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LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled PARTICIPATION AS A FORM OF EXCHANGE IN ADULT AND CONTINUING EDUCATION presented by Stanley Thembelani Mpofu has been accepted towards fulfillment of the'requirements for Ph.D. degree in Education fl Majorprofessor‘ Datelfl —/ — 37* MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 )V1E31_J RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to L|BRARJES remove this checkout from ‘3‘.- your record. FINES will ___, be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. PARTICIPATION AS A FORM OF EXCHANGE IN ADULT AND CONTINUING EDUCATION BY Stanley Thembelani Mpofu AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Educational Administration 1987 ABSTRACT PARTICIPATION AS A FORM OF EXCHANGE IN ADULT AND CONTINUING EDUCATION BY Stanley Thembelani Mpofu Motivation to participate in Adult Education can be viewed as a form of exchange. Exchange Theory states that people are more likely to perform activities that are expected to bring returns and benefits and less likely to perform activities that may prove too costly to them. The purpose of the study was to explore and describe motivation to participate in adult education in the context of exchange. To this end, the study was designed to establish whether it is appropriate to use exchange theory to describe people's motivation to participate in adult education programs. Data for the study were collected through personal interviews from a volunteer sample of 36 adult learners and 20 dropouts. Learners were composed of 10 Adult Basic Education (ABE) students, 10 General Education Development (GED) students, and 16 Vocational students; while dropouts consisted of 10 Adult Basic Education (ABE), and 10 General Education Development (GED) dropouts. The analysis of the data yielded the following findings: Stanley Thembelani Mpofu 1. Economic and personal reasons are the exchange reasons behind participation in adult education 2. Time and money are considered to be the exchange costs of adult learning The study's findings clearly indicate that exchange can be used to describe motivation to participate in adult education. "It is easier to say original things than to reconcile with one another things already said." Vauvenargues iv DEDICATION TO THE MEMORY OF MY MOTHER DUBEKILE AINAH NCUBE MPOFU 1921-1975 AND TO MY FATHER DUDZAYI TIMOTHY TOCHIWONA CHIZODO MPOFU ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the following: To Dr. Gloria Kielbaso, Chairperson of the Guidance Committee, for her excellent guidance and thoughtfulness throughout this research. Gloria's support and constant reassurance enabled me to maintain my sanity during the most difficult episodes of the study. To Dr. S. Joseph Levine, for his constant advice on academic and other matters throughout the course of my career at Michigan State University. My association with Joe has served as a source of stimulus for my professional development in adult education. To Dr. Kenneth Neff, for his constant encouragement throughout my studies. It was my meeting with Ken, early in my career at Michigan State, that largely influenced the course of my studies. To Dr. Frank Fear, for his generous and conscientious assistance throughout the course of this research. Frank put me through one of the most systematic and vigorous research exercises I have ever had. I am indebted to Frank not only for the research methods used in this study, but for almost all the research techniques I know today. vi To Ntombikayise, Thembelani, and Makhosini, my wife and two sons, for their patience, understanding, and constant encouragement throughout my academic career at Michigan State University. To Cindy Cooper, the Director of Adult and Continuing Education at Eaton Rapids for her support of the study. To Maria Lehman, the high school coordinator at Haslett Community Schools for supporting the study. To Katha Heinze, the Director of Adult and Continuing Education at Holt for her support of the study. To Sharon Panchuk, of the Department of Planning and Evaluation, Ingham Intermediate School District, for supporting the study. To John Huggins, the Assistant Principal at the Capital Area Career Center, Mason, for his cooperation during the collection of data. To Stan Theiss, the Evening School Coordinator at the Capital Area Career Center, Mason, for his cooperation during the collection of data. To all my instructors and students in this university with whom I associated for their contribution to my educational career. To my friends and colleagues at Michigan State University, and elsewhere, for their friendship and support. To my father, brothers, and sisters for their support and the patience with which they bore my absence from home. To Joshua Bagakas' for analyzing the data for this study. And to Nancy Heath for typing this manuscript. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES 0 0 O O O O o o e e o o o 0 LIST OF FIGIIRES O I O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I. RATIONALE OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . Background . . . . . . . . . . . . Statement of the Problem . . . . . . . . Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . Importance of the Study . . . . . . . . Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . Overview of the Study . . . . . . . . . II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE . . . . . . . Historical Background and Meaning of Exchange Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . Education PhiIOSOphy and the Concept of Exchange Contemporary Exchange Theory . . . . . . Homans (1951, 1961, and 1974) . . . . . Peter Blau (1964) . . . . . . . . . Thibaut and Kelley (1959) . . . . . . . Contemporary Exchange Vocabulary . . . . . Summary of Exchange and Its Implications for Education . . . . . . . . . . . . Rewards and Costs in Adult Education . . . . Rewards . . . . . . . . . . . . . Costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . Motivation Theory . . . . . . . . . . Primary Motivation Theory . . . . . . . Secondary Motivation Theory . . . . . . Implications of Motivation Theory to Exchange Behavior in Adult Education . . . . . . Recent Education Studies that Appear to Use an Exchange Format . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page xi xiii ...a HH bmeU't-L‘NI—o p—a U1 15 20 22 23 33 42 49 53 55 SS 61 64 64 7O 8O 82 86 Chapter III. IV. V. METHODS AND PROCEDURES . . . . . Papulation and Sample . . .. . . Research Design . . . . . . . Types of Information . . . . Instrument Design . . . . . . Developing the Survey Instrument Beliefs . . . . . . . . . Attributes . . . . . . . Refining the Survey Instrument . Pretesting . . . . . . . . Description of the Instrument . . Data Collection and Analysis . . Data Preparation . . . . . . Data Analysis . . . . . . . The Purpose of the Study . . . The Size of the Sample . . . Chapter Summary . . . . . . . PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS . . . . Research Question No. l . . . . Research Question No. 2 . . . . Reasons for Learners . . . . Reasons for Dropouts . . . . Comparison Levels. . . . . Exchange Reasons . . . . . Comparison Levels for Alternatives Research Question No. 3 . . . . Comparison Levels . . . . . Exchange Costs . . . . . . Comparison Levels for Alternatives Research Question No. 4 . . . . . Comparison Level . . . . . . Exchange Costs . . . . . . Comparison Level for Alternatives Chapter Summary . . . . . . . Conclusion and Discussion . . . Reasons for Adult Learning . . . Costs of Learning . . . . . . Possible Implications . . . . . Reasons for Learning . . . . Costs of Learning . . . . . Implications for Further Research . Further Reflection . . . . . . ix CONCLUSIONS, DISCUSSION, AND IMPLICATIONS Page 87 92 98 99 100 101 101 102 108 108 111 112 112 112 114 114 115 116 118 122 132- 134 135 150 151 153 156 170 171 172 183 184 185 185 187 187 188 189 191 191 193 195 197 Chapter VI. SUMMARY OF STUDY . . . . . . . Findings 0 O O O O O O O O APPENDICES O O C O O O O O O O O O A. DEVELOPMENT OF THE SURVEY INSTRUMENT B. THE SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . .. . . . . . Page 199 201 211 212 222 254 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 4.14 LIST OF TABLES The Pretest Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . Personal Characteristics of Respondents . . . . . Respondents' Indications of all Reasons for Learning That Were Applicable to Them . . . . . . . . Learners' Reasons for Learning . . . . . . . . Rank Order of Learners' Reasons for Learning by Importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dropouts' Reasons for Learning . . . . . . . . Learners' Indications of Levels of Satisfaction for Reasons for Learning . . . . . . . . . . . Learners Who Are Moderately and Very Satisfied with Each Reason . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exchange Reasons for Learners . . . . . . . Learners' Indications of Levels of Satisfaction Below Which They Would Withdraw . . . . . . . . . Rank Order of Learners' Reasons for Learning by Comparison Levels for Alternatives. . . . . . . Explanations of the Learners Who Indicated They Would Continue Learning in Spite of "No Satisfaction at All.' C C . O O O O C O O O C O O O O Learners' Costs of Learning . . . . . . . . . Learners‘ Indications of the Seriousness of each Cost of Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . Rank Order of Learners' Costs by Comparison Levels . Learners' Indications of Comparison Levels for Economic Costs on a Monetary Scale . . . . . . xi Page 110 119 123 125 128 130 136 139 142 144 147 149 154 157 160 162 Table 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24 4.25 4.26 4.27 4.28 4.29 Page Learners' Indications of Comparison Levels for Time costs 0 O O O O O I O I O O I C I O O 163 Exchange Costs for Learners . . . . . . . . . 164 Potential Exchange Costs for Learners . . . . . 165 Learners' Reasons for Not Taking More Courses or More Instruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Learners' Indications of Comparison Levels for Alternatives for Economic Costs. . . . . . . . 167 Learners' Indications of Comparison Levels for Alternatives for Time Costs . . . . . . . . . 168 Learners' Indications of Levels of Seriousness Above Which They Would Quit the Program for Other Reasons . 169 DrOpouts' Reasons for Withdrawal . . . . . . . 173 Dropouts' Indications of Comparison Levels for Economic Costs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 DrOpouts' Indications of Comparison Levels for Time costs 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 177 Exchange Costs for Dropouts . . . . . . . . . 178 Dropouts' Indications of Other Reasons that Would Make Them Return to School . . . . . . . . . 18D Dropouts' Indications of Comparison Levels for Economic Costs (C.L. alt.) , . . . . . . . . 181 Dropouts' Indications of Comparison Levels for Alternatives for Time Costs . . . . . . . . . 182 xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 2.1 Illustration of A's Fate Control over B . . . . 45 2.2 Illustration of A's Behavior Control over B . . . 45 2.3 A Affects Himself if He Exercises His Fate Control over B O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 45 2.4 Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs . . . . . . . . 68 2.5 Education for Vocational Competence, Lower-Lower- Class Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 2.6 Education for Vocational Competence, Lower-Middle- Class Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 2.7 Chain-of—Response (COR) Model for Understanding Participation in Adult Learning Activities . . . 78 2.8 Five Types of Adult Learners Identified by Boshier's Educational Participation Scale (EPS) . . 85 xiii CHAPTER I RATIONALE OF THE STUDY Background The process of exchange plays an important role in shaping the nature of human behavior in a wide range of settings (Baron, Byrne, and Griffitt, 1974). Motivation to participate in adult education programs can be viewed as a special case of exchange. Exchange theory can, therefore, be used to explain human behavior with respect to adult education programs. Exchange theory states that people's actions are motivated by the return those actions are expected to bring (Blau, 1964; Homans, 1973; and Ekeh, 1974). Conversely, the theory states that people are not likely to perform behaviors that are not expected to bring any rewards. A key concept of exchange theory is reciprocity (Gouldner, 1960). Reciprocity is a kind of ”give and take." If you give someone something, he/she must give you something of equal or near equal value in return (Ritzer, Kammeyer, and Yetman, 1979). Similarly, when a person invests effort and time in learning a skill, he/she expects returns or benefits that are commensurate with the effort and time invested. An important principle of reciprocity is that the more the reciprocal obligations of an exchange relationship are violated, the more that the deprived parties are disposed negatively to sanction those violating the norm of reciprocity (Blau, 1964). If someone repeatedly receives something from another, and gives nothing in return, the giver' will eventually stopI giving. Fundamentally, then, a learner will eventually‘ drop out from a learning program if she/he senses that: 1. The learning activity is not, or is no longer, instrumental to the achievement of an expected return. 2. The expected yield from learning a skill is not commensurate with the time and effort invested in acquiring the skill. According to exchange theory, there are two things that society, educational institutions, and facilitators could do to attract and retain people in adult education programs: 1. Maximize the rewards for participating in adult education programs. 2. Minimize the costs for participating in these programs. This study was designed to explore the nature of exchange forces that determine people's behavior toward adult education programs. Statement of the Problem According to Cross (1981), the basic assumption of adult education is that people are motivated to learn, but lack of knowledge about learning opportunities makes it impossible for them to participate in adult education. The practice of adult education is, therefore, mostly concerned with the marketing of available adult learning opportunities (Cross, 1981). This approach ignores the deep psychological motives that determine whether the potential adult learner will pay attention to the information on learning opportunities with which he/she is bombarded. There is a need for adult education to pay more attention to other fundamental aspects of motivation. The rationale in this study was not to pit the marketing approach to motivation against the fundamental psychological approach but, rather, to repeat what has been said by many educationists that there is more to motivation in adult learning than "passing out brochures.” To believe that people's participation in learning activities is based solely on the availability of learning opportunities is tantamount to saying that motivation takes place at a particular point in time. The process of motivation takes place over a long period of time and is a result of many factors. In order to understand all the possible reasons behind adult learning, adult education must, therefore, pay attention to all aspects of motivation. The marketing approach to the study of motivation in adult education does not address the psychological and spiritual differences in human beings. It is largely designed to address the extrinsic needs of potential learners, because it is based on the assumption that these needs are the same for' people ‘who are in similar circumstances. Also, according to Maslow (1968), the extrinsic approach to human nature is encouraged by the fact that: Our biological essence, our instinct remnants, are weak and subtle, and they are hard to get at. Learnings of the extrinsic sort are more powerful than our deepest impulses. These deepest impulses in the human species, at the points where the instincts have been lost almost entirely, where they are extremely weak, extremely subtle and delicate, where you have to dig to find them (Harvard Educational Review, 1981, p. 152). A social exchange approach to the study of motivation in adult education has the potential to dig out these subtle and delicate instincts in human beings. A social exchange approach to the explanation of social behavior is not without precedent. For example, Dillman (1978) used it as the foundation of his Total Design Method (TDM) as a method of social research. The concept of social exchange appears to have the potential of providing a deeper understanding of human values and perceptions and how' they affect people's behavior ‘toward certain issues in society. Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study was to explore and describe the relationship between exchange forces and human behavior toward adult education programs. Social exchange states that people's decision to act in a particular direction toward an issue is a function of their notion of reward and cost. To conceptualize the constructs of exchange theory, the study sought to investigate the influence of exchange forces on people's behavior toward adult education programs in three related areas: (1) to identify the benefits (rewards) that a person is trying to achieve by participating in an adult education program; (2) to identify the forces that may affect the individual's participation in a learning program, viz., the costs that are incurred in the name of learning; and (3) to identify forces within, and outside, the learning situation that lead a person to drop out of a learning program before completing it. Of critical importance to the study was the identification of those exchange forces that have the greatest influence on people's behavior. Also important was the establishment of a threshold for each exchange force. Importance of the Study A review of related literature indicates that most studies on the motivation of adults to undertake learning programs have been mostly concerned with establishing the characteristics of those who are most likely to participate in adult education programs. Very little research has been done on what motivates adults to participate in education programs. For example, according to Tough (1979), very little is known about the benefits that adults anticipate from a learning effort. It is not enough for adult educationists to know who is most likely to participate or not participate in adult education programs. Before adult education can help an adult learner realize his/her expectations, there must be a general understanding of what adults generally hope to achieve through participation in an education program. According to Moorcraft (1975), the motivation road to a "learning project is a complex one” (Tough, 1979). Adult education must aim at understanding the general nature of this road: the number of bends or corners in the road, the length of the road, and whether it is a smooth or a rough road. Above all, there is a need to understand the forces that determine the length of the road, as well as the number of bends it has. Considerable research has been done on the reasons why adults participate in learning activities. Very little, however, is known about what constitutes "costs" to an adult learner and why adults withdraw from formal learning activities before completion. In order to retain adult learners, we need to know more about what they consider to be the costs of learning, and the forces and circumstances that may force them out of the learning situation. A person drops out of a learning activity because of lack of motivation to continue or because of a stronger motivation to do something else. Theoretically, once a person starts learning something, he/she should continue learning provided the education. progranI and the reasons he/she is undertaking it continue to be a priority to him/her. But the situation is obviously much more complicated than that. There is, therefore, a need to ascertain the forces and circumstances that lead a person to withdraw from the learning situation before completion. Further, with regard to dropouts, research has revealed little more than the demographics of the dropouts and the nonparticipants. According to Edward Jones (1978), adult basic education research: has failed to generate any reliable basis for pre- dicting what type of students are most likely to persist in such programs. It has, in fact, produced only one consistent finding: the apparent fact that most people who discontinue Adult Basic Education participation do so for reasons not primarily associated with the nature of Adult Basic Education activities. On the contrary, as Prins (1972) notes, many Adult Basic Education dropouts offer high praise for Adult Basic Education Programs, teachers, and materials, and express hope for re-enrolling at later times (p. 48). Thus, most studies on dropouts have produced very little information that can be used for the retention of adult learners. Adult education is a complex and diverse field. A complete understanding of exchange forces influencing participation in adult education cannot come out of a few studies, let alone a single study. The complete understanding of motivation in adult learning can only be sought through small, isolated, but closely related, studies--such as this one. By examining individual motives in certain sections of adult education, this study facilitates our understanding of motivation factors in those sections of adult education and, at the same time, contributes to a more complete understanding of motivation in adult education in general. This study will, therefore, add a new perspective to the understanding of ‘people's motivation ‘to participate in adult education programs. Research Questions The study was designed to investigate the influence of exchange forces on people's participation in adult education programs. The study was exploratory in nature, seeking to develop an initial, preliminary understanding of the relationship between exchange forces and people's behavior toward adult education programs. Research Question No. 1» What exchange forces are responsible for people's participation in adult education programs? The study gathered primary basic data on exactly what a person was trying to achieve by participating in an adult education program, and the minimum return that person would accept for each reason for learning. Research Question No. 2: What exchange forces may affect people's participation in adult education programs? The study examined the nature of the costs that the person has to incur by participating in a learning program--time, money, career, etc. It was also the intention of the study to establish how much each learner is prepared to pay regarding a particular cost in relationship to his/her education. Research Question No. 3: ‘What exchange forces lead people to withdraw from a learning program before completion? Data were collected from dropouts of adult education programs to determine what exactly led to their withdrawal. Definition of Terms Adult Basic Education (ABE). The term ”Adult Basic Education” is used to refer to elementary education for adults. It emphasizes the development of communication skills, and often includes English as a Second Language. Adult Education. The ‘term "adult education," both. as a concept and mode of action, refers mainly (but not strictly) to education continued after formal schooling, i.e., education provided for the benefit and adapted to the needs of people not in the regular school, college, or university system. Liveright (1980) defines Adult Education as -”a process through which persons no longer attending school on a regular, full- time basis undertake activities 'with the conscious intention of bringing about changes in information, .knowledge, understanding, skills, appreciation, and attitudes” (Axford, 1980, p. 1). For the purposes of this study, adult education is limited to organized learning taking place in a classroom setting. In other words, independent learning projects are excluded from this study. Adult Learner. An adult learner is considered to be a person who no longer attends school or college on a regular basis, but is enrolled in one or more organized adult learning activities. Qggt shall refer to anything the adult learner incurs in the name and in the process of learning. Cost also means a reward forgone. According to Homans (1961), the cost ”of a given unit of activity is the value of the reward obtainable through a unit of an alternative activity, forgone emitting the given one” (p. 60). Further, Homans (1961) considers as costs: . . . only those forgone rewards that remain available throughout the period in which a particular activity is being emitted, as the reward of escaping from fatigue is open to the pigeon throughout the time it is pecking (p. 59). 10 Dropouts are those students who had originally enrolled in an organized learning activity with the intention of acquiring knowledge and/learning a skill, but who for some reason subsequently withdrew form the learning program before completing it. An Exchange Force is a motive. A Learning Activity is what the learner does, individually or as a member of a group, in the process of learning. Learninngfort is the input, including time and costs, a learner puts into learning something. A Learning Exercise is a learning activity. Learning Process refers to everything that the learner has to go through or accomplish as part of acquiring knowledge or learning a skill. Learning Program shall mean an organized learning activity. Learning Project. Tough (1971) defines a learning project as a highly deliberate effort to gain and retain a defined area of knowledge or a skill, or to change in some other way. This study was limited to those learning projects that took place within a classroom setting and were at least six months long. Learning Situation refers to an organized learning activity. Motivation. For the purposes of this study, ”motivation is that which causes us to act” (Farrant, 1980, p. 60). According to Atkinson and Birch (1978); Klein (1982); and Weiner (1980a), motivation is influenced by habits, expectations, and motives. Gagne (1977) envisages three approaches to motivation: incentive motivation, task motivation, and achievement motivation: ll 1. Incentive (External) Motivation can be defined as the use of incentives and reinforcements to initiate and continue a particular way of behavior. 2. Task (Internal) Motivation is the want to do something out of a sense of need or enjoyment. 3. Achievement Motivation is a persisting trait of striving that makes an individual want to excel in everything he/she does. Motive. A motive is anything that increases the tendency to act toward a goal (Atkinson and Birch, 1978; Klein, 1982; and Weiner, 1980a). McDougall (1932) views motives as instincts. He defines instincts as: . consisting of (1) a tendency toward selective perception of certain stimuli (a hungry person perceives food objects more readily than other objects), (2) a corresponding emotional excitement experienced on perceiving the object (the root of the instinct), and (3) the activation of a tendency to seek a goal (McClelland, 1985, p. 34). According to McDougall (1908), "every instance of instinctive behavior involves a knowing of something or object, a feeling in regard to it, and a striving towards or away from the object" (McClelland, 1985, p. 34). Eganized LearninLActivity. In this study, an organized learning activity will mean an adult education course, seminar or workshop in which the participants are registered or enrolled, and offered at a particular time and place under the auspices of a recognized adult education authority. 12 Primary Motivation Theory. For the purposes of this study, primary motivation theory refers to major motivation theories that are generally viewed as pioneers in the discussion of motivation. Included in this group is Skinner's Psychological Behaviorism, Kurt Lewin's Force Field Analysis, Vroom's Expectancy (Valence- Instrumentality-Expectancy) Theory, and Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs. Reward. Homans (1961) defines reward as a unit of activity or something that a person receives from another or from society for emitting a unit of activity. A reward can take many forms: it can be in the form of a praise, approval, etc. Nigro and Nigro (1981) talk of extrinsic and intrinsic rewards in the work situation: Extrinsic rewards, unrelated to the job, are exchanged for work accomplished (pay, benefits, etc.); whereas intrinsic rewards are related directly to the job (satisfaction from tasks accomplishment, psychological enjoyment of the work itself, etc.). The former are most likely to appeal to the concern for' job performance (meeting, minimum requirements), whereas the latter are needed to motivate employees to achieve that something extra in their work (Mueller, 1983, p. 266). Similarly, in the learning situation, extrinsic rewards are unrelated to the learning task, whereas intrinsic rewards are derived directly from the learning task. Secondary Motivation Theory. This refers to those theories that have reformulated the primary motivation theories to explain motivation in a particular field, in this case, in adult education. Vocational Education is the segment of education charged with the task of preparing people for work (American Vocational Association). 13 Limitations of the Study The manner in which the subjects for a study are selected largely determines how extensively the findings of that study can be generalized. In this study, subjects were selected cut a volunteer basis. According to Isaac and Michael (1971), the problem with a sample consisting of volunteers "is the likelihood that volunteers differ from non-volunteers, compromising the interpretation and generalizability of the results" (p. 147). Rosenthal and Rosnow (1975) provide the following volunteer characteristics: 1. Volunteers tend to be better educated than non- volunteers 2. Volunteers tend to have higher social-class status than non-volunteers 3. Volunteers tend to be more intelligent than non- volunteers when volunteering is for research in general but not when volunteering is for somewhat less typical types of research such as hypnosis 4. Volunteers tend to be higher in need for social approval than non-volunteers 5. Volunteers tend to be more sociable than non- volunteers However, the primary objective of this research was not to generalize the findings, but to explore the relationship between motivation. in adult education, and exchange, and thus be able to provide a foundation upon which more complex research relating to participation as a form of exchange in adult education could be 14 based. Random sampling was, therefore, not considered necessary because the purpose of the study was to generate, rather than to test, hypotheses. Glaser and Strauss (1970) state that it is not necessary to use random sampling to explore relationships between variables. The exploratory nature of the study binds the findings to the 36 current learners and 20 dropouts that were interviewed for this study. Nevertheless, the findings do provide insight into what influences people's behavior toward adult education programs. Overview of the Study Subsequent chapters of this study are organized in the following manner: Chapter II consists of a review of related literature. The research methods are presented in Chapter III. Chapter IV includes a presentation of the study. -Conclusions drawn from the findings, implications, and suggestions for further research are presented in Chapter V. Chapter VI is a summary of the study. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE The review of literature provides an overview of exchange theory and examines its relationship to motivation theory. It also examines adult education theory in the context of exchange theory. The review of literature contains five sections. The first section deals with the Historical Background and Meaning of Exchangg Theory. The second section examines Education Philosophy and the Concept of Exchangg. The third section, Contemporary Exchange Theory examines the broader concept of exchange as it is discussed by contemporary exchange theorists, and examines its implications to motivation in adult education. The fourth section entitled, Motivation Theory, examines Primary and Secondary motivation theories and their relationship to exchange theory. The fifth and final section examines Recent Education Studies that Appear to Use an Exchange Format. Historical Background and Meaning of Exchange Theory The assumptions that underlie exchange theory can be traced back to the philosophy of hedonism, which asserts that the ultimate motive of every human act is the maximization of pleasure and/or the minimization of pain (Locke, 1975). In the period between 1750 and 15 16 1850 a group of economists, among whom were Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, Jeremy Bentham, and David Ricardo, used the philosophy of hedonism to develop an economic theory that became known as utilitarianism. Utilitarianism argues that man is primarily motivated by economic incentives and will do that which gets him the greatest economic gain. The individual weighs costs of each action against the expected material benefits from that action and chooses that course of action which he expects will lead to the greatest degree of economic gain at the least possible cost. Similarly, exchange theory assumes that people engage in any activity because of the benefits they expect to get from that activity, that all activities they perform involve costs, and that people aim at maintaining these costs below the rewards they expect to receive (Ekeh, 1974). The original concept of exchange, as discussed by IFrazer (1919), in his analysis of cross-cousin marriages among the Australian Aborigines, is mainly concerned with explaining how economic forces can determine human action. Frazer's analysis of exchange theory, in terms of economic gain and loss, is a reflection of economic thinking that prevailed at that time. Economic thinking at this time was dominated by Classical Management or Rational- Economic Man theory, sometimes referred to as the Scientific Management or Engineering approach to Management, the tenants of which have been attributed to Frederick Taylor (1911). Classical Management theory is based on the economic man who is motivated and controlled by fear of starvation and desire for material gain. The 17 economic man calculates the actions that will maximize his/her self- interest and behaves accordingly. The concept of exchange in terms of economic gain and loss is evident in later economic and management theories. For example, it can be detected in McGregor's Theory X and Theory Y concept. Theory X is a continuation of the Rational Economic Man theory. It assumes that the average human being has an inherent dislike of work, and will avoid it if he can (McGregor, 1960). Theory X also maintains that man wishes to avoid responsibility, lacks ambition, and wants security above all. Theory Y is the opposite of Theory X. It assumes that man does not inherently dislike work because work is a part of human nature. Applied to education, the Rational-Economic Man concept says that because students characteristically dislike work, they must be motivated to learn by either a ”hard line” approach or a ”soft line” approach (McGregor, 1960). The hard line approach says students must be coerced by controls, directions, and threats of punishment in order to get them to put forward an adequate effort toward the achievement of the desired learning objectives. The soft line states that students must be coaxed with rewards, praises, permissiveness, and blandishments in order to get them to work toward the fulfillment of the learning objectives (Davies, 1973). Also implied in the Rational-Economic Man theory is that education is a kind of "preparation" for a secure and financially rewarding career in the future. And, as soon as one is secure in this financially 18 rewarding career, further learning must cease because it will be serving no purpose then. Further, the Rational-Economic Man view implies the need for specialization in education. Because of the need for security, the Rational-Economic Man would specialize in a particular field to such an extent as to totally exclude all other fields. Malinowski (1922) studied the Trobriand Islanders--a group of South Seas cultures--and concluded that exchange was more than just economic gain and loss. To him, exchange meant both economic and symbolic exchanges. Symbolic exchanges were in the form of armlets and necklaces, and they served to consolidate social relationships among people. Unlike Frazer, who viewed exchange as serving the personal purposes of the individuals involved in the exchange relationship, Malinowski viewed exchanges in the Kula Ring, his unit of analysis, as serving the psychological needs of the individuals involved, as well as societal needs for social integration and stability. Mauss (1952) reinterpreted Malinowski's analysis of the Kula Ring and placed even more emphasis on social needs. To Mauss, individual exchange relationships are mere representatives of what goes on in society at large. Exchange transactions among individuals are viewed as giving rise and reinforcing the normative structure of society. The social view of exchange was later echoed by Levi-Strauss (1949). To Levi-Strauss, it is the exchange that counts--not the things that are exchanged. Exchange must be viewed for its function in integrating the larger social structure and not for what it does 19 for the individuals involved in particular exchange relationships. Exchange behavior is regulated by norms and values that exist in society. Exchange relationships are, therefore, a reflection of patterns of social organization that exist in society as a whole. The social view of exchange is evident in the Human Relations approach or Social Man view of management, the prominent exponents of which are Elton Mayo (1945) and Douglas McGregor (1960). Mayo (1945) analyzed the Hawthorne Studies, the later part of which he helped plan, and concluded that man is basically motivated by social needs and obtains his basic sense of identity ‘through social relationships. For him, the evidence of the Hawthorne Studies and the subsequent data obtained in interviews with workers was convincing proof that man's need to be accepted and liked by one's fellow men is as important in motivation as the economic incentives offered by Scientific Management. Rational-Economic Man theory and Scientific Management viewed human behavior from what Mayo termed the "rabble hypothesis,” the supposition that each individual pursues self-interest to the total exclusion of all other motivation. He countered the "rabble hypothesis” by pointing to the existence of the "informal organization” demonstrated in the Bank Wiring Room. Mayo argued that the existence of the ”informal organization" in the Bank Wiring room was made possible by the spontaneous cooperation that develops among individuals when they are brought together. The social view of exchange is also reflected in McGregor's Theory Y concept, which basically means the integration of individual 20 and societal needs. Theory Y assumes that man inherently likes work. To the average human being, work may actually be a source of satisfaction, and the expenditure of physical and mental effort is as natural as play or rest. The social view of exchange holds several important implications for learning. First, it implies that learning is natural. Consequently, external control and the threat of punishment are not the only means of bringing about effort toward learning objectives. Second, it implies that students will exercise self- direction and self-control in the service of objectives to which they are personally committed. Finally, the social view of exchange implies that motivation and commitment to learning objectives is a function of the rewards associated with their achievement (Davies, 1960). Education Philosophy and the Concept of Exchangg Van Cleve Morris (1966), a strong proponent of existentialism in education, embraces the rational-economic man view of exchange theory when he says school should be optional, i.e., there should be no compulsory attendance in schools. A person must attend school and/or learn a particular skill oLly if it is instrumental and suitable to his chosen lifestyle. In other words, a person chooses the lifestyle he wants to lead and then engages in the kind of education that is going to make his choice a reality. If a person realizes that he/she can achieve his/her chosen lifestyle without 21 engaging in a learning activity, he/she need not attend school or study any particular subject. The basis of Morris's view is what he calls the ”epistemology of appropriation." A person must take a position in relation to all options and everything to which he/she is exposed. As soon as each student reaches the "existential moment,” he/she must choose a lifestyle from all the options available, and then try to align everything else to suit this lifestyle. John Dewey (1938) views education as ”preparation” for the "good life.” His view of the ”good life" is, however, different from the one implied by the Rational—Economic Man theory. ”Good life” to Dewey means ”intelligent living.” While the rational-economic man would view education as ”preparation" for a successful and financially secure life, Dewey views ”preparation" as the basis for the promotion of further learning and ”intelligent living." The rational-economic man would make ”preparation” the controlling end and, thus, sacrifice the potentialities of the present educational experience to a "suppositious future.” To Dewey, preparation for the future occurs when we extract at each present time the full meaning of each present educational experience. Dewey views the type of specialization implied in the Rational-Economic Man theory as noneducative and not contributing to intelligent living--his view of the good life. According to Dewey, this type of specialization forms an obstacle to further growth and intelligent living because it leads a person into a "rut” or "groove" 22 and shuts him off from ”stimuli" that could promote further intelligent living. Behind Dewey's view of the ”good life” in the form of ”intelligent living” is the concept of ”rationality.” The concept of "rationality" is a relative term. In terms of what objectives, and on whose values shall rationality be judged? Is the behavior of an individual in society rational when it serves his personal desires or when it is reflective of what is generally acceptable in society? Dewey is very clear on this issue. The value of a person's behavior shall be judged by whether or not it is in accordance with scientific findings on the issue, i.e., whether it is in line with what is generally acceptable as right in society. Thus, Dewey's view of education strongly supports the social view of exchange. To Dewey, education must be based on those issues which have been identified through scientific methods toI be the most fundamental issues in society. Basing education on fundamental issues, such as political, social, and spiritual affairs, makes possible any attempt to tackle other issues, whiLe a serious deficiency on fundamental issues can prevent or undo all other problem solving. An education that is deficient on fundamental issues will produce future citizens who are unable to cope with the demands of society. Contemporary Exchange Theory According to Turner (1974), classical exchange theorists were mainly concerned with simple person-to-person exchange relationships taking place in relatively small settings. Contemporary exchange 23 theorists have expanded the conceptual framework of the theory to take into consideration some of the complexities inherent in less direct processes taking place in modern society (Turner, 1974). To contemporary theorists, exchange involves goal-oriented behavior involving the selection of alternatives in the pursuit of expected rewards. Prominent among contemporary exchange theorists are Homans (1961; 1974), Blau (1964), and Thibaut and Kelly (1959). Homans (1951, 1961, and 1974) Homans' original work on exchange was undertaken from an inductive point of view. He analyzed the Hawthorne studies and other field studies undertaken, by ‘psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists, and noted that human behavior is mostly determined by the operation of three social variables on each other: interaction, sentiment, and activity. In his book, The Human Group (1951), Homans used the concepts of interaction (social communication), sentiment (attitudes), and shared activities (tasks, roles) to explain each of the social situations described in the Hawthorne and other field studies. Homans later abandoned this approach in favor of a deductive one. Building on the psychological principles of stimulus and response, Homans (1961) extended the explanation of human behavior beyond the interdependency of the concepts of interaction, sentiment, and activity in order to accommodate other variables and conditions that place the theory much closer to social psychology. ”We believe 24 that the propositions of behavioral psychology are the general explanatory propositions of all the social sciences" (1974, p. 67). He broadened the concept of "activity" and used it to define the key concepts of exchange: Rewards: Anything a person receives, or any activity directed toward him, that is perceived by the person as valuable. Value: The degree of reinforcement or capacity to meet needs of an activity for an individual, whether his own activity or activity directed toward him. Sentiment: Activities :hi which individuals communicate their internal dispositions, such as liking-dislike or approval- disapproval, of each other. Interaction: Behaviors in which people direct their activities in order to derive rewards, and avoid punishments, from each other. Norms: Verbal statements--a type of activity in which people communicate the kinds of activities that should, or should not, occur, in a situation. Quantity: The number of units of an activity (whether rewarding or punishing) emitted and/or received over a particular period of time (Turner, 1974, p. 235). Homans does not completely abandon the economic principles of classical exchange theory. The remaining concepts of his theory retain the hedonistic-utilitarian economic man assumptions on which the original concept of exchange is based: Cost: an activity that is punishing, or an alternative reward that is foregone in order to get another reward. Investments: a person's relevant past activities (such as skill, education, and expertise) and social characteristics (such as sex, age, and race) which are brought to a situation and evaluated by both the person and those with 'whom he is interacting. Profits: Rewards, minus the costs and investments, for engaging in a certain activity. 25 Distributive justice: Activities involving the calculation of whether cost and investments have led tn) a fair profit by individuals in an exchange (Turner, pp. 235-236). According to Homans, a person expects profit from his/her activities. He defines profit as reward minus cost. If profit is not realized from a particular activity, a person will stop performing that activity: ”the less was a man's profit from a particular action, the most likely he was to change and perform an alternative one . . . as his profit approaches zero, a man does not become more apt to do nothing but rather to switch to another kind of action” (1974, p. 122). However, Homans rejects the hedonistic—utilitarian economic man notion of maximizing utilities and argues that it cannot be applied to social exchange for two reasons. First, it would not be possible to measure value precisely enough to establish whether utilities are maximized in these terms. Second, to say that two persons in an exchange maximize their rewards, would mean the relationship would have to be terminated at an exact point. He felt that for the economic concept to be useful in the explanation of human behavior, it must be altered in four ways: 1. People do not always attempt to maximize profits; they seek only to make some profit in exchange relationships. 2. Human beings do not usually make either long-run or rational calculations in exchanges. 3. The things exchanged involve more than money, but other commodities, including approval, esteem, compliance, love, affection, and other less materialistic goods. 26 4. The marketplace is not a separate domain in human exchanges, for all interaction situations involve individuals exchanging rewards (and. punishments) and seeking to derive profits (Turner, 1974, pp. 234-235). The key to understanding Homans' discussion of exchange lies in understanding ”behaviorism.” ”Behaviorism" states that "any behavior can be shaped by environmental reinforcements” (Hollander, 1981, p. 177). For Homans, "behaviorism" provided the means for the "explanation" of all human behavior. The focus of Homans' discussion of exchange is the effects of reinforcement by social rewards on individual behavior. The essentials of Homans' argument are contained in several "propositions": 1. The ”Success Proposition": For all actions taken by persons, the more often a particular action of a person is rewarded, the more likely the person is to perform that action (1974, p. 16). 2. The "Stimulus Proposition": If in the past the occurrence of a particular stimulus, or set of stimuli, has been the occasion on which a person's action has been rewarded, then the more similar the present stimuli are to the past ones, the more likely the person is to perform the action, or some similar action, now (1974, pp. 22-23). 3. The "Value Proposition": The more valuable to a person is the result of his action, the more likely he is to perform the action (1974, p. 25). 4. The ”Deprivation-Satiation Proposition": The more often in the recent past a person has received a particular reward, the less valuable any further unit of that reward becomes for him (1974, p. 29). 27 5. The "Aggression-Approval Propositions": When a person's action does not receive the reward he expected, or receives punishment he did not expect, he will be angry; he becomes more likely to perform aggressive behavior, and the results of such behavior become more valuable to him. When a person's action receives the reward he expected, especially a greater reward than he expected, or does not receive punishment he expected, he will be pleased; he becomes more likely to perform approving behavior, and the results of such behavior become more valuable to him (1974, pp. 37-39). Propositions 1-4 state the general conditions for learning, echoing the tradition of Thorndike (1911), Tolman (1925), Skinner (1938) and Hull (1943). They are nothing more than statements of relationships between frequency of reward and frequency of behavior—- the more frequent the reward for an activity, the more frequent the emission of that activity (Proposition 1); between a person's past history and the effectiveness of a particular reinforcer in influencing his behavior,--the more a situation approximates one in which activity has been rewarded in the past, the more likely a particular activity will be emitted (Proposition 2); between value of a reward and frequency of behavior,--the more valuable the results of an activity, the more frequent the performance of that activity (Propositions 3); between frequency of a reward and satiation,--the more frequent a reward, the less value it will have (Proposition 4). Proposition 5 introduces the concept of distributive justice which qualifies Propositions 1-4. Distributive justice is "an expected ratio of investments and costs to rewards; when this expectation is not realized, humans . . . get angry” (Turner, 1974, p. 237). 28 Homans considers these propositions basic to the explanation of elementary aspects of social behavior. He presents what has been labelled the "reductionist" approach, arguing that any level of "institutional analysis" is reducible to his elementary propositions. The essence of Homans' argument is that societal structures ”are nothing more than the composition effects of the sum of individuals pursuing self-interest-—and that the directions and formations resultant from this fact are ”explainable" (cautiously halting with any suggestion of ”predictable") by referring to psychological properties ”basic to man” (Mitchell, 1978, p. 25). Homans writes: We assume now . . . that though much emerges in social behavior, (and) is emerging all the time, which goes beyond anything we can observe in the behavior of isolated individuals, yet nothing emerges that cannot be explained by propositions about the individuals as individuals, together with a given condition that they happen to be interacting. The characteristics of social groups and societies are the resultants, no doubt the complicated resultants, but still the resultants, of the interaction between individuals over time--and they are no more than that (1974, p. 12). Homans' propositions can be best understood if they are examined together. Hollander (1981): ”They each limit, modify, or increase behavior, not in isolation but in combination. with one another” (p. 39). For example, propositions l and 3 state the relationship between frequency of reward and frequency of behavior, while proposition 4 indicates the condition under which propositions 1-3 "fall into temporary abeyance" (Turner, 1974, p. 236). In order to demonstrate the empirical application of the five basic propositions, Homans presented a number of ”corollaries.” A corollary of propositions 1 and 3 is the concept of reciprocity, which 29 expresses the mutual returns which are expected in interpersonal relationships, generally in a positive sense (Gouldner, 1960). In proposition 1, reciprocity is expressed in equivalent frequencies of reward and behavior, and in proposition 3, value is exchanged for frequency. A further corollary of proposition 3 states the reciprocity of value to value and value to frequency--"The more valuable to a person is the activity of another, the more valuable is the approval he gives in return and the more often he directs activity towards the other” (Chadwick-Jones, 1976, p. 166). Other corollaries of Homans' propositions extend exchange beyond two people: . . . as usual we begin with a prOposition stated in terms of the relation between only two men. We shall next . . . show that the proposition implies about a larger number of persons. . . . On the assumption that a group consists of a number of pairs . . . (1961, p. 188). Two of these deserve to be mentioned here. One states that "the larger the number of members that conform to a group norm, the larger is the number that express social approval for the members” (1961, p. 119). Homans identifies three rewards of conformity to group norms: 1. ”The result that the norm itself, if obeyed, will bring,” such as mutual assistance or protection 2. The value that other people attach to conformity behavior 3. The approval received from others as a result of conformity to group norms (1961, p. 116). To substantiate this corollarly, Homans cites two studies. The first study by Festinger, Schachter, and Back (1950), involving three 30 groups of female subjects, showed that the more friendship choices there are within a social group, the more is the conformity to the majority opinion. The other study by Seashore (1954), involving 5871 workers in a heavy machinery factory, established the existence of correlation between group productivity and employees' attraction to their work group. The other corollary extends the liking-interaction proposition to the degree of esteem, defined by Homans as "approval or respect" (1974, p. 108). ". . . the larger the amount of social approval received by a single member from other members (that is, the higher his esteem), the more frequent the interaction he receives from other members (1961, p. 188). A study carried out by Homans (1954) illustrates this corrollary. In this study, a frequency count was made by checking the social contacts in a group of clerks every fifteen minutes of their working day. The clerks were also asked the following question" ”Who are your close friends in here?” The study revealed a positive correlation between the freqeuncy of interaction and the rank order of friendship choices obtained from the interview. Other derivations from Homans' five basic propositions include an eleven point "deductive system." Two of the points are particularly pertinent to this study: 1. Men are more likely to perform an activity, the more valuable they perceive the reward of that activity to be. 2. Men are more likely to perform an activity, the more successful they perceive the activity to be in getting that reward (1971, p. 23). 31 These two points constitute what Homans calls the ”rationality proposition,” which "sums up the first three of our propositions, those concerned with success, stimuli, and value” (1974, p. 43). Homans' five elementary propositions and their numerous corollaries contain three variables, viz., frequency, value, and justice. .According to Chadwick-Jones (1976), frequency is easy to measure because it is only a matter of counting incidents of exchange behavior. Chadwick-Jones is unable to say the same about the degree of value because as the ”deprivation-satiation” proposition says, value may fluctuate with time. Also, as Homans, himself, acknowledges, two persons may make different evaluation of the same reward. This, according to Chadwick-Jones (1976), is similar to the utility function mentioned in game theory, which acknowledges ”a gap between the objective material payoff and its subjective utility to the person” (p. 175). Finally, certain values, like altruism, and self-respect cannot be easily subjected to measurement (Asch, 1959). Homans identifies two kinds of value: 1. the value of an activity in a scale of comparison with other activities 2. the value of an activity over a period of time, fluctuating with deprivation or satiation Justice, the third variable from Homans' discussion of exchange, refers to ”fair exchange'--mutual returns that are expected in interpersonal returns. It is often equated to "equity" and ”reciprocity." However, according to Chadwick-Jones (1976), 32 justice involves more than the reciprocal return of outcomes. It involves the evaluation of investments and rewards by a variety of criteria and it involves assessing one's own returns against those of another without necessarily implying an exchange with that particular person" (p. 243). To the parties of an exchange, the failure of ”the rule of justice" is a form of punishment, and ipso facto, "its avoidance is accordingly a reward" (1974, p. 77). People are thus more likely to engage in activities that are rewarded by the attainment of justice and less likely to engage in those that involve unjust exchanges. In this sense, ”justice becomes a value itself exchanged and efforts will be made by participants in a social exchange to maintain a standard of distributive justice" (Chadwick-Jones, 1976, p. 162). The problem of measuring value has already been mentioned. Homans acknowledges this difficulty when he says: Unfortunately, the fact that people accept the same general rule of distributive justice need not mean that they will always agree on ‘what is a fair distribution of reward between them. Even if they concede that reward should be proportional to investment and contribution, they may still differ in their views of what legitimately constitutes investment, contribution, and reward, and how persons and groups are to be ranked on these dimensions (1974, p. 250). The difficulty in measuring certain variables of exchange limits the number of variables that can be empirically studied. This, in turn, limits Homans' explanation of exchange behavior to those situations ”that can be expressed clearly by rank order or frequencies” (Chadwick-Jones, 1976, p. 176). For the rule of ”distributive justice" to hold the same meaning to all parties of a relationship, it must be assessed by all concerned on the same scale. 33 Homans realizes this problem» and states that rewards and Icosts should not be measured on a ”cardinal scale," only on an ”ordinal ranking scale,” aimed at establishing ”more or less” comparisons. Peter Blau (1964) In his book, Exchange and Power in Social Life, (1964), Blau intended to present what he calls a ”prolegomenon of a theory of social structure” (p. xi), i.e., a conceptualization of some of the simple and direct exchange processes occurring in relatively small interaction networks, with a view to expanding the conceptual edifice to include some of the complexities inherent in less direct exchange processes in larger social systems (Turner, 1974). Like Homans, Blau based his discussion of social relationships on the principles of social psychology. He views exchange as a social process embedded in ”primitive psychological processes” (p. 4), from which many complex phenomenon can be derived. The basic social processes that govern associations among men have their roots in primitive psychological processes, such as those underlying the feelings of attraction between individuals and their desires for various kinds of rewards. These psychological tendencies are primitive only in respect to our subject matter, that is, they are taken as given without further inquiry into the motivating forces that produce them, for our concern is with the social forces that emanate from them (p. 19). However, Blau objects to Homans' assertion that all forms of human behavior are explainable by the psychological process of reinforcements. ”To be sure, each individual's behavior is reinforced by the rewards it brings, but the psychological process of 34 reinforcement does not suffice to explain the exchange relation that develops" (p- 4)- Thus, while Blau, like Homans, recognizes "a psychological base for human social behavior," he rejects Homans' claim that the psychological process is ”extendable to an explanation of more complex societal phenomena” (Mitchell, 1978, p. 59). For Blau, exchange occurs in those behaviors that are oriented towards specified goals or rewards, and that involve individuals selecting from various potential alternatives, or costs, a particular line of action which will yield an expected reward. The only assumption made is that human beings choose between alternative potential associates or courses of action by evaluating the experiences or expected experiences with each in terms of a preference ranking and then selecting the best alternative (p. 18). However, like Homans, Blau rejects the hedonistic-utilitarian economic man notion of maximizing utilities: The statement that men select the most preferred among available alternatives does not imply that they always choose the one that yields them the greatest. material profit. They may, and often do, choose the alternative that requires them to make material sacrifices but contributes the most to the attainment of some lofty deal, for this may be their objective (p. 19). Blau's discussion of exchange is guided by the following assumptions: Assumption 1: The more profit a person expects from another in emitting a particular activity, the more likely he is to emit that activity. 35 Essentially, this assumption says the frequency and the value of reward from an activity increase the likelihood of that activity's being emitted. Assumption 2: The more a person has exchanged rewards with another, the more likely are reciprocal obligations to emerge and guide subsequent exchanges among those persons. Drawing from Gouldner's "norm of reciprocity,” Blau states that reciprocity does two things: (1) it serves as a "starting mechanism of social interaction” (p. 92); (2) it serves to regulate subsequent social exchanges. Assumption 3: The more the reciprocal obligations of an exchange relationship are violated, the more are deprived parties disposed to sanction negatively those violating the norm of reciprocity. This assumption is a corollary of Assumption 2. Naturally, when a person's expectations are not fulfilled, ”he becomes more likely to perform aggressive behavior” (Homans, 1974, p. 37). Assumption 4: The more expected rewards have been forthcoming from the emission of a particular activity, the less valuable the activity, and the less likely its emission. Utilizing the economic law of marginal utility, Blau stipulates that ”the more a person has received a reward, the more satiated he is with that reward, and the less valuable further increments of the reward" (Turner, 1974, p. 268). At this stage a 36 person will seek an alternative line of action offering new and different kinds of rewards. Assumption 5: The more exchange relations have been established, the more likely they are to be governed by norms of ”fair exchange.” Unlike Homans, who implies that the principle of "distributive justice" can operate independently of group norms, Blau says "the system of values and norms that prevails in society, is what gives people's notion of justice its specific content and meaning” (p. 68). Assumption 6: The less norms of fairness are realized in an exchange, the more are deprived parties disposed to sanction negatively those violating the norms. This assumption is a modification of Homans' assertion that anger results when justice/fair exchange is not realized. Assumption 7: The more established and balanced some exchange relations among social units, the more likely other exchange relations are to become imbalanced and unstable. Most people engage in more than one exchange relationship, and the balance and stabilization of one exchange relationship, in accordance with Assumptions 1, 2, and 4, "is likely to create imbalance and strain in other necessary exchange relations” (Turner, p. 269). Turner writes: For Blau, social life is thus filled with "dilemmas" in which men must successively trade off stability and balance in one exchange relation for strain in. others as they attempt to cope with the variety of relations they must maintain (p. 269). 37 Blau views social exchange as a process of ”decision making” in management. And, just like the decision maker in management, the individual in exchange: is subject. to the following environmental limitations (adapted from Buford, 1979) 1. He can devote only a limited amount of time to the process of selecting from the various potential alternatives. 2. He can mentally weigh and consider only a limited amount of information at any one time. 3. The amount of information initially available to every individual about each potential alternative is only a small fraction of all the information potentially available on the issue. 4. Important aspects of potential alternatives involve information that cannot be procured at all, especially information concerning future events (Blau, 1964); hence, the individual's actual selection must be made in the face of some ineradicable uncertainty. 5. The activities of the average individual requires him/her to pursue more goals than they can consider simultaneously (Blau, 1964); hence, the individual must normally focus his attention on only part of his/her major concerns while the rest remain latent. Focus on one exchange relationship is likely to create a strain in other necessary exchange relationships (pp. 23-25). In his explanation of social behavior, Blau employs the basic concepts of exchange, viz., reward, cost, profit, etc. But, unlike Homans, he ”limits their application to relationships with others from whom rewards are expected and received” (Turner, 1974, p. 266): ”Social exchange as here conceived is limited to actions that are contingent on rewarding reactions from others and that cease when these expected reactions are not forthcoming (Blau, 1964, p. 6). 38 Blau distinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic rewards. Intrinsic rewards refer to value that is inherent in a relationship itself: Friends find pleasure in associating with one another, and the enjoyment of whatever they do together--climbing a mountain, watching a football game--is enhanced by the gratification that inheres in the association itself. The mutual affection between lovers or family members has that same result. It is not what lovers do together but their doing it together that is the distinctive source of their special satisfaction--not seeing a play but sharing the experience of seeing it (p. 15). Extrinsic rewards are those benefits that result from the activities of the relationship rather than the relationship itself (e.g., "social approval of those whose opinions we value" [p. 17]). Blau discusses four classes of extrinsic rewards, viz., money, social approval, esteem or respect, and compliance. To Blau, money or financial return is inappropriate and the least valuable reward for most exchange situations. Unlike Homans, who equates ”social approval" to "liking," Blau views "social approval" as support from others in the form of agreement with one's ideas. According to Blau: ”Men are anxious to receive social approval for their decisions and actions, for their opinions and suggestions. The approving agreement of others helps to confirm their judgments, to justify their conduct, and to validate their beliefs” (p. 62). While this type of social approval is appropriate to exchange relations, its value ”depends on its being genuine” (p. 17). Respect and esteem are just another form of social approval. They often accrue to those that have the "power” to provide valued 39 services in society. According to Mitchell (1978), Blau's explanation of the origin and consequences of power constitute his primary contribution to social exchange theory (p. 63). Blau defines power as the capacity to obtain compliance from others through the supply of valuable rewards. ”A person who commands services others need, and who is independent of any at their command, attains power over others by making the satisfaction of their need contingent on their compliance" (p. 22). Blau illustrates this assertion by referring to the relationship of lovers and the relationship of employer and worker. With regard to the former relationship, Blau writes: "The girl with whom a boy is in love has power over him, since his eagerness to spend much time with her prompts him to make their time together especially pleasant for her by acceding to her wishes” (p. 22). In the relationship between employer and worker, "the employer can make workers comply with his directives because they are dependent on his wages” (p. 22). However, Blau says: The superior's power wanes if subordinates can resort to coercion, have equally good alternatives, or are able to do without the benefits at his disposal. But given the limiting conditions, unilateral services that meet basic needs are the penultimate source of power. Its ultimate source, of course, is physical coercion. While the power that rests on coercion is more absolute, however, it is also more limited in scope than the power that derives from met needs (p. 22). Thus while Blau acknowledges the existence and importance of coercive power and the threat of physical punishment in certain relationships, he places more emphasis on the power derived from the capacity to 40 supply services needed by others: ”Providing needed benefits others cannot easily do without is undoubtedly the most prevalent way of attaining power . . . (p. 118). And Blau continues: ”the greater the difference between the benefits an individual supplies to others and those they can obtain elsewhere, the greater is his power over them likely to be" (p. 120). From Blau's discussion of power, Turner (1974) formulated four general propositions of power: 1. The more services people can supply in return for the receipt of particularly valued services, the less those providing these particularly valued services can extract compliance. 2. The more alternative sources of rewards people have, the less those providing valuable services can extract compliance. 3. The more those receiving valuable services from particular individuals can employ physical force and coercion, the less those providing the services can extract compliance. 4. The more those receiving the valuable services can do without them, the less those providing the services can extract compliance (p. 272). Thus, Blau's discussion of power contains various levels of dependency. He incorporates Thibaut and Kelley's concept of comparison level for alternatives (discussed in the next sub- section). The rewards that people acquire from exchange relationships are not without costs: The rewards individuals obtain in social associations tend to entail a cost to other individuals. This does not mean that most social associations involve zero—sum games in 41 which the gains of some rest on the losses of others. Quite the contrary, individuals associate with one another because they all profit from their association. But they do not necessarily profit equally, nor do they share the cost of providing the benefits equally . . . (p. 15). Blau identifies three types of costs that are incurred in social exchanges, viz., investment costs, direct costs, and opportunity costs. The first involves the investment of skills--what a person brings into a relationship in order to make himself acceptable to the other. A direct cost occurs when a person accords another superior status through subordination and the expression of respect for another, as well as by complying with another person's wishes. An opportunity cost entails the costs of giving up alternative possible actions for reward. Blau's meaning of an opportunity cost is similar to that of Homans' definition of cost as a reward foregone. However, according to Blau, there are social rewards that involve no cost at all—-mutual love--for example. A lover's cost in alternatives foregone are repaid by the pleasures of being 'with his/her partner which he/she obtains while he/she is rewarding the partner. Blau also argues that the costs of exchange can be reduced, and the rewards increased, if the latter were supplied in a manner which simultaneously obligates many others and thus multiply the benefits produced. For people to continue with an exchange, they must continue to realize some profit in the relationship: 42 The continuing attraction of the individuals to social relations depends not simply on the rewards they derive but also on the costs they incur and, specifically, on the ratio between the two, which determines how profitable the social relations are for them (p. 146). As described. by .Homans, exchange stabilizes at the point where costs balance rewards. At this point, according to Blau, ”the declining marginal utility of additional benefits is no longer worth the cost of obtaining them" (p. 90), and a person will seek an alternative relationship offering new rewards. Finally, like Homans, Blau accepts the view that ”there is a strain toward reciprocity in social associations” (p. 314). However, he extends the discussion further than Homans by drawing attention to the other implications of reciprocity' on exchange: ”the strain toward imbalance . . . in social associations" (p. 26): Reciprocity on one level creates imbalances on others, giving rise to recurrent pressures for re-equilibration and social exchange. In complex social structures with many interdependent, and often interpenetrating, substructures, particularly, every movement toward equilibrium precipitates disturbances and disequilibria and thus new dynamic processes. The perennial adjustments and counter- adjustments find expression in a dialectical pattern of social exchange (p. 314). Thibaut and Kelley (1959) Thibaut and Kelley (1959) identify three broad types of exchange relationships, viz., (1) a trading relationship; (2) a relationship of dominance of one person by another (fate control); (3) a relationship of compliance, persuasion, or influence over the other person (behavior control). 43 A trading agreement can be defined as an implicit or explicit reciprocal agreement between two or more people. For example, two or more people may agree to share the costs and rewards of a joint enterprise. A trading relationship maintains itself for as long as both or all the parties concerned receive satisfaction from it. Such a relationship breaks down when neither of the individuals involved is satisfied, or when the exchange is perceived as uneven by one of the participants. A relationship of dominance (fate control) of one person by another occurs when one person has power over another and is in a position to allocate rewards to himself, irrespective of the choice of action by the other. Fate control can be implemented either through formal authority in an organization or through coercion in interpersonal behavior. It is on this point that Thibaut and Kelley differ from Homans' and Blau's views of social exchange. Homans and Blau limit their discussion of social exchange situations to interpersonal behavior in voluntary relationships, whereas Thibaut and Kelley extend social exchange to include ”coercive power such as may be found in prisons, the armed forces, or even in industrial organizations" (Chadwick-Jones, 1976, p. 36). According to Chadwick-Jones (1976), there is a limit to fate control in that if the weaker person's costs increase to a point where alternative relationships are more attractive and, if escape is possible, he may leave the relationship altogether. Thibaut and Kelley seem to acknowledge the limitations of coercive power when they say fate control may be converted to behavior control. 44 Converted fate control or behavior control occurs when "by varying his behavior, A can make it desirable for B to vary his behavior too" (p. 103). In behavior control, "B's” outcomes vary not as a function either of A's behavioral choices (fate control) or of his own, but as a function of the interaction between them (PP- 103- 4). Behavior control can take place in a situation whereby each party pursues his/her personal objectives and the other's activity is of no consequence to Ififih For this reason, Chadwick—Jones (1976) states that "in behavior control, there may be no exchange, strictly speaking" (p. 40). To Thibaut and Kelley, the probability of exchange behavior is a function of individual and situational factors and also of the amount of previous reinforcement. They argue that the outcomes of social associations are determined by the ratio of rewards and costs for each person. They represent this scenario in the form of an elaborate payoff matrix system. They use the payoff matrix mostly to illustrate reinforcement principles in social behavior. We assume that the probability of any one of A's behaviors being elicited is a function of two factors: (1) the strength of instigation to it (either from external or internal stimuli) and (2) previously experienced reinforcement resulting from it. The probability of occurrence reflects both of these factors whereas the objective reward--cost matrix reflects only the reinforcement consequent on the act (p. 26). (See Figures 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3, next page). The figures contained in the cells of the matrix represent the maximum rewards and minimum costs which "set the limits within which the actual interaction must occur" (p. 19). 45 A's repertoire a! a 2 b E l l ‘ 5 b 2 1 4 Figure 2.1.--Illustration of A's Fate Control over B. A's repertoire 0‘ 03 €51 1 4 £3 53 4 1 Figure 2.2.--Illustration of A's Behavior Control over B. A's repertoire 0 5 51h 0 5 1 4 Figure 2.3.--A Affects Himself if He Exercises His Fate Control Over B. 46 Unlike Homans and Blau, Thibaut and Kelley believe that the values of different behavior can be precisely assessed and measured. To this end, they have identified two forms of standards or criteria against which the different outcomes of a relationship can be measured. The first of these, called the comparison level (C.L.) is the standard against which a person evaluates the "attractiveness" of the relationship or how satisfactory it is. The second is the comparison level for alternatives (C.L. alt.) which refers to the standard a person uses in deciding whether to remain in or to leave the relationship. According to Chadwick-Jones (1976), "there is a close relationship between C.L. and C.L. alt., and the two will tend to be positively correlated" (p. 45). C.L. is a standard or criteria "by which the person evaluates the rewards and costs of a given relationship in terms of what he feels he deserves” (p. 21). The use by Thibaut and Kelley of the phrase ”in terms of what he feels he deserves” makes the concept of C.L. parallel to Homans' notion of distributive justice (i.e., a person expects his rewards or outcomes to be proportional to his investments or efforts). The position of the C.L. is influenced by the person's present situation, his skills, the available opportunities and past experiences: The location of C.L. on the person's scale of outcomes will be influenced by all the outcomes known to the member, either by direct experience or symbolically. It may be taken to be some modal or average value of all known outcomes, each outcome weighted by its ”salience," or strength of instigation, which depends, for example, upon the recency of experiencing the outcome and the occurrence of stimuli which serve as reminders of the outcome. 47 Because these factors are likely to be absent or weak in the case of relationships and interactions that are unattainable, the later will ordinarily have little weight in determining the location of C.L. (p. 21). Outcomes above the C.L. will be relatively "satisfying" and "attractive" to the member, those below it ”unsatisfying” and “unattractive." Chadwick-Jones (1976), sums up the C.L. by stating that: ”if one has received much, one continues to expect it. The degrees of more or less are perceived largely by comparisons with past experience" (p. 45). C.L. alt. is ”the lowest level of outcomes a member will accept in the light of available alternative opportunities" (p. 21). It follows from this that as soon as outcomes in a given relationship drop below C.L. alt. the person will, if possible, leave that relationship. The C.L. alt. is influenced by the knowledge a person has of other available relationships: The height of the C.L. alt. will depend mainly on the quality of the best of the member's available alternatives, that is, the reward-cost positions experienced or believed to exist in the most satisfactory of the other available relationships. As in the case of C.L., the outcomes that determine the location of C.L. alt. will be weighted by their salience (how' strongly ‘they are instigated). Unlikely outcomes in the alternative relationship will usually have little weight in fixing the location of C.L. alt. because, again, the salience of such outcomes will ordinarily be rather low (p. 21-22). These alternative relationships can take many forms. They may be in the form of "other dyads, more complex relationships, or even the alternative of joining no group, of working or being alone” (p. 22). 48 Thibaut and Kelley suggest that reward values are reducible to a single psychological scale. In the matrix, the numbers in the cells are scaled from the zero point of the C.L. alt.--the least a person will accept in his present relationships. According to Chadwick-Jones (1976), the C.L. alt. ”represents the individual's degree of dependence on. the relationship relative to alternative relationships" (p. 45). In other words, the lower the value of a person's C.L. alt., the greater' will be his dependence on that relationship. It is quite possible, according to Thibaut and Kelley, for the C.L. alt. to fall below a person's C.L., which also ”constitutes a kind of zero or neutral point on the outcome scale" (p. 97). In this case, the relationship may not offer' much in the form Iof rewards, although the person may be coerced into it for lack of better alternatives (Chadwick-Jones, 1976). Accordingly, Thibaut and Kelley view a good relationship as "one where the members achieve for each other a relatively high number of reward-cost units above C.L. alt.; thus, each one has high power over the other" (Chadwick-Jones, p. 46). Thus, Thibaut and Kelley agree with Homans and Blau on the basic aspect of social exchange: for each member, adequate rewards must be provided and cost of participation in the group must be kept down to reasonable levels. They do, however, differ with Homans and Blau in the extent to which they believe the concept of exchange can be applied, and in that they seem to suggest that exchange behavior 49 can be measured in absolute terms. But their difference with Homans and Blau is in degree, rather than in nature. And despite these differences, social exchange theorists employ more or less the same language in their discussion of social exchange. Contemporary Exchange Vocabulary The vocabulary of contemporary social exchange includes reinforcement, reward, cost, value, utility, resource, comparison level, transaction, profit, and outcome. Most of these concepts have been referred to in the preceding discussion of contemporary exchange theory. Consequently, their discussion here is not expected to provide anything new content wise. Nevertheless, it is expected that the definition format that is followed here will provide a set of analytic tools that can be used to enhance the reader's understanding of what goes on in exchange relationships. Reinforcement not only serves as a point of departure for most contemporary exchange theorists, it also serves as a point of departure for the discussion of most of other concepts. As it is used in social exchange, the term reinforcement is based on Skinnerian operant psychology, which evolved around the famous Skinnerian box. It is "usually defined in quantitative measures-~the frequencies of a particular behavior which are consequent on certain' specified conditions" (Chadwick-Jones, 1976, p. 10). The basic assumption of reinforcement theory is that if the occurrence of a given behavior is followed by reinforcement, then the frequency of that behavior will increase. Annett (1969) views the term 50 reinforcement as a descriptive term that makes ”anything which leads to the selective repetition of previous behavior or increases the probability of a given response to a given stimulus situation is a reinforcer” (p. 122). Among other things, the effectiveness of a particular reinforcer in influencing a person's behavior is determined by that person's past history. Baron (1966) says that "an individual's past history of social reinforcement defines for him the baseline against which the adequacy or appropriateness of present social reinforcer inputs is judged” (p. 528). Luetgert (1967) states that: the total reinforcement value of a given reinforcer (or class of social reinforcers) would consist partly of its general objective value in relation to the situation in which it occurs and partly of a subjective value which would vary across individuals as a function of previous experience with those reinforcers (p. 6). Further, Luetgert (1967) writes: the greater the number of cues present in a given situation which have previously been associated with positive reinforcement, the greater the expectancy of positive reinforcement and the higher the level of performance (p. 8). For research purposes, reinforcement is. measurable. The frequency of a given behavior can be measured and the reinforcing conditions identified. According to Skinner (1938), frequency is a measure which indicates degree of reinforcement (i.e., the frequency of a particular behavior' is a function. of the rewards--positive reinforcement and. ‘punishments--negative reinforcement--that are consequent on that behavior. 51 Reward and Cost. In the preceding discussion, it is obvious that in reinforcement theory the concept of reward is used synonymously with "positive reinforcement,” while that of punishment (which, as has been indicated earlier, is a form of cost) is used synonymously with "negative reinforcement." It is important to note that in the broader context of exchange the concepts of reward and cost carry much broader meanings than the ones portrayed here (see Definition of Terms). For example, in social exchange, the concept of reward has the ”added connotation of being socially administered" (Emerson, 1976; Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 347), while that of cost is also taken to mean "rewards foregone (e.g., time and effort that could have been spent otherwise, for some Iother' valued return)" (Emerson, 1976; Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 349). Resource is another term whose basic meaning can be viewed in the context of reinforcement theory. It can be defined as "an ability, possession, or other attribute of an actor giving him the capacity to reward (or punish) another specified actor” (Emerson, 1976; Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 347). Like reward and cost, when viewed in the broader context of social exchange, the term resources assumes a much broader meaning than the one presented here. According to Emerson (1976), resources are not only attributes or possessions of individual actors, but they are also ”attributes of the relationship between actors" (p. 348). M is a key concept of social exchange and its basic meaning can best be stated in terms of reinforcement. Meeker (1971) 52 defines a value as a conditioned nonvoluntary emotional response to stimuli. Emerson (1976) states the value of a unit of some stimulus as the magnitude of reinforcement affected by that unit. Further, Emerson (1976) draws attention to the fact that the value of a unit of Stimulus-Response (SR) has been further elaborated in the following "derivative conditions”: a. value thresholds or standards, called ”comparative levels" by Thibaut and Kelley (1959). b. the phenomenon of satiation-deprivation and the related economic concept of diminishing marginal utility. c. preference orders and value hierarchies. d. the concept of cost: notably rewards foregone, or the notion of opportunity costs from economics; and aversive stimulation (Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 348). Comparison Level (C.L.). .Emerson (1976) states that the amount of SR obtained per transaction over a series of transactions with a given environmental source becomes, over time, a neutral point on the scale of value for SR. He gives an example of: a child's weekly allowance from his parents for specified duties or general good behavior might be X dollars. The child, after value adaptation to the level, will act as though departures from X carry greater value, positive or negative, than X itself (Annual Reviews, p. 348). This ”adaptation level” for valued stimuli has been discussed by different social scientists under different names. For example, Emerson (1976) notes that Baron (1966) calls it a standard of social reinforcement formed as an internal norm or frame of reference, for responding to the behavior of others. Earlier in this chapter it is referred to by Homans (1961, 1974) as the ”expected level” below 53 which an individual will express anger. Perhaps the most elaborate discussion of the "adaptation level" is that provided by Thibaut and Kelley (see pp. 46-48). Utility means the ”subjective psychological value (i.e., amount of reinforcement) an individual derives from a good or service” (Emerson, 1976, Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 348). The process of satiation-deprivation, which is contained in Homans' fourth proposition, brings about a state of diminishing marginal utility. On this concept of diminishing utility, Emerson (1976) writes: The value of a unit of any type of reinforcer SR is a decreasing function of the number of units recently received (or currently possessed). . . . The organism acts in such a way as to avoid both under- and overeating--or drinking, playing, or stimulation in general (Annual Reviews, 1976, p. 348). Summary of Exchange and Its Implications for Education As it is discussed by both classical and contemporary theorists, exchange can be viewed as analogous to a psychological contract in a work situation. Obligations existing under a psychological contract cannot be bargained about. Both parties to the psychological contract, i.e., employer and employee, bring to the relationship a set of expectations of what each will give and receive (Lawless, 1972). Both parties are guided by assumptions of exchange concerning what is fair and equitable. Similarly, obligations created under exchange relations cannot be bargained about: they are left to the discretion of the one who owes them (Dillman, 1978). 54 Applied to education, this principle means that the learner expects certain returns form his participation in a learning program. If he feels that the expected returns are not likely to result from his participation in a learning program, the individual may withdraw his participation. An analysis of classical exchange theory reveals two basic variables of exchange, viz., rewards and costs. An analysis of contemporary exchange theory reveals the same two basic variables-- rewards and costs. There are only two differences between classical and contemporary theorists. First, the latter have incorporated a number of concepts into the discussion of exchange (e.g., reciprocity) that are intended to serve as governing principles in the exchange of rewards and costs. Second, while classical exchange theorists view reward and cost in terms of economic, social, symbolic, and personal exchanges, contemporary' exchange theorists broaden these two primary concepts of exchange. They broaden the concept of reward to include also the following: 1. Positive regard for one's values and ideas (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959; Blau, 1964; Homans, 1973). 2. Positive appreciation of the task to be done and how it fits into the needs of the participant (Blau, 1964). Contemporary Exchange Theorists also broaden the concept of cost to include also the following: 55 1. Time (Blau, 1964) 2. Physical and mental effort (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959) 3. Embarrassment, anxiety, and the feeling of inadequacy (Thibaut and Kelley,1959) 4. Subordination to another person (Blau, 1964) This broader view of exchange holds very important implications for participation in Adult Education. First, it implies that each individual is possessed by a variety of needs, making it difficult to generalize. The individual's decision to participate in adult education programs cannot, therefore, be explained by economic, social, personal, and/or symbolic needs alone. Secondly, it implies that adult education must seek to increase the rewards of participation and at the same time, reduce the costs for participation. Increasing rewards and reducing costs should also include the development of a ”cost free" learning atmosphere and the conducting of learning activities in a rewarding manner. Finally, adult education must be concerned with all possible aspects of motivation, and seek to rewerd the learner economically, socially, and personally. Rewards and Costs in Adult Education Rewards and costs in adult education can be viewed in the same way they are viewed by exchange theorists. Rewards In adult education, rewards can be in any of the following forms. 56 1. Material Rewards. Those adult education programs that have a vocational outlook must be seen as instrumental toward employment, job security, and advancement. And, the perception of these programs as economically rewarding must continue for the individual to continue learning. A learning experience does not have to lead to a job or promotion at work for it to be regarded as rewarding. learning a skill (e.g., carpentry) in order to remodel one's house is an economical reward. 2. Personal Rewards. Personal rewards mean those things that a person may want to do for personal fulfillment. People sometimes engage in learning activities in order to satisfy "personal" needs. Included in this category is the need to become a better informed, a happier and a more interesting person; the need to fulfill curiosity and satisfy an inquiring mind; and the need to get away from routine activities and do something ”more challenging.” 3. Symbolic Rewards. Symbolic rewards serve as recognition for work done or services provided. In Malinowski's Kula Ring, people exchanged armlets and necklaces as a way to display their friendship. People may participate in a learning program because of the symbolic rewards that they will get from that participation. In adult education, symbolic rewards may take the form of diplomas, certificates, and attendance awards. Also, being part of the pomp and grandeur of the graduation ceremony that often follows the successful completion of a learning program is a symbolic reward to many people. Further, completing a learning program :may draw 57 applause from relatives and friends who may also show their recognition by seeking advice from the new ”scholar.” 4. Social Belongingness. Exchange theory implies that adult educators should not limit their attention to the task to be learned, but should pay more attention to the needs of the learners. Instead of being more concerned with teaching the subject matter to the participants, the adult educator should be concerned with the learner's feelings, especially with regard to acceptance and sense of belonging and identity. Several adult educationists embrace this view of the individual as a social being. Rogers (1969) says that in the process of being and becoming himself, the learner' discovers that he is soundly and realistically social. Freire (1975) describes the process of conscientization as beginning with man's realization that he is not only in the world, but ZiEE the world and together with other men. According to Freire, conscientization, which is defined as a process in which 'men-not as recipients, but as knowing subjects-—become aware of the socio-cultural reality which shapes their lives and of their capacity to transform that reality cannot be experienced by one in isolation, but only in a group. The individual's need for social belongingness implies that adult educators should accept learning groups as a reality and think about group incentives and group dynamics. The adult educator's role must shift from that of the creator, motivator, and controller of 58 learning, to that of a facilitator and animateur of learning. The initiative for learning rests with the learner himself. 5. Positive Regard for One's Values and Ideas. Being regarded positively by another person has a reward value for many individuals (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959; and Blau, 1964). Positive regard for one's values and ideas can take two forms: (a) respect for one's self concept, and (b) respect for one's experience. a. Respect for One's Self-Concept: Self-concept means the image one has of himself. According to Knowles (1975), when we are born, we are totally dependent personalities. But, as we grow up and mature, we develop an increasingly deep psychological need to be independent, first of parental control, and then later of control by teachers and other adults. As each person grows, his/her self- concept moves from being a dependent personality to a self-directing one. Increasingly one becomes an autonomous being capable of taking decisions and facing their consequences. An adult will not learn under conditions that are incongruent with his self-concept (Knowles, 1975). Therefore, in order to retain the adult learner, the adult educator should adopt, about the learners and himself, assumptions which are congruent with any system of learner-controlled learning. He must allow the learner some control over his learning activities; for instance, deciding on measures, finding resources that are relevant, and allocating time. These are aspects which contribute to one's self-concept of nondependence and self-directedness which, in turn, motivate him to continue learning (Knowles, 1975). 59 b. Respect for One's Experience. As a person matures, he accumulates an expanding reservoir of experience with which he defines himself (Knowles, 1975). He expects others, and especially the instructor, to recognize and respect his experiences. If other people fail to recognize and respect his experiences, the adult learner perceives this as rejecting not only his experiences, but rejecting him as a person (Knowles, 1975). The instructor should convey his respect for the adult learner's experience by making use of his/her experiences as a resource for learning. This, in turn, will contribute to the learner's self-esteem and motivate him/her to continue learning. According to Nyerere (1982), the teacher who draws out the things the learner already knows and shows their relevance to the new thing which has to be learned builds up the self-confidence of the man who wants to learn by showing him that he is capable of contributing. Also, utilizing the adult learner's experience as a resource for learning is consultative in nature. According to Blau (1964), and Homans (1973), a consultative approach is a form of reward and, therefore, a source of motivation to the one who is consulted. 6. Positive Appreciation of the Task to be Done and How It Fits into the Needs of the Participant. Adults need to know the value of a skill before they undertake to learn it. Tough (1979) found that when adults undertake to learn a skill on their own, they invest a lot of energy in probing into the benefits that they will gain from learning it and the negative consequences of not learning 60 it. Similarly, when adults engage in a learning experience guided by an instructor, they expect that instructor to point out the learning material's usefulness to the learner's objectives. This is important because adults' orientation to learning is problem-centered. Adults are interested not so much in storing knowledge for use at some future time as in applying knowledge to life goals that are important at that time (Knowles, 1975). Adults should, therefore, be provided with immediate opportunities to apply newly acquired skills in real life situations. Adults are motivated to learn those things they need to know and do in order to cope effectively with their real-life situations. According to Knowles (1975), adults go back to school largely because of the realization of some inadequacy in their ability to cope with current life problems. A learning experience can, therefore, be regarded as rewarding if participants perceive it to be instrumental to the reduction of their inadequacy to solve their problems. The view that the relevance and applicability of the learning materials to the learner's life is a source of motivation for learning is based on the work of human developmentalists, such as Levinson (1978) and Neugarten (1979), who maintain that people are motivated to learn those things that they need because of the developmental phases they are approaching in their roles as workers, spouses, parents, etc. Adult developmentalists state that people engage in learning in order to equip themselves with the necessary capabilities that they need to fulfill their roles in life. Implied 61 in this view is that individuals will drop out of a learning program if it appears that the program is not instrumental in equipping them with the needs necessary to fulfill their roles in life. Costs Tough (1971) suggests that the typical adult learner identifies the cheapest, easiest, fastest way to learn, and then proceeds to learn independently along this self—determined route. 1. Material Cost. Carp, Peterson, and Roelfs (1974), found that lack of money for tuition, books, and child care is the most important barrier to participation in adult education. The implication is that if the cost of these things is removed, other things being equal, people will participate in adult education programs. 2. Time. The length of time required to complete a learning program is one of the major barriers to adult learning (Cross, 1981). Dhanidina and Griffith (1975) found time to be the most important barrier to participation in adult education. Again here, the implication is clear; reduce the time required to complete a program, and people will participate in these programs. According to the Stack-Vaughn Company (1983) the time factor is very important to adults, and this demands that the bare essentials of the subject to be learned be taught in the shortest possible time. 62 3. Embarrassment, Anxiety, and the Feeling of Inadequacy. Adults are easily threatened by failure and a feeling of inadequacy (Steck-Vaughn Company, 1983). Most adults come to the learning situation with a long history of failure in education. And, according to Stack-Vaughn (1983), this often forms a psychological barrier to learning. Failure in a learning situation will compound this already strong fear of failure and impose an even stronger barrier to learning. Repeated failure in learning activities will eventually drive an adult out of a learning program. Success is the most appropriate cure for adults' lack of confidence in learning situations. Adult students should, therefore, consistently experience success in learning. learning experiences should be so structured as to ensure early and continued success (Steck-Vaughn, 1983). This is not to say adults should be provided with simple and easy learning material. Learning materials should be stimulating, but not too demanding, especially at the early stages. At the early stages, adult learners must be provided with learning materials that offer strong possibilities for success (Steck-Vaughn, 1983). At this stage, if adults are provided with materials that are too hard for them to handle, they may elect to drop out. As they gain more confidence from regular success, adult students may be encouraged to tackle more difficult material (Steck-Vaughn, 1983). According to Block (1971), motivation for further learning is an important result of mastery. When a learner has mastered a subject and received both objective and subjective evidence of his 63 mastery, there are profound changes of his view of himself and the outer world. He develops an interest in the subject mastered. At a deeper level, mastery affects a student's self-concept. Each person searches for a positive recognition of his worth and comes to view himself as adequate in those areas where he receives assurance of his success or competence. Recognition of progress toward goals seems to serve as a powerful stimulant to adult learning (Steck-Vaughn, 1983). Appraising a student by comparing him to his peers can be very threatening to the adult learnera Block (1971) considers appraising the student in terms of a fixed standard, rather than comparing him to his peers is less threatening and is preferable for continued learning on the part of the learner. 4. Subordination to Another Person. As an adult matures, he takes charge of his own life. Going back to school usually means placing one at the command of somebody else. An instructor who sees himself as the creator and purveyor of information may want to completely take over the learner's life. This attitude on the part of the instructor may eventually drive the learner away. For the learner to tolerate the situation of being commanded by another person, that other person must show a "willingness to be a person" (Rogers, 1969). This willingness to be a person must include "a prizing, a caring, a trust and a respect for the learner.” The instructor must view the learner as an equal partner in the process of learning because an individual wants to retain some control over his own affairs. 64 Motivation Theory Motivation theories can be viewed as variations of exchange theory because most view human behavior as determined more or less by the desire to satisfy specific needs and accomplish certain goals. An examination of primary and secondary motivation theories and their implications to motivation in adult education should make this point clear. Primary Motivation Theory There are four' major motivation theories that are particularly relevant to this study. 1. Psychological Behaviorism. Turner (1974) views psychological behaviorism, the proponents of which are Skinner (1938) and Pavlov (1927) ”as an extreme variant of utilitarianism because it operates on the principle that animals and humans are both reward seeking organisms that pursue alternatives that will yield the most reward and least punishment” (pp. 221-222). The terms reward and punishment in psychological behaviorism are just other terms for what social exchange theorists call reward and cost. In his books, Science and Human Behavior (1953) and Verbal Behavior (1957), Skinner says learning takes place through conditioning. Systematic observation. can. reveal all the ‘various behaviors of an organism. Desirable behaviors can. be enhanced through reinforcement, while undesirable behaviors can be extinguished by withholding reinforcement. Immediate reinforcement 65 of desired behavior is absolutely necessary in the initial stages of conditioning. As learning proceeds toward conditioned behavior, less frequent reinforcement is necessary (Dubin and Okun, 1973). For adult reducation to be effective, psychological behaviorism implies that it must be based on the principle that desired responses of adults in learning activities should receive immediate reward or reinforcement (Taylor, 1982). Conversely, psychological behaviorism implies that adult educators must not reinforce undesirable behavior; and should, in fact, try to eliminate it by withholding reinforcement (Taylor, 1982). In the early stages of learning, the adult educator should reinforce every desired response. Once learning is proceeding as expected, the adult educator should switch to a reinforcement schedule (Taylor, 1982). Further, Taylor suggests that the adult educator should develop a hierarchical arrangement of responses and establish convenient secondary reinforcers. And, should the student fail, the adult educator should share the responsibility (Dubin and Okun, 1973). 2. Force Field Analysis. Force Field Analysis (Lewin, 1951) is another variation of exchange theory in that it assumes that in any situation human behavior is influenced by both driving (positive) forces and restraining (negative) forces. Driving forces are those that exert energy in a particular direction, leading an individual to initiate change and maintain it, and restraining forces are those that act to restrain or decrease the driving forces. 66 Lewin describes the human being as a complex system consisting of energy, tension, and need. The value of tensions, energies, and needs is "valence," which is the mathematical value (positive or negative) of the effect of needs, energies, and tensions on the individual's equilibrium (Taylor, 1982). Equilibrium is reached when the mathematical swm of the driving forces equals the sum of the restraining forces (Hersey and Blanchard, 1977, pp. 122- 123). According to Lewin's Force Field Analysis, the adult educator must determine those tensions and needs of adults that initiate driving forces and provide learning experiences that provide fulfillment for driving forces and, thus, supply restraining forces, bringing about a sense of equilibrium (Taylor, 1982). Thus, driving forces like a need for recognition may be satisfied by the provision of restraining forces like certificates and diplomas. Similarly, vocational motives (driving force) can be fulfilled through vocational education (restraining force) (Taylor, 1982). Taylor also suggests that learning itself may become a driving force. For example, new material that has to be learned may challenge one's beliefs and thus cause a feeling of dissonance. The individual may seek to resolve this feeling of dissonance by thriving to deepen his understanding of the learning material, and thereby create a sense of equilibrium (Festinger, 1957). 67 3. Expectancy (Valence-Instrumentality Expectancy) Theory. As formulated by industrial psychologists, Expectancy (V.I.E.) Theory is just another form of exchange theory. Locke (1975) describes it as a form of calculative, psychological hedonism in which the individual always chooses the course of action that he expects will lead to the greatest degree of pleasure or which will produce the smallest degree of pain. In vroom's V.I.E. model (1964), which is the prototype of all expectancy theories in industrial psychology, the individual acts to maximize his ”valences,” which Vroom defines as "expected satisfactions.” It is worth mentioning here that the theories from which V.I.E. theory was derived, e.g., Kurt Lewin's Force Field Analysis, did not make any explicit hedonistic assumptions. The V.I.E. theory implies that adult educators must be good diagnosticians. Before they design education programs that will satisfy people's ”valences,” they must know what those ”valences" are. 4. Hierarchy of Human Needs. Maslow's hierarchy of human needs is another variant of exchange theory. It is based on the assumption that people's behavior is determined by the desire to fulfill human needs. In his book, Motivation and Rationality, Maslow (1954), views man's motives as falling into classes which are arranged in a hierarchy (Figure 2.4). Higher order needs remain latent until the biological and economic needs of survival, safety, and security have been fulfilled. 68 Actualization Higher Order Needs Autonomy Self Esteem Belonging Lower Order Physiological Needs Needs Figure 2.4—--Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs Source: Adapted from Maslow, 1954. 69 According to Maslow (1970), the lower-order needs, particularly the physiological needs, are the basic drives of human nature. They are prepotent in that if they are not satisfied, they will overpower all other needs. As the lower needs are satisfied, they release some of the higher level motives. Even the lowliest untalented man seeks self-actualization, a sense of meaning and accomplishment in his work, if his other needs are more or less fulfilled. Applied to learning, Maslow's needs hierarchy implies that a person learns by steps or hierarchies. Motivation to continue learning takes place when the next step or hierarchy forward is perceived by the learner to be more "intrinsically” satisfying than the previous one (Knowles, 1975). The ultimate goal of the individual is to find, in the learning task, meaning which gives him a sense of pride and self- esteem. This process continues until the person becomes a self- actualizing being. Self-actualization is the need to maximize one's potential, whatever that potential may be (Hersey and Blanchard, 1977). Higher order needs exist in all of us. In the case of those learners who may not be seen to be seeking challenge and self— actualization at the learning situation, the reason could be that higher order needs have not become active because lower order needs have not been satisfied. An important aspect of Maslow's needs hierarchy is that it incorporates the need reduction philosophy and broadens it. This makes it possible for the theory to serve as a basis for further 70 understanding to theories and studies that are based on the concept of need. For example, the needs hierarchy concept accommodates the human development and life cycle theory of Levinson (1978) and Neugarten (1979) (Miller, 1967). Exponents of the human developmental and life cycle theory maintain that people are motivated to learn those things that they need to carry out their roles in life. Looked at within the framework of a needs hierarchy, this means that people in the early stages of adulthood are more concerned with fulfilling lower order needs of getting established in a career and raising a family than in higher order needs of achieving status and self-actualization. Having fulfilled lower order needs, older people tend to concentrate on achieving status, self-esteem, and self-actualization (Miller, 1967). Maslow's needs hierarchy also accommodates the concept of reward. According to Mueller (1983): Extrinsic rewards are most useful in satisfying the lower order needs (safety, security, need for affective relationships with others). . . . Convincing employees to contribute that something extra to their jobs requires intrinsic rewards to satisfy higher order needs (self-esteem and self-actualization) p. 266). Secondary Motivation Theory The following set of theories are considered ”secondary” because they draw heavily on the primary motivation theories discussed in the preceding section. 71 1. Houle's Three-Way-Typolpgy, 'The first among secondary motivation theories was provided by Houle (1961). In his book, Th3 Inguirigg Mind, Houle reports his study of adults who continue to learn. The subjects of his study were 22 men and women who were identified as being actively engaged in continued learning. While there were differences among his subjects, Houle reported that, in general, these people: . had the same basic ways of thinking about the process in which they were engaged. They all had goals which they wished to achieve, they all found the process of learning enjoyable or significant, and they all felt that learning was worthwhile for its own sake (p. 15). Further, Houle found that within the group of 22, there were three distinct, but not mutually exclusive, subgroups. He labelled those people who participated in continued education in order to accomplish specific objectives, as ”goal-oriented." He termed as ”activity-oriented," those persons who participated because they found a meaning in learning--a meaning that had no connection with the content or purpose of the learning activity. The third subgroup was named the "learning oriented" because they participated in learning activities for the sake of learning and acquiring knowledge (pp. 15-16). 2. Miller's Force Field Analysis. Miller (1967) uses both Lewin's Force Field Analysis and Maslow's needs hierarchy to explain differences in motivation to participate in adult vocational education between the lower-lower class and the lower-middle class. According to Miller, the lower-middle class, with its emphasis on 72 mobility and status, is the prime consumer of continuing education. Members of this class concentrate on satisfying belonging needs because the lower order needs of survival, safety, and security have been fulfilled. On the other hand, members of the lower-lower class are less likely to participate in adult vocational education because their lower order needs have not yet been fulfilled. Figures 2.5 and 2.6 illustrate much higher motivation for the mobile lower—middle class for ‘vocational education than for the relatively immobile lower-lower class. Implied in the concept of exchange is that people are likely to perform behaviors that have been rewarding to them in ‘the past, and less likely' to ‘perform behaviors that have been painful or costly to them in the past. Positive force No. 7 in Figure 2.6 and Negative force No. 6 in Figure 2.5 seem to confirm these two implications, respectively. Familiarity with educational processes is a positive force among the lower-middle class, presumably because of their pleasant early experiences at school. On the other hand, hostility to education and middle class orientations on the part of the lower-lower class could be a result of nasty early school experiences (McClusky, 1971). 3. Kjell Rubenson's Expectancy Valency Paradigm; Using Maslow's needs hierarchy, Rubenson (1977) expands Lewin's and Vroom's valence theories to produce yet another variant of exchange theory. To Rubenson, actual motivation is a result of a combination of positive and negative forces existing within the individual and the environment. In Rubenson's V.I.E. theory, expectancy consists of: Positive Forces 1. Survival needs 2. Changing technology 3. Safety needs of female culture 4. Governmental attempts to change opportunity structure 73 Negative Forces 5. 6. Action-excitement orientation of male culture Hostility to education and to middle-class object orientation Relative absence of specific, immediate job opportunities at end of training Limited access through organizational ties Weak family structure Negative Forces {\r as on . Gr {MR Positive Forces Figure 2.5.—-Education for Vocational Competence, Lower-Lower-Class Level. Source: Miller, 1967, p. 21. 74 Positive Forces 1. Satisfied survival need 2. Satisfied safety need 3. Strong status need 4. Changing technology 5. Access through organizational ties 6. Acceptance of middle-class career drives 7. Familiarity with educatinal processes WNW IJI RD Positive Forces Figure 2.6.--Education for Vocational Competence, LowereMiddle-Class Level Source: Miller, 1967, p. 23. 75 a. the expectation of personal success in the educational activity b. the expectation that being successful in the learning activity will have positive consequences For motivation to take place, each of these two components of expectancy must attain a value of more than zero. If either is zero, the resultant force of motivation to participate is zero. In the formula, valence is the value that the individual attaches to the consequences of participation in a program. Participation in a learning program can result in both positive and negative valences. Motivation is likely to take place if more positive valences than negative valences are expected to result from participation. The expectancy alone or valence alone may not lead to participation. For participation to take place, there must be both positive expectancy and positive valence. In a study of public administrators in Botswana, Mueller (1983) found that expectancy is an important aspect of motivation. Mueller's study revealed that the administrator's motivation to initiate and undertake a given course of action is a function of the importance of the end product of that action and the likelihood that the action can be accomplished, and will lead to the end product. 4. Boshier's Educational Participation Scale. Boshier (1971) tested Houle's three-way typology by developing an instrument, the Educational Participation Scale (EPS), that measured motives for participation. He argued that motivation to participate results from 76 more complex motives than those identified by Houle's typology. In a study conducted in New Zealand, including 233 adult education participants, Boshier's 48 EPS items initially revealed fourteen first-order factors of motivational orientations among participants. Further analysis produced seven second-order factors which were not exactly the same with Houle's typology, viz., (1) interpersonal improvement/escape; (2) inner versus other-directed achievement, (3) social sharing, (4) conformity to institutional expectations or requirements, (5) self-centeredness versus altruism, (6) professional future-orientedness, (7) cognitive interest (p. 15). Boshier factor analyzed, intercorrelated and rotated the seven second-order factors and produced four third-order factors that were mutually exclusive, and not very different from Houle's typology: Third-order factor 1 could be labelled other-directed advancement and identifies goal-oriented participants responding to some, probably vocational, environmental press. Third-order factor 2 is akin to Houle's learning orientation except that learning is undertaken not as an end in itself but to prepare oneself for' some future, probably educational activity. Third order factor 3 could be described as a bipolar measure of ”self versus other- centeredness." Third-order factor 4 is almost pure "social contact.” The high scorer on this factor seeks social contact to compensate for what he considers to be excessively narrow and deficient educational experiences in the past (p. 19). 5. Tough's Anticipated Benefits. Tough's Anticipated Benefits model fits into the framework of exchange theory. This model views motivation to participate in adult learning as more a result of the learner's anticipation of reward than anything else. After asking a selected group of adult learners to assign weights to 77 selected reasons for learning, Tough (1979) concludedd that benefits for participation are anticipated at five stages: a. Engaging in a learning activity b. Retaining the knowledge or skill 0 Applying the knowledge d. Gaining a material reward e. Gaining a symbolic reward At each stage, these anticipated benefits can be classified into three clusters: (1) pleasure (happiness, enjoyment, feeling good, satisfaction); (2) self-esteem (possessing a positive image of one's self, feeling more confident); (3) others (other people regard one more highly). 6. Cross's Chain of Response Model. After.reviewing research on motivation in adult learning, Cross (1981) concluded that motivation is a complex issue that cannot be answered by a single formula. In her book, Adults As Learners, Cross proposes the Chain of Response (COR) Model, which attempts to incorporate all the formulae of motivation. The Chain of Response Model ”assumes that participation in a learning activity, whether in organized classes or self-directed, is not a single act, but the result of a chain of response, each based on an evaluation of the position of the individual in his or her environment" (p. 125). 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REASONS FOR WITHDRAWING FROM A LEARNING PROGRAM Thank you for agreeing to participate in this survey. the purpose of which is to determine why people participate in education programs. and to establish why they may find it necessary to withdraw from these education programs before completion. You are part of ...-..i-.. people who recently withdrew from ABE/GED studies that were selected from a list provided by the ___”““ Your responses will be kept CSHf-fdential. DO you have any questions before we begin? A. People have different reasons for participating in ABE/GED/Vocational Education programs. I have with me 22 cards. Each card contains one reason for learning. Think back to when you decided to start learning. Which reasons applied to you? ITEM NUMEER REASONS 1. To help to get a new job. 2. To help to advance in present job. 3. To become better informed. 4. To enrich my life. 5. To meet new people. 6. To meet requirements for getting into an educational program. 7. To be a better parent. husband or wife. 8. To get away from the routine of daily living. 9. To work toward certification or licensing. 10 To better understand community problems. 11 To be better able to serve my church. 12 To meet the requirements of my employer or profession. 13 To become a more effective citizen. 14 To work toward a degree/diploma. ITEM NUMBER REASQNS 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 To learn more about my own background and culture. To feel a sense of belonging. To satisfy curiosity. To learn for the sake of learning. To become a happier person. To work toward solutions of problems. such as discrimination and pollution. To get away from personal problems. To improve my spiritual well-being. B. Many things stop people from continuing with a course of study. I have with me 37 cards. Each card contains a reason that has been given by some for withdrawing from a course study before completing it. Think back to when you withdrew from this learning program and tell me. which of the reasons contained in the cards apply to you. ITEM N._UM..B._E_B 53.33.911.21 1. I got transferred to another place. 2. I moved to another place. 3. I joined another education program. 4. I got a job. 5. I became too busy with other things at the time, and just couldn't find the time to continue learning. 6. I needed to devote more time to another education program. 7. I could not afford the cost of tuition. 8. I could not afford the cost of books and other learning materials. 9. I could not get reliable child care. 10. I could not afford the cost of child care. ITEM 13 I) '0 NUMBER REASONS 11. I could not get reliable transportation. 12. I could not afford the cost of transportation. 13. I realized it would take more time than I had bargained for. to complete the education program. 14. I could not cope with strict attendance requirements. 15. I could not cope with being a full-time student. 16. I couldn't see what benefit would come out of what I was learning. 17. I had no place to study or practice. 18. The time of courses clashed with other responsibilities. 19. I could not get information on what I could do next. 20. I became tired of travelling to and from school. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. I could not master enough energy and stamina to continue learning. I realized that I was too old to continue learning. I suddenly lost confidence in my ability to continue learning. Other courses I wanted didn't seem to be available. I could not meet requirements to continue learning. I got tired of school. I don't enjoy studying. The class meeting was too long. I could not comprehend or master learning activities. I could not cope with the demands and requirements of the learning program. I realized I could learn all I needed to learn without taking a course to do it. The learning activities were pretty dull and boring. 243 ITEM ~ NUMBER BSASQNS 33. My friends and relatives were not sympathetic toward what I was learning. 34. The learning program was not approved by my employer. 35. I didn't want to seem too ambitious. 36. My instructor was unsympathetic to my learning needs. 37. I could not get along with other students. 38. Other __ ..m _-... ____...—_—-.._—~— «...—.gA ...... ..-..-~-1__.-_4.- _. ~~ H...— ” 4—. ._._.._..._.—»_._ ... .. EQQHQMIQHQQSI C. How much were you paying per term for: TOTAL EXPENDITURE PER TERM (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number for Each) ITEM $50 or $51 to $101 to MORE than NUMBER NOTHING LESS S199 S299 $290 7 1 2 3 4 5 8 1 2 3 4 5 10 1 2 3 4 5 12 1 2 3 4 5 D. If this item became free (REPEAT FOR EACH ITEM) would you return to the program? WOULD YOU RETURN? (Circle ONE Number for Each) ITEM NQMBER YES N9 BRIEF EXPLANATIQN 7 1 2 __ _ ,,w,,-‘___H2 3 1 2 ”,--211_ _ __M, ,1 1O 1 2 12 1 2 244 E. What is the highest possible amount you would be willing to pay for: HIGHEST POSSIBLE AMOUNT PAYABLE (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number for Each) ITEM $50 or $51 to $101 to MORE than NUMBER NOTHING LESS S199 Sggg Sggg 7 1 2 3 4 5 8 1 2 3 4 5 10 1 2 3 4 5 12 l 2 3 4 5 TIME COSTS F. How many hours a week on the average did you spend attending classes (ITEM # 14 AND/OR # 15)? NUMBER OF CLASS HOURS PER WEEK (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 MORE THAN HOURS HOURS HOURS HOURS 29_HOURS 1 2 3 4 5 G. Would you return to the program if class hours were reduced? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: 245 How many hours a week would you be willing to spend H. attending classes? NUMBER OF CLASS HOURS PER WEEK (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 MORE THAN HOURS HOURS HOURS HOURS 20 HOURS 1 2 3 4 5 BRIEF EXPLANATION: I. How long on the average was each class session (ITEM # 28)? LENGTH OF EACH CLASS SESSION (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number) MORE THAN .1. 11:19 UR .2le .3.. ..HDURS :1. 1.11.99.13.51 1 £911.85 1 2 3 4 5 J. Would you return to the program if the time for each class session was reduced? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: “_.-__ _--_._—.- -..—--— K. How many hours would you be willing to spend in each class session? LENGTH OF EACH CLASS SESSION (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number) MORE THAN 1_HOUR 2 HOURS guHOURS HOURS 4 HOURS 4 5 2 3 246 L. At what time of day did your class meet (ITEM # 18)? TIME OF DAY (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number) MORNING/AFTERNOON EVENING 1 2 M. Would you return to the program if this class was offered at another time? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: N. At what time of day would you want to attend this Class? TIME OF DAY (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number) MORNING/AFTERNOON EVENING 1 2 BRIEF EXPLANATION: -.. —.—_- ——.-—-_.—.-M——..._.-__—— —--—_._..“_.~._. ___--,,--__,...._ ..—_— ———.——- - 0. How many minutes a day on the average did you spend travelling to and from school (ITEM #2 AND #20) NUMBER OF MINUTES PER DAY (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 15 16 to 30 31 to 45 46 to 60 MORE THAN MINUTES MINUTES MINUTES MINUTES 6Q MINUTES 1 2 3 4 5 947 P. Would you return to the program if the distance/travelling time were shorter? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: Q. How many minutes a day on the average would you be willing to spend travelling to and from school? NUMBER OF MINUTES PER DAY (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 15 16 to 30 31 to 45 46 to 60 MORE THAN MIMQISS MIMQTSS MIMMISS MIMQISS SQWMIMQTSS 1 2 3 4 5 BRIEF EXPLANATION: ——~‘- ——--r— —.—~- -—.-.._ .«.. ......— -. o“- ...—.--..— -- ...- .-- ..-._ —_.—_--— —.. -. I, _ -—_-.. ..- 5.. —. ,. _ -A p- —. ...-_ ...—— —.- .-— ~-.——..--—--_ _---——......-.- R. How many hours a week on the average did you spend doing homework and/studying (ITEM #27). NUMBER OF HOURS PER WEEK (C.L.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 MORE THAN NONE HOURS HOURS HOURS HOURS 20 HOURS 1 2 3 4 5 6 248 S. Would you go back to school if you could be assured of a less load of homework/assignments? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: T. How many hours a week would you be willing to spend on homework/studying? NUMBER OF HOURS PER WEEK (C.L. alt.) (Circle ONE Number) 1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 MORE THAN MQME SEEKS MQQBS M9983 MQHRS 2Q HOURS 1 2 3 4 5 6 BRIEF EXPLANATION: .... -. -~—"-—.v_ “...—....- -. -... ...-— -..-c- _ .- ---“ --. —— OJ—QO-u- .... aw--—o——¢ .«u ... --.-..-- - .— -.---. ¢_-.- — ..- ——_..—-...—-.. -;--- ---.-’_. fl...“ <_ -...- r _. ---‘n..._- .- U. How much time was required for you to complete this learning program. and how much time was left at the time of your withdrawal (ITEM #13)? (C.L.) a) 1, MONTHS b) MONTHS V. Would you return to the learning program if the time required for you to complete it was reduced? 1. YES 2. NO BRIEF EXPLANATION: .... “v"..u "H -“C- n ‘ OR 249} How much time would you be willing to spend doing this program? (C.L. alt.) _ MONTHS M...- “...—1.... BRIEF EXPLANATION: . _, Mum (FOR ALL THOSE REASONS IN QUESTION B ABOVE THAT APPLY. BUT ARE NEITHER ECONOMIC NOR TIME COSTS. ASK QUESTIONS X AND/OR Y. CLARIFY THE QUESTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ITEM/REASON CONCERNED). Would you still be there if things had turned out differently? WOULD YOU STILL BE THERE? (Circle ONE Number for Each) ITEM NUMBER MES M9 BRIEF EXPLANATION “____“ 1 2 __~____ _ __,_____‘-_ “......” 1 2 __--___ _.__-___._,.-__-_ I - - ____ _ - __ _ _- _- 1 2 $_~_ _ -__-_____ _ 1 2 _. _-.___._. - 1 2 _- 250 Y. Would you go back if the barrier in question was removed? WOULD YOU RETURN? (Circle ONE Number for Each) NSSEER ggg M9 BRIEF EXPLANATION 1 2 ______ 1 2 ______ 1 2 ..... 1 2 --- 1 2 2. Right now. what. if anything, would make you return to the education program? .. —-- ‘._—._ ---- —.—-.-—.-.-..- -....S . « -...———.. _. ..——...-— -———.—--. ....~- ... 251 IV BACKGROUND INFORMATION The following questions will help me learn about the people who participate in adult education programs. As with all information provided in this survey, your answers are completely confidential. None of your responses will ever be associated with your name. 1. Sex 1. Male 2. Female 2. Age 1 under 25 2 25 — 29 3. 30 - 34 4. 35 - 44 5 45 - 54 6 55 and over. 3. Race: 1 White 2 Black 3. Hispanic 4. Native American 5 Asian. Oriental 6 Other 4. Marital Status: Single Married Divorced Separated Widowed (fifiQMI—I 5. Children. 17 years or younger: None One Two Three Four More than four 010! IDQMH 6. Highest level of formal education completed: 8th grade or less 9th - 12th grade graduated from High School College studies. AQNH 10. 11. :0 U! R) Do you have a paid job? 1. Yes, a full-time job 2. 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