1985; McLanahan & Booth, 1989).

Qualitative studies have noted the resiliency in Afiican-American female headed
families and their participation in an extended Emily support network (Burton &
Dillworth-Anderson, 1991; Malson, 1987; Stack, 1974). Malson (1987) noted Emily
diversity in terms of socio-demographics, life situations and employment status. She
found that although the women were struggling they were not dependent and they were
rt115R proactive than reactive. The women worked actively to manage and cope with the
dual responsibilities of bread winner and parent. Although single-parenthood was often
disruptive, it also served as a motivator to make life changes. Furthermore, the women
thought that a Ell-time job with adequate child care would be a mechanism to make their
life better and more financially secure.

Poverty is associated with female-headed families. Furthermore, research suggests

thm individuals who grow up in poor Emilies are more likely to experience poverty as
adults. Corcoran et al (1984) investigated whether poverty and welEre recipiency were

passed from one generation to the next. Four-fifths of the children in their sample who

27

had lived in poverty moved out of poverty alter forming their own households. Although,

in this study, a parent’s overall economic condition was a determinant of a child's welfare

use, women who left homes of welEre dependent Emilies were not any more likely to

receive public aid than otherwise similar women whose parents didn't receive welEre.

Maternal employment has also been found to afl‘ect Emily life. In a qualitative

study, both single and married employed Afiican-American women were found to do more

work than the unemployed due to the added household and mothering responsibilities.
Although friends and Emily provided support, all of the respondents had the primary
responsibility for child care and household chores (Malson, 1983).

However, between low-income and middle class women, between white and
Afiican-American women, and between married women and single mothers, women who
could work or stay at home based on their own preferences were found to experience the
least stress (Lerner & Abrams, 1994). Furthermore, their children did not experience any
negative developmental outcomes (McAdoo, 1982; Jackson, 1992; Lerner & Abrams,

1 994). In Ect, children with the poorest socio-emotional adjustment had mothers who
wanted to work but were unemployed (Lerner & Abrams, 1994).

Some differences between single and married mothers have been noted, however.
Silrlgle mothers need more support than other groups in terms of child care and economic
Security. Furthermore, in a study completed by Jackson (1992), black single low-income

Working mothers were at a high risk for depression. There was also some evidence that
1‘aising boys may be more difficult than raising girls for this group. Having a high school
education or less and parenting young sons were associated with higher role strain, greater

depression, the least Evorable perceptions of children, and lower ratings of overall life

28
satisEction.

Maternal employment patterns have also been found to impact children. School
achievement is improved when mothers work part-time on a stable basis rather than
working fluctuating or decreasing hours. Furthermore, maternal employment affects older
children less. Mothers of new born infants need time away from work to establish

adequate child care and organize their households (Lerner & Abrams, 1994).

All these demographic changes (poverty, single motherhood and maternal

employment) are stressful for low-income African-American female headed Emilies. The
experience of living in poverty requires that energy be devoted to worrying and scheming
about how to make ends meet. Furthermore, coping with being single creates stress.
Single mothers must balance their parenting, household and work responsibilities with a
need for love, companionship, and support fi'om a romantic partner (Bennett, 1987).
the Individual
African-American women have historically attended racially segregated schools.
Even today, poor women of color often attend inferior schools in inner city neighborhoods
(Peterson & Harrell, 1992). Furthermore, students who lack basic skills or are behind in
We level are more likely to drop out or become teen parents. If a poor female student
0f color remains in school, she is typically tracked into vocational, general, or special
education programs without consideration of her ability. Moreover, college enrollment is
declining for Afiican—Americans despite gains in the high school completion rates. In
addition, those who do attend college are most often enrolled in the lower-cost two-year

junior or community colleges (Gordon-Bradshaw, 1988).

29

Little has been written concerning the career development of low-income Afi'ican-
American women. However, recent interest has been directed toward the career
development of women. Farmer (1976), Astin (1984) and Betz and Fitzgerald (1987)
have all proposed popular theories of women’s career development. Hackett and Lent
( l 992) have noted that these conceptual models of women’s career development
converged in some important ways. These models all included background factors such as
gender, ethnicity, parents’ educational and occupational level, and socioeconomic status.
Secondly, they incorporated the influence of personality or internal traits and attitudes.

'I'hese traits included cognitive appraisals and expectations, self-concept, and achievement
motivation. Socialization Ectors such as gender-role attitudes were also important
factors. Finally, the theorists of all three models agreed that women’s career development
is grounded in a social context. Betz (1994) proposed a similar framework in a review of
the literature. She felt that both environmental variables (discrimination, educational
barriers and Emily background) and individual Ectors (Emily issues, self-esteem, work
expectations, and profeminist attitudes) could act as either barriers or Ecilitators to
Women’s career choices and development.

An examination of the social context for African-American women found that
ililequalities for African-American women exist in the job market. Women of color receive
tlle lowest wages, hold the worst jobs and are more likely to be unemployed than white

Women (Zinn & Dill, 1994). Historically, sexist and moist attitudes have kept Afiican-
American women tied to domestic and agricultural labor, the two jobs held by female
Slaves. Until the 1970's, the majority of African-American women were employed in

service or private household domestic work (Newman, 1986).

 

30

Initially, policy initiatives ignored both agricultural and domestic workers. New
Deal legislation provided old age insurance, survivors’ benefits, and unemployment
compensation to all occupational groups except domestic and agricultural workers
(Newman, 1986). Therefore, historically, when domestic or agricultural laborers lost their
gobs their only option was to join the welEre roles.

Today Afiican-American women often find themselves isolated in their work roles.
Furthermore, they often work in uncertain, unpredictable jobs where they have little
control over their work schedules or job duties. Low-income women are more likely to

find jobs in professions where work schedules vary fiom week to week and work time
occurs outside of traditional nine to five hours (Paltiel, 1988). Not only are these
conditions linked to stress, they often make child care arrangements difficult (Paltiel,
l 988).

However, African-American women have always had higher participation rates in
the labor market and had fewer interruptions to their employment than white women
(Belgrave, 1988). They are committed to work (Belgrave, 1988; Benjamin & Stewart,

1 989). Malson (1983) interviewed fifty-four Afiican-American women. The vast
thiijority had always planned on combining motherhood and work and 80% reported that
they preferred working to being at home due their need for independence and financial
advantages for their Emilies.
Benjamin and Stewart (1989, 1991) completed a series of studies examining the K
I‘Ole of self-eflicacy and work orientation in the work status of a group of women living in
a housing project. Indicators of self-eflicacy included measures of self-worth and work

Orientation which examined the extent the women perceived they had the ability to change

31
their present circumstances.

No racial differences were found in either self-eflicacy indicator or in beliefs about
the importance of work. Furthermore, neither type of self-efficacy indicator was a
consistent predictor of welfare recipiency status, current employment status, work history,
nor current employment status (Benjamin & Stewart, 1989).

Although, the longer an individual received public assistance the lower her
perceived efficacy and work orientation, this factor did not translate into differences in
work history or work status. Overall, there was a substantial consensus among African-

Arnerican and white employed and unemployed low-income women that opportunities are
stratified in society and that most people “make it” by working hard and beating the
System (Benjamin & Stewart, 1989).

Education was the only consistent predictor of a work history of full-time
el’nployment and being currently employed. Overall, age (younger women) and the
Presence of children under age six was the most consistent predictors of welfare recipiency
and length of the receipt of aid (Benjamin & Stewart, 1991). Benjamin and Stewart
concluded that there was an absence of a measurable influence of values and beliefs on
labor market behavior for their sample. They suggested that researchers focus on

identifying structural barriers to employment for low-income women.

However, low-income adults do need more information about jobs and career

0ptions. Miller (1982) found that low-income individuals lacked basic information about
careers. Furthermore, levels of career maturity and knowledge about career development
lasks have been found to be low for this population (Healy, Mourton, Anderson &

Robinson, 1984; Manuele, 1984; Miller, 1982).

32

MenthealthIssues

Low-income Afi‘ican-American women are found to have high rates of depression
and psychological problems due to stress (Bennett, 1987; Dressler, 1985; Jackson, 1992:
Kessler et al, 1985). The chronic stress related to poverty is thought to create the greatest
risk for depression, anxiety, and poor self-esteem for low-income women (Paltiel, 1988).
Taylor et al. (1991) found that social economic status, negative life events, physical health
problems and internalized racism were significant predictors of depression for Afi'ican-
Arnerican women.

Locus of control, and self-concept are thought to be internal mechanisms that
mediate the effects of stress (Smith, 1985). Although, an interml locus of control
(expectations that one has a high degree of control over life events) is associated with
lower stress for majority Americans, researchers question the notion that an internal locus
of control is beneficial for racial minorities. Researchers hypothesize that a minority
individuars ability to recognize discrimination can prevent the internalization of racism.
Therefore, the context of an individual’s situation should be evaluated before making
dficision on the value of an internal locus of control (Smith, 1985).

In general, Afi'ican-Americans are thought to have a low self-concept due the
iIflternalization of racism (Smith, 1985). In addition, welfare recipiency is also thought to
cI‘eate a negative self-concept due to the popular views associated with public assistance

(Garcia, 1989). Although, internalized racism is associated with higher rates of depression
(Taylor et al., 1991) and long-term welfare recipiency has been linked to a decrease in
Self-concept (Benjamin & Stewart, 1989), a low-income or minority status doesn’t

necessarily translate into a negative self-concept. Self-worth was not linked to work

33
history for low-income women (Benjamin & Stewart, 1989). Furthermore, it is
hypothesized that many Afi'ican-Americans compare themselves to other individuals like
themselves. Thus, they do not perceive themselves as lacking or deficient (Smith, 1985).
Interestingly, denial, in the form of selective inattention or escapism, is found to be
a healthy coping mechanism for uncontrollable situations associated with poverty (Kessler
et al, 1985;Paltie1, 1988). However, ignoring a situation is a poor coping mechanism
when events can be controlled and a problem focused coping strategy is thought to be
most effective (Kessler et al., 1985).
Summary and Conclusions
Low-income Afiican-American women must battle the economics and ideological
factors of the macrosystem. Their higher poverty rates appear to be a result of gender and
racial discrimination (Corcoran et al., 1984). Furthermore, the popular image of the
Welfare queen is a stereotype not supported in census data or research (Corcoran et al.,
CI‘IO’tschalk, et al., 1991; Shealy, 1995). Although, it is unclear at this time how policy
changes will impact AFDC families, Whitman (1995) discovered that only a few AFDC
I‘ecipients were being effected by Michigan’s policy changes during the time of the
VOICES interviews.
Exosystemic influences are also impairing low-income women’s ability to obtain
good paying employment. The servicing of the economy and job layoffs in the auto
iIldustry are creating a void in employment opportunities in Midwest urban areas (Brewer,
1 995; Edsforth, 1987). Furthermore, the ensuing increase in inner-city violence and urban
isolation are compounding the women’s ability to create safe, supportive environments for

their families (Peterson & Harrell, 1991; Wilson, 1988).

34
It is difficult to create a clear picture of mesosystemic support systems for low-
income Afi'ican-American women. Black women have been found to rely more on
extended kin networks than white women and individuals living in urban areas appear to
have Large supportive networks. However, support is thought to have a cost for some
low-income black women and has been linked to higher rates of depression (Dressler,
1985; Henderson & Jackson, 1991). Furthermore, social programs designed to help low-
income individuals are criticized for lacking an empowerment and contextual perspective
(Blank, 1994; Wharf, 1988). In addition, the church, historically a support system for
Afiican-Americans, has also been linked to higher rates of internalized racism in an
etmpirical study (Taylor et al., 1991)..

Both stresses and strengths are found in the micro-system. Low-income Afi'ican-
Alnerican female headed families are resilient and have developed diverse kin networks as
positive adaptations to racist life in America (Burgess, 1995; Dickenson, 1995; McAdoo,

1 982). However, raising children alone brings added stressors. Single mothers need more
Support in terms of child care and economic security.

Poverty and work add additional burdens. Although, most African-American
women have been found to prefer combining the roles of mother and employee, work
inside the home and outside employment combine to create a busy day for single mothers
(Malson, 1983). In addition, African-American female headed families are the most likely
to live in poverty. Poverty acts as a chronic stressor as women struggle to meet ends meet
(Bennett, 1987).

At the individual level, the inequalities of education and in the job market could

translate into fewer job skills for low-income African-American women (Gordon-

35
Bradshaw, 1988; Peterson & Harrell, 1992). However, it appears that their work

motivation and perceived emcacy are supports when looking for employment. Although,
long-term enrollment in public assistance lowers perceived efficacy, this factor does not
translate into difi‘erences in work history or work status (Benjamin & Stewart, 1989).
Low-income African-American women do have more mental health problems and
are more likely to be depressed than middle class women (Bennett, 1987; Dressler, 1985;
Jackson, 1992; Kessler et al., 1985). This distress is linked to the chronic stress of
poverty (Kessler et al., 1985).

Typically, an internal locus of control and a positive self-concept are thought to
Inediate stress for majority Americans (Smith, 1985). Although, low income minority
women are expected to have neither a good self-concept nor an internal locus of control,
these traits are hypothesized to operate differently for low-income minority individuals.
Researchers advocate taking a contextual approach before evaluating both locus of control

and self-concept for low-income minority individuals (Smith, 1985).

This review has uncovered more barriers to employment for low-income African-
Americans single mothers than supports. However, many low-income Afiican-American
single mothers do work. The results of the investigation will provide an explanation for
how these employed women overcome the barriers they encounter. Also, it will provide

information as to the effects of work or unemployment on their family life.

 

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
I will employ a qualitative analysis of the forty interviews to answer the research
questions.

What are the similarities and differences between the employed and unemployed
women?

What is the effect of paid work on the women and their family life?
What effect does unemployment have on the women and their family life?
What factors contribute to a women’s ability to gain and keep employment?
What implications for policy and program development do these results have?
These questions will be answered along all the dimensions (macrosystem,
exosystem, mesosystem, microsystem, and individual) described in the literature review
(see appendix A for the interview questions).
Ihe Appmndalfincss Qf the Chosen Wales):
The goal of this dissertation is to investigate the lives of low-income
IX‘ilrican-American women within the context of societal, community, and family variables.
Qualitative research directly addresses an emic, or insider's, perspective by allowing the
researcher to collect data from within the research participant's environment.
Furthermore, qualitative research examines the interactions and dynamic contexts, rather
than variables that isolate particular fiagments of a person's experience such as an attitude
or particular behavior (Daly, 1992).
Furthermore, qualitative methods are advocated for the investigation of families,
especially the female headed African-American family, for ecological fi’ameworks, and for

informing practice and policy (Daly, 1992; Randolph, 1995). Historically

36

37
anthropological studies have used qualitative methods to understand the meanings,

interpretations, and subjective experiences of families as well as to understand the

functional attributes of diverse family forms. More recently psychologists have begun to

use this methodology to look at the dynamic contexts of families and the interactions and

ongoing negotiations of family roles and relationships (Daly, 1992). Randolph (1995)

stated that a qualitative examination of the female headed Afiican-American families' daily

living and the adjustments to the single mother family structure was needed. The need to
go straight to the source to understand the stresses associated with racism and sexisn‘i and
ensuing coping strategies is also met through a qualitative methodology.

5/ Although, Bronfenbrenner (1979) doesn't advocate one form of methodology over
another, he does state that the methodology chosen should reflect the purpose of the study
and the research questions. Qualitative methods have been found especially helpful in
investigations employing an ecological model (Anglin, 1988; Glossop, 1988). Essential to
an ecological perspective is its focus on context. Instead of being governed by generalized
principles, an ecological model holds that a person's life and developmental capacities can

only be understood within her environment. Furthermore, the perception of the individual
is thought to be an essential component (Glossop, 1988).

Qualitative studies are thought to be especially helpful in informing efforts to
create effective human service programs that are based on the first-hand knowledge of the
targeted group. Both the goals and the solutions of a particular program are more
applicable and helpful when they are created out of the client populations own descriptions

and interpretations of their issues and problems (Jarrett, 1995). Furthermore, the adaptive

strengths of Afiican-American families and their communities should be articulated to

38

program planners, service providers, and policy makers to help in the development of

strategies that respect the cultural integrity of the Afiican-American family (Randolph,

1995).

E . .

Forty Afiican-American women were selected fi'om the Flint Head Start program

They ranged in age from 17 years to 56 years with a mean of 29.6 years. Fifty percent

were under the age of 29 and 75% under age 33. The majority of the women (63.4%)
were born in Michigan and 19.5% were born in southern states. Furthermore, 48.8%
were born in Flint and the majority have lived there all their lives.

The number of children per respondent ranged from one to seven. The mode
number of children is 2 and 80.5% have 1-3 children. Their children range in age from
less than a year to 34 years. The women's ages at the birth of their first child ranged fiom

l 3 years to 32 years. Fifty percent of the women had a child before age 19. Five of the
Women (12.2%) were pregnant at the time of the interview.

Twenty-nine of the women have never been married. Of the 11 who were, 6
reported being separated, 3 were divorced, and 2 were widowed. At the time of the
interview halfof the women were also currently involved in a relationship with a partner
and 8 of these women reported living with a romantic partner.

Twenty-eight women (68.3%) graduated from high school and 2 others obtained
GED’s (general equivalency degrees). Reasons for not completing high school included:
pregnancy, no day care, family problems, marriage, and attitude problems. Most of the
women (75.6%) have received job training beyond high school.

Ninety-five percent (3 8) of the women have, at some time, worked for pay outside

39

their homes. Fifteen were currently working for pay and of these 14 worked between 20

and 42 hours a week. Most of these women (8) worked a full forty hours a week.

Sixty-five percent of the employed women had been at their current jobs for less than a

year. However, the length of time they had held the job ranged up to 10 years. When

asked to describe their current or latest job, most women (8) were employed in food

service jobs. Six women reported employment in the following categories: youth/child
work, medical (primarily nursing assistants) and retail work. Most often the women were
employed as assistants.

Current household monthly income ranged fiom $344 to $1707. F ifiy percent of
the women make less than $593 a month and 75% make less than $920. The majority of
the women (70.7%) receive medical assistance and 82.9% receive food stamps.

:Ehe MQIQES Team
Originally, a team of five graduate assistants (Kathy Gainor, Nancy Hill, Linda
Juang, Norman Peart, and myself) was recruited by the principal investigator, Dr. Marvin
McKinney, to work on the VoICES project. This original team completed an initial
literature review as well as conducting focus groups and key informant interviews. Each
researcher brought a varied approach and background to the project. The fields of
psychology, sociology, and education were represented. Furthermore, the team was
ethnically mixed and included four Afiican-Americans (including the principal
investigator), one Asian-American, and one European-American (myself).
At this time the other four graduate students have left the project due to
graduation or to pursue other interest. A sixth graduate student has joined the VoICES

project. Mickey Melendez is Puerto-Rican and is pursuing a degree in counseling

40
psychology. Mickey and I have completed the initial analysis of the VoICES data.
The Intenzim
The questions used in the interview instrument originated from four sources:

questions derived fi'om the content analysis of earlier focus groups and key informant
interviews, measures used in prior research, issues that emerged through discussion during
team metings, and issues supported in the current literature on Afiican-American families
and poverty. Most often questions gained support for their inclusion fi'om more than one
source. The instrument also went through a number of revisions based on the review of

other researchers and a field test. The following examines more closely the sources for the

interview questions, the review process, and the field test.
Salaries for Interim! Mien:
During the first year of the study, the VoICES team conducted focus groups and
key informnt interviews. A focus group consisted of eight to twelve participants and a
leader fi'om the VoICES project. The leader’s job was to facilitate discussion concerning
the problems of poor Afiican-American single mothers in Flint. Although questions were

written and used to begin each focus group, discussion preceded informally. A total of
eight focus groups was conducted with the following groups:

Family TIES Advocates: para-professionals working with
low-income teen mothers

Beecher Head Start Teacher Aides

Beecher Head Start Lead Teachers

Beecher Head Start Paraprofessionals

Daly Elementary School Mothers (four meetings occurred)
Interviews were also conducted with key informants in the Flint community.

Those interviewed were selected based on their knowledge and involvement in poverty

41
issues in Flint. A total of twelve interviews was completed with individuals working in
such diverse organizations as the school board, local schools, a local health clinic, a major
business employer, several community empowerment groups, a fimding agency, the
Department of Social Services, and the community Head Start Program.

All groups and interviews were tape recorded and transcribed. Field notes were
also written by the VoICES team member who led the group or conducted the interview.
Later discussion of the groups and interviews occurred during team meetings. Based on
this discussion, our review of the literature, and our conceptualizing fi'amework, specific
categories for focus were chosen by the VoICES team during a team meeting. The

categories received approval from all team members. The categories included: supports,
stresses, neighborhood life, daily activities, family life, parenting, and romantic
relationships. These categories became the main sections of the interview.

A content analysis was completed for all transcribed interviews and focus groups

using the chosen categories. The refinement of these categories lead to the development
of many interview questions.

Other interview questions were adapted, or simply taken from measures written by
others. Dr. Linda Burton, our consultant for the project, allowed us to adopt much of an
interview she used for her research. Dr. Burton has been working on a qualitative
investigation of the intergenerational process involved in teen pregnancy and motherhood.
Many of her questions were directly applicable. The demographic section of the VoICES
interview was almost entirely taken from her study. Other questions were reworded and
adapted to more directly fit the format of the VoICES project.

The instrument used to evaluate the Family TIES program in Flint was also

42
examined. Although many of their questions were originally included in the first drafts of
the interview, most of these items were edited out in later revisions. Thus, in the current
interview very few questions were drawn fi'om this instrument.

Although discussion during the VoICES team meetings involved all areas included
in the present interview, certain areas evolved out of these discussions. Specifically these
areas included: the importance of men in the participant's lives, the interplay of racism,
sexism and classisrn, the hopes or fears participants have about their future and the future
of their children, the differences in how boys and girls are raised, and the issue of fun and

recreation in the participant's lives. These areas were incorporated by adding a question
or two to the main sections of the interview schedule.

Support for questions was also found in a review of the literature completed
during the project's conceptualization. Questions came fi'om the following general
research areas pertaining to low income African-American women: parenting, support
mchanisms, and family relationships.

Renew Process

Early drafts of the measure were reviewed by the principal investigator, Dr.

Marvin McKinney, and other members of the VoICES team. Other project advisors, Dr.
Richard Lerner, Dr. Francisco Villarruel, and Dr. Linda Nelson of the Human Ecology
Department and the Institute for Children, Youth, and Families at Michigan State
University also commented on the interview and its format. Concerns often related to the
wording of the questions and changes were made to clarify their meanings. Additions and

subtractions were completed to keep the focus on the outlined goals of the VoICES

project.

43

After addressing these concerns a series of trial runs were completed. Members of
the VoICES team practiced interviewing each other to check the appropriateness of the
questions and the flow of the interview format. Again changes were made. Most of the
changes again involved the rewarding of questions.

Finally, Dr. Burton reviewed the finalized draft. A few revisions were made as a
result of this last review. Dr. Burton's suggestions involved creating a consistent format
for the informal and formal support sections in the measure.

Dr. McKinney and I field tested the interview with three participants randomly
chosen fi'om a list of Beecher Head Start mothers. Each interview was conducted in the
manner planned by the VoICES team and participants were paid $20 for their
participation. No major difficulties were discovered. Participants appeared relaxed and
comfortable with the interview process. A couple questions were found to be confusing
to the participants and were changed.

The Intendm

The interview was administered in two, two-hour sessions with each session
occurring within a week of each other. An introduction was included and contained
instructions for the interviewers, a consent form, and a face sheet which asked for the
participants name, address, phone number and the name, address, and phone number of a
person who knew how to reach the participant. Both the participant and the interviewer
also completed evaluation forms at the conclusion of the interview. The participant was
asked to rate their honesty and comfort level with the interview. The interviewer was
asked to report observations of the home and also to evaluate the interview in terms of

participant honesty and comfort level.

44
The interview asked questions concerning the following topics:

Demographics: living arrangements, marital status, marital history, education,
training and employment, McKnight's Capacity Inventory, and income.

Daily Life: daily activities, neighborhood and community, stress and personal
strengths, racism/discrimination, the future

Family Life: family of origin, parenting, fiiendships, romantic relationships, kin
networks

Support Networks: Informal support systems, Formal support systems
Procedures
Dr. McKinney decided that indigenous interviewers would be used. Therefore, a
contractual arrangement was formed with SmartWORKS. SmartWORKS is a minority
women owmd consulting firm in Flint that specialized in management, planning, and
resource development primarily for school services. Specifically, SmartWORKS was
contracted to complete the following tasks: hiring the interviewers, help in training of
interviewers, arranging interview appointments, supervising the completion of the
interviews, and transcription of the interviews. Weekly written contact between
SmartWORKS and VoICES was arranged. Informal telephone contacts or face to face
contact occurred approximately twice a week.
All interviewers were hired by SmartWORKS based on the following criteria:

1) African-American women

2) culturally and socially sensitive to the target population

3) indigenous to the community under study

4) people with similar life experiences as the target population

5) ability to quickly and easily establish interpersonal rapport

6) articulate

7) well-modulated voices

8) demonstrated listening skills

9) personal knowledge of prior job performance
10) prior experience working with people

45

Interviewer training consisted of four hours of instruction plus additional practice
administering the interview. During the instructional periods interviewers were oriented
to the purpose of the study and trained in confidentiality and contact procedures.
Furthermore, all the interview questions were read by the interviewers and gone over a
second time during the training. All concerns or misunderstandings were addressed at this
time. After completion of each interviewer's first interview, all tapes were listened to and
feedback was given. No difficulties were reported with these first interviews.

The VoICES team explored several sources for selecting the participant sample.
Because some of the initial focus groups had been conducted using parents of the Head
Start program in the Beecher School District, they were considered as a possible source
for participant recruitment. However, due to changes in the Head Start's administration
this became more diflicult than originally anticipated. Secondly, a list of mothers of
kindergartners was obtained from the school system. However, this list proved to be a
year old. Thus, the chances were high that many of these women might have moved or
would no longer be low-income.

Due to this difficulty, the VoICES project sought the assistance of the Head Start
program in the Flint Community School District. They were willing to provide us with a
list of 287 current Head Start parents who were low-income Afiican-American female
head of households. Initially, a letter was sent explaining the study and informing the
parents that they might be contacted to determine their interest in participating in the
VoICES study. The parents were notified in the letter that if they did not want to be

contacted, they could call the Head Start oflice and have their names removed form the

46

list before sample selection. No calls were received.

From the listing, every third name (a total of 80 names) was selected to be
contacted to participate in the study. This selection took place in the Head Start Ofice.
Although, the VoICES project continued to have access to that listing, the list was never
in their possession. This procedure was followed to insure the privacy of the Head Start
parents. Once the list of the 80 selected names and their phone numbers were printed out,
the sample recruitment process began. Six individuals without a phone were dropped
fi'om recruitment eligibility. The Head Start program did not wish to release addresses
due to privacy issues, therefore, these individuals could not be reached.

Some difliculties were found'in this list of names. During initial contact
SnmrtWORKS discovered that many of these women either had moved or had
disconnected phones. Therefore, more names were needed. An additional 80 women
were selected by again choosing every third name fi'om the rmster list.

The participants remaining in the Head Start parent sub-sample were contacted by
phone by SmartWORKS. If the individual was found to be at the same phone number and
made an initial agreement to be interviewed, they were contacted by a trained interviewer
to arrange an appointment time. The phone contact involved a description of the study,
including a detailed description of the two required interview session and a commitment to
pay $20 at the successful end of the second session. Once the time, place, and date of the
first appointment was set, a letter was sent to the woman for confirmation, and one
follow-up phone call was made.

All the interviews were conducted in the women's homes. All interviews were

taped. Written notes were also taken by the interviewer. After completion of the

oasis and 0!
What are the e

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Dr

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47

interviews, each was transcribed by SmartWORKS. To ensure the quality of the
transcription, members of the VoICES team listened to every fifth audiotape, randomly
choosing approximately 1 to 2 hours of the interview and checked it against the
transcription.

Anchor's

The questions in this dissertation are of two types. Some required a descriptive
analysis and others needed a grounded theory approach. For example, the questions:
What are the eEects of work for the women and their family life?; What effect does
unemployment have on the women and their family life?; and What are the similarities and
differences between these two groups?, required descriptions of the lives of the women
who are employed and those who are unemployed along the dimensions described in the
ecological model.

However, the questions: What factors contribute to a women’s ability to gain and
keep employment?; and What implications for policy and program development do these
results have?, were best answered through grounded theory. Mere description did not
sufice, instead new ideas needed to be discovered. While grounded theory is based on
description it goes beyond and is used to develop or generate social theory and concepts
directly final data, rather than fiom previous assumptions (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This
type of analysis is discussed in detail later, first the procedures for the descriptive analysis
are outlined.

Anabasis 1

During the discovery phase the data were read and reread, themes and ideas were

noted, and typologies were constructed (Taylor & Bogden, 1984). This method was used

ting the initia
mention F1
The participant
page compute}
ilemifrcationn
trimming
VoICES proje
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Wings were
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48
during the initial analysis of the VoICES data and for the descriptive analysis for this

dissertation. First the interview was divided into sections based on similarity of content.
The participant's individual responses were used to create a data set. Using the copy and
paste computer functions, answers to specific questions (including participant
identification numbers) were copied from each interview and pasted into one data set
encompassing a specific subject. Because these data sets had already been created for the
VoICES project I did not need to recreate them. However, I did divide each data set into
two categories based on the woman’s current employment.

Next I read each data set to discover commonalities and possible patterns. This
was completed separately for the employed and unemployed women. Often a few
readings were needed to create a clear sense of common patterns. I developed coding
systems using methods outlined by Miles & Huberman (1994) for a cross-case display
using a variable-oriented strategy. The responses to a particular question were listed and
then grouped according to common categories. Next, these coding categories were
entered into a matrix or grid. The matrix was set up as a series of boxes with the
respondent number listed along the left side of the page and the coding categories across
the top. For example, responses to the question: “What do you like about your
neighborhood?”, fell into the same following four coding categories for both employed
and unemployed women: safety; neighbors; close to shopping; school or the bus line;
clean. These results were then documented and written into a matrix of the women’s

perceptions of their neighborhoods.

role int
develop

ground

iieas t1
who;

in lo

49
Annuals 2
The last two research questions: How do these similarities and diflerences play a
role in the women's ability to work? What implications for policy and program
development do these results have?, need more than descriptive data to answer. Thus,
grounded theory approaches were used.

Grounded theory involves not only collecting and ordering data but also organizing
ideas that have emerged fi'om the analysis. Hypotheses are not tested through this
method but discovered. Researchers using this technique do not try to prove their theories
but to demonstrate support for them. The key criteria in evaluating the validity of these
grounded theories are whether they "fit" and "work.” "Fitting" the theory to the data
means that the categories discovered must be applicable to and indicated by the data and
not forced upon them. The theory "works" when it is relevant to and able to explain the
behavior under study (Taylor & Bogden, 1984).

For this second part of the analysis, I chose to reread the transcripts and the
comments made by the interviewers after each interview. The interviewers were asked to
specifically comment on strengths and stresses in the women’s lives. I also reread the
notesIhadmade duringmyearlierreadings ofeachtranscript. Aslhadreadthrough
each interview during the initial VoICES analyses and later during the first analysis for this
research, I had kept notes of significant events in each women’s lives as well as emerging
themes and patterns.

Furthermore, I categorized the women differently. In my proposal, I proposed to
create predictor and outcome variables out of the first analysis. The predictor variables

were to lmve emerged out of the descriptive information and the constant comparisons of

ha between
with of cer
support and 1
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50

data between and among the various ecological systems. The outcome variables were to
consist of certain measures of employment. During my first analysis I found that social
support and individual factors such as control, hope for a better firture and the ability to
plan a career were important variables. I also discovered that the women’s work histories
were better outcome variables than current employment status.

Specifically, I found that eleven women had work histories consisted of less than a
year total employment. I examined these women as a group and called them, the low
work history group.

I also discovered that seven women had a career plan they were following. I
decided to examine these women as a second group and I called these women the planful
group. The patterns in the planful women’s lives appeared to be significantly different
than any of the other women. Not only could they articulate a career plan, but their work
histories showed that they were actively pursuing the goals they’d outlined for themselves.

For the remaining women (those not in the low work history group nor in the
planful group) I read the transcripts in descending order of total years of employment as
reflected in their work history. The interview of the woman who had the longest work
history was read first and the women with slightly more than a year of employment were
read last. Initially I’d tried to divide these women into categories based on the length of
time they’d been employed. However, no clear categories were apparent. In other words,
having a total work history of six years did not seem to be clearly different than a total
work history of four years. Therefore, I decided to examine these remaining women in
this more continuous fashion.

The key method of my grounded theory approach was "constant comparison.” I

compare
discover
retired 11
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(Miles r
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51

compared information within each work history category and also between categories to
discover patterns and connections between those patterns. These patterns were then
refined into theoretical ideas and hypotheses were generated (Tesch, 1990). "Memoing"
was also an essential part of this process. Emerging themes and concepts were written
down during all stages of the analysis. This process allowed me to tie together difl’erent
pieces of data into a recognizable cluster and to keep track of my emerging hypotheses
(Miles & Huberman, 1994). The information discovered through this grounded analysis
not only helped me generate hypotheses about what variables were most likely to
contribute to employment, but also helped me make recommendations for program and
policy interventions.

Another important area of the research process was the record keeping of my
subjectivity and reactions to the interviews. I kept notes of emerging thoughts and
feelings about the data as I read the interviews and completed the analysis. Peshkin
(1988) wrote that all researchers have a responsibility to identify their subjectivity or
discover their “subjective I’s” (p. 18). Miles and Huberman (1994) note that most
researchers rely on preexisting beliefs and experiences in interpreting data.

I noticed one of my subjective reactions as I began to discuss the research with
others. As I began to explain the VoICES project and my dissertation to colleagues,
fiiends, family, and acquaintances, I heard stories and information these individuals had
gathered about women on welfare. I spoke with teachers who blamed their students poor
academic performances on the negative values their parents who were on welfare had

passed on to them. I heard stories about how the welfare mothers did not want to work

C0111

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off

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52
and wouldn’t accept jobs that had been offered to them. Some of those I spoke with felt

that individuals on welEre had large families in order to increase their welfare payments.
Others asked questions and wanted to know how things could be changed or how we
could encourage employment. Everyone I spoke with felt that something was wrong with
the welEre system and many felt that something was wrong with people on welEre.

I listened to these discussions and thought of them within the context of what I
was learning fi'orn the interviews, what I had learned through past experiences, and my
own beliefs. I had previously worked in a Emily service agency providing therapy to low-
income urban Afiican-American and white women. In fact, I had sought opportunities to
continue working with this population throughout graduate school. I also had led many of
the early focus groups conducted by the VoICES project. I liked the women I’d met.
Furthermore, I believe in the underlying principles of the ecological model. I believe that
individuals develop within the system of their environments and that a person’s
community, Emily, schools, and even macro-systemic influences affect that development.
However, I also believed that the welEre system was not helping individuals reach their
goals and made leaving welEre dificult.

At first, I felt angry at those who were perpetuating what I labeled stereotypes and
I was protective of the women involved in the project. As I began my analysis, I wanted
to ignore the women who discussed substance use or had many children because I did not
want my research and writing to perpetuate negative stereotypes. I wanted to be Eir and I
wanted justice for these women. However, by ignoring some women I was also ignoring
dificulties in their lives and problems that efforts at welfare reform had to address. I

eventually found myselfwilling to listen to those I was discussing my research with and to

tie

hr

in:

Son

33311;-

ml a

53

listen to all of the women interviewed by the VoICES project. I also found myselfusing
the ecological model more fully and explaining the women more completely within the
context of their lives.

During the analysis, especially during armlysis two, I was aware of how my
experiences as a therapist were influencing my interpretations. Most of the low-income
clients I had worked with previously were involved in violent relationships or were adult
survivors of childhood abuse. I had learned fi'om this experience how important positive
support mechanisms were and how abuse could impact an individual’s life. At one point
during my analysis, I caught myself trying to push the data into the emerging themes of the
importance of social support and theiproblematic effects of trauma on the ability of the
women to remain employed. I realized that I was again ignoring some of the women who
were exceptions to that theme. At that time, I carefully reread and paid special attention
to the women who appeared to be exceptions.

I’d also learned other things from my low-income clients. I often was required to
do home visits and I gained an understanding of safety issues. I quickly learned to make
my home appointments in the morning before neighbors involved in the drug trade awoke
and safety declined. I listened to stories about difficulties of raising a Emily on the income
supplied by welEre, in finding employment, transportation, and child care. I heard of how
some of my clients were treated rudely by welEre workers. I also discovered a mistrust of
human service workers and developed methods of gaining the trust of my clients.

During my analysis of this data I tried to use these previous experiences as a
strength and foundation of knowledge. At the same time, I was aware that this knowledge

may also led to Else conclusions or interpretations. I continued to explore my own

54

reactions and to discuss my emerging ideas with others. I also kept returning to the
interviews themselves and to reread entire transcripts or various passages. I carefully
examined the interviews of the women who did not fit the themes I was discovering. At
times, I tried to ignore any previous subjectivity I might have in order to examine this data
with a fresh perspective. Overall, I feel flat I was fairly successful with this balance

between my own subjectivity and the objectivity needed to create plausible hypotheses.

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CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS

Chapter four contains the results of the two analyses. Analysis one includes the
information gathered fi'om the initial coding and comparison of the data. It is organized
into the ecological model. Analysis two is a comparison of the women based on their
work histories and abilities to create a career plan.

Anabisis Que

Overall, very few differences were found among the employed and unemployed
women in analysis one. Occasionally, a different pattern of answers was found in a small
group of the employed or unemployed. However, rarely were distinguishing patterns
found between the two groups. In this section, I’ve included both general descriptions of
the women as a whole and also examined the patterns that were different in the two
groups of women.
MW

The literature review presented a picture of low-income Afiican-American women
struggling to combat the influences of discrimination, changing economic conditions, and
policy changes that encompass the macrosytem. Although much of what we know about
the macrosystem comes from writings concerning the American culture, Bronfenbrenner
(1979) wrote “what matters for behavior and development is the environment as it is
perceived rather than as it may exist in objective reality” (p. 40). Therefore, the women’s
perceptions of the macrosytem are most important. Specifically, the women were asked
to make general comments on the societal influences of racism, sexism, and classism on
their future opportunities and job possibilities. These aspects were addressed through
general questions concerning these types of discrimination.

55

56

D . . . .

Both the employed and unemployed women knew that discrimination did exist.
However, the women rarely felt that it affected their future job opportunities. Instead,
discrimination was a problem that lurked outside of their day-to-day lives. For example,
all but four women stated that racism existed. However, only a few felt that it might
impair their abilities to gain employment. Carmella, a 35-year-old mother of two sons,
doesn’t blame her lack of employment on racism. When asked if she felt racism afi‘ected
her chances of finding a job, she replied:

I know that there's a problem, [with racism] but I haven‘t personally
encountered one.

On the other hand, Janeice, a 28-year-old waitress and mother of two daughters,
did think that racism affected her future chances of success and of finding employment.
She felt that they best way to handle this situation was simply to be polite. She stated:

Sometimes, like I have to go on different interviews and stufi like that and

if they prefer you to be white they just really be snotty to you and try to
give you a bad day. And in that situation you just be polite to them

anyway.

Janeice was also one of the few women who noted that racial problems had existed in her
high school. Janeice attended a predominately Afiican-American high school and felt that
the Afiican-American students sometimes treated the white students differently. Her
attempts to understand and confi'ont racial conflicts early in life appeared to help her to
understand them more fully as an adult. This pattern was found in other women’s
discussions. The women who felt that racism was a problem for them as children were
also more likely to recognize it as adults. Janeice discussed this problem in the following

manner:

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. . . I don’t like to seeing nobody get hurt whatsoever because I remember

when I used to go to school and the black kids used to mess with the white

kids and I always get beat up because I was always helping the white kids

because I just didn’t like that. Oh, I just couldn’t stand that. And nowI see

it and I still don’t like that and I still say something because it is ignorant.

You and that person are still that same thing, but just color on top. Your

bones and stufl‘ is still the same. Just ignorant.

The women also knew that sexism existed. Sometimes an employer might have a
negative perception about a woman’s ability or intelligence, and occasionally a man might
be hired over a women for a manual labor job. However, again this type of discrimination
had not happened to any of them and they all recognized that women were as capable as
men. For example, although Phyllis, a 36-year-old unemployed mother of two, felt that
she hadn’t encountered discriminatory treatment because of her sex, she knew that this
might be a problem. She discussed this societal issue in the following manner:

Yes, they have a line, an invisible line where men can achieve at a job, a

higher paying job. And they don’t think a woman can because she’s

supposed to raise the family, stay at home, cook the meals. . . . seeing if

she’s making much more than a man, they say it can’t be done. But it can

be done.

In addition, Tamika, a 25-year-old college student and mother of one, felt that her
chances for employment were better than a man’s because African-American men faced
even more negative stereotypes than she did. She stated:

If we (women) were to go out in the neighborhood and seek employment

or something, I believe that we get hired quicker than a black male would. .

. . I don’t think people feel so much intimidated by a black woman as they

do a black man.

Although the effects of classism were also rarely personalized on a societal level, it

was the most salient form of discrimination. Most often classism was found in the way

others in the community treated them (this will be discussed in the next section).

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However, a few women noted that opportunities were different for the poor. They
couldn’t always afford to go out to restaurants or clubs. Moreover, a few women noted
that a bank wouldn’t give them a loan or a credit card. Therefore, they couldn’t buy a car,
a home, or other needed items. Although, many women had thought of starting a business
such as a home child care center, or a beauty salon, these opportunities were closed to
them because they couldn’t obtain a business loan. Marissa, who was 26 and employed,
wanted to open a hair salon. She dropped her plans after not being able to find financing.
She discussed the different opportunities she had in the following manner:

[those with less money] are not as easily accepted at financial institutions as

far as applying for loans and things. They’re looked at as those who

probably won’t be able to make a payment, so they’re not given the same

opportunities at loans.

Furthermore, even though she was able to support her family of three solely through the
salary she earns working for an optometrist, Marissa noted that women on welEre have to
battle stereotypes and classism:

. . . the women that are on the ADC system. Those women are treated

differently. I think they’re looked at as slothful and lazy and wanting -- not

wanting to make their lives better, which is usually not true.

The women’s ability to recognize that discrimination existed and refusal to
personalize its influence is somewhat confusing. Although the data can not explain this
pattern completely, several guesses can be made. The women could be simply ignoring
discrimination when it occurs to them or they might not have developed ways to recognize
it when it was personal. Perhaps, sorting out the efl’ects of societal discrimination is an

undaunting task, one that adds too much stress or takes too much energy. Moreover, if

women were to recognize discrimination, they might feel so discouraged that looking for

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employment would be even more difficult.

On the other hand, the women may have developed ways to address discriminatory
practices. Therefore, they didn’t think of it as a problem. Janeice appeared to have
developed effective methods of recognizing and confronting discrimination. However, she
was also one of the few women who felt that discrimination was a problem. Therefore,
this idea seems less likely. This theme is described and refined firrther in the next section.
Eisenstein

The women spoke, often vehemently, about the changes in Flint after the General
Motors (GM) lay-offs. They noted that employment opportunities were less and that
crime and violence had risen. Although I reviewed these economic changes from a
historical perspective in Chapter 2, the women’s perceptions of how these exosysternic
influences have affected them are needed for a complete understanding (Bronfenbrenner,
1979). The women also discussed how their neighbors and other community members
treated them based on their race, gender, and economic status.

Although the women rarely personalized societal discrimination, they could state
how racism, sexism and classism might afl’ect someone in Flint, as they shopped, looked
for housing or employment, and socialized. Moreover, they were more likely to tell
personal stories of being treated negatively by other community members based on their
race, sex, and class, than they were when discussing how these factors afl’ected their future
opportunities. However, many were still reluctant to call discrimination a personal
problem. Sheleatha, who was 21, unemployed and had four children still had problems

understanding the personal influence of racism.

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I am sure there is [racism in Flint], I mean prejudiced, some people
are still prejudiced.

She thought:

It sucks, cause I don’t understand why we have this problem between
blacks and whites and any other kind of race.

However, she hadn’t encountered a problem and she didn’t see that discrimination
afi‘ected her personally. Sheila, a 30-year-old with three kids, worked twelve hours a
week as a hmch room aid at her children’s school. She echoed Sheleatha’s thoughts.

Yeah, I’ve heard of them (racial problems in Flint). I don’t know what

they are, but I know they are there -- for jobs and stuff like tlmt. They’re

there. I never experienced with them, but they’re there.

Others, however, had a less difficult time identifying discrimination within their
community. Racist practices in Flint were identified to be disapproval of interracial
relationships or landlords who wouldn’t rent to African-Americans. Others wished that
more Afiican-American would be hired as teachers in their schools or as clerks in their
neighborhood stores. Erica, a 20-year-old, unemployed, biracial, mother of two saw that
others sometimes treated her differently because of her mixed ethnicity.

You know, like “zebras” . . . with my mother being white and my Ether

being black, you know, they say “Go back to your own races” and things

like that.

Marissa discussed how discrimination affected her opportunities to find housing.

Racism isn’t a problem when I look for work. But going to buy a house,
I’ve encountered it several times, in different forms.

Although, there were not any differences between the employed and unemployed
women, during the few occasions that stories of personal experiences with racism were

told, it was often in the context of work. Many women who had, or were, working as

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waitresses noticed that they were treated differently. Janeice, who was quoted discussing
racism earlier, worked as a waitress. Although she stated that racism did not affect her as
she completed her daily errands, it did exist. She knows this because she saw it at work.

I work at a restaurant and I deal with people to where, some customers,

they . . . don’t even like you to touch them. They just slam the money on

the counter orjust drop it in your hand. And I cannot stand that, oh Ijust

cannot stand that. And then some of them are real snotty and nasty to you

to where they feel like you just have to bow down to them. And even my

supervisor, my supervisor is white, and he feels like he can just tell

everybody what he wants to do and stuff like that. True enough he has that

title but . . . because you have that title doesn’t mean that you have to dog

everybody. That is not the way you want to be treated so why should you

dog everybody else out. . . .

The women noted that sexism might occur when fixing or buying a car. Mechanics
and car salesman tried to cheat women and assumed they were less knowledgeable.
Moreover, because they were women, men tried to flirt with them to initiate sexual
encounters. Tamika who felt that she had better job opportunities than Afi'ican-American
men, also noted that she was treated differently because of her sex and race.

Sometimes they don’t take you seriously. Sometimes they just assume you

don’t know anything. . . . It’s really had. A lot of men think they’re

superior over women anyway. And then a lot of people of difiemnt races

think they’re superior over black people.

Although racism and sexism did exist, most often the women attributed negative
interactions with others to classism. The women knew that status in Flint was based on
income and possessions and the unemployed women recognized this problem most often.
They described being treated rudely by store clerks or those they’d meet for the first time.
Lois, who was 40, unemployed and the mother of three children, told the following story

of meeting a man who wouldn’t socialize with her after he found out she was on welfare

and unemployed.

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. . .thisone guylwastalkingto, andhe saidto me, "Youneedto geta

job, maybe you could talk to me." I laughed, you know, I had to laugh.

Then I thought about it and I got upset. What happened to people just

being people? You know, its, like, all about what you got and I don't

think, you know, I don't think that's right.
Even employed women noted the effects of classism, however. Carla was 37, had four
children and she was raising a niece because of her sister’s drug problems. At the time of
the interview, she was on maternity leave from a nurse’s aide job. Carla felt that Flint
ofl‘ered equal opportunity for Afiican-Americans and women. However, she noted that
others sometimes treated her differently because she has less money. She said:

A lot of them might think they’re better than us. . . . Yeah, they say if you
got money, they talk to you like somebody. They talk to you out of
respect. But otherwise they think they can just say anything to you.

However, the women knew that if they dressed well or spoke well, they might be
able to pass for someone with more money. Consequently, they would be treated with
respect. The following is a typical description of a woman's experiences with classism.
Janeice, who experienced racism while working also encountered rude clerks when
shopping-

. . . They feel like -- for instance take me for an example. I would

go into a store, Kessels or something like that, dressed like this, and

they feel like I can't afford nothing in there. Now if you [the

interviewer] go in there they will help you more than they would

help me and I might buy something and you know, that's how it be.

My mother and me went out to the mall many a days, you know,

and dressed like this and we come out and they feel like, they feel

real stupid when we go to the counter and purchase something.

Based on these discussions of community prejudice, a clearer picture of the

women’s understanding of discrimination can be drawn. In the preceding section, I

suggested that the women’s reluctance to call racism a personal problem may be due to a

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their successes at handling prejudice. I also noted that they may be ignoring
discriminatory practices because they were so overwhelming. However, a clearer picture
of community issues suggest another reason.

Some women noted that Flint was segregated by race. Therefore, women who
lived and spent most of their time in segregated neighborhoods probably didn’t encounter
racism as fiequently. Although they’d heard of the problem, they hadn’t had a problem
with it. This supposition is supported by the fact that when racism was personalized, it
was often done so in the context of work situations that would occur in less segregated
environments. Moreover, those women who found racism problematic as children were
also more likely to discuss it personally. Thus, a previous experience with prejudice also
contributed to a different understanding of it’s efl‘ects. However, it is also interesting that
no differences existed among the employed and unemployed women in their discussions of
racism. Perhaps because most of the women did have some work experiences, they also
had similar experiences and ideas about racism

Classism was the most salient form of discrimination experienced by the women.
Edsforth (1987) discussed how Flint had become a consumer society and stated that status
was based on wealth and possessions. This factor was understood by the women. In fact,
those who were unemployed were even more likely to be aware of classism. Having a job
or a higher income changed how the women were treated in their own community.

W of Flint

All of the women, regardless of employment status, agreed that Flint was ridden
with violence and it lacked job opportunities. Their feelings about their community were

so negative that only a few could answer the question: “What do you like about Flint.”

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Most often the women focused on the lack of job opportunities and crime. For example,
Carmella who didn’t attribute her lack of employment to racism, did find a link between
unemployment and GM’s plant closings.

Interviewer: What do you like about living in Flint?

Carmella: I really don‘t know. I'm here. I really don't have an answer to

that question. If I had the money or means to go elsewhere, I probably

would.

Interviewer: What do you diser about living in Flint?

Carmella: The crime, the drugs, the violence. Before all this started

happening I think Flint was pretty good to me. When I first came here I

loved it. But you know it's having to go down with all the guns and

violence and murders and stuff like that, I kinda dislike that. I hate the

Ect that opportunities for jobs in the General Motors went down like they

did. I think it kind of gave the Flint area a downfall when the plants started

laying ofi‘ people. When I came here it was a great place to live.

However, Flint was home and their families lived there. The closeness to Emily
was the only positive feature anyone mentioned about living in Flint. Most of the women
would leave Flint given the opportunity. They would leave for a better job, for better
opportunities, and for a better education. Those that would choose to stay, would do so
because of Emily connections. When asked, “Would you move out of Flint or your
neighborhood if you had the chance?” most answers contained references to Flint's
economic condition. Janeice stated:

Yes, because I believe it would be a better environment for the girls and it

would be -- I would move out of state period to try to find a different

environment and so they could learn different cultures, and job—wise.

Flint’s firture, as described by the women, was bleak. The women couldn’t figure
out how they were going to get ahead with so few decent paying jobs available and there

was little hope that community conditions would improve. Lois, who was quoted earlier

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discussing classism, had recently been divorced after a twenty-year marriage. She worried
about the lack of job opportunities and felt that unemployment was her greatest stress.
She stated:

I see Flint going down. In a way I see it as jobs, lack of jobs. Not enough

jobs and you lave a lot of kids coming out of school, no jobs. I went to a

graduation . . . and I was looking at the program at the amount of people

planning to go away to college and I'm like, 'Well God, I wonder what all

these other kids is gonna do? There's no jobs here and if they're not

planning to go to school, what are they gonna do?‘ . . . it’s not like when I

came out, the jobs were plentiful, even the shop. Because I know, I just

put in an application . . . and they called me.
Cheryl, a 26-year-old, unemployed mother of six also was discouraged. She felt that even
additional training might not be enough to get a good job in Flint.

. . . seem like I can’t find too much of a good paying job here in Flint. If I

was qualified it seems like it would be hard to find jobs in that particular

position. You have to find something a little less and work your way up to

that job, but you may not like it while you doing it.

Some women also felt Flint was boring and they yearned for more excitement.
Many felt that it was difficult for adults to find affordable places to have fim without the
threat of violence. In addition, children also needed safe activities. Often older teens hung
out at the playgrounds and parks creating fear. Trash, broken glass, and broken
playground equipment were also seen as a problem. Few women felt comfortable
allowing their children to go to public play areas without them. Danger was the norm in
Flint and the women were constantly evaluating their safety. Angela, who was 31,
unemployed, and had two children, discussed how she was afi'aid to let her children play
outside.

. . . My son was outside one day and they was out there gambling. They

start arguing and fighting and stufl‘. So, you know, he had to come in. . ..
So, when its a nice day outside, because they get kinda crazy, I have to end

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up making them come in -- on a nice day where they should be playing
outside. . . . [In Flint] there’s a drug house probably on every street, every

corner . . . can’t walk up to a store -- somebody begging for a quarter. Its
really all over Flint, really.

These descriptions of Flint echoed the descriptions of inner cities noted in the
literature review. Flint’s job market had moved fiom the good paying factory jobs open to
those of an older generation, to the low paying service jobs where the women found
employment (Edsforth, 1987). Moreover, the women found themselves living in areas
where they felt unsafe. Crime, violence and drugs had become daily problems in many of
Flint’s neighborhoods.

Mesemtem

The mesosystem contains those aspects of the community the individual and Emily
interact with on a regular basis. In this section I focused on possible support systems for
the women and their children. Specifically, I examined Emily support, fiiendships,
romantic relationships, neighborhoods, and community agencies including churches.

Eamil! 8111212911

Childhood caretakers were discussed with love and respect. Biological parents,
mothers alone, mothers and stepfathers, grandparents, aunts and uncles, and even brothers
served as primary caretakers. For most women, regardless of employment status, Emily
relationships were full of joy, pleasure, and support. However, a few women spoke of
abuse or abandonment. The difl‘erences in these relationships were striking and when
abuse or neglect was present it afl‘ected the women’s adult relationships with Emily and
sometimes fiiends and partners. In the following sections I discuss the patterns found in

these early relationships and how they affected adult relationships.

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Close relationships and fond memories were found in the descriptions of mothers.
Mothers worked, taught their daughters to cook, and played with them. Carmella, who
was quoted discussing racism and unemployment, grew up in Arkansas and lived with her
grandparents who were better able to take care of her. However, she had fiequent contact
with her mother. She said:

My mom, she would take us out riding. . . . She would take us downtown

and we’d park and sit and look. We’d go to dinner. . . . It was this Evorite

place that she like to eat, we would go there and have lunch and things like

that. We would go to church together sometime. There was things

happening at school, neighborhood things. I was always with her when she

wasn’t working. . . . I loved her dearly.

Other mothers, like Pam’s, stayed at home. Pam, who was 32, had two children and
worked full-time as a nursing assistant, discussed her mom in this manner:

My mother is 67 years old. She is real nice to her grandkids. She’s a home

lady. We use to go shoppin’, taught me how to cook and sew a little. We

went out to eat and played games with us. I love her.

A few women, however, had different relationships with their mothers.
Sometimes, moms weren’t emotionally ready to be moms and sometimes they had
difficulties in life as they struggled as single parents. The women understood these
problems, however, and along with adulthood came forgiveness and new understanding.
However when a mother was abusive or overly neglectful, it was harder for the women to
forgive. Edie was 27 years old, the mother of seven children and she worked as
dishwasher. Edie had a different perception of her mother than either Pam or Carmella.

(My mother) took me through hell. I thought she wasn’t the mama she

should have been cause it’s like her kids were last. . . . I talk to her when I

can, but sometimes I just don’t like talking to her at all.

Edie found it difficult to discuss her relationship with her mother. She was often vague

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and at times refused to answer questions about her childhood. However, Edie’s interview
contained many references to childhood abuse and dificulties in maintaining current
relationships. Examples fiom Edie’s life are used throughout this section to illustrate the
effects of an abusive childhood. Carmella’s experiences are used to better understand the
life of a woman who had a happier childhood.

Although relationships with biological fathers took different forms, many lacked a
close relationship with their biological Ethers. Some Ethers were not available, others
were abusive, and some preferred to spend time with their sons. However, some Ethers
went to work and then came home to play with their daughters. Carmella was also close

to her Ether.

My Ether was terrific. He once told us he could speak a foreign language,
but he really couldn’t, so he would speak this stuff, and for a long time,
until we got older, we thought he could. He worked very hard. He
worked in a mill for a while. He got asthma and emphysema, so he had to
retire fiom that, but he still did carpentry. . . . He would go out, just
walking and stufl‘, and see small trees. We’d get them and bring them
home and plant them. . . . Father was kinda great at showing us the
outdoor type things -- gardening and so forth. I loved my dad.

Absent Ethers were discussed with longing and a wish to know them better.
However, even if a woman didn’t see her Ether very often, she almost always described
love for him. Edie didn’t know where her biological Ether was and she longed for contact
with him.

The last time I seen my Ether. I believe I was 12 or 13. Me and my sister

and my brother was shopping and I know he was standing out to the side. .

. . When I watch shows about how people had problems when they were

coming up, I cry sometimes. I be wanting to know what kinds of things I

could do to try to find my daddy. I’d like to see how he’s doing or where
is he at.

Other Ethers, however, were abusive to the women or to their mothers. They

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gambled or used drugs or alcohol. When a Ether lived at home and a negative
relationship existed, the women were angry. They didn’t long for contact but resented
their Ethers. However, they often also expressed love. After all, these men were a part of
them. Bemetta, a 32-year-old, unemployed mother of two, didn’t have positive things to
say about her Ether.
My Ether was an engineer and my mother worked at AC. He’s just an

alcoholic. It was him, drinking. I mean, we had everything, we went to
piano lessons every Saturday, went to movies. . . . [My Ether was a]

drunk, sorry alcoholic. . . . He was smart. He just was just a drunk -- every

day, all day, drank Old Grandaddy. He’d make my mama give him money

then beat her up after she give it to him.

Although many women had diflicult relationships with their biological Ethers, they
had positive childhood relationships with other men. Brothers, uncles, grandEthers, and
stepEthers, provided a stable male relationship for the women. StepEthers were
especially important. A few women felt that their stepEthers were intruders, however,
most were discussed affectionately. Although Edie didn’t know her biological Ether and
wasn’t close to her mother, she ind a stepEther who provided love and support. Her
stepEther comforted and supported her as a child and continued to do so into adulthood.

My baby sister’s Ether probably is the one that raised me, took care of me.

Ilovehirn. Icallhimsometirnes. . . .Italkstohirn. Whenhetalksto me,

he talks with truth. He tell me that I’m doing the right thing. I’m going on

the right track. . . . I love him.

Overall, most women had a community of adults that loved them and helped to
raise them as children. Again many of these childhood relationships continued into
adulthood and provided support and emotional connection. Most often these adults were

extended Emily members such as grandparents, aunts and uncles. Relationships with

extended Emily were prevalent and nurturing. Jackie was 35-years-old, employed as a

70

housekeeper for the last six years, and the mother of two children. Her mother died when
she was 7 and her Ether abandoned the family when she was even younger. Jackie was
raised by her aunt.

She was a nice person. She accepted five kids besides her six she already

had. So, I think she did a good job. I love her a lot. . . . She praised us

when we did things and she disciplined when we didn’t do right. So, she

loved us and she showed it.
Carmella had the following to say about her grandparents.

My grandparents, I loved them. I think that most everything I know came
fiom my grandparents. . . .

However, non-related adults also influenced the women’s lives. Their mother’s
fiiends, their fiiend’s mothers, neighbors, teachers and god-parents provided support.
Many women had an older woman, in addition to their mothers, that answered parenting
questions. Many of these relationships began in childhood. These “fictive” kin members
were important. The majority of both employed and unemployed women stated that they
had people in their lives who were not biologically related to them, but whom they
regarded as Emily members. Carmella was one of the women who had another adult in
her life to supply love and support.

My mom had a best fiiend. . . . She’s really sweet and she’s very close.

After my mom passed away, she took over being our mom for us. She is

very sweet.

Family relationships were most often the foundation of the women’s adult support
networks. Based on the information gathered through the Kin Network Inventory (this
inventory asked the women to list their relatives, where they lived, and how much contact

they had with them) all the women visited with Emily frequently. As mentioned

previously, Flint was home. Most of the women’s Emily lived in the Flint area and thirty

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of the women had daily contact with at least one Emily member. Siblings and mothers
were visited the most. Weekly contact existed for all of the women and many had daily
visits with mothers or siblings.

However, one difference in current Emily contacts existed between the employed
and unemployed women. Unemployed women were more likely to live with or near their
mothers and they saw them more fiequently. Nine unemployed women visited with moms
on a daily basis and three lived with them. On the other hand, only two employed women
saw their mothers that frequently and only one of these women lived with her mother.
Moreover, a difference sometimes existed in these relationships. Serena, a 33 year-old
who was raising two children and working as a waitress, was the one employed women
who lived with her mother. However, she was the caretaker. Her mother was 70 years
old and was ill. Serena stated:

As far as my mother, I was glad that she was here but sometimes I cry

about it because its a lot when you got other kids . . . the way she is now

she probably be in a home somewhere. Sometimes I feel like I can’t do it

and sometimes I feel, you know, I gotta do it because if I don’t do it won’t

nobody else do it .....

However, Keisha, who was 19 and unemployed, and Latrice who was 18 and unemployed,
had never left their childhood homes after the birth of their children. They relied more on
their mothers for support than their mothers relied on them.

Therefore, unemployed women appeared to need the support of their mothers
more. This explanation fits for the women who lived with their mothers. These women
were younger and just beginning to establish their own Emilies. They had few resources

and needed to live with their mothers until they could afford a place of their own. On the

other hand, the unemployed women also had more time to visit with Emily. Because they

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72

weren’t working, their daily schedules were less structured. Perhaps employed women
would see their mothers more often, if they had the opportunity.

Family gatherings such as reunions, or holiday celebrations were also fiequent
occurrences for both employed and unemployed women. Many women met with Emily
members more than once a year for celebrations such as holidays, birthdays, and
graduations. Family get-togethers were a time to reconnect, let loose, and forget other
worries. Chagrin, who was 23, unemployed, and was raising 3 children, loved her Emily
gatherings.

They be fhn and exciting. There always be some relative in the Emily. . .

and they come and bring their friends. And we have fun and enjoy ourself

and eat, dance or whatever.

Carmella had the same opinion about her Emily get-togethers.

We’re usually together every Christmas . . . for special occasions,

graduation, Christmas, Mother’s Day, things like that. We get together at

least twice. We always are together twice a year. It’s wonderful to have

all these folks in the house at the same time, plus the grandkids.

The women often spoke of their Emily’s closeness. They appreciated their
Emilies willingness to help each other and stick together. Struggles against crime,
discrimination, and unemployment were eased by a family’s love and support. Even
though many of Carmella’s Emily members still lived in Arkansas, they found ways to
remain close.

We all look out for one another, regardless of how far away. A lot of us

are in difl'erent states, some are even in different countries, but we keep in

contact. We never go a month without somebody callin’ the other one . . .

Moreover, Emily support took many shapes. Often it came in the form of a

listening ear. Sometimes, it included driving a woman to the grocery store or watching

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73

the kids when a woman worked or needed a break. Other times, it was help in paying a
utility or grocery bill. The women also provided support to their Emilies. They were just
as likely to watch their sister’s children, as a sister was to watch theirs.

However, many wished for even closer family relationships. Jackie, who was
quoted discussing the aunt who raised her, enjoyed her Emily celebrations. However, she
wished for the following:

Well, my sisters and brothers, the ones that was already grown. . . . I would

want them to change they relationship. I would want to make it better so it

wouldn’t be so much arguing and stuff like that.

Others worried about addicted or troubled Emily members. Many women had at least one
Emily member that had been lured by drugs or crime, or seemed to be simply drifting and
looking for direction. Latrice worried about her uncle.

I could change my own uncle. He just seem like -- just everything going

wrong for him. And I, you know, feel bad for him cause he just don’t -- he

just feel like everything going bad for me.

In addition, some women were reluctant to meet with Emily. At times, Emily
problems were so extensive that a woman had cut off Emily relationships. For example,
Serena only met with her family when there was a fimeral. Serena was a recovering
alcoholic and drug addict. She chose not to spend time with her Emily because of the
following:

. . . everybody drinks in my Emily. Everybody get high. But for me its a

real, real sense of relief that I don’t have to be like that no more. . . .

They’re all still crazy and sick.

Edie also didn’t see her Emily.
I never see my grandmother. I never see my grandEther. I never see my

marna’s sister. . . . We never had no Emily reunion. We never got
together. If we did it was always argue . . . and I don’t want my kids

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around that.

Although most of the women trusted their relatives, ten women mistrusted certain
Emily members and five others, such as Serena and Edie, trusted no one in their Emily.
Jackie also wasn’t sure ifshe could trust all her Emily members.

. . . That’s they way it is. I can’t say I can trust them all, cause I can’t. But

I know I can trust my sister and my brother that I was raised up with -- I

can trust those.

These estranged Emily patterns occurred most often in Emilies where past physical,
sexual or emotional abuse existed, or when Emily members were addicts.

The patterns found are similar to the ones discussed in the literature review.
Regardless of employment status, being connected to loving Emilies was the norm.
Moreover, the women had numerous Emily contacts. They were a part of a supportive
network of nuclear Emily members, extended Emily, and fictive kin relationships. This
network was tightly woven and provided a strong safety net for all it’s members.
However, drugs and violence also influenced the women’s Emilies. When Emily violence
or drug abuse occurred, Emily contacts were fewer or almost non-existent. For many
women, this included more conflictual, or less trusting relationships with one or two
Emily members. For others, however, it extended to the entire Emily network. These
few women lacked the support of family.

Suntan from Friends

All but two (one who was employed and one who wasn’t) of the women reported
having a fiiend. However, both employed and unemployed women reported two types of

fiiendships. The first type of fiiendship was true fiiendship. True fi'iends were those who

had proven themselves to be loyal and trustworthy. Often Emily members were also true

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75
fiiends or true fiiends had become “fictive kin.” A second type of fiiendship was the

associate relationship. The women defined associates as individuals one spent time with
but did not confide in or completely trust. Angela, who was quoted earlier discussing
safety in Flint, discussed her relationship with her true fiiend in the following manner:

Um, a true fiiend is Nancy because we've been through hell and back

together. When she didn't have a job I was there for her. When I lost my

job, she was there for me. Um, we don‘t never have to go to no day care

center -- we got each other. You know, we baby-sit for each other's kids

and um, we make food together, you know, we make sure if she ain't got

nothin’ I got it. . . .

Emotional intimacy was always found in these true friendships. Furthermore, true
friendships were longstanding and less common than associate relationships. All of the
women were wary of trusting others too quickly. They lived in unsafe environments and
their lack of trust served to protect them fiom those who would harm them or take
advantage of them. Because loyalty and trust took time to establish, true fiiendships were
often described as being tested by time. Only after a gradual building of trust, could
emotional intimacy occur. Many women’s true fi-iendships had lasted since childhood.
For example, Angela felt that only Nancy, whom she’d known since high school, and her
mother could be called true fiiends. Carmella had known her true find for 17 years.
They’d met when she first moved to Flint. She stated:

[A true fiiend is] a person that is there for you in good times and bad

times, that will make the time to listen when you got a problem. . . . A true

fiiend is someone you can trust. With Vanessa, I can talk about any and

everything. I don’t think I have any secrets. She know everything.

However, some women, like Vona, a 24-year-old, unemployed, mother of three,

had chosen to have only associates. Although Vona knew that a true fiiend was

“somebody you can trust,” she also stated that none of her fiiends were true fiiends.

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76

Other women had no true fiiends or associates. Some of the women who only had
associates were those who experienced childhood abuse or were involved in drugs. This
earlier trauma appeared to have contributed to a lack of trust in others. Edie, who had a
dificult childhood, also didn’t have any true fiiends. She relied on God and her pastor for
guidance and support. In answer to the questions about her fiiends, she replied:

I don’t have no fiiends. I don’t do nothing with no fiiends -- nothing. The
true fiiends I got is my children.

However, trauma and a lack of fiiends weren’t always linked. At times a
connection with an agency or church program helped build individual connections and
fi'iendships. For example, Serena who was quoted in the Emily section discussing her
recovery fi'om drug addiction and her lack of trust of family, had a true fi'iend. Serena met
Monica, her true fiiend, through the substance abuse program she attended. Their
relationship evolved out of the personal discussions they had during their treatment.
Moreover, church was a place Edie gained connection. Although, she hadn’t established
any fiiendships through church, she did talk to her pastor. For some less trusting women,
formal agency support may replace Emily or fiiend support and help create connections
that eventually grew into fiiendships. This pattern will be discussed more thoroughly in the
agency support section.

Although the women only shared private thoughts with true friends, they had fun
with both true fiiends and associates. These activities included eating together, taking
their kids to parks, watching movies, going to clubs or parties, and shopping together.
Angela and her fiiend, Nancy, did the following activities together:

We cook. We sit up and do things with our children together, you know.
We might take the kids out to Showbiz [a pizza place], skating, bowling,

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77

whatever like that. . . . Um, we might go out and have a couple of drinks.

We might just sit at each other’s house and play cards, just listen to music,

or just whatever. We just, you know, basically do it together.
Vona, who didn’t have any true friends, did have associates. Although Vona didn’t trust
them or confide in them, they did have fun together. She stated:

We go out sometimes. We go bowling and they’ll come over here and
we’ll play cards and stuff.

Edie, on the other hand, was more isolated. She didn’t have fiiends to socialize with

Exchanging Evors was also a key component of some fiiendships. The women
always felt comfortable giving to a true fi'iend, because they knew this fiiend would return
a Evor. However, no one formally kept record of these exchanges. Each one simply
helped the other when it was needed. For example, Angela and Nancy took each other
places and watched each other’s children. However, when Angela was asked if she
expected Nancy to give her something back in exchange for a Evor, she replied:

No, not with my fi'iend. Now, if, like I ask the girl next door -- if she asks

me for something, I expect her to do it back, because she just a neighbor.

But with my fiiends, like with Nancy, she can borrow money and 11 don’t

even worry about if she pays me back or when she pays me back. . . . If she

borrows and don’t give me back, so what -- because one day I know it

might just happen where she just gives me money or whatever, so we don’t

worry about it.
Edie, however, had established a different type of exchange pattern. Because, she didn’t
have fiiendships, she asked neighbors for help. When she asked, she always offered
something in return. For example:

I have a washing machine, but I don’t have no dryer, and I needed some

things to be dry. I paid the lady down the street a dollar to dry some sheets

and stufi‘. . .. I usually give a dollar for it or something. . ..

Vona also had established a similar associate-type exchange pattern. Sometimes, she and

78

her associates would take turns watching each other’s children. However, they kept track
of these exchanges.

A difference in the exchange pattern did occur between the employed and
unemployed women, however. All six women who reported not having exchange
networks with friends (their fiiends didn’t ask for Evors and neither did the women) were
employed. The women were not asked why they didn’t exchange Evors nor did they offer
such information. Therefore, it is diflicult to ascertain reasons for this pattern specifically
from the data. However, Jemies (1974) noted that the women who were the neediest in
her qualitative study, were the most likely to partiCipate in support networks. Perhaps,
these employed women simply had more resources than others and did not need to be
involved in exchange networks. Other reasons for this pattern also exist, however.
Employed women may also be more independent or self-reliant. This quality may have led
them to seek employment instead of assistance fiom others. On the other hand, employed
women may simply have had fewer fiiendships. Perhaps because these women were
alone, without the benefit of an exchange network, a need to find employment and be
more self-reliant was created.

Stack (1974) in her classic investigation of low-income Afi'ican-American Emilies
discovered that friendships were based on the balance between trust and profit.

Individuals in the “Flats” sought to meet others to enhance their resources through the
material support found in these relationships. They began to rely upon each other quickly.
However, fiiendships could easily dissolve if reciprocity was not upheld or if one fiiend
“made a fool of another” (Stack, 1974, p. 58). In friendships where trust was established,

fi'iends became fictive kin members as women friends became “sisters.”

79

The true fiiendships described by the women were most like the fictive kin
relationships described by Stack (1974). However, they were not balanced on reciprocity
and trust but instead grounded in years of mutual confidences and a gradual increase in
trust levels. Moreover, some women had chosen to create associate relationships only.
Given that many of the participants of this study lived in unsafe neighborhoods with few
resources, and that others had suffered through traumatic experiences, their lack of trust in
those they’ve just met seemed appropriate. They must preserve what they had in an
environment where others might take advantage of them and could be harmful. However,
when the women ran low on needed items they had to rely on an informal exchange of
Evors to help provide for their children. This context seems to lead naturally into the
associate fiiendship pattern and the long time period needed to establish true fiiendships.

Slim From Romantie Banners

Most (twenty-nine) of the women had never married. However, men still played
an integral part in their adult lives. About halfof both employed and unemployed women
reported current romantic involvement and eight of those women were living with their
significant other. Furthermore, all the women spent a large amount of time with their
partner. All of the employed women with partners lived with them or saw them daily.
Most of the unemployed women also saw their partners daily or reported contact three or
four times a week.

These relationships served many purposes. For most they alleviated loneliness and
provided romance. The women felt loved and understood. They appreciated the
emotional intimacy and discussed almost everything with their partners. Janeice, who was

quoted earlier discussing discrimination saw her partner, Derrick, on a daily basis. She

80

said the following about him

He is the type to where the ideal person that I have been looking for. . . . I

am the romantic type that likes walking in the rain and he will do things

that make me happy. Like yesterday, we went home and just lounged

around and then we went to have an ice cream cone. . . . He is just that

typethathewantsto do thingsI likeformeorthegirls. . . . Basically, we

talk about everything. He is a fiiend as well as the man in my life. We can

talk about anything.

Frequently the women’s male fiiends played a surrogate Ether role to the children.
The men played with the children and many helped out financially. Although Edie doesn’t
have fi'iends or Emily she can rely on, she does have a partner, Marvin, that helped out
when needed. Marvin came over to Edie’s house each day after he got off from work.
She appreciated the Ect that she could “share things” with him and that he didn’t use
drugs or alcohol. Her previous relationships had been with men that were alcoholics and
many of her relationships were abusive. She stated:

. . . but a lot of things I don’t have, he give it to me. As a matter of Ect, he

just went the other day and got the kids some bunk beds and bought them

some mattresses. He helps me a whole lot. . . . He just respects me and my

kids.

Moreover, a difference between the employed and unemployed women was found.
All of the employed women were either consistently positive or consistently negative in
their descriptions of their partners and most of the women who described negative
relationships also discussed ending those relationships. Unemployed women, on the other
hand, were less consistent. For example, both Janeice and Edie who were employed,
consistently discussed Derrick and Marvin with affection. Similarly, Marrissa who was
also employed, was consistently negative about LeRoy, her partner. She stated that her

relationship was dissolving and that there wasn’t anything she liked about her relationship.

81
She said that LeRoy “is not who I thought he was.”

However, Kathy who was unemployed, 48 years old, and lived with her 18 year
old pregnant daughter and a five year old daughter, was less consistent in her descriptions
of her partner, Mickey. She liked conversing with Mickey, felt that he treated her with
respect but worried that he wasn’t very responsrhle or trustworthy. Jameka, who was also
unemployed, also is inconsistent in her descriptions of her partner, Edwin. Although, she
liked that they were closer than they’d ever been and that they we’re spending each day
together, she didn’t really trust Edwin. She stated:

They (respect, trust, and communication) happened in the beginning -- it

had got where -- I just let him go ahead and go because if you are in a

relationship and you have to worry every time your man go out the door,

it’s not going to get no better. . . . I don’t fully trust him.

Overall, partners were important resources that provided both emotional and
financial support. However, unemployed women seemed to stay in unsatisfying
relationships longer and described more ambivalence about their partners. They may
simply be assessing their relationships more honestly than the employed women and noting
the complexity all relationships have. On the other hand, this pattern may again be due to
their need for more support and help. Perhaps they were willing to make more
compromises about their relationships. For example, they may have remained with a man
that they didn’t trust because he provided financial support and helped with the children.
Moreover, because they appreciated the Ect that their partner helped out but didn’t like
the Ect that he was untrustworthy, their descriptions of their relationships were

inconsistent. On the other hand, because employed women had more resources, they may

not need to stay in a bad relationship. Perhaps their jobs gave them enough power to end

82

a relationship and to notice how negative it might really be.

Sumo finm Heighten and Neighborhmds

Both employed and unemployed women described common, every day,
neighborhood activities. Kids went to school in the morning, adults went to work or
visited on their porches, lawns were mowed and cars fixed. However, these were day
time activities. The majority of the women also feared living in their neighborhoods and
those fears were strongest after the sun set. Many women ventured out of their homes
only during the safe day time hours and the earlier they could get their errands done, the
safer they felt. The gang members and drug addicts were still asleep early in the morning
but as night time came, they became more active. The following series of quotes came
fi'om Bemetta, who was unemployed, and Tamara who was 37, employed as a
housekeeper and the mother of two sons. They discussed life in two difl'erent
neighborhoods.

Interviewer: Describe an average day in the life of your neighborhood

Bemetta: From 7:00 (am) everybody getting their kids ready -- the bus be

out there blowing -- all the kids getting up going to school. Then at 3:00

they come home and after that the kids playing, everybody sometime

talking . . . kids are hollering, crying. And after like 8:00 or something

everybody come out sit on the porch. Then they go to bed -- it's quiet.

Tamara: In the morning, they sleep mornings because they be up all night.

Its quiet in the morning. I sit out there on my porch and wait on the

mailman and talk to him. And around 6:00 pm or 7:00 pm they look like
they start coming out like ants or something, you know, and then they‘re all
on the corner going with the loud music. Nighttime, around about the time
it get dark, I don't sit outside, I come in because they start shooting.

Bemetta and Tamara also have very different feelings about their neighborhoods,

their safety, and the way violence had affected their lives. Later in the interview they were

asked:

83

Interviewer: Do you have any safety concerns in your neighborhood?

Bemetta: Not really, It's not bad. It's one of the best apartment complexes
for low income around. . . .

Tamara: Safety? Pray. Sometimes we sleeps on the floor, they get to
shooting around here we get on the floor.

Interviewer: Has crime or violence afl’ected your neighborhood?

Bemetta: No

Tamara: Well, there have been like two or three people died on this street,
teenagers shot and killed. About a month ago this boy, well not even a
month ago, he got around the corner. He killed this boy 20 years old.

Surprisingly most of the women had positive things to say about their

neighborhoods, even among those who described safety issues and violence. Safe

neighborhoods and respectful neighbors were most appreciated. However, cleanliness,

quietness, and proximity to shopping, schools, bus lines and parks were also mentioned as

positive neighborhood features. Bemetta focused on her neighbors:

It’s [her neighborhood] nice, clean, quiet, peaceful. It’s mixed. It’s not a lot
of violence. All groups of people live out here -- Black, White, Mexican,
mixed, old, young -- everything.

Tamara appreciated the following:

Bus stops, restaurant across the street, grocery store on the comer. . . . I
am right on the corner so I’m right at everything.

The women were also asked to discuss their neighborhood resources for shopping

and transportation. Women in both the employed and unemployed group were Eirly

satisfied with shopping opportunities. Most of the women reported having suficient

grocery stores in their neighborhoods. However, many women also described grocery

84
shopping at two or three different places depending on advertised sales and personal
preferences. Tamara shopped at two diflerent stores each week because:

Okay, like on the corner we have a nice store . . . nice meat, fiesh meat.

But if you buy the canned goods or the boxes of cereal, you know, they got

the prices up -- on one can you probably got to pay $1 and something, but

you can go to Kessel and get three for that one price, you know. . . .

Keisha, who was 19, unemployed, and the mother of a daughter, complained that
the only stores in their neighborhoods were small corner stores where prices were high.
Keisha also complained that she were sometimes afraid to shop at these stores because
there were always people lingering outside them and they weren’t well lighted. Keisha
stated:

They need to involve security around the stores, cause it’s like people be

scared to go to the stores because they be like so many people just hanging

out around the stores.

Moreover, most of the women did not use public transportation. The majority of
employed and unemployed women owned cars and many complained of the car’s
unreliableness. Additionally, most of the women who didn’t own their own cars were able
to borrow them from others or have fiiends or family give them rides. Most of the women
also described the public transportation system positively. However, most of these
women didn’t use the bus system on a regular basis. Of the women who frequently rode
buses, they complained that the buses didn’t run on time or they were worried about the
disrespectful teenagers who were also on the bus. The Flint school system uses the public
transportation system to transport their students to school. Some of the women felt

uncomfortable riding the buses with the youth. Keisha borrowed her mother’s car when

she needed to get somewhere because she felt that there was “too much violence” at the

85
bus terminals. Phyllis preferred borrowing a car over taking the bus because:

Iqusemymother’scarIcangoandcomeonback,butifItakethebus
it’s like that hour wait.

However, she felt Eirly satisfied with the buses as long as she could avoid the students.
If I can get on and off before the kids get out of school, that’s a hassle then
Interactions with neighbors was also of interest and the majority of the women,

reported that they knew their neighbors, that they trusted them and that they would go to

them for help. Furthermore, all but three reported daily or frequent contact. At first
glance, these patterns appeared to portray large neighborhood networks. However,
although some did have close contacts with neighbors, others did not. Bemetta was
connected to her neighbors. She spoke with her neighbors on a daily basis, she trusted
them and would go to them for help. She stated:

We speak everyday. They have kids my kids age. We don’t have no other

choice but to speak. They see me coming and going. We have kids. We

talk, plant flowers. We do things together sometimes.

However, others spoke with neighbors out of politeness and their contacts were
more superficial. These women often did not trust their neighbors. Although
neighborhood safety was not linked to neighborhood contacts for most of the women,
Tamara, was one of the neighbors who were more reluctant to socialize with neighbors.

I don’t. I try not to, you know, far as speaking, but I don’t really know

them because they will want to borrow a cup of sugar and all that. I had

that problem before I moved here. . . . So, I don’t really know them, I

speak to them but that’s as far as it goes.

Again the length of time they’d known their neighbors was important. Just as true
fiiendships needed time to establish, closer contacts with neighbors also seemed to take

time for some women. However, exceptions did exist. Some women simply did not want

86

to know their neighbors regardless of the time they’d spent in their neighborhoods.

Moreover, some difi‘erences did occur between the employed and unemployed
women. In general, three patterns of neighbor interaction and support occurred. Some
women, regardless of how well they knew or trusted their neighbors, did not rely on them
for support and would not go to them if they needed help. Other women reported living
in their neighborhoods for extended periods of time, often since childhood. These women
reported knowing, trusting and going to their neighbors for help. A third group reported
that they did not know their neighbors well or did not trust them. However, if needed
they would go to them to ask for help. This third group of women were overwhelmingly
in the unemployed group. Overall, those who were unemployed were more likely to
report asking neighbors for help than employed women.

The following women provide examples of these three patterns. Phyllis, who was
quoted in the macrosystem section, was not employed. She was a long time resident of
her neighborhood. She descrrhed her relationship with neighbors in the following manner:

(I know my neighbors) pretty well, they knew me when I was growing up.

Everybody but Miss Davis on the right here. She just moved in about 6

years ago.

Phyllis also trusted her neighbors and asked them for help when needed. On the other
hand, Keisha, was unsure if she really knew her neighbors, she stated:

It’s hard to tell, some of them you don’t know at all, some that you think

you been knowing for years, you know, they keep stuff hidden. There’s a

lot of competitiveness to try to outdo one neighbor -- and one neighbor see

this neighbor kinda fix up their home, so instead of fixing up their homes,

they’ll go destroy what that neighbor doing.

Furthermore, although Keisha didn’t trust her neighbors, she would go to them for help in

some situations. A third women, Denise was 33, employed as a teacher’s aide and mother

87
of two. She knew some of her neighbors. She said

The neighbors right next door to me I don’t know them well. But I lived

down here . . . for 5 years, so I know the neighbors that live up the street

more but not the neighbors right next to me.

Denise also trusted one of her neighbors, but did not seek help fi'om them

Why would women ask help of people they didn’t trust? Perhaps the unemployed
women needed more help and were less self-reliant. This theme is reflective of the patterns
found in the women’s discussions of their romantic relationships. Employed women may
simply not need as much help as the unemployed women. However, unemployed women
may also spend more time in their neighborhoods and lack connections with other sources
of support. Therefore, they would also be more likely to go to neighbors for help, whereas
employed women had co-workers or supports outside of their neighborhood who could be
supportive.

Descriptions the women provided of neighborhood life were similar to both
Burton’s (1991) and Dunlap’s (1992) research, in which many women only felt safe during
the early day. Furthermore, almost all of the women had some safety concerns about their
neighborhoods and for most this involved crime, violence and drugs.

On the other hand, the majority of the women also had positive things to say about
their neighborhoods. This may be a way the women cope with their safety concerns.

They may focus on the positive aspects of their neighborhood because the chance of
moving to a safer area seemed unlikely. However, even if a woman liked aspects of a her

neighborhood, she did not necessarily feel safe.

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Both employed and unemployed women reported that the agencies in Flint could
be helpful and that they could find the help they needed. The only additional service
consistently asked for was child care. Cheryl a 26-year-old, unemployed, mother of six
children, discussed the need for child care in the following way:

I feel like they should have more baby-sitting services, like they have all

these day cares. They should have some services to where some parents

that are on ADC [welEre] would be able to go and have a low income rate

fee . . . sowe at leastcansee some ofourowncheck.

Later in the interview Cheryl said:

I need a babysitter in order to, get a job, or in order to keep a job. I can get

a job. That’s no problem, but I can’t go to work on my job if I have no

one to keep my kids. . . . If I have to give all my money to pay the baby-

sitter I won’t have any money to pay my bills or pay my groceries.

However, although most women felt that they could find the type of services
needed, they complained that service providers treated them disrespectfully and that too
much red tape existed. Often a professional’s fi'iendliness was the only criteria the women
used to judge the helpfulness of an agency. In Ect, positive comments about a community
institution were diflicult to find without also hearing positive comments about the people
the women came into contact with. Keisha stated:

This one agency (was helpful) because they took time to find out about you

as a person - not as a number that needed help. . . . They were a lot

fiiendlier about offering the help. And when they offer help, they got right

on the job.

Most of the women wanted more personalized services. They were tired of talking

to answering machines and standing in line to speak to someone who did not understand.

Lois, who was 40 and recently divorced (she was quoted in the exosystem section) wanted

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the following type of services:
I think a place, agency, where you would go and you could like have a

counselor you could talk to and explain your situation to. Somebody you
could talk to and that understands what’s happening . . . and that would be

there for somebody. And being able to help them or tell them where to go

to get that help, you know, instead of just “well look in the telephone

book, maybe you’ll find something” or “go to such-n-such a place.” And

just, you know, instead of somebody just more or less giving you the run-

around or “I’ve heard people’s problems all day and I don’t wanna hear no

more and I doesn’t care about your problems.” . . . It’s like they don’t have

any feelings . . . a person with that type ofjob is supposed to be able to . . .

work this thing out instead of just being negative to everybody that comes

into their office. You just, it’s not Eir for those that need it, you know.

Yolanda, a 24-year-old mother of three, provided child care for her neighbors. She agreed
with Lois.
. . . it don‘t make sense. If a person is going and reaching out to the

community for help, there ain‘t no reason why they should walk in to social

services and have the woman get smart. . . . It ain't right.

Agencies were used as a last resort. The women did not view agency help as a
support for improving their lives. Instead they went to agencies when the they couldn’t
met an immediate need and had already tried other sources such as Emily and fiiends.
The majority of the employed and unemployed women reported feeling more comfortable
first going to Emily or fiiends for help, then to schools and churches, and last to
conununity agencies. Cheryl, Keisha, Lois, and Yolanda, all stated that they would ask a
fiiend or relative for help before asking for help fi'om an agency.

However, difl‘erences between the employed and unemployed women did occur in
their answers to the question “How easy is it for you to ask for help?” The majority of
employed women reported that it was hard for them to ask. On the other hand, most of

the women who were not employed replied that it was easy to ask for help. Moreover,

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when asked where they felt most comfortable seeking help, the unemployed women were
more likely to list multiple sources. For example, Yolanda, who was employed,
occasionally asked her sister for help, but preferred not to. She stated:

I don’t ask (for help), I just don’t ask. If I don’t have it and I need it, I just

go without. Now if it’s for the kids, I’ll ask. But if it’s for myselfI go

without.
On the other hand, Shari who was a 30-year-old, unemployed, mother of two said:

If I need it (help) I’m just gonna ask them . . . It ain’t hard for me to ask.

. . . I try a relative first. If I can’t get it fi'om them thenI go to an agency. .

. . If they couldn’t help me I’ll go to a school or church. Whoever could

help me.
Moreover, women like Serena and Edie, who were less trusting of Emily, were also
reluctant to ask them for help. These women most often turned to fiiends or agencies for
help.

Those women who were most isolated appeared to use agency support most often
They didn’t have trusted others to ask for help. However, many employed women did
have Emily or fi'iends, yet they found it diflicult to ask them for help. Perhaps, their
reluctance to ask for help was a sign of independence. The employed women may be more
self-reliant than the unemployed women. Yet self-reliance may precede employment or be
a result of employment. Perhaps their jobs gave them the ability to be more independent.
On the other hand, this quality may have allowed them to seek and gain employment.

Although many negative features of human service agencies were mentioned by the
women, one positive feature was also found. As discussed in the fiiendship section, when

a woman could establish a trusting, personal relationship with a professional, it often had a

powerful effect. This was especially apparent for the women who were more isolated.

91
Most often these trusting relationships were with therapists or ministers. Serena had
established trusting and supportive relationships with those she met in her substance abuse
recovery program Edie had connected with her pastor.

Many women found church involvement helpful Churches Ecilitated a sense of
spirituality and belief in a higher power that was beneficial to all of the women. All but
one woman reported that spirituality or religion was important to them Moreover, the
employed and the unemployed were just as likely to go to church. The only difference
was that some employed women reported that they couldn’t attend as regularly as they
would like because they worked on Sundays. Churches were important because they
connected the women to a deeper sense of spirituality and a belief that a higher power was
taking care of them and helping them Moreover, some women sought guidance from
their ministers. Even when the women didn’t belong to a church community, their
spirituality was a strength and a comfort. This sense of spirituality was more important
than church attendance. Carmella discussed spirituality in the following quote:

I do believe that, in Ect I do know that there is a God. And that all things

are in his control. I’m not a Enatic, but I do know that prayer works.

There are things that without prayer, I would never accomplish, would

never happen. I do believe strongly that without God being in my life, I

don’t believe I could have gotten as far as I have.

Interesting patterns were found in the mesosytemic section. Most of the women
were tied to supportive individuals such as Emily, fiiends and romantic partners. Some
women were also connected to neighbors. However, some differences did exist. A few
women, such as Edie and Serena, were more isolated. This isolation didn’t appear to be

linked to employment status but more so to past abuse, trauma, or drug use. Many times

a childhood history of abuse or neglect created continued problems with Emily members

92

and at times impaired a women’s ability to build trusting relationships with fiiends, a
partner, and neighbors. Living in unsafe and often violent environments also appeared to
contribute to a lack of trust in others. However, some of these isolated women were able
to find connection and support through a human service agency. All of the respondents
asked for a more personal connection with human service workers. For the isolated
women, this connection sometimes had a powerful influence.

Some differences between the employed and unemployed women were found.
Employed women had less contact with their mothers, were less likely to be involved with
exchange networks with fiiends, were more consistent in their descriptions of their
partners, were less likely to ask neighbors for help when they didn’t trust them, and had
more difficulties asking for help. These themes seem to indicate that the women were
more self-reliant and were not depending on support systems where less trust or more
conflict existed. However, self-reliance may have helped the women seek and gain
employment or it may be a product of being employed and having more resources. Also
employed women also had less time for social contact than unemployed women. Perhaps
they would have had more contact with mothers and fiiends if they had the time. I will
readdress these patterns in chapter five.

Microsystem

The microsystem includes aspects of Emily life. In this section, I descrrhe the

women’s daily schedules, their parenting, and Emily stresses. However, I begin this

discussion at the beginning, by describing the themes found in the women’s descriptions of

their pregnancy.

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Pregnancy

Many women described hardships during pregnancy such as health problems or
negative relationships with their baby’s Ethers or with their own parents. This was
especially a problem for the women who didn’t have the support of their baby’s Ethers or
for those who were teen moms. In addition, problematic relationships with parents were
strained during a pregnancy.

For most, becoming pregnant was unplanned and a surprise. Many of the women
seemed to have little information about pregnancy. Keisha, who gave birth at age 15, and
Valerie, who had her first child when she was 14, reported not knowing they were
pregnant until they were six or seven months into their first pregnancy. Edie had a
difficult time talking about her first pregnancy and even refused to answer some of the
interviewers questions. She was 17 at the time and she dropped out of school because she
was pregnant.

Edie: I was scared. I didn’t want it, but I kept it. . . . The Ether wasn’t

around and I didn’t know who the father was. My mama didn’t care about

me. They did things to me, hurting me

Interviewer: When you say “they”, who do you mean?

Edie: My mama, but I don’t want to talk about that. I was depressed, you
know, but they say I got it and now I got to take care of it.

Carmella discussed being sick during her first pregnancy and also being afiaid.
However, she had more support and eventually became happy with the idea of giving
birth. Carmella was able to finish high school before giving birth at the age of 22. She
never married the Ether of the baby and their relationship soon ended.

Interviewer: What was it like when you were pregnant?

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Carmella: Ooh, miserable, “With the first one, Oh my Lord, for the first
three months, I was too sick to even do anything other than stay in bed and
eat soda crackers and drink grape juice. When I first found out, I told the
doctor he had to go back and check again . . . about a month after that I
kinda got used to the idea that I was going to have a baby. . . . Round
about the seven or eighth month, I kinda got happy with it, him kicking
around, and I got okay with it. But in the beginning, it was an adjustment.
It was scary. I’m thinking about the pain everyone done told me about --
oh my Lord -- and the money won’t be mine no more - got to buy diapers
-- and this baby going to keep me up all night. My whole life was going to
change. . . .

Lois was 27 and had the support of the baby’s Ether when she became pregnant with her
first child. Her experience was different fi'om Edie’s and Carmella’s. Although she was
scared, she was also excited about her pregnancy fiom the very beginning.

Well, with my son, it was an experience for me. I’d never been pregnant

and its like . . . not knowing anything, totally dumb to the Ect, you know, I

was excited but scared with him I thought the baby was a tumor. He [the

doctor] said, “No, you’re pregnant. I laughed. The doctor laughed. I

always remember that.

However, most described having an easier time with their following pregnancies.
Lois also enjoyed her second pregnancy. Carmella thought that her second pregnancy was
“smooth sailing.” Edie found more support with her second pregnancy. She joined a
program at the local health center for young mothers.

When I had my second child . . . they had got this family support thing at

the Mott Children Health Center and it was like a meeting every Tuesday

or Wednesday and we all were young moms. . . . And it helped a whole lot,

you know, to cope with self-esteern, how to take care of your baby, how to

raise them If you need any help, they had somebody who could talk to

you. . . .Ihadalotofsupport. . ..
However, Edie became pregnant six more times. Although most of the women had two or
three children, Edie had seven with six different Ethers in a ten year period. She worried

that she’d made too many “mistakes.” She talked about receiving help fiom a worker

95
she’d meet in the young moms program

. . . I had an abortion, but Marsha (the human service worker) talked to me

and told me everybody made mistakes. But I told her I thought I made too

many. So whenI firrallyhadthemaleithmylastchild,Iwentandhad

my tubes tied. She (Marsha) never would say nothing bad, but she said

“Edie, Get your tubes tied”. . . . I talked to her. She made me feel happy. .

. . Sometimes I call her my mama.

Although Edie’s frequent pregnancies did, in part, fit the welEre queen stereotype,
she must be understood before judged. She wasn’t lazy and she wasn’t having more
children just to collect extra welfare benefits. Instead she struggled with abuse and
isolation. Her mother was abusive and she never knew her biological Ether. She had no
fiiends or Emily members for support and she appeared to use her relationships with men
as a means to become more connected. However, these men were alcoholics and
sometimes abusive and they didn’t provide the connection Edie desired. Although Edie’s
children did complicate her life, she was dedicated to raising her children with love.
Moreover, she was employed and she was receiving help from Marsha, her pastor, and her
current partner. In addition, she received some encouragement fi'om her stepEther. Edie
appeared to be in the process of changing her life to make it better for herselfand her
children. However, this wasn’t an easy process and Edie was still Eirly isolated. Her
feelings about motherhood and her struggles with keeping her job are discussed in the
following sections.

Parenting and Children

Parenting responsibilities took up much of the women’s time and energy.

However, no differences were found when comparing the two groups on the number of

children, their ages, their sex, and any existing special needs or disabilities.

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Employed and unemployed women also defined the traits of a good mother
similarly. Good mothers were loving and affectionate. They provided for their children
and served as a role model. Moreover, the majority of the women reported that they
fulfilled their definitions of a good mother and expressed confidence in their mothering
skills. Carmella and Linda provide typical examples of these discussions. Carmella was
raising two sons. Linda was 34, and worked full time as a clerk. She had three children.
They defined the qualities of a good mother in the following manner:

Carmella: A good mother is the person tha -- not the person that says “I
love you,” but the person that loves you in a way that you can feel it. The
person that takes care of you . . . to put your own needs aside for your
children. It’s a mother’s place to be sure that the child gets their education.
My son is, 10 now. I don’t have to get up and dress him, but I do have to
get up and make sure that things are in the right place, hair been combed
and stuff like that. I do have to be sure he gets to school on time -- that he
is there every day . . . just being there, caring for, protecting, providing, all
of that goes into being a good mother.

Linda: A good mother makes sure that your kids had a decent home, food
to eat, clean clothes, sonre of the things they want in lif -- you’re not able
to get them all the things. And have them go to church. Basically to have

them respect you. . . .

Carmella and Linda had the following to say when asked how they were like a good .
mothers:

Carmella: I try to do all of those things. I do my very best to make sure my
kids are safe. I let them know, I show them that I love them I have to
give them a hug sometimes, even when they hasn’t did anything. . . . I try
to be here for them I try to be sure that they get the things they need --
not the wants, not those baggy pants and stuff -- that the needs are all met -
- just to listen, to make sure their homework is done, doing their washing,
showing them how to do things.

Linda: I try to provide all the things above to them -- food, clothing, tasty
meals, take them to church. They work in church. They respect me.

Edie also felt that she was a good mother and she was trying to raise her children

97
difl’erently than she had been raised. She said:

I’m proud [of being a mother]. I think I do a good job. . . . I know my
background wasn’t perfect. . . . I got all these children. . . . I got to give
them all the love that they need -- cause I always say, they didn’t ask to be
here. . . . I ain’t never going to tell my kids that they ain’t going to be
nothing in life. I can’t do wlmt my mama done to me. So, I got to do the
best. I got to make it more better for them.

No diflerences were found in rules, methods of showing affection, expectations or
disciplinary practices between the two groups of women. The women reported that they
had similar rules for all of their children. These rules were designed to promote
responsibility, respect for others, and safety. The rules Carmella had for her sons reflect
all three themes. She promoted responsibility by having the children complete chores.
Respectfulness was addressed through her rule that her sons couldn’t call each other
names. Carmella also had rules for her sons that involved safety. She needed to know
where her children were at all times. She stated:

We don’t call names. That’s the first one. . . . We all got chores, so you

must do your chores or you get cut out on some of the things you want.

You don’t get your allowances or what have you. Nobody leaves the

home without asking. You don’t go play, you don’t go to the store, you

don’t go anywhere without asking. If, where ever your taken to or

dropped ofi‘, you are expected to be in that spot. Those are the main rules
around here.

The women thought that the best way to discipline children involved teaching and
talking. They also took away privileges, used tirne-out and spanked. Linda disciplined her
children in the following manner.

I found to just be up front with them With my 18 year-old, I just basically
showed him -- if you don’t do what you’re supposed to do, you have to
leave -- you have to follow the rules here or you have to live someplace
else. . . . The word I’m looking for is being consistent. If you say
something, be consistent with it. . . .

98

Showing affection to the children was a fi‘equent occurrence. The women
reported that they told their children they loved them, gave them positive feedback, and
hugged and kissed them Linda felt that positive comments were important.

I tell them I love them I give them positive things about themselves - tell
them they’re good looking or they did something well. . . .

The women also expressed similar hopes and fears for their children. Hopes
included finishing high school and attending college. The women wanted their children to
become independent adults. However, they worried that their children might not live up
to their potentials. Fears that their children would become victims of crimes or get
involved with drugs or gangs were also prevalent. Some women expressed fears that their
children would be killed or murdered. Linda expressed the following hopes and fears
about her son, Norman, who was 18:

My hopes is that he’ll finish college and be able to get a good job and have

a successful future. My fear is that he may get caught up with some of the

wrong people and do some of the wrong things.

Getting “caught up with the wrong people” and doing ‘erong things” was a fear that the
women often expressed about their teen-aged sons. They knew that gangs were a
powerful influence within their neighborhoods and they worried that their sons would
succumb to that influence.

Linda’s lS-year-old son, Devin had a learning disability and Linda had some
special concerns about how this afl‘ected him academically and emotionally. At times she
struggled with how to help Devin and she had difficulties coping with the added parental
responsibilities his learning disability gave her.

. . .[I hope he’ll] be able to perform the way he should academically, and be

99

able to open up and discuss some of the emotional things that are bothering

him -- that he’s going to feel like nobody cares and just fall by the wayside

and then kinda stray away. Sometimes it seems like no matter how hard

you try, it seems like sometimes you just feel like giving up -- but yet you

know, they don’t have nobody else.

And she said the following about her daughter, Jade who was four:

My hopes for her is that she’ll stay as intelligent as she is for the rest of her

life, because she’s a very smart child. My fears are that her Dad, you

know, him having her so spoiled is going to corrupt her - cause some

problems, just fi'om that alone.
Many women worried about the influence men would have on their daughter’s lives. Linda
worried about how Jade’s Ether would affect her, but others worried that their daughters
would become pregnant early or be hurt by men in some way. Keisha had the following to
say about her daughter, Ebony.

Almost everything is to be feared, premarital sex, diseases, pregnancy,
violence, almost everything out there.

The love these women had for their children was overwhelmingly apparent.
However, so were their fears. In the literature review, growing up in a single parent
household was associated with a number of negative outcomes such as poor academic
achievement, higher rates of delinquency, and premarital pregnancy (McLanahan, 1985;
McLanahan & Booth, 1989). The women were aware of these issues. They feared that
their children might have difficulties in school or become victims of their violent
neighborhoods. However, like the women in Malson’s (1987) qualitative study, they were
also proactive and were actively combating these negative influences with their love and
discipline. They wanted their children to grow up to be successful, independent adults and

they were using every resource they had to ensure this.

100

$0219: Motherhood and Stressors

Motherhood brought both joy and stresses for the women. Both employed and
unemployed women felt that the joys included having fim and playing with their children,
watching the children grow, and having someone to love. Marissa felt that the joys were:

Having them make things for you. Having them bring things home because

they’re thinking about you. They look up to you and respect you as an

older adult person, as the one who’s going to protect and take care of

them. . . .

However, many women indicated that at times being a mother was not enjoyable.
Children weren’t always cooperative and they fought amongst themselves. These single
parents handled each of these situations alone. Carmella discussed these stresses:

It’s a struggle sometimes. Its happy, sad, up and down. But all

around, I don’t know of anything else I’d like to be. Sometime

they make you sad, some-times they make you mad, sometimes

they get on your nerves. Sometimes I don’t want to be a mom.

Overall, employed women were more likely to discuss the stress of finding child
care. Most of the employed women relied on Emily members or close neighbors to
watch their children. As noted in the literature review, difliculties arranging child care
were compounded by the women’s non-traditional work schedules (Paltiel, 1988). Only
three of the employed women had traditional forty-hour, 9-to-5, work weeks. Sometimes
the stress and lack of support felt overwhelming for Edie. Edie was working 27 hours a
week as a dishwasher and at times she felt like quitting her job. She struggled with child
care difliculties, stress associated with raising seven children alone, and dealing with a
manager who didn’t understand her situation.

. . . sometime I just want to quit my job. I feel like I can’t -- the managers

they can’t understand my situation with my children. Sometimes it’s hard
to get a babysitter to watch my kids. And now, when you do get a

101

babysitter, they wanting an arm and a leg -- with seven children -- there
ain’t anybody (child care providers) gonna want seven.

Other women did report that they had to quit jobs, or were fired fiom them,
because their child care fell through too many times. Jameka, a 23-year-old mother of two
stated that the best thing that had ever happened to her was getting a job as a nurse’s aide
in a nursing home. However, she was fired after two months because her transportation
and child care arrangements weren’t dependable and she missed work too often. Jameka
had developed an elaborate plan to get to work on time. She awoke at 4:30 to get her
children ready for child care and to make it to a spot by 6:00 where her uncle picked her
up to take her to work. However, she never knew if her uncle would be at the spot or if
her child care was available. She had to call these support people every morning to
remind them, and sometimes they wouldn’t answer the phone. She described her feelings
in the following way.

I was so hurt when I was terminated fiom my job. It was stressful because

it was my first job and l was so excited about it then. When I got

terminated . . . I cried a little bit. . . . but I liked my job and that was
stressful.

In another section she reported feeling unsupported.

I had to depend on other people, and I got terminated from my job --
nobody to really depend on.

In addition, even when child care was available, many worried that their children
weren’t being taken care of properly. Nikkia who was 25 and had four children was trying
to go to school. She expressed the problem in the following manner:

. . . can’t nobody treat your kids like you treat them or dress them like you
dressthem IusedtobemadupirrschooLbecauseIusedtocallhomeand
stuff to check up on the baby. . . . Then, I mean, I got to come home --
then she all dirty. . . .They was just looking like some throwed away kids --

102

like didn’t nobody care about them But like I say, don’t nobody do your
kids like you do them

Often the women’s stresses caused them to feel tired and unenergetic. On a daily
basis, all the women had moments when they no longer had energy, but their children
needed to be taken care of or fed. Vona described this problem most succinctly.

My basic struggle is dealing with the kids all day -- ‘cause it’s just me here,
so I have to be 3 mothers all in one day.

Moreover, because the women were also struggling to get by with little money,
they Eced unique problems that middle class mothers wouldn’t. For example, Shari, a 30
year-old unemployed mother of two, struggled with keeping her children’s clothes clean.
Because she didn’t have a washer, she needed to wash out their cloths by hand. Every
day, Carla, who was 37 and raising five children, had to find someone to help her get her
daughter to Head Start. She couldn’t depend on just one person and needed to double
check to make sure the person who agreed to drive, would. Barb, who was 29 with three
children, found the wintertime especially stressful because she was laid off every
November, December, January and February from her job as a housekeeper at a hotel.
She needed to re-enroll for welEre benefits each winter and she found this discouraging.

Financial worries were most often mentioned as stresses. Neither the employed

nor the unemployed women had enough money to take care of their Emilies’ needs. For
most, there was always one bill that didn’t get paid each month. Furthermore, some
women mentioned that there were certain times during the month when they didn’t have
enough food. Vona, who was unemployed had a diflicult time making her welEre benefits

last. However, Marissa, who worked for an optometrist, had the same problem.

103

Vona: Basically, food he ran out and I be done spent -- cause like I budget

toward the beginning of the month -- so, I kinda don’t eat toward the [end

of the] month

Marissa: About the end of the month -- the week before the last day of the

month. That’s when all my money is usually run out and that’s about when

all the bills come due.

The holidays also presented specific stresses. Christmas was mentioned by most as
a particularly stressful time of the year because of gift buying. Carmella discussed her
Christmas stress in the following way:

Christmas time -- it just seems to me it’s a panicky time of the year.

You’re rushing -- everybody’s rushing. . . . You’re trying to get all the

shopping done and you’re trying to wonder, where is all the money going

to come fiom . . . Christmas time is the most panickiest time of year for

me.

However, a difl‘erence between the employed and unemployed women was
discovered when the women were asked “Is there anything that would make your life
easier as a parent?” Although a lack of energy, child care worries, and financial problems
were stresses identified by both the employed and unemployed women, employed women
were more likely to ask for support and help in taking care of their children. Most women
wished others (especially the children’s Ethers) would help with the children. Their
fi'ustrations with trying to work and raise their children alone was apparent. The
unemployed women were more likely to report that there wasn’t anything that could make
their lives easier or that they simply needed a job. Marissa and Lois are quoted below.
Marissa, like the women quoted earlier, wanted someone she could trust to watch her
children. Lois wanted a job so that she could provide better for her children.

Interviewer: What would make your life easier as a parent?

Marissa: Someone to take care of them while I’m gone that I can trust. It

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would help because I would know that they’re well taken care of and
they’re in good hands while I’m gone. . . .

Lois: I think having a job would make my life easier. I would be able to do

a lot more things with my kids because right now it’s -- you really can’t do

anything on a fixed income with your kids. There’s nothing you really can

do by the time you pay your water bill and buy the necessary things you

need -- soap, toilet paper, toothpaste -- you don’t have anything left.

Most likely this difference occurred because the employed women were working
and having a difficult time finding the energy to work and take care of children alone.
Unemployed mothers, on the other hand, were focused on parenting and needed less help.
Carla supported this idea. She stated.

Interviewer: Is there anything that would make your life easier as a parent?

Carla: Yeah, if I had more help with my babies. But by me not working, it
doesn’t matter. I be right here with them

Interviewer: How would it help if you had a babysitter?

Carla: I could get out more, make myself more motivated. I won’t leave
my babies with just anybody, not with the things that are going on now.

The employed women’s days were full and left little room for relaxation. Most of
the employed women worked afternoon or evening shifts and many also worked
weekends. Their non-working hours were spent with children or completing household
chores and errands. Shantay provided a typical schedule for an employed woman. She
was 27 years old and the mother of three children. Shantay worked the night shift in a
small Ectory while her Ether took care of her children.

. . . I get home about 4:00 in the morning. I go to sleep until 8:30 am and

the kids come home. I get them ready for day camp and Head Start, and

then after that about 11:30 I wake up again, pick up my youngest daughter
from school. . . . I’ll fix her lunch . . . and I clean. That’s it.

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On the weekends Shantay, like the other employed women, caught up with her housework
and other chores.

On Saturday, I mostly do the things I couldn’t do during the week, cause I

didn’t have the time -- like do my washing or something. . . . I mostly relax

on Sundays and maybe I’ll go to church. . . .

Many employed women often had difliculty discussing what they did in their spare time or
for fun. Often they replied that they didn’t have spare time or were too tired to have fun.
Again, Shantay provided a typical response:

Spare time? I just sit back relax and watch television. I sit back and watch

television [for fim]. Maybe I’ll rent a movie or something. I mean, fim is

eliminated. Weekends I mostly spend time with my kids and fun is cut out.
Pam, a 32-year-old mother of three worked as a nursing assistant. She reported that she
took her kids places for fun but no longer had time to do some of things she used to enjoy.

(I enjoy) just talking with guy fiiends, or take my kids to the beach, or

Chucky Cheese, DZ Discovery Zone. I like to play baseball, but now I

don’t have time to play.

The stress involved in maintaining such a demanding schedule was evident. Often
times their responsibilities were so time consuming that an employed woman didn’t get
enough sleep. Shantay was especially worried about how this affected her children and
was increasingly concerned about the distance that was growing between them

. . . Sometimes you know, it’s hectic with my kid and stufl' -- me working

and I’m tired -- and I can’t spend no time with them It’s stressfirl because

I can’t get them the quality time they deserve -- like we not growin’

together, we growin’ apart.

Unemployed women either had non-eventful days or also had busy schedules due
to having more children, helping Emily, going to school, or because they participated in a

number of household activities such as cooking or sewing. The following quotes illustrate

106

these patterns. Keisha had a busier schedule than some unemployed women because she

went to school and helped Emily. Tamika, who was an unemployed mother of one, had

more fi‘ee time. Tamika had quit school because of an unplanned pregnancy. They stated:

Keisha: I get up and get myselfand my daughter ready for school. After
being in school, I come home, straighten up the house or cook or whatever
needs to be done. Then I dr0p my mom ofl‘ at work, pick up the kids fi'om
school, come home, help with homework, let them watch t.v. or supervise
their play outside . . . then give them a bath, put them to bed - that’s pretty
much it.

Tamika: We get up, get dressed, run errands, practice her letters with her -
- sometimes I'll go walking -- I've been trying to get some exercise -- talk
on the phone -- that's about it.

However, both of their weekend schedules allowed for more fi'ee time than Shantay’s

did.

Keisha: Saturday is more of a fi'ee day. That’s a day for shopping or you
might go like to Chuckie Cheeses or something like that, you know, go out
to dinner -- more of a break day.

Tamika: No, since I’m out of school, it’s usually the same all the time. I go
to church on Sunday -- sometimes I go to dinner. . . .

Although both groups of women wanted to spend time with their children, the

unemployed women were more likely to have the time to do so. Activities included:

reading, going to a playground, talking, going to McDonald’s or Chuckie Cheese, going

for walks, and watching movies. For the women who didn’t work outside the home or go

to school, their entire day was focused on the children. Tamika discussed how her time

was focused on her daughter in the following way:

Sometimes when I have extra money, I’ll like to do stuff with my daughter.
Take her to the park or whatever. . . . Sometimes take her to the library or
park, to Chuckie Cheese, the movies. She goes to the movies a lot. I
really don’t do anything for me, I guess. Most of the time I do something
with her.

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Employment took a heavy toll on many women. Juggling parenting
responsibilities, work responsibilities and housework often left little time for sleep, fim, or
visiting with other adults. However, unemployed women were also active. Instead of
simply sitting around and watching television, they were involved in school and Emily
responsibilities. In addition, even when their schedules were less demanding, they often
had productive activities in their lives. Like Tamika, many unemployed women were
working to teach their children or improve their own lives through exercise or reading.
These pictures of the daily life of low-income women were very diflerent than the laziness
portrayed by stereotypes.

The strength of these Afiican-American single mothers was evident. Although
many women were surprised by their first pregnancies and seemed unprepared for
motherhood, they provided love, support and discipline to their children. However, they
did so alone and in a community where crime, drugs and violence threatened to hurt their
Emilies. Moreover, they often couldn’t provide for their Emilies financially. The stress
associated with single parenthood was diflicult for many and the support they received
fi'om Emily, fiiends, partners, neighbors, and community agencies was invaluable.
However, at times this support also seemed inadequate and finding decent child care was
extremely problematic. In spite of their hardships the women did their best to provide
their children with close nurturing relationships and to raise them to be responsible and
independent adults.

I 1' . l 1
In this section the women’s individual or psychological variables will be discussed.

Topics include: Education and work skills; motivation and a sense of control; depression;

108
self-concept; traumatic experiences; and coping and resiliency.

Education and Work Skills

Surprisingly, no differences in education existed among the two groups of women.
Women with high school diplomas, GED’s and those who had dropped-out of high school
were found in both the employed and unemployed groups. Most of the women reported
mixed experiences with their own schooling and no difl‘erences among these descriptions
existed between the employed and unemployed women. Although most reported
receiving B’s and C’s, many also felt that school was just something they had to do and
wasn’t very enjoyable. Twelve women reported repeating grades and four mentioned
special education placement even though this question was not asked. Again these women
were found in both the employed and unemployed groups. When asked “What was school
like for you growing up?” Many women responded with a brief O.K. Keisha stated:

It was o.k. It was pretty average. . . . I liked the work that I did, because

I did extra stuff around the school, like working in the oflice. . . . It

(school) was pretty much the same as everything else. I didn’t really

particularly care for it.

Moreover, although some differences did exist, most women reported similar work
histories. Many woman had their first jobs in fast food or as cashiers and worked rather
sporadically when young. As they got older their work histories reflected more consistent
employment. However, most were employed and unemployed intermittently throughout
their lives. These later jobs were also similar and included: waitress, housekeeper, worker
at a dry cleaners or laundry, nursing assistants, and child care or teacher’s aides.

What is striking about many of the women’s work history, however, was the lack

of consistency in training programs and employment. Many women had been enrolled in a

109

number of training programs. Training for cosmetology, clerical work, child care
assistance and nursing assistance were common among many women. However, their jobs
histories didn’t reflect their training. Very few women actually seemed to obtain
employment in the field in which they’d been trained. Moreover, their hopes for future
employment or the descriptions of skills they wanted to learn didn’t match the training
programs they had attended or were attending. Many women simply appeared to became
involved in training programs or gained employment because the opportunity existed for
them to do so or because welEre workers asked them to. In addition, the women had
little knowledge about careers or the steps needed to obtain the work they desire. Often,
they reported interest in pursuing a training program or a career simply because someone
told them it was a good opportunity.

For example, Bemetta, a 32 year-old mother of two, was unemployed. Her
education included a high school diploma, a year at the community college and three
months of computer classes. However, her previous employment included being a store
clerk, working as a bartender, and as a fast food worker. When asked what type of work
she’d like to do in the firture, Bemetta replied:

I would like to work with kids, somewhat, like a teacher’s aide or nursing
or something. Then again I would like older people.

However, Bemetta also reported that she was going to begin studying mortuary science in
the fall. A program existed that would help her pay for this training. However, she was a
little vague when describing her plan.

I’m going to Mott (Community College) for my science stuff. But really I

have to go to Detroit after that. Some school down there -- I don’t know

the school’s name. It’s all wrote down. ‘Cause they don’t have no school
around here, you have to go up to Detroit and they pay for that on aid.

110

That’s what the lady told me. They’ll pay my gas and all that ol’ stufl‘. Or
maybe I can stay up there for weekdays and then come home on weekends.

Tamara also thought that mortuary science might be a field worth pursuing. She
was 37 with 3 children and she currently worked as a house cleaner. She also had a high
school diploma and a year studying interior decorating at a local college. Tamara had to
quit college because she was having problems with her partner (which she didn’t specify)
and trouble with transportation. She knew that she wanted some other type of job or
training and had heard that opportunities were good for morticians. However, her
understanding of what training was needed was even vaguer than Bemetta’s.

Tamara: I was thinking of going to Detroit College of Business. I’m ready
to do something. I really want to go up to Mortuary. A long time ago my

mother’s boyfi'iend he used to work in those. He always told me that was
one job you never get laid off. He ain’t never got laid off work.

Interviewer: Do you know of someplace you could go to learn Mortuary
Science?

Tamara: Someone told me that I had to go to Mott.

However, work histories did difl‘er somewhat. Seven women (three who were
currently employed and three who weren’t but were attending school) had developed a
consistent career path. Interestingly, the path they’d chosen was remarkably similar. At
some point all but one of these women received some type of medical training, usually as a
nurse’s aide. Often they completed on-the-job training. They also had work experience in
the medical field and many had worked for a number of years in a entry- level position.
Although, a couple of these planful women plarmed to continue with their current job,
others were currently pursuing further schooling. Often they were working on LPN or

RN degrees. Some wanted to become medical technicians.

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A few more women have been consistently employed in one job, either full or part-
time, for as many as ten years. Although most were employed, some were not due to a
recent lay-off or because they had returned to school. However, all of these women
reported wanting to do something different or mentioned that their best skills were in
other fields. Even though, their current jobs were long term, they seemed to view them as
temporary until they found something better.

Moreover, a Eirly large group of women (eleven) reported less than a year of
employment at anytime during their lives. Three of these women had never worked.

Most of these women were currently not employed. However, two women who currently
had jobs were also in this group. These differing work history patterns are explored more
thoroughly in the second analysis.

Overall school and entry into the job market was problematic for many of these
women and many of these patterns were supported in the literature review. The women
lacked career information similar to many low-income individuals (Healy et al., 1984;
Manuele, 1984; Miller, 1982). At times their education seemed inadequate or they were
placed in special education courses (Gordon-Bradshaw, 1988) and their jobs often had
unpredictable hours (Paltiel, 1988).

Motixation and a Sense of Control

The women interviewed did have a sense of personal power. All but a few women
reported having control over all, or the majority of situations in their lives. For example,
Marissa stated:

I feel like I have the majority of the control over the situations in my life. I

don’t have all the control, but I feel like I have the biggest control. I got
the handle on it. . . . I feel like I can make good choices about what (my

112

children) learn. What they know. . . . I try to make it a point to reinforce

things that I really feel should be part of their character and upbringing. So

I think I have control over the way they grow up and think.

However, when questioned further, some women in both groups reported not
having control over a few things. Most often these were things that occurred outside
their home such as the behavior of other adults and crime. Some of the women reported
little control over their income and over bills. Although they could control how their
money was budgeted, their incomes were determined by welEre or by the low paying jobs
that were available to them Furthermore, bills came due every month. For example,
Sheila, who works part-time as a teacher’s aide, initially said, “I have total control over
the situations in my life.” However, later she noted that she didn’t have control over the
gunshots she heard in her neighborhood or over her lack of Emily support:

Like what do you do when you hear gunshots. They (the kids) come to me

when they hear a car backfire, “that’s gunshots, you got to go in the house.

. . . What can you do? . . . If I was in control of everything, I wouldn’t be

living here. I would have that house I wanted, have that child care. So, I

can’t make it happen, when there’s nothing to make it happen. And I can’t

do that because I don’t have no Emily. 1 have a large Emily, but no ones

close. I can’t go to my family and say “Can you watch my kids” . . . You

know there is no one there for me.

These women appeared to hold on to the illusion of control by focusing on the
aspects of their life that they could control. For example, when answering these questions,
most women discussed having control over how they raised their children. However, they
were less likely to discuss their ability to control (or not control) discrimination, the
availability of jobs, or the possibility that they would become victims of crime.

All of the women also reported controlling their firture and were motivated to

change their present circumstances. They wanted something more for themselves and felt

113

that work and education were the mechanisms that led to a better life. When asked "What
plans do you have for yourselfand how do you see your own future?" Almost all of the
women mentioned plans for education, new jobs, or better jobs. A few women had hopes
for marriage, better housing, or having more material goods. However, a small difference
did exist among the two groups of women. Of the four women who had a diflicult time
imagining a positive future, three were currently employed. Perhaps their years of
employment in low-paying jobs had left them feeling discouraged. Sheila who was
employed and Bemetta who wasn’t stated:

Interviewer: What plans do you have for yourself? How do you see your

own future?

Sheila: I don’t see it. I just take it day-by-day and hope that things will be

better. . . . They say you can make things happen, but you can’t always.

You can try and you can try and it don’t happen. So, you just have to take

it day-by-day and hope things work out the way you want ”it to.

Bemetta: The plan is to go back to school and better myself -- to be a

mortician. . . and move out to somewhere and get me a house and forget

welEre.

Moreover, many women in both groups felt that their future circumstances
depended exclusively on their hard work. Most of the women didn't see any problems that
might prevent them fi'om reaching their goals. They often stated that they simply had to
just go ahead and enroll in school or find a job. For example, Serena thought that there
were no barriers to meeting the following goals:

(I want to) have my own home, my children very educated. Um, me

travelingandjust livingalife drug fiee. . . .Ibewantingto ownmyown

home, live in a nice neighborhood. That’s my goals.

However, when she was asked what type of things she would need, she was vague in her

l 14
discussion:

Uh, uh, just do it. Just having the motivation to go back to school . . .
figuring out what I really want to do. I been procrastinating.

Although, the majority of the women said that they needed certain things to fillfill
their plans, these needs were often described vaguely. Most often they felt they needed
money. Willpower, emotional support, education, child care, transportation, or a job,
were also mentioned as needs to meet their goals. However, they didn’t know how they
were going to meet these needs. Although, the following quote is fi'om Marissa, an
employed women, her response is typical:

Interviewer: What plans do you have for yourself? How do you see your
own future?

Marissa: I see myselfin a nice home, being married and writing my books
in my little room at my house. . . .

Interviewer: Are there any barriers or problems that would prevent your
hopes for the future from happening?

Marissa: No, none

Interviewer: What types of things would you need?

Marissa: I would need more money and a better husband -- and I’ll have it.

This pattern is similar to the women’s descriptions of possible employment and
training opportunities. The literature review provides one explanation for these themes.
Perhaps the women didn’t have enough knowledge about various opportunities nor know
how to work towards them (Healy et al., 1984; Manuele, 1984; Miller, 1982). However,
their ability to ignore these Ectors may also be a coping mechanisms similar to the
possible reasons they ignored the affects of discrimination. Perhaps if they seriously

looked at the number of barriers in their lives, they would feel much more hopeless then

115
they reported feeling.

Self-Concept

The women were confident and proud. Overall, both employed and unemployed
women used positive adjectives to describe themselves. Most often personality traits such
as helpful, trustworthy, fun, honest, understanding, independent, energetic, and open-
minded were used as self-descriptors. However, the women also described themselves in
terms of their relationships. They were mothers, fiiends, and sisters. Furthermore, all of
the women were proud to be Afiican-Americans and felt that their children should be
taught about their heritage. The following quotation are examples of positive self-
descriptions and pride by Edie, Carmella, and Lois.

Edie: I’m a nice person. I get along with others. I’m a good helper. I like

to help if I can. I like to sit around and talk, share things. . . . I’m a good

mother. I try to do my best.

Carmella: I’m pretty much a reliable person. I do quite a bit of talking

sometimes, too. I’m just an earthy person, that would pretty much

describe me -- ordinary people . . . I like me. I think I’m a good person.

I’ma good friend. Ijust like me . . .

Lois: . . . If you judge me just because of my color and you don't know

anything about me and I am such a sweet person, you know, you have a

problem because you cheating yourself out of a blessing, you know,

because I'm a blessing when you meet me.

When discussing the aspects they disliked about themselves, they again referred to
certain personality traits. They also had regrets about some of their decisions. The
women wished they'd finished high school or that they had a job. Sometimes they
regretted having their children too early in their lives, or getting involved with men who

didn’t support them or their children. A few women discussed dissatisEction with their

weight or looks. The following quotes are Edie’s, Carmella’s, and Lois’s answers to the

116

question, “What don’t you like about yourself?”

Edie: Oh, my attitude. I need to just gradually day by day work on my
attitude. . . . somebody say something to me, I get upset too fast.

Carmella: I don’t like my forgetfulness sometimes. Now that I don’t like.
Ain’t too much I don’t like.

Lois: . . . my height to a certain extent. I do think I’m kinda on the short

side . . . my weight. . . . I don’t like so far some of the things I’ve done in

my life. I lost a great deal of my self-esteem I gave up too easy, you

know, you take those chances when you lay down, or whatever, you get a

baby, but you all know that the Ether’s just not gonna be there for the

child. . . .

Although welfare recipiency and an African-American ethnicity has been
associated with a low sense of self-worth, the women interviewed did not speak of
themselves negatively. Instead their self-descriptions were consistently positive. Smith
(1985) proposed that many Afiican-Americans compare their situations and themselves to
others like them and do not suffer fiom low self-esteem Furthermore, Leslie (1995)
stated that African-American morality did not base an individual’s value on the desirability
of their actions. Therefore, people could make mistakes, such as being an unwed mother
or being unemployed, without being inherently wrong. Perhaps this explains why these
women didn’t denigrate themselves even though many in their community had negative
views of them Regardless of the reasons for their positive self views, their levels of
confidence doesn’t appear to interfere with their abilities to obtain employment.

Depression

However, signs of depression were apparent in both employed and unemployed
women. Many women described feeling sad or blue and this worried them When the

women discussed what they didn’t like about themselves, they often described some type

117

of bad mood. For example:
Sheila: The way I think on life. It's wrong and I know it's wrong - but I
haven't been proven differently yet. Maybe I need to go to psychology --
find out what it is. I have a negative look on life, period. I think real
negative about life. The one good thing that I do is I try to tell my children
differently. So they don't be like me. I give them a positive outlook. But
when I look at it, it's negative.

Bemetta: Well, whenl be grouchy . . . sometimes I be depressed. I be
sitting up here singing the blues and that don't make it no better.

Similar types of descriptions fi'om both employed and unemployEd women were
found in answers given to the question, "In general, how would you describe the way you
feel most days?" Although, halfof the women said they were happy, relaxed or peaceful,
the other halfdescribed a mixture of sadness and happiness or said that most days they
were depressed or angry. Many times they didn’t understand what caused these feelings.
Again no differences were found between the employed and unemployed women. Keisha
and Edie described their moods in the following quotations:

Keisha: Sad, I don't know why. There's not really a reasoning for it. I just
-- wake up sad.

Edie: Really bad, tired. Sometimes I don’t do nothing.

In focus groups conducted by the VoICES project, human service professionals
expressed a concern for the depression seen in some low-income women's lives. One
professional called it "being stuck" and felt that at times her clients just didn't have the
emotional and physical energy to complete simple tasks such as filling out Department of
Social Services forms or going to the store to buy needed items.

Although the women had a positive self-concept, the stress of their environments

may have led to depressive symptoms that prevented them fi'om performing needed tasks

118

or fi'om looking for employment. This finding was also supported in the literature review.
Depression has been found to be connected to the chronic stress related to poverty and
negative life events (Taylor et al., 1991). However, many of these women didn’t
understand the source of their depression. As someone looking at their lives from the
outside, numerous contributors were apparent. They lived in unsafe environments and
struggled with raising children on inadequate incomes. Perhaps again they were ignoring
how these Ectors affected them This issue will be addressed further in the following
sections.

Bersonal Traumatic Emrienees

Although the interview did not directly ask about abuse and domestic violence,
many employed and unemployed women mentioned such experiences. Furthermore,
incidents of crime, neighborhood violence and the death of Emily members were also
discussed. Out of the forty women interviewed, ten had Emily members that were shot or
murdered. Many of these passages were difficult to read. Furthermore, because the
women revealed these problems without specific questions, the probability that the
women’s lives were filled with even more tramna was high Although I have described
some of these incidents in earlier sections, the prevalence of them indicated that a separate
section was needed. When asked “What was the worst things that had ever happened to
you?”, Keisha discussed crime. Serena discussed how her brother was sent to jail and her
own struggles with substances. While Serena was using drugs, her children had been
temporarily placed in foster care. Edie described being beaten and violently raped by one
of her children’s Ethers.

Keisha: My house got broken into, everything -- I wasn't really worried

119

about my stuff. I was worried about my daughter -- she really didn‘t
understand.

Serena: . . . the worst thing, the worst things that ever happened to me --

my brother went to jail for murder and he was my role model. I lost my

Ether in the same month and my kids went to foster care.

Edie: Oh, I been abused. Oh and a while back I had got raped. I

gotrapedandthenabused. . . . Seewhat happenedtome . . .Iwas

going to get some change to catch the bus. Somebody was walking

behindme. . . anditwashirn. . ..Hepulledoutalongbutcher

knife. We went to Jefferson Park where nobody around. He pulled

theknife. . . . He saidIcouldkillyou. . . .Ikept saying, mykids,

take my life, whatever you’re going to do, just take it, but my kids

are real important to me. So he started up then. He was touching

away -- shouldn’t been touching me anyway. . . .

Recent research has begun to, look at the role of violence in the lives of low-
income women. One such study found that 65% of welEre recipients in Massachusetts
were victims of domestic violence (Allerd, Albelda, Colten, Cosenaz, 1997). A second
investigation found that 60% of their sample of low-income women had experienced
violence by an adult partner and 72% had experienced either physical or sexual abuse as a
child (Salomon, Bassuk & Brooks, 1996), Moreover, the mental health implications are
numerous. Traumatic experiences not only contribute to depression but also problems
such as Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome (PTSD). PTSD is characterized by the following
symptoms: persistently reexperiencing the event; persistent avoidance of stimuli associated
with the trauma; and persistent symptoms of increased arousal such as dificulty falling or
staying asleep, irritability or outbursts of anger, or difficulty concentrating (DSM-IV,
1994). Respondents in the Salomon et al. (1996) study were three times as likely to suffer
from PTSD than those in the general female population. Breslau, Davis, Andreski, and

Peterson (1991) studied the prevalence of PTSD in a random population of young adults

120

in Detroit, Michigan. They found that nearly 40% had been exposed to a traumatic event
and almost 25% of this group had PTSD. Moreover, they found that PTSD was
associated with an increased risk for psychiatric disorders, especially with mood disorders
such as anxiety problems.

In addition, childhood traumas have not only been linked to psychiatric problems
but also changed attitudes about people, aspects of life and the future. Some individuals
who have been traumatized as children are more to believe that more problems will follow
(Terr, 1991). Although the women weren’t asked about trauma related symptoms, these
problems would make building trusting relationships, parenting, and keeping a job more
difficult.

Both employed and unemployed women used prayer, talking with others, or simply
ignoring their problems as coping strategies. Carmella, Edie and Shantay reported
handling stress in the following ways:

Carmella: [I] go upstairs, close the door, turn the ringer off on the

telephone and just go to sleep. When they wake me, I don't respond. Other

than that I get in my car and drive. If I have gas, I'll get in that car and just

drive, drive, drive or I'll go somewhere and park.

Edie: I try to forget it.

Shantay: Okay, I pray and meditate. I’m doing a lot of meditating for

stress. And if I have to I’ll go to a fiiend and see what they talkin’ about

and if they not talking about what I want to hear -- well, first of all, I go to

God.

Carmella’s, Edie’s and Shantay’s responses are typical. Many times the women

reported that they tried to solve their problems alone or that they kept their emotions and

stresses to themselves. As reported in the mesosystemic section, some women were

121
isolated and these women were most likely to keep their problems to themselves.
Although, Carmella had a true fiiend and Emily members that were only a phone call
away, she chose to keep her problems private. Perhaps she worried about overburdening
those who helped her. Similar to the women who felt depressed, she may also have had a
dificult time understanding her moods. Therefore, she may also have had some problems
describing them to others. Whatever the reason, the Ect that many women were isolated
in handling emotional problems was apparent.

However, the women were also resilient. Crime, violence, death, drugs, and
poverty did not deter the women fiom wanting a better life for themselves and for their
children. Their struggles, although difficult, didn’t destroy them Some women felt that
they were better off than others and they were thankful for what they did have. The
following quotations from Yolanda and Kathy exemplify this quality:

Yolanda: There has to be a God because I wake up every morning, I have

two eyes to see, I have two hands to do, and I have peace and my kids are

growing -- and there's a lot I'm thankful for.

Kathy: The best thing is that I was one of the lucky ones to be able to get

married and then I was fortunate enough to go back to school and get a

little education and, uh, . . . and keep up the necessaries.

Many of these internal psychological variables were actually a strength for the
women. Even through diflicult times, the women were able to remain confident,
motivated and resilient when Eced with so many barriers. A few Ectors may have
allowed them to do so. They women had a deep sense of spirituality; a belief that God
had a plan for them and was taking care of them Moreover, most of the women had
Emilies, fiiends, or partners that provided support and a place were they could forget

about their worries. They also found joy and pride in their roles as mothers and they were

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proud of being African-American. These Ectors sustained them

There was also some evidence that the women were able to ignore some problems.
Being able to ignore an uncontrollable situation has been found to be an effective coping
strategy (Kessler et al., 1985; Paltiel, 1988). The women’s abilities to focus on those
situations they could change was probably healthy. They were proactive in their parenting
roles and they had developed ways of meeting rmny of their basic needs. However,
crime, discrimination and a lack of opportunity were Ectors out of their control. Thus,
they ignored them.

However, their stresses often led to depression, a result that many women didn’t
seem to understand. Moreover, for many women it led to a lack of planning. Many
women wanted to attend college. However, if they were to look at how they were going
to enroll, find financial aid, take care of their children while studying, the dream may have
seemed impossible. Perhaps it was better to dream than to look realistically at all those
barriers. However, some women were able to plan, to recognize barriers and find ways to
circumvent them In the next analysis I examine this Ector.

. Analysis 1M2

During my examination of the women’s work histories, I noted that distinct
differences existed in the women’s overall work history in contrast to the first analysis
where I compared the women based on their employment status. Some women had been
able to work in the same job for a number of years, others had been able to hold jobs for
only a year or less, and still others had never worked at all. One group of women were
able to articulate distinct career plans and their work histories showed that they were

pursuing these goals.

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Thus, in this second analysis, I reread each transcript and compared the women’s
lives based on their work history. I first examined the group of women who were
following career plans. Next, I analyzed the transcripts of the women who had been
employed less than a year during their life. The remaining women (those without plans
and who had worked more than a year during their life) were also analyzed. The
grounded theory approach that I used allowed me to create hypotheses from the patterns
that emerged during this analysis. A complete description of the procedures for this
analysis is found in chapter three.

The Elanfirl Korma

Seven women had a plan to reach their goals. Although, almost all of the women
had goals, these women had plans that they discussed and were reflected in their work
histories. This pattern was reinforced through interviewers’ comments. The following
vignettes describe some of these women:

Erica

Erica was quoted in the exosystem section discussing her experiences with
discrimination in Flint because she was bi-raciaL She was 20 years old, currently
rmemployed and the mother of two sons, Calvert who was 4 years old and Anthony who
was two. Her previous employment included smnmer jobs doing landscaping and working
at Taco Bell. Erica was pregnant at the time of the interview but was also pursuing
college full-time. During high school she’d completed vocational courses in health
careers. She Was currently attending classes at the community college and she planned to
transfer to a university to study physical therapy. She knew what was needed to become a

physical therapist and knew what schools she could go to:

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Right now I’m taking my regular classes at Mott College and then I’ll be
transferring to U of M. There they have a good physical therapy program

She had this to say about her future:
. . . as of now I lmve my career goals straigh -- what I want to do . But
after I get my master’s degree in physical therapy, I’ll work for a couple of
years and maybe start my own business.

Moreover, her interviewer made the following comments about her:

She seemed goal-directed at this stage in her life and determined to
accomplish her goals.

Erica may have a tough road ahead of her. After all, she was only 20 years old,
with two children, and a third on the way. However, Erica also had support. She
received help fiom her mother, a brother, her step-Ether, a true fiiend, and her partner.
Although Erica got help from all these individuals, she relied mostly on her mother and
partner. Erica’s mother was also in college, she lived a block away and they saw each
other daily. Erica said the following about her:

She’s been very helpful to me. She’s helped me out when I need it. She’s
there for me when I need her.

Erica’s partner, Malcolm, was actively involved in raising the children. Malcolm
and Erica had been living together for almost a year at the time of the interview. Erica
appreciated that he was “always there” and thought he made her life easier because she
had “sorreone to lean on.”

The support Erica received fi'om her mother and fiom Malcolm allowed her to
pursue her education and career goals. Without these individuals, she wouldn’t have had
someone to help watch her children as she attended school, or to help provide for them

financially. These supports also allowed her to accomplish more than many of the other

125

women at a younger age. Although many women in their teens and early twenties were
still struggling to find their first jobs, Erica had both worked and gone to college.

Ram

Pam was 32 years old and has held two nursing assistant jobs. Pam was also
raising two sons. Her son Demorio was ten and her son Zabien was five years old. She
finished high school but reported receiving C’s and D’s. She also completed a training
program in secretarial skills, and a six-month program in nursing at Mott Community
College.

She had been working as a nursing assistant for four years and planned to continue
with this work. She’d recently changed jobs to go from one nursing assistant job to
another. She’d been working both jobs until the day before the interview. Before her
training in nursing, Pam worked numerous short term jobs in food service. She would
have liked to pursue an RN degree but reported having dificulty with reading. Pam was
quoted in the last analysis discussing her mother and her inability to find the time to do the
things she enjoyed. Pam had this to say about her firture:

I want to see my kids grow-up. I want them to have a well life. I want to

be able to give them what they need to get by until they grow up. Work

‘till I get too old to work, probably be alone. Won’t have too much,

because of the job I have, but as for right now I think my life is fine.

When asked if there were any barriers or problems that would prevent her fi'om fulfilling
her goals, Pam stated:

Yes, I feel I should go back to school, to get a better job. I can read, but I

don’t like to, so that’s whyI don’t go back to school. I really would like

to be a nurse.

Pam grew up with both parents. However, she reported that they “fought a lot.”

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Neither of Pam’s parents had gone past the ninth grade in school. However, Pam was
close to her mother. She also saw a brother and two sisters on a daily basis. Pam’s
support system also included a true fiiend, Yvette. She and Yvette talked and went
shopping together but Pam didn’t often ask her for Evors. Pam received no help fiom her
children’s Ethers and was not involved with anyone at the time of the interviews.
Although Pam found it hard to ask for help, if she needed to ask, she asked her Emily:

I’ve never been the type to go to other people for help, I’d go to my Emily
first.

Her interviewer comments included:

Participant plans what she wants and sets goals. She planned her
pregnancies.

Pam had a few close supportive individuals. Although these relationships provided
a safety net for Pam, she had developed ways to remain Eirly independent. She had
planned her pregnancies and made plans for ways to take care of her Emily. However,
her reading ability provided a stumbling block for her. She felt that it kept her fiom going
back to school and becoming a nurse.

Linda

Linda, who was quoted discussing her parental role, was 34 years old and was
working full time as a medical unit clerk. She had three children: Norman, who was 18
and attending college, Devin, who was 15, and Amber, who was 4. Linda had attended an
adult training program to prepare her for her current job and she had a high school
diploma. She hoped eventually to get an RN degree. Linda described her future in the
following manner:

I want to go back to school to get my license as a registered nurse. That’s

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one goal -- to lose weight and to either get married or to live alone.

Linda grew up in Mississippi and moved as a child to Flint with her Emily because
her parents hoped to get better jobs in the auto Ectories. Some of Linda’s Emily lived
out of state at the time of the interviews. However, she saw her sisters on a weekly basis.
Linda also had true fiiends and associates. Although she didn’t ask them for help much,
she did talk with her two true fiiends, Juanita and Paulette. They shared both advice and
enjoyed an emotional contact. Linda reported that they talked about:

When we were growing up, things our parents used to do and say, our

kids. I might know something that might help her with her son. Or she

know something that will help with my son -- or basically just spending

time with them

Linda also had a partner, Greg, that she’d been living with for ten years. Linda
wanted to get married but he was unwilling. She described Greg in the following way:

He’s a good Ether, a very good father. . . . The Ect that he would do
anything he could do to help me, but he doesn’t want to marry me.

Later in the interview she said her life was easier with Greg in it:

Because you feel secure. You feel like you have another companion, and it
helps to keep you fiom feeling that you’re alone.

Interviewer comments included:

She is on the verge of stepping into financial independence.

Linda had developed supports similar to Pam’s. She had a few close individuals
who could help, but she didn’t often ask for it. Instead she depended on them for
emotional intimacy. Linda also had a partner whom she’d lived with for ten years. Greg
provided both financial and emotional support. These supports combined with her ability

to plan appeared to have helped Linda work towards self-sufficiency.

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Common Iherms for the Blanfill Women

Erica, Pam, Linda, and the other planful women shared some common themes.
First, they had the ability to set goals for themselves and develop plans to meet those
goals. Furthermore, these women discussed their plans realistically. They knew they
needed to keep working hard and that their goals would take time to fulfill.

These planful women seemed to have career information and planning skills that
the other women did not have or simply did not use. They had the ability to plan for the
future and for a different environment than the one in whch they were currently living.
Although their environment discouraged planning (Baker, 1996), they were able to plan.

It was impossible to determine how they’d developed this ability while living with
unpredictability. Changes and crises were fi'equent for many women and couldn’t be
planned for. Supports systems changed. Crime and discrimination occurred and affected
their future with little warning. Most women appeared to have adapted to this
environment by ignoring how these Ectors personally affected them while continuing to
dream of something better -- hoping that their luck would change. However, these few
planful women had taken a different route. They paid attention to these barriers and had
developed plans to overcome them

This theme was also discovered in the planful women’s discussions of
discrimination. Interestingly, most of these women discussed early experiences with
racism and all forms of discrimination were more likely to be salient for them Unlike
most of the other women, the planful women recognized racism and they had experiences
combating it. This pattern did not occur in any other group. For example, Erica, Linda

and Pam all reported that racism was a problem for them growing up. They also felt that

129

sexism and classism existed and affected them Pam stated:

. . . I feel like in school they treated the white kids better than the black

kids. Some teachers Evored the white kids more or they’d answer the

questions more.

She also felt that racism was a problem for her as she sought employment:

. . . certain places you go, it seem like they would want a white person for

the position. They look at you and your skin color is not light or not real

light or white, they take your application and say thanks we will give you a

call .....

In addition, the planful women were self-reliant. They had a hard time asking for
help and did not do so often. Again it was dificult to ascertain whether their
independence preceded their employment or if their employment allowed them to be more
self-reliant. Either way, the planful women had developed methods to handle their
problems Eirly independently. Although all of them had at least one person who
provided emotional support and intimacy, they seldom exchanged Evors with them

However, two planful women had some problems due to a lack of support.
Jolene, a 31-year-old mother of a five-year-old daughter, Jerika, had recently been
separated fiom her husband after a six year marriage. Because of her separation and the
loss of support from her husband, Jolene had decided to return to Flint to “regroup” and
to gain the support of Emily. Although her Emily was helpful, her separation had
precipitated a sense of discouragement as she changed her plan. She discussed this in the
following quotation:

. . . I didn’t really want to come here but I had to because my baby was

young and this is Emily here and I . . . was able to get help with her. I

really didn’t want to come here. The best thing is Emily.

Jolene had a bachelor’s degree in nursing and had previously worked as a nurse.

130

However, she could not find a job in Flint and was unemployed at the time of the
interview. Jolene stated that she wanted to get a master’s in nursing and with her Emily’s
help she’d been able to enroll in classes at Mott Community College. However, she had
been temporarily sidetracked due to her separation and she wanted to leave Flint. She
said:

Right now I’m at Mott (community college) but I ain’t staying here. I’m

just finishing up and I’m outta here. I came here to regroup. Let’s say,

Atlanta because I would like to go back. At Emory University because if I

go into a hospital, then they’ll pay for it (further training). . . .

She also couldn’t understand why she couldn’t get a job in Flint. She guessed that racism
played a part.

To be honest with you . . . I have a bachelors degree. I have other

certificates and I don’t understand how come I can’t get a job and then you

got a person out here not even in that field and they can get a job. White

person, I guess I’ll put it that way -- and yea, its not Eir. They tell you,

you have to go back to get more education but what you need is

experience, not the education. I already spent four years and I still don’t

have a job.

Laurielle, was a planful women who had few supports. She was 26 years old and
was raising three children: Rumeal, a son, was five years old; Carrington, her daughter,
was 3; and Keante, a son, was one year old. Laurielle Ind worked off and on as a nursing
assistant since she’d graduated fiom high school. She wanted to continue with that work
and eventually get more training. Although she could have a job as a home health aide,
Laurielle was unable to take it because she didn’t have anyone to watch her children. She
didn’t have any true fi'iends nor was she currently in a relationship. She sometimes asked

for help fi'om her mother but stated:

...Icangetoutthereandget whatlneedformeasErawomanbut
when it comes to my kids, I don’t have no pride. . . . I don’t like to go to

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my mom if I don’t have to. I’d rather go to one of these Ecilities that

provide the kind of services that are there to help me. I’d rather go to

them than take from my mom.
Laurielle’s lack of support made fulfilling her plan diflicult. However, her mom had
recently agreed to babysit a few hours a day and Laurielle hoped to return to school.

In addition, almost all of these planful women with support described feeling
happy, relaxed and were confident about their future. Pam, Jolene, and Laurielle were
more discouraged, however. Pam was worried that her problems with reading would
prevent her from becoming a RN, she reported that she would always be working hard
and probably “won’t have too much” Laurielle, who had less support was a little
discouraged about her future but wasn’t going to give up. She said:

Same place. Working. You know. I can’t even see next year really. I gotta

live for, you know, I just take today, now. I can’t even see next year.
That’s like I told my mother, I used to see the plans I had for going to

Eastern [University], medical school, and now I’ve got these kids. I’m

taking care of them by myself. I really can’t even see that far. I’m just not

going to give up. Its gonna get better. It can’t get worse.

Jolene just wanted to get a “decent job” and “take care of my daughter.”

Interestingly, Pam, Jolene, and Laurielle were the only planful women without
partners. The rest of the planful women had supportive partners that either lived with
them or whom they saw on a daily basis. Although these women weren’t married to their
partners, their partners provided help with parenting responsibilities, finances, and crises.
These women were not alone in handling their problems. Instead they had created a
partnership for themselves.

Overall, the women in the planful group did not have a large network of

supportive people. However, they did have a few individuals who were consistently

132

supportive and dependable. Furthermore, except for partners, they were most likely to
use these supports for emotional connection and advice. Partners helped out both
emotionally and financially. Moreover, the combination of support and planfillness was
beneficial. Of the planful women with good support systems, one was in college hill-time
and the others were currently employed. Jolene was also taking classes and Laurielle
planned to start in the E11. Moreover, all of the women but Pam, who had reading
problems, had plans to pursue further training in their field.

Low Kerk Histcni 91mm

Distinguishing patterns were also found in the low work history group. All of
these women had worked less than alyear during their lifetimes and none had plans for
their future. However, they all had goals that included prosperous futures and good jobs.
Their goals, however, sounded more like hopes or dreams and they were not able to
describe a plan for reaching their goals. Most often the reported that they just had to go
out and do “ it,” without being able to define what “it” was.

Moreover, many of the women in this group discussed personal trauma,
victimization, and a lack of current positive supports. Although many women, including
those in the planfill group, discussed parents who were alcoholics, harsh punishment or
abuse as children, or domestic violence as adults, the low work history women had a
tendency to discuss repeated traumas and mentioned them more often. These problems
appeared to be more immediate for this group and were described as more severe.
Furthermore, some of these women also mentioned previous problems with substance
abuse, promiscuity, and school conduct problems during their adolescence or early

adulthood. In addition, their present relationships were more likely to be problematic.

133

The following descriptions present examples:
Edie
Edie was one of the low-work history women. Although, she was currently
working part time as a dishwasher, this was her first job and she’d held it for less than a
year. Because Edie has been quoted in many different sections of the first analysis, I will
only present a brief review here. Edie was 27 years old and had dropped out of high
school during her junior year because of an unplanned pregmncy. She was raising seven
children who ranged in age fiom one through ten years. Edie had been abused as a child
and many of her partners had been abusive and/or alcoholics. One partner violently raped
her.

Edie’s experiences with violence and frequent pregnancies, most likely kept her
firm finding employment. However, as mentioned earlier, there were some signs that
Edie’s was rmking changes in her life. She’d also found a few positive supportive
individuals. Her partner, her pastor, and even a human service worker seemed to be
helping and encouraging her. Perhaps these new supports, also contributed to her ability
to find employment for the first time.

Jameka

Jameka has also been previously quoted discussing her partner, Edwin, and her

disappointment with losing her first job. Jameka was 23 years old and had been fired after
two months fi'om her nursing assistant job because she could not rely on her Emily to help
with transportation or child care. She felt that losing this job was the worst thing that had
ever happened to her. Jameka first became pregnant at the age of 15 and she hadn’t

finished high school. Two of Jameka’s three children, Edwin who was five and Jamie who

134
was three, were living with her. Her oldest child, Richard, was being raised by her Ether
and stepmother. However, she reported that her Ether was a drug addict and was in and
out of rehab.

Although Jameka’s goals weren’t much different than Erica’s, Pam’s or Linda’s,
she had no plan to achieve them Moreover, she had few positive supports. J ameka
stated:

Like I said I want to get another job, get a car so I can go back to schooL

do what I’m supposed to do and I want to go back to school, get my GED,

go from there to college, be a nurse.

However, she foresaw no barriers and only felt that she needed a car to met her goals.
Moreover, in another section, her goals were more conflicted:

I wouldn’t mind teaching the little kids, like Head Start. I enjoy that so

much when I go there. I like to help them, you know, read books and

stuff. . . . I would like to learn more on the nursing -- or maybe like a

teacher’s aide.

J ameka grew up living with her grandparents. She said of them:

I always wanted to stay with my grandmother and grandEther. My

grandmother and grandEther they spoiled me rotten. I always wanted to

stay, I was always the only child in the house.

However, later in the interview she revealed that a few years ago, her grandEther hired
someone to murder her grandmother because he wanted to live with another woman. Her
grandmother is now dead and her grandEther is in prison. She described this incident in
the following way:

Yeah, when my grandEther was guilty of having my grandmother killed,

that was just so flipped out -- because my grandEther, he was a barber. He

was a barber in our basement . . . and everybody in Flint knew him and

loved him It just flipped everybody out. . . . he had a mistress. . . .

Jameka also reported that she bad behavior problems in school and used to stick people

135
with pins during junior high She didn’t understand why she did this.

Jameka did have one friend whom she’s known since elementary school. She
exchanged Evors and confidences with her fiiend, Tiffany. Tiffany seemed to be the only
reliable person in Jameka’s life. Although Edwin, her partner, helped financially, he visited
her only when he wanted to and she had problems trusting him Moreover, Jameka had
some difliculties trusting most people. She stated:

I trust people to a certain extent. You don’t never know wlmt somebody
might or might not do.

Although Jameka did have Emily, a partner, and a fiiend, these individuals were
less helpful than the supports of the planful women. Moreover, Jameka appeared to be
less aware of herself and her needs. She didn’t have a plan. She also didn’t understand
why she’d poked others with pins. She talked about her grandparents positively
throughout the interview and only revealed the murder towards the end. She also had less
to say about this then some of the women had when discussing their traurmtic
experiences. ‘ Perhaps J ameka was also ignoring the barriers in her life and the impact of
her grandmother’s murder. It may have been to painful to think about these issues.
Moreover, her lack of positive supports made keeping a job diflicult. Perhaps her
inability to plan also contributed to her lower employment history.

Sheleatha

Sheleatha was 21 years old and had four children under age 5. Brianna was almost
five, Kevin was four, James was 2, and Martin was 1. Sheleatha had worked one summer
as a child care aid, for two weeks as a secretary at the Army recruiting center, and for

three days at a cleaners. Sheleatha wasn’t sure what type of job she’d like but viewed her

136

firture in the following way:

My plans that I have for myself is succeeding. I see myself gettin’ a nice

job. I also thought about going into the military, but I’m not too sure --

get my diploma though I want to build a house . . . take trips, leave the

city of Flint and go places I haven’t been before I don’t know what I want

to do yet, but I do see myself working and getting a good job. . . .

She felt that she needed “just my diploma” and “a good resume” to make her goals occur.
However, she was not able to specify how she was going to obtain these things.

Sheleatha had became pregnant at the age of 16 and only been able to finish the
tenth grade. She reported that she’d occasionally ran away from home during high school.
At the age of 15 she’d moved in with her grandmother and at 16 she lived in a shelter for
teen mothers. As an adult. Sheleatha only saw her mother, who lived in Flint, once a
month. Moreover, she saw her siblings rarely and her father and grandmother once every
few months. A couple of summers ago, one of Sheleatha’s brothers had been shot.
Sheleatha wasn’t sure why this had happened but reported that it scared her.

Sheleatha was separated fi'om her husband whom she’d been involved with since
she was 13. Although she didn’t discuss domestic violence specifically, she did report that
she’d been previously living in a domestic violence shelter. She felt that getting married
was the worst thing she could have done and that she’d been able to have more control
over her life since her separation. She stated:

I regret it now, getting married is the worst thing that happened to me. . .

ever since we got separated, I was able to do more with my money,

accomplish more. He didn’t like me spending money. . . . that’s what I do

now -- and buy what I need, what my kids need. . . .

However, the separation also took its toil on her. Sheleatha’s husband had just walked

out one day and Sheleatha felt lost for a while.

137

I was hurt. I got real angry fi'ustrated. I went down for a minute -- started

drinkin a lot, started back smoking weed. Kind of like gave up for a

mute.

At the time of the interview she was involved with another partner, Omar, who
helped her financially. Omar was also Sheleatha’s only fi'iend and support because she
didn’t trust women. She said:

He (Omar) really the only fi'iend I have. I never really had fi'iends.

Especially female fiiends, I don’t trust females. . . . Because they

conniving, backstabbing -- someones you meet, not all of them -- but I

don’t trust them, jealousy, they get jealous. They a trip. . . .

Sheleatha also didn’t have a plan and there was evidence of different types of
problems in her life: living in a shelter as a teen, the shooting of her brother, living in a
domestic violence shelter, and her separation fiom her husband. She also appeared to be
more isolated than Jameka. She only had Omar for support. Moreover, Sheleatha’s
employment history was sparse. Perhaps her need to cope alone with her various
problems lefi little energy to think of work.

Emptinns in the L911 flank Hm Shaun

Some exceptions did exist among the women in this group. Four women who had
worked less than a year didn’t describe trauma. Other women had been able to overcome
traumatic experiences and had longer work histories. The following two sections describe
these exceptions.

One of the four women who didn’t discuss trauma, but who had less than a year of
employment was Lois. Lois, has been quoted throughout the first analysis discussing the

end of her twenty year marriage. She had never worked during her marriage and was

138

discouraged because she had been unable to find a job. Thus, her low work history
appeared to be a result of maintaining a traditional wife and mother role during her
marriage. More than likely her absence in the employment market and lack of viable skills
prevented her from finding employment after she was divorced.

Two more women gave short responses to the questions and it was diflicult to get
a clear picture of their lives. A fourth women, Nikkia, also described some trauma (her
cousin was found dead with a gunshot wound in her head in the basement of her home).
Nikkia was 25 years old and had four children. She had previously worked a summer job
doing yard work. She hoped to someday get a cosmetology license. However, she didn’t
seem to be motivated to make this happen. She stated:

Well, I have always been saying that I wanted to do hair . . . yeah, I’m

going to have my own business one da -- and who knows, it might come

true.

However, Nikkia also had some positive supports. She saw her mother and her
sister daily and relied heavily on her mother for help. She felt she could get whatever she
wanted by “throwing a tantrum.” When she had problems with her kids, she would call
her mother who would watch the kids so that she could leave. She said:

.. . they (the kids) get me so stress out, it seems like Ijust be going crazy

and like, shoot, I’ll be glad when my mama get here. Yeah this is why I’m

leaving y’all today and I ain’t coming back until night time. And I do, too.

When they be getting on my nerves like that . . . I’ll leave.

Although Nikkia had life stressors, she also was fairly content with her life.
Furthermore, Nikkia reported that she “gets to drinking” when stressed and she frequently
discussed “partying” with her fiiends and associates. Nikkia had this to say in answer to

the question, “How would you describe the way you feel most days?”

139

I be saucy, mad, pissed ofl‘. I be wanting to do some devious stuff. . . . but

then, shoot, I calm myself down -- after, I probably send somebody to the

store for me -- to get me something to drink on. . . .

Perhaps, Nikkia had an addiction. Although it was impossrble to determine this
through her interview, Nikkia was less motivated and seemed less responsible than the
other women interviewed. She frequently spent time with fiiends drinking and her mother
seemed to handle many of her household and parenting responsibilities. Her lack of
motivation and drinking probably prevented her fi'om finding employment. However, they
may also have masked some other problems she was unwilling to discuss during her
interview.

Sara and Serena

Another women Sara, described repeated traumas, yet she was able to work for
slightly over two years in fast food. Sara was 31 years old and was currently unemployed.
However, she volunteered at the NAACP. Sara had finished high school and attended the
community college for a year. She had three children. Her oldest daughter, Kenya was 13
years old and in junior high. Shantel was 7 and her son, Tijuan was 4. When Sara was
asked to describe her plans for her future, she said:

I been lookin’ at that too, my goals at this moment is to just continue my

education, working and find a larger home, that’s as far as I can go . . . I’m

sure other things will be stirred up and what I’ll be involved in I really

don’t know -- but something that will help me and my kids.

Sara was molested fi'om age four to 17 by her stepfather. Before the interviewer
could finish describing the interview, Sara revealed:

. . . is there anyway alter you gather this information to . . . help mothers

out of different situations. For instance, when I was a child I was

molested, fi'om four years old until I got 17. I got married, I got married,
but I was in an denial I had completely forgot about my childhood because

140

it had been goin’ on for so many years. I didn’t never want to remember

anyway. . . . I thought I’d be okay if I never thought about it, but it was

still-~Istillcarrythataroundwithme. . ..

Sara’s first husband, the one she’d married at the age of 17, died soon after in a
fight with his father over a gun. During the struggle, the gun had gone ofl'killing both
Sara’s husband and her mother-in-law who witnessed the struggle. Sara either didn’t
know, or didn’t discuss the cause of the fight. At the time of her husband’s death, Sara
was at the hospital because Kenya, who was 14-month-old at the time, had spinal
meningitis. Furthermore, her husband had been abusive.

Sara had also ended a second violent relationship five days before the interview.
Her baby’s father had broken her nose and given her two black eyes. This relationship had
lasted for eleven years. She had just begun counseling and wondered why she let others
treat her badly. She described this in the following quotation:

When my kids daddy jumped on me. I mean, you know, all of that abuse

was things that . . . I allowed. I was wondering what was wrong with me

to let somebody hit me anyway. So I was trying to figure out, why was I

stickin’ in a situation like that, and I started asking myself different

questions. I meant I had to go to work (her volunteer work) with a black

eye, both of my eyes. It was terrible. But I mean, I was raisin’ kids I

wouldn’t never want them to go through that, you know, feel that they got

to be stuck or trapped into nothin’.

Sara’s last partner had been controlling and didn’t like her to communicate with
her family. Therefore, these relationships had been distant. Sara did have two fi'iends that

she saw occasionally and she attended church with one. However, Sara was often alone

and had little support. She described feeling:

Now, I feel lonely, but most days I feel O.K. ‘Cause I just try to block
things out. . . . I’vejust drifted in life . . . and this is what I’ve learned
about myself by going through the class so far -- I mean, going to see the
counselor, and I’m gonna look forward to going to see her next week.

141

Although it is impossible to determine why Sara had been able to work slightly
more extensively than the other women who had survived traumatic experiences, her age
may have been a factor. All of the other women in the low work history group (except for
Edie) were under age 25. Sara was 31. Therefore, she had six to 13 more years to work
than the other low work history women Perhaps Sara had worked a bit more than the
other women simply because she was older.

Serena, who also has been mentioned frequently in first analysis, also had a more
extensive work history even though she’d experienced some trauma, had little support
from her family, and was a recovered substance abuser. Serena had worked for four years
in a Ford plant in the late 1970's. After she’d lost that job, she hadn’t worked again until a
year and a half before she was interviewed. Although Serena wasn’t asked about the gap
in her work history, it is probable that her substance use had prevented her fi'om obtaining
and keeping employment after her Ford job ended. Furthermore, as she continued with
her recovery and gained the support of those she met there, it might have been easier for
her to keep a job.

Cnmmon Themes among the L931 Work Kismet Women

Overall, the low work history didn’t have much support. Although most had
contact with their families and/or others, these individuals didn’t often provide consistently
positive support. Some of the women reported being abused by their families or that

certain family members had been violent to others. If these women had partners these
relationships were often conflictual and at times were violent. Often the only people in
their lives who appeared supportive were the one or two true fi'iends that they’d known

for a period of time and trusted.

142
Age also appeared to be a factor. Most of the low work history women were

under twenty-five. Overall, many of the women worked more sporadically when young.
Various reasons may exist for this pattern. Perhaps maturity brought additional stability
and supports. On the other hand, older women may have more opportunity based on their
previous experiences with employment. They also may simply be more adept at finding
employment.

Surprisingly, Jameka, Sara, and Nikkia were the only women who described
feelings of depression. The rest of these women described feeling happy and confident
about their future. However, they seemed to ignore their problems and any barriers they
might face in trying to achieve their goals. Often they seemed unaware of the complexities
of their lives. They ignored discrimination, how their experiences of trauma had affected
them and the conflicts in their relationships. To an outsider, their stated goals often
seemed to be dreams for their futures -- something they hoped for but would be difficult to
obtain.

Moreover, these low work history women seemed to believe that fate was in
control but was also on their side. Someday better things would happen for them.
Therefore, their goals or “dreams” were also hopes that they could hold on to. Perhaps,
by ignoring the difficulties involved in fulfilling their stated goals and believing in the
positiveness of their future, they were able to remain happy and confident.

Ihe Remaining Women

This last section describes all of the remaining women. These women did not have

plans and they had work histories that were longer than a year. Again, their employment

status did not create distinguishing patterns in their lives. However, the type of social

143

support they were receiving appeared to contribute to the longevity of their work history.
The women who appeared to have the best support systems were able to keep jobs longer.
The following vignettes portray these difi‘erences in support and how they contributed to
the women’s employment history. Tamara and Denise had good supports and long term
employment. Carmella also had good supports but a shorter employment history. Dhyana
and Kathy had less support and some recent changes in their lives.

Tamara:

Tamara was 37 years old and was working for the past seven years cleaning
houses and businesses. She had two sons, Darryl who was 13 and Kevin who was 4.
Tamara has been quoted earlier discussing her fear of living in her neighborhood and her
ideas about her future. She had stated that she wanted a diflerent job of some type. She
thought being a mortician might be a good job because morticians were never laid off.
Someone had told her that there was a training program for morticians at a local
community college.

Tamara was living with her sister whom also worked in the housecleaning
business. Tamara also had good support fiom her Emily, a partner, and two close fi'iends.
She had the following to say about her Emily:

They always there on time and stuff. Tell you they going to do something
and they’ll do it.

Moreover, she valued her relationship with her partner, Frank. She could tell him
anything and he made her life easier:
It’s easier because I have something to do besides get on the kids all the

time, you know, have something to do with them. Have transportation to
take them places sometimes.

144

Although Tamara didn’t have a concrete plan for reaching her goals, she did have
positive supports and a job that she’d kept for a number of years. Although it is
impossible to say fi'om her life alone that her positive supports allowed her to keep her
job, it does fit into a larger theme that is also reflected in Denise’s life.

Denise

Denise was previously quoted discussing her neighbors. Denise had two children.
Her son Ishmeal was 9 and her daughter Akiya was five. She was 33 years old and had
worked at Sears for 13 years. However, she’d lost that job during the previous year
because the store had closed and she’d ended a relationship with a live-in partner during
that time. Because of these circumstances, she’d moved in with her mother for a few
months. Denise appreciated this support and needed it to provide for her children.
However, Denise had problems with her living arrangements because her sister, who was
an addict, would steal from Denise and Denise’s mother. Denise said:

. . . . I was stole fiom and . . . I left. I don’t even know how to begin how

stressful it was. It didn’t work out to where -- that’s when my blood

pressure first went up there . . . when my job was ending, the one I had for

13 years. I don’t know if you’ve ever had everything come before you and

come together at one time and this is what was lmppening to me -- and

when everything came before me I could see my life and my children’s life

and this wasn’t good.

However, Denise had been able to use these few months to find another job as a
teacher’s aide and to find another apartment that was near her mother’s home but away
fi'om her sister. Denise didn’t have specific plans for herself. She saw her future in the
following way:

Oh, I see myself getting more education and making more money on my

job. Making sure my kids keep their heath and strength. Making sure they
get the proper education and then maybe after they’re grown, I might get a

145
husband or another boyfiiend, but not now.

Denise was also close to her Emily. She had been able to depend on them to help
her so often that she’d never had to go to a human service agency and had never been on
welEre. Although she did worry about her sister’s addiction, she felt that her family was
close. She attributed this to the way her parents had raised them.

. . . . We’re all pretty honest and close knit. I think that has a lot to do
with it, us being so close because everybody a year apart. . . .

Denise also had a true fi'iend, Anita, who was “always there when you need ‘em.”
Denise and Anita took care of each other’s children and occasionally borrowed money
from each other.

It is even more apparent fi'om Denise’s life story, how important positive supports
were to the women. Denise’s supports had allowed her to stay off welEre, even when she
lost her job and her partner, and couldn’t afford to provide for her children. Although
living with her mother wasn’t ideal, it allowed her to regroup and eventually find another
job.

Carmella

Carmella has been quoted and discussed throughout the first analysis. She was 35
and had two children. She’d graduated from high school and had 28 weeks of medical
training. Carmella had worked previously as a child care aide for 10 months, as a
receptionist for a year and 8 months, and in a doctor’s office for 1 year. She wanted to go
back for EKG training some time in the future.

Carmella also had some good supports. She appreciated her Emily’s closeness

and enjoyed Emily gatherings. Moreover, she currently lived with her sister and her

146

sister’s two children. Carmella also had a true friend that she’d known for 17 years. In
many ways her support systems match those of the women who had longer work histories.
However, some differences also did exist. Both of Carmella’s parents were deceased.
Her mother’s death was particularly hard on her. She felt that this was the worst thing
that had ever happened to her. She said

We lost our mom -- that’s about the worst thing that’s every happened in

my life... . It’s been almost three years -- not as bad as it was -- but you

know I don’t think you’ll ever get over it -- but it’s in perspective now. . . .
It’s like emotional -- it’s an up and down thing. I kinda got lost as far as
life itself, you know, as far as my career goes, my children, as Er as just
myself. I was totally lost for a year or so, I couldn’t comprehend it. I
couldn’t get a grip on it. It was no caring for anything -- nothing mattered.
. . . Day to day living wasn’t handled real good. That explains it as best as
I can explain it -- you have to be there , I guess. Some ofthose feelings
you can put into words and the rest of it, you can just feel it. You can tell
someone whether a pain is subdued or what have you, but you can’t
exactly explain the hurt. It was just an emotional time. It took a while to
things back in perspectiv -- but now I have kind of put it in [perspective].

In addition one of Carmella’s brothers was killed in a drive-by shooting in Flint.
Moreover, many of Carmella’s Emily lived out of state, making frequent contact
impossible. Although Carmella shared an emotional bond with her Emily, it was difficult
for them to provide other types of support. In Ect, Carmella often seemed to be the
provider of support. For example, one of Carmella’s sisters was an addict and Carmella
took care of her nephew when her sister was unable to do so. Perhaps, Carmella’s grief
over her mother’s death, her physical separation fi'om many of her Emily members, and
her role as support provider prevented Carmella fi'om developing a career plan or from

working for longer periods of time.

147
12m

Dhyana was 27 years old and the mother of two sons, Deon who was five and
Dwayne who was two. She’d graduated fi'om high school and was unemployed.
However, Dhyana had worked a number of short term jobs. Her first job was as an
assistant activities director for a summer youth program. After that she worked at a fast
food restaurant for two years. She left that job to work at Sear’s and then moved on to
K—Mart. She left K-Mart to work at a plastic Ectory that closed after she’d been there for
only four months. Dhyana then got a job as a home health aide for 2 months and as an
aide in a nursing home. However, she had to quit those jobs because she was pregnant
and the smells made her ill. She also'had a problem with the lifting that was required.
Although Dhyana was motivated to seek employment and found finding a job easy, she
often had trouble keeping them because of a lack of support during her pregnancies and
trouble with child care. She found her second pregnancy especially difficult because of her
lack of support.

. . . . It was rough because that whole time I was by myself. Uh, me that’s

not what I wanted to do. So, I learned to deal with it but it was very hard

though. Because, you know, I didn’t wanna, you know, have a child by

myselfand then here I am. I was having a baby by myselfand I was very

evil and resentful and I hated him a lot -- his Ether a lot.

She also felt that child care would make her life easier as a parent:

.. . . For bothofthemto go to day care so I could get meajoballyear
around instead of like sometimes in the summertime or just part-time. . . .

Moreover, none of the jobs she’d had, paid enough to allow her to move off of
welEre and she wasn’t sure how to find a job that would pay enough and be secure.

Dhyana discussed her welfare dependency in the following way:

148

I feel like their attitudes towards women that are on ADC (welfare) - just
sit around at home and do nothing and have a bunch of kids. I didn’t even
know anything about the program until I had my first child and I was five
months pregnant when I went and got on it and I didn’t like it. I didn’t like
it but I’ve been on it almost six years now. . . . I was working up until the
time I couldn’t work anymore. Until I had no other way to support myself
andmyunbomchild,solhadto goandgetonADCandthathurtme
because I didn’t want to do that. . . . I feel like they should try to make it--
give us -- show us more ways to help us get off, not just bring us to
orientation. . . . but they should also have a more advanced program for
people who know how to make their own resume and do have some jobs
skills to help them going and . . . help them find a better job or a much
more secure job. . . .

Although Dhyana saw a brother almost every day and her mother once a week, she
had little support from her Emily. They didn’t get together often and she wasn’t sure if
she could trust them. She also didn’t. receive help from her children’s fathers nor did she
currently have a partner. However, she did have two fiiends, Tammy and Carmen, whom
she could talk to and exchange favors with such as child care or transportation. However,
her friends also had their own Emilies to raise and couldn’t provide the longer term child
care and help that she needed.

Dhyana also wasn’t sure what she wanted to do with her life. She described her
future in the following quotation: .

I don’t know, I would like to seek out a career. I still don’t know what I

want to do. Um, I used to have an idea but thenI started a few things and

I didn’t like them. I don’t really know career-wise what I want to do, but I

like to work. I know that. . . .

This combination of a lack of support and indecisiveness about her career
contributed to Dhyana’s pattern of taking a number of jobs for short periods of time. She
had difliculty affording a child care center, and she didn’t have Emily or fiiends who could

watch her children. Moreover, she hadn’t pursued additional training past high school

149
because she was unsure of what to study. These Ectors led to her cycle of employment
and unemployment.

Kathy

Kathy was 48 years old and was laid off one week before the interview from a full-
tirne factory job that she’d held for less than one month. She’d also been previously laid-
ofl‘ from a job as a medical assistant that she’d held for two years. Her longest
employment was as a direct care worker which she held for four years. Kathy wanted to
get another job as a medical assistant. However, when discussing her fixture, she thought
of her children:

I see my future, uh, trying, to 'make it better for my kids -- making it more

easier for them plus showing them where being total independent is very

responsible.

Kathy had four children. Two were adults and didn’t live with Kathy. Kathy’s
daughter Katiesha was 18 years old, was pregnant, and was living with Kathy. Kathy had
given birth to a second daughter, Maya, at the age of 42. This pregnancy was unplanned
and a surprise. However, it also provided the impetus for Kathy to return to school and
later seek employment. She described in the following way:

Me getting pregnant at 42 years old. It was the worst and then the best.

The pregnancy turned out fine. I was in shock when I found out. I was
scared all through my pregnancy and then I responded like, “okay, this

happen ” so I got up and that’s when I went to Ross (for medical

training) when I was carrying her and I finished so like I said, it could have

been the best thing for me.

Although Kathy had a lot of people in her life, she also had few consistently
positive supports. She had a hard time asking for help and she provided more support to

her Emily than she received. Her interviewer said the following about her:

150

She has a lot of family but little support. She stresses independence in her
life.

Kathy did have one true fiiend, Loretta. Kathy and Loretta shared an emotional
connection and they could discuss anything with each other. They helped each other to
raise their children. However, Loretta had recently moved out of town and could no
longer provide the support she used to. Kathy said:

Oh, right now we don’t to do anything. She lives out of town but we used

to visit, go on job hunts together, get our kids and raise them together

most of the time.

Kathy also had a partner that she liked to talk to. However, she felt that her
relationship made her life harder. She said:

Its harder because I feel more torn between my kids and my household, and
like if I’m over his house, I always feel like I should be back here.

Like Dhyana, Kathy had less support fiom her Emily than did Tamara and Denise.
Because of this it was also difficult for Kathy to keep a job. However, Kathy’s recent
pregnancy seemed to change her outlook on life somehow. During this pregnancy, Kathy
Ind returned to school for medical training. Subsequently, she had gained employment as
a nursing assistant, an occupation she hoped to return to. However, circumstances led her
to a better paying job at a Ectory and circumstances also led to a lay-off. Again Kathy’s
lack of support and planning appeared to have contributed to her more sporadic
employment history.

Cemmen Them amena the Remaining Women

The lives of Tamara, Denise, Carmella, Dhyana, and Kathy demonstrate that the
degree of positive support contributed to their ability to remain employed. Family often

played an important role in helping the women with child care and assisting them in an

151

emergency such as a job loss. When a woman lacked this support, or when she provided
more help than she received, her ability to remain employed was lessened.

However, most of the women also described feeling happy and relaxed, had
confidence in their future and described having control over their lives. Only a few of the
women in this group described feeling discouraged. Often a recent change in their support
network or life circumstances appeared to be the greatest contributor to these feelings.

Throughout the interview the women who had recent negative stressors had less
hope about their prospects or more depression. Most often changes in a women’s support
system, such as a partner leaving or the death of a family member, created these
discouraged feelings. A recent job loss was also a significant stressor. For example,
Carmella was discouraged and depressed after the death of her mother. For a time, she
was unable to look for employment or take care of other responsibilities. Denise also was
devastated by the loss of her job and the end of her relationship. Her Emily financially
supported her and her children until she could find another job. During these crises, the

help and support of family and fiiends was crucial.

Summary
Annuals Qne
Overall, similar patterns were found in the answers given by both employed and
unemployed women in the first analysis. Very few differences were found in the
macrosystem and exosystem. The women described discrimination similarly. Although
most of the women recognized that discrimination existed, rarely did they feel that it
affected them personally or that it affected their future opportunities. Often the few

women who did feel that racism may affect their chances of finding employment, also

l 52
described earlier childhood experiences with racism. The women also recognized that

sexism might affect their employment opportunities. However, again they felt that it rarely
personally affected them. Classism was the most salient variable and some women noted
that they had less opportunity to obtain a loan or a credit card.

The women felt that racist practices in Flint were disapproval of interracial
relationships or problems finding housing. Moreover, although there weren’t difi‘erences
between the employed and unemployed women, when personal stories of racism were
told, they often occurred at work. However, again the most often recognized form of
discrimination in Flint was classism. In Ect, the only difference between the employed and
unemployed women’s discussions of discrimination was that the unemployed women were
more likely to feel personally affected by classism when they interacted with others in
Flint.

I attribute these themes to the women’s enviromnents and experiences living in
Flint. Some women noted that Flint was segregated by race. Therefore, those women
who spent most of their time in Flint would be less likely to encounter racism. However,
racism might be seen in less segregated environments such as a work situation. Moreover,
Flint is also a consumer society (Edsforth, 1987). Thus, classism would be a salient
fixture in the community.

Furthermore, no differences were found in the women’s views of Flint. They were
all concerned about increases in unemployment and crime. In addition, many reported that
they would move for additional opportunities. In Ect, the only Ector consistently
mentioned as a positive feature of Flint was that Emily members also lived in Flint and the

women appreciated that closeness.

153

In addition, the employed and unemployed women’s support systems were often
similar. Many of the women had close and supportive relationships with their Emilies and
Emily members most often were the core of the women’s adult support networks. Many
women had daily visits with mothers and siblings. However, a few women (in both the
employed and unemployed groups) were isolated from some Emily members or fi'om their
entire Emily. This pattern of estrangement occurred most often in Emilies where
substance abuse or past violence existed.

Moreover, one difference did exist among the employed and unemployed women’s
interactions with their mothers. More unemployed women lived with or near their
mothers. This occurred most often with young unemployed women who had not left their
mother’s home after the birth of their babies. Additionally, unemployed women may have
simply had more time to visit with family because their daily schedules were not as busy as
the employed women.

Friends also played an important role. However, both employed and unemployed
women distinguished between true fiiendships and associate-type friendships. True fi'iends
were trusted individuals that the women confided in and exchanged Evors with. True
fiiends were described as being there whenever they were needed. Associates, on the
other hand, weren’t completely trusted. The women shared recreational activities with
associates and sometimes exchanged Evors with them. However, they usually formally
kept track of these exchanges with associates and they did not confide in them.

Some women had only associates or did not have any connection with fi'iends. At
times, these women discussed a past history of drug use or childhood abuse, but this

wasn’t always the case. Moreover, some women had connected with others through

154

agency programs or church activities. One difference between the employed and
unemployed women did exist, however. All of the women who reported that they did not
exchange Evors with fiiends were employed. I hypothesized that these employed women
rmy have had more resources as the unemployed women and perhaps did not need these
type of exchange networks or that they had less time to access them

Partners were also supportive. Both employed and unemployed women saw their
partners either on a daily basis or three or four times a week. The relationships alleviated
loneliness and many women felt understood by their partners. Moreover, many partners
provided a surrogate Ether role to the women’s children as well as helping the Emily
financially. Again, one difference between the employed and unemployed women
occurred. The employed women were more likely to discuss their relationships
consistently. They either described a consistently positive relationship or discussed their
unhappiness and often their decision to end the relationship. Unemployed women, on the
other hand, were more likely to describe both positive and negative qualities when
discussing their partners. Again the unemployed women may have needed more help fi'om
their partners. Thus, they were more likely to stay in unsatisfying relationships or to ignore
their unhappiness.

Many employed and unemployed women also worried about crime, violence, and
drugs within their neighborhoods. Although the majority reported knowing their
neighbors, often contacts included only saying hello or waving. In general, three patterns
of interaction with neighbors occurred. Some women, regardless of how well they knew
or trusted their neighbors, reported that they would not ask them for help. Other women

described knowing, trusting, and asking their neighbors for help. A third group said they

155

did not know their neighbors well or did not trust them However, they would go to them
for help. Unemployed women were most likely to report asking neighbors for help and
were more likely to be in this third group of neighbor interaction.

Overall these relationships with Emily, fi'iends, partners, and neighbors provided
both emotional support, companionship, and opportunities to borrow or exchange Evors.
A few additional differences also existed, however. Employed women were more likely to
report that they found it hard to ask for help. On the other hand, unemployed women
were more likely to identify multiple sources (both relationship-based and community-
based) where they felt comfortable asking for help. However, the sources of support for
unemployed women did not always appear to be as helpful. At times, support for
unemployed women was accompanied by the possibility of negative interactions and
unemployed women seemed to be more likely to ask help from those they didn’t entirely
trust.

Community agencies were another type of support that I assessed and both
employed and unemployed women had similar views of them. They were found to be
helpful but they also created stress for those who used them. Moreover, human services
were most often used in an emergency and were not sought as a means to improve life
circumstances. Surprisingly, the women did not request difl‘erent types of services, except
for affordable child care. However, they did ask for increased personal contact with
agency professionals and complained about the amount of paper work involved in
accessing services.

Churches helped some women foster a sense of spirituality. Spirituality was

important to nearly all of the women and helped them to cope with the stressors in their

156

lives. Moreover, a few women had found a trusted pastor or human service worker who
was helpful to them

The Emily life of employed and unemployed women was difl‘erent in some aspects.
Employed women were more likely to have hectic schedules with little time for relaxation.
Many worked non-traditional hours which made finding child care and time for sleep
difficult. Some worried that their children weren’t being taken care of properly when they
were at work. Furthermore, the employed women found it easier to list specific needs
they had to make their life as a parent easier. Most often they requested help with child
care or fiom their children’s Ethers.

However, other aspects of Emily life were quite similar for employed and
unemployed women. Parenting skills and styles were alike. The women hoped that their
children would grow-up to be productive adults and they had rules that promoted respect,
responsibility and safety. They felt that the best way to discipline their children was
through teaching and talking. They also took away privileges, used time-out and
spankings. The women felt that they were good mothers and made sure that they showed
their affection to their children.

First pregnancies were difficult for many women, especially if they didn’t have
support fi‘om Emily or partners. They often reported that they had little information about
pregnancy and rmny reported feeling ill. Second pregnancies were described as being
easier because they had more information and usually more support.

Furthermore, both groups of women reported the same stresses. There were times
when they did not feel as if they had the energy to complete all the tasks required of them

and all worried about having enough money. Financial concerns were prevalent and some

157

women reported not having enough food or being able to pay bills on a regular basis.

Both employed and unemployed women also had similar education and work
histories. Most of the women spoke of their schooling ambivalently. A woman’s first job
was often in fast food restaurants and her employment was more sporadic. As adults they
found employment as waitresses, housekeepers, launderers, and nursing, child care or
teaching assistants. Furthermore, most women had little consistency between job training
and jobs. Only seven women (both employed and unemployed) had distinguishable career
paths and future plans. Additionally, a number of women had long term (fi'om two to ten
years) employment in one job. Again, these women were found in both the employed and
unemployed groups. A third group of women had less than a year of total employment.

However, all of the women interviewed were motivated and most felt that they had
control over their future. All but a few of the women reported having control over all
aspects of their lives. However, when questioned further, some employed and
unemployed women mentioned that they did not have control over a few things such as
crime and the income they received fi'om welEre. All of the women also reported having
control over their future. They wanted more for themselves and their children. However,
of the four women who could not imagine a positive future, three were employed.
Perhaps their employment in low-paying jobs had left them discouraged.

The women also had specific goals for themselves. However, although the women
could describe their goals, they were vague in their descriptions of their plans to reach
those goals. Often these plans sounded more like dreams. Perhaps they simply lacked
career planning information. However, a second reason for this theme may also exist.

Many women may simply be ignoring barriers in their lives because a recognition of those

158

barriers would be too discouraging.

The women also described themselves positively and with confidence. They were
proud of their ethnicity and felt that their children should be taught Afi'ican-American
history. However, signs of depression were also evident. Often the women described
feeling “blue” and often they couldn’t figure out what was causing these feelings. Many
women reported coping with their problems by keeping them to themselves. Other
women used prayer or asked others for help when they needed it.

A prevalence of traumatic experiences also were found in the employed and
unemployed women’s interviews. Although specific questions were not asked about this
topic, the women volunteered information about childhood abuse and domestic violence.
Ten women had Emily members that had been shot or murdered. However, the women
were also resilient and these problems did not keep them fi'om hoping for a better future
or fi'om raising their children.

Analysis Irate

Distinguishing patterns did emerge, however, during the second analysis when I
reanalyzed the women’s transcripts based on their work history. First, I analyzed the
interviews of the planful woman who were actively pursuing their career goals. Secondly,
I examined the transcripts of the women who had less than one year of total employrrrent
in their work histories. The remaining women were also a part of this second analysis. I
reread these women’s transcripts based on their employment histories, looking at the
women who had the longest employment history first and those with slightly over a year of
employment last.

The planful women had a distinguishable career plan that they articulated and that

159
could be seen in their work histories. Furthermore, all but two of these women had

positive support systems. They did not rely on a large group of people but those that did
support them were consistently helpful and the relationships they had with these
supportive individuals were positive. Interestingly, most of the planful women lived with a
partner or they saw their partner’s on a daily basis.

This combination of planfulrress and support was helpful. All of these women
were employed or enrolled in college. The planful women with less support appeared to
be struggling more. They were unable to fulfill their plans because they lacked help with
child care. A third women also felt discouraged about her future. She worried that her
reading problems would prevent her from pursuing nurse’s training.

The planful women were also aware of the barriers in their lives and were realistic
about their goals. Furthermore, they were self-reliant and reported having difliculty
asking for help. In addition, they discussed early experiences with racism Perhaps these
early experiences helped them to be successful in racist work environments.

Another group of women had less than a year of total employment. Although all
of these women had goals for their futures, none had plans. Moreover, these women had
fewer positive supports and discussed personal trauma with more intensity than any other
group. Although most had contact with Emily and/or others, these individuals didn’t
provide consistently positive support. Interestingly, most of these women also described
feeling confidant and happy about their firtures. Often they appeared to be ignoring the
barriers in their lives.

Some exceptions to these patterns did exist for women in the low-work history

group, however. A few women who had trouble securing employment, did not describe

160

trauma. In addition some women who discussed personal dimculties were able to work
for longer periods of time. These exceptions appear to be due to differences in age, to
divorce, and to substance use.

For the remaining non-planful women in the study, social supports created
differing patterns in their lives. Those who had positive supports were also able to stay
employed in a job for a longer period of time. Often these supportive individuals were
Emily members that provided child care or let the women live with them if needed.

Those women with less support had a nrore difficult time keeping employment an
and they worked more sporadically. In addition, a change in a woman’s support system
was dimcult. The death of a Emily member or the end of a long term relationship often
created intense difliculties for many women.

The results of this study indicate that work history is a more distinguishing feature
among low-income women than work status. Furthermore, opportunity, social support,
the ability to plan, and trauma experiences are important Ectors to consider when
examining a low—income Afiican-American single mothers ability to gain self-sufficiency.
The following chapter addresses these issues and my research questions.

whose lives didn’t fit those theme. Althoughl found that my results continued to support
this idea, I also discovered that it wasn’t the only Ector involved. Divorce, substance use,
death of a Emily member, and at times, geographical distance fi'om Emily also played

roles.

CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION
Because I have already addressed many of the themes found in the analysis section,
I use chapter five to specifically address my research questions and to discuss limitations

and further research.

unemplexedmnz

Very few difl‘erences were found among the employed and unemployed women in
this sample. Perhaps, instead of asking what are the sirnilarites and differences between
the two groups, the more interesting questions is why do so few differences exist? Why
were there more similarities than differences between the two groups?

Two possible explanations exist. First, many similarities occurred among the
respondents based on the design of the original research. All of the respondents were low-
income Afiican-American single mothers who lived in Flint. They had all enrolled a child
in a Head Start program and they all had children under the age of five. Perhaps, having a
common context is the major explanation for these similarities. Being an Afi'ican-
American women who lived in Flint with few financial resources may create more
similarities regardless of whether a woman’s income comes fiom work or welEre.

Job availability was limited in this community. Unemployment was high and the
jobs available to women without college degrees were those in the service sector (food
service, retail work, housekeeping, and service-focused professions such as child care,
teaching and nursing assistants). These jobs paid less, had fewer benefits, were more
likely to be part-time and had inconsistent work schedules.

Additionally, although some women didn’t recognize it, discrimination existed for

161

162

all of them The jobs and job training opportunities that were most often offered to them
were traditional female occupations that were accompanied by lower salaries. Moreover,
they were often ones that Afiican-American women have traditionally held, such as
housekeeping, food preparation and laundry work (Newman, 1986; Zinn & Dill, 1994).
The women also reported encountering racism while at their jobs and some felt that their
opportunities for certain jobs were hurt by racism. They were also affected by classism
and they recognized that those with less money were less respected than those with more.

Moreover, many of the women lived in unsafe neighborhoods and almost all of
them had some concerns about crime in Flint. Many women had been personally affected.
by violence. Some were trauma survivors and a few had been substance abusers. Other
women had Emily members or fiiends that were murdered or were also strbstance users.
Thus, their experiences with violence and fear of their environments were similar and may
have contributed to the women’s stresses and lack of trust in others.

Furthermore, cultural and Emilial influences were similar. Many women had
strong African-American Emilies to support and help them They’d learned to be proud
of their ethnicity and of themselves. Perhaps these macrosystemic, exosystenric and
cultural Ectors were a stronger influence on the women’s lives than their employment
status. Because of this they lived similar lives with similar stresses and supports.
Bronfenbrenner (1979) supported this idea in his ecological model. He stated that within
any culture or subculture the exosystem, mesosystenr, and microsystem are similar,
whereas between cultural groups they are distinctly different. Therefore, we should
expect to find more similarities than differences if employed and unemployed low-income

African-American women are from the same sub—culture as the results of this research

163

suggest.

A second Ector of the methodology of the first analysis may also have contributed
to the prevelance of similarities between the employed and uenmployed women. Very few
of the women in the sample appeared to be self-sufficient and without the need of outside
resources and help for very long. Because of the economic context they lived in, they
were employed in low paying and unstable jobs. The women preferred to provide for their
Emilies through employment. However, their incomes from paid work outside of the
home, never provided enough of a cushion to economically cover emergencies or
unplanned events. An unplanned pregnancy, a change in child care or transportation, or
an unexpected lay-off, would led to a job loss and often, a return to welEre.

Thus, a cycle of work and welEre was created for most of the women. This
pattern is supported in other’s research. Corcoran et al. (1984) found that many women
in their sample cycled on and off of welEre and did not remain dependent on it for any one
extended period of time. In a second study, Salomerr, Bassrrk, & Brooks (1996)
discovered a similar phenomenon among their respondents. The majority of their sample
also had a “fluid” or cyclical pattern of AFDC (welEre) use.

Because this research was not longitudinal, the women were caught in only one
part of the employment/unemployment cycle. Thus, some women who did have a longer
employment history were currently uemployed. Others, who had worked less, happened to
be employed at the time of their interview. Therefore, any Ectors that allowed a woman
to remain employed for longer periods of time were not apparent.

This idea was supported through the second analysis. Examining the women based

on their employment status was not as helpfirl as looking at the complete work history.

164

The women’s work history and ability to plan provided a better classification system
Through this examination difi‘erences were discovered among the women who were
employed for longer periods of time and those whose work history was more sporadic.

However, these two explanations (context versus the welfare and employment
cycle) are not mutually exclusive. Because the women live in a context where
discrimination and unemployment exists, finding stable, good-paying jobs is a diflicult
task. Thus, the context in which they live their lives may create this cyclical employment
and welEre pattern.

Nonetheless, some women were able to keep their jobs for longer periods of time
and a few were able to navigate through an emergency without returning to welEre. The
differences between the women who had longer employment histories and those who did
not, provided clearer answers to the questions concerning how service providers can help
this population. Analysis two provided these clearer answers which will discussed later in
this chapter.

Questienm Whatistheefleetefnaidmrkenthemmenandtheirfamihtm
Questienthree; Whateffeetdeesunemnlemmhaxeentlmmmenandtheirfamihrfifel’

Although the finding that more similarities than differences existed between the
two groups of women made finding the effects of employment and unemployment
difficult, some efl‘ects were apparent. Employment did not improve a woman’s income
enough to lessen their stresses or concerns. In Ect, having a job only increased a
woman’s responsibilities as she balanced the mesosytemic role or worker with the
rnicrosystemic role of mother. Both employed and unemployed women worried about

money and being able to provide for their Emilies. In addition, they had similar concerns

165

about community and neighborhood safety.

However, employed women had additional burdens. Their schedules were hectic
and they juggled both work and Emily responsibilities. They had few opportunities to
relax and, at times, they didn’t get enough sleep. Many women worked late hours and this
made finding time with their children even more dificult. Some employed women such as
Shantay, felt distant fi'om their children and they worried about not having enough time to
spend with them Edie also described the struggle of trying to manage child care
responsibilities and the expectations of her manager. Although Edie was proud to be
employed, she reported that she sometimes felt like quitting her job due the stress of
finding reliable child care. Overall, the employed women requested more help in raising
their children and in finding adequate child care than the unemployed.

This theme is also supported in the literature, Malson (1987) found that both single
and married employed Afiican-American women had more work to do than unemployed
women. As in this investigation, all of the women in Malson’s sample, had the primary
responsibility for child care and household chores. However, Malson also found that the
women were actively developing strategies to manage the dual responsibilities of
parenthood and employment.

The women interviewed for this investigation appeared to be struggling more and
differences in the samples might account for this discrepancy. The majority of women in
Malson’s (1987) study reported being satisfied with their work life. They listed benefits
such as health care insurance, child care benefits, sick leave, and satisfaction of the
accommodation of Emily needs as benefits to their employment. Moreover, although

Malson did not ask about work hours, the majority of the women in her sample worked in

166
offices as clerks and secretaries. Therefore, it may be assumed that they were more likely

to work traditional work hours, unlike many women in this sample. Moreover, the
women in this study, such as Edie, asked for child care and some did not seem satisfied
with their employment. Other women reported that they were unemployed because of a
lack of child care. Therefore, it appears that some of the women interviewed for this
study were not able to cope with the added strain of employment as the women in the
Malson (1987) study. Perhaps this is due to the lack of employment benefits and the
differences in work schedules.

However, some positive effects of employment were also apparent for the women
in this investigation. Unemployed women appeared to have less status within their
community and were less likely to encounter the disapproval of others. Although both
employed and unemployed women confronted classism, the unemployed women found it
nrost problerrmic. The quotation fiom Lois provided a good illustration of this point. She
reported talking with a man who did not want to know her simply because she was on
welEre and not employed. Employed women did not seem to encounter these type of
exchanges.

Moreover, all of the women valued employment and wanted to work. Perhaps
their perception that work was positive and rewarding outweighed the reality of the
stresses involved. The employed women gained the satisEction of being able to firlfill
these goals and values. This idea is supported in Jackson’s (1992) research. She found
that employed low-income African-American single mothers who wanted to work outside
the home had higher overall life satisEction and less role strain than those who preferred

to stay home.

l 67
However, Jackson (1992) also found that having less education did contribute to

higher role strain and that the entire sample was at risk for depression. Jackson did not
ask about work satisfaction, employee benefits or work schedules. Perhaps the less
educated women, or those who reported wanting to stay at home with their children, had
less satisfying jobs. Therefore, work satisEction may be a confounding variable in her
analysis that would contribute to role strain and life satisfaction. However, her results do
support the idea that employment is beneficial to those who prefer to be employed.

Lerner and Abrams (1994) concluded in their review that single parents who work
outside of the home need more support than rmrried employed parents. This conclusion is
also supported in this discussion. Employed women requested more help and many
seemed overwhelmed by their responsibilities. However, it appeared that employment also
had benefits in term of increased status and perhaps even satisEction with self. In
addition, the women wanted to be employed. Perhaps, with good employee benefits, child
care, and appropriate work schedules, employment can be satisfying and beneficial to all

low-income single mothers.

Wmmmmmammmmmm
emnlexmentl’

All of the women interviewed preferred to be employed. They described
themselves positively and their future goals similarly. They valued education and
employment. Moreover, the majority of the women had finished high school, had attended
job training programs, and were employed at some point in their lives. Why weren’t they
all employed? And why did they have problems keeping employment? Grounded theory

allowed me to create some possible answers to these questions. Opportunity, support,

168

and planfirlness appear to be important variables that helped a women to either gain or
keep employment. The following sections discuss these Ectors.

Qnmmmitx

Opportunity, in terms of being able to access jobs, child care, and education is an
important issue for low-income Afiican-American women. The women interviewed, like
rmny women of color, lived in an urban area where the unemployment rates were higher
than the state average (Brewer, 1995; The Community Foundation of Greater Flint, 1994).
They Eced discrimination which has been found to decrease an Afiican-American
women’s chances of receiving a quality education (Gordon-Bradshaw, 1988; Peterson &
Harell, 1992), equal opportunity for jobs, and comparable wages (Corcoran et al., 1984;
Zinn & Dill, 1994).

Some of the women had not completed high school, had been placed in special
education courses, or had Eiled a grade during their schooling. Most descrrbed their
educational experiences arnbivalently. Gordon-Bradshaw (1988) found this to be a typical
pattern for poor female students of color and concluded tlmt low-income African-
American girls were often tracked into vocational or special education courses regardless
of ability.

Moreover, most of the women interviewed had been involved in job training
programs that infi'equently translated into employment. Often they were trained for low
paying occupations, such as nursing assistants and child care aides, and only a few of the
women had attended college. Recently, some have criticized job training programs for not
training women for jobs that pay enough to support their Emilies. Other researchers have

argued that in today’s economy a college education is the only mechanism to self-

169

sumciency for women on welEre. However, welEre dependent women are rarely given
the opportunity to pursue college (Gittell, Vandersall, Holdaway, and Newman, 1996).
Perhaps, due to the women’s early experiences with school, misguided assumptions about
their capabilities, or even a lack of a quality public school education, they hadn’t had the
opportunity to consider attending college. Thus, they were not able to access an
important career option for themselves.

Moreover, due to their lack of educational opportunities, the women were only
qualified for lower paying service occupations. However, they also had to Ece
discrimination when applying for these jobs. These Ectors (opportunity for education and
employment) impacted the women’s ability to find employment and to be able to
adequately support their Emilies through their wages.

Many women were aware of how opportunity influenced their chances of finding a
job. Although only a few women saw the personal effects of discrimination, most knew
that it existed and that it might create problems when looking for work. Other women,
like Janeice, saw the influence of discrimination clearly as they worked at their jobs.

However, the women’s perceptions of discrimination are descirbed as being most
influential in the developmental process (Bronfenbrenner, 1987). Many women did not
personalize the influence of prejudice. Therefore, their perceptions might lead them to
search for other reasons for not being hired for a job when discriminatory hiring pratices
were actually be to blame. These women may mistakenly blame themselves for their own
lack of employment.

They also saw further education as a mechanism to improve their lives and many

felt that college was the best choice for them Moreover, they were aware that the

170
opportunities to find jobs had decreased in Flint and that good paying jobs were dificult

to find. Carmella, Janeice, Lois, and Cheryl provided quotes that lamented the economic
changes in Flint, and most women reported that they would move from Flint for better
opportunities for themselves and their children.

However, child care was the needed resource that many women felt was the most
inaccessible. None of the women could afi‘ord to pay for child care in the child care
centers used by those community members who earmd more money. Moreover, often
their non-traditional work schedules didn’t match the operating hours of child care
centers. Cheryl was one women who saw the lack of opportunity for child care services
for low-income Emilies. She felt that she could easily find a job, but that the jobs she
found did not provide enough income to pay for child care.

Overall, the lack of opportunity for education, employment, and affordable child
care services, prevented some women from being employed. Again, however, some
women were able to circumvent these barriers. Often this was due to the amount of
support in the women’s lives.

31mm!

Differences in support networks also appeared to contribute to a women’s ability
to gain employment and to keep it. Those who had better supports could depend on them
to help with child care and with transportation. These supports also helped the women
during a crisis or emergency. Moreover, the psychological benefits of having someone to
talk to about personal concerns, or simply to have fun with, was also beneficial. The
women lived with many stressors and needed this emotional intimacy.

The importance of positive support was most dramatically illustrated in the second

171

analysis, however. The women who described positive supports were more likely to have
longer term employment in their work history. Those who were more isolated, who
provided more support than they received, or had conflictual or violent relationships,
worked less. For example, Denise had worked at one job for thirteen years. Even when
she was laid-ofl', the support of her Emily gave her time to regroup and find new
employment. On the other hand, Laurielle, one of the planful women who had little
support, had dificulty following her plan and keeping a job.

Moreover, it appeared that positive support fiom Emily or from a partner were
most likely to help a woman keep a job. Family members were more likely to take over
child care responsibilities while a woman worked or to allow a woman and her child to
move in with them when needed. In addition, a close, supportive relationship with a
partner was also linked to the ability to pursue their goals for many of the planful women.
These relationships served as partnerships that appeared to provide a foundation for the
women to pursue their goals.

In addition, experiences of personal trauma appeared to prevent some women from
keeping employment. Women such as Edie, Jameka, and Sheleatha had shorter work
histories and also discussed sexual and physical violence as children and/or adults.
Although many women described victimization or other trauma, for some of the low-work
history women traumatic events were discussed more fiequently and often more intensely.
Salomon et al. (1996) found similar results. Although shorter term welEre recipients had
also experienced traumatic experiences in their study, long term recipients Eced “extreme
adversity” and violence. Perhaps the psychological problems associated with such abuse,

such as Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome, prevented these women fi'om maintaining

172
employment.

Changes in a relationship or other personal crises, also temporarily prevented some
women from seeking employment. Women, such as Denise and Jolene, had problems with
the end of a long term relationship. Carmella described being significantly depressed after
the death of her mother. These type of changes in a women’s support or unexpected
crises, such as a job loss, or an unplanned pregnancy, often created discouragement or
depression. This made finding or keeping a job dimcult. However, positive support
systems were still important. For example, both Jolene and Denise were able to depend on
their Emilies for support during their crises.

However, although the majority of the women with the shortest employment
history had conflictual relationships, experiences with trauma, or were isolated, exceptions
also existed in this group. Lois, who had some positive supports, couldn’t find a job after
a recent divorce fi'om a twenty-year marriage. Moreover, Nikkia, who had worked less
than year during her lifetime, received help from her Emily. She also discussed the use of
alcohol and drugs as a coping mechanism Therefore, personal circumstances such as
divorce or substance use create additional barriers to gaining and keeping employed. Age
also appeared to have some efl‘ect. Most of the women in the low work history group
were under age 25. Perlmps the ability to gain positive supports increased with age or
perhaps the women simply had more job opportunities based on previous work
experiences.

The difl‘erences among the employed and unemployed women’s support systems
do create an interesting question, however. Unemployed women were more likely to ask

for help from sources they did not trust and appeared to stay in conflictual relationships

173
longer. In the second analysis, the women who had the lowest work history also secured

to stay in problematic relationships and had significant trauma experiences. Did positive
supports allow the women to be employed or does employment allow the women to
develop positive supports? Because I was not able to follow the women longitudinally, it
is diffith to ascertain a causal relationships. However, some guesses can be made.

Belle (1983) proposed that some women may withdraw from demanding support
networks because they have suflicient personal resources and do not need help fi'om
others. Employed women may have more resources than unemployed women. Their
employment may have given them enough extra money so that they did not have to rely on
negative relationships. However, others may have treated employed women better due to
the improved status associated with employment. Employed women may have had more
potential, and/or stable, partners to choose from and their friends and Emily my also have
responded to them more positively.

Other explanations might also exist. Employed women also had a harder time
asking for help. Perhaps, the psychological quality of independence led women to rely on
support systems less often and turn to more self-suficient means such as employment. In
addition, employed women also simply had less time to seek support fiom others. Self-
esteem or pride may also be a Ector. Again women with more pride in their abilities to
provide for their children may seek employment instead of asking for help.

I believe, however, that for some women the relationship between social support
and employment is circular. A woman who was unemployed and had fewer resources
might need more sources of support. However, as she became more self-reliant and

independent through employment, she could be choosier about whom she included in her

1 74
support system In turn, these more positive supports could help her continue to maintain
employment.

For example, a woman with few resources may depend on a romantic partner to
help financially. She may remain with this individual even if this relationship becomes
problematic, because her need for the help he provides outweighs the problems the
relationship creates. However, if she were able to be more self-reliant through consistent
employment, she may find that the problems in the relationship outweigh the need she has
for support from this individual, and she can end the relationship. Later, she may begin a
relationship with a second partner who could provide positive support and help her reach
her goals. Thus, as a woman gains positive support, she can become more self-reliant.
And as she becomes more self-reliant, she can create more positive support systems for
herself.

Psychological Ectors may also play a role in this cycle. Perhaps as women gain
more independence and self-sufficiency their beliefs in their own capabilities increase. As
this psychological change occurs they may end negative relationships. In other words,
their belief that they deserve a positive relationship with a partner or friend also increases.
In turn, the increased psychological benefits fi'om this relationship may increase their belief
that they can be self-sumcient.

This circular explanation is supported by some of the women’s lives. For example,
Edie, whose traumatic history is described throughout chapter four, had just recently
obtained her first job. There is also some evidence that her support systems had changed.
She had ended a cycle of destructive relationships and had a partner who was helpful.

She’d also made some connections with her pastor and a service provider she’d met

175
through her involvement in a young mom’s program. Serena’s life has also changed.
She’d gained support in her substance abuse recovery program and had also been able to
return to work.

However, some women, such as Erica and Denise, seemed to have positive
support systems fiom the beginning. The support fiom Erica’s Emily and partner was
helping her finish college at the age of twenty. Denise had held the same job for thirteen
years and her Emily’s help during a recent lay-ofi‘ had allowed her to find subsequent
employment. Moreover, her Emily’s life-long support meant that she’d never had to go
on welEre. Thus, it appears that the women who had this continuous support were able
to stay employed longer or were better able to pursue their goals.

Blanfirlness

Besides opportunity and support, career plarming is a third important Ector. For
some women planfulness influenced their abilities to keep a job. Moreover, their ability to
plan appears to be an effective method of moving toward self-suficiency and away fi'om
welEre. Planful women such as Erica and Linda, had plans that would lead to higher
paying jobs. Many of these planful women were currently pursuing their plan and their
career paths reflected consistency. They were working in jobs they were trained for, and
their plans involved further training in this field. These types of skills may be needed for a
woman to obtain a stable job that earned enough money so that she could be financially
independent.

However, these planful women also needed support. Jolene and Laurielle were
planful women who had a harder time following their plans because of a lack of positive

supports. Jolene’s divorce had side tracked her from her plan and Laurielle couldn’t

176

obtain child care to pursue her plan. Moreover, Pam did not have a plan to pursue further
training in her field because of a concern that her reading ability would prevent her from
being successful in school. She may be accurately estimating her abilities. Overall, these
planful women were more realistic about their futures and could recognize both needs and
barriers to meeting their goals. Therefore, learning problems or even a lack of self-
eflicacy about school, might also prevent some women fi'om becoming self-suficient.

Another important quality, however, was the planfirl women’s ability to recognize
barriers. Interestingly, the women who had plans for their futures also reported early
incidences of discrimination. Perhaps, the ability to recognize and handle this
discrimination gave these women an advantage. When they encountered racist practices at
work, they’d already had experiences in recognizing and combating them Thus, they may
have an easier time working in a racist environment.

Moreover, they’d explored the careers they were working towards and they had a
sense of what steps they needed to take and what barriers they needed to overcome.
These women knew what schooling was needed and how they could get this firrther
education. In addition, they had developed ways (or plans) to obtain the education and
resources that they needed.

On the other hand, the women who hadn’t planned talked about their future goals
as dreams and appeared to be unsure of what training was needed. Most of the women
had little information about jobs. They often relied on information they had heard fi'om
others and had completed little exploration for themselves. Many moved from one low-
paying job to another and were not using their jobs as entry level positions leading to

better employment. For example, women like Dhyana, were often employed but they also

177

jumped from job to job. Various personal crises and lay-offs prevented them from keeping
any one job for a significant period of time. Although, these frequent job changes were
often due to their lack of opportunity to find stable, good-paying employment, their lack
of planning also impaired their abilities to keep employed and work towards a higher
paying job.

However, being able to plan does not appear to be an easy task. As noted in this
research, the women’s lives were not predictable. They were unsure when they would be
affected by crime and violence. Many times their support systems were unreliable. The
women interviewed recognized that the variables beyond their homes were out of their
control. Baker (1996) in her discussion of classism, proposed that low-income individuals
who feel as if they have little control over their lives may not see a value in planning even
if it appeared to be beneficial.

When asked to identify the things they had control over, most of the women felt
that they had a great deal of control. However, they described having control over
household and parenting concerns. As discussed previously, the women’s abilities to gain
employment was often largely dependent on opportunity. Many of the women ignored
these factors. Perhaps, they might feel discouraged about reaching their goals if they were
to recognize the barriers in their way. If this were true, planning may actually have a
negative emotional effect on many of the women.

Therefore, the planful women appear to have the ability of recognizing barriers
without feeling discouraged about them Somehow they are able to remain confident in
their ability to reach their goals even when faced with the reality of discrimination,

financial difficulties, and parenting responsibilities that make achieving those goals

178
diflicult. This ability appears to be dificult to obtain

Clausen (1993) using data produced by a sixty-year longitudinal study of five
hundred white, working and middle class individuals found that planning was an important
Ector in later success. Individuals, in this study, who had more “planfirl competence” as
adolescents achieved more as adults in their educational and occupational goals. Planful
competence was defined as a likelihood to secure information and to envision
contingencies when Eced with a decision. Planful competence also involved knowing
about one’s abilities, skills, and interests. However, Clausen noted that those who had
high social economic status in their Emilies of origin were more likely to have planful
competence. He concluded that conditions that diminished life chances, such as
discrimination and economic instability, lessened the predictive power of planful
competence. In other words, those with more resources were better able to plan and to

avoid barriers to achieving their goals.

bake?

These results suggest that program developers and policy makers address the
following Ectors in their efforts to help low-income Afiican-American single mothers gain
self-sufficiency: l) opportunity, 2) support, and 3) planning. Moreover, counseling
services are needed resources for many women who are experiencing unresolved trauma
issues or recent changes in their relationships. The following discusses these issues in

more detail as well as outlining improved methods for service delivery.

179

Qnmmmitx

Both policy rmkers and program developers med to increase their efforts to
improve job opportunities for women on welEre. Specifically, policy designed to increase
the availability of employment that provides a liveable wage, to decrease discriminatory
practices, and to increase the availability of child care are needed. Policy makers are best
able to address this issue on a macro level. Their efforts should be aimed at creating
incentives to hiring low-income women and increasing funding for job training and child
care.

Policy makers may also need to create incentives to hire low-income workers and
to decrease discrimination based on race, sex, or class. Affirmative action and tax
incentives to employers who hire low-income workers need to be continued. Moreover,
to retain low-income workers additional benefits are needed. Women such as Jameka,
quit or were fired fiom jobs because the arrangements they’d made for transportation or
child care did not work for them Others were fired because they needed to stay home for
a sick child and sonre rejoined the welEre roles because they needed the medical insurance
Medicaid provides. Policy makers and employers need to consider these needs to retain
the employment of low-income workers. Employers may need to provide transportation
fiom inner city areas, child care, and Emily leave. Policy makers and employers should
provide medical insurance. Moreover, the provision of higher paying jobs and an increase
in the minimum wage would also be beneficial to low-income workers. .

In addition, all training programs need to be closely tied to available jobs and
provide more opportunity for the women. Policy makers may want to consider assessing

the employment needs of a community to create concrete links between the training and

180
available jobs. On-the-job training programs may actually be most beneficial. For
example, many of the planful women who were working as nursing assistants had gotten
their job training from those who employed them In addition, policy makers should
consider developing training programs that lead to higher paying jobs or to jobs that have
room for advancement.

Moreover, recent evidence suggests that post-secondary education should be
available to low-income women. Almost all of the women participants felt that education
was a mechanism to escape poverty and some were pursuing a college education at the
time of the interviews. Although these results can not ascertain whether those who were
pursuing a college education obtained better employment, census data indicate that few
women on welEre are college graduates (Shealy, 1995).

Furthermore, recent studies conducted by the Howard Samuels State Management
and Policy Center in New York, have shown that low-income women benefit from
college. For Afiican-American female headed Emilies, the poverty rate of those with at
least one year of post secondary education is only 21%, compared to 51% of those who
only have a high school diploma (Gittell et al., 1996).

Child care also needs to be designed differently to better meet the needs of the
women who use them Child care needs to be available during non-traditional work hours
and for those who are firrthering their education. Moreover, it must be affordable and of a
calrher that allows a woman to feel that her children are safe and being taken care of well.
Many of the women interviewed worried about the quality of the child care that was
available to them and would most likely have dimculty leaving their children in poorly run

child care facilities.

18]
5111212911

Positive support systems overwhelmingly helped the women. Thus, methods for
creating a supportive element should also be helpful. This creation can be done by either
strengthening existing supports or through helping women create new ones.

One method of strengthening Emilies and supports is to create Emily focused
programs. Programs that serve low-income single mothers should also consider the needs
of her children. A program may need to address a woman’s concerns for her children’s
needs. A woman may devote her energy and time to a child who has unmet medical,
emotional or academic needs. Human service providers may need to help the mother find
the necessary resources her child needs in order to gain her participation in a program
Moreover, the need for child care must also be considered for single mothers to participate
in any type of program activities.

Program developers could also involve women’s children, partners and other
supportive individuals in aspects of the program These individuals could be included in
celebrations of a woman’s accomplishments or in Emily planning sessions designed to
create a career path. In turn, efl‘orts to enhance a low-income woman’s supports may
contribute to her abilities to finish a program

Mentorships and peer support could also be helpfiil. Some women may need to
gain additional support through agency programs because the relationships they currently
have with others are not helpful. Group therapy or psycho-educational services would
allow women to meet and gain the support from others who are in similar situations as
herself. A mentoring program, which matched a low-income woman with someone who

had Eced similar problems, would not only provide additional support but also needed

 

182

advice. Some evidence existed in this research that this type of support can be helpfirl.
Although programs were often criticized by the women, some more isolated women, such
as Edie and Serena, found connection and support from an agency program
Moreover, all of the women appeared to need more support in their roles as single
parents. Most of the women spent their days either at their jobs or focused on their
children. Many women, especially employed women, asked for more help. Respite care
of children may allow women some time to herself to reduce stress and to gain support
from others. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, some evidence exists that single mothers
who have more support fiom employers may be more satisfied with their lives and less
role strain. Employers may also want to provide better benefits for their employees or
time for them to take care of Emily responsibilities. Perhaps, with these additional
benefits, employers may have employees who are able to focus on job responsibilities
during the time they spend at work

Human service professionals can also supply support and connection to isolated
women. The women asked for more personalized services and more connection to
individuals who work in an agency. Agencies also need to be cognizant of these issues
when developing services. They need to become more personally supportive of those they
help by creating a positive relationship with them Furthermore, because many women
lacked trust, a human service professional must make efl‘orts to establish a trusting
relationship. Using home visits and taking more time to understand the individual needs of
an Afiican-American low-income woman may help develop such a relationship. The
women also asked for less paper work. Reviewing and eliminating “red tape” would be

beneficial for both workers and clients.

 

183

Planning

One way to help low-income women plan is through career counseling. Many of
the women interviewed had little knowledge about difl‘erent types of careers, levels of a
career ladder, or the type of training and experience they would need to reach specific
career goals. Often they relied on information fi'om Emily or friends that may or may not
be accurate. Moreover, many gained employment simply because it was available to them
regardless of whether it fit their interests or would lead to higher paying employment.

Very little is written on the topic of career development for low-income
individuals. In a literature search, I was unable to find any research on career planning
services for low-income adult women. Women’s career development, while not thought
to be fundamentally different from men’s is thought to be more complex (Fitzgerald &
Crites, 1980). Based on the findings from this research, when gender is combined with an
African-American ethnicity and poverty, that career development process becomes even
more complex. What follows are recommendations based on what is known about career
counseling in general, and what I have learned from this research.

Traditional counseling theories are based on the idea that individuals have
numerous career choices and that a fit between their interests and these choices brings the
greatest career fulfillment (Fitzgerald & Crites, 1980). Career counseling with low-
income Afiican-American single mothers should also include an examination of interests
and career options. This process would help low-income women to identify their own
interests and skills, to gain information about employment opportunities, and their training
needs. Moreover, it should help them to explore their dreams. A realistic look at these

dreams would help a women understand how possible the fulfillment of those dreams

184

were.

However, an assumption that low-income women have an unlimited field of career
options may not be a safe one to make. Issues such as welEre policy, Emily
responsibilities, support systems, and discrimination are going to effect their career
choices. Thus, in addition career exploration also needs to help these women identify
supports, needs and possible barriers. With this information, a career counselor could help
a woman develop a career plan. Included in this plan would be not only the career goal,
but also step by step methods to reach those goals. Such contingencies as training,
financing an education, gaining emotional support, providing for children and
understanding discrimination would need to be addressed.

For example, a women who wanted to be a RN would learn about that occupation
and discover that she needed four years of college. She could evaluate the feasibility of
this option based on her personal situation. She may discover that she would need more
child care and a supportive person to encourage her. She may also need renwdial reading
classes and financial aid. If she decided to pursue this goal after this exploration, her
personal career plan would include methods of finding child care and support while
completing remedial reading classes and four years of college.

For career counseling to best benefit low-income African-American woman an
exploration of support and opportunity are also needed, however. The women would not
only need to identify barriers but also understand possible emergencies or crises that could
sidetrack them fi'om their plans. The women’s lives were often unpredictable and often
these unpredictable events, such as the end of a romantic relationship, the death of a Emily

member, or being victimized by crime, seemed to sidetrack the women from their original

 

185

plans. Perhaps, recognizing that these issues may occur would help in the career planning
process. In addition, the women may want to identify supports they could access when
such events occurred. These supports, if accessed early, may help the women continue
with their plans even during a crises situation.

Career counseling should also help the women better prepare for environments in
which they find themselves employed or gaining an education. Some women described
racism and poor treatment by management and customers at their work. Preparing
women for these possibilities would help them develop methods of combating these
practices before they encounter them The planfirl women appear to have developed such
methods and these methods may have helped them plan and work towards their goals.

Career counseling would also need to help a woman negotiate the welEre system
WelEre policies may also make a women re-evaluate career goals and plans. Because
welEre reform is requiring women to leave welEre within a two year period, many
women may need to find alternate methods of reaching their goals. For example, pursing
a four year degree while still depending on welEre payments is no longer possrhle.
Therefore, a low-income woman may need to learn about financial aid, short term training
programs, or other specialized programs that help individuals in her situation. She rmy
also need to evaluate the possibility of finding a job to support herselfand her Emily while
she tries to pursue additional training. Or, she may need to get an entry level job with a
plan of finding ways to advance. These options would also need to be explored during
career counseling and added to her plan.

As mentioned previously, planning is not always easy for low-income women.

Their lives are unpredictable and Baker (1996) speculated that low-income individuals

 

186

may not see value in planning for events that they perceive outside of their control.
However, Blustein, Phillips, Jobin-Davis, Finkelberg & Roarke (1997) in a recent
investigation of the school to work transition for young adults stated that although career
planning may be dimcult in an environment that has few options, it may also be necessary.
Thus, they proposed that an adoption of an involved and purposeful approach to career
tasks may place work-bound youth in a better position to create employment
opportunities.

I propose that low-income women also need to purposefully plan for their careers.
Perhaps, gaining an understanding of career issues and barriers to career goals will also
help women living in poverty feel some sense of control over the employment process.
The ability to create a plan and gain this control may be variables that work in conjunction
with each other in a way that would help the women pursue their career goals.

Moreover, human service agencies also need to plan. They need to create a
system of accessible community services. As mentioned previously, most services were
designed to work independently fiom each other and difi‘erent types of services were
found in different locations with few, if any, links among them Although the women
interviewed had some common needs, they also had individual ones as well Some women
needed help with trauma or domestic violence, others needed further job training, and still
others needed transportation. Therefore, human service professionals need to plan more
collaborative links among community agencies.

An ideal situation would resemble the following. A women would be able to
access a system of services at one location where she meets with someone who helps her

to identify her needs and access appropriate services to meet those needs. In this manner

 

187
the community’s system of services truly becomes personalized and supportive.

Bersenal Cmmselina

In addition to career counseling, personal counseling services are needed. Some of
the women interviewed discussed trauma, such as childhood abuse, domestic violence or
crime victimization. The ones who did so most often and with the most intensity were
those who also had the shortest work history. Perhaps, the'n inability to resolve these
issues also impaired their ability to obtain and keep employment.

Other women had personal circumstances that appeared to impair their ability to
find or keep employment. Often a change in a relationship led to depressive symptoms or
other difliculties. For example, Lois had problems finding a job after her divorce and
Carmella reported depression after her mother’s death. Moreover, some women, such as
Serena, had problems with substance use and would need services to begin or continue the
recovery process.

Beyond these more severe circumstances, all of the women had considerable stress
associated with being a single parent with few resources. Personal counseling can also
help women find appropriate methods of handling this stress.

Ibe Role ef Qeunselina Wists

Counseling psychologists are committed to Ecilitating human development by
helping those they serve reach their highest level of firnctioning and to overcome barriers
that might impede their development. They are trained to believe that only by
understanding the context of an individual’s interactions with her environment can a
person be fully understood and helped. Additionally, the goal of counseling is to work

with both the client and the environment to facilitate a “fit” between the developing person

 

188
and her environment (Blocher, 1987).

Thus, counseling psychology has an important role to play in helping low-income
women gain self-suficiency. Because counseling psychologists are trained to examine the
strengths and the development of individuals within their environments, they will be able
to help low-income Afiican-American women supports and barriers to their growth and
ability to find employment. Counseling psychologists also should be able to help the
women recognize their strengths and use them to their advantage for continued
development. Moreover, the type of irrteractionist framework used by counseling
psychologists should lessen the tendency to pathologize low-income individuals and also
to develop counseling services that recognize the women’s environments as well as their
personal situations.

A counseling psychologist’s commitment to person environment fit also leads to a
concern about the problems and resources that reside with in an individual’s environment.
Thus, problems with employment opportunities, discrimination, access to education and
child care are also concerns of the counseling psychologist and she/he should be willing to
intervene in these environmental concerns (Blocher, 1987).

In addition, counseling psychologists are trained to provide a number of direct and
indirect services that could be helpful to low-income Afiican-American single mothers.
Perhaps most importantly, counselors are specifically trained to work with clients with
career issues (Blocher, 1987). This training can be used to develop and conduct specific
career counseling services for low-income women that consider the woman’s environment
and personal circumstances. Additionally, counseling psychologists can provide personal

counseling for issues such as trauma, changes in a relationship, grief, substance abuse, and

 

 

189
stress. Counseling psychologists are also trained to led support and therapy groups. This

type of leadership should help Ecilitate the development of positive supports in a low-
income woman’s life.

Indirect services provided by counseling psychologists include consultation and
training (Blocher, 1987). Thus, counseling psychologists can consult with or train other
human service professionals and policy makers within community agencies, vocational
training programs, and schools concerning the needs of low-income Afiican-American
women. This type of collaboration should also help low-income individuals by creating a
system or network of appropriate community services.

However, counseling psychologists may also need more training. Although
counseling psychology programs have increased their training on diversity issues based on
gender and ethnicity, very few psychologists consider class issues when working with
clients (Russell, 1996). Furthermore, the importance of social class are often taken for
granted in current career theories (Gottfi‘edson, 1981).

Moreover, although counseling psychologists are supposed to address
environmental barriers, this task is a difficult one. Sherman (1984) proposed that
psychologists are actually more likely to maintain the status quo than to promote societal
changes and challenged counseling psychologists to examine such issues as valuing
individualism, believing in meritocracy, focusing on intra-psychic processes, and power
dynamics.

In addition, as mentioned earlier counseling psychologists need to expand on
traditional career approaches to best meet the needs of low-income Afiican-American

women. The career process for low-income women does not appear to reflect traditional

 

 

190

career approaches where individuals are thought to make largely autonomous decisions
based on their interests and a limitless amount of opportunities. Although career
development theories for women seem to agree that background Ectors (such as gender,
ethnicity, and social economic status), individual attributes and contextual or
environmental factors impact a woman’s career development (Hackett & Lent, 1992), we
have little knowledge about how these Ectors specifically impact low-income Afiican—
American single mothers. Moreover, contextual Ectors are often included as an
afterthought (Blustein et al., 1997) and not given the careful consideration needed to help
this specific population.

Astin’s (1984) in her model of career development for women proposed that work
behavior is motivated by three basic needs: survival, pleasure, and contribution. Because
of the context in which they live, low-income Afiican-American single mothers may need
to consider the need for survival more than those of pleasure or contribution. Many
women needed to depend on governmental assistance to meet financial needs, thus, they
were subject to changes in those policies. They lived in a community where
unemployment was high and opportunities for child care or employment that provided an
income above the poverty level was low. Moreover, they needed to provide for their
children. Thus, counseling psychologists also need to examine how to help women who
have high survival needs and less opportunity. However, research and theory on this issue
is currently lacking.

I . . .
The goals of this VoICES project was to look broadly at the lives of low-income

Afiican-American women to develop more appropriate programming and to make

1 91
recommendations to the foundation that fimded the research. This foundation was

specifically interested in Flint, Michigan. Therefore, the participants were recruited from
Flint. The interview was structured and asked numerous questions about various topics.
These topics evolved fi‘om focus groups, interviews with key informants, and discussions
at VoICES team rmetings. Furthermore, the VoICES team made a decision to hire
Afiican-American women from Flint to complete the interviews. Strengths and limitations
are involved in all of these decisions.

Because the funding agency was interested in Flint, the participants were Flint
residents. Although, this leads nicely to specific recommendations for low-income
Afiican—American women living in Flint, generalizability becomes one limitation of this
investigation. Generalizability is confined by ethnicity, marital status, age of children, and
geography. Moreover, because the women had taken the initiative to enroll their children
in Head Start, a stronger commitment to the education of their children and a sense of
connection to community supports may exist among these women. Therefore, the results,
the hypotheses generated, and the recommendations given, are most relevant for Afiican-
American women in similar situations.

The VoICES project also began the interviews with some pre-structured designs
and ideas. The strength of using this approach and developing a structured interview was
that it allowed for comparisons among different aspects of the women’s lives and
comparisons among the women. Because each women answered the same series of
questions, I was able to analyze the differences and similarities between those answers and
cross case comparability was made easier. The trade-ofl‘ with using this approach is that

individual idiosyncracies and situations may have been lost. Some women may have had

192

individual concerns, strengths, or circumstances that our interview did not cover.

The VoICES project tried to lessen the chances of losing important information
through carefirl construction of the interview. The data gathering process began with
visits to a Head Start program gathering information about the community, and a series of
focus groups and interviews with community members. Information gained fiom these
focus groups with similar women and with professionals, interview data, literature
reviews, and discussions was used to develop the questions for the interview. In addition,
the interview was critiqued by others and field tested. Admittedly, important information
may still have been lost. However, the process used in developing the interview should
have reduced this problem '

The VoICES project also made the decision to hire Afiican-American women fiom
Flint to conduct the interviews. This decisions was made for a variety of reasons. During
most of the interview process, the two Afiican-American women on the VoICES team
had left the university. The VoICES team thought that the women interviewed would feel

more comfortable talking with women who were fiom the same community and ethnicity.

 

If the women had been interviewed by myself, a white woman, or by the men who were a
part of the VoICES team, they may not have been as comfortable or as honest with their
responses.

However, my absence fi'om the interviews was also a loss to the analysis. During
the interview observations of the women’s environments, understandings of the women’s
vocal tones and feelings, and a gradual building of themes, patterns, and hypotheses can be
made. Although the interviewers were asked to note these Ectors, my absence fiom the

interviews lessened my understanding of these nuances and I was left to draw them fi'om

193

the transcripts, tapes, and interviewers comments. These lost nuances may also have
contributed to a different or more complete understanding of the women. Perhaps
information was again lost.

Furthermore, as previously discussed, this dissertation is limited by the time period
in which it was conducted. The women were interviewed at one point in time. Therefore,
it is impossible to predict causality nor how changes in the economics of the community,
in welEre reform policies, in the women’s supports, or changes in individual life
circumstances will impact their work histories and abilities to become self-sufficient.

Researcher bias may also have been a limiting Ector. During the VoICES analysis
I was able to consult regularly with other team members to check on my own bias.
However, the analysis for this dissertation was conducted in relative seclusion. ‘

I was aware that this might bias my analysis and found some methods of checking my
results. Although I did not have the VoICES team to consult with on a regular basis, I
was able to occasionally consult with the principal investigator, Dr. McKinney, and team
member, Mickey Melendez. Furthermore, I discussed my results with other Afiican-
Americans and women of color.

I also was careful to recheck my results and reread transcripts and passages. I was
especially concerned that I might over interpret the effects of trauma on the women’s lives
because of my previous work experiences. I also made notes of my process as I
completed the reading of the transcripts and the analysis. These observations are recorded
at the end of chapter three. However, the analysis was conducted through my fi'amework

and way of examining the world. Thus, bias still remains a Ector.

194
Bitnre Researeh Dimiens

The goals of this research was to qualitatively examine similarities and differences
in the lives of employed and unemployed Afiican-American single mothers and to create
hypotheses through grounded theory as to the causes and efl‘ects of employment and
unemployment. Therefore, one firture research direction is to more closely examine the
hypotheses generated by this research. Moreover, research on this population is only
recently being conducted. Therefore, numerous areas of future research exist.

Based on the results of this research, opportunity was hypothesized to be an
important Ector that affects a low-income women’s chances of finding employment.
However, additional research concerning how current economic conditions and
discrimination affect employment is needed. Although psychological research often
focuses on individual attributes, these macro-systemic Ectors need to be considered in any
type of research project that examines the employment capabilities of low-income
individuals. If these larger contextual Ectors are ignored, it seems possible that people
may be blamed for situations that are often out of their control.

Support was found to be an important variable that helped a women gain and keep
employment. A closer examination of how support systems contribute to a low-income
Afiican-American women’s ability to keep a job would be beneficial. Specifically, the
quality of these relationships appears to be important. Research designed to investigate
how some women develop these positive relationships and how improving one’s life
afi‘ects supports is also needed. In addition, the effects of negative support systems would
also be helpful. Moreover, I suggested that a circular relationship between support and

self-reliance may exist for some women. Longitudinal research would help in the

195

understanding of how supports change as a woman’s personal circumstances change and
would help examine the possibility of this circular relationship between supports and self-
sufficiency.

Moreover, partners and Emily members appeared to be the most beneficial types
of support for some women. Although a few studies concerning Emily support exists,
only a handful of researchers have investigated the role of partner support. These areas
are also subjects for further study.

Trauma was prevalent in many of the women’s lives. The women with the least
amount of work experience described past violence nrost intensely. Research which
examines the role of trauma on a woman’s ability to gain and keep employment would be
an important contribution. Moreover, there was some evidence that past trauma
experiences affected support systems. Some of the nrost isolated women also described
past childhood abuse or domestic violence.

Furthermore, other Ectors such as divorce, the end of a relationship, death of a
Emily member, and substance use all appeared to afl‘ect some of the women’s abilities to
obtain and remain employed. Changes in a relationship often seemed to precede
depression. Divorce also appeared to led to emotional difficulties for some. In addition,
one women had trouble re-entering the job market after a long marriage and subsequent
divorce. The effect of these issues on the employability of low-income women, along with
the impact of substance use, also have not received much attention in the psychological
literature.

This research also examined a number of psychological factors such as depression,

self-concept, stress and coping skills, motivation and a sense of control. Again, because of

196

the paucity of research on these topic for low-income women, these areas could also use
further investigation. The eflects of all of these Ectors on a woman’s employment status
and history would be helpful. Moreover, their impact on Emily life and parenting are also
research areas that could use further attention.

In addition, the influence of work on the lives of the women’s Emilies and on the
women’s perceptions of her life is another fruitful area of inquiry. I hypothesized that
low-income women who are employed may feel more satisfied with their lives. This is a
question that needs to be examined.

The importance of afl‘ordable, high quality child care was highlighted in this
research and has received some attention in the media. However, research is again
lacking. Moreover, the women also complained about the lack of personalized services
from human service professionals. Additional research on how human service programs
can be designed and conducted is also needed. Specifically, methods to personalize
service and encourage collaboration among agencies should be pursued. New programs,
perhaps using the suggestions that I made earlier, should be developed and their
effectiveness needs to be evaluated.

Furthermore, the ability to create a career plan for oneself was hypothesized to be
an important contributor to the long term self-sufficiency of low-income women.
However, career issues for low-income women has received little research. Very little has
been written concerning the career development process for low-income individuals.
Therefore, this is another area where deeper understanding would be helpful. Research
that links class issues to the career process is sorely lacking and studies that continue to

examine the career maturity, career knowledge, and career choice process for all low-

197
income individuals is needed.

Perhaps most importantly, the generalizability of this study needs to be expanded.
To increase the generalizability of the results and recommendations, women of other
ethnicities and from various geographical locations need to be studied. Moreover,
longitudinal study would be effective in helping to understand cause and efl'ect
relationships and Ectors which influence the welfare and employment cycle in which
many women find themselves living.

In addition, this results of this dissertation indicate that using a woman’s work
history is a more appropriate classification tool than current work status. Additional
research that used work history as a criterion variable would add important information to
the field of current knowledge.

Sumner! and Conelusiens

This investigation examined qualitatively the lives of low-income African-
American single mothers. The goals were: 1) to describe similarities and differences
between the employed and unemployed women’s lives along the dimensions of
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model; 2) to understand the effects of employment
and unemployment on the women’s lives; 3) to use grounded theory approaches to create
hypotheses concerning what Ectors may influence a low-income African-American single
mother’s abilities to gain and keep employment; and 4) to make recommendations for
program development based on the results of the investigation.

More similarities than differences were found among the employed and
unemployed women. Two possible reasons were given for this finding. The experience of

living in Flint, Michigan may be similar for low-income women regardless of employment

198
status. Secondly, other researchers (Corcoran et al., 1984; Salomen et al., 1996) have

found that many women in their sample cycled between welEre and employment. Perhaps
the women in this study, also completed this cycle and differences would be more
contingent on work history. This idea was supported in a second analysis which did
discover differences among women based on their work history.

The effects of employment on the women’s lives were found to be busy days with
little time for relaxation. Some employed women also had concerns that they were
growing apart from their children and the quality of child care was also an issue.
Moreover, employment did not lessen the women’s financial concerns and stresses.
However, the unemployed women were more likely to discuss the effects of classism and
to describe hopes for future employment. These findings, combined with Jackson’s
(1992) research that discovered that employed low-income women reported more life
satisEction, led me to hypothesize that the employed women may also be more satisfied
with their lives.

Based on the results of this investigation it appeared that opportunity, support and
the ability to plan were most likely to affect a low-income woman’s ability to obtain and
keep employment. Opportunity, in terms of access to employment, education, and child
care, appeared to affect a woman’s ability to find a job. Discriminatory practices based on
racism, sexism and classism were also thought to impact opportunity. The women,
although recognizing that discrimination existed, often seemed to ignore the personal
impact of prejudism

The importance of a positive support system was also noted. The women who had

longer work histories were also more likely to have positive individuals in their lives to

199
support them Often these individuals provided child care or other needed services for the

women. Moreover, they often helped in an emergency such as a job loss or unplanned
pregnancy. In addition, the women who had worked less than a year during their lives
were more isolated. They also often discussed trauma issues with more intensity than the
other women. The unemployed women also appeared to remain involved in negative
relationships and identified more resources where they could obtain help. I hypothesized
that a circular relationship between self-reliance and support systems existed. Perhaps, as
a woman became more self-sufficient, she could be choosier about whom she wanted to be
her fiiends or partner because she was less dependent on others support. In turn, these
supports may have helped her to continue to move out of poverty.

However, exceptions to these patterns in support also existed. Such Ectors as a
divorce, the death of a family member, and substance use also afi‘ected employment
capabilities for a few women. Age appeared to also play a role. Many women worked
more sporadically when young and most of the low work history women were under age
25. Perhaps, positive supports also increased with age. On the other hand, work
opportunities may have also increased based on increased maturity and job experience.

Moreover, simply having a job did not guarantee self-sufliciency. Some women
had worked years in jobs that paid little. Rarely did women become employed in areas
where they’d completed job training. However, some women had developed career plans
for themselves that they were able to follow. These women appeared to be closer to
moving out of poverty than the other women.

My recommendations for program development also focused on the areas of

opportunity, support and career planning. Policy and programs need to ensure that

200

opportunity exists for low-income women in terms of increasing employment
opportunities, access to child care and education. Moreover, pro grams need to include a
supportive element by either helping women strengthen existing supports or by creating
positive support networks. Professionals also need to be supportive and create personal
connections with their clients. Career services would not only help the women gain career
information but also develop a career path. In addition, some women may need personal
counseling for trauma issues, depression, substance abuse, or stress.

The road out of poverty is complex and filled with barriers. The women appear to
have a strong foundation. They are proud of themselves, motivated, and resilient.
However, this research demonstrated that they also have needs. The women needed
positive relationships with fi'iends, neighbors, partners and Emily. They needed the
opportunity to obtain employment that paid decent wages and an understanding of career
options and planning. They also need researchers and human service workers to
understand the context of their lives and to provide information and appropriate services.
Denise stated:

(I'm) just a mother trying to survive, to take care of the children and teach
them things, you know, to give them structure.

Perhaps, with support and firrther understanding, Denise, and other women like her, can

do more than just survive.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

The Interview Questions

Macrosystem: Ideological issues: racism sexism and classism

- Was race\racism a problem for you growing up?

- Do you think racism is a problem for you now? Do you think it
is a problem when you look for work or think about
changing your life? Is it a problem for you as you go about
your daily activities?

- Do you think race/racism is a problem for your children?

- Do you feel that people respond to you differently because you're
a woman? If yes, how? .

- Do you think that people respond to you differently because you
may not have as much money as others? If yes, how?

Exosystem: Questions concerning Flint and perceptions of isolation.

- Are there any racial problems in Flint?

- Do you feel that women have different opportunities or are
treated differently than men in Flint?

- Do you think people with less money are treated differently than
those with more money in Flint?- What do you see as the
future of Flint?

- What do you like about living in Flint?

- Wlmt do you dislike about living in Flint?

- Has drugs affected Flint?

- Has crime or violence affected Flint?

- Would you move out of Flint if you had the chance? Why or why
not?

- Focus groups with professionals and Interviews with key
informants: Perceptions of Flint and of low-income
populations

Mesosystem:
Informal support networks: Family
- Can you tell me a little about your mother?
- Can you tell me a little about your Ether?
- Were you raised by anyone else? If so, can you tell me a little
about this person/people who raised you
- How was parental love and affection shown to you growing up?
- How was parental disapproval shown?
- Do you feel that someone cared about you as a child?
- Was there any other adult you were close to as a child? Who was

201

202

this person? What was she or he like?

- Does your Emily ever get together for a gathering now? How often do they do
this? What is this like for you?

- What are some of the positive things about your Emily?

- What are some of the things you'd like to change about your Emily?

- Generally, do you feel that you can trust your Emily members, why or why not?

- Have drugs affected your Emily, If so, how?

- Has crime or violence affected your Emily? If so, how?

- The Kin network

Informal support networks: fiiends

- How would you describe a true fiiend? Do you have a fiiend like
this?

- What type of things do you do with your fi'iends?

- What types of things do you talk about?

- Do you fiiends ever ask for Evors? If so, what kinds?

- Do you ever ask for Evors, If so, what kinds?

- Generally, when you ask people for Evors are you expected to
give something in return?

- When you do a Evor for someone do you expect, or do you
usually get something in return?

- Generally, do you feel you can trust your fiiends, why or why
not?

Informal Supports: romantic relationships

- Are you currently in a romantic relationship with someone?

- What do you like about your current relationship?

- Are there things you'd like to change? What are those things and
why would you like to change them?

- What type of things do you argue about? How often do you
argue about these things?

- What type of things do you usually look for in someone you want
to have a relationship with?

- How much time do you usually spend with the person you're in a
relationship with? What type of things do you usually do
together?

- Do you think life is easier or harder when you're in a
relationship? Why?

- What type of things do you talk to your romantic partner about?
Are there things you don't feel comfortable discussing with
a romantic partner? If so, what are they?

- Are there certain ways you think people who are in a relationship
should treat each other? What are those ways?

Informal Supports: Neighborhoods

- What do you like about living in your neighborhood?

203

- What do you dislike about living in your neighborhood?

- Do you have any safety concerns for yourself and/or your
children in your neighborhood? What are they?

- Have drugs affected your neighborhood?

- Has violence afl‘ected your neighborhood?

- How well do you know your neighbors? How often do you speak
to them or wave to them? Do you think you can trust your
neighbors? Would you go to them for help?

Formal Support Networks: Agencies

- Overall, how well do the services of Genessee county work for
you? If you could make changes in them what would those
changes be?

- What kinds of new or different services do you think would help
you better meet your needs? Why are those services
important to you?

- What do you think of the location of most services? Are they
convenient for you? ,

- Are there places you would feel nrore comfortable receiving
help? For example, would you prefer going to your church
or school or someplace other than agencies for help?

- How easy is it for you to ask for help? Do you prefer going to
fiiends, relatives, or professional agencies?

- Of the professional agencies you've used was any one more
helpful than others? What was it and why did you find it
helpful?

- Was there one that was less helpful? What was it and what didn't
you like about it?

- Of the services used, are there any places where the people who
work there were fiiendlier or nicer to you?

- Were there any places where the people were less fiiendly?

- Do you currently or have you eve had contact with the
Department of social services? If yes, how would you rate
the help you received there?

- What do you think about support groups - where different people
get together to discuss problems? DO you think you might
like this?

- Where do you usually go to do you food shopping? Is this place
in your neighborhood? Are you satisfied with this place,
why or why not?

- What do you usually use for transportation? Are you satisfied
with this? Why or why not?

- Generally, do you feel satisfied with the public transportation in
your neighborhood? Why or why not?

204

Formal Supports: Church and spirituality

- Do you consider religion/church/spirituality to be an important
part of your life?

- Ifso, in what ways is it important?

- Do your activities change on Sunday? If so, how?

Microsystem:

Family Mechanisms: daily Emily life

- Describe the average day in the life of your neighborhood: What
happens in the morning and afternoon? What happens in
the late afternoon and morning? What happens at night?

- Many people have some kind of rhythm and pattern to their days.
Can you tell me what you did yesterday? Was that a
typical day? .

- Do these activities change on Saturday? On Sunday? If so, how?

- What do you do in your spare time? For fim?

- Do you have any interests or hobbies that you enjoy?

Family Mechanisms: Children and parenting

- What are your children's first names or initials? Are they boys or
girls? What are the ages of your children?

- Are you currently pregnant?

- Do any of your children's have special needs? If so, what are
they?

- Do all of your children have the same father?

- What was it like for you when you were pregnant?

- What is it like being a mom?

- What is your definition of a good mother? How are you like this?
Are there things a good mother does that you don't know
how to do or don't think you do well?

- Can you tell me about the expectations you have for each of your
children?

- Can you tell me how satisfied you are with the way your children
are turning out?

- Specifically, how close do you feel to each one of your children?

- Do all your children live with you? If not where do they live?
How long have they lived there? And why are they living
there?

- Do you feel that you have enough time to spend with your kids?

- What are some of the things you and your kids do together? How
often do you do these things?

- Are there some common rules for your kids? What are they?

- What would you consider a bad way to discipline? Do you ever
find yourself doing these things?

- How do you show affection and approval in your Emily? How

205

often do you think you do this?

- Is there anything that would make your life easier as a parent?
What is it? How would it help?

- What is your relationship like with your child/children's
Ether/Ethers?

- How much time do your children spend with their father/Ethers

Family Mechanisms: Stresses

- Good and Bad things happen to everyone. What do you think are
the best and worst things that have happened in your life
time?

What is the best thing that has happened to you in the last six
months?

What is the worst thing tlmt has happened to you in the last six
months?

On a day to day basis are there things you struggle with? What
are those things? How do you usually handle them?

Are there certain times of the year that are more stressful than
others? What are they and why?

Are there certain times of the month that are more stressfirl?
What are they and why?

Are there certain times of the week that are more stressful: What
are they and why?

Are there certain times during the day that are more stressful?
What are they and why?

Individual

Individual: Education

- Did you graduate fiom high school or get your GED?

- If not, why not? What kept you from completing high school?
From getting your GED

- What was the average grade you usually got in your courses at
school?

- Did you ever repeat a grade?

- What was school like for you growing up? What did you like?
What didn't you like?

- Were you involved in any special activities?

Individual: Work Skills

- Aside fi'om regular schooling, have you ever received additional
job training that lasted for at least one month? What were
these training programs called? How long were you in
these programs?

- Not counting jobs around your own house, have you ever worked

for pay

206

- Are you presently working for pay?

- How many hours do you work?

- What kind of work do you do or did you do in your last job?

- How long (have you/had you) been a (state occupation)

- Have you ever had any other jobs

- Can you tell me what those jobs were and how long you worked
at them

- The Capacity Inventory

Individual: Work motivation

- Do you have any plans for starting a job or changing jobs in the
future?

- What kind of work would you like to do?

- Do you plan on getting more schooling or job training? What do
you want to learn?

- What plans do you have for yourself? How do you see your own
future?

Individual: Sense of Control

- Are there any barriers or problems that would prevent your hopes
for the future to come true?

- Suppose something magical happened and you could have your
life different. What would be different? What do you
think are your chances of making this happen? What type
of things would you need?

- How much control do you feel that you have over situations in
your life? Do you feel that you can change some of the
stresses you have? Do you feel that you have sonre choice
in the things that happen to you on a daily basis?

- Are there any things in particular that you feel you do have
control of and can make good choices about? What are
those things and why do you feel you have control over
them?

- Are there any things in particular that you feel you do not have
control of - things you can't change or make choices about?
What are those things and why do you feel you don't have
control over them?

Individual: Mental Health Issues: Depression and Self-Concept
- Generally, how would you describe yourself?
Tell me something you like about yourself?
Tell me something you don't like about yourself?
In general, how would you describe the way you feel
most days?
Are there typical ways you handle stressful situations?

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