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1/96 cICIRCJDmDuopfis-p.“

THE IMAGES OF WOMEN
ON PRIME-TIME TELEVISION IN TAIWAN

BY

Ho-Chen Hung

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Telecommunication

1995

ABSTRACT

THE IMAGES OF WOMEN ON PRIME-TIME
TELEVISION IN TAIWAN

By

Ho-Chen Hung

Many studies have used American content analysis
methodology and theories to investigate women's images on
television in a range of countries. This study is the first
such study in Taiwan: it examines the image of women on
prime-time television in Taiwan through a study replicating
McNeil (1975).

The findings from this study in support of its
hypotheses are: married women expressed more care for the
aged and their children than married. men did. Women's
occupations on television were traditional, and had less
power and authority than men's. The relationships
surrounding women were more interpersonal rather than
occupational. One hypothesis was not supported: both men and
women portrayed on television were more often single.

These findings indicate that sex-role stereotypes are
prevalent on television in Taiwan: women's status and images
continue to be traditional, in spite of occupational changes

in society.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Completion of this work was aided and encouraged by
many others. Dr. Bella Mody, my teacher and mentor, guided
me throughout my work. I thank her for all she taught me,
for her guidance, and most of all for her confidence and
faith in my abilities.

A debt of gratitude is also owned to the other members
of my master committee for their advice: Dr. Gilbert
Williams and Robert Albers.

Appreciation is also extended to miss Wu and Chong for
their assistance in the pretest process.

My deepest thanks go to my family. Without their
support and encouragement this undertaking could not have

been completed.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENT

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER

1.

INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . .

WOMEN IN TAIWAN . . . . . . . . . . .
The Traditional Chinese Family. . . .
Women in the Labor Market . . . . . .
Women's Education in Taiwan . . . . .
The Household Burden. . . . . . . . .
Today's Women . . . . . . . . . . . .

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY. . . . . . . .

SIGNIFICANCE: WHY STUDY CONTENT . . .
SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
REVIEW OF LITERATURE. . . . . . . . .
PORTRAYAL OF WOMEN ON U.S. TELEVISION
Frequency . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Sex Trait . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Life Concerns and Women's Place . . .

Occupation. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Equality of Males and Females . . . .

TAIWANESE PORTRAYAL OF WOMEN ON TELEVISION.

SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

POPULATION AND SAMPLE . . . . . . . .

PROCEDURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

RELIABILITY . . . . . . . . . . . . .

VALIDITY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Page

0
H

\iqmmww

.12
.13
.14
.15
.17
.20
.22
.26
.27
.28
.30
.32
.34
.35

.36

ANALYSIS. .
SUMMARY . . . . . . . .
4 FINDINGS. . .
HYPOTHESIS 1. . . . . .
Marital Status. . . . .
Taking Care of the Aged
Taking Care of Children
HYPOTHESIS 2 . . . . .
Occupation. . . . . . .
Sex of Supervisor . . .
Sex of Supervisee . . .
HYPOTHESIS 3. . . . . .
5 DISCUSSION. . . . . . .
CONCLUSION. . . . . . .
DISCUSSION. . . . . . .
FUTURE STUDY. . . . . .
APPENDIX A . . . . . . . . .
.APPENDIX B . . . . . . . . .

REFERENCES . . . . . . . . .

.37
.39
.41
.41
.42
.44
.51
.60
.61
.66
.71
.71
.76
.76
.78
.81
.82
.85

.92

LIST OF TABLES

Page
Table 1. Sample Selection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

Table 2. Marital Status of Characters in Prime-Time
Television Programs, Taiwan, 1995 . . . . . . 43

Table 3. Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Marital
Status and Gender in Prime-Time Television
programs, Taiwan, 1995 . . . . . . . . . . . .45

Table 4. Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Gender on
Prime-Time Television Programs, Taiwan, 1995. 46

Table 5. Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Single
Males and Females . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Table 6. Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Marital
Male and Female Characters . . . . . . . . . 50

Table 7. Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Widowed
Male and Female Characters . . . . . . . . . 52

Table 8. Distribution of the Level of Taking Care of
Children. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Table 9. Level of Taking Care of Children by Male and
Female. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Table 10. Level of Taking Care of Children by Single
Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

Table 11. Level of Taking Care of Children by Marital
Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Table 12. Level of Taking Care of Children by Widowed
Men and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59

Table 13. Employment Outside the Home by Male and Female
Characters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Table 14. Employment of Male and Female Characters
Outside the Home. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

vi

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20. Relationships of Male and Female Characters

Occupations of Single Male and Female

Characters.

Occupations of Married Men and Women.

Sex of Supervisor of Male and Female

Characters.

Sex of Supervisor of Males and Females Who

0

Have a Gainful Occupation .

Sex of Supervisee by Male and Female
-Characters.

vii

Page
65

67

69

7O

72

74

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

This chapter is organized into three sections. It first
addresses women in Taiwan. The second section is the purpose
of the study. The final section addresses the significance
of the study.

The 1995 Human Development Report (UNDP, 1995) focuses
on gender. It reports that female education enrollment ratio
is 55% in the world. In political representation, females
occupy 10% of seats in parliaments. Women's share of
administrative and managerial jobs in the world is only 14%.
In the economically active population, female's share is
38%, while male's share is 62%.

Patriarchy is an ideology that states women are inferior
and men are superior, a belief rooted in the process of
socialization. Society relies on this socializing process to
shape the necessary structures that reinforce roles,
attitudes, and beliefs that will maintain the present social
system.(Igtilzin, 1986).

This study investigates the content of television in
Taiwan, focusing on the portrayal of women.

The issue of the image of women on television is
particularly relevant during the year that saw a major

I

2

women's conference in Beijing. Television defines the
symbolic environment we live in. Thus, television programs
influence self-identity and the identity of others by
presenting or suppressing certain beliefs or value systems
over time. These programs influence socialization,
education, and information. Television prime-time dramas
present females in certain roles repetitively. As a result,
the aggregate image of women on television could affect how
women viewers see themselves in real life. Consequently,
television exerts influence as an agent for change or
maintenance of the status of women.

Critics of how women are portrayed on U.S. television
programs report that women are underrepresented and
portrayed in a stereotypical manner. Early research on
television in the U.S. shows that women are portrayed as
subordinate, happy at home, sexy, victims, and- concerned
mostly with matters dealing with family life and romance.
Their occupations are traditionally women's jobs, and their
careers are less important than those of men (Busby, 1975).

McNeil (1975) conducted a content analysis of three
commercial networks on American prime-time television
programs in 1975. She found that marriage and parenthood
were considered central to a woman's life on television.
Women workers were depicted in traditionally female
occupations, subordinate to men, and with little prestige or

power. It was expected that women would need to work under

3
closer supervision than men, would rarely supervise others,
and would virtually never supervise men. Furthermore, the
televised female was far more personally and less
professionally oriented than her male counterpart. McNeil's
study may not hold for TV in the U.S. today which is
characterized by shows with many professional women.

This present thesis seeks to quantitatively describe
the content of prime—time television programs in Taiwan.
Content analysis studies of women's programs have been
conducted in many countries, such as the United Kingdom,
Canada, and Australia, but not in Taiwan. This study uses
content analysis methodology drawn from the study of
television dramas on American commercial networks and is

modeled after McNeil's 1975 study.

Women in Taiwan

1. The Traditional Chinese Family

In traditional Taiwanese families, all members of the
family lived under one roof, except for a few who might
worked, and therefore lived outside the home to supplement
or diversify the family income. Ideally, the family
functioned as a single cooperating unit in all its
activities. Members of the household had clearly defined

tasks, based primarily on their gender. The men dominated

4

the public sector, working outside the home in the fields or
elsewhere. The women. presided. over the domestic sector,
managing‘ the household, servicing’ its members, and, not
infrequently, engaging in supplemental tasks and occupying
different spaces as members of a cooperative enterprise in
which all the property belonged to the family as a whole
(Gallin, 1982). Nevertheless, because Taiwan was a society
with a patrilineal kinship structure, only male children
were considered members by descent, with rights to property.
When a woman married, she left her natal home to live with
her husband's family. In other words, at marriage a woman
severed her formal ties with her father's family and became
a member of her husband's family. This system of patriarchal
capitalism. reinforced. the subordination. of women to the
interests of the family (Gallin, 1982).

The roots of this hierarchical system were the
principles of filial piety and veneration of age. Absolute
obedience and complete devotion to parents were demanded,
thus establishing the generational subordination of the
children. It obligated the offspring to repay their parents
for caring for them and ensured the elders of support in
their later years (Gallin, 1984).

In traditional Taiwanese families, women were expected
to produce and reproduce family members to serve the need of
the patriarchal family. Women were trained to become hard

workers and subservient daughters-in-law.

5
In the 19505, the family structure underwent a
transition process. Traditional big families (with
grandparents and other relatives) become fewer and fewer..At
present, two-thirds of Taiwanese families are nuclear
families (Shieh, 1989). A.nuclear family is characterized by

two parents and their children only.

2. Women in the Labor Market

Since the 1950's, there has been a large inflow of
women into manufacturing. This was evidenced by a growth
rate of 32% of female employment in manufacturing and a
ratio of 41% females in manufacturing industry.
Participation rates for females in manufacturing increased
from 41% in the past to 47% in the present (Wang, 1990).

Currently, the category "clerical worker" is found to
have the highest percentage of female workers (51%),
followed by service (49%), and professional workers (42%).
Hence, these three occupational groups could be regarded as
"female occupations.” Of the professional workers, teachers
constitute over half the total women employees in the
category. It is difficult. to find a woman working as a
writer, lawyer, or technician. The occupations of sales and
clerical workers have also been converted into female
occupations. However, for the highly respected occupations,
such. as jprofessional and. technical workers, women still

suffer from low participation rates and are concentrated in

6

a limited number of jobs (Chin, 1990).

3. Women's Education in Taiwan

It was not until the establishment of the Republic of
China in 1911 that the constitution protected women's right
to education. However, different careers are encouraged for
members of each gender. Educated, able women are encouraged
to engage in public service consistent with those duties
that embraced the care of their homes. As industrialization
continued, the importance of education was recognized by the
government, and the general public as well (Chin, 1990).

However, sex discrimination against females having
access to education is also revealed in the fact that
females had a lower share of the total enrollment at the top
levels of schooling; .Moreover, the higher the level of
educational institution, the fewer females were enrolled.
Parents with limited resources tended to sacrifice their
daughter's education in order to raise the level of their
son's schooling. The only exception was that females'
enrollment in teacher-training programs exceeded that of
males, which might be due to the fact that no tuition fees
were required.

In education programs, males enter business and
engineering fields, whereas females went into the home
economic, medicine (nursing), and business fields. Generally

speaking, males and females have equal opportunities for

7

education at the present time.

4. The Household Burden

Females' participation in the labor markets has
increased ever since Taiwan's economy became part of the
global market. However, for many reasons, women may drop out
of the labor market and become non-economically active. Yet,
the home is defined as "woman's place," and the value of a
woman still lies in her ability to maintain the household.

Women. regard. the task: of raising’ children. as their
responsibility. This attitude is related to their
occupational choice. Before the birth of their first child,
women like to work outside of the home. After having a
child, women stop working until their last child is in
school. When children grow up, women would then take a job.
The major purpose of a woman's life is to take care of her
parents or parents-in-law, please her husband, and become a

sacrificing mother (Yi, 1989).

5. Today's Woman

While the economy and education of women are greatly
improved, society still follows traditional norms and
cultural values of patriarchy. Yet, changes leading to
gender equality have been brought about by the burgeoning of
female consciousness.

Economic growth is closely related to rising education

8
levels and a better trained workforce. The increases in
education and employment outside the home are seen as
increasing women's self-esteem and control over their lives.
Education provides a means for women to realize their
potential and advance their status in the family and
society..Achievement of advanced educational levels, such as
graduate and Ph.D. degrees have enabled some women to show
more independent reasoning and judgment. .Achievement of
higher paying jobs has led to greater economic independence
for some women. .Among high school and college educated
women, however, there is little awareness of their status.
In general, most women follow the traditional way of life

and stay in the subordinate status (Farris,1990).

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to investigate, through
content analysis, what the prime-time television programs
present to viewers as the prevalent roles and status of
women in Taiwan. The study involved three research
hypotheses:

1. Marriage, taking care of the aged, and parenthood are
considered more central to a woman's life than to a man's.

2. Women workers are depicted in traditionally female
occupations, as subordinates to men, with little prestige or

power.

9
3. The television series female is far more personally and

less professionally oriented than her male counterpart.

Significance: Why Study Content?

Cultivation theory articulates the idea that television
content yields a particular view of social reality. Through
the symbolic system, the television world is cultivated in
the audience's mind ( Gerbner, 1980). That is to say, the
more one is exposed to television, the more likely that he
or she will perceive the television world as the real world.

Television content is also a source for constructing
concepts about sex-roles in society. Accordingly, Alex
Inkeles (1968) wrote:

One of the indirect effects of the social system on

the socialization process is achieved through the

models it makes available. ... It is clear that to

an important degree we become what we see;

consequently, the challenge to society is very great
indeed, since modeling implies that children will

be influenced not only by being told what they

should be like but by observing what important

people in their environment are actually like.

Television content is related to the construction of
the sex-role image. First, television content has impact on
building sex-role characters. Many research studies and
reports have found that television viewing is positively
related to the level of sex-role stereotyping (Durkin, Ross,
Anderson, Wisocle, Fruch and McGhee, Geis, Morgan, Cheles-

Miller, and Perloff). List (1983) indicated that sex-role

10

stereotypes affect the processing of televised social role
portrayals. Children remembered more role-relevant
information after viewing television programs. Durkin
supported the point that television provides a model and
yields effects of sex-role stereotyping on young viewers.
Moreover, Ross (1982) found that college students are
influenced by the stereotyping of sex-roles on television.
Thus, television provides not only information, but also
.models behavior for its audience.

Television content undoubtedly plays an important part
in informing a child's concept of the world around him/her,
and his/her patterns of adjustment to that world (DeFleur,
1967). Miller and Reeves (1976) found that television helped
shape children's sex-role perceptions. Children indicate
that television characters are people that they want to be
like when they grow up. Boys and girls pick televised people
as models for their behavior. There is ample evidence that
children learn through imitation and it is reasonable to
assume that they will imitate particular portrayals on
television.

Second, television viewing is also related to the
selection of occupation. DeFleur (1967) said that television
was a more important source of occupational status knowledge
than personal contact. Knowledge of television occupations
was enhanced by viewing. Beuf (1973) agreed that television

provided a range of choices in career selection,

11

but stated that heavy viewers selected stereotyped careers
for themselves. From Morgan's point of view, television
viewing endorses a traditional division of labor between
the sexes. Specifically speaking, a woman's place was only
in. certain specified. occupations (Schbossberg, 1972;
Signorielli, 1992). Household chores were identified by
viewers as "something boys do” or "something girls do."

Finally, it is possible that reversed sex-role
portrayals could change the viewers' attitudes of sex-role
stereotypes. Stereotypical masculine traits are attributed
to men in television shows, and feminine traits are
attributed to women in traditional scenarios in television
shows. The reversed sex-role model would create an attitude
of nontraditional sex-roles among viewers. Eisenstock (1984)
indicated that children could identify with nontraditional
televised models after viewing a special program designed to
diminish sex-role stereotypes. O'Bryant (1978) reported that
audiences learned stereotyped or nonstereotyped occupations
based on the sex of the television model. After viewing,
girls changed their preference for various occupations based

on the particular roles in which women were portrayed.

12

Summary

The purpose of this study is to examine how television
portrays women in Taiwan.

It deals with three major topics: 1) women's family
life on television programs; 2) women's occupation on
television shows; and 3) the strength and importance of
women's relationships with personal or career issues. The

content analysis is modelled on McNeil (1975).

CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF LI TERATURE

This chapter is organized into two sections. The first
part deals with the portrayal of women in U.S. television.
The second and smaller section addresses the portrayal of
women on TV in Taiwan.

The problematic portrayal of women on television is a
universal issue. Content analyses have been done in almost
all countries of the world (Gallagher, 1981; WACC, 1987).
Although differences do exist, there are similarities that
ultimately describe the universality of certain dimensions
of women's concerns regarding their portrayal on television
(Gallagher, 1981). Creedon (1993) maintains that women's
images on television are very consistent in the global
sphere. Television reflects a patriarchal structure and
shows women from a traditionally conservative vieWpoint.
Females are underrepresented and subordinate. They are
confined to the home and portrayed as housewife or mother.
Even when they participate in the work place, women lack the
power and authority that men possess. Their characteristics
are passivity and emotional dependence.

It is reasonable to begin a study of women on TV in
Taiwan with a prior review of the portrayal of women on U.S.

13

14
television. First, most research and analysis on this
subject originates here. Consequently, a more comprehensive
picture of the female image in the media can be drawn for
America than for other parts of the world. In the second
place, the portrayal of women on television is related to a
discussion of worldwide patterns, due to the overwhelming
predominance of the United States in the export and
influence of television programs. Many Latin American,
Asian, and European countries import or imitate television
programs embodying Western values and lifestyles (Gallagher,
1981; UNESCO, 1980). International studies of media have
consistently reported. images of women that reflect the
capitalist and consumerist orientations of the Western
agencies that create most of television's content (Creedon,
1993). This influence spreads to other countries, including

Taiwan.

Portrayal of Women on U.S. Television

A.number of the results gleaned from investigating U.S.
television content over the last four decades indicate that
there is good reason. to) be concerned about the impact
television portrayals might have on what people think about
the sexes. U.S. content analysis since the mid-19505 has
shown that the portrayal of women on television programs and

commercials is extremely stereotyped. The accumulated

15

evidence from numerous research studies on television
content analysis has strongly suggested that portrayals of
women on prime-time television lack balance relative to the
depictions of women, both in terms of their frequency and
location. Further, when women are shown, they are portrayed
in stereotyped roles (Gunter, 1986). These figures have been
changing over time.

Since this study looks at evidence on the 1) frequency,
2) sex traits, 3) life concern, 4) occupation, and 5)non-
traditional role of women on television programs in Taiwan,
where no prior study of this kind has been concerned, we
will review the U.S. literature on these five topics, in

historical chronology.

1. Frequency

In an analysis of American prime-time, dramatic network
programming aired during the 1969 to 1972 seasons, Tedesco
(1974) found that, on average, only 28 percent of all major
roles were played by women.

Seggar (1975) concluded that 65 percent of the female
characters portrayed were bit parts, 15 percent were minor
roles, 11 percent were supporting roles, and only 9 percent
were major roles.

Similar results are reported. by 'Verna (1975). When
examining television commercials, he found that male-

dominated commercials made up more than half of the total

l6
commercials, while female-dominated commercials accounted
for' less 'than. one-seventhi of the ‘total commercials. The
phenomenon of women's underrepresentation remains constant.

The number of females in starring roles has changed
only slightly over the past years. Dominick (1980) studied
the percentage of starring roles, broken down by gender,
from 1953 to 1977. The results showed that women accounted
for only 25 percent to 30 percent of all starring roles, and
this percentage has seldom deviated. On the average, for the
past 25 years, three out of ten starring roles were filled
by females. It revealed that males are the majority and
females are the minority in the world of television.
Although the evidence did show that the total number and
proportion of females appearing on television are slightly
increasing, women are, nevertheless, portrayed in less
significant roles than males are.

.Gunter (1986) reported that the world of television was
dominated by males. Signorielli (1989) explored the
representation of women on prime-time dramatic television
programs. Her study revealed that males make up 71 percent
of the characters, while females comprise only 29 percent of
the characters.

Vande Berg & Streckfuss (1992) also indicated that male
characters are found to outnumber female characters by a
factor of about 2 to 1. Seidman (1992) investigated

television music videos and received similar results. Males

17
account for two-thirds while females account for only one-

third of all characters.

2. Sex Trait

McNeil (1973) showed another characteristic of women as
portrayed on television was that they tend to be confined to
the home and family with lives dominated by personal
relationships. While men were frequently faced with problems
related to the outside world and work, on television women
were shown to be much more involved in family and romantic
conflicts, where their emotional characteristics were
highlighted.

Tedesco (1974) reported that males were found to be
more violent than females, whereas females were frequently
the victims of violence. Male characters were more powerful,
smart, rational, tall, and stable, while females were more
attractive, fair, sociable, warm, happy, peaceful, and
youthful.

Verna (1975) examined television commercials and found
results consistent with earlier studies. Females were found
to be more passive and less active than males. Females
expressed more cooperative activities and engaged in less
aggressive activities than males. In relation to the type of
product, females were shown in fantasy events and product
creation advertising, while males were shown in food and

action advertising. Overwhelmingly, the sex of the audio

l8
voice in commercials was dominated by males, 158 out of 168
times. When comparing the mood of the audio track, female-
oriented advertising was quieter than. male-oriented
advertising.

Similar results were found in television commercials.
Courtney and Whipple (1975) reported that men and women were
presented differently in advertising, and that each sex was
still shown in traditional roles. Females in television
advertising were associated with domesticity and
submissiveness, while males were associated with more wordy
and dominant roles. Women were not portrayed as autonomous
or independent, but were primarily sex-typed as being
helpless and dependent on others.

Analyzing male dominance on television, Lemon (1978)
conducted two studies about inter-sex dominance patterns. He
found that men were more frequent participants in
interactions and were dominant much more often than women.
Specifically, women were depicted as being more passive,
while men were depicted as more aggressive and active.

Following an analysis of American prime-time television
program samples over three television seasons from 1975 to
1978, Greenberg, Richards, and. Henderson (1980) reported
that women were portrayed as needing emotional support more
often than men. On the other hand, men needed physical
support more often than women. Generally speaking, it

indicated the existence of sex-stereotyping images of women

19
on television.

Gunter (1986) indicated that a prominent stereotype of
women in American television is that they are more emotional
than men. The emotional women is believed to become
flustered in most crises. Women are generally sensitive,
often fearful and anxious, and dependent on men's help and
support in all kinds of personal and professional
situations. The portrayal of females on television can be
labeled "emotional." Typically, this word refers to those
reactions--fearfulness, anxiety, moodiness, and neuroticism-
-which are associated with women. In addition, women show
less aggressive and dominant responses than men.

Altman (1989) indicated that television advertising
continued to portray' women as serving in a display or
decoration function in product promotion. Television becomes
a tool that presents feminine image to audiences' homes.

The major gender-role orientations and characters were
found. to also differ significantly. Kobbe and. Langefeld
(1993) explored the characters of the two genders on
television and reported that females are shown as
affectionate, sympathetic, sensitive, tender, loving
children, gentle, understanding, compassionate, and eager to
soothe hurt feelings, while males are shown as independent,
defending their own beliefs, assertive, strong personality,
dominant, aggressive, forceful, with leadership abilities,

and willing to take risks.

20

3. Life Concerns and Women's Place

That a woman's place is at home is evidenced in
television advertisements. Dominick and Rauch (1972) found
that women were seven times more likely than men to appear
in advertisements for personal hygiene products, 75 percent
of all advertisements using females were for products found
in the kitchen or bathroom, and 38 percent of all females
shown were inside the home. Twice as many women were judged
to be between 20 and 35 years of age. Fifty-six percent of
the women in the advertisements were judged to be
housewives.

More and more researchers investigated how women are
portrayed on television, compared with how men are
portrayed. Hernnessee and Nicholson (1972) reported the
findings of a study. It was found that women were shown as
men's domestic adjuncts and. Ihousehold. functionaries.
Television advertisements showed women as being submissive
and dependent on men, and the advertisements demeaned
housework.

Tedesco (1974) found that more than half of the female
characters were married, while only one-third of the male
characters were married. Almost two-thirds of the major
female characters were unemployed, while approximately one-
third of the males were unemployed.

Studies of the content for dramatic television programs

21
indicate that not only are women's characters usually
portrayed in domestic settings, but that they also seem to
be much more concerned about family, marriage, parenthood,
and personal romantic matters than men, while men are
frequently faced with problems related to the outside world
and work (Seggar, 1975)).

McNeil (1975) found. that jpersonal relationships
associated with romance or family problems accounted for 74
percent of a female's interactions, but only 18 percent of a
male's interactions. In addition, professional or work—
oriented interactions constituted only 15 percent of the
women's lives, while 35 percent of the men's relationships
on television programs dealt with career-oriented
interactions. She also found that television places great
stress on traditional family roles for female characters.
Females were more likely than males to be married, and were
less likely than men to be employed. Females were very
frequently portrayed as housewives and shown in home
settings than males.

The sex-role stereotype was found continually on
television, even though women's roles in society have
changed. Signorielli (1982) analyzed the portrayal of
married, formerly married, and single major characters in
prime-time television programs. The results indicated that
the marital status of males and females was similar.

However, home, marriage, romance, and family were usually

22

presented as major, important themes for females. Marital
status clearly differentiated female characters. Married
women were often presented in stereotyped and traditional
ways. They had children, performed homemaking tasks, were
involved romantically, were not involved in violence, and
usually did not have an occupation. Home, family, and
marital status were much more likely to be developed in
female than in male characterizations. Women were usually
younger than men, and were more likely to be married.

.Additional evidence of the personal or family
orientation for the women's relationships on television
comes from the general finding that women are better
represented numerically in soap operas and situation
comedies, where the settings are predominantly domestic in

nature (Gunter, 1986).

4.0ccupation

DeFleur (1964) found that the most frequent television
labor category was associated with the enforcement or
administration of law. The distribution of occupations on
television was greatly different from the actual
distribution of the labor force in the census data. Among
both males and females, professional workers were
overrepresented. Males were mostly found in the categories
of managers, officials, and proprietors. Among televised

workers, 84 percent of the actors were males and only 16

23
percent were females. He found that, s a learning source,
television content that deals with occupational roles can be
characterized. as .selective, unreal, stereotyped, and
misleading.

Seggar (1974) showed five most frequently shown roles
for women were housewife, secretary or receptionist, police-
related occupations, student, and nurse. Comparing the
differences in dominance, occupation, and professional
roles, women were more likely to be shown giving and taking
commands equally, while men were more likely to be shown
giving commands. Women were less likely than men to be shown
in occupational or professional roles.

A. great number' of female workers are portrayed as
facing conflicts between family and work. Female workers are
shown as experiencing more difficulties and unhappiness than
are male workers. Compared with non-job holders, Manes and
Melynk (1974) found that job-holding females were depicted
as less likely to be married, less likely to be successfully
married, and. more likely to be unsuccessfully' married.
Married females who held jobs were depicted as having more
unsuccessful marriages than housewives. Although females
were shown as having jobs, some of them even being portrayed
as doctors, lawyers, and executives, it is doubtful that the
behavior of these models will be imitated: Television
portrayals indicate that females work only when they cannot

get married, or else they are responsible for their

24
unsuccessful marriage if they do work.

McNeil (1975) found that employed women are much more
subordinate to their male colleagués in terms of job
categories, supervisory authority, and the giving and
receiving of orders.

Seggar (1975) reported that the range of occupational
roles were very limited and stereotypical. Clerical workers,
nurses, and law enforcement-related occupations were the
female occupations most frequently shown.

Sex roles in daytime serials have been examined by
Downing and Turow (1980). They reported that the three top-
ranking occupations for females are housewife, professional,
and clerical, while for men the top occupations are
professional, proprietor' or :manager, and. law' enforcement
personnel. .

To compare the relationships between the labor force in
real life and on television, Dominick (1980) conducted a
content analysis of 1343 prime-time television programs that
were on from 1953-1977, and the 2444 characters on these
programs. The study revealed that female roles had remained
constant during those 25 years. While the number of women
who were housewives or housekeepers declined from the 19503
to the 19703, the makeup of television's labor force showed
no relationship to these real-life employment patterns.
Women were underrepresented on television and frequently

seen in stereotyped roles. When compared to the census data

25
of the United States, the job distribution of both men and
women was unreal on television.

More evidence of these stereotyped portrayals was
reported by Kalish (1984). He studied the sex-role
stereotyping of nurses and physicians on prime-time
television programs from 1950 tx> 1980. The results showed
extreme levels of sexual and occupational stereotyping.
Televised nurses were 99 percent female, and were totally
subordinate and dependent on male characters. Most of them
were single and. childless, and. generally' performed
supporting roles. The development of dichotomous sex-and—
occupational-role images has resulted in male television
physicians. Physicians more than nurses emphasized their
career as being more important to their lives.

Vande Berg and Streckfuss (1992) reported that
stereotyped occupations on television programs were
dichotomized into women's work and men's work in the 19808.
In industry, females are more likely to work in the service
or retail trades, or else show no occupation at all. Men
were more likely to work for public administration
industries such. as law' enforcement, courts, or‘ national
security. Also, men outnumbered women in the transportation,
communication, and manufacturing industries. Men appeared
more often than women as managers, service personnel,
military, and lawbreakers. Women were more likely than men

to have housekeeping occupations or be students. They were

26
also shown more frequently than males as unemployed as part
of their characterization. In terms of hierarchical
position, women were more likely to hold lower-status
positions than men. Men more frequently possessed higher

occupational positions and had great power than women.

5. Equality of Males and Females

In 1975, Seggar found that women's images on television
as housewives and mothers were consistent with the census
reports and reflected the real situation. In some way, 35
percent of the major female roles were employed on
television, a fairly accurate reflection of the actual labor
market. He found that females chose to end their education
earlier than.:men, resulting in less professional female
workers in the real world. He concluded that television
served as a mirror that reflected the image of women.

Lemon (1977) studied the dominance patterns in
situation comedies and prime-time dramas. It showed that the
family context in situation comedies provided the most
egalitarian patterns of interactions between men and women.
Women and.:men. were dominant in the same percentage of
appearances and dominated in almost the. same manner. He
found that occupational status was a stronger determinant of
dominance than sex. High occupational-status women were
dominant in 29 percent and dominated in 38 percent of their

total appearances, but low social-status males were dominant

27
only 7 percent and dominated in 49 percent of their total
appearances. Thus, if women are given more roles in higher-
occupational ranks and are shown working in the context of
their jobs, these dominance patterns would most likely
change.

Signorielli (1989) found that the images of men and
women on prime-time television programs are found to be
sexist views of the roles of men and women.

In situation comedies, Cantor (1990) found that female
characters were independent. Women in family programs
differed from those in prime-time and daytime television
programs.

Berg and Streckfuss (1992) found that women were
underrepresented and limited in their depictions in prime-
time organizational settings, although there has been some
increase in the presentation of women and in the number of
occupational portrayals. Women are still portrayed, however,
as performing' more interpersonal actions and fewer

decisional, political, and operational actions than males.

Taiwanese Portrayal Of Women On Television

Mass media stereotyping of women is as much a problem
in Taiwan as elsewhere (MRTW, 1989) . Examining the mass

media in Asia, WACC (1987) found that women are portrayed as

28
only beautiful faces, with no depth of character. On
Taiwanese television in particular, Lee (1990) found that
the success of a woman was not gauged by her achievement in
the workplace. Women's looks were given more importance than
anything else. In most cases, females were concerned with
how to keep up their appearance, and thus maintain good
relations with men. Lee added that marriage stability and
family relations are the major concern of women on TV in

Taiwan.

Summary

The problematic portrayal of gender, race, and
ethnicity on television is a universal issue. It has raised
many questions and discussions around the world. Many
analyses of the subject originate from the United States.
U.S. television and U.S. television research influences
global television content, form, and research. The gender
inequality on television highlights a common global problem
with media portrayals.

Studies from each country produce similar, consistent
results regarding women's images on television. This media
reflects a traditional view of women's place in the world.
They are depicted with feminine characteristics and roles.
In global mainstream television content, women are greatly

underrepresented. Television continually reinforces the

29
traditional ideology of the subordination of women.

Many researchers have dealt with the issue of the image
of women in television commercials and programs. Aggregate
images of televised women and men show female characters are
fewer in number and less important than are male characters.
They are subordinate and dependent on males, and are
portrayed as sex objects more often than men. Major concerns
for women are marriage and family, not their occupational
achievement. Marriage and parenthood are more central to a
woman's life than to a man's. Moreover, women are depicted
in traditionally female occupations subordinate to men, and
with little power. Women are more concerned about
interpersonal rather than professional issues. Finally, the
occupations that female characters are 'portrayed. in are

heavily stereotyped and very traditional.

CHAPTER 3

METHOD

This chapter describes the methodology used in this
study, including population, sample collection, pretest and
test procedures. Reliability and validity scores are
reported to show the suitability of measurement.

This study is designed to analyze and describe the
images of women on prime-time television programs on the
three commercial networks in Taiwan.

The procedures utilized in this research paper are
based on McNeil (1975). Three research hypotheses are
tested:

1. Marriage, taking care of the aged, and parenthood are
considered more central to a woman's life than to a man's.
2. Women workers are depicted in traditionally female
occupations, as subordinates to men, with little prestige or
power.

3. The television series female is far more personally and
less professionally oriented than her male counterparts.

Seven variables are measured within these three
research hypotheses in this study. They are: (1) marital
status, (2) taking care of the aged, (3) taking care of
children; 4) occupation, (5) sex of supervisee, (6) sex of
supervisor and (7) relationship.

30

31

Hypothesis 1 is based on the assumption that marriage
is important to women and only a low percentage of women are
single. Further, women. are traditionally' responsible for
caring for their children and parents, and their husband's
parents. Marital status here refers to the relationship with
his/her marriage partner. Four sub-categories are
identified: single, married, widowed, and divorced. Taking
care of the aged refers to the degree a character is
concerned. about, supports, and. helps his/her' parents or
grandparents. Four degrees of care are perceived: no caring,
so-so, good, and excellent. Taking care of children refers
to the degree of concern and involvement of a character in
terms of support, help, instruction, and. playtime with
his/her own children in physical, mental, and vocal activity
involvement. Four degrees of care are highlighted: no
caring, so-so, good, and excellent.

Hypothesis 2 is based on the assumption that women
perform traditional women's jobs, and men perform men's
jobs. Moreover, women are subordinate to men and have little
power, while men dominate women in the workplace and
exercise power and authority. Occupation refers to the title
of a paid job used to maintain his/her living, outside or
inside the house, performed by the actor himself or herself.
Occupations are classified into the following categories:
teacher, secretary, clerk, manager, owner of business,

nurse, government official, law enforcement, doctor,

32

performing artist, journalist, salesman/saleswomen,
accountant, landlord, tailor, prostitute, housekeeper,
student, or no occupation. Sex of supervisee refers to the
gender of the staffs being managed, overseen, or given an
order regarding’ office :matters by the character, either
inside or outside the company. Four items are delineated
here: no sex, male, female, and both male and female. sex of
supervisor refers to the gender of the person with power, a
higher position, and authority, who is involved in managing,
overseeing, or giving an order regarding office matters to
another character, either inside or outside the company.

Hypothesis 3 is based on the assumption that women are
largely confined to the world of home, family, and other
personal relationships, while men are more concerned with
the outside world. Relationship refers to the type of major
problem the character faces, the focus of his activity, or

the people he/she is surrounded with most frequently.

Population and Sample

Sampling procedure followed McNeil (1975). To
systematically examine the portrayal of women on
entertainment television in Taiwan, all prime-time soap
operas and dramatic series on the three commercial networks
(CTS, CTV, and TTV) in Taiwan were selected. The twelve

programs aired from mid to late-May, 1995, from 8:00-11:00

33
pgm. were coded. Within the selected three-week period, a
network was chosen each day at random and all programs on
this network from 8:00-11:00 p.m. were recorded. The diagram
below shows which channel was selected on each of the 21
days (Table 1).

Table 1. Sample selection

 

Time(p.m.)

 

 

Month/Date Week Channel 8:00-9:00 9:00-9:30 9:30-11:00
5/14 Sun. CTV 1
5/15 Mon. TTV 2 3
5/16 Tue. CTV 4
5/17 Wed. CTS 5 6
5/18 Thu. TTV 7
5/19 Fri. CTV 8
5/22 Mon. CTS 9
5/26 Fri. TTV 10
5/30 Tue. TTV 11
5/31 Wed. CTV 12

TTV = Taiwan TV

CTV = China TV

CTS = China TV Service

Number refers to the program. recorded in sequence (See

Appendix.A).

No matter how many days each program was aired in a
one-week period, each program was selected and recorded only
once to avoid repeats. For the three weeks examined, all
programs on the networks were recorded on VHS-size video

tapes. The following programs were recorded and analyzed:

1. Shoei Jing Hua (Crystal Flowers)
2. Shiang Shuay Chwan Chyi (The Legend Of Sweet Commander)
3. Tair Beei Shen Shyh 1995 (Taipei Gentlemen 1995)

34

. Ren Miann Taur Hua (Memory Of An Old Sweetheart)

Shiong Dih Yeou Yuan (Brothers Have Relationship By Fate)

Erl szy San Geh Bann (Three And A Half Sons)

Tian Yean (God's Eyes)

Sheue Lian (Snowy Lotus)

Chyng Nong Bann Sheng Yuan (The Fate Of Love And A Half

Life)

10. Shen Guei Meng Li Chyng (Love In The Inner Chamber
Dream)

11. Naa Yih Nian Woo Men Dou Heen Kuh (We Were Cool In That
Year)

12. Jing Shyh Shyi Fu (A Daughter—In-Law In The Astounding

World)

\OCDQmU'lb

In this study, the unit of analysis is the character in
a show. Data was coded for characters playing major, sub-
major, or supporting roles, who appear in at least two
separate scenes and must speak at least one word.

In selecting the content to be used in the study, the
following' media forms were excluded from the analysis:
commercial advertisements. Programs that happened during the
current time period or in the past are used and analyzed in
the study as long as they were aired during the specified
three-week period on one of the three major networks in

Taiwan.

Procedure

.A coding instrument and guide were designed in
accordance with McNeil (1975). The coding instrument guide
includes the most complete, mutually exclusive, and logical

definitions possible for each content category.

35

In the pretest, three coders coded programs #1 and #12.
The coding guide was provided. to each coder during the
pretest process. The process began with program #1. The
following procedures were: an explanation of the project and
coding procedure, overview of the entire instruction guide
and scheme, viewing the entire program. After coding,
conflicts and differences were discussed. Definitions in the
coding instrument guide were edited and redefined as a
result of this pretest. Then program #12 was coded for
further editing. The coding instrument guide was finalized
only after the pretest period.

Final coding was conducted by the researcher herself.
To achieve objectivity, coding categories were clearly
defined through pretests. Coding of the unit "character" was
done after each program had been viewed in its entirety.
After viewing, each coder filled out names of characters
that did not show up on the beginning sequence but did
appear during the show. Then, each character was given a
number in sequence. The coder coded the program in the order

from 1 to 12 written on the coding instrument guide.

Reliability

Two pretests of the coding instruments were conducted
to establish reliability. Three coders coded the same

programs #2 and #11. The reliability was then calculated,

36
using the formula provided by Wimmer and Dominick (1994):

BM
Reliability=

 

N1+N2+N3

On which the M was the number of category assignments
three trained coders agreed, and N1+N2+N3 was the total
category' assignment. made by each coder. Intercoder
reliability was computed as the percentage of agreement
between the three coders.

All intercoder reliabilities for each category achieved
86 percent reliability rate. The average reliability was 93
percent. The intercoder reliabilities acquired in each
category were: (1) marital status, 95 percent; (2) taking
care of the aged, 86 percent; (3) taking care of children,
90 percent; (4)0ccupation, 100 percent; (5) sex of
supervisee, 90 percent; (6) sex of supervision, 100 percent;
(7) interpersonal relation, 100 percent; and (8)professional

relation, 86 percent.

Validity

Validity presents the degree to which an instrument
actually measures what it is intended to measure. In this
study, this measurement is face validity. It signifies that
an instrument is adequate--it measures what it purports to
measure if the categories are rigidly and satisfactorily

defined.

37

In order to achieve good validity, it is necessary to
construct an instrument that is appropriate for the
Taiwanese culture. All coders must realize and understand
the structure and activity of Taiwanese families. In the
study, the researcher herself is Taiwanese, with a Chinese
literature and language background, who was born and raised
in Taiwan. The other coders in the pretest were Taiwanese
and understood how the social structure in Taiwan has
changed. One of them has a background in Chinese language

and literature, as well as in feminism and film.

Analysis

Data analysis includes contingency table tests and chi-
square measures to measure relationships among variables.
The contingency table is a table in which the levels of the
explanatory variables form the columns, while the levels of
response variables form the rows. The cells of the table
show the number of observations for each sub-category
(Wimmer and Dominick, 1994). Only summary statistics from
the tests and measures are reported. The data is broken down
into male and female for comparison.

The t test is not appropriate in this study because the
variables are nominal. Data collected from this study does
not show an even distribution nor a mean value. What it

represents is the frequency value, a non-random selection.

38
The frequency measure is most suitable using contingency
tables to arrive a general conclusion for each major
category.

Percentages were computed for marital status, level of
care for the aged, level of care for children, occupation,
sex of supervisee, sex of supervisor, interpersonal
relation, and. professional relation. Then, data is
transformed into percentage for comparison. The probability
level was set at .05. All data were computed by calculator.

The chi-square was tested to explain the relationships
for each sub-category under the major categories. Analysis
of the chi-square determines whether the sub-category is
significantly associated with the independent variables -
male and female. The values of chi-square are interpreted to
illustrate the absence or existence of a statistical
difference. The frequency is also translated into a
percentage. When interpreting the data, percentages may show
the distribution and range of differences between males and
females.

Three hypotheses were tested in this study. See
appendix A on page 98 for the coding sheet. The first
hypothesis states that marriage, taking care of the aged,
and parenthood are considered.more central to a woman's life
than to a man's. It is operationalized in terms of amount of
family activity and concern expressed given by men versus

women. Items number 8, 9, and 10 in Appendix A address these

39
variables.

Hypothesis number two states women workers were
portrayed in traditionally female occupations, as
subordinate to men, with little prestige or power. This
hypothesis addresses the existence of traditional occupation
patterns and statuses for males and females. Items number
11, 12, and 13 in Appendix A address these variables.

Hypothesis number three states women in Taiwan are more
concerned with interpersonal relations and less on a
profession outside the home than men are. Items number 14,

15, and 16 in Appendix A address these variables.

Summary

The content analysis research design used is basically
an application of MCNeil (1975). The questions regard how
women are portrayed on Taiwanese television in 1995. The
research emphasizes women's role in the family, her
marriage, occupation, and relationships. Samples are from
the 8:00-11:00 p.m. prime-time soap operas and dramatic
series aired during a three-week period in Taiwan. Messages
are coded to measure seven variables: marital status, taking
care of the aged, taking care of children, occupation, sex
of supervisee, sex of the supervisor, and relationship.

Prior to the test, a pretest was conducted by three

Taiwanese coders. The average reliability obtained in the

40
final stage was 93 percent. During the actual test, only the
researcher herself coded the programs.
The significance of the differences was determined by
the chi-square value. Frequency was collected for all
categories. Percentages were also used to compare and

describe the range of differences.

CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS

In the 12 programs, 134 characters were found. Seventy-
eight males and 56 were females. That is, 58 percent of the
characters were men and 42 percent were women. The ratio of
men to women in Taiwan is 1:1. It appears that the universal
phenomenon of women being underrepresented on television
holds true for Taiwan too.

This study consisted of three hypotheses. Results of
the testing of each hypothesis are presented in sequence.
The data have been transformed into percentages for

comparison purposes.

Hypothesis 1

The first hypothesis investigates the assumption that
marriage, taking care of the aged, and parenthood are
considered more central to a woman's life than to a man's.

After investigation, the results in Table 2 do not
consistently support the hypothesis. First, marriage is not
found as the center of a woman's life. Most of the women
portrayed are single. Second, taking care of the aged is
more important to a woman's life than to a man's. Women
express better concern about their parents than men do.
Finally, married women express more concern and take better

41

42
care of their children than men do. However, when women were
widowed, the situation is different.
The following paragraphs state in detail the results
for marital status, taking care of the aged, and taking care

of children.

1. Marital Status

Table 2 shows the distribution of marital status for
males and females. There was no significant difference
between women and men in terms of their marital status(X2==
0.94, df = 3, p < .05). Both men and women were more likely
to be classified as single.

In general, 77 percent of males and 71 percent of
females were found to be single. For men, 14 percent were
married and only 7 percent were widowed. For women, 18
percent were married and 11 percent were widowed. No
divorced characters were portrayed. On average, 75 percent
of the characters were maintaining their single status. Only
25 percent of the characters were married or ever had been
married. In Taiwan, the corresponding percentages in real
life are: 3% divorce rate, and 8% widowed female and 2%
'widowed males. For adults under 35 of age, marriage rate is
92% for females and 77% for males.

For women, most of them were young and single. The
ratio of single to married was 4:1. For men, the proportion

of being single to married was 5.5:1. From the distribution

43

Table 2 Marital Status of Characters in Prime-Time
Television Programs, Taiwan, 1995

 

 

Male Female All Character
n=78 n=56 n=134
frequency % frequency % %
Single 60 77 40 71 75
Married 11 14 10 18 16
Widowed 7 9 6 ll 9
Divorced 0 0 0 0 0

 

X2== 0.94 df = 3 Chi square= 7.815 p <.05

44
found, television appears to focus on the younger
generation. Their beautiful appearances were emphasized to

draw in the majority of audiences.

2. Taking Care of the Aged

Table 3 provides data regarding the level of taking
care of the aged for males and females, and their marital
status. To investigate whether the behavior of taking care
of parents was influenced by marital status, each marital
status was tabulated so as to see the strengths of the
relationships respectively.

In terms of providing for aged people, generally,
female characters provided more care and better care for
their parents than male characters did. In detail, single
women really took very good care of and were concerned about
their parents, sometimes even sacrificing themselves. On the
other hand, married and widowed women expressed less concern

about their parents.

2.1. Taking Care of the Aged By Gender

Table 4 shows the distribution of Taking Care of the
Aged by Gender. There is a significant difference between
men and women in taking care of the aged (X2 = 9.856, df -=
3, p < .05). Although most of the characters were in the
"not-caring" category, women were more likely than men to be

classified in the "good" or "excellent” categories, and less

45

Table 3 Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Marital Status
and Gender in Prime-Time Television Programs, Taiwan, 1995

 

 

Male Female All Characters
n=78 n=56 n=134
frequency % frequency % frequency %

Single n=60 n=40 n=100 n=134
No caring 55 71 28 50 83 62
80-50 4 5 5 9 9 7
Good 1 1 2 3 3 2
Excellent 0 O 5 9 5 4
Married n=11 n=10 n=21
No caring 8 10 8 14 16 12
80-50 2 3 1 2 3 2
Good 0 0 1 2 1 1
Excellent 1 1 0 0 1 1
Widowed n=7 n=6 n=13
No caring 4 5 6 11 10 7
80-50 3 4 0 0 3 2
Good 0 0 0 0 0 0

Excellent 0 0 0 0 0 0

 

46

Table 4 Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Gender on Prime-
Time Television Programs, Taiwan, 1995

 

Male Female All characters

n=78 n=56 n=134

 

frequency % frequency % frequency %

No caring 67 86 42 75 109 81
80-50 9 12 6 ll 15 11
Good 1 1 3 5 4 3
Excellent 1 l 5 9 6 5

 

X2== 9.856 df = 3 chi-square = 7.815 p < .05

47

likely than men to be in the "not-caring" category. In
general, 14 percent of the females were classified in the
good and excellent levels, while only 2 percent of the males
were: on these levels. The result reveals that. women. on
television show deeper concern about their parents than men
do.

For women portrayed on television, 75 percent of them
did not exhibit the behavior of taking care of the aged.
Those who took care of the aged people accounted for 25
percent. The proportion of caregivers versus non-caregivers
was 3:1. 86 percent of men were portrayed as not caring for
the aged. Only 14 percent of the men were in the caring
category. The proportion of caregivers versus non-caregivers
was 6:1. In general, women were more likely than men to take

care of aged people.

2.2. Taking Care of the Aged By Single Characters

Table 5 shows the level of taking care of the aged
people among single males and females. There were
significant differences in caring levels between single
women and men (X2 = 19.64, df = 3, p < .02). According to
the percentage data, most characters were on the level "not-
caring" level, accounting for 81 percent.

Comparing male and female characters, it was shown that
single women were more likely than single men to be involved

in caring for their parents. About 1 out of 12 men did not

48

Table 5 Level of Taking Care of the Aged by Single
Males and Females

 

 

Male Female All Single
n=60 n=40 characters(n=100)
frequency % frequency % %
No caring 55 92 28 70 83
50-50 4 7 5 12.5 9
Good 1 1 2 5 3
Excellent 0 0 5 12.5 5

 

X2== 19.64 df 3 chi-square = 7.815 p < .05

49
involve themselves in caring for their parents. For women,
about 1 out of 3 did not do so. Moreover, among those
showing their concern, single women eXpressed stronger
concerns about their parents than single men did. Twelve
percent of single women are in the "excellent" category,

while no man was found in this category.

2.3. Taking Care of the Aged By Married Characters

Table 6 shows the level of taking care of aged people
among married men and women. There were significant
differences between married men and women. In general, it
was noted that 76 percent of the married characters did not
take care of their parents, mothers-in-law, or fathers-in-
law. Specifically speaking, they did not live with them. The
phenomenon proves that the traditional Taiwanese family
structure has been transformed into the nuclear family on
television.

In the "not-caring" and "so-so" categories, married men
and women performed the same. The major differences were in
the "good" and "excellent” levels. Married women were more
likely to be rated as providing good care(See coding
instrument p.85) than men, while married men are more likely
to perform ”excellent" care than women.

For married women, most of them were in the ”not-
caring" column, and only 20 percent of them showed concern

about their parents.

50

Table 6 Level of Taking Care of the Aged by
Married Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female All Married
n=11 n=10 characters(n=21)
frequency % frequency % %
No caring 8 73 8 80 76
50-50 2 18 1 10 14
Good 0 0 1 10 5
Excellent 1 9 0 0 5

 

X2 = 21.6 (if

II
to

chi-square = 7.815 - p < .05

51

2.4. Taking Care of the Aged By‘Widowed Characters

Table 7 reveals the level of taking care of the aged
among widowed men and women. Comparing the percentage data,
significant difference existed between widowed men and
widowed women (X2== 54.78, df = 3, p < .05).

In contrast to the hypothesis, it was found that
widowed men were more likely than women to engage in care
concerning their parents. No widowed women engaged in caring
for their parents, while 47 percent of the widowed men
showed their concerns, although the quality of care was at

the 30-50 level.

3. Taking Care of Children

In terms of taking care of children, neither women nor
men focused on care and concern for their children. The
finding did not support the previous assumption that
parenthood is more central to a woman's life than to a
man's. In detail, only married women provided more time for
their children than men did. In a two-parent family, the
mother was seen as a better caretaker than the father.
However, widowed. women. provided. far less care to their
children than widowed men did.

Table 8 provides the distribution of each level of
caregiving for children by gender and their marital status.

Based on the data, Table 8, 9, and 10 are built in another

52

Table 7 Level of Taking Care of the Aged by
Widowed Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female All Widowed
n=7 n=6 characters(n=13)
frequency % frequency % %
No caring 4 57 6 100 77
80-30 3 43 0 0 23
Good 0 0 0 0 0
Excellent 0 0 0 0 0

 

X2== 54.78 df 3 chi-square = 7.815 p < .05

53

 

 

Table 8 Distribution of the Level of Taking Care of
Children
Male Female All Characters
n=78 n=56 n=134

frequency frequency frequency %
Single n=60 n=40
No caring 58 39 97 72
80-50 1 1 2 1
Good 1 0 l 1
Excellent 0 0 0 0
Married n=11 n=10
No caring 8 5 13 10
30-50 2 2 4 3
Good 1 3 4 3
Excellent 0 0 0 0
Widowed n=7 n=6
No caring 0 1 l 1
30-30 2 3 5 4
Good 3 0 3 2
Excellent 2 2 4 3

 

54
pattern to investigate the relationships of marital status

and one's caring for their children.

3.1. Caring for Children By Gender

Table 9 reveals the level of caring for children by the
male and female characters. The result indicated that there
was no significant difference in the level of care between
men and women (X2 = 1.856, df = 3, p < .05). In general,
both men and women were in the category of not-caring.
Eighty-three percent of all characters were not shown caring
for their children. Good parents accounted for 6 percent of
the total characters. Excellent parents accounted for only 3
percent of the total characters. The aggregate image of men
and women was that they were not focused on caring for their

children.

3.2. Caring for Children By Single Characters

For single men and women, there was no significant
difference between the genders in terms of taking care of
their children (X2 = 1.7512, df = 3, p < .05). Table 10
demonstrates the finding regarding the caring behavior of
single men and women. In sum, most of the single characters
did not have children. It goes without saying, then, that
most of them occupied the column of "not-caring." Ninety-
seven percent of the male characters and 97.5 percent of the

female characters were in this category.

55

Table 9 Level of Taking Care of Children by Male and Female

 

 

Male Female All Characters
n=78 n=56 n=134
frequency % frequency % frequency %
No caring 66 85 45 80 111 83
80-80 5 6 6 11 11 8
Good 5 6 3 5 8 6
Excellent 2 3 2 4 4 3

 

X2 1.856 df = 3 chi-square = 7.815 p < .05

56

Table 10 Level of Taking Care of Children by
Single Men and Women

 

 

Male Female .All Single
n=60 n=40 n=100
frequency % frequency % %
No caring 58 97 39 97.5 97
80-50 1 1.5 1 2.5 2
Good 1 1.5 0 0 1
Excellent 0 O 0 0 0

 

X2== 1.7512 df = 3 chi-square = 7.815 p<.05

57
3.3. Caring for Children By Married Characters

Table 11 was designed to investigate the level of
caring for children among married men and women. Comparing
the percentages shown in the table, the difference between
married male and female characters was significant (X2 =
15.7136, df = 3, p < .05).

Of the married women, 50 percent were in the "not-
caring" category and the other 50 percent were in the
categories of "so-so" and "good." No "excellent" mother was
found among these married women. For married men, 73 percent
of them did not concern themselves with their children, and
only 27 percent of them took 50-50 or good care of their
children. It was more likely for married women to express

concern for their children than married men.

3.4. Caring for Children By Widowed Characters

The next finding is the degree of taking care of
children among widowed men and widowed women (Table 12).
From percentages, greatly significant differences exist
between widowed men and widowed women(X2== 66.2, df = 3, p <
.05).

In contrast to the previous assumption, widowed men
were found more likely to be engaged in taking care of their
children than widowed women. In addition, it was more likely
for widowed men than widowed women to express good or

excellent concern regarding their children. Seventy-one

58

Table 11 Level of Taking Care of Children by
Married Men and Women

 

 

Male Female All Married

n=1l n=10 characters(n=21)
frequency % frequency % frequency %
No caring 8 73 5 50 13 62
50-50 2 18 2 20 4 19
Good 1 9 3 30 4 19
Excellent 0 0 0 0 0 0

 

X2== 15.713 df = 3 chi-square = 7.815 p<.05

Table 12

59

Level of Taking Care of Children by
Widowed Men and Women

 

Female

All characters

n=13

 

frequency %

No caring

Excellent

0

28.5

43

28.5

frequency %

frequency %

17 l 8
50 5 38

0 3 23
33 4 31

 

66.2 df =

chi-square

7.815 p < .05

60
percent of widowed males were in the position of being
"good" or "excellent," while only 33 percent of widowed
female were in these categories. Fifty percent of the
females portrayed. were in the 50-30 category. Seventeen
percent of all widowed women were in the "not-caring"
column. Some widowed women did not have any children, but
all of the widowed men had at least one child. Whether they
had children to raise or not was the determining factor in

the degree of care given to children by widowed characters.

Hypothesis 2

Hypothesis 2 studied the assumption that women workers
would be portrayed in traditionally female occupations, as
subordinates to men, with little prestige or power. After
investigation, the findings consistently supported this
hypothesis.

Working women were fewer in actual numbers than working
men. Most working women were depicted in traditional roles.
Clerks, prostitutes, business owners of, and
housekeepers/servants were seen as diverse occupations.
Further, the chances of married women being portrayed as
housewives rather than any other occupation were very high
on television.

The power and authority of women characters were lower

and weaker than that possessed by men. Women were portrayed

61
as being under men's supervision, and were very subordinate
to men. Also, it was rare to see a woman supervise her
employees since a woman's power was so weak.
In order to describe the phenomenon in detail, the
following’ paragraphs discuss the characters' occupations,

sex of their supervisors, and sex of their supervisees.

1.0ccupation

In terms of occupation, women were more likely to be
portrayed without an occupational role outside the house
than men were. Most of the occupations they chose were very
traditional. This finding supported the assumption that
working women are portrayed in traditionally female
occupations.

Single women were more likely to be depicted as clerks,
business owners, waitresses, managers, or prostitutes.
Married women were more likely to be depicted as housewives.
Women rarely played notes such as government officials, law

enforcement personnel, and killers/body guards.

1.1. Television Occupation By Gender

Table 13 and 14 shows the employment of men and women
on television. Comparing the employment, significant
differences were found between male and female characters(x2
= 4.814, df = 1, p < .05). Women were more likely than men

to be portrayed as unemployed. Fifty-five percent of the

62

Table 13 Employment Outside the Home
by Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female All
n=78 n=56 n=134
frequency % frequency % %
Employed n=47 60% n=25 44.5%
Owner of business 5 6.5 3 5.5 6
Manager , 3 4 2 4 4
Cook 2 3 0 0 1.5
Locksmith 1 1 0 0 1
Law enforcement 7 9 1 1.5 6
personnel
Government official 7 9 0 0 5
Killer/body guard 8 10.5 1 1.5 7
Teacher 3 4 1 1.5 3
Performing artist 1 1 0 0 1
Doctor 1 1 0 0 l
Clerk 1 1 3 5.5 3
Salesman/salesgirl 1 1 1 1.5 1.5
Driver 3 4 0 0 1.5
Waitress 0 0 2 4 1.5
Accountant 0 0 1 1.5 1
Journalist 0 0 1 1.5 1
Stock player 0 0 l 1.5 1
Prostitute 0 0 3 5.5 2
Housekeeper/servant 4 5 3 5.5 5
Landlord 0 0 2 4 1.5
Unemployed n=31 40% n=31 55.5%
Criminal in Jail 4 5 0 0 3
Student 10 13 3 5.5 10
Housewife 0 0 2 4 1.5
No Occupation 17 22 26 46 32

Identification

 

63

Table 14 Employment of Male and Female Characters Outside

 

 

the Home
Male Female
n=78 n=56
frequency % frequency %
Employed n=47 60% n=25 44.5%
Unemployed n=31 40% n=31 55.5%

 

x2 = 4.814 df 1 chi-square = 3.841 p < .05

64
women and 40 percent of the men on television did not have
to work. Of these unemployed people, most were students. In
general, 46 percent of all characters were in this
"unemployed" category.

Among those women who had an occupation, they were more
likely to be portrayed as business owners, clerks,
prostitutes, or housekeepers/servants. These four categories
accounted for 22 percent of all female characters'
occupations. For men, they were more likely to be portrayed
as killers/bodyguards, law enforcement personnel, government
officials, or business owners. These four categories
accounted for 35 percent of the male characters'
occupations. Women's occupations were more evenly

distributed than men's.

1.2. Occupation By Single Characters

Table 15 illustrates the occupational distribution for
single men and women. There was significant difference in
employment between single male and female characters (X2 =
4.6036, df = 1, p < .05). Single women were more likely than
single men to be portrayed as unemployed. About 50 percent
of the single females were found unemployed, while 35
percent of the single males were in the category.

Among the occupations, single women were more likely to
be portrayed as clerks, business owners, waitresses,

managers, or prostitutes. Single men were more likely to be

65

Table 15 Occupations of Single Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female .All
n=60 n=40 n=100
frequency % frequency % %

Employed n=39 65% n=l9 50%
Accountant 0 0 l 2.5 1
Clerk 1 2 3 7.5 4
Waitress 0 0 2 5 2
Salesgirl 1 2 1 2.5 l
Housekeeper/servant 3 5 1 2.5 4
Journalist O 0 l 2.5 1
Stock player 0 0 l 2.5 1
Owner of business 3 5 3 7.5 6
Manager 2 3 2 5 4
Teacher 2 3 l 2.5 3
Law enforcement 7 12 1 2.5 8
Prostitute 0 0 2 5 2
Cook 1 2 0 0 1
Locksmith 1 2 0 0 1
Government official 5 8 0 0 5
Killer/body guard 8 13 0 0 ..8
Artist 1 2 0 0 1
Doctor 1 2 0 0 1
Driver 3 5 0 0 2
Landlord 0 0 1 2.5 1
Unemployed n=21 35% n=21 50%
Student 10 16.5 3 7.5 13
Criminal 4 6.5 0 0 4
No Occupation 7 12 17 42.5 24
Identification

 

X2== 4.6036 df l chi-square = 3.841 p < .05

66
portrayed as killers/bodyguards, law enforcement personnel,
or government officials. It. was very' clearly' shown. that
single women took on traditional women's tasks and single

men took on men's tasks.

1.3. Occupation By Married Characters

Table 16 shows the occupation of married men and
married women. Eighty percent of the nerried women and 64
percent of married. men portrayed were unemployed.
Significant differences in employment existed between
married men and women (X2 = 6.3492, df = l, p < .05).
Married women were more likely than married men to be shown
in non—occupational roles. Even when married women
possessed a job, most of them were portrayed as housewives.
On the other hand, when married men possessed an occupation,
they were more likely to be portrayed as government

officials.

2. Sex of Supervisor

Investigating the sex of their supervisor, women were
dominated by men very often in occupational relations. This
finding‘ supported. the assumption. that working' women are
subordinate to men. Women's working status was always below

men's.

67

Table 16 Occupations of Married Men and Women

 

 

Male Female All
n=11 n=10 n=21
F % F % F %
Employed n=4 36 n=2 20
Manager 1 9 0 0 1 5

Servant/housekeeper 1 9 1 10 2 9.5

Government official 2 18 0 0 2 9.5

Guard 0 0 1 10 1 5
Unemployed n=7 64 =8 80
Housewife 0 0 3 30 3 14
No Occupation 7 64 5 50 12 57
Identification

 

X2== 6.3492 df = l chi-square = 3.841 p < .05

68

2.1. Sex of Supervisor By Gender

Table 17 provides the data regarding the sex of all the
characters' supervisors. Comparing the sex of supervisor, it
is significantly different (X2 = 8.457, df == 2, p <: .05).
The data showed the phenomenon that television is dominated
by men. Only 1.5 percent of the characters were dominated by
solely females. On the other hand, 17 percent of the
characters were dominated by solely men. The results
indicate that men were more likely to be the boss or possess

higher status in their occupations.

2.2. Sex of Supervisor By Characters in alMustéwork
Occupation

Table 18 shows the sex of the supervisor for males and
females who had jobs. In order to examine the employer-
employee relationship, criminals, students, and housewives
were excluded from the data compilation. The results reveal
that there was significant difference in the gender of the
supervisor when comparing males and females who had jobs (X2
= 26.100, df = 2,‘p < .05). It was more likely for women to
be supervised by nmies (36.5%). The data also showed that
female supervisors were very rare. .All of the female
characters were dominated by men, sometimes by both men and
women. It also revealed that a woman's status was always

below a man's in terms of occupation.

69

 

 

Table 17 Sex of Supervisor of Male and Female
Characters
Male Female .All
n=78 n=56 n=134
F % F % F %

Sex of supervisor

Male 15 19 8 14 23 17
Female 2 2.5 0 0 2 1.5
Both male and female 2 ' 2.5 6 11 8 6

(X2 = 8.458

No supervisor

df = 2 chi square = 5.991 p < .05)

59 76 42 75 101 75.5

 

70

Table 18 Sex of Supervisor of Males and Females who
have a Gainful Occupation

 

 

Male Female All

n=46 n=22 n=68

F % F % F %
Sex of supervisor n=25 n=14
Male 18 39 8 36.5 26 38
Female 3 6.5 0 0 3 4
Both male and female 4 8.5 6 27 10 15

08 = 26.100 df = 2 chi-square = 5.991 p < .05)

No supervisor 21 46 8 36.5 29 43

 

71
3. Sex of Supervisee

In general, women were shown as being less likely than
men to have employees or supervisees. The result supported
the assumption that working women possess less power than
men.

Table 19 shows the distribution of the sex of the
supervisee for' male and female characters. There was a
significant difference among the supervisee's distribution
for men and women (X2== 4.39, df = l, p < .05). Women were
shown as being more likely than men to have no supervisees.
Eighty-nine percent of the female characters were in the
"no-supervisee” category. This means that only one out of
ten women had the power to supervise in her occupation. For
men, 78 percent of them were in the "no-supervisee"
category. Therefore, two out of ten men were portrayed as
possessing the power to supervise their employees.

Men often exercise power over other males. However, the
opportunity is rare that women have authority and power over.

males and females.

Hypothesis 3

Hypothesis 3 examined the assumption that females are
more interpersonally- and less professionally-oriented than
males. The findings consistently supported this assumption.

Women were portrayed as being more involved in

72

Table 19 Sex of Supervisee by Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female All
n=78 n=56 n=134
F % F % F %

Male 8 10 2 4 10 7.5
Female 3 4 0 0 3 2

Both male and female 6 8 4 7 10 7.5

No.3npezyisee 61 78 50 89 111 83

 

X2== 4.39 df 1 chi-square = 3.841 p < .05

73
interpersonal issues, while males were seen as being more
involved in occupational issues. For women, most of them
were concerned about their friends and families. A woman's
world was more confined to the home than a man's world. The
result illustrates, the fact that ‘women. are really
personally-oriented and men are occupationally-oriented.

Table 20 shows the distribution of interpersonal and
occupational relationships for male and female characters.
There was a significant difference between the relationship
patterns for males and females ( X? = 14.612, df = 2, p <:
.05). Males were more likely than females to be involved in
occupational relationships, while females were more likely
than. men. to Ibe involved in interpersonal relationships.
Three-fourths of all the female characters were more
concerned about interpersonal than occupational issues.

Among these diverse relationships, occupational issues
occupied most of the men's lives, and accounted for 42
percent of the male characters. For women, families and
friends occupied most of their lives, and accounted for 57
percent of the female characters.

Among the four categories of interpersonal
relationships - love/marriage, family, friends, and
servant/boss, both males and females were more likely to be
involved in family and friend issues. It indicated that
television episodes primarily focused on the characters'

family and friends rather than their occupation world.

74

Table 20 Relationships of Male and Female Characters

 

 

Male Female

n=78 n=56

F % F %
Internersona1_Belationahins (n=28,36%) (n=42,75%)
Love/marriage 8 10 9 16
Family 10 13 16 28.5
Friend 9 12 16 28.5
Servant-boss l 1 l 2

Qccupational_Belationship (n=40, 51%) (n=9, 16%)

Occupational issue 33 42 5 9
Non-occupational issue 7 9 4 7
MixedLBelationships 10 13 5 9

 

)0 = 14.612 df = 2 chi square = 5.991 p < .05

75

In occupational relationships, males were more likely
than females to be involved in occupational issues. Although
females had chances to be involved in occupational
relationships, half of them were more concerned about
personal issues rather than occupational problems. The data
showed that males were portrayed as more professionally
oriented than females. On the other hand, females were
portrayed as more interpersonally oriented than males. In
general, a woman's world was more confined to the family

than a man's.

CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION

This chapter summarizes aumi discusses implications of
the findings of the three hypotheses in this study. .A
direction for future study is recommended to build more

systematic knowledge in this field.

Conclusion

To summarize: This study was a replication in Taiwan
of McNeil's study of women's images on U.S. television. In
the samples collected during a three-week period in Taiwan,
12 programs were coded. One hundred and thirty-four
characters were found, including' 78 male and 56 female
characters. Just as other studies have reported, women are
fewer in number than men on television programs.

This study examined three hypotheses. First, we
hypothesized that marriage, taking care of the aged, and
parenthood would be more central to women's lives than to
men's. This hypothesis was not supported completely. Both
men and. women. portrayed. on TV’ were more often single.
Marriage was not found to be an important identifier for
either gender.

On television, only single women were more concerned
about and took better care of their parents than men and

76

77
married women.

The majority of female and male characters portrayed in
the programs did not have children. Mothers showed more
concern about their children than fathers did.

In sum, women were more likely to be portrayed as care
takers, single women taking care of their parents, and
mothers taking care of their children.

Hypothesis 2 predicted that women's paid occupations
outside the home would be depicted as having less power,
authority, and status than men's paid occupations. The
results consistently proved that a woman's occupational
status (power and prestige) was lower than a man's. If women
had a chance to work outside the home, they mainly possessed
traditional women's jobs, with little power and. a high
degree of subordination to men.

Finally, hypothesis 3 predicted that women on
television would be portrayed as more interpersonally
oriented, while men would be portrayed as more
professionally oriented. This hypothesis was supported:
Women were more concerned about their families and friends
than men were. Women tended to confine themselves to
interpersonal settings. Occupational and professional issues
were not their primary concern. In contrast to women, men's
activities were not confined to the home. Most of them
worked outside the home and were involved in professional

and occupational issues.

78
Women's images on television differed greatly from
men's. In general, the way that television portrayed women

was very traditional.

Discussion

In contrast with the real world, single characters were
overrepresented on television. In the real world in Taiwan,
68% of women and 44% of men are married by the age of 30.
However, on television, 77% of male characters and 71% of
female characters are single. It is conceivable that writers
find that young good-looking unmarried characters provide
more scope for stories that could maintain high television
ratings.

The existing imbalance of gender roles on television
shows how television portrays and supports traditional
values. Televised women are often portrayed as filial
daughters, care-givers for parents and children. They are
willing to sacrifice themselves to save their family. This
is consistent with the cultural expectation in Taiwan.
Television portrayals reinforce the status quo on this
issue.

It is suggested that, in traditional societies, the
ideal women stay home and possess few skills or professional
knowledge. As the results showed, televised women tend to

follow these traditional values. Even though

79

they are portrayed as modern girls, most of their time is
spent on their interpersonal issues. For' a ‘woman,
occupational issues are far less important than for a man.

The findings reveal that women. plots involving are
confined. to the interpersonal relations with family' and
friends. On the other hand, a man's world exists outside as
well as inside the home. More married women do not have paid
jobs outside the home than married men. More married men are
portrayed in occupationally-related roles than married
women: these occupations are more often government official,
manager, and then servant. Men participate in the public
world, while women are limited to the interpersonal world.

In reality in Taiwan, women are involved in more or
less all kinds of occupations outside the home in the 19908
(Wang, 1990), such as the professions (41%), administration
(8%), clerks (51%), sales (38%), service (49%), agriculture
(31%), and industry (34%). On television, 44.5% of women
work for pay outside the home as against 60% of men. The
majority of televised women are portrayed as clerks,
waitresses, prostitutes, housekeepers/servants, business
owners, or managers. The last two have more power and are
higher in status but they have been traditionally accepted
family business roles for women. The first four occupations
have low status and weak power.

In contrast to women's occupational portrayals, the

majority of male occupations in our sample are government

80
officials, law enforcement personnels, killers, or body
guards. Their roles are .more powerful, ambitious, and
decisive than women's. This reflects Taiwanese perceptions
that the ideal woman is weak, and men are strong. Domination
of women in the television world reflects this cultural
ideal.

On television, it is rare for women (married or single)
to have authority or power in their paid occupations outside
the home. Women have fewer supervisees than men do. Most
supervisors are men.

Taiwanese society is mixed with traditional Chinese and
modern Western values. Women today have more chances for
education and work in the real world than they did before.

Plots do not reflect the reality of women's occupations
in modern Taiwan (Women have been accepted as managers and
owners of family' businesses in the past). IModern
occupational roles (women in the professions and industry)
are not portrayed on Taiwanese television. This researcher's
observation of the programs on Taiwanese television
indicates that, very often, television emphasizes missing
the old society, preserving traditional values, or praising
the ideal woman of the past.

Television could be seen as a pioneer if it would
portray women in less sexist traditional ways. However, this
portrayal of women does not exist in Taiwanese television.

The portrayal of inequality of gender in the sampled

81
characters in television programs could be related to the
gender of writers and directors. Among the shows coded,
there were 10 male writers and 4 female writers, 12 male
directors, and no female directors. The lack of realistic
female portrayals could be influenced by the lack of female
directors and writers on television in Taiwan who could

exert their power to make different decisions on television.

Future Study

Future academic study about gender images on television
should go further and examine portrayal over time, in the
long term.

This is the beginning of research on portrayal of one
gender (women) in Taiwanese television. It is a small sample
study of dramatic serials that replicates McNeil. We suggest
that studies could also analyze other types of programs,
using' the same Ihypotheses.. To look for changes, in ‘ten
years, another study about women's images in dramatic
serials needs to be conducted to investigate the same
hypotheses. Changes in women's images on television will

thus be documented over time.

APPENDIX A

82

APPENDIX A

Women On Prime-Time Television In Taiwan

Coding Sheet

1. Date of coding:
2. Program:

 

 

Program Code

. = Shoei Jing Hua (Crystal Flowers)

= Shiang Shuay Chwan Chyi (The Legend Of Sweet Commander)

= Tair Beei Shen Shyh 1995 (Taipei Gentlemen 1995)

= Ren Miann Taur Hua (Memory Of An Old Sweetheart)

= Shiong Dih Yeou Yuan (Brothers Have Relationship By Fate)

= Erl szy San Geh Bann (Three And A Half Sons)

= Tian Yean (God's Eyes)

= Sheue Lian (Snowy Lotus)

= Chyng Nong Bann Sheng Yuan (The Fate Of Love And A.Half
Life)

10= Shen Guei Meng Li Chyng (Love In The Inner Chamber
Dream)

11= Naa Yih Nian Woo Men Dou Heen Kuh (We Were Cool In That
Year)

12= Jing Shyh Shyi Fu (A Daughter-In-Law In The Astounding
World)

3. Date program aired:
4. Length of program: minutes
5. # of 134 characters

6. Name:

 

7. Sex:
1 = female
2 8 male

 

8. Marital Status:
1 = single

2 = married
3 = widow

4 = divorced
5:

cannot identify

9.

T

ubUJNt-J

10.

H
..a

\OGDQQUTbWNt—lo

bLAJNl—J

83

aking care of the aged:
no caring

so-so

good

very excellent

Taking care of children:
no caring

so-so

good

very excellent

Occupation:
teacher
secretary
clerk
manager
owner of business
nurse
government official
law enforcement personnel
doctor/dentist/mental health professional
performing artist
journalist
salesman/salesgirl
prostitute
accountant
landlord
housekeeper/servant
housewife
student
no occupation identification
other (specify)

Sex of supervisee:

no supervision

male

female

both male and female

Supervised by which sex:
not supervised

male

female

both male and female

84

14. Relationship:

btukJH fl

Nt—‘ll

 

Interpersonal Relationship
= love/marriage

= family

friend

= servant

Professional Relationship
= occupational
non-occupational

= Mixed Relationship

APPENDIX B

85

APPENDIX B
Coding Instruction

All content, excluding the beginning title, the ending
song, and advertisements, will be studied.

1. Write down the date of coding on the coding sheet.

2. Write down the program code. For example, 1 stands for
"Shiong Dih Yeou Yuan.”

3. When was the program aired on television network in
Taiwan? Please check out the title on the video sheet.
Write down the number on the coding sheet. For example,
17 May, 1995.

4. Write down the code number of length. Length refers to
the total minutes of the program from the beginning to
the end, including advertisement. Choose from 30 minutes,
60 minutes, 90 minutes, and 120 minutes. If the total
length does not perfectly fit into one of these time
intervals, choose one the interval that most approximates
the actual time.

5. Character number-- number of the total 134 characters in
a sequence order.

6. Name: Refers to the words of the character being
addressed in the content of his television character.

7. Sex: Refers to the gender of the actor portrayed in the
show. Choose from female or male, and write down the code
number.

8.mzit_of_Anal¥sis.:_Mari.tal_Sjatns

M3:ital.atatns: Refers to the final relationship with
his/her marriage partner.

Single; Means not involved with his/her wife, husband,
children, mother-in-law, or father-in-law.

Married: Means involved with his/her life wife/husband.

86

Widow: Means not involved with his/her deceased
wife/husband, but involved with his/her children,
mother-in-law, or father-in-law.

Diyorced: Means not involved with in his/her present
wife/husband, but involved with his/her ex-wife or ex-
husband.

cher: Marital status is not included in the above
categories. Be certain to specify.

9.11ni_t_of_Analysis_;_Taking_Care_of_the_Aged
"Taking_aaze_9£_the_aged": refers to the degree a

character is concerned about, supports, or helps his/her
mother, father, mother-in-law, father-in-law, grandmother,
or grandfather physically (helping them doing things),
mentally (thinking about their problems when they are
absent), and vocally (talk to them about their problems
face—to-face). When a character takes on different degrees
of caring over time for a certain aged member, only the
final activity is considered.

Ne_earing: Refers to not being involved in any physical,
mental, or vocal supporting activity about any issue
concerning any one of his/her mother, father, mother-
in-law, father-in-law, grandmother, or grandfather.

59:59: Refers to being involved in any one and only one
physical, mental, or vocal supporting activity
concerning at least one of his/her mother, father,
mother-in-law, father-in-law, grandmother, or
grandfather, or being involved in support but with a
picky attitude. ‘

Good: Refers to being involved in any two physical, mental,
or vocal support activities concerning at least one of
his/her mother, father, mother-in-law, father-in-law,
grandmother, or grandfather.

Excellent: Refers to be involved in all physical, mental,
and vocal support activities concerning at least one
of his/her mother, father, mother-in-law, father-in-
law, grandmother, or grandfather.

87

10.“ 'I E E J . . T l' 3 E 3].]!

Children here refers to people from the age of 0 to
unmarried adults. Takinmrs-LoLchildren means the degree
of a character is concerned about, supports, helps, teaches,
or plays with his/her own children in physical (preparing
their needs in living), mental (thinking about children when
they are absent), or vocal (talking to children about their
problems face-to-face) activities. When a character takes on
a different degree of caring over time for a certain child,
only the final activity is considered.

th_caring: Refers to not being involved in any physical,
mental, or vocal activity dealing with any issue
concerning any one of his/her children.

Sczsc: Refers to being involved in any one and only one
physical, mental, or vocal activity concerning any one
of his/her children, but also not being involved in the
other two activities.

cccd: Refers to being involved in any two physical, mental,
or vocal activities concerning at least one of his/her
children.

Excellent: Refers to being involved in all physical, mental,
and vocal assisting activity about concerning at least
one of his/her children.

11.nnit_o£_Ana1¥sis;_Qccnpatien

Qccnpatien.refers to the title of a paid job for
maintaining his/her lifestyle, outside or inside the house,
performed by the actor himself, or spoken by the actor or
other people. When a character changes his occupation, only
the final occupation that he possesses is considered. When a
character is in the process of making a decision about an
occupation, only the occupation prior to the decision being
made is considered.

Teacher: Job teaching students at school.

Secretary: Job dealing with the matters of a boss or
manager in an office setting.

Clerk: Operating telephones, dealing with documents
in an office setting.

88

Manager: Governs a group of staff members, leads a
group of people, gives orders to a group of staff
members.

Qflner_cf_bncineSS: Job governing the whole company, leading
the whole company, in charge of the company's future.

Nurse: Cares for patients, dresses in a nurse's uniform in a
hospital.

chernmenr_cffiicial: Job concerned with the welfare, life,
and issues of a people, country, or society in a
government office setting, working for government

agents.

Lau_enforcement_nersennel: Job that stops crime, judges

crime, arrests criminals, dresses police uniform, sends
criminal into jail, judge, lawyer, police.

DocterLDentisrLMental_health_nrcfessional: Job that examines

a patient's illness, performs an operation, provides
suggestions for bodily health, provides suggestions for
mental health, dressed in a doctor's uniform in a
hospital.

Eerrcrminc_arrisr: Job that shows a person's talent in

music, dance, drama, or drawing.

anrnalist: Writing or collecting news.
Saleemanlfialeecirl: Job that sells goods to a client,

sitting or standing behind a goods stand.

Erccrirure: Pleasing a client, drinking with a client,
dancing with a client, sleeping with a client, dressing
in sexy clothes. ‘

Bcccnnranr: Job that counts money, transfers money,
gives and receives money in the office.

Landlord: Renting your own house to someone else.

HencekeenerLSerlant: Cooking at an other person's

home, preparing foods at other person's home, buying
foods, cleaning the house, organizing things for an
other person's family.

Henceuife:.A.married person who stays at home to cook,

89
clean, and organize things at his home/house.

Student: A character who is not responsible for making
money because he/she is in the process of learning at
school.

NQ_cccnpaticn_identiticaticn: A.person not involved in any

paid job for maintaining his/her living.

Other: Occupations not included in the above categories. Be
certain to specify.

12. Unit_ofLAnalysisi_Sex_of_SuperIisee
”Sex_c£_cnperxicee”: The gender of the staff members

involved in being managed, overseen, given orders for office
matters by the character in the company.

Nc_Qne: No one is involved in being managed, overseen, or
given an order for office matters by the character,
either inside or outside the company.

Male: Only "males” are involved in being
managed, overseen, or given an order for office matters
by the character, either inside or outside the company.

Female: Only "females" are involved in being managed,
overseen, or given an order for office matters by the
character, either inside or outside the company.

Ecth_male_and_£emale: Both "males and females" are

simultaneously or separately involved in being managed,
overseen, or given an order for office matters by the
character, either inside or outside the company.

13.unir_ofLAnalgsis1_Super!ised_hu;flhich_3ex
"Superuised_h¥_uhich_sex": The gender of the person

with power, a higher position, or authority, was involved in
managing, overseeing, or giving an order for office matters
to the character, either inside or outside the company.

Nc_Qne: No one is involved in managing, overseeing, or
giving an order for office matters to the character,
either inside or outside the company.

Male: Only "males" are involved in managing, overseeing, or

90

giving an order for office matters to the character,
either inside or outside the company.

Female: Only "females" are involved in managing, overseeing,
or giving an order for office matters to the character,
either inside or outside the company.

Beth_male_and_£mmale: Both "males and females" are
simultaneously or separately involved in managing,
overseeing, or giving an order for office matters to
the character, either inside or outside the company.

14.“ 'I E E J . . E J l' 1'

Relationship refers to the focus of his/her major
activity, the type of major problem the character faces, or
the people surrounding him/her most frequently.
Relationships are identified below. Choose only one category
that is the major relationship of the character. When his
relationship is too complicated and mixed to identify,
choose the mixed category. Each item belongs to the category
of interpersonal or occupational relationship. First, answer
the pattern of the relationship as being interpersonal or
occupational, and then identify the specific item.

Internerecnal_Relaticnship: The major activity or concern is

limited to his/her home, friend, or himself/herself.

Lcrelmarriace: The major activity or concern involves
his/her own lover, girlfriend, boyfriend, husband,
or wife.

Eamily: The major issue or concern involves his/her own
mother, father, grandmother, grandfather, sister,
brother, children, or other family members.

Friend: The major activity or concern involves his/her
friends, roommate, landlord, or tenant.

Serrantzhcea: The major activity er concern involves
serving his/her boss or managing his/her servant
and is limited to the home setting.

: The major activity or concern is
outside his/her home, friend, or himself/herself.

91
Qccnpaticnal_iacue: The major activity or concern is
his/her occupational problems or occupational
enforcement.

Ncnzflccnpaticnal_iaaue: The major activity or concern

is not his/her occupational problems or
occupational enforcement, although he/she appears
in an occupational setting or status.

Mixed_relationahips: The major activity or concern is too

tangled to identify, involving both inside and
outside the home, friends, or himself/herself.

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92

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