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THE RELATIONSHIP OF RESILIEN CE AND
LOCUS OF CONTROL IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN

ADOLESCENT MALES

BY

ELAINE RAGSDALE SCHOTT

A DISSERTATION

SUBMITTED TO:

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT

FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

SCHOOL OF SOCIAL WORK

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

1997

ABSTRACT

THE RELATIONSHIP OF RESILIENCE AND
LOCUS OF CONTROL IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN
ADOLESCENT MALES
By

ELAINE RAGSDALE SCHOTT

The purpose of this study was to discover the manner in which African-
American adolescent males perceive, experience, interpret and make sense of their
lives. An additional purpose was to determine what it means for an African-
American adolescent male to have an internal or external locus of control.

This qualitative Study utilized a purposive sampling technique to identify
thirteen African-American adolescent males. Approximately half the sample
completed high school, and had not been arrested, and half had not completed high
school, and had been arrested. An interview guide was developed and used to
conduct ethnographic interviews with the study sample. In addition, the Children’s
Nowicki-Strickland Internal External Locus of Control was administered to the

sample.

ELAINE RAGSDALE SCHOTT

Analysis of the data suggested that an external locus of control orientation
functioned as a protective factor among sample participants. Also indicated was the
positive effect of parental influence upon high school completion and non-participation

in crime. Sadness and depression were also identified in the study sample.

Copyright by
Elaine Ragsdale Schott

1997

Dedication

Dedicated to my late mother and father whose love, Spirit and wisdom continue to

sustain me.

And to the richness and strength of my parents’ and grandparents’ legacy of love,

compassion, pride, and kindness.

Acknowledgements

It is because of the support and guidance of family, friends and colleagues,
that it has been possible for me to undertake this work. I especially wish to
acknowledge my committee chairperson, Dr. Rena Harold, whose calming influence,
encouragement, guidance, and availability made it possible for me to reach my goal.
I additionally wish to acknowledge the support and direction of committee members,
Dr. Dorothy Harper-Jones, Dr. Janet Bokemeier and Dr. Lillian Phenice. Each has
provided me with assistance throughout this endeavor.

I wish to express my thanks and great appreciation to the young men who so
willingly shared their voices, time, and experiences with me. Your contributions
made this study possible.

My thanks to Grand Valley State University, and the School of Social Work
for your support and encouragement. Your faith in me has helped make this
achievement possible. I wish to also thank Dr. Alphonso Haynes, Professor Emily
McFadden and Dr. Doris Perry for unselfishly sharing their time, support,
encouragement and direction.

Without the love, patience, and support of my family and my husband,
Ronald, it would not have been possible for me to complete my studies. Words of
encouragement from my brothers and sisters throughout this process have been
invaluable. My children and grandchild, Aneka, Kimani, Toni and Brittany have
been great sources of support, and have tolerated with grace and love the many times
when I have not been available. For the sacrifices and adjustments that Ronald has

made, I am truly grateful.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
TITLE
LIST OF FIGURES .........................
CHAPTER I - STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Introduction ..........................
Statement of the Problem ..................
Context of the Study .....................
Rationale ............................
Research Questions ......................
Definition of Terms .....................

CHAPTER H - REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction ..........................
Social / Cultural Influences .................
Adolescence and African-American Males ........
Locus of Control .......................
Resiliency Theory .......................

CHAPTER III - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND
DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Introduction ..........................
Methodology ..........................
Sample .............................
Interview Schedule ......................
Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal

External Locus of Control ................
Validity .............................
Sampling Procedure .....................
Data Analysis .........................
Limitations ...........................

vii

O\O\JO\UIH

l3
14
16
17
24

31
33
34
36

37
37
38
39
41

CHAPTER IV - FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

Characteristics of the Sample ................ 44
Sample Vignettes ....................... 47
Discussion of the Data Analysis Process ......... 75
Qualitative Interview Findings ............... 78
Completion of High School ................. 78
Non-Completion of High School .............. 80
Return to High School .................... 81
Non-Participation in Crime ................. 82
Participation in Crime .................... 83
World View .......................... 85
Risk Factors .......................... 88
Protective Factors ....................... 89
Resilience / Competence ................... 93
Personal Attributes ...................... 95
Intelligence ........................... 97
Racial Pride .......................... 97
Strategies for Survival .................... 100
Locus of Control ....................... 102

CHAPTER V - DISCUSSION OF THE STUDY FINDINGS

Introduction .......................... 106
Locus of Control ....................... 109
Eco-Map ............................ 1 l7
Implications for Practice ................... 125
APPENDICES
A. Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal
External Locus of Control .............. 141
B. Ethnographic Interview Guide ............ 145
C. Informed Consent Form ................ 166
D. Coding Frame ...................... 168
BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 170

viii

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE
1 Eco—Map ............................... 42
2 Locus of Control Scores ..................... 103

CHAPTER I
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Introduction

At the dawn of the 21st century, America offers to most of its youth,
access to a world that includes options and opportunities that have been
unequalled in past generations. Advances in science, technology, medicine
and communications alone can literally open, and place the world at the
fingertips of youth throughout the nation. The numerous possibilities and
advances that have enhanced the quality of life for many youth, have not
replaced the risk factors. Youth in America face daily challenges to their
survival, adjustment, adaptation and psycho-social development (Felner,
Brand, DuBois, Adan, Mulhall & Evans, 1995). The rapid change and
uncertainty that defines the world in which contemporary youth live, coincides
with a stage of their physical and emotional development that is also
characterized by change, turbulence and uncertainly (Majors & Gordon, 1994;
Mincy, 1994; Kazdin, 1993). Adolescence is a difficult stage of development
for all youth. Successful progression and mastery through each stage of
development, builds the foundation for mastery of developmental tasks at
subsequent stages (Mincy, 1994). The risk-taking behaviors, and harmful
choices that often accompany adolescence, result in many of the problem

behaviors associated with contemporary adolescents.

The behavior(s), actions, responses, and social adjustment/development
of American youth are topics of great concern in contemporary society
(Resnick, Harris & Blum, 1995; Furstenberg, 1995; Benard, 1990). Youth
violence, crime, depressed school achievement, substance abuse, adolescent
reproductive rates, and a host of additionally disturbing factors frame
perceptions and reality about contemporary adolescents. Abhorrent behaviors
and events tend to occupy the focus of media, politics, social science, and
research (Wehlage, Rutter, Smith, Lesko & Fernandez, 1989; Taylor-Gibbs,
1988).

The barometer by which opinions, perceptions, belief systems, and
behaviors of many American youth are gauged often reflect popularized
stereotypes. Paired with unacceptable levels and occurrences of violence,
death, crime and loss of human potential, African-American youth are
represented as victims and offenders at alarming rates (T aylor, 1990). A
disproportionate number of African-American male youth between the ages of
15 and 21 occupy prison and youth detention centers (Majors & Gordon, 1994;
Taylor, 1987; 1990). Their presence is prominent among a long list of social
concerns, including, but not limited to, school failure, under achievement
and/or dropouts, youth-on-youth violence and drug abuse (Taylor, 1990;
Taylor-Gibbs, 1988; Wehlage, et al., 1989). Visual, printed, and entertainment
media often portray African-American males as irresponsible predators for

whom violence and a myriad of other self-destructive, anti-social behaviors is

the norm (Majors & Gordon, 1994). The facts that refute popularized
stereotypes and perceptions are less publicized, portrayed, and/or emphasized
by media and other social institutions. African-American males who do not
share mainstream society’s negative characterizations, despite their increasing
numbers, are considered anomalies by the dominant society (Majors &
Gordon, 1994). Most of the African-American male adolescents who grow up
in America’s inner cities, do not drop out of school and/or engage in other
harmful behaviors (Mincy, 1994).

The social concerns associated with African-American male youth are
undisputed. Many critical issues frame the lives of these young people. Fear
and lack of understanding often overshadow genuine concern for contemporary
African-American male youth (Majors & Gordon, 1994; Wehlage, et al., 1989).
One of the outcomes appears to be that limited attention is commanded to
address the scope and magnitude of social, structural and economic issues
that nourish the caustic environments that become catalysts for social and
psychological strangulation for many African-American male youth. Lost in a
galaxy of fears and social issues is the need for greater focus upon factors that
are integral components of the lives of African-American male youth, such as:
the impact of adolescence upon African-American male youth; society’s
response(s) to African-American male youth; the effects of race, racism, and

gender; the treatment of this population by social work, social policy, and

social researchers; what African-American male youth think; and how they
make sense of their lives and their world.

Individuals undergo the process of exiting childhood and entering
adulthood during adolescence. During the period of adolescence, actions and
behaviors exhibited by young people can have a crucial impact upon the
direction, focus and outcome of some of their short and long-term life chances,
adjustment(s), adaptation(s) and experiences. Therefore, it is imperative that
we, as social workers and social researchers, understand what factors may
assist in a successful transition to adulthood.

Ego psychologists believe that personality is dynamic and evolutionary
rather than being fixed in early life. "The individual comes into this world with
rational, as well as irrational instincts and the personality develops and
becomes differentiated in relation to the environmental interactions, concerns,
goals and unconscious needs rather than being almost entirely an elaboration
of inner instinctual drives" (Compton & Galloway, 1994, p. 135). Erickson
(1963, 1968), an early ego psychologist, believed that the crisis of each stage
of adolescent development resulted from an interaction between the individual
and his/her social environment. Blos’ (1941) contention was that adolescents’
development must be considered in the context of a particular culture and the
adolescents” families' version of the culture. According to Erickson (1963,
1968) and Blos (1941), culture and social environment would be considered

important components of adolescent development. The manner in which

adolescents, specifically African-American adolescents, perceive, interpret,
"experience and make sense out of their lives" (Rudestam 8. Newton, 1992, p.

34) is the focus of this study.

Statement of the Problem

Social workers, social scientists and other human service practitioners
are socialized by the same social system, and values that historically has
excluded and disempowered African-American males. Ivey (1991), Oliver &
Brown (1985), and Summers (1991) challenge social scientists and human
service practitioners to carefully consider whether theoretical assumptions
contribute to and/or lead to inaccurate or misleading conclusions. By virtue of
our birth and existence, our cultural script directs many of our actions. In
Western culture, the frame of reference is highly individualistic. Problems are
placed with the individual. The Western individualistic perspective found in
many counseling and therapy theories, does not incorporate "other-
centeredness" stressed by some non-Western cultural orientations (Hopps,
Pinderhughes & Shankar, 1995; lvey, 1991). It follows then, that the
experiences and realities that mold the thoughts, perceptions, and behaviors of
contemporary African-American youth may be experientially different and/or
unfamiliar to the experiences of many practitioners, policy makers, and
researchers. Although ethnic and racial diversity in the United States has

increased significantly in the past few decades (Lum, 1996), most social

workers and social scientists continue to be monocultural, monolingual and
monoracial (Green, 1995). In order to minimize bias and/or misunderstanding,
it is important that the difference in the development of individuals be
considered. The structure of decision making and the manner in which life
events are emphasized varies among cultures (Compton & Galloway, 1994).
In the United States, adolescence is difficult for all young people, but
particularly so for lower income adolescents who belong to minority groups
(Pillari, 1988). "Social work practitioners need to understand the critical issues
affecting the self-development in people in this age group . . . " (Pillari, 1988,
p. 216). The need to address many of the social, structural and personal
issues facing African-American male adolescents makes the need for

expanded knowledge of this population even greater.

Context of the Study

The consequences of poverty, violence, racism, and a plethora of other
structural and/or personal barriers in the lives of African-American male
adolescents are found in the literature (Major & Gordon, 1994; Taylor-Gibbs,
1988). However, little is evident about barriers that the youth themselves
identify and if they also possess strengths, develop goals for the future, and
have strategies for solving problems (Majors & Gordon, 1994). This research
adds to the current knowledge base regarding African-American adolescents

through the addition of sample participants’ voices to existing data. This

exploratory qualitative study identifies some of the factors that African-
American male adolescents considered to be important in determining the
course and direction of their social and educational decision making and
behavior. Salient factors that impacted the participants’ completion/non-
completion of high school and participationlnon-participation in crime were

revealed.

Rationale

This research builds upon a previous study conducted by this
researcher (Schott, 1996) exploring the relationship of race, community size
and parental status to adolescent males” locus of control. Rotter (1966)
formulated the construct of locus of control to describe individuals based upon
the degree to which they attribute responsibility for events in their lives to
themselves or to sources outside of their control. More current research
supports this construct (Yates, Hecth-Lewis & Goodrich-Wells, 1993). "A
concept of locus of control orders people on a continuum according to how
much they attribute the events in their lives to their own actions, motivations or
competency (internal control) vs. how much they assume the cause of these
events to be determined by other forces such as luck, chance, or powerful
others (external control)" (Yates, et al., 1993, p. 290).

In the preliminary study using the Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal

External Locus of Control (CNSIE), locus of control scores of 13.0 or above

were designated as suggestive of an external locus of control orientation. The
mean CNSIE locus of control score established for twelfth grade males was
11.38 (Nowicki & Strickland, 1973). The mean locus of control score for this
researcher’s total sample population (n=85) of twelfth grade Michigan males
was 17.4. For African-American respondents (n=20) the mean locus of control
score was 19.0.

Even if one allows for the possibility that the CNSIE mean locus of
control score for twelfth grade males may not be reflective of contemporary
American society, the possibility remains that the external locus of control
scores among the sample population seem remarkable. In a study of locus of
control differences among children using the CNSIE in the middle of the 19703,
the locus of control means for normal, delinquent and emotionally disturbed
youth were 14.63, 15.60 and 17.54 respectively (Yates et al., 1993). A more
recent use of the CNSIE with at-risk students in grades 10 to 12 found the
mean locus of control for average students to be 15.16 and the mean for the
control group to be 10.37 (Nunn & Parrish, 1992). According to existing
operational explanations of locus of control orientations, the external
orientation of the sample respondents appears to suggest a population of
adolescent males for whom vulnerability for at-risk and/or self-destructive
behaviors, worthlessness, poor school achievement, a sense of fatalism, and a

diminished sense of personal empowerment may be constant.

High locus of control externalization existed in this researcher’s entire
preliminary study sample (Schott, 1996). This research reinforced the
legitimacy of questions regarding researchers’, practitioners’, and educators’
comprehension of the meaning and manner in which life events and
experiences are interpreted and processed by contemporary African-American
male adolescents. In addition, continued research regarding the interpretation

of results of locus of control measurements with this population was indicated.

Research Questions
This study examines several questions using a closed response format
(CNSIE) and ethnographic interviews. The questions examined are:
1. What is the relationship between locus of control and high school
completion/ dropout?
2. What is the relationship between locus of control and
participation/non-participation in crime?
3. To what do sample participants attribute their:
0 Completion of high school
0 Non-participation in crime
- Non-completion of high school
0 Participation in crime.
4. How do African-American male adolescent sample participants

describe their world view?

10

Definition of Terms
For the purposes of this research, the following key terms were defined
as indicated:

0 lntemal locus of control refers to people who tend to
perceive the events of one’s life to be the consequences of
one’s behavior. Individuals described as "internal" believe that
they exercise more control over events and outcomes that
affect them (Boss & Taylor, 1989). "Internal" adolescents may
more readily take responsibility for individual, academic and/or
social achievements and failures (Boss & Taylor, 1989). They
may also be more likely to assume responsibility for events in
their lives. Although the literature seems to indicate that
"internal" control is more desirable, this orientation may not be
necessarily helpful, as internals assume they can control things
over which they may not have direct control.

0 External locus of control suggests that an individual
perceives the cause(s) of events in their lives to be determined
by forces (such as luck, fate, chance or powerful others) that
are not within their control. More external locus of control
corresponds to hopelessness, suicidal potential and
institutionalization of children (Yates et al., 1994). Externally

oriented individuals believe that all hope for control over the

11

events in their lives has been lost. There is an acceptance
that whatever is attempted will have no significant impact upon
their lives (Sorensen, 1989).

High school completion is defined as completion of high
school indicated by receipt of a diploma, or GED (Graduate
Equivalency Diploma).

Non-completion of high school is defined as voluntary and/or
involuntary termination or removal from high school prior to
earning a high school diploma, or GED.

Participation in crime is defined as involvement in
lawbreaking activities that resulted in arrest and/or
incarceration. (Uniform Crime Report, 1994, Michigan State
Police.)

Non-participation in crime means an absence of involvement
in lawbreaking activities that resulted in arrest and/or
incarceration. (Uniform Crime Report, 1994, Michigan State
Police.)

Ethnographic inquiry is defined as "concern with capturing,
interpreting and explaining the way in which people in a group,
organization, community or society live, experience and make
sense out of their lives, their world and their society"

(Rudestam & Newton, 1992, p. 34).

12

0 Resilience is defined as "the ability to thrive, mature and
increase competence in the face of adverse circumstances"
(Gordon, 1995, p. 239).

0 Risk factors are defined as "biological, psychological, and
environmental factors (such as stressful life events and ’toxic’
conditions) that increase an individual’s vulnerability" (Kaplan,
Turner, Norman & Stillson, 1996, p. 159).

0 Protective factors are defined as "personal, social,
familial, and institutional safety nets that help an
individual counter and resist the effects of personal
vulnerabilities and environmental hazards" (Kaplan et al.,
1996)

0 Competence is the ability to integrate social, behavioral
and cognitive elements necessary to negotiate and
manage a dynamic and changing environment (Bandura,

1982).

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Introduction

Contemporary statistics and descriptions of African-American male youth
frequently address the alarming rates of crime, death, substance use and
abuse, school dropout, lower (compared to other groups) standardized test
scores and school achievement. A disproportionate number of African-
American male youth occupy morgues, cemeteries, prison and youth detention
centers, and the ranks of the uneducated and/or undereducated (George,
1993; Majors & Gordon, 1994; Taylor, 1990; Taylor-Gibbs, 1988). These
disturbing statistics are reinforced by social and media perceptions and images
of African-American male youth. Although the plight of many African-American
male youth is a critical and continuing concern, the young African-American
male population (15 to 21 years) is not a homogeneous collection of
individuals. Adaptations, experiences and behavior(s) can (and do) vary
substantially. Many African-American male youth do not represent mainstream
society’s negative characterizations, but generally are treated as if they do.
African-American male youth who do not fit stereotypical perceptions, are often

considered anomalies by the dominant society (Majors & Gordon, 1994).

13

14

SociaIICultural Influences

Social workers, social scientists, researchers, and other human service
practitioners are subject to influence by some of the same social, institutional,
environmental and cultural influences that define and shape the perceptions
and realities of young African-American males. Disentanglement from this
socialization process is not easily accomplished. Assumptions that the
dominant culture’s frames of reference are the standard for everyone, can be
damaging and counter-productive. Luthar (1995) questions the practice of
using socially/economically advantaged adolescents in social competence
studies and generalizing the findings to disadvantaged minorities. Ivey (1991),
Oliver and Brown (1985), and Summers (1991) challenge social scientists and
human service practitioners to carefully consider whether theoretical
assumptions contribute to and/or lead to inaccurate or misleading conclusions.

Hall (1992) suggests that lingering stereotypes about African-American
males present a crucial challenge to social workers and social work institutions
who are impacted by them. According to Hall (1992), social workers must act
to confront existing racist stereotyping regardless of the difficulty involved.
Duneier (1992) suggests that the social science community has not adequately
addressed the African-American population. According to Duneier (1992),
ethnographers studying African-American males have made generalizations
that would be regarded as unacceptable if they were made about white ethnic

groups with as little evidence.

15

The experiences and realities that mold the thoughts, perceptions and
behaviors of contemporary African-American youth may be experientially
different and/or unfamiliar to those of many practitioners, policy makers and
researchers. Tickamyer, Bokemeier, Feldman, Harris, Jones & Wenk (1993)
call for theory construction in which individuals and social structures are
mutually defined. Such a position acknowledges a duality in which individuals
are considered to be "conscious agents who operate within a matrix of social
relations, but who also have a reservoir of power for transforming these
relations through their own action" (Tickamyer et al., 1993, p. 208).
Additionally, they maintain that "gender, race and ethnicity are socially
constructed processes that should be integrated . . . into theory, rather than
tacked on" (Tickamyer et al., 1993, p. 208). The structure of decision making
and the manner in which life events are emphasized varies among cultures
(Compton & Galloway, 1994). It is important that the difference in the
development of individuals be considered. The intersections of race, culture,
class, and gender, matter in America. The impact of these factors, shape and
influence behaviors in ways that are not always apparent. Thus, it is crucial
that we increase our knowledge concerning the way in which these constructs
are operationalized. Social workers, researchers and other human service
practitioners have a great deal of influence regarding the aforementioned

"socially constructed process" (Tickamyer et al., 1993). The importance of the

16

manner in which these constructs are operationalized in social policy, social

institutions, and varying facets of society, cannot be minimized.

Adolescence and African-American Males

It is during adolescence that youngsters undergo the process of exiting
childhood and entering adulthood. The "child/adult exit-entry" is often viewed
as a period of transition, and not as a period of interest in its own right
(Kazdin, 1993). Life defining/altering decisions are frequently made at a time
when, as a person, "the adolescent is often filled with raging self-doubt,
alternating with unrealistic omnipotence. Tolerance for fools and enemies is
almost nil, and ideation of heros, almost boundless . . . The ability to
differentiate between thought, wish, impulse and action is compromised" (Major
& Gordon, 1994, p. 218). In psychoanalytic theory, adolescence could be
described as a second edition of childhood, because both have in common the
fact that a relatively strong id confronts a relatively weak ego (Freud, A., 1936).
"Individual differences, as well as systematic variation (e.g., as a function of . .
. urban . . . living)" (Kazdin, 1993, p. 128) in race, gender and perceptions of
empowerment and self-determination are salient factors that impact
adolescents.

Adolescence can complicate, if not exacerbate developmental issues in
the lives of African-American male youth. As a stage of development,

adolescence is difficult for all young people, but especially so for African-

17

American males (Majors & Gordon, 1994; Lee, 1992; Pillari, 1988). For most
African-American males, the usual turbulence of emotions, uncertainty, risk
taking, robust idltenuous ego (Freud, A., 1936), that accompany adolescence
tend to take place under less than ideal circumstances. The development of
trust, autonomy, initiative, industry and identity during childhood and
adolescence are often truncated and/or interrupted (Lee, 1992). Successful
completion of these early developmental stages and tasks have often been
difficult because of social and historical factors that include (but are not limited
to) racial/gender bias and discrimination, institutional racism and thwarted (or
lack of) access to economic and/or social/psychological opportunities (Lee,

1992).

Locus of Control

Social scientists and researchers have developed a number of theories
designed to address/assess the reasons and/or motivations for individual
behavior(s). Rotter, Chance and Phares (1972) and others, have developed
theories and conducted research that centers upon "people’s sense of personal
efficacy to produce and regulate events in their lives (Bandura, 1982, p. 122).
Bandura (1982) suggests that efficacy in functioning in one’s environment is
not a static or fixed prescription. It involves as well a generative capacity to
organize and integrate into action social, behavioral and cognitive factors as

needed to manage ever changing circumstances. The degree to which

18

individuals attribute the responsibility for events in their lives to themselves or
to sources outside of their control is formulated in a construct developed by
Rotter (1966). The locus of control concept "orders people on a continuum
according to how much they attribute the events in their lives to their own
actions, motivations or competency (internal control) vs. how much they
assume the cause of these events to be determined by other forces such as
luck, chance or powerful others (external control)" (Yates et al., (1994), p.
290). As a personality variable and predictor of behavior, perceived locus of
control can be critical (Barling, 1980). The locus of control orientation can be
a strong indicator of the way in which individuals are likely to interpret, address
and respond to life events and experiences. For instance, the internally
oriented person is more likely to assume responsibility for academic or social
successes and failures, because they connect these successes and/or failures
directly to their own behavior(s) (Yates et al., 1994). If they happen to be
subjected to abuse or neglect, they are also more likely to believe that the
abuse and/or neglect is connected to their behavior(s). On one hand,
internally oriented individuals are more amenable to treatment intervention
strategies. On the other hand, they are more vulnerable to emotional distress
(Benson and Deeter, 1992; Benassi et al., 1988). According to Nowicki (1973),
luck, helplessness and achievement characterize the locus of control belief in
children. The degree of importance of internal and external locus of control is

heightened by the extent to which an individual’s concept and/or perception of

19

personal empowerment may be influenced by internal or external locus of
control. In Werner & Smith’s (1982) study of locus of control among resilient
adolescents, they found resilient adolescents to have more faith that the
environment would respond to reasonable efforts on their part than did those
adolescents who were experiencing difficulty coping. The manner in which
African-American youth perceive the control and causes of events of their lives,
and the manner in which they perceive their ability to "execute courses of
action required to deal with perspective situations" (Bandura, 1982, p. 122)
may impact their adjustment and development.

Luthar and Zigler (1992) found that school-based performance among
intelligent inner city youth varied considerably depending upon levels of ego
development and locus of control. Due to the existence of social barriers such
as race, poverty, lack of economic opportunity and gender that often thwart
chances to secure productive spots in society, Myers (1990) suggests that
talented, disadvantaged youth who possess organizational skills, may turn to
illegal activities. According to Luthar & Zigler (1992), if such youth believe that
events in their lives are determined largely by their efforts (internal locus of
control), their potential in school may be maximized.

In a study of adolescent leadership behavior, McCullough, Ashbridge &
Pegg (1994) found that the leadership group tended to be higher in internal
locus of control and to have more prestigious career goals. Benson & Deeter

(1992) found that "internal” adolescents benefit most from social support

20

"defined as information leading the subject to believe that slhe was cared for
and loved, esteemed and a member of a network of mutual obligations" (p.
192). In the absence of support, internal adolescents may take more
responsibility for failures and experience greater degrees of emotional distress
(Benson & Deeter, 1994). A study of emotionally disturbed adolescents’ locus
of control relationships found locus of control orientations to be significantly
more internal for those diagnosed as depressed and those diagnosed as
having conduct disorder (Yates et al., 1994).

External locus of control suggests that an individual attributes the
cause(s) of events in their lives to outside forces (such as luck, fate, chance or
powerful others) that are not within their control. Groups who lack power,
whether by virtue of social class or race, tend to score more in the direction of
external locus of control (Werner & Smith, 1982). More external locus of
control corresponds to hopelessness, suicidal potential, anxiety, improper
social conduct and institutionalization (McCullough et al., 1994; Yates et al.,
1994). Externally oriented individuals believe that all hope for control over the
events in their lives has been lost. There is also an acceptance that whatever
is attempted will have no significant impact upon their lives (Sorensen, 1989).
According to Luthar & Zigler (1992), external locus of control orientations
negatively impact school performance of high risk urban inner city adolescents.

Due in part to inequities in external social structures, many African-American

21

children have learned early in life that success in school often does not lead to
success in life, and view academic performance as an exercise in futility.

Externally oriented individuals’ tendency to ascribe events in their lives
to forces outside or beyond their control may be a positive adaptation in some
circumstances. Through the use of proverbs that are metaphorical and
sometimes illusive (McAdoo, 1989), many African-American parents pass
externally orienting values onto their offspring. Sayings such as "Don't count
your chickens before they are hatched," and "l have never met fair, if you do,
please introduce us," function as protective barriers against the internalization
of social and structural biases and inequities. Crocker and Major (1989) noted
that members of stigmatized groups often predicted to have low self-esteem,
frequently do not. Hillman, Wood and Sawilowsky (1992) postulate that this
occurs because it is frequently difficult for individuals stigmatized by race,
gender, physical disability or other factors to discern whether negative
feedback is based upon prejudice against their group, or a legitimate personal
shortcoming. The prejudicial perspective may promote the over use of a self-
protective externalizing mechanism that may lead to "a locus of control
personality style of externalization as a method by which self-esteem is
protected" (Hillman et al., 1992, p. 261).

As a construct, locus of control offers a possible way to understand the
manner in which some people are likely to address and/or react to

circumstances, situations and life events that they may encounter. However,

22

the results, and their messages have been mixed. Researchers have linked
both positive and negative academic, social and psychological functioning to
internal and external locus of control (Benson & Deeter, 1992; Crocker &
Major, 1989; Hillman et al., 1992; Yates et al., 1994). Among resilient children,
the presence of an internal locus of control has repeatedly been found to be
involved in protective processes against life stress. What is less apparent is
whether emotional/mental health accompanies the adaptive behavior (Luthar &
Zigler, 1991). In a study of invulnerability among neglected and abused
children, good coping strategies and competent behavior existed, but the
children were not emotionally healthy (Anthony & Cohler, 1987). Not every
young person becomes daunted and/or unable to survive in difficult
circumstances. However, some of the resulting emotional costs suggest that
they "cannot walk between the raindrops" (Rolf, Master, Cicchetti,
Neuchterlein, & Weintraub, 1990, p. 101).

Recent research by this writer (Schott, 1996) raises questions about the
suitability of applying commonly used locus of control explanations to young
African-American males at the dusk of the 20th century. In the preliminary
study of male, rural and urban high school seniors (Schott, 1996), using the
Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal External Locus of Control (CNSIE), locus
of control orientation among the sample population deviated markedly from
that of the 11.8 (Nowicki & Strickland, 1973) mean locus of control established

for twelfth grade males. High externalization was noted among all participants.

23

Although not statistically significant in the aforementioned study, the mean
locus of control for African-American males was 19.00, while for other sample
participants it was 17.4. It is conceivable that the CNSIE mean for twelfth
grade males, normed with a homogenous suburban sample population over
twenty years ago, is no longer applicable for contemporary adolescents. The
interpretations of locus of control scores, may be even less applicable for
contemporary youth from diverse environments and populations.

If we accept Bandura’s (1982) position that locus of control as a
construct falls under the rubric of self-efficacy, and if we accept Bandura’s
position that "perceived self-efficacy is concerned with judgements of how well
one can execute courses of action required to deal with perspective situations"
(Bandura, 1982, p. 122), it is conceivable that what it means for an African-
American male youth to have an internal or external locus of control orientation
may differ from existing explanations of a concept. Yates et al. (1994) suggest
the locus of control "expectancy that reinforcing or punishing consequences
will result from one’s own efforts is in part a function of the immediate
environment. Different environments could then, generate different locus of
control orientations" (Yates et al., 1994, pp. 290-91). What eludes social work
practitioners, researchers, etc. is the manner in which different locus of control
orientations may be operationalized and/or manifested by people from different
environments. The subtle suggestions in the literature are that "internal"

orientations are the most desirable. Less suggested is the fact that "external"

24

orientations are not inherently "undesirable," and may be more adaptive for

some people, in some environments.

Resiliency Theory

Resiliency theory was the theoretical foundation used for this study.
Boyce and Gerrnin (1990), Braverrnan and Paris (1993), Gannezy and
Neuchterlein (1992), Gordon (1995) and others have noted the existence of
those individuals who make positive adaptations and demonstrate social,
mental, and/or academic/professional competence in the presence of a
proliferation of stressors and risk factors that make them ripe for vulnerability
to a number of personal, social and emotional problems. In spite of adverse
conditions associated with social and economic disadvantage, some youths
flourish against the odds. "Resilience is the ability to thrive, mature and
increase competence in the face of adverse circumstances" (Gordon, 1995, p.
239). As a concept, resilience is used to articulate and "to help explain why
some children do well under disadvantaged circumstances (Baldwin, Baldwin,
Kasser, Zax, Sameroff & Seifer, 1993, p. 742). It is a multifaceted
phenomenon inclusive of individual and environmental factors associated with
high competence despite high stressors (Gordon, 1995), as well as with
questions of emotional/mental health (Cohler, 1987).

This study acknowledges that although there are casualties as African-

American male youth make the journey to adulthood, such is not the case for

25

all. William Julius VVIISOI'I (1987) refers to social and economic conditions that
have become breeding grounds for what he called an underclass. For many
African-American male adolescents, \Mlson’s (1987) marginal underclass
economic/social environments are hosts for the cultivation of their perceptions,
beliefs, experiences and development during their formative years. It has been
demonstrated that children and adolescents may be adversely affected if they
live in an environment that includes persistent violence, poverty,
social/emotional instability, and other negative factors. (Furstenberg &
Hughes, 1995; Garbarino et al., 1992). Nevertheless, there are individuals
who do not appear to be consumed by potentially destructive factors that may
exist within the environments that surround them. The Harvard Medical
School’s longitudinal study of adult development indicated considerable
resilience in socio-economically disadvantaged males. The pattern of
resilience was present among men from what has been labelled the underclass
(Masten, Best & Garmezy, 1990).

Studies of resiliency and invulnerability search for factors that explain
why some individuals do not succumb to adversity. Understanding the
dynamics that are at work with resilient people can have implications for
mental health, education, criminal justice and social policy, and other
disciplines. As a construct, Garmezy makes a clear distinction between
resiliency and invulnerability. It is Garrnezy’s position that there is a distinct

difference in a definition that suggests an incapacity to be hurt or damaged

26

(invulnerability), and one that suggests the power or ability to recover
(resiliency) (Masten et al., 1990).

As an entity, resilience and positive outcomes in mental health have
been in existence as a specific area of focus for over two decades. It was
spearheaded by Garmezy & Neuchterlein (1972). In spite of the fact that the
study of positive outcomes would appear ripe for exploration and research,
review of the literature on resiliency, invulnerability and related concepts
revealed a dearth of research in this area (Rhodes & Brown, 1991). The bulk
of the work that has been done in the area of resiliency (prior to the middle to
late 19905) is in relationship to juvenile justice and juvenile delinquents
(Rhodes & Brown, 1991). Other resiliency studies in existence focus more
upon young children than adolescents; those regarding African-American
adolescents are even more scarce (Nettles & Pleck, 1993; Werner, 1990). In
recent years, there has been an increase in literature regarding resiliency in
connection to child abuse and neglect.

The resilience model as a theoretical foundation in this study
incorporates the complex network of individual, structural and environmental
factors that tend to be associated with high competence despite high stressors
(Gordon, 1995). According to Rutter (1987), identification of elements
associated with positive outcomes is insufficient without an understanding of
the complex interaction of numerous environmental and/or social/

psychological factors that are involved within the context of resilience.

27

There is general agreement among experts that there are two essential
components in the development of resilience: "Biological, psychological and
environmental risk factors such as stressful life events and "toxic" conditions
that increase an individual’s vulnerability, [and] protective factors (personal,
social, familial and institutional safety nets that help an individual" (Kaplan et
al., 1996, p. 159) counteract vulnerability to stressors. "Resilient children
usually have four attributes: Social competence, problem solving skills,
autonomy and a sense of purpose and future" (Bernard, 1993, p. 44).
Reframing personal pain through expression as in art work and/or humor can
dilute the harshness of adverse circumstances. They can also be harbingers
for rejuvenation and strength building (Barbarin, 1993; Bernard, 1993).

Basic concepts of the resilience model used in this study include factors
such as:

0 Family protectors factors - positive, supportive family environment;
positive relationship with a caring adult; extended support networks,
including family and friends; identification with achievement.

0 Individual attributes - sense of direction; capacity to think/act
separately from troubled caretakers and/or peers; self efficacy --
confidence that one’s internal and external world is hopeful and
controllable; realistic appraisal of the environment; social problem-

solving skills competence.

28

0 School protective factors - caring, supportive school atmosphere;
high but realistic student performance expectations;
availability/opportunity for involvement in school activities.

0 Social support - participation and involvement in groups, social,
cultural, sports and/or religious activities, organizations etc. that
reinforce self-esteem, acceptance and a sense of personal worth.
(Kaplan et al., 1996; Majors & Gordon, 1995).

The historic involvement of African-American families in religion was
addressed in this study. Throughout American history, the Black church has
played a powerful role as a mechanism of survival and advancement of
African-American people (Oliver & Brown, 1985). Historically, for many
African-Americans it has not been uncommon to seek refuge from life’s
hardships through faith in a higher power. Membership in a church community
and/or spiritual commitment are important aspects of family life among many
inner-city minority families with competent children (Masten et al., 1990).
Although the role of church membership and religious faith have not been
researched to the same extent and with the same vigor as other protective
factors (Masten et al., 1990), the value of their significance in the lives of
African-Americans should not be minimized.

Through the utilization of semi-structured, ethnographic interviews, the
purpose of this study is to identify those factors that, according to participants,

have an impact upon their decision making, lives, experiences and

29

perceptions. In addition, the study addresses the construct of internal and
external locus of control among sample subjects. Of concern is the manner in
which internal and external locus of control orientations function and/or
"operate" among the sample population. An additional concern is the extent to
which subjects have either an internal or external locus of control, and whether
the locus of control orientation serves as a protective factor.

Locus of control orientations suggest whether individuals attribute events
in their lives to be the result of their own actions and behaviors (internal), or to
outside forces such as luck, chance and/or powerful others (external) (Yates et
al., 1994). In the literature, internal locus of control orientations tend to be
more associated with academic success, leadership, and greater social and
personal responsibility among adolescents (Gordon, 1995; Luthar, 1995;
Howerton et al., 1993; Luthar & Zigler, 1992). External locus of control
orientations tend to be characterized with more problematic outcomes, such as
hopelessness, fatalism, suicidal potential and emotional precariousness (Yates
et al., 1994).

Resiliency theory suggests that resilient people "make it" in spite of risk
factors that contribute to, or are associated with external locus of control
orientations (Kaplan et al., 1996; Gordon, 1995). In addition, externalization
can be a factor that can strengthen resilience (Werner & Smith, 1989).
Resiliency involves increasing competence in adverse circumstances (Gordon,

1995). It is noteworthy that resilience is based upon the presence of

30

"biological, psychological and environmental risk factors such as stressful life
events that increase an individual’s vulnerability" (Kaplan et al., 1996, p.
159). It could be argued that resiliency "requires" externalized adaptations. A
traditional look at locus of control suggests that resilient youth have developed
internal locus of control orientations (Blocker & Copeland, 1994; Howerton et
al., 1993). However, when internal and external locus of control orientations
are operationalized among the study sample, the question is whether an
internal locus of control orientation or an external locus of control orientation is

more adaptive.

CHAPTER III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Introduction

Brown (1994) suggests that individuals’ sense of agency and
empowerment is diminished by reliance upon professionals to name and define
their experiences. "Alternative paradigms for research that begin with people’s
personal theories and address the subjective nature of research include
feminist models, case studies, qualitative research and critical ethnography"
(Brown, 1994, p. 294). A purpose of qualitative research is to capture deeper
meanings of human experiences and generate theoretically richer observations
not easily articulated by numbers (Rubin & Babble, 1993). Glaser and Strauss
(1967) support the use of qualitative inquiry that is grounded in empirical
observations of the world. It is their opinion that research guided only by
preconceived theory interferes with the development of new perspectives.
Reliance upon conventional quantitative approaches have been argued to be
unsuited for the fluid complexities of social phenomena (Reid & Smith, 1989).
In qualitative research, questions and hypotheses emerge from "the
researcher’s accumulated knowledge of the phenomena studied with
documentation in the form of examples and quotes from subjects" (Reid &

Smith, 1989, p. 89).

31

32

In this qualitative exploratory study, semi-structured ethnographic
interviews are employed to identify some of the factors that African-American
male adolescents consider to be important in determining the course and
direction of their social and educational decision making and behavior. Internal
and external locus of control are also explored. Of concern is whether existing
explanations of locus of control adequately describe the sample population. In
addition to the use of exploratory ethnographic interviews with a purposive
sample of thirteen adolescents, the study utilized a closed response format
with the Children’s Nowicki-Strickland lntemal External Locus of Control

measure (CNSIE) to answer four questions:

1. What is the relationship between locus of control and high school
completion/dropout?
2. What is the relationship between locus of control and

participation/non-participation in crime?
3. To what do sample participants attribute their:
0 completion of high school
0 non-participation in crime
0 termination from high school
0 participation in crime
4. How do African-American male adolescent participants describe

their world view?

33

Open-ended questions, probes and follow-up questions were used in
concert with an interview guide (see Appendix C). An ethnographic interview
format was used in this exploratory study to discover the manner in which
participants experienced and "made sense out of their lives, their world and

their society." (Rudestam & Newton, 1992, p. 34).

Methodology

The emphasis of a substantial portion of the research concerning
African-American male youth has frequently been connected to delinquency,
crime and/or other dysfunctional behavior (Majors & Gordon, 1994; Rhoades
and Brown, 1991). This study examined resiliency and competence factors
that exist (or do not exist) among the sample population. The inductive
process (development of generalizations from specific observations) of
discovering theory from data is called grounded theory (Rubin & Babbie, 1993).
Thus, qualitative inquiry that generates theory and hypotheses based upon
observations of the empirical world is a type of grounded theory approach
(Rubin & Babbie, 1993). The primary method of inquiry utilized in this
research was ethnographic semi-structured interviews with each respondent.
The interview (Appendix B) focused upon relationships between participants’
educational status (high school completion or non-completion),
participation/non-participation in crime (arrests or no arrests), world view, and

demonstrated resilience and competence. To add to the richness of the

34

qualitative data, the study employed the Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal

External Locus of Control (Appendix A) and some descriptive statistics.

Sample

Thirteen eighteen-year-old African-American males composed the
sample used in this study. The sample consisted of a diverse mixture of
participants; six participants (46%) have dropped out of high school as defined
in this study. It is interesting to note that all respondents who dropped out of
traditional high schools have returned to attend an alternative high school
program that is small in size, and has a low teacher/pupil ratio in comparison
to regular high school programs. Access to academic support services such
as school social work, psychological or counseling services are limited to non-
existent at the alternative high school. Seven participants (54%) reside with
their mothers. Five of the seven who reside with their mothers completed high
school and attend college. Among the total sample, seven (54%) attend
college. Six are freshmen, and one is a sophomore. Six of the seven college
students attend public universities.

Three participants report that they have fathered a child. All three
fathers report that they provide financial support for their children, and that
they are actively involved in the lives of their children. All of the sample report
that they have been stopped by the police, oftentimes for reasons that are

unclear and/or seem unwarranted. Some participants report that religion plays

35

an important role in their lives. Most participants (61%) report that their
mothers practice religion on a frequent basis. Most participants (92%) report
that they are, or have been, involved in volunteer service activities.

An abbreviated eco-map format is used to provide brief descriptions of
sample participants. The abbreviated eco-maps are not meant to be a
replacement for the breadth of information contained in eco maps in their pure
form. Rather, the likeness is used to provide clarity to the individual
participants’ vignettes that are included in the study. Included is information
that addresses with whom the participant resides, his family of origin, and
whether he has off spring.

In an eco map, a small circle represents a female, and a small square
represents a male. Information contained inside the large circle refers to those
who reside in the household. Family members who no longer reside in the
household are located outside the large circle. The letter "X" inside the small
circle or square means the person is deceased. Two diagonal lines between
mother and father means that the two are divorced (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman,
1994)

For the purposes of this study, graduation from high school and non-
participation in crime were indicators of resilience. It was not anticipated that
sample participants who dropped out of school would have returned.
Returning to school is also an indication of resilience. Subjects who

participated in the study were paid a modest fee. Interestingly, all of the

36

participants who met the definition for non-completion of high school did not
wish to accept the fee that was offered. It was only after moderate coaxing
that the money was accepted. One participant stated, "I just wanted to meet

the person who wanted to talk to us!"

Interview Schedule

The study examined the way participants "experienced and made sense
out of their lives, their world and their society" (Rudestam & Newton, 1992,
p. 34). The interview (Appendix B) drew upon questions from Family Survey
Study (University of Michigan, 1996), Childhood and Beyond Study (University
of Michigan, 1994) and the Sibling Study developed by Harold, Colarossi and
Mercier (1996).

Each interview was audio-recorded with the permission of the
participant. Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed and identified by
participant number. The interviews were conducted in person by this

researcher and lasted approximately sixty-five minutes.

37

Children’s Nowicki-Strickland
lntemal External Locus of Control
In the previous study (Schott, 1996), the Children’s Nowicki-Strickland
Internal External Locus of Control (Appendix A) measure (CNSIE) was used in
a study to determine locus of control orientation among rural and urban
midwestern, male high school seniors. The same measurement was used with
the participants in this study. The CNSIE instrument calls for "yes-no"
responses on forty items of a questionnaire. The normative for the Children’s
Nowicki-Strickland Internal External Locus of Control scores for males in grade
twelve is 11.38 (Nowicki-Strickland, 1973). In this study, those locus of control

scores that are 13.0 or above suggest an external locus of control orientation.

Validity

The Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Internal External Locus of Control is
an instrument used to measure internal-external locus of control. It is
appropriate for young people up to 18 years of age. The instrument is
readable at the fifth grade level. An expected progression toward internality
with increasing age, academic achievement, personal competence and social
status demonstrated with other locus of control measures is observed in
samples tested with the CNSIE (Belter & Brinkman, 1981). In a review of

locus of control measures, Lefcourt found the CNSIE to be one of the better

38

measures of locus of control as a generalized expectancy presently available

for children (Howerton et al., 1993).

Sampling Procedure

The study was conducted in a large Midwestern city with a population
(including the surrounding suburban areas) that exceeds 700,000 people.
Approximately 15 percent of the city residents are African-Americans. A
purposive sampling method was employed in this study. Key individuals from
community agencies, secondary and post secondary education institutions, and
African-American churches were contacted to generate the samples used in
this study. Researchers sometimes elect to use purposive sampling in
exploratory studies (Rubin & Babble, 1993). This method of sampling is
utilized when the researcher "wishes to study a small subset of a larger
population in which many members of the subset are easily identified, but the
enumeration of all of them" (Rubin & Babbie, p. 255) would not be easily
accomplished. This researcher wished to assemble no less than ten sample
participants, consisting roughly of half high school drop-outs and half high
school graduates. The city from which the sample population came had a
broad and diverse network of community services and resources. Social
workers, religious leaders, educators, probation officers, etc. had readily
available knowledge and/or access to a potential sample population. Because

of these extensive contacts and networking capabilities, the decision to use

39

purposive sampling was based upon this researcher’s belief that a
comprehensive understanding of the subject studied could be gained by
tapping community leaders” and professionals’ expertise to identify participants
who represent the target population (Rubin & Babbie, 1993). Purposive

sampling is consistent with the use of grounded theory.

Data Analysis

The first step in this study was the administration of the CNSIE to
sample participants. Sample participants’ responses on the CNSIE were
collected and tabulated. Transcriptions of audio taped interviews were the
primary source of data for the study. Inductive content analysis was used to
construct a set of categories that provided an exploratory framework for
summarizing the data. Content analysis is a way to classify or code
information according to a conceptual framework (Rubin & Babbie, 1993). In
this study, content analysis involved the process of distilling information
generated from participant interviews. This was accomplished through a series
of activities. The initial steps included examination of the information collected
from participants during ethnographic interviews. The focus was upon the
qualitative questions in the study: Participationlnon-participation in crime,
completion/non-completion of high school, and the manner in which
participants described their world view. Responses were first grouped

according to their relationship to the previously mentioned areas. Next, they

40

were grouped according to the categories, risk factors, protective factors and
resilience/competence. This process was followed by efforts to identify and/or
construct consistent themes that emerged from participants’ responses (see
Appendix B). The information obtained from the aforementioned process was
placed on an eco-map (see Figure 1), which functioned as a graphic tool for
comprehension and summarization of the content of responses shared by
participants. An eco-map is a pen and paper assessment tool, primarily
developed by Ann Hartman (1978), that utilizes a set of symbols to represent
certain factors and/or events. In an eco map, a small circle represents a
female, and a small square represents a male. Information contained inside
the large circle refers to those who reside in the household. Family members
who no longer reside in the household are located outside the large circle.
The letter "X" inside the small circle or square means the person is deceased.
Two diagonal lines between mother and father means that the two are
divorced (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1994).

The graphic format of an eco-map is used to organize the results of
participant interviews. The total sample population is "the client" in the center
of the map. In the traditional form of an eco-map, those factors that impact
upon the sample are noted. By utilizing the format of an eco-map in this
manner, the way in which themes relate and interconnect can be observed.

The eco-map makes it possible for those who use it to achieve a holistic

or ecological view of the relationships, groups, individuals, events, and social

41

environments of the client or family (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1994). In this
research, the eco-map was used to obtain a holistic, ecological view of the
subjects studied. It provided a collective summary and representation of the
subjects in the study.

A qualitative approach to content analysis was utilized in this study.
The tabulation and analysis of the results of the quantitative CNSIE supported
the qualitative construct. The qualitative approach utilized in this study,
resulted in the discovery of vital information regarding sample participants’
locus of control that would not have been determined by use of quantitative

data alone.

Limitations

The sample size is a limitation of this study. WltI‘I a sample size of
thirteen, there were no expectations for statistical generalizations beyond the
study sample. A sample of thirteen is not large enough to infer that the finding
may not have occurred by chance. Nevertheless, insights and information
gained from this often neglected population are worthy of attention and may
provide strategies for additional research and study. In addition, qualitative
data is reliable in its use of the voices of participants to tell their own stories.
This method of research can be more reliable than a researcher making

assumptions from quantitative results, as is demonstrated in this study.

42

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

    

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43

Because the total sample population in this study came from one urban
community, it may not be readily generalized to other populations. In spite of
this, the data has use/application for the represented community. It also has
the potential of germinating questions and information useful for future

research.

CHAPTER IV

FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

Characteristics of the Sample

The sample population in this study was composed of thirteen African-
American males. All respondents were 18 years of age when the interviews
were conducted between the months of October and December, 1996.
General information regarding respondents’ nuclear family structure was
obtained. It was a deliberate decision by the researcher to make no formal
attempt (via direct questioning) to collect information regarding
parents’lfamilies’ economic status (SES), education, or occupations. The value
of SES notwithstanding, the researcher hoped to minimize communication
barriers that could resulted from questioning in this area. Although it can be
surmised that single female headed families are likely to experience greater
economic distress and poverty than two parent families (Gordon, 1994;
Garmezy, 1993), the researcher wished to discover sample respondents’
perceptions of the impact of factors such as SES in their daily lives. In
addition, it has been the researcher’s experience that for many African-
Americans, questions about family finances, education, social status, and the
like, by a stranger may be unwelcomed and may compromise the
establishment of rapport. During the interviewing process, information

regarding parents’ education, occupation and financial status was shared by

45

participants based upon the participants’ opinions of the significance of the
information to them. For example, one respondent expressed great respect
and admiration for his parents’ perseverance and accomplishments in spite of
their limited education.

All participants were interviewed one time on the premises of their
college or high school. Interviews lasted approximately 65 minutes. During
the data gathering period, no problems arose that necessitated the referral of
respondents to a mental health practitioner or facility due to problems that
resulted from participation in the interviews. However, based upon the content
of some responses, three respondents were encouraged to initiate contact with
a mental health practitioner. All participants were provided with a copy of the
1996 Edition of The Family Survival Guide, a brochure that lists area human
service agency names, descriptions of functions, locations and telephone
numbers. In addition, the researcher offered to assist respondents with

referrals if needed.

SAMPLE PARTICIPANTS

47

Some of us are lost. Our minds don’t know what to think or who to
trust. We are told by our own to stop the violence and love each other. At
times it seems we don’t love ourselves. We have to follow rules that were not
made by us. Then we are told not to break them and not to put up a fuss. We
are just told to make it in this world, and I guess be born with the right stuff.
Very few understand the Black man and how hard it is for us to succeed.
When we know how to stop the violence, but don’t; when we have not been
taught to love ourselves; when we have had no say in the rules we must
follow; we are not a dying breed that lost, . . . we are lost, so we are dying.

Community College Freshman

48

A1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

rm

f 1
A1:

 

 

 

 

 

Oldest Male
College student
No children
Never arrested

M J

 

 

A-1 entertained thoughts of dropping out of high school. His
participation in sports and the Upward Bound program kept him focused. It is
only when participating in sports that A-1 feels that he is in control. College
has not been easy for him. He acknowledges sadness and frequent feelings of
hopelessness. He recognizes the need for his mother’s attention to be
focused primarily upon his younger siblings. Nevertheless, he misses her
support. His worries about the future safety of his siblings are heightened by
the recent deaths and woundings of relatives and friends.

The fact that A—1 has not been arrested is attributed to "me not getting

into the back of the car!" i.e., removing himself from situations that may

49

become problematic. A-1 does not want it to be said that he is a bad person,
or to be defined by stereotypes that suggest his material possessions were
acquired through illegal activities. The existence of "too much hate" between
individuals and races of people, contribute to A-1’s less than optimistic view of
the world. He acknowledged suicidal thoughts in the past, and within three
months prior to the interview. He is familiar with his college’s counseling
services, but indicated that he would be more prone to contact a mentor from
high school. A-1 hopes to own a business in the future. Education is seen as

a way to realize personal goals and to combat stereotypes.

50

 

 

 

 

 

 

Egg

 

 

 

f 1
A2:
College student
No chlldren
Never arrested
L J

 

A-2 spoke with conviction about his upbringing and religious faith. He
credits his decision to graduate high school and not to participate in crime to a
strong religious faith, family emphasis upon education, and participation in
student government, sports, and church activities. He indicated that he never
considered dropping out of high school, but has thought of interrupting college
to pursue a career in gymnastics.

A-2’s mother, grandmother, extended family, and fictive kin have been
strong sources of support and guidance. He acknowledged that he frequently
feels sad and is concerned about the health and well-being of his mother and

grandmother. It bothers A-2 that he is frequently characterized by stereotypes

51

rather than his personal behavior and accomplishments. He participates in
many extra curricular activities in college. He believes life for him is more
difficult because he is African-American and male. It is not uncommon for him
to be hassled by white college peers. "The hate of different races is so rooted
in people’s minds and their family structure, that they don’t even realize what’s
going on. They don’t realize that they might actually be racis ."

At the age of 25, A-2 plans to be half done with work on a graduate
degree in math or computer science. His plans include continued involvement
in some facet of gymnastics, and he hopes to be "working on a wife . . . a
beautiful woman." It is his view that there is insufficient cooperation among
people, and that there is inadequate attention given to the world’s social

problems.

52

A3.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A3
f \
A3:
College student
No chlldren
Arrested
L J

 

 

 

A-3 emphasized the respect and admiration that he has for his parents’
strength and hard work. He stressed that his father is an integral part of his
life, even though his parents are separated. "My parents are from Jamaica . . .
and they have come a long way without much formal schooling . . . They came
here and they succeeded. We are not homeless or starving and we have a
pretty good house." Education and religion are emphasized by A-3’s family.
Dropping out of high school was nOt a consideration. He did not recall being
encouraged to remain in school by school officials. There were social workers

in his high school. He would have utilized their services if he needed them.

53

A-3’s arrest was an experience that he believes ultimately helped him
refocus his life in a more positive direction. He wishes not to be affiliated with
self-destruction, through either crime or addiction. A-3 reported with pride the
accomplishments of African-Americans, but disappointment in the violence and
crime. By the age of 25, A-3’s goal is to retire on stock market investments.
As a secondary plan, he expects to be employed in computer engineering.
Humanity’s lack of concern for the environment is one of A-3’s primary

concerns about the future.

A4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

f N
A4:
College student
No children
Never arrested
L J

 

An infectious smile, coupled with a warm, shy, and polite manner
formulate initial impressions of A-4. He described himself as pleasant and
easy to get along with. A4 readily acknowledged his admiration and love for
his mother. She is one of the most important influences in his life. A-4’s
decisions regarding staying in school and not participating in crime are in part,
anchored in his desire to do nothing that would cause his mother pain. His
father frequently encourages him to be better than he (father) is. "That’s what
I am aspiring to be."

A—4 reports no thoughts of dropping out of high school, but admits that

college is a struggle. The social support that resulted from A-4’s sports

55

participation in high school, does not exist in college. A-4 is saddened that
some question whether he can/will avoid following the footsteps of a friend who
dropped out of college. He recalls little encouragement from high school
teachers or counselors for students to stay in school. There were school
social workers at A-4’s high school. He thinks he might have talked with a
school social worker if he had a problem. He does not want to be a statistic,
but related that he barely escaped death when shots were fired at one of his
peers.

It is A-4’s opinion that one's future is just as dependent upon luck as it
is personal behavior. "Sometimes it does not matter whether you do anything
wrong - you can still be a statistic and you can still be arrested." A-4 is very
concerned for the present and future welfare of others. He does not think that
people care enough about each other, and worries that his mother and others
he cares about will become victims of a tragedy.

Religion is an important component of A-4’s life. He has relied upon
religion to help him cope when he has been stopped by police for what he
considered were unfounded reasons. "It made me feel angry, like I wanted to
break something. Nothing I could do about it . . . just prayed about it and kept
going on with my life. You can’t live in the past."

A-4 dreams of becoming an actor. He plans to get a college degree in

case his dream does not become a reality.

 

56

A5

 

 

 

 

 

 

A5

 

 

F W
A5:
College student
One chlld
Never arrested

L J

 

A-5 considers himself to be confident, easy going, a good listener, and
in control of his life. He does not want to be ignorant, selfish, unmotivated, or
unemployed. He never considered dropping out of high school, but has
considered dropping out of college. A-5’s mother was instrumental in his
decision to stay in college. Other than once or twice upon entry into high
school, A-5 does not recall school officials encouraging students to stay in
school. A-5 does not recall whether there were school social workers at his
high school, but said he would not have talked with one about personal

matters.

57

A-5 attributes the fact that he has not been arrested to not committing
crimes. Nevertheless, he has been stopped by police numerous times. It
bothers him, but he is resigned that it will happen. It is A-5’s opinion that fear
of black males, abuse of authority, and lack of understanding are possible
reasons why he has been stopped by police with such frequency.

A-5 does not think about the future a great deal, but worries about being
able to get a job and being able to provide for a family. He believes that life is
a struggle for Blacks in the United States, and that everything revolves around
money and power. He also believes the rules of the game differ for Blacks
and Whites. According to A-5, it’s hard for Blacks to play the game when they
lack the money, power and influence that historically have been held by
Whites. He believes ethics and morality are not considered in most

circumstances, and that he is helpless to change things.

58

A6

 

 

 

 

 

 

Q—E—Q

 

T

A6:

College student
No children
Never arrested

 

 

L J

A-6 is a high school graduate and college student. He was Captain of
his basketball team for four years, and President of Junior Achievement for
one year. In addition, he holds leadership positions in his church. Religion
and education are prominent family values that have influenced A-6. He has
high achievement goals for the present and future, and tries to be a
responsible person. "I try to keep my priorities in order -- school work first,
maintain an even temper, keep smiling and stay positive."

A-6 has a close knit nuclear and extended family, and an extensive
network of support from peers and family friends. He acknowledged that he

has had thoughts of suicide (albeit not pervasive) within a few months prior to

59

the interview. A-6 believes that as a people, African-Americans are strong.
He also believes that African-American males are very strong, but they do not
always realize it, and others do not always notice it.

A-6 has never been arrested, but has been stopped by police more than
once "for vague reasons when they could be looking for criminals." A-6 has
friends and acquaintances who have been victims of violence.

It is A-6’s opinion that the world is getting worse and that people tend
not to think of others --- only themselves. He described his outlook as
pessimistic, and suggested feeling like "a needle in a haystack." His fears for
the future include the extent to which individuals rely upon computers rather

than themselves to do their thinking and their work.

60

A7

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

F
A7: 1
College student
No chlldren
Never arrested

L J

 

A-7 lists intelligence, independence, and his opinion that he is probably
one of the friendliest people you will meet among his best attributes. He is a
high school graduate and college student who misses the support of high
school peers, and finds the pressures of college life difficult. He considers
education a vehicle for future achievement, but is concerned that employment
opportunities might not be available to him in spite of a college education. A-7
did not know if there were social workers at his high school, but would not
have been opposed to seeing a social worker. He recalls few occasions when

students were encouraged to stay in school.

61

A-7 does not want to be a statistic, or someone who is not intelligent. lt
disturbs him that "people look at me and think I am a criminal. l have to
constantly work to disprove stereotypes -- some of which I know, some of
which I don’t." Although A-7 has not been arrested, nor done anything that
would cause arrest, he feels that he must try to make up for what many
African-Americans males who are incarcerated are unable to do.

Participation in sports provides an outlet for stress for A-7. He hopes to
become a journalist, and noted that writing provides one of the few
opportunities for him to be in control. In A-7’s opinion, the world in which we

live is a very scary place.

62

A8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

r W

A8:

Alternative ngh School
One chlld
Arrested

 

 

L J

Soft spoken and polite, A-8 readily spoke of the network of support
provided by peers, fellow workers, and a close knit family and extended family.
Religion is an important component of his family life. A—8’s decision to attend
an alternative high school was influenced by upbringing and his family’s
emphasis upon education and staying in school. He plans to graduate high
school and attend college, but recognizes that his responsibilities as a teenage
father make the task enormous. A-8 would like to be an astronaut, but doubts
that it will ever happen. Most of his time is spent in school, working, or

spending time with his son and his son's mother.

63

A-8 describes himself as dependable, hardworking, non-judgmental, and
easy to get along with. Although he believes that he was acting in self-
defense during the altercation that resulted in his arrest and incarceration, A-8
has worked hard to stay in school and out of trouble. "I just stay off the streets
. . . I hang with some of my friends . . . but if they’re going to do something
like smoke weed, things like that, I let them go. I just mind my own business."

A-8 does not want to be a burn or criminal. His most admired adults are
his father, because he is a hard worker and a good man, and his brother-in-
law, because he is hardworking, in college, and a Christian. It is A-8's belief

that "no matter what, you can’t give up . . . you got to keep getting up."

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

F N
A9:

Alternative NS.
No chlldren
Never arrested

 

 

L J

Themes of self-improvement and perseverance dominated the content
of A-9’s interview. He advocated vigorously for improving the social and
economic health of the Black community. A-9 has a strong commitment to
helping others and building harmony in the Black community. When A-9
considers what he would like for himself in the future, he states he does not
want to be a quitter. He wants to be a caring person, "because that’s the key.
The more you help, the better off you will be. I’d rather be a friend than an ~
enemy to you."

A strong relationship with his mother, and a supportive teacher played a

role in A-9’s return to high school. In addition to family problems, A-9 left

65

home to care for an ailing relative. "I felt like I had all of the burden on me. I
met Mr. Smith (teacher) at a time that was really hard for me. I didn’t really
want to go to school. Mr. Smith encouraged me. He was not like some adults
who just said ’Well, if you don’t want to Ieam . . . ’ Mr. Smith kept bothering
me, and showed me that he cared. That made me want to care. My mother

was always there. She always pushed me. That’s the bright spot."

66

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A1 0
A1 0
fi 1
A10
Alternative l-I.S.
One child
Arrested
L J

 

 

 

Barely audible and with little verbal or facial expression, A-10 completed
the interview. He reported few friends and tenuous connections with
immediate and/or extended family members. He was able to think of only one
positive attribute about himself --- that he gets along with people. A-10 has
one child and reported having been arrested several times for driving without a
license, and/or minor offenses. He dislikes it that he is automatically assumed
to be a dope dealer.

A-10 is currently unemployed, but maintains that he provides financial
support for his child. He made the decision to return to school because he

wants to plan for the future -- just in case he lives to the age of 35.

67

Otherwise, A-10 stated he had no thoughts about the future, and that he did
not wish to discuss the future. He did not deny thoughts of suicide, however,
he considered them to be infrequent.

A-10 reported that prior to a sports head injury, he had been a Team
Captain and Class President. According to A-10, he has recovered from his
injury, but he has had no interest and/or involvement in sports or other
school/community activities since his accident several years ago.

During a brief retreat from what appeared to be almost expressionless
responses, A-10 strongly declared his regrets for dropping out of high school.
"I think I messed up my life when I dropped out of school. I’d be in college
right now, still playing sports. I wish I had never dropped out of school. But I
did, so now I’m back in school trying to make up for what I did. But now, I
cannot play my sports. That was a big part of my life." A-1O did not approach
school personnel prior to quitting school. He recalls sports team members
encouraging him to stay in school, but not teachers, counselors or social

workers.

68

A11

 

l:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cousin
ll A1 1 ll
OLDEST ‘

 

 

F T
A1 1 :
Alternative l-I.S.
No children
Arrested

L J

 

 

Articulate and commanding in his presence, A-11 began the interview
stating that he wanted to meet the person who was interested in talking with
young African-American males. He talked without hesitance about his
experiences. It is A-11’s opinion that faith and belief in God are the only
things that are certain. He is in awe of his grandmother’s strength and
spirituality. A-11 has been suspended from high school more than once. He
stated that teachers find him to be intimidating. Although he admits to having
assaulted others, the intimidation description does not coincide with A—11’s
perception of himself. He met with a school social worker, but he did not like

her. "She didn’t understand me."

69

A-11’s family’s emphasis upon education has contributed to his decision
to remain in school. According to A-11, many of his extended family members
are college graduates and/or are actively involved in school, community, and
church activities. "Everyone in the family supported them when they were in
college. I think that’s really important, . . . and important in my decision to
change the way I want to live my life." A-11 wants to graduate high school
and attend college, but noted that he might present some of his greatest
barriers. "I don’t want to be underneath my mother my whole life. I want to be
my own man, but it seems like it’s hard for me right now to do what I’m
supposed to do to maintain. I don’t have my license. I can’t find my birth
certificate or social security card, which means I can’t get a job. It just seems
depressing and I keep procrastinating. I just think I’m not as motivated as |
used to be."

It is A-11’s perception that humanity and the earth are dying.
"Everywhere you look, somebody’s blowing up an airplane, shooting up an
abortion clinic, or killing somebody over their color. How long can we keep
contaminating the air and water, and taking from the earth and putting nothing
back . . . 7"

Moments after the conclusion of his interview, A-11 returned with a
poem he had written. The researcher asked, and received permission to

include it with this study.

70

DESTINY
by

Lost, can you find me?

The sadness and fear bringz fire inside
afraid to die but filled with too much pride
and envy and hate and anger and sad
and alternating stages of happy and glad.
why I don’t know progress is so slow
we labor through life some say just to die
and you rate me third person because I get high
or sell drugz or rob or steal or maybe even kill
but these thingz come natural in the way I feel.
Can’t find peace when therez none left to find
I’m not always violent just when offset in my mind
I want to do something and make my mom proud,
but all that follows me is bad luck and dark clouds
destiny awaits but it I can’t see
all I know is that I want to be
someone to love and one who can love
or destroyed by myself with my evil black glove.

A-11

71

A12

(INCH: @

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A12

 

 

 

 

 

F D
A12:

Alternative H.S.
No chlldren
Arrested

 

 

L J

Energetic and talkative, A-12 has many hopes and plans for the future.
His greatest desire is to make a home for his brother and sister who are
currently in foster homes. A-12 resides in an area of high crime and violence.
Some family members encouraged his past involvement in crime. Although A-
12 has been arrested and placed in juvenile detention several times, it was
during a stay in the county jail that he began to take a closer look at himself.
Upon release from jail, "I said to myself, no more of that man. This is no way
to be an example to my younger brother and sister, or to other members of my

family. I had to face reality, and make a choice for myself."

72

According to A-12, the influence and love of his aunts and uncle, faith in
God, and a youth pastor at a church he attends have been great sources of
support for him. He is dedicated to trying to help others who might be
struggling. Many of his peers from elementary school are incarcerated for
selling drugs. "Some are doing what they know to do to survive . . . You can’t
get mad at people when they only know a certain amount of things to do . . .
It’s hard for them. I don’t put them down for what they do. I try to help them
out, | talk to them . . . help point them in a positive direction." A-12 is quite
concerned about others’ perceptions of him. He shares his family’s wish that
he will become a nice young man. "I don’t want people to say that they
wouldn’t want to be around me - that I am bad news. I don’t want people to
say bad things about me, or that I am a bad person, because I am not."
A-12 would like to graduate high school and attend college. He would like to
some day own a business. A-12 will abandon his plans for college in order to
take care of his brother and sister, and to make it possible for them to have a
better life. His view of the world is that it is corrupt. "There is too much

racism, violence, hate and too many unhappy, intolerant people."

73

A13

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A13 __

OLDEST

 

 

 

 

 

f
A13: W
Alternative I-I.s.

No chlldren
Arrested
L J

 

 

A-13 describes himself as understanding, compassionate, and an
unofficial planner and organizer among his peers. Like all other participants in
this study, he has been stopped by the police many times. He often questions
the actions of the police, and is sometimes arrested because of this. "It makes
me feel inferior because of the fact that they can come up to you and just put
you in the back of the car. From that point on, you probably already have a
crowd, and you look like a criminal and you haven’t even done anything."

A-13 is saddened by the violent deaths of some of his peers. Even though he

does not want to die a violent death, he thinks it may happen. According to A-

74

13, danger comes with the territory, "and if the situation calls for it -- when it’s
a matter of protection, I say do it."

When A-13 dropped out of high school, he became bored staying home.
He realized that he had made a foolish error. In addition, his mother would not
permit him to stay home doing nothing. A-13 wants to attend college, and
wants to own a business some day. He believes he can reach his goals if he
is determined to do so. A-13 worked with a school social worker when he was
in elementary school. His experience was positive.

A-13 worries about what the future holds for his younger siblings. It
also bothers him that his mother worries about his safety whenever he leaves
home. A-13 thinks there are many problems in the world today, but he is
optimistic about the future. Although he believes that it is a struggle to be
African-American and male, he considers it a blessing. "Black people have so

many gifts and talents, and have greatness in so many different ways."

75

Discussion of the Data Analysis Process

Following the completion of the ethnographic interviews with the thirteen
sample participants in this study, each interview was transcribed. Collectively,
these transcriptions averaged 20 pages each. In addition, each participant
completed the Children’s Nowicki Strickland Internal External Locus of Control
measure. The results of this quantitative measure were reviewed after the
analysis of the qualitative data.

The researcher listened to each taped interview and read the
transcriptions of each taped interview many times. Copies of the transcribed
interviews were made using different colors of paper. Participants’ responses
were grouped according to their relationship to the qualitative research
questions in the study: To what do sample participants attribute their
completion of high school, or termination from high school, and participation or
non-participation in crime? How do African-American male adolescent
participants describe their world view?

A poster board was set up for each participant. Following the tabulation

of locus of control scores, the process for analysis is as follows:

1. Each subject’s interview transcript was reproduced in several
colors.

2. Each subject was assigned a poster board.

76

3. Selected statements from each subject’s transcript were grouped
according to their relationship to the research questions (high
school completion/non-completion, participationlnon-participation
in crime and world view). NOTE: Pink = Crime; Blue = World
\fiew; Yellow = School.

4. Each participant’s statements regarding world view, school and
crime were attached to their poster boards.

5. Each subject’s set of pink, blue and yellow responses were
evaluated for content regarding (a) risk factors, (b) protective
factors, and (c) resilience/competence.

The poster boards provided a visual representation of the content of the
interviews and revealed a coherent thematic pattern generated by participants’
responses. These themes include relationships, religion, and sadness, and are
reflected in narrative statements and illustrative tables.

For example, the impact of the spur of prevailing negative stereotypes
about African-American males was referenced by all participants. This factor
influenced participants’ decisions and behavior in different ways. Some
expressed frustration, and some indicated sadness. An additional finding was
that for a majority of participants, mothers were mentioned as role models or
important sources of direction and/or support.

The color coded poster boards provided a vehicle from which the

researcher could visually identify categories and potential themes within

77

categories. Once themes were identified, they were transferred to a graphic
patterned after an eco-map. It is from this graphic summarization and the
aforementioned process of content analysis that findings of the study are
communicated.

Some of the participants” actual responses are included in this study.
The researcher attempted to select those participant words and responses that
would capture, interpret, and explain the way the sample participants’
experience and make sense of their lives (Rudestam & Newton, 1992).

The coding technique utilized in this study represents one method by
which these data can be organized and understood. Other methods of
analyzing other levels of the data, and constructing meanings could be

employed in the future.

78

Qualitative Interview Findings
Ethnographic interviews were conducted with participants to learn about
the manner in which the sample population made sense of their lives and
experiences. An interview guide with open-ended questions, probes and
follow-up questions was used to gather data that pertained to the qualitative
research questions. The data from which the findings are derived are self-
reported by participants. Participants were encouraged to express themselves
in terms that best expressed their feelings and perceptions. When asked how
participants thought people unlike themselves refer to them, and people like
them, some participants were noticeably hesitant to state certain derogatory
references. Over half responded with comments such as,
"I can’t say the term in your presence," or
"It would not be respectful to say to you."
More than once, participants asked:
"Are you sure it is okay to say what I think?"
Following the researcher’s acknowledgement of participants’ respect for her
chronological maturity, and an open invitation for participants to "speak their

minds," interviews commenced --- derogatory references and all.

Factors That Contributed to Completion of High School
Parents, and the value parents place on education are among the

factors influencing high school completion among the sample population. Six

79

out of seven participants indicated parental influence contributed to their
decision-making regarding high school completion. Parents’ expectations that
high school "would be completed," appeared to be of greater importance than
the school experience itself for some participants. A-5 and A—7 did not
consider certain aspects of their secondary school experience to have been
particularly supportive or positive, but they never thought of dropping out of
high school. Among the total sample, 46% reported they never considered
dropping otu of high school. A-5 considered taking a break from college and
finishing later. He deferred withdrawing from college after talking to his
mother:

She said if I really thought I needed a break, it

wouldn’t hurt to take one. But then she said, it’s a

good chance you won’t finish once you stop. I really

thought about that.

The support and camaraderie that result from participation in sports and
other community and team-building activities, are additional factors that
influenced participants’ decisions to complete high school. The Upward Bound
Program, and participation in track and football, were pivotal for A-1. There
were people who cared. In auditory tones, and a facial expression that
suggested pleasant reminiscence, A-1 related:

It (was) just like family.

80

For most respondents (six of seven), participation in sports offered a
rare venue in which they experienced a sense of mastery and control. A-4
experienced the pressures that occurred when teammates relied upon him.
When he came through for them:

It was a good feeling, because they looked up to you
and relied on you.

Because of his athletic capabilities and what he could do, A—13 felt in
control when he played sports. As Captain of his high school basketball team,
A-6 noted:

It makes me feel that people can depend on me, that

they feel that I am responsible.

Factors That Contributed to Non-Completion of High School

In this study, non-completion of high school was defined as voluntary
and/or involuntary termination or removal from high school prior to earning a
Graduate Equivalency Diploma (GED). Family problems (33%), poor decision-
making (33%), and lack of interest (16%) are among the stated reasons for
non-completion of high school. Suspension from high school for reasons that
ranged from lack of attendance to disruptive behavior is the primary
contributing factor for non-completion of high school among the sample
population. With two exceptions, interviews with participants revealed that

many do not consider themselves to have dropped out of high school.

81

(Interestingly, most had entertained thoughts of dropping out of high school
more than a few times). This perception remained even among those
participants who did not attend school for many weeks in succession. A-9
stated that he never dropped out of school, however, he:
stopped going to school for about three months . . .

A-9 left the state to be with an ill grandparent.

One participant attributes his non-completion of high school to his loss
of interest following a sports injury (A-10). Another stated that listening to the
wrong people, and being weak minded, played a role in his four week absence

from school (A-13).

Factors That Contributed to Returning to High School
An unanticipated finding in this study was participants’ (46%) return to

high school. It is noteworthy that some of the factors that contributed to
participants returning to school coincided with factors that contributed to high
school completion among the sample. A-8 was suspended from school. A-8’s
parents always stressed the importance of education and staying in school.
According to A-8, he:

was messing up pretty bad . . . not going to school,

etc., but I never considered dropping out of school.
Among most (83%) of the participants who did consider dropping out of school,

the parents” and/or mothers’ expectation of school attendance factored into

82

their decision to continue their education. Half of the participants wanted their
mothers to be proud of them, and half indicated that the support of a teacher
and/or pastor influenced their decision to return to high school. Additional
reasons for returning to high school include self improvement, planning for the

future, and to attend college.

Factors That Contributed to Non-Participation in Crime

For purposes of this study, non-participation in crime is defined as
absence of involvement in law breaking activities that resulted in arrest and/or
incarceration. The majority of the sample population were non-participants in
crime. For some participants, religious faith, upbringing (family’s values), and
avoidance of behavior(s) that might bring pain to their mothers, served to deter
their involvement in crime. Over half of the sample in this category take
measures to avoid situations and circumstances that might lead to crime.
However, just as many suggested that the aforementioned actions may be
insufficient and/or provide no guarantees. All sample participants have been
stopped by police numerous times. Based upon their direct experiences (and
the experiences of others with whom they may be acquainted), it is not
surprising that participants consider that luck and chance have played a role in
them not getting arrested. A-3’s experiences are not atypical:

I live in a predominantly white community. White

police officers stop me just to ask me for license,

83

registration, and proof of insurance, but give no
probable reason to stop me for obstructing the law or
breaking the law.

A-6 related a similar story of being stopped by police:

‘ because I had a chip on the right side of my tail
light. The cover was chipped, and they stopped me
and said I needed to buy red tape to cover it. I felt
that was no reason to stop me, because it really
wasn’t noticeable. You had to really, really look at it

to see.

A-12’s story is more compelling:
I understand the police have a job to do, but they
harass you. Like this weekend, I didn’t do anything
wrong. They handcuffed me and put me in the back
of the car. The handcuffs were on backwards, and I
told the policeman I couldn’t feel my fingertips. He
said, "Yeah, well me neither, nigger." Then they just

kept laughing.

Factors That Contributed to Participation in Crime
The definition for participation in crime in this study is, involvement in

lawbreaking activities that resulted in arrest and/or incarceration. The reasons

84

for arrests/incarcerations among sample participants are as numerous as the
number of sample participants who fit the defined criteria. Other than the fact
that all six sample participants had histories of arrest and/or incarceration,
there was no repetition of the reasons for participation in crime (see Figure 9).
Although one participant felt he was acting in self-defense when he was
arrested, he nor the other participants denied that they had engaged in
activities that could lead to arrest. The participants did not suggest that others
were responsible for their behavior and actions. In one instance, it could be
argued that familial encouragement to engage in crime exerted extraordinary
pressure upon the participant. Nevertheless, A-12 attributed his participation in
crime to the fact that he:

wasn't in (his) own state of mind. I was more or

less in my own world, but it was all for me and what

I wanted. At times I would see that l was just

hurting myself.

A-1O knew that he could get arrested for driving without a license, but

he related that he:

...just had to get around. I had to go. It wasn’t

worth going to jail, but I did it, and I got caught, so I

had to pay for it.

85

World View
An individual’s view of the world based upon the totality of their
knowledge and experience(s) was the definition given to participants to
consider in their discussions of world view. The interviews provided a glimpse
of participants’ views of the world, and the way they perceive themselves in
connection and conjunction to that world. There was repetition of certain
perceptions and themes in participants’ responses. Especially strong were
perceptions that greed, hatred, and violence (69%) are destroying people, the
earth, and the environment. In addition, perceptions were that too little
concern for others (54%), too much racism (46%), and too much emphasis
upon money and power (61%) exist in the world. Corruption (31%) and the
struggle(s) associated with being Black in the United States of America (62%)
were also popular themes.
A-2’s comments on world view capsulized the thoughts of some of his

fellow participants:

Through my eyes, I see the world as ignorant and

corrupt. The way we do things, and the way things

happen in the world is biased. The judicial system is

biased. The educational system is biased. The

world has its faults, and pretends like it doesn’t. I

don’t see anyone working on social problems in the

world. Everyone seems to be more concerned about

86

political stuff, like who’s running what corporation
and who has the most votes and influence. They
are not concerned about attacking the social
problems. It shouldn’t be like that. There should be
more attention to communication between people
and relationships within the communities. Start with
communities first, and then move out into the rest of
the world.

Many participants’ world views suggest frustration and pessimism. In
addition to these perceptions, are themes of optimism, hope, and involvement.
Four participants voted for the first time in the 1996 election. Another is
registered to vote:

I wanted my voice to be heard (A-8).
Most participants thought the Million Man March was a positive event,
and springboard for Blacks in America. A-7 thought:
It was a day for African-American men to get a
picture of what they need to do to make this world a
better place.
A-6 thought the Million Man March provided an opportunity to unify the:
Black community as a whole, not just with the

men. Since it’s mostly Black men killing off other

87

Black men, they have to start with the Black male
first.

A-2’s experience was more direct:
I wished that l was there! During that time, I noticed
that it brought more Blacks together here on
campus.

Even though A-2’s world view reflected criticism, he noted:
I fit in (the world I described) as one of the people
trying to relate to others, and trying to make it a
better place.

A-7 thinks the world:
...is a very dangerous place. It’s also a beautiful
place. I love where I live, and I love where I’m from.
But, I think it needs to calm down a little bit before it
can be a place where I want to raise my children.

A-13 reflected a similar view:
When I look throughout, I feel the world is not the
best place to be right now, but I know that it will be

beflen

88

Risk Factors
Multiple risk factors are found among the entire sample population. All

have lost friends and/or peers to acts of violence. Some have lost family
members as well:

My friend wasn’t killed, but he was shot seven times.

My cousin was just recently shot in the mouth. He

died. At the time it happens, you hurt inside. You

miss seeing them, but there’s not too much you can

do (A-1).
A-13 noted:

The impact is hard. I mean it hurts. But I always

come to a final conclusion that we weren’t put to

stay here in the first place. But that’s bad. That’s

not the way to go -- by a gunshot. I never want to

go that way.

All participants have been stopped by police for questionable, possibly
unwarranted reasons. In addition, all are affected by negative stereotyping and
fear of becoming a statistic. Most participants (69%) experienced sadness or
depression, and most reported a non-supportive educational environment or
experience (54%). Twenty-three percent reported thoughts of suicide, feelings

of isolation and feeling burdened by peers” problems. Ninety-two percent have

89

lost friends to violence, and 15% have lost family members. Thirty-eight
percent of sample members worry about the safety and future of their younger
siblings and mothers.
Almost half the participants have participated in crime as defined in this
study.
Negative stereotypes concerned and affected all participants:
You know that Black men are often portrayed as
thugs and rapists, and stuff. The Million Man March
showed that Black men can come together and do
right instead of wrong -- that we can actually do
something that’s productive, that’s got nothing to do

will all the rest of the stereotypes (A-8).

I have to constantly work to disprove stereotypes ---

some of which I know, some of which I don’t (A-7).

Protective Factors

Protective factors buffer, or weaken the intensity of situations, events,
and circumstances that increased the vulnerability of sample participants.
Family and extended family relationships were important protective factors for

the sample participants. Sixty-nine percent reported a network of extended

90

family members and supportive adults, and 77% reported positive relationships
with their parents and family members.
A-13 is keenly aware of the importance of his family members:
I can always talk to my mom or my grandfather
about anything. My family is very supportive of me.
If I do certain things, whether it’s good or bad, it’s

still the same love.

My aunt and uncles raised me, and they pushed me
to go through school and get a job instead of run the
streets. They take time to listen to me, and I listen

to what they tell me. Vlfithout them, I would probably

be in some kind of trouble (A-12).

My mom’s a strong person. She’s just there for me
every time I need her. She does so much for me, it
just makes me thank God. She shows me how I

want to be toward my children (A-4).

My family is very supportive of me. Basically, if I
decide to do anything, as long as it’s not anything

outrageous or crazy, they’re usually behind me

91

100%. They help me out with problems I have. I go
to my parents or my family and tell them anything
that I am having trouble with, and there won’t be any

hassles. I can always depend on them (A-5).

A personal and/or family connection with religion was evident among
most (77%) sample participants. Many participants (62%) practiced a religion
themselves. Most of those who did not, indicated that one (or both - 77%) of

their parents did.

I try to go by Christian ways. Even though
everybody in my family is saved, I’m not saved yet,

but I read the Bible (A-8).

When I am home, I attend church every Sunday. I

sing in the choir (A4).

I go to church occasionally. My father’s side of the
family attends church weekly. Religion is still in my

mother’s life, but she doesn’t go to church now (A-5).

92

Some sample participants’ reluctance to be paid for participation in this
study may be connected to religious and social values that do not support
accepting money for contributions to service. To take part in a study that
might help others, is an opportunity to "do good," and "good works" do not
require payment. (It is also a possibility that participants so desired to have
their voices heard, they did not wish to be compensated.)

Involvement and participation in sports was a key factor for many of the
sample participants. Among other factors, sports provided relaxation, stress
reduction, an outlet for aggression, and peer and adult support:

I played basketball in high school. If I was having
trouble at school or anything like that, the basketball
coaches or teammates would help if I needed it

(A-6).

I played football. I love the contact. I play a
defensive position, which means I like to go and I

like to hit people (A-7).

Sports are very supportive. It’s another outlet for
me. If things are going bad, I can just forget about
everything for awhile. I think sports are good

because sometimes you get upset, and before

93

thinking do something that you regret. If you have
another outlet, maybe you can think about what
you’re doing. It (sports) calms you down, and you

can be a bit more civilized (A-9).

My brother plays basketball, and he is Captain of his
team. It’s not really my extra curricular activity, but
just watching him is all that I need. I play basketball,
but really my brother is all the basketball I need

(A-11).

Resiliency I Competence

Not unlike studies conducted by Garmezy 8. Neuchterlein (1992),
Gordon (1995), and others, sample participants in this study have
demonstrated social and academic competence in the presence of risk factors
that mitigate against positive outcomes and adaptations. Indicators of
resiliency/competence identified in the literature were well represented among
participants. All participants indicated future goals and strategies to

accomplish them:

94

I’m going to school and I’m trying to do the best that
I can. I hope to be able to graduate five years from

now, and go on to be a successful journalist (A-7).

A year from now, I hope to be more like my father.
He works hard to get everything he has. My father
introduced me to the stock market. Just in case I
happen not to be able to retire from investment
profits at 25, I’m going to school to get a degree, so

that I can fall back on a more traditional job (A-3).

I want to finish high school, and maybe go to
college. I also want to make a home for my younger
brother and sister. If my plans don’t work out, I
might consider the military. When I reach 25, I hope

to have a family (A-12).

I want to be an elementary school teacher, and I
don’t want to be unemployed. I am staying in

school, and trying to remain motivated (A-5).

95

Participants consider education to be a pivotal factor in achieving their
goals. Although all are pursuing an education, there is not complete certainty

that education will provide the keys to their future:

A year from now, I want to be out of high school, of
course, and probably going to Community College. I
hope to find a better job. There might be a job
opening where my brother-in-law works. If I can get
in there, third shift and on weekends, I’ll be all set
through college. I’ll be able to go to college and

graduate, and still have a job (A-8).

Personal Attributes
F riendliness, a sense of humor, and the ability to get along with people,
were considered important components of sample participants’ lives. Most
expressed pride in their possession of these attributes. A-1 tries:
. . . to talk with everybody, no matter what the color.
I still talk to people, even though there is not much
you can do when somebody sees you as a

stereotype, regardless of what you say or do.

96

I am very sociable. I’d rather be a friend than an
enemy to you. I’d rather take the good things than

the bad things. I’m just easy to get along with (A-9).

My personality is the best thing about me. I can get

along with you easily (A-10).

My sense of humor, personality, and understanding

are the best things about me (A-6).

I am probably one of the friendliest people you’ll

meet (A-7).

Leadership in school, religious and community activities were commonly
found in the sample. Many participants reported holding offices in Student

Government, and/or in church or community activities:

I was President of Junior Achievement at our high

school (A-6).

In every group I am involved with, I end up being the

leader. It is not always voluntary. Someone always

97

picks me. I guess people see me as responsible, so

I always end up leading something (A-11).

Intelligence
Most participants considered intelligence and determination to be

important components of who they are, and what they are. According to A-1:

I am intelligent, and willing to learn.

A-7 expressed the sentiments of others:
The best things about me, aside from my mother
and my family love, is that I am intelligent,

determined, and well read.

Pfide
Pride in racial ancestry and identity were frequently expressed by
sample participants. Parents and family members were influential in this

aspect of participants’ development:

My father tells me that I come from a very strong

race. He makes sure that I am reading about our

98

history, and educated about the struggles African-

Americans have had to endure (A-7).

My uncle likes to talk about Black people who are
our founders and ancestors. He talks about Black
people in the past and in the present. It’s fun to

listen to him (A~4).

My father’s a Black Puerto Rican, and my mother is
Black. They have always told me to never let
anyone degrade you. Regardless of what others
say, you know where you come from and who you

are (A-9).

They (my family) tell me it’s hard, because you have
to make way for yourself. Nobody’s going to give
you anything. I’m proud to be Black, and I feel like I

am blessed.

Participants’ perceptions of the implications of being male, and African-

American in the United States in 1996 were also evident:

99

Because I am African-American, a lot of people look
at me as a criminal. l have to prove that I am not.
Maybe by the way I dress, or the music I listen to,
people will think of me as some ghetto, project-
raised teenager. That is not the truth, but it means
that I have to prove to these people that I’m not what

they think I am (A-7).

l have to strive to break the barriers. Break the
chains -- break that view that African-American

males are inferior, and can’t run businesses. Im

going to prove them wrong (A-1).

You’ve gotta stay strong, maintain, and do better for
yourself and your people. You should want to make
it, and bring as many as you can with you. If you

help a person, and that person helps someone else,

we can rebuild (A-9).

If I go to a job interview with the same qualifications

as a white man, and it’s a white corporation, most

100

likely, the odds are that they will probably pick the

white man. I’ve got to beat the odds (A-4).

Participants consider discrimination and racism to be a factor that has
affected their lives to a degree. The impact was stated most often in reference
to negative stereotypes, harassment by police, and in future opportunities for
employment. Interestingly, sample participants tended not to think that
discrimination because of race or gender would hinder them from getting the
amount of education that they wanted. However, participants do believe that
race and gender will be prominent factors in their access to employment when

they enter the labor market.

Strategies for Survival

'Words to live by," and/or personal mottos surfaced during interviews
with some participants. Expressions such as ”making it," "keep getting up,"
and "maintain(ing)" were associated with participants’ strategies to survive

and/or negotiate within their social environment:

The way I see it, we’ve got to ’maintain.’ A lot of
times things don’t go right because people are

scared to talk. If I have an opinion, or something to

101

say, I am going to say it. But, if I know it may hurt

somebody, I might phrase it a little differently (A-9).

Crime is everywhere. You can’t escape it, but you
have to ’make it,’ no matter what. A few of my
friends might say, ’come on man, let’s smoke some
weed or something.’ ’No, man, you go ahead.
Knock yourself out. I’ll still be here when you get
back.’ That’s how I play, I laugh all the time when
I’m talking to them, but I wouldn’t want to be around

them. They respect me for that (A-12).

102

LOCUS OF CONTROL

Internal locus of control refers to people who tend to perceive the events
in their lives to result from consequences of their own behavior (Yates et al.,
1994). External locus of control suggests a person perceives events in their
lives to be determined by forces such as luck, chance, or powerful others
(Yates, et al., 1994). The implications and significance of internal and external
locus of control are addressed in greater depth in Chapters l and ll of this
study.

The sample population’s locus of control scores were examined relative
to their relationship to high school completion/non-completion, and
participationlnon-participation in crime (see Figure 2). For the purposes of this
study, locus of control scores of 13.0 or above, were indicative of an external
locus of control orientation. The sample mean locus of control score was 16.4.
Individual locus of control scores ranged between 13.0 and 25.0. Six of the
nine participants whose locus of control scores were between 13.0 and 16.0
were among those sample participants who had not completed high school. Of
the four participants whose locus of control scores ranged between 17.0 and
25.0, all had completed high school.

The locus of control scores for participants who did not participate in
crime ranged between 13.0 and 25.0. The locus of control scores for those

participants who did participate in crime were clustered between 13.0 and 16.0.

103

LOCUS OF CONTROL SCORES
(Total Sample Mean = 16.4)

 

* tools...- 7
Control .
ScOres

      

A-1 =17

amuse...» »

CompletIOn ,

completionof
High School

I? '1 Pame~r§5a.,,,
. I" Crime ~

' participation 1
' In Crime, _

 

A-2 =18

 

A-3 =15

 

A-4=25

 

A-5= 13

 

A-6=15

 

A-7 = 20

><><><><><><><

><><><><

 

A-8 =15

><

 

A-9 =16

 

A-10 =13

 

A-11 =15

 

A-12 =16

 

A-13 =16

 

 

 

><><><><><><

 

><><><><

 

 

FIGURE 2

 

104

All sample participants scored within the external locus of control range.
The locus of control scores of those participants who did not complete high
school (but have returned to alternative high school), and did participate in
crime, are concentrated between 13.0 and 16.0. The locus of control scores
for sample participants who did complete high school, and did not participate in
crime, are scattered between 13.0 and 25.0.

The greatest concentration of locus of control scores for the total sample
population falls between 15.0 and 17.0. In response to two of the research
questions, there is a relationship between locus of control scores and
completion/non-completion of high school, and participationlnon-participation in
crime. That a difference exists among the sample population’s locus of control
scores is evident. The statistical significance of the differences cannot be
determined because the sample size does not permit statistical inferences.
However, among the participants in this study, non-completion of high school,
and participation in crime, resulted in locus of control scores that fall within the
range of 13.0 and 16.0. Conversely, completion of high school, and non-
participation in crime, resulted in a wider range of external locus of control
scores. Although statistical significance of these results cannot be analyzed at
this point, there is strong evidence that within the "external nature" of
participants’ locus of control orientations, some scores are closer to the
"internal" continuum than others. According to the definitions in this study, it

appears the "more internal" participants were not as resilient as those with

105

greater externalization. Future research with a larger sample would provide
more quantitative information regarding these findings. The qualitative
approach employed in this study, provided the richness of understanding and
insight that is not forthcoming with quantitative measures alone. Without the
qualitative data, conclusions based upon quantitative locus of control results

would have, at best, been misleading.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

Introduction

Less than four decades ago, this researcher recalls from first hand
experience that life within the United States for African-Americans was
prefaced, and defined by overt racism, segregation, and racial discrimination.
Justice, equity, open access to education, housing, economic opportunities,
and the American dream were neither an expectation, nor an option for many
African-Americans. Although the most visible acts of racial discrimination were
concentrated in the southern United States, no African-American escaped
their reach.

Within the structure of families and African-American social
communities, psycho-social, psycho-emotional spheres of support were
developed to provide protection from penetration by hostile environmental
forces. Families were the center sphere, followed by African-American social
and religious communities, and next the larger social, global environment
(Billingsly, 1968). All African-Americans were vulnerable to the effects of a
racist society, but African-American males were (and are) very vulnerable to
wanton, unpredictable, and sometimes deadly physical, structural and/or

emotional violence (Hill, 1997; Frazier, 1957).

106

107

Between the 1960’s and 1980’s, the need for some of the protective
armor provided by African-American families and social/religious communities,
began to slowly dissipate as laws that supported social segregation and
discrimination were overturned. Few African-American youth born within the
past two and a half decades have as a part of their personal history, direct
experience with overt, systematic racism, segregation, and discrimination. The
networks of support, and the cloak of protection provided by African-American
families and social communities, also have not been a part of their life
expefience.

A disenfranchising system of laws, social policies and discriminatory
behavior by the dominant culture, were a tangible, external force against which
African-Americans and others openly struggled and fought. A more elusive,
diversified, and less tangible external environment punctures the spheres of
family/community support and protection that were present in years past (Hill,
1997). The covert, sometimes unconscious, unintentional nature of institutional
racism clouds its presence, and makes it less open to identification and
condemnation (Hill, 1997). The fruits of the struggle for civil rights have made
it possible for the African-American middle class to be more mobile, and more
able to reside and work in the sphere of the larger social environment (Wilson,
1987). Successful efforts to dismantle practices of discrimination and
segregation have made it possible for many African-Americans to have a better

chance at achieving the American dream. In an ironic twist of fate, the

108

spheres of protection and support have become porous. Their energy and
focus are siphoned into many directions, not the least of which are economic
instability, teen violence, AIDS, homelessness, and others (Hill, 1997). Access
to the American dream for some, depletes the resources that fuel access for
others. Exposure to competence, positive role models, and resilient coping
strategies are lessened for many African-American youth, with each
"successful" entry into the larger social environment by a member of their
community (\Mlson, 1987).

Many African-American adolescent males (and females) exist in a
metaphorical psycho-social DMZ (demilitarized zone) with limited protection or
insulation from penetration and intrusion of the external environment. In light
of these factors, this exploratory, ethnographic study was undertaken to
discover how African-American adolescent males make sense of their lives,
environment, and world (Rudestam & Newton, 1992). Do they survive? How
do they survive? Are there networks of support, protective factors, strengths,
resiliency, and others that can, or will enhance their development, growth, and
adjustment in the present and in the future?

The potential implications for the data generated from this exploratory
study, far exceed the scope and focus of this study’s research questions. The
stories, thoughts, and experiences shared by sample participants were
tantamount to the pleas of a young child, who, when feeling ignored, cups the

face of an adult in his hand and says, "I am talking to you. Are you listening to

109

me?" The participants in this sample are eager to talk to researchers, social
workers, teachers, parents, and policy makers. The challenge is whether we
as researchers, social workers, policy makers, teachers, and practitioners are

ready, and/or willing to listen.

Locus of Control

An external locus of control orientation can be a positive adaptation for
members of stigmatized groups (Hillman et al., 1992). The external direction
of locus of control orientations found in the sample population are not unlike
findings by Smith & Werner (1982), in their review of locus of control scores
among racial and ethnic minorities. Externalization can be a bulwark against
the internalization of social biases and inequities.

The CNSIE was administered to all participants in this study. Based
upon locus of control definitions in this study, an external locus of control
orientation existed among all of the sample members in this study. The range
of locus of control scores is broad. Nevertheless, external locus of control
orientations have been associated with vulnerability for self-destructive
behaviors, suicidal potential, feelings of worthlessness, poor school
achievement, and fatalism (Yates, et al., 1994). Externally oriented individuals
believe that, for the most part, their efforts are futile, and will have little

significance upon their lives.

110

Most sample participants’ behaviors and responses reflected this
inclusion of the fatalism, emotional vulnerability, and hopelessness associated
with external locus of control orientations. Reflected as well however, were
possible prophylactic effects against some of the risk factors to which all
sample members are exposed. It is noteworthy that many sample participants
who completed high school, and did not participate in crime, had higher
external locus of control scores. More elevated external locus of control
scores suggest a protective effect that enhances participants’ capacities to
"handle, and bounce back" in spite of the pitfalls of their experiences. Other
factors may have contributed to this outcome, however, further research is
indicated to identify these possibilities.

Although the sample size was not designed to yield statistical
significance, the range of external locus of control scores, coupled with the
content of participant responses, support the need to exercise extreme caution
when interpreting the meanings of locus of control orientations among the
sample population. If, for example, we focus on participants with locus of
control scores from 15.0 to 17.0, we find notable similarities in responses, and
experiences. Administered to a larger sample, it would be anticipated that
there might be more distinct differences in the mean locus of control score
based upon high school completion/non-completion, and participationlnon-

participation in crime.

111

Characteristics such as leadership, academic success, accepting
responsibility for individual academic and social achievements and failures and
other values, usually associated with internal locus of control orientations,
were also found throughout the sample population. In the midst of a
population of externally oriented sample subjects, were found individuals who
readily take responsibility for the consequences of their behavior (A-10, A-12),
who achieve academically (A-6, A-3, A-12), and who have engaged in, and
demonstrated, leadership ability (A-11, A-2, A-6). The externally oriented
African-American male subjects in this study possessed characteristics of both
internal and external locus of control orientations. An external locus of control
orientation could be explained as a protective factor, as described above, and
an indication of resilience among participants in this study. As previously
noted, externalization among the sample population accompanied greater
capacities to spring back, and to be more resilient in the presence of adversity.
In isolation, subjects’ locus of control scores do not capture their strengths,
competencies, vulnerabilities, and resilience.

The balance necessary for competent internal and external functions is
impacted by social, structural, psychological, and/or environmental factors that
may facilitate or hinder individual adjustment and adaptation (Antonovsky,
1979). As stated, an internal locus of control orientation is associated with
achievement, mastery, hopefulness, a sense of empowerment, and the like

(Benson & Deeter, 1992). In addition to other factors, external locus of control

112

orientations are associated with ascribing life events to chance, luck, outside
forces, and/or powerful others (Yates et al., 1994). Internal orientations or
resources, facilitate goal directedness, achievement, a sense of responsibility,
and so on (McCullough et al., 1994; Benson & Deeter, 1992; Antonovsky,
1979). External locus of control orientations facilitate successful negotiation
within, and among that numerous risk factors, and daily challenges that may
be faced by individuals (Howerton, et al., 1993). Ego pSychologists suggest
that personality development incorporates environmental interactions, goals,
and concerns (Compton & Galloway, 1994). Social environment and culture
have long been concluded to be important facets of adolescent development
(Erickson, 1968; Bios, 1941).

Bandura (1982), suggests that locus of control as a construct falls under
the rubric of self-efficacy. If we accept Bandura’s position that self-efficacy
involves how well one can judge and "execute courses of action required to
deal with prospective situations" (Bandura, 1982, P. 122), it can be
hypothesized that the manner in which sample members successfully utilize,
apply, and balance strategies and components of both internal and external
locus of control orientations, is an indicator of resilience. Such an hypothesis
considers the structural, psycho-social, and environmental realities of life for
the sample population. It would be consistent with Tickamyer et al., (1993)
who suggest theory development acknowledging the matrix of social relations

in which individuals operate, along with their power to transform them.

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Successful responses to certain risk factors may call for externalization. In
other instances, internal responses, or a combination of internal and external
responses would be the most productive course of action to address a
prospective situation (Bandura, 1982). For example, stress and violence are a
part of A-1, A-4, A-8, and other sample members’ social environments.
Powerful others, (police, authority figures), chance, and a sense of
powerlessness are "external" components of their daily lives. Sample
members’ strategies to survive and navigate in the context of their life
experiences, and psycho-social environments, sometime call for "internally
orientated" judgement and decision making. A-1’s decision to stay in school,
and avoid problematic situations with peers was an "internal" response to
execute his efforts to find ways to accomplish his goals for the future. For a
time, A-12 engaged in some of the negative behaviors that are associated with
an external locus of control orientation, such as delinquency, incarceration, and
school dropout (Luthar & Zigler, 1992). One could argue that the
circumstances surrounding A-12”s participation in crime were extenuating in
that some of his immediate family members were involved in numerous
lawbreaking activities. They solicited and encouraged A-12’s participation in
crime. A-12’s explanation for his behavior was the "internal" response that he
was responsible for his actions.

Among sample members there were indications that the significance of

locus of control orientation was connected to the manner in which

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internal/external locus of control orientations were integrated and balanced by
individuals. The presence, or absence of the capacity to select internal or
external approaches in appropriate response to given situations (Antonovsky,
1979) appeared to be an important factor in sample members’ functioning and
decision making. In her study, Abatso (1985) found that Black male
community college students excelled not because of greater aptitude than
other students, but among other coping behaviors, they had more internality in
their locus of control. They were more flexible and more varied in the
strategies that they used to cope.

In this study, completion of high school and non-participation in crime
are indicators of resilience. All sample members with locus of control scores
of 17 or above completed high school. Of those with locus of controls scores
between 13 and 16, 66% had not completed high school, as defined in this
study. The fact that some sample members returned to an alternative high
school to complete school, is also an indication of resilience. However, it can
be argued that the absence of judgement to execute and balance "internal"
and "external" resources, may have caused the disruptions in these sample
members’ educations. ~

A-10 provides credence for the aforementioned argument. Although his
sports injury was an unfortunate mishap over which he had no control, A-10’s

physical and emotional vulnerability at the time may have made him less able

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to draw upon the internal resources that were manifested in his "internal”
choice to return to school.

Based upon findings in this study, the pilot study (Schott, 1996) and
other research (Werner & Smith, 1989), it can be hypothesized that African-
American adolescent males tend to have an external locus of control
orientation. Among the study sample, the more elevated the locus of control
score, the more likely sample members’ are to have completed high-school,
not participated in crime, and not to have fathered a child. Is it necessary to
abandon the use of locus of control measurements with African-American
adolescent males? Is it necessary to develop a new locus of control
measurement, and/or revise the existing CNSIE? The CNSIE was normed
over two decades ago using a homogeneous, middle income population that
included few non-Anglo subjects. The psycho-social environments for
adolescents in the United States of America were significantly different then
they are today. Thus, it is conceivable that if the CNSIE were normed in 1997
with a diverse population of adolescents, the results would not be the same.
In this researcher’s pilot study (Schott, 1996) with a diverse group of male
high-school seniors (N=85), from rural and urban Michigan school districts, the
mean locus of control score was 17.4. Evidence exists that suggests the
legitimacy for additional research to update existing measurements and to

develop new ones.

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The data gained in this study underscore the need to exercise extreme
caution when applying traditional locus of control explanations to African-
American adolescent males. This same caution is suggested for all
populations. Although some problems exist, this researcher finds it is
premature to suggest abandoning the use of locus of control measurements
with the study sample, or with African-American adolescent males. However,
more research is needed to determine how to use and interpret the findings in
contemporary society. Much of the existing research addresses the
implications of an lntemal locus of control "or" an external locus of control.

The current study suggests that there may need to be an "and" as a part of the
discussion as well. What does it mean to have an internal "and" external locus
of control? What is most beneficial, internality, externality, or a combination of
the two? What about practice and policy implications? Most practice theories
are individualistic in their approach, and focus upon "individual" responsibility
(Hopps et al., 1995). State and national social welfare policies also emphasize
a more "internal" focus. Is it appropriate to do so? McMahon and Allen-
Meares, (1992) suggest that the emphasis upon an individualistic approach in
social work practice ignores the ecological perspective and person in
environment configuration.

Locus of control as a theoretical construct has usefulness in application
to the study sample. There is utility in its potential to provide more clues about

personality development, particularly regarding the manner in which structurally

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induced environmental factors and events are personally handled by
individuals (Compton & Galloway, 1994; Erickson, 1968). Additionally,
qualitative and quantitative research is needed to address the significance of
locus of control in the contexts of the twenty-first century. More research is
needed to ascertain the manner in which the traditional locus of control
explanations need to be revised, and/or expanded to reflect the realities of
contemporary experiences and environments. Both qualitative and quantitative
research are suggested to reach conclusions that incorporate a "person-in-
environmentconfiguration" (McMahon & Allen-Meaers, 1992) and to minimize
the development of assumptions based upon information that could be

misleading.

Eco-Map

A holistic representation of the social, personal, and environmental
factors that shape and frame the lives and perceptions of sample participants,
was constructed and depicted in a graphic presentation (see Figure 1). Risk
factors identified in the literature, (Majors & Gordon, 1994); (Taylor-Gibbs,
1990) figure prominently in the lives of sample subjects. Four principle themes
concerning risk factors were identified by the participants: Safety and violence,
social environment, vulnerability as an African-American male, and depression

and sadness.

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Safety and violence were issues that participants identified as
concerns they consider to be critical. According to participants, their
parents/families also would find issues of safety and violence to be very
important. Some participants have been direct victims of assault, and/or have
lost family members and friends to acts of violence.

Mincy (1994) suggests that male youth who have had some of the
personal contacts with violence experienced by some sample participants, are
likely to be traumatized. They become desensitized to violence, anticipate
impending death, and find long term plans for school and/or employment trivial.
The resilience of sample subjects is evidenced in their lack of trivializing the
importance of education and future planning. All sample subjects are in
school. Some have returned after they have dropped out of school. Subjects
have plans for the future and to continue their education even though some
anticipate a premature death. Sample subjects’ stories provide numerous
demonstrations of positive adaptations and "the ability to thrive, mature and
increase competence in the face" (Gordon, p. 41, 1995) of adversity.

In addition to the danger that exists due to violent acts, African-
American males may also be vulnerable to physical and/or psychological
assault by law enforcement officials. All sample participants have experienced
repeated questioning and/or harassment by police. Understandably, high on

parents”/families’ wish lists for their male offspring, is that they be safe.

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For some sample participants, the social environments in which they
live are areas of high crime and violence. Participants have had to develop
strategies to co-exist in their environments, without losing themselves in the
process. Social environments in which crime and/or violence are not
predominant, were not havens of tranquility for sample subjects. Participants
in these environments reported being frequently stopped by police in, and
around their neighborhoods for tenuous, if not unfounded reasons.

Vulnerabilities as African-American males included limited family,
school, or other sources of social support, bombardment by negative
stereotypes, and teenage parenthood. Three sample subjects have children.
This number, although not insignificant in fact or reality, does not reflect
popular perceptions of rampant reproduction rates among young Black males.

For some respondents, family, school and/or community supports were
limited. Reasons identified included, but are not limited to, maternal
concentration upon younger children, and a participant’s loss of interest in
school and social interactions following an injury. An unanticipated finding was
the reported sporadic nature of efforts by school personnel to encourage
students to remain in school. The limited involvement of school social workers
and/or other mentors, also was not expected.

The smaller student population, and the personal interests of teachers,
were key factors for participants who attend the alternative high school. Both

alternative school officials, and sample participants, asked the researcher to

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return, and/or help them obtain someone who would be available to just "talk
with students, and listen to what they have to say."

Sadness and depression were referenced directly and indirectly in the
content of participants’ responses. The direct references to "depression, or
being depressed” were not as frequent as references to feelings of sadness
and isolation. The more common response was to deny depression, but
acknowledge frequent sadness within three months prior to the interview.

A somewhat similar response pattern occurred regarding suicide.
Although some participants acknowledged suicidal thoughts, others failed to
deny them. Asked directly if they had thoughts of suicide, participants’
answers would be, "no." When asked if they had thoughts of ending their lives
within the past few months, responses such as, "doesn’t everybody?" or, "that
doesn’t solve anything," were revealing in their ambivalence.

Enmeshed within discussions of sadness and depression, are the
suppression of anger, and the impact of stereotyping upon sample participants.
As a matter of survival, African-American males have had to quickly learn that
an "improper expression of anger" can be fatal. The "wrong" tone or response
to a police officer, or someone else, could have dire consequences.

Sample participants are persistently exposed to demeaning stereotypes
about African-American males. Although participants were quite disturbed by
them, it is difficult for some of the stereotypes not to become internalized.

Once internalized, sample subjects’ inadvertently assume responsibility for

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them. If, in attempts to deconstruct stereotypes, participants are not mindful of
the extent of control they do (and do not) have, they run the risk of becoming
not unlike victims of abuse who, despite their efforts and actions to avoid being
wounded, have little impact upon their perpetrators’ irrational and changing
demands. An external locus of control orientation is a more protective and
more "resilient" adaptation in such instances.

The internal orientation within the external sample subjects, makes them
likely candidates for self-blaming. The possibilities for sadness, depression,
fatalism, and others, become more likely if participants mistakenly think that
(their) deconstruction of stereotypes is going to (will) change the way others
may think of them. (Tiger Woods is a living example of "Shattering
Stereotypes, 101." Nevertheless, that has not prevented negative references,
stereotypes, and characterizations from being launched in his direction.)

The security of family relationships, the support derived from social
relationships and activities, and belief in a higher power, were protective
factors that muffled the intensity of sample participants’ risk factors. The role
of religion has been identified as a vital component in the lives of most
competent African-American families (Majors & Gordon, 1994). Maternal love
and support, and the quality of maternal relationships were prominent, and
consistent factors in most aspects of participants’ decision making.

Sample participants’ family and maternal relationships were factors that

helped keep the scales tipped toward resilience, rather than risk. According to

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Hill (1997), the strong work ethic and emphasis upon higher educational and
occupational attainment in families headed by single African-American women,
contributes to resilience. A-11, A-2, A-5 and others stressed their mothers’
emphasis upon education and work. A-13 made note of the fact that it was
clear to him that his mother would not tolerate him not attending school.

The literature documents the importance of family relationships as
protective factors for resilient youth (Felner, 1995; Resnick et al., 1993; Masten
et al., 1991). Majors and Gordon (1994) observed that among African-
American male youth, the mothers’ influence with their sons is stronger, even
when fathers are present. In this sample, seven of the thirteen participants
(54%) were from single woman-headed families. Five of the seven (71%)
completed high school, and attend college, and four of the seven (57%) were
non-participants in crime. In a National Urban League study conducted in
1979-80, families headed by single African-American women were almost as
likely to have children in college as two parent African-American families (Hill,
1997). Although the subjects in this sample are making positive adaptations,
families headed by women face tremendous risks that can place their children
in‘jeopardy (Felner et al., 1995; Gordon, 1994) for a myriad of risk factors.
Sample subjects acknowledged the positive influence of their mothers in their
comments, and their accomplishments. Providing mothers with the resources
and supports needed to continue to raise healthy, productive members of

society is a sound and sensible investment. The social, economic and

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emotional costs of not empowering mothers, so that they in turn can empower
their sons, are far too great to ignore.

Fathers were listed among the individuals most admired by some
sample members (A-3, A-6). A-3 emphasized that his father continues to be
an important part of his life even though his parents do not live together. He
aspires to be like his father, and voiced great respect for his strength and
wisdom. According to Majors & Gordon (1994), upwardly mobil, achieving
African-American males attempt to be like their fathers, and are encouraged by
their mothers to identify with their fathers. A-4 has a comfortable and close
relationship with his mother. He freely discusses his thoughts and concerns
with her. He noted that his mother "will listen to me, but sometimes tells me it
is something a father and son should discuss."

Cultural heritage and history are important influences upon the manner
in which African-American families function. Historically, the building blocks of
African family organization was based upon consanguinity (blood ties).
(European family organization was based upon conjugality—marriage ties).
Consanguineous networks may have included conjugal households among a
compound of extended family dwellings (Hill, 1997). In contemporary African-
American families, extended family members continue to play important roles,
and to be protective factors in the development and growth of African-
American children in both one and two parent families (Hill, 1997). Positive

extended family female and male role models who reside in other households

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assist and participate in the socialization of children (Majors and Gordon,
1994). A-13’s favorite Uncle is admired for his strong mindedness and self-
sufficlency. A—4’s Uncle is a purveyor of cultural and family history, and racial
pride. A-12 gives much credit to the Aunts and Uncles who have been a
positive influence upon him.

Sample subjects’ resilience and competence were repeatedly
demonstrated in this study. By definition of terms in this study, sample
subjects who did not participate in crime, and completed high school, were
considered to be resilient. Among sample subjects, 54% completed high
school, and 54% had not participated in crime. High school completion, non-
participation in crime, and not being a teenage parent (77%) were related with
each other. All subjects (46%) who, by the study’s definition, did not complete
high school, returned to high school. According to their stories, most have
triumphed over many obstacles to get where they are.

Personal attributes such as a sense of humor, friendliness, and the
ability to get along with other people, contributed to sample participants’
resilience and competence. The aforementioned attributes augment the
sample’s efforts to survive and make sense of their world and environments
(Rudestam & Newton, 1992). Sample subjects do not rely solely upon
personal attributes. Perseverance, goal directness, determination, and

intelligence are also factors.

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The extent of concern for the welfare of others by the sample population
was greater than anticipated. Almost 70% of the sample participants do not
think people are adequately concerned about others, and/or the earth and
environment. Ninety-two percent of the sample reported involvement in
volunteer activities such as neighborhood clean and fix-ups, helping the elderly
and homeless, and working on an AIDS awareness campaign. Benard (1993,
1990) suggests that resilient children and youth often extend themselves to
others in need. Doing so elevates self-worth, and may also anesthetize the
pain of their own lives. It could be argued that the sample populations” value

and belief in a higher power (77%) is congruent with their concern for others.

Implications for Practice

The primary tasks of adolescence according to Erickson (1963), are to
establish identity and avoid confusion about one’s role. Important questions
include: As an infant, was there an establishment of a basic trust? In
subsequent tasks, was there the development of initiative rather than guilt;
autonomy rather than doubt and shame; competence rather than inadequacy
and inferiority? If these developmental tasks are satisfactorily accomplished in
childhood, in the progression through adolescence, youth are better equipped
to handle the struggles that accompany that stage of development (Erickson,
1963). Racism is a barrier that complicates the aforementioned process for

African-Americans. It is difficult to develop trust in the benevolent reliability of

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the world when from early childhood, individuals frequently experience events
that erode the process (Majors & Gordon, 1994). Parents must teach African-
American children survival strategies such as having their purchased candy or
bubble gum placed in a bag to minimize the chances of being accused of theft.
This researcher recently observed several members of a Boy Scout troop who
were approximately eleven to thirteen years of age. The Scouts were in a
hobby shop that specialized in model airplanes. The African-American boys
were followed by store employees. Questions about parts and models were
not answered with information, but with comments such as, "That costs X
dollars," or "Do you have X amount?" The Anglo Boy Scouts were not
followed, and they were provided with direct responses to their questions.

The accumulation of events such as those described, eventually take
their toll. "African-American adolescent males’ stage-appropriate narcissistic
doubts about worth, competence, and identity are combined with his
indoctrination with the criteria for respect pushed by an alienating dominant
culture and that culture’s simultaneous barriers to those perquisites" (Majors &
Gordon, 1994, p.219). The accomplishment of developmental tasks described
by Erickson (1963), are frustrated and/or frequently interrupted by social,
structural and other barriers (Majors & Gordon, 1994). The process of
establishing trust, initiative, competence, and others, applies to African-
American male youth just as it does to other youth. However, when these

developmental milestones are discussed, it is important to consider African—

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American adolescent males in the context of their culture and environment
(Blos, 1941). Their cultural and environmental experiences are likely to be
different from those of their dominant culture counterparts. For example,
establishing one’s identity is an accepted part of adolescent development in
the United States (Erickson, 1963). It is general knowledge that in the process
of "finding themselves," adolescents may succumb to poor judgement and
decision-making, and may engage in nuisance, yet lawbreaking behaviors.
Unlike their dominant culture peers, "teenage pranks" committed by African-
American adolescent males are more likely to result in an arrest and/or
criminal record (Majors & Gordon, 1994). There is real pressure to accomplish
the task of "growing up" without making major, or glaring errors. This pressure
exists at a time in development when an individual can be most vulnerable to
making mistakes (Majors & Gordon, 1994). In the upbringing of this
researcher and others (Hill, 1997), the message has been that "finding oneself"
(which may include poor decision-making, lack of decision-making and others),
is a luxury African Americans cannot afford.

In American society, the traditional male role is that of provider-
protector. A man’s worth is measured by his ability to provide economic
support and protection to a family. The more economic resources he has
access to, the greater his ability to provide and protect (Majors & Gordon,
1994). Just as in the past, it continues to be difficult for African-American

males to reach the dominant culture’s prescribed male social roles and

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expectations. Sample members in this study are taking steps to make it more
likely for them to be providers and protectors by continuing their education.
However, most have lingering doubts about their ability to overcome the
barriers they expect to face. A-4, A-7, A-5, and others are quite concerned
that it will be difficult for them to find employment upon graduation from
college. Some of the despair expressed by sample members like A-6 who
appear to have everything going (intelligence, supportive family, leadership
ability) may result from the belief that despite their own initiative, or adapting
their behavior to that of the dominant group, they might never have access to
respect and economic resources and security as defined by the dominant
culture (Ogbu, 1986).

Members of the study sample individually and collectively, have many of
the characteristics associated with resilience, such as competence,
intelligence, determination, a sense of humor, friendliness and so on. One of
the challenges for researchers, practitioners, educators, and policy makers will
be to re-focus the lens of their values and experiences when viewing
adolescent African-American males. Many of the life experiences of
adolescent African-American males do not parallel those of the viewer. They
face legitimate concerns about life, death, and mental health, many years prior
to the time the same issues become a concern for most practitioners and

researchers.

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Do social workers, educators, policy makers and researchers consider
African-American adolescent males to be resilient? What, if any, barriers do
they think these adolescents face? How does one recognize resilience among
adolescent African-American males? What do practitioners, educators, and
researchers see when they encounter African-American adolescent males with
shaved heads, and pants hanging close to their knee caps? What if these
youth are not attending school, and appear to be unmotivated and lethargic?
Do they see a "budding delinquent," or do they see beyond the exterior, and
consider that an accumulation of risk factors might have taxed the balance of
any of these individuals’ internal/external resources, thus placing them in
jeopardy for poor decision making? Are behaviors and responses that initially
appear to be destructive or dysfunctional, possible indications of attempts to be
resilient, to cope, to bounce back? Exposure to chronic community violence
for example, has been connected to difficulty in concentrating, memory
impairment because of avoidance of intrusive thoughts, apparent indifference
to hurt or loss, constriction in exploration and thinking for fear of re-living
traumatic events (Garbarino, 1992), and so on. When these behaviors are
observed, is it considered that they may be a possible method by which the
person is attempting to "maintain" or "keep getting up?" Garbarino et al.,
(1992) examined a series of risk factors and found that average intelligence
scores for children remained good until the third or fourth risk factors were

added. It was at this point that intelligence scores dropped into problematic

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ranges. Could it be that an accumulation of environmental stressors rather
than lack of motivation, or other personal/social deficiencies contribute to such
things as poor school attendance, apparent indifference, and the like?
According to A-9, the answer would be yes. The burden of a series of family
problems took their toll. A-9 lost interest in school, and confidence in himself.
Among the merits of resiliency theory are the facts that credence and
recognition are given to strengths and the ability to triumph in the face of
adversity. It offers the possibility for developing "prescriptions" for bolstering
resiliency, and/or resilient coping strategies. For example, based upon the
findings of this study, a stronger presence of school social workers in
secondary and alternative school settings, more youth/group workers, and
more self-development opportunities for mothers raising children alone, could
provide more possibilities for African-American adolescent males to become
more resilient. The relevance and importance of social support systems, and
environmental factors are acknowledged in resiliency theory. Nevertheless,
carefulness must be exercised in the manner in which resiliency theory, and
resilient characteristics are determined and/or interpreted. There is the
temptation to emphasize and focus upon extraordinary individual capacities to
survive, rather than challenge the structures that mitigate against survival.
Garbarino et al. (1992), Garmezy and Neuchterlein (1992), Rhodes and
Brown (1991), Werner and Smith (1989) and others note characteristics of

resilient youth that include, but are not limited to, intelligence, positive self-

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esteem, goal orientation, gregariousness and an ability to generate warmth
from caregivers. The concern with these descriptions becomes the cultural
and/or value orientation social workers, researchers, policy makers, and others
apply to characteristics such as goal orientation, gregariousness, and so on.

Is goal orientation always a resilient quality, or is it so only in reference to
certain criteria, such as career goals, or sports and/or education
achievements? How is it defined, and which value system provides the
definition?

As cited earlier, ego psychology theories inform us of developmental
tasks that must be successfully mastered during childhood and adolescence to
maximize adjustment and adaptation as an adult. Locus of control theories
provide clues to the manner in which individuals are likely to personally
interpret, assimilate and respond to given environmental stimuli. Resiliency
theory acknowledges the existence of, and resistance to the impact of
structural, social and environmental barriers that interfere with successful
accomplishment of developmental tasks, and influence the balance of internal
and external resources. The tasks of practitioners, policy makers, and
researchers are to become more knowledgeable of the manner in which these
constructs are manifested in the adaptations and adjustments of adolescent
African-American males, and others. Efforts to remediate structural and
environmental barriers that hinder the accomplishment of developmental

milestones, contribute to an imbalance in internal/external resources, and

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make the need for resilience necessary, require the focus, energy, and
attention of micro and macro practice arenas. Utilization of resiliency theory is
a beginning step in the process of re-focusing the way in which adolescent
African-American males are viewed. However, acknowledging, recognizing,
identifying, and applauding resiliency in the absence of vigorously attacking the
circumstances that made resilience necessary, sanctions and perpetuates the
barriers African-American adolescent males are expected to overcome.

Social workers, researchers, educators, and others often interact, react
(or do not interact or react), to African-American adolescent males in
accordance with popular stereotypes, media images, personal
biases/prejudices, and inaccurate and/or misleading research findings. The
troubling statistics that plague African-American male adolescents are not to
be minimized or overlooked by human service practitioners, researchers, and
educators. Commanding equal attention however, are the millions of African-
American male adolescents who struggle against tremendous odds simply to
reach the age of 21. For many, the life stresses and experiences of these
youth, are not comprehensible to some of the adults with whom they are in
contact in schools and communities. Findings in this study indicate that these
young men are thoughtful, resilient, compassionate, sensitive, kind, friendly,
creative, fun, socially conscious, responsible, determined, approachable,
tolerant, industrious, spiritual, goal oriented, dreamers, planners, isolated, sad,

depressed and sometimes suicidal.

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Those who work with and/or have influence upon the lives of African-
American adolescent males, must remain cognizant of the impact and
cumulative effect upon mental health, of a constant stream of stressful life
events. Over-taxation of an individual’s reservoir of adaptive capacities can
cause a pathological response (Rubenstein, Heeren, Housman, Ruben 8:
Stechler, 1989). Research has verified that the amount of life stress is greater
among suicidal adolescents, than it is among their non-suicidal counterparts
(Rubenstein et al., 1989).

Sample participants’ decisions to resist stereotyping, inequities, and
other barriers they encounter, are admirable and must be encouraged. It must
also be recognized by social workers, educators, researchers and others, that
these are not issues that rest only upon the shoulders of African-American
adolescent males. We must also take active measures to turn off the constant
barrage of demeaning perceptions and images, that ignore the strengths and
resiliency of this population. The manner in which social workers, researchers
and African-American adolescent males recognize and use (or do not use)
their power to transform stereotyping becomes critical. It will define their
actions and reactions to social structures. It will have an influence upon
whether individual decisions will be to challenge, deconstruct, or
perpetuate/maintain the status quo.

The intensity and depth of stressors sample subjects face, are

addressed in this study. The tremendous amounts of resilience strength, and

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"luck," required for African-American adolescents to "maintain” and "keep
getting up," are extraordinary. The integrity of the protective armor upon which
African-American male youth must depend, is weakened when
school/educational and community environments are insensitive to their needs,
inaccessible and/or not supportive. The armor is strengthened by mothers,
fathers, families and mentors who can provide support, nurturance and
guidance (Rolf et al., 1989). For sample subjects, participation in sports
provided peer support, and access to potential resources for adult support. In
addition, it provided individual avenues and options for relaxation, stress
reduction, feelings of control, and physical fitness.

It is noteworthy that sample participants’ reports of their experiences,
and treatment were not distinguishable based upon participation or non-
participation in crime, or completion or non-completion of high school. The
remarks of an individual suspended from high school numerous times, are as
profound as those of a person who has never been in trouble, and at the age
of 18 is a sophomore in college. The authors of the poem and the statement
that precedes the vignettes, are considered to be marginal students. Yet, their
powerful, passionate, and articulate writings reflect great intellect and talent.

The implications for practice and research are as numerous as the
issues that face African-American adolescent males. The issues are complex,
and there are no quick-fixes. In the absence of data generated by

ethnographic interviews with the sample population, the prognosis for

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leadership and academic achievement among sample subjects based upon
locus of control scores, would have been bleak. More research and theory
development that combines quantitative and qualitative approaches are
indicated if we are to become more literate and effective in our efforts to
interface with this population.

Bold and creative measures that include building upon the social
structures and personal relationships that are important to African-American
adolescent males, are called for if we decide to "listen" to them. The
relationships African-American adolescent males have with their mothers, and
their connections with spirituality and religion are resources that can be put to
better use. If single mothers are better equipped to meet the needs of their
children, they are in a better position to capitalize upon the strength of the
mother-son relationship. A colleague (Swanson, March 18, 1997) is involved
in the evaluation of a study that provides recreational, educational, counseling
and mentoring support for inner-city elementary students in a mid-sized
Michigan city. Preliminary results indicate an unanticipated finding of single
mothers voluntarily returning to school, and upgrading job/employment skills.
The women’s taste of self-efficacy appears to have a positive influence upon
their children (Barbarin, 1993). Community, family, church and neighborhood
social supports reduce emotional strain upon parents. Their optimism about
their ability to cope successfully with problems is positively associated with

children’s social and academic functioning (Barbarin, 1993).

136

Resilient youth tend to seek out an empathic ear to listen to them
(Garmezy, 1993; Nettles & Pleck, 1993). The "ear" can be a positive or
negative influence. More opportunities to be the "positive" influence are
necessary. A brigade of youth pastors might be more appropriate than a
church’s emphasis upon overseas missionaries. A greater presence of school
social workers in secondary schools is necessary. The practice of having
school social work services only available to special education students is
short-sighted and ethically irresponsible, and sacrifices the talent, potential,
and lives of many youth for short term, monetary savings.

The smaller size and more personalized attention available in the
alternative high school setting, suggests that for some students, large
secondary institutions are not the most helpful. Smaller units of students
within the secondary setting, warrants consideration. These units could be
arranged to foster more opportunities for relationship building and mentoring.

Post-secondary education facilities might place a greater emphasis upon
methods to minimize the isolation that is often experienced by African-
American adolescent males. Programs that provide opportunities for student-
faculty mentors are found at many colleges and universities. They could be
expanded to include volunteer families from surrounding communities. Family
volunteers can reinforce the family and church centered connections that are
important to many African-Americans. Interestingly, prior to desegregation in

the Southern United States, decisions related to one’s choice of a college or

137

university included whether or not one had "people" (extended family or fictive
kin) in the vicinity. The sample subjects in this study supported Barbarin’s
(1993) findings that family connectedness continues to be important.

Increased efforts by Schools of Social Work to recruit more African-
American social work students would provide more trained social workers for
employment in schools and public and private agencies. The aforementioned
suggestions could benefit all adolescents, not just African-American males.

The utility of Western perspectives of individualism needs to be
revisited. Based upon our knowledge of the pitfalls that accompany
adolescence as a stage of development, perhaps we need to rethink the
efficacy leaving it up to adolescents to make potentially harmful life decisions
without attempting to intervene. Had A-10’s teacher followed the lead of others
who said to him, "Well, if you don’t want to learn ....," A-10 might not have
returned to high school.

The challenges for research and practice in the 21st century are
numerous. The work to be done is time consuming and may not be a part of
the traditional job description. Thus, practitioners and researchers may have
to take the lead from the sample’s impressive record of volunteer activities. A
bright, young, compassionate and receptive population awaits. If there is to be
a commitment to improving the lives and life chances of African-American
adolescent males, the social work, practice, and research communities will

need to be prepared to deconstruct and/or challenge existing theories and

138

practices, if necessary. They also must be open to grappling with the social
structures that influence their perceptions. When we consider African-
American adolescent males, and the plethora of factors that they encompass, if
we envision revision of the manner in which they are treated, responded to and
perceived, we must be aware of the critical roles of practice and research in

the revisioning process.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

10.

11.

12.
13.

14.

15.

APPENDIX A

Children’s Nowicki-Strickland lntemal External Locus of Control

(CNSIE)
Do you believe that most problems will solve themselves if you just don’t
fool with them?
Do you believe that you can stop yourself from catching a cold?
Are some people just born lucky?

Most of the time do you feel that getting good grades meant a great
deal to you?

Are you often blamed for things that just aren’t your fault?

Do you believe that if somebody studies hard enough he or she can
pass any subject?

Do you feel that most of the time it doesn’t pay to try hard enough
because things never turn out right anyway?

Do you feel that if things start out well in the morning that it’s going to
be a good day no matter what you do?

Do you feel that most of the time parents listen to what their children
have to say?

Do you believe that wishing can make good things happen?

When you get punished does it usually seem its for no good reason at
all?

Most of the time do you find it hard to change a friend’s (mind) opinion?
Do you think that cheering more than luck helps a team to win?

Did you feel that it was nearly impossible to change your parent’s mind
about anything?

Do you believe that parents should allow children to make most of their
own decision.

141

16.

17.
18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.
25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

142
Do you feel that when you do something wrong there’s very little you
can do to make it right?
Do you believe that most people are just born good at sports?
Are most of the other people your age stronger than you are?

Do you feel that one of the best ways to handle most problems is just
not to think about them?

Do you feel that you have a lot of choice in deciding whom your friends
are?

If you find a four leaf clover, do you believe that it might bring you good
luck?

Did you often feel that whether or not you did your homework had much
to do with what kind of grades you got?

Do you feel that when a person your age is angry at you, there’s little
you can do to stop him or her?

Have you ever had a good luck charm?

Do you believe that whether or not people like you depends on how you
act?

Did your parents usually help you if you asked them to?

Have you felt that when people were angry with you it was usually for no
reason at all?

Most of the time, do you feel that you can change what might happen
tomorrow by what you do today?

Do you believe that when bad things are going to happen they just are
going to happen no matter what you try to do to stop them?

Do you think that people can get their own way if they just keep trying?

Most of the time do you find it useless to try to get your own way at
home?

32.

33.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

143

Do you feel that when good things happen they happen because of hard
work?

Do you feel that when somebody your age wants to be your enemy
there’s little you can do to change matters?

Do you feel that it’s easy to get a friend to do what you want them to
do?

Do you usually feel that you have little to say about what you get to eat
at home?

Do you feel that when someone doesn’t like you there’s little you can do
about it?

Did you usually feel that it was almost useless to try in school because
most other people were just plain smarter than you are?

Are you the kind of person who believes that planning ahead makes
things turn out better?

Most of the time, do you feel that you have little to say about what you
family decides to do?

Do you think it’s better to be smart than to be lucky?

APPENDIX B

APPENDIX B
ETHNOGRAPHIC INTERVIEW GUIDE

Interviews of participants will include but are not
limited to questions contained in this guide.

DEMOGRAPHLC INFORMATION

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Name:
Date of Birth:
Month Day Year
Sex:
High School Graduate: Yes No
Address:
Telephone:
PROTECTIVE FACTORS
1. In what ways are your family members supportive for you?
2. When you have a personal problem, who do you know will help you out?
3. Can you depend upon the people you named to help you out (some of

the time; all of the time; most of the time?)

 

 

 

145

146

4. RE: school - church - sports participation in other social organization(s):
A. What are the ways in which this group is supportive for you?

 

 

 

5. Were you a member of any other groups in the community such as
scouts, service or hobby clubs?
[I Yes CI No

Now think about the adults in your life. Of all the adults you know personally,
think of the one you would most like to be like.

 

 

 

 

 

6. Is this person male or female?
[I Male CI Female
7. Who is it?
8. Can you tell me what things you admire the most about this person? _
9. Do you have an extended family member with whom you feel close?
CI Yes [I No

10. Do you know people who "are like family" to you; someone you trust
and feel close to?
CI Yes CI No
If yes, tell me about them. Tell me why you feel the way you do about
them.

 

 

 

147

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

11. How many different adults are emotionally supportive for you?
(give a number)
12. How long have you known this person (or these individuals)?
13. How do you know them (relative, neighbor, teacher)?
14. How is this person helpful?
15. What are three of your parents’lfamily’s wishes for you?
COMPETENCE
16. People often know the kind of person they do not want to be or become.
What are four things you don’t want to be true about you?
1.
2.
3.
4.
17. What are you doing now to avoid having these things happen?
18. What are some of the things/reasons that have contributed to you not

being arrested?

 

 

 

 

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

148

Can you give an example of a situation in which you feel you have
control?

 

 

 

Can you give an example of a situation that you think you can’t control?

 

 

 

 

Can you give an example of a situation where you do not have control?

 

 

 

 

Under what conditions do you feel you have control?

 

 

 

 

How likely is it that you will have the type of job you want when you
grow up?

Not At All A Little Somewhat Very
1 2 3 4

Have you ever thought of dropping out of school? (If no, skip to
question 28)

I] Yes CI No
How seriously have you considered dropping out? (READ
CATEGORIES)

Not Very Somewhat Very Already

Seriously Seriously Seriously Happened

(1) (2) (3) (4)

26.

27.

28.

29.

149

Could you tell me why you are or were thinking of dropping out of
school?

 

 

 

 

What do you think the chances are that you will go back and finish high
school or get a Graduate Equivalency Diploma (GED)?

Not Very Good Pretty Good Very Good
1 2 3

If you could do exactly what you wanted, how far would you like to go in

school?

(1) 11th grade or less

(2) graduate from high school

(3) post high school vocational or technical training

(4) some college

(5) graduate from a business college or a two year college with
associates degree

(6) graduate from a 4 year college

(7) get a masters degree or a teaching credential

(8) get a law degree, a Ph.D., or a medical doctor’s degree

We can’t always do what we most want to do. How far do you think you

actually will go in school?

(1) 11th grade or less

(2) graduate from high school

(3) post high school vocational or technical training

(4) some college

(5) graduate from a business college or a two year college with
associates degree

(6) graduate from a 4 year college

(7) get a masters degree or a teaching credential

(8) get a law degree, a Ph.D., or a medical doctor’s degree

150

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

30. How many of your friends encourage you to:
All Half None
0 Disobey your parents?
0 Do dangerous things?
0 Get in trouble with the police?
0 Get in trouble at school?
0 Attend religious services?
0 Would tease you if you spent a lot of time
on homework?
- Make you feel good about yourself?
0 Make you feel tense and nervous?
0 Make you feel challenged intellectually
whenyou are hanging out with them?
31. What do you think are the four best things about you?
a.
b
c.
d
INDIVIDUAL ATTRIBUTES
32. During the past year were you a leader, organizer, or captain of any of
the organizations or groups you belonged to?
CI Yes CI No
33. (IF YES:) What groups?

 

 

 

 

151

34. What is your favorite activity to do outside of school?

 

 

 

What do 19g think the chances are that you will...
35. ...enter the military?

CI Very Low CI Low [I In the CI High CI Very High
Already
Middle
Happened

36. ...have psychological problems like depression?

[I Very Low CI Low CI In the CI High CI Very High
Already
Middle
Happened

37. ...have thoughts of suicide?

CI Very Low CI Low [I In the CI High C] Very High
Already
Middle
Happened

38. ...get involved with kids your parent(s) won’t approve of?

El Very Low El Low [:1 In the El High El Very High
Already
Middle
Happened

39. What in your opinion was the purpose of the Million Man March?

 

 

 

40.

41.

152

Have you done anything differently as a result of the Million Man

March? (IF YES: What have you done?)

 

 

 

 

During the last few months, how often have you felt:

0 Hopeless

0 So aneg you wanted to smash or break
something

0 Felt very sad
0 Felt you couldn ’t control your temper
0 Felt depressed

0 Felt so upset you wanted to hit or hurt
someone

0 Had thoughts of ending your life

SQQIAL SUP_P_QRT

42.

 

Almost!
Never

 

Sometimes

RE: church - sports - participation in other social organization(s):

A. What are the ways in which this group is supportive for you?

 

Almost
Always

 

 

 

 

43.

45.

46.

47.

153

When you have a personal problem, who can you depend upon to help you

out?

 

 

 

Can you depend on: - parents
- siblings
- friends
to help you out?
Were/are you a member of any groups in the community such as scouts,

service or hobby clubs?

[I Yes D N 0
Were/ are you involved in any volunteer service activities?
13 Yes I] No

What are some of the activities you do after school, or on weekends?

 

 

 

154

48. During the past month, how often did your fliends:

Never Once/ 3-4
mg g Times
0 Criticize your ideas
0 Argue with you

0 Listen carefully to your point of
view

0 Help you do something important

0 Talk with you about your problems
and worries

0 Make you feel loved and cared for

 

 

 

49. How often do you provide emotional support to others?

 

Almost
Every

 

50. How often do you feel burdened or stressed by other people’s problems?

 

 

(If 3-4 times or more) Tell me about it please.

 

 

 

 

155

RISK FA T

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.
58.

59.

Have you ever been arrested?

[I Yes CI No

How many times have you been arrested in the past year?

 

What does it mean to you (for you) to have been arrested?

 

 

 

What led you to the decision to break the law or do something that might

cause you to be arrested?

 

 

 

What are some of the things/reasons that contributed to you being arrested? _

 

 

 

Have you ever been stopped by police but not arrested?
[I Yes [I No

How many times?

 

 

What does it mean for you to have been stopped by the police?

 

 

 

Is your family stressful for you? (If yes, tell me how they are stressful for
you.)

 

 

 

 

60.

156

In what ways is school, church, participation in sports, etc. stressful for you?

 

 

 

DRQPPED QUIT: OF SCHOOL

61.

62.

63.

65.

66.

Have you dropped out of school?

1:] Yes [I No (If No, go to question 68)
Could you tell me why you dropped out of school?

 

 

 

 

Did anyone at school like teachers or counselors try to discourage you from
dropping out?

D Yes [I No
What did they say to you?

 

 

 

 

Did you share this with teachers, counselors or anyone else before you
dropped out?
CI Yes CI No

(If yes) what did they say to you?

 

 

 

 

67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

74.

75.

76.

157

What do you think the chances are that you will go back and finish high school
or get a Graduate Equivalency Diploma (GED)?

Not Very Good Pretty Good Very Good
1 2 3

What things might keep you from getting as much education as you want? _

 

 

 

Do you think discrimination because of your race might keep you from getting
the amount of education you want?

Not At All A Little Some Quite a Bit A LOt
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)

Do you think discrimination because of your sex might keep you from getting
the amount of education you want?
Not At All A Little Some Quite a Bit A Lot
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Do you anticipate that you will father a child within the next year?
[I Yes CI No CI Already happened
Do you have friend(s) who have been killed by an act of violence (death

caused by individual(s) that was not due to an accident)?
CI Yes [I No
Do you have friends who have been wounded by an act of violence (injury

caused by individual(s) that was not due to an accident)?
[I Yes [I No

Do you have acquaintances who have been killed by an act of violence?
[I Yes D No

Do you have acquaintances who have been wounded by an act of violence?
I] Yes CI No

Have you been a victim of assault?

[I Yes D No

158

77. Have you been threatened with death or serious harm?
[I Yes III No

78. How have these experiences impacted you?

 

 

 

 

79. Do you have friends or acquaintances who have contracted the AIDS virus? _

 

 

CULIQE / BI-QQLTURE

The next series of questions I am going to ask you have to do with what is known as
ethnicity. Ethnicity is a word that describes a person ’s family culture, background or
race. I want to know what you think about ethnicity--how you ’d describe yourself,
and what that description means to you.

80. First of all, tell me what is your ethnicity. Use as many words as you need.

 

 

 

(IF RESPONSE INDICATES ETHNICITY IS NOT UNDERSTOOD:)
You might use your family background or the country your family comes
from, or your cultural group or the color of your skin, or any combination of

these.

 

 

 

81.

82.

83.

85.

86.

159

Now, what do you think most other people call your racial or ethnic group?
It’s okay if it’s not the same as what you call yourself.
(01) Black
(02) African-American
(03) Black American
(04) Mixed (IF MIXED:) What races?
1)
2)
(_ __) Something Else (SPECIFY:)

 

 

 

Are there things your parents, or the people who raise you, do or tell you to
help you know what it is to be (African-American?)

D Yes [I No (If no, go to question 84)
What do they do or tell you?

 

 

 

 

What are the most important things they do or tell you?

 

 

 

 

What does it mean to you to be an (African-American) male?

 

 

 

How important is your ethnic background to the daily life of your family?

Not At All A Little Somewhat Very
1 2 3 4

160

87. How important is it for you to know about your ethnic background?
Not At All A Little Somewhat Very
l 2 3 4
88. Are you proud of your ethnic background?
Not At All A Little Somewhat Very
l 2 3 4
89. I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me, in
terms of how to relate to my own group and other groups.
Not At All True A Little True Sort of True Very True
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Elm

Now here are some questions about the future.

90.

91.

Many people know what they would like to be like in the future. They have a
picture in their minds of a person they would like to be. Please tell me fo_u_r
things about the kind of person W to be at this time next year.

 

 

 

1
2
3.
4

 

What are you doing now to make these things happen?

 

 

 

 

92.

93.

94.

95.

96.

161

Often people also know what kind of person they don’t want to become. They
know what they don’t want to be true about themselves in the future. What

are four things yop dp npt Wm 10 be tag pf ypp next year, or that you most

want to avoid by this time next year?

1.
2.
3.
4.

 

 

 

 

Now imagine yourself at age 25. If you could be anything you wanted to be,

what would you be?

 

 

 

If you could have any job you wanted, what kind of job would you most like

to have when you are age 25?

 

 

 

If you could do exactly what you wanted, how far would you like to go in

school?

( 1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)

(6)
(7)
(3)

What are some of your worries and fears about the future?

11th grade or less

graduate from high school

post high school vocational or technical training

some college

graduate from a business college or a two year college with associates
degree

graduate from a 4 year college

get a masters degree or a teaching credential

get a law degree, a Ph.D., or a medical doctor’s degree

 

 

 

162

97. What are two things you are doing now, or plan to do, to try to keep your

fears or worries from happening?

 

 

 

 

 

RELIIN

Now I’m going to ask you some questions about religion.
98. Do you practice a religion? (IF NECESSARY): (Do you attend a church,

mosque or other place of worship?)

[I Yes D No
99. How often during a year do you attend church or religious services?
(SPECIFY:) _ _ (CIRCLE ONE) Weekly Monthly
(NUMBER OF
TIMES) Bi—Monthly 1—4 Times

Per Year
100. How important is religion in the day to day life of your family?
Not At All A Little Somewhat Very

1 2 3 4
101. Do you celebrate special religious holidays connected with your religion?
I] Yes D No

102. Do you participate in community activities with people of your religion? (If
yes, how often?)

Almost Almost
Never Rarely Occasionally Frequently Always
1 2 3 4 5

163

W RLD VIEW

103. Think about your experiences and all that you know -- your knowledge. After

years of life, what are your thoughts about the world in which we live?

 

 

 

104. Tell me about you in the world you describe.

 

 

 

 

 

SCHQQL PROTECTIVE F ACTORS

105. How is/ was school supportive for/to you?

 

 

 

 

 

106. Can you depend on a teacher or other adults at school to help you with a

problem?

 

 

 

 

107.

108.

109.

110.

111.

112.

164

 

Is there a school social worker at your school?

 

 

 

Has the school social worker helped you or a friend with a problem?

 

 

 

Would you talk with the school social worker or school counselor if you
needed help with a problem?

 

 

 

 

Did you/ do you take part in any school activities such as clubs or student
government? (This includes any formal extra-curricular school activity other
than athletic teams.)

I] Yes III No

Has anyone at school like teachers, social workers or counselors discouraged

you from dropping out of school?

[I Yes [I No
What did they say to you?

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX C

166

APPENDIX C
INFORMED CONSENT FORM

(Self)

I, state that I am 18 years of age and
agree to participate in the research study conducted by Doctoral Candidate, Elaine
Ragsdale Schott. I understand that participation is voluntary, and that I am free to
withdraw from this agreement at any time. I understand that I will be paid the sum
of $25.00 upon completion of the entire Children’s Nowicki-Strickland Locus of
Control Survey (CNSIE) and the tape recorded interview with Ms. Schott.

I understand that this research is for the purpose of completing Ms. Schott’s
doctoral degree requirements, and that I will not be identified by name in this project
or any subsequent written work. I understand that the contents of the Children’s
Nowicki-Strickland/Internal External Locus of Control Survey and the interview with
Ms. Schott are confidential, and that reports of research findings will not associate me
with specific responses and/or findings. I also understand that Ms. Schott has a duty
to inform the appropriate person(s) if, during the process of the interview, I indicate

an intent to harm myself or others.

 

 

Signature of participant Date

APPENDIX D

 

  

 

 

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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