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we campus-p.14

The Economic Sociology of Kenya's Lake Victoria Beach Communities: The Intersection
of the Economy, Communal Social Relations, and Gender

By

Deborah P. Theado

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Sociology

1998

ABSTRACT
THE ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF KENYA’S LAKE VICTORIA BEACH
COMMUNITIES: THE INTERSECTION OF THE ECONOMY, COMMUNAL
SOCIAL RELATIONS, AND GENDER
By

Deborah P. Theado

Although some attention has recently been directed to the species changes
occurring within Lake Victoria (e. g. Pitcher and Hart, 1995), scant attention has been
focused on women’s experience within the Lake Victoria ﬁshery. This research seeks to
correct that oversight. This research explores the societal and economic experiences of
women in the ﬁshery communities of Kenya’s freshwater beaches. A particular focus is
directed to women who work within the ﬁshery. From March through August of 1995, 17
beach communities were visited and 150 women and men were interviewed for this study.
Geographically, these beach communities ranged from Kenya’s northern regional
boundaries with Uganda to Kenya’s southem—most borders with Tanzania.

Women have multiple and varied responsibilities within their socially expected
roles in the ﬁshery and the beach communities which are ethnically dominated by the Luo
people. Their responsibilities include providing for their children and themselves despite
challenging economic circumstances. To accomplish these tasks, women use their
communal social relations which consist of the inter-dependencies individuals develop as a
result of societal interaction (e.g. Minar et al., 1969; Hiskes, 1982; Goudy, 1990; Overing,

1989; Fiske, 1991).

 

Methods employed to uncover these beach-level socio-economic experiences
included an extended interview schedule and tools which allowed formal observational
assessments of households, beach communities, and social relations. Scales were
constructed to measure the ﬁt between economic and social demands and subsequent
reliance upon social relations. Findings suggest that the women draw heavily upon
established social relations and that these social relations are critical to their survival in

challenging social and economic circumstances.

 

 

 

Finally.
To the Women of the Beaches who took the time to talk, teach, laugh, play, and
ultimately, to dance with me, I carry you in my heart always.
I have told your story as best I could. It is but a poor reﬂection of your reality.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am indebted to a good many people on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean who
helped me through this, some by prodding, some by cajoling, and some by ignoring me.
They have all contributed to the successﬁrl completion of this, at times, overwhelming
task.

My Kenyan Colleagues:

Erokomano ahinya Jaduong, Mr. James Ogari, Director, KMFRI Inland Lakes. In
the same manner in which you have supported my work, my home will always be open to
you and to your family.

To Owaduwa Ernest Ondiek Yongo, KMFRI, socio-economist: ilal ahinya,
without you and your humor - we would have all died many times. Anyar JoLuo always.
In owaduwa. Erokomano, Owaduwa

To Ongola, KMFRI, driver: we could never have gotten where we did and as far
as we did without you. I am grateful. Erokomano, Omera
My U.S. Colleagues:

My new colleagues at Beloit College oﬂ‘ered continuing support, shoulders to cry
on and commiserating stories of their own graduate processes. I extend special thanks to

the members of Beloit College’s PAC-96.

 

To Committee Members Christopher K. Vanderpool, William Derman, and
Lawrence Busch: At varying times and in varying ways, each of you provided a particular
kind of support and encouragement which was essential to my completion of this work
and critical to my emotional well-being. Thank you.

To my Committee Chair, David Wiley: You will never know how much it meant to
me to hear your voice, patient and calm, prior to my evacuation ﬁ'om Angola. Thank you
for your patience, persistence, and encouragement through this entire process.

Support for this dissertation research was provided ﬁ'om IIE/Fulbright and
Michigan State University. I received pre-dissertation ﬁinding ﬁ'om the IPFP program of
SSRC and the American Council of Learned Scholars. My thanks to these funders.

And ﬁnally, to my Friends and my family:

David Plank and Betsy Eldredge, also Michael and James. From a tender opening
in my heart, I thank thee all. Your support and encouragement is incalculable.

Joann Neuroth, this also belongs to you. You started this process with me.
Mthout the 5:30 am. calls, who knows what would have happened. I thank thee also.

Theo Mace, you came on in the middle and, through sickness and health, you have
stayed until the end. You are indeed family. How do I thank thee?

And, of course, to Joan Penﬁeld, perhaps you are the only one who knows how

much this means. Thank you for consistently caring. This may belong to you most of all.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................... x
CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 1

Theoretical Perspectives to Be Employed ................................................................ 1

The Socio—cultural Context of Kenya’s Lake Victoria ............................................. 3

The JoLuo and the Fishery ...................................................................................... 4

History of Kerrya’s Freshwater Fishery .................................................................... 6

Women and Fishery Activity .................................................................................... 8

The International Fishery Economy and Women in Beach Communities ................... 9

A Preliminary Discussion of Women and Power ....................................................... 9

Foucault, Giddens, and Smith on Power ................................................................... 12

The Activities of Women Historically in the Fishery and in Luo Society ................... 16

Migration Issues ...................................................................................................... 25

Present Day Politics of Ethnicity for the JoLuo ........................................................ 27

The JoLuo and the BaSuba .................................................................................. 28

Study Objectives ............................ 32

The Social Relations of Economic Activity .......................................................... 32

The Gendering of Fishery Activity and Micro-Sized Economies (MSEs) .............. 34

Data Collection and Methodology ........................................................................... 3 7
CHAPTER 2

THE LITERATURE ....................................................................................................... 39

Identiﬁcation of the Relevant Literature ............................................................... 39

Economic Sociology ........................................................................................... 44

Economic Theory and Women ............................................................................. 45

The Failure of Prior Analytic Models of Economic Activity to Capture Human

Behavior ..................................................................................................... 47

Institutional Economics ....................................................................................... 47

New Institutional Economics (NIB) ..................................................................... 48

Limitations of New Institutional Economics ( NIB) .............................................. 49

The Impact of a Monied Economy ....................................................................... 50

The Overlay of Socially Constructed Systems ...................................................... 51

World Systems Theory ........................................................................................ 53

The Impact at the Beach Level ............................................................................. 6O

Micro-sized Economies ....................................................................................... 62

Social Relations .................................................................................................. 63

Gendered Research ............................................................................................ 64

Linkage of Household Patriarchy and Male Dominance with World Systems

Economy. ............................................................................................... 65

Kenyan Women ................................................................................................... 70

Women and Security ........................................................................................... 71

Summary ............................................................................................................. 72
CHAPTER 3

METHODOLOGY ......................................................................................................... 74

Research Design .................................................................................................. 74

Beach Selection... ................................................................................................ 75

Participant Selection .................................................................................. . .......... 79

Beach Entry ........................................................................................................ 81

Interview Sites .................................................................................................... 83

The Interview Process ......................................................................................... 86

Instruments and Analysis ..................................................................................... 88
CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS REGARDING LAKE VICTORIA’S BEACHES and COMMUNITIES

........................................................................................................................... 90

Geography ............................................................................................................ 90

The Gendered Worid of the Lake .......................................................................... 103

Women’s Entry Into Beach Communities ............................................................. 104

Demographic Proﬁle: Age, Children, Education ................................................... 108

A Case of Childcare Responsibilities .................................................................. 112

A Case Study of Business Start-up ..................................................................... 125

Household ResporLsrbility ....................................................................................... 127

The World Economic System - Its Intersection with Fishery Women .................... 141

Problems and Strategies .................................................................................... 146

Identiﬁcation of Categories of Respondents’ Problems and Strategies ................ 149

Building Scales of Measures ............................................................................... 151

 

CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................... 160
The Contemporary Frame of Women’s Social Reality in Luoland ......................... 161
Women and Product Transport .......................................................................... 163
International Fish Traders, Social Relations with “Customers”, and Women

Traders .................................................................................................. 164
Purchase/Sale Strategies and Social Relations .................................................... 165
Tradition and Current Social Relations of Fishery Practice ...................................... 168
Theoretical Implications .................................................................................... 173
Directions of Future Research ........................................................................... 174

APPENDD( A - Map of Lake Victoria ......................................................................... 176

APPENDD( B- Household Interview Schedule ............................................................. 178

APPENDD( C - Beach Observation checklist ................................................................ 220

APPENDIX D - Household Observation Checklist ....................................................... 222

APPENDIX E - Complete Data Tables ......................................................................... 224

APPENDIX F - Complete List of Variables ................................................................... 241

APPENDIX G - Measure of Linear Association: Business Strategies by Social
Relations .......................................................................................................... 247

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................ 248

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 - Region, Size and Fishery Type of Originally Selected Beaches, 1995 ................ 76
Table 2 - Fish Species and Popular Name ........................................................................ 79
Table 3 - Number of Respondents at each Beach by Gender ........................................... 80
Table 4 - Number of Respondents Who Have Farmland ................................................. 92

Table 5 - Size of Farms for Female Respondents, 1995, All Districts, Value in

Acres .................................................................................................................. 93
Table 6 - Female Respondents Who Have Animals ................................................... 94
Table 7 -Total mrmber of Women Respondents Who Rent Farmland ................................ 94
Table 8 - Number of Acres Respondents Rent for Farming ............................................. 95
Table 9 - Number of Acres Rented for Respondents Who Rent ....................................... 95
Table 10 - Respondents Who Lived at This Beach for the Past 12 Months ...................... 96

Table 11 - Respondent’s Means of Transport by Single Use of Transportation
Only .................................................................................................................... 98

Table 12 - Respondent’s Use of Multiple Means of Transportation ................................ 99

Table 13 - All Respondents Who Report Walking as Some Part of Transport .................. 99

Table 14 - Amount of Time Respondent Needs to Travel to Her Primary Market

Location ............................................................................................................ 100
Table 15 - Respondents Who Travel More Than 15 Minutes to Market ......................... 101
Table 16 - Respondent’s Ethnic Identiﬁcation ................................................................ 102
Table 17 - Age of Respondents (Females) ...................................................................... 109
Table 18 - Number of Respondent’s Children Who Are Currently Living ...................... 110
Table 19 - Total Number of Children Respondent Currently Supports ........................... 111

Table 20- Number of Children for Whom Respondent Provides Care But Whom She
Did Not Birth .................................................................................................... 112

Table 21 - Age of Youngest Child Whom Respondent Supports (Whether Birthed or
Not) .................................................................................................................. 114

Table 22 - Age of Oldest Child for Whom Respondent Provides Regular Care (Summary
Table) ................................................................................................................ 1 l4

 

Table 23 - Number of People Eating in Respondent’s Household on a Daily Basis ......... 115

Table 24 - Number of Years Respondent Has Been Married (Summary Table) .............. 116

Table 25 - (Women) Respondent Considers Self to be Sharing Household with
Spouse .............................................................................................................. 116

Table 26 - Women Respondent’s Report of Husband’s Age by Categories (Summary

Table) ............................................................................................................... 118
Table 27 - Women Respondent’s Self -report of Age by Categories .............................. 118
Table 28 - Male Respondent’s Report of Wife’s Age (Data for First Wife only) ............ 119
Table 29 - Female Respondent’s Who Report Not Knowing Husband’s Age ................ 120
Table 30 - Male Respondent’s Report of Wife’s Age .................................................... 120
Table 31 - Husband’s Report of First Wife’s Number of Years of Education ................. 121
Table 32 - Husband’s Report of Second Wife’s Number of Years of Education ............ 121
Table 33 - Husband’s Report of Third Wife’s Number of Years of Education ............... 122
Table 34 - Women’s Report of Spouse’s Number of Years of Education ....................... 123

xii

Table 35 - Education Level for Female Respondents ..................................................... 124

Table 36 - Male Respondent’s Educational Level .......................................................... 125
Table 37 - Respondent’s Report of Number of Co—wives ............................................... 128
Table 38 - Women’s Report on Spouse Contribution of Food ....................................... 129
Table 39 - Men's Report of Wife's Contribution of Food or Money ............................... 129

Table 40 - Women’s Report on Others’ (Not Husband) Contribution of Food or

Money .............................................................................................................. 129
Table 41 - Men’s Report of Others’ Contributions ........................................................ 130
Table 42 - Childcare Strategies and Practices ................................................................ 133
Table 43 - Which Relative Provides Childcare .................................................... .. .......... 134
Table 44 - Living Space When Working ........................................................................ 135
Table 45 - Distance From House to Beach .................................................................... 135
Table 46 - Number of Hours Women Work In Their Fishery Practice Per Day .............. 137
Table 47 - Time Women Respondents Leave Home ...................................................... 137

xiii

 

Table 48 - Time Women Respondents Go Home at End of Day .................................... 138

Table 49 - Number of Hours Male Respondents Work .................................................. 139
Table 50 - Time Male Respondents Leave Home to Begin Work ................................... 139
Table 51 - Time Male Respondents Go Home at End of Day ......................................... 140
Table 52 - Respondent Shares Childcare with Co-wives ................................................ 141
Table 53 - Respondent Cooks with Co-wives ................................................................ 141
Table 54 - Respondent Farms with Co-wives ................................................................. 141
Table 55 - Does Women Respondent Identify Any Business Competition ...................... 142
Table 56 - Women Respondents’ Identiﬁcation of Business Competitors ....................... 143
Table 57 - Travel time to market for all Women Respondent ......................................... 145
Table 58 - Women Respondents’ Travel Time to Market - (more than 15 minutes ......... 145
Table 59 -.Male Respondents Time from Home to Beach - (men in ﬁshery only) ........... 146

xiv

Chapter 1
Introduction

There is a developed and an on-going body of literature which explores the lives
and existence of the particular species of ﬁsh which inhabit East Aﬁica’s Lake Victoria.
However, the lives of the people who inhabit Kenya’s Lake Victoria beach communities
have received limited attention. Further, social scientists have failed to articulate the social
relations of ﬁshery economics, the social relations of gender, and the particular socio-
economic strategies of women living in those communities.

The purpose of this research is to explore and describe the lives of a particular
segment of women living and working in Kenya’s freshwater beach communities. My
intent is to document how women integrate their lives with their economic activity. Their
economic activity occurs both within, and outside of, the freshwater ﬁshery. Finally, I
explore the intersection of economic activity and gender and the resultant dynamic within
the arena of social relations which shape Kenya’s Lake Victoria communities.
Theoretical Perspectives to Be Employed

This research inquiry is directed towards women’s activity to provision themselves
and provide care for their families. It is hypothesized that these critical activities of
personal sustenance and economic livelihood are embedded within a spectrum of social
relations. Brieﬂy, social relations will be understood as the social connections between and
among individuals or groups of people. It is expected that these social relations facilitate
or inlu’bit successful accomplishment of the essential economic and household tasks in

which women engage. Further, these social relations may be understood to be overtly

2

manifested or they may be less visible to observation and therefore submerged within other
forms of social organization. An extended discussion of this concept will be presented
later in this writing.

To effectively contextualize women’s socio-economic experiences within the
Kenyan ﬁshery requires that multiple theoretical concepts be utilized to most accurately
capture the reality under which women who work and live in ﬁshery communities exist. In
addition to consideration of pertinent social science discussion regarding Aﬁica and
Kenya, three major theoretical perspectives of social experience are engaged to provide
the ﬂame for this research: economic sociology theory, gender theory analysis, and social
relations theory. This critical combination of theoretical paradigms provides a more
inclusive set of analytical tools with which to discern women’s socio-economic experience
within Kenya’s Lake Victoria communities and the socially constructed economies within
which they must operate.

I explore Kenyan women’s socio-economic experience in the ﬁ'eshwater ﬁshery
with particular regard to the local level of marketing activity. Accordingly, this discussion
considers women’s activity as it crosses into speciﬁc economic arenas. However, this
discussion is not a focus on economic activity qua economics. That is, I do not intend to
critique the subject of economics. It is not that the topic, e.g. a critique of neo—classical
economics, is not worthy of extended consideration, it is. (For a thorough critique of the
topic see, e.g. Granovetter and Swedberg, 1992; Pujol, 1995; Kuiper and Sap, 1995;
Ferber and Nelson, 1993.) However, this current research is not a critique of the

limitations of extant economic theory. Instead, my intention is to highlight the interactive

3

nature of economic activity, gender, and the social relations which surround those socially
constructed systems. Finally, the goal of this research is to articulate/describe the lives of
women who reside and/or work within Kenya’s ﬁ'eshwater ﬁshery communities (i.e., to
make overt the social parameters which surround women’s lives and to characterize
women’s experiences within those parameters).

The Socio-cultural Context of Kenya’s Lake Victoria

It is important to understand the social context in which women operate. As a
result of the need to operate within a monied economy, there has been a subsequent
migration of males ﬁ'om rural areas to urban centers where they seek waged labor.
Because the usual practice is for males to migrate singly and to leave their families in the
rural areas, women are left alone as single household providers. This migratory history and
its implications must be considered.

The Luo people are the dominant ethnic population in this region. Therefore, the
gendered roles of Luo culture also impact the daily necessities of women’s paid and
unpaid labor as well as women’s work opportunities. Further, political rivalry occurs at
the national level due to the Luos’ status as the ethnic majority in the Lake area and
because they are potentially the third largest ethnic group in Kenya.

This political concern regarding Luo numeric dominance has presented additional
political complexity for the Luo. It has resulted in an oﬁcial census extraction of a sub-
group of Luo, the BaSuba, from the larger Luo group (1989 Kenyan National Census,
released 1994). This separation is perceived by many Luos as an attempt to lessen their

numbers overall and to remove them as the acknowledged third largest ethnic group in

4

Kenya. This “ethnic” separation of the BaSuba from the Luo contributes a sometimes
uncomfortable political contour to the dynamics of the social world in which women
operate. Therefore, I present an overview of the Luo people historically as well as
consideration of their present-day socio-political experiences.

Finally, it is crucial to understanding the lives of those in the ﬁshery to consider the
ﬁshery practices of Lake Victoria. The introduction and the on-going presence of the nile
perch (Iatus niloﬁcus) in Lake Victoria and the subsequent change in, as well as reduction
of, ﬁsh species within the Lake have dramatically impacted all those whose lives are
dependent upon the Lake.

Therefore, I will discuss the context of the ﬁshery and Lake Vrctoria in which
women operate. Luo history and contemporary ethnic considerations will follow that
discussion. A discussion of the implications of urban migrations complete this introductory
section.

The JoLuo and the Fishery

The JoLuo (Luo people) came to Kenya’s Nyanza Province (see map, Appendix
A) as pastoralists who had engaged in farming activities and cattle-raising prior to
migration (Ochieng’, 1974; Wiley and Yongo, 1992). Over time, the Luo ventured beyond
their subsistence farming practice and began the practice of ﬁshing. Eventually, their
involvement in ﬁshing expanded such that today the Luos are the ethnic majority of ﬁshers
who ﬁsh in Kenya’s (approximately) 6% of Lake Victoria (Reynolds and Greboval, 1988;
Hoekstra, 1992). The present research also ﬁnds the ethnic majority of ﬁshers to be Luo.

(see discussion later in this writing). As the current research also demonstrates, ﬁshery

5

involvement, whether as ﬁsher or in ancillary work as processor or marketer, is a common
economic activity for Luo people living in the lake area.

The occupation of ﬁshing has not always been viewed as viable economic activity;
additionally ﬁshing was not considered an appropriate or respectable pathway to
opportunity (Jensen, 1973). This diﬁ‘ers from the status which it currently enjoys among
the Luo and others in ﬁshing communities. Presently, ﬁshing is viewed as an economically
viable and socially respectable activity. In fact when asked in what fashion would they
expand or change their economic activity, participants in the present study responded that
they would purchase new ﬁshing gear, either as an addition to their existing equipment or
as a new venture. Both males and females stated the desire to increase their economic
involvement in the ﬁshery.

Today the Luo engage in all facets of ﬁshery activity from catching the ﬁsh to its
processing, its transport, and its sale. Over time the social and ecological context in which
these activities occur has changed. With the entry of international marketers, acquisition
of ﬁsh has become more challenging, both for ﬁshers and for those who sell the product at
the local and domestic Kenyan market level. Since the international market has entered,
some ﬁsh species have disappeared; other species are reduced in availability. Finally,
introduction of new species into the Lake have subsequently impacted the overall present-
day ecology of the Lake (see for example, Reynolds and Greboval, op. cit; Moreau, 1995;

Twongo, 1995; Pitcher, 1995).

History of Kenya’s Freshwater Fishery

The historic impact of the external world on artisanal ﬁshers has recently come
under scrutiny. Wiley and Yongo (1992) posit that, in Kenya, this impact came about as a
result of a combination of factors. They argue that the demand for ﬁsh from European
colonialists living in Kenya’s highland area combined with the desire of those managing
the building of the railroad (which would ultimately stretch from Nyanza Province to
Mombasa) to obtain an inexpensive and easily obtained protein source for railroad
construction laborers account for some of the dynamics which challenge the livelihoods of
artisanal ﬁshers. And ﬁnally, Wiley and Yongo (op. cit.) argue that introduction of “Irish
Linen Nets“ into the ﬁshery in 1905 was a major factor in the reduction of ﬁshing stock
which continues to the present day. They argue that the Irish linen net provided a cheap
and accessible ﬁshery gear. Therefore as a result of the international attention on and
demand for product from Kenya’s lake ﬁshery, as well as the resultant introduction of this
more easily obtained gear, the amount of ﬁsh harvested increased.

As early as 1924, a letter ﬁ'om the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries in London
lamented the reduced access to an adequate ﬁsh catch close to shore (Wiley and Yongo,
ibid.). In that writing, Henry Granaries, from the Ministry of Agriculture and Fishery in
London, states to Captain Caldwell:

All we know is that the ﬁsheries have been falling oﬁ‘. The fact that, as I
understand you, the ﬁshery used to be successfully prosecuted fairly close
to shore and is successfully prosecuted at a considerable distance from the
shore may provide a clue to the cause (as quoted in Wiley and Yongo,
1992, p. 2).

The concerns regarding the need to proceed further from shore in order to obtain a

7

suﬁcient catch, raised in this writing of 1924, are echoed in a 1927 report to the Game
Warden from the Senior Commissioner for Nyanza, Kisumu, which states:

It is generally admitted that the catches of ﬁsh are less than they were. In
the early years, the average catch is estimated to have been over 25 ﬁsh per
100 yards of nets while boats operated at only about a mile from shore. In
later years, the catch fell to 5 per net and to get these the boats have to go
ﬁ'om 12 to 15 miles out. There appears to be no doubt whatever that ﬁsh
taken in the Lake are decreasing... (ibid., p. 3).

The substance and implication of this archival data make it apparent that the introduction
of new gear technology and vessel improvement impact the opportunities for and the
amount of the overall ﬁsh harvest (Wiley and Yongo, op. cit). These occurrences provide
the backdrop for later and continuing changes in the ﬁshery which come as a result of
Kenya’s Independence in the 1960's. Subsequent changes in public policy and its
implementation also result from this colonial legacy. It important to understand that formal
social relations, as codiﬁed in laws and promulgated regulations, certainly changed. In
addition, it is reasonable to surmise that informal ﬁshery practice and the social relations
surrounding indigenous beach-level activity also shifted as the regulatory burden imposed
as the result of “an illegitimate and alien invasion by foreigners” of the former colonialist
regime was lifted via Kenya’s Independence (Wiley and Yongo, op. cit.).

In the 1980's, international demand for nile perch (mbuta) increased. The
subsequent reported increases in mbuta catches seemed to be in response to this demand.
This increase in the presence and capture of mbuta signals an almost simultaneous

decrease in the presence of the favored indigenous ﬁsh, known as ngege or tilapia (Wiley

and Yongo, 1992; Reynolds and Greboval, 1988; Witte, Goldschmidt, and Wanink, 1995).

8

Many sources (e.g., see references above, in particular see Pitcher and Hart, ed., 1995)
provide excellent and detailed discussions of the ecological status of Lake Victoria as a
whole. My purpose here is not to duplicate that eﬂ‘ort but merely to provide an overview
of the environmental and ecological impactors that resulted in the historical legacies which
contribute to shaping the social, environmental, and economic milieu which women living
and working in contemporary beach communities encounter.

Additionally, as Harris, Wiley, and Wilson (1995) suggest, arenas traditionally
occupied by artisanal ﬁshers and accomplished at the beach level are challenged by the
entry and dominance of international economic activity. The impact of the world
economic system on local level activity will be discussed later in this writing. However, it
is important to understand the operating of local social and economic systems as occurring
within the context of and resulting from the dynamics of several levels of activity,
including community, provincial, nation-state, and ultimately, an international arena. The
present research effort further explores this issue (of international impact) with regard to
ﬁshery activity, e.g., processing, trading, and preparation, which has been traditionally
accomplished by women within the beach communities.

Women and Fishery Activity

Although females are not generally permitted or tolerated within ﬁshing vessels
except in unusual circumstances, the present research found that it is not unusual for
women to be boat owners. Data collected regarding individuals who are active in
Tanzania’s Lake Victoria ﬁshery also suggest the presence of women boat owners (see

Wilson, 1995).

9

However, the type of ﬁshery activity in which women may engage is socially
proscribed. As an example of men’s prohibition of women working on the lake itself, men
at Kenya’s Gingo Beach stated that “the lake is too dangerous for women” and that
“women would be too aﬁaid to be in the boats.” Gingo men also suggested that women
tended to decrease the ﬁsh catch by their mere presence. However, women standing
nearby and actively listening to this discussion in its entirety snorted derisively. It is
reasonable to conclude that particular gendered social relations of Luoland prohibit
women’s participation in the catching phase of ﬁshery activity.

However, an exception to the banning of women on the ﬁshing boats occurred at a
small beach near Muhuro Bay area. In this instance, this woman’s work as a ﬁsher was
acknowledged and accepted by all in the community. Her particular social circumstances
inchided a husband who was known throughout the community to be mentally inﬁrm. As
such, she had been allowed to adopt the role of active ﬁsher in her family system and
within the community as a whole. Her activity was accepted and unchallenged.

Generally however, women dominate numerically and are most visible in the
activities of processing and sale or marketing of the ﬁsh product. Discussion of women’s
proscribed ﬁshery activities and males’ subsequent incursion into these areas of processing
and sales follows.

The International Fishery Economy and Women in Beach Communities
A Preliminary Discussion of Women and Power
Pre-feminist theoretical discourse of women’s relations in social organizations

frequently focused on the role of “power.” That concept was understood to be inﬂuenced

10

by status, wealth, as well as by the one’s relations to others, particularly women’s
relations to males who hold “power.” However, feminist discourse broadened this more
narrow understanding and argued that the impact of gender and gendered roles resulted in
a pervasive set of overriding social relations which had to be addressed with particular
attention. This understanding of social relations as gendered argued that simply laying on
a prior set of theoretical models obscured, occluded, and overlooked the actuality of
women’s experiences. In essence, the concept of power (as well as other sociological
concepts as they had previously been understood) was too limited a concept to
incorporate women’s lived experience (e.g., see discussions by Smith, 1987,1990; Hill
Collins, 1990, 1991; Baca Zinn et al., 1986; Harding, 1987, 1991; Lorber, 1993).

It was argued, correctly, that simply viewing women as “oppressed” by a larger
and male-created social organization failed to identify or address the ways in which that
social organization or that “oppression” was constructed (e.g., Dorothy Smith’s work
regarding “relations of ruling,” 1987 and 1990). That is, this feminist theoretical work
argued, correctly, that the sets of values, rules, “norms,” and organizing principles which
created and shaped the social structures were not gender neutral. In fact, these structures
were a direct outgrowth of male values, male norms, and ultimately were structured to
beneﬁt males. What feminist theorists offered was the excavation of the prior
unacknowledged hegemony of a dominant schema of social organization. In essence,
feminist theorists argued that the dominant schema of social understanding was (and is)
shaped by those with dominance of gender, class, and those who hold social ascendance

over others (e.g. Hill Collins, 1990, 1991). In general, those engaged in feminist argument

11

and theory held that the inherent shortcomings of prior models which attempted to
describe the social construct of “power” did not have adequate elucidating “power” to
highlight or assess women‘s experience within social organization and, therefore, could
not adequately articulate women’s lives.

For example, Luo women are subject to the social relations of gender extant within
their culture. Therefore, one of the concerns a woman with a business must manage is her
husband’s demand for money. Despite what ostensible “power” in the form of relative
amounts of wealth or goods she may have, her “power” lessens (as compared to that of
males) when she is subjected to the gendered social relations of Luo culture which relegate
her status as female as secondary to the status of those whose status is assessed as male.

An additional example of the manifestation of gendered social relations and power
within Luo culture is evidenced by consideration of women’s use of time. The tasks
which women and girls must accomplish deﬁne their use of time. Their discretionary time
when compared with the free time of males (that is, time to use as they self-deﬁne without
the intervention of males) is negligible. As one female respondent in the present study
suggested: her advanced age and her widowed status are what allowed her to take time to
talk with me. Younger women with husbands, she assured me, would not be “allowed” to
“waste” their time in such a fashion. She stated that should these younger married women
talk with me “[T]hey would be punished for wasting their time.”

Therefore, to simply overlay those gender-biased theoretical models would erase
or obscure the particularistic gendered experience of women’s lives. Thus, my research

integrates cross-disciplinary foci to capture women’s experience within extant social

12

structures. It is possible that the more overt or gross manifestations of “power” may be
captured via the use of these traditional theoretical models. That is, the access one has to
land, goods, and resources may be easily measured. However, the more subtle displays of
power and the more subtle manifestation of gendered social relations are most likely
overlooked in those models. In the following discussion, I will consider the models of
power assessment offered by Foucault and by Giddens. This will be followed by a
summary of Dorothy Smith’s concerns regarding the “relations of ruling” which shape
social organization.

Foucault, Giddens, and Smith on Power

According to Ramazanoglu (1993) “Foucault has argued that [it] is not where
discourses come ﬁom nor what interests they represent, but what eﬂ'ects of power...they
ensure (ibid., p. 19).” Despite the narrowness of Foucault’s posit, which fails to account
for the social milieu in which the discourse occurs and thereby misses the gendered social
relations which construct the discourse itself, there is value in understanding that the
exercise of discourse “ensures the eﬂ‘ects of power.” That is, the social manifestation of
discourse permits the public demonstration of “power” and insures the capability of the
actor to continue to display “his” (sic) standing within the larger community.

As mentioned brieﬂy above, Foucault fails to articulate the social dynamics in
which the discourse exists and within which it is conducted. These dynamics which are
ﬁequerrtly a result of gendered social relations reﬂect the societal organization which
permits men to exercise “power over” others, i.e., to manifest dominance. Foucault

constructs an argument which addresses only the differences in discourses but does not

13

address the differences in types or amounts of power. The danger in this limited
perspective is that it fails to account for the social relations of dominance which are
attendant and essential to the creation of the discourse itself. Therefore adoption of
Foucault’s model of power or discourse is inadequately structured to accommodate
women’s experience in the ﬁshery.

Anthony Giddens, a British sociologist, oﬂ‘ers another model for the assessment of
power. As Giddens (1984) states, “[t]he main concern of social theory is... the
illumination of concrete processes of social life (p. xvii)” In his attempt to achieve that
illumination of social life, Giddens posits a theory of structuration while critiquing the
shortcomings of prior models. In that critique, he argues that the role of the individual
must be assessed with regard to the individual’s ability to act and impact the surrounding
social organization. To this end, he introduces the idea of the individual as agent and
states:

Agency refers not to the intentions people have in doing things but to their
capability of doing those things in the ﬁrst place which is why agency
implies power (emphasis added, op cit. p. 9).
Rather than leave the reader to wonder about this idea of “capability,” Giddens goes on to
argue:
An agent ceases to be such if he or she loses the capability to “make a
diﬂ‘erence”, that is, to experience some sort of power... [A]n agent is able
to deploy (chronically, in the ﬂow of daily life) a range of causal power,
including that of inﬂuencing those [i.e. the range of causal powers]
deployed by others (p. 14).

This statement suggests that the individual must not only be able to act but that the

individual must also be able to affect others’ actions or others’ deployment of power.

l 4
Should the individual not be able to affect on other’s deployment of power, that individual
ceases to be an agent, i.e. ceases to have power.
To demonstrate the variety ways in which power may be deployed, Giddens (ibid.)
continues his consideration of this conception of power and additionally states:
Resources ...are structured properties of social systems, drawn upon and
reproduced by knowledgeable agents in the course of interaction.
Resources are media through which power is exercised (ibid.).
And ﬁnally, he states:
Power within social systems which enjoy some continuity over time and
space presumes regularized relations of autonomy and dependence between
actors and collectivities in contexts of social interaction. But all forms of
dependence offer some resources whereby those who are subordinates can
inﬂuence the activities of their superiors ...[which is] the dialectic of control
in social systems (op. cit. p. 15). .
This conceptualization of power when applied to women within the social
construction of gendered social relations can only conclude that women are without
“power,” in that their ability to inﬂuence the causal power deployed by males is
proscribed. Giddens’ discussion of power and agency provides a more comprehensive
ﬁame for exploring these social constructs than does Foucault. However, Giddens’ model
also fails to articulate the particularistic social relations of gender. In failing to account for
that dynamic of social organization, his assessment of power and agency also falls short as
a measure against which to determine women’s experience.
Dorothy Smith oﬂ'ers valuable insight regarding power in her presentation of her
concept of the “relations of ruling” (e.g., 1987). Smith (1987) states that: “A sociology is

a systematically developed consciousness of society and social relations” (ibid., p. 2). She

15
argues cogently that this “systematic” development of sociology is amiss in its treatment
of women’s experience because:
...there is a singular coincidence between the standpoint of men implicit in
the relevances, interests, and perspectives objectiﬁed in sociology, and a
standpoint in the relations of ruling with which sociology objectiﬁed forms
of social consciousness coordinates. Established sociology has objectiﬁed
a consciousness of society and social relations that “knows” them from the
standpoint of their ruling and from the standpoint of men who do that
ruling. To learn how to know society from sociology ...is to look at it
from those standpoirrts. It is to take on the view of ruling and to view
society and social relations in terms of the perspectives, interests, and
relevances of men active in relations of ruling. It is to know ourselves thus.
(emphasis added, 1987, p. 3).
Smith’s statement argues forcefully of the dangers inherent in simply overlaying extant
sociological models which fail to account for the relations of niling which construct that
model. Her conceptualization of the relations of ruling speaks to the gendered dynamics
inherent in the foundation of social organization. As Smith states:
I am identifying a complex of organized practices including government,
law, business and ﬁnancial management, professional organization, and
educational institutions as well as discourses in texts that interpenetrate the
multiple sites of power (ibid).

This last quote points to what Smith terms the “extralocal mode of ruling.” As the
phrase suggests, she is referencing the ﬂame of social relations which shapes the particular
manifestation of social interaction under sociological scrutiny. Her concern is well placed
in that it attempts to highlight the unarticulated assumptions inherent in all forms of social
relations. In this instance she has correctly targeted the male-based assumptions of power
inherent in sociological constructions of that social dynamic. The task of this research is

to explore Giddens’ “dialectic of control” as it is manifested for women in the ﬁshery and

16

to make overt the covert “relations of ruling” of which Smith so eloquently outlines the
dangers. Luo women’s social experience in pre-colonial and colonial settings provides
insight into the social relations which also shape their contemporary experience.
The Activities of Women Historically in the Fishery and in Luo Society

Women who work in the ﬁshery and inhabit the beach communities of Kenya’s
Lake Victoria lead challenging lives as do most women in Aﬁican nations (e.g., Coquery-
Vrdrovitch ,1997). The tasks which women must accomplish on a daily basis incorporate
both contemporary as well as historical practices; these tasks can be understood to contain
a gendered component (Hay, 1976). The mix of household and economic tasks, as well as
the linkages of these activities, create the ﬂame within which women operate and also
create the social barriers which women encounter. Additionally, this gendering of roles
accounts for the complexities and limitations placed upon their economic activity.
Pre-colonial Women’s Activity

Ogutu (1979), in his discussion of women’s roles in pre-colonial Luoland, states
that “...[I]t is clear that trade had become a recognised way of accumulation of wealth (in
Ogot, 1979, p. 229).” He goes on to state that “This wealth had a foundation on the land
(ibid.).” However, in both pre-colonial and colonial Luo culture, men were those who
owned the land and men were those who were able to travel to trading sites (Hay, 1976).
Hay (ibid.) states that Luo women are considered to have been the “traders of pre-colonial
Luo society” (ibid., p.92). However she argues that this is an”oversimpliﬁcation” in that
“women were primarily involved in ...local trade... (ibid.).” That is, women did not travel

to marketplaces but rather engaged in sales close to their living area. Further, women’s

1 7
trade activity occurred usually during harvest times resulting in “. ..seasonal rather than
...regular [economic] activity (ibid.).” What is obvious is that women were regulated to
seasonal market activity and to local trading opportunities in pre-colonial Luoland. Long
distance economic activity was considered the province of men.

Therefore in both pre-colonial and colonial periods of Luo society, land ownership,
and hence wealth, was the province of men. As Ogutu (1979) has suggested in his
discussion of pre-colonial Luoland, trade and land were integral to the accumulation of
wealth. Wealth was tied to land ownership. In the patrilineal society of Luoland, a
portion of the family’s land was passed ﬁom father to son upon the son’s marriage. As
Hay (1976) discussed in her consideration of colonial Luo practices, the remainder of the
father’s land was divided among the sons at the time of the father’s death. This land
division practice continues in contemporary times among the Luo. In fact, this practice
accounts for many of the economic challenges which women in the present study faced.
Several women reported that upon the death of their husband, they found themselves
without land and a home since their plot had been appropriated by the sons of their
deceased husband’s other wives.

Sachs (1996) discusses the work of Par-part and Staudt (1989) regarding Sub-
Saharan Aﬁica and the colonial impact on contemporary land ownership. She states that
African men were encouraged by colonial practices in “southern and eastern Aﬁica to
consolidate land in men’s names” (Sachs, 1996, p. 52). As Sachs (ibid.) argues,

“Traditional patterns of access to and control over land in most Aﬁican

societies showed unequal distribution between the sexes, with women’s
access to land usually being mediated by male family members - women’s

l8

husbands, fathers, or adult sons. ( ibid., p.53)”
In her consideration of contemporary landholding patterns worldwide, Sachs (op.
cit.) discusses the connections of women to land and argues that women account for
ownership of less than 1% of land in the world at large. She states:

Land, which is ...extremely signiﬁcant in the social relations of farming, is
usually a farmer’s principal asset. Women produce the majority of the
world’s food, but they share limited control over, ownership of, and access
to land. ...Thus, women’s exclusion from land ownership limits their access
to credit, capital, and other resources ( ibid., p. 45).

With the entrance of colonists, extractive demands on indigenous resources of land
and labor increased. As a result the focus of production and accumulation moved away
ﬁ'om family dralas and toward the larger economy deﬁned by the colonists’ demands and
wants. Hay (1976) also posits that “labor, not land, was the limiting factor of production
well into the early colonial period ...[which] contributed to the high social value of
polygyny and the desire for numerous offspring ( ibid., p.93).” The labor provided by
women was essential to the determination of the standard of living which the household
was able to attain.

In contemporary times, women’s labor continues to be essential and critical to the
household both for the purpose of re-creation as well as for providing an economic base
for household operation. When women’s household responsibilities and their economic
activity (which are discussed later in this writing) are considered, it is obvious that both
Hay (1976), with her concern regarding the importance of women’s role in the
establishing of wealth for the household, and Coquery-Vidrovitch’s (1997) concern

regarding the demands and time-constraints placed on women as a result of their

l 9
household responsibilities offer useﬁil insight into the reality of women’s “lived
experiences” (Smith, 1987).
Colonial Roles for Women

The role of women within historic, i.e. pre-colonial and colonial, as well as
contemporary Luo society was and is focused primarily on those activities which “re-
created” the household and as well as on those activities which result in primary
responsibility for childcare and food preparation. Hay (1976) highlights the tasks of
women in her discussion of Luo people during the early 1900's, i.e. colonial times, in the
Kowe region of western Kenya. Of particular interest is not only her discussion of
women’s activities which parallel those tasks needed for re-creation of the household and
the provisioning of grains but also her discussion of the “Apamo, the rinderpest epidemic
of the 1890's.” This epidemic ultimately impacted the agricultural production of
households and therefore how households constructed their activities.

According to Hay (ibid.), households in the colonial period, which had enjoyed
economic ascendancy as manifested by size of cattle herds, found themselves in economic
hardship as cattle were killed as a result of this rinderpest epidemic. Hay (1976) argues
that the epidemic fueled householders’ efforts to increase their agricultural production as a
direct result of the loss of cattle. As Hay states (op. cit.) “...the epidemic accelerated their
efforts to exploit the greater potential of their ...enviromnent (p. 90).” Further, although
“agriculture had traditionally been the province of women, one result of the Apamo was
that some men in Kowe became increasingly involved in agriculture in an attempt to

rebuild their herds (p. 90).”

20

An additional burden on indigenous households were the British colonialists. The
British colonialists extracted physical resources from the environment in which Kenyan
women and men lived (Hay, in Haﬂcin and Bay, eds., 1976). That is, agricultural products
which could have gone to increase indigenous household supplies were redirected to meet
the demands of British colonial interests. As Hay states that: “the real burden of coping
with this nearly impossible situation [satisfying British demands]... fell on the women, who
remained at home while their husbands and sons sought outside employment (p. 87).” As
the unpredictability of the larger colonial economic market re-shaped rural Kenyan
women’s lives, they were forced “...[t]hrough a continuous process of experimentation
and innovation in agriculture and in trade ...to meet the economic demands of the colonial
economy and in a broader sense to stay even (ibid., p. 88).”
Women and Contemporary Fishery Practices

As Hay suggests above in her discussion of men’s movement into trade and
agricultural activity, as an area of economic activity becomes lucrative, men (despite
gendered tradition) move into that economic arena in order reap beneﬁts, thus displacing
women whose purview the arena had been. An additional comment of Hay (rbid) is of
interest to this discussion. She states “...[W]ealthy men - particularly those with many
wives - scorned work in the ﬁelds, whereas poor men might help their wives with most of
the agricultural tasks (p. 91).” This last statement suggests that men will also engage in
gendered proscribed behavior when necessity or purpose is perceived. Therefore, it is
apparent that if economic gain or (at times) necessity is indicated, Luo males in pre-

colonial, colonial, and in contemporary times will enter into economic practices which are

 

21

usually socio-culturally gendered.

Men’s displacement of women, despite the gendered taboos regarding work tasks,
in favor of ﬁnancial gain continues to be evidenced within contemporary ﬁshery activity.
Men’s entrance into the gendered activity of trading, traditionally viewed as women’s
work, is evidenced in this present research and appears to be a result of the impact of the
international market on beach level activity.

Women’s speciﬁc work within the ﬁshery has been a traditional and historical
constant. That is, there are certain tasks and work demands related to the ﬁshery which
are only conducted by women and have been so over time. Essentially this work has
entailed the cleaning, processing, cooking, and/or trading of ﬁsh (Hay, 1976). However in
contemporary times, women’s work within the ﬁshery has been challenged and, in some
areas, ultimately changed in its focus as a result of the international attention directed to
the ﬁshery. This international impact is both direct (e.g., the on-site presence of multi-
national marketers) and indirect (e.g., econorrric intervention in the form of increased
international market demand).

“Within Luo society, women’s roles have encompassed the processing, preparing,
and cooking of foods. As women became involved in the formal economic arena of the
ﬁshery, it can be understood as a “natural,” although gendered, extension of their
expected household and social responsibilities that their assumed tasks within the formal
marketplace encompass preparation of foodstuﬁ‘s within the ﬁshery. The tasks of
cleaning, processing, and selling of ﬁsh in the local market and at the beach-level market is

the arena which historically has deﬁned the socially-constructed understanding of

22

women’s activity (Hay, op. cit). With the increased present-day involvement of the
international market, males are making in-roads into women’s ﬁsh processing arena. At
several beaches in this research effort, men reported that they were “traders and/or
processors” of ﬁsh. It is my contention, which is supported by Hay’s (ibid.) work, that
were it not for the monetary gain ostensibly available from international sources, men
would have limited motivation to enter into what is considered in Luoland to be “women’s
wo .”
The Impact of the International Market on Beach-level Exchange

An additional impact of the international market has been the advent of male
bicycle traders. These men bike into more remote beach areas and purchase ﬁsh on behalf
of large factories. Then they transport this ﬁsh via bicycle to urban areas for delivery. The
involvement of these bicycle traders has a complicated impact on women traders. The
impact on women can be understood as two-fold. Women’s access to both quantity and
quality of ﬁsh product is reduced. That is, as a result of bicycle traders intervening in
beach-level exchanges on behalf of employers with international interests, ﬁsh which
would have been available to women for purchase is no longer oﬁ'ered or sold to them.
That is, higher quality ﬁsh product is withheld from women and reserved for international
marketers or their representatives. This “withholding” is both the act of keeping ﬁsh
solely for sale to those international marketers or their representatives who come to the
beach and it also results from a price which is prohibitively high for local women traders.
Women’s price for purchase usually reﬂects a negotiated price which is traditional Luo

practice. This negotiated price permits her to include some “proﬁt” margin in her later

23

sale of this ﬁsh.

Additionally, male bicycle traders can be particularly physically aggressive when
approaching ﬁshers to purchase ﬁsh. As evidenced during my beach observations and as
reported by women respondents, male traders will frequently push women aside as they,
the male trader, approach the boat of his choice. It is not deemed signiﬁcant that the
woman was present prior to the arrival of the male trader nor is it necessarily deemed
important that she may have already begun discussion with the ﬁsher in question. As a
result of the physical aggression of some bicycle traders, on some beaches (e. g. Luanda
Kanyang ’0) women have learned to move aside fairly quickly if a trader is seen
approaching a particular boat or ﬁsher rather than risk physical encounter.

As quantity of product available to women marketers has been reduced through
the advent of international involvement at the beach-level, so too has the quality of
product available to women been reduced. That is, women will be sold the remains and
rejects of what the international traders do not want. Often this will include damaged (e. g.
bruised), spoiled, or undersized ﬁsh (ﬁngerlings). In fact, at some beaches most notably in
the south, a new market niche has been created as some women traders now specialize in
the processing and selling of ﬁngerlings.

Price Setting

Finally, an obvious impact of the international marketers’ intervention is their
direct impact on the establishment of particular buying prices and their indirect inﬂuence
on the subsequent selling price women marketers can ask. Jacobsen (1994) discusses the

impact of monopsonies, i.e. purchase situations in which the buyer is able to set or

24

determine the price to be paid. Jacobsen’s (ibid.), although writing about labor practices,
introduces the concept of “barriers to exit” which can be understood as the seller’s
inability to travel easily beyond the area of sale or exchange but to which the purchaser (in
this case, international marketers or their representatives) have access. As a result, the
purchaser is in the unique position of having inﬂuence over the determination of the asking
price. Thus, indigenous ﬁshers can be understood to be at the ﬁscal mercy of those large
purchasers who bring their reﬁigerated trucks to the beach sites. This situation which
occurs at many beach sites reﬂects the control of the international marketers in
determining the price they will pay for ﬁsh.

Later in this writing (see Chapter 4), I present discussion of study participants’
answers which reﬂect that powerful role multi-nationals and large factory buyers have in
setting the prices for a given beach. Both male and female respondents report that ﬁsh
sale prices are frequently set by the international buyers themselves. This may sometimes
be in consultation with some particular beach members but more frequently this purchase
price is set solely by the international buyers themselves. These buyers are said to argue
effectively that they are familiar with purchase prices elsewhere and that only a particular
(and low) sum of money is a reasonable price at this particular beach. These prices do not
reﬂect the market value of the ﬁsh to be received later on in the market chain. However,
the level of this purchase price is frequently too steep for local women traders. The actual
price they must pay initially and the price they are able to charge to their later customers
prohibits women’s purchase ability.

As a result of international intervention, the price women are forced to pay for ﬁsh

25

purchase reﬂects not the local economy but rather the larger societal economy and by
extension, the larger world economy. The impacts on women are again two-fold. First,
women are forced to pay a price which they do not assist in setting. Therefore, their
ability to include their own costs (e. g. inclusion of overhead costs, labor, or travel) in
determining later re-sale price is decreased if not totally inhibited. Second, and of
particular sociological signiﬁcance, the social relations of negotiation and exchange which
have been integral to this society and many other Aﬁican societies are disrupted or
curtailed. In essence, the social and economic relations of the community are subject to
the usually non-existent mercies of the international economy and its representatives.
Migration Issues

Kenyan population trends during 1989 viewed in comparison with those of 1979
suggest a movement of rural inhabitants toward more urbanized areas (Kenya Central
Statistics, 1979, 1989). Although the reasons behind this movement may vary, a major
impetus which can be surmised is the desire for many to increase their access to goods and
resources for their families via increased wage-work opportunities (e. g. Coquery-
Vidrovitch, 1997; Sheldon, 1996). Subsequently and more importantly those who migrate
and those who aspire to migrate hope this move will result in increased income. Of
particular interest however is the pronounced gender diﬁ‘erential. That is, males more
frequently than females inhabit these urban areas (despite an even representation of males
and females across the overall population). Kenya Census (1989) data suggests that males
out-populate females in these urbanized areas by almost 15%. It is important to

understand the implications which urban migration contains for the fabric of social and

26
cultural organization whether in Kenya, in Aﬁican societies generally, or in other nations.

Young and Wilmott in their discussion of family patterns in East London in the
early 1950's state:

Behind that formality [of state government] stood the rudiments of a much
older organization, the kinship-based structure which has preceded the
State as a method of government not only in Berthnal Green [the
neighborhood area in which they conducted their ethnographic study] but
in most of the world. At the time the survey was done, the extended
family was, as we put it, the women’s trade union, the source of informal
mutual aid for women and children and for men too where they were in
need of support. With so many relatives living locally there was less
pressure and less of a weight of expectation for married couples to bear on
their own. Children were still growing up with their grandparents on the
spot, being almost as much a part of their family life as their parents.
(Young and Wilmott, 1986, p. xvi)

Given the role that kinship ties play and have played in the lives of many around
the world, the migratory trend of Kenyans toward urban areas portends of many potential
social and communal consequences. As Mitchell (1987) suggests kinship ties and
spatial/geographic location have particular relevance within the articulated lives and
underlying social relations of many in Aﬁican societies. Kenyans, and in this particular
research the JoLuo (the Luo people), are also susceptible to the sociological implications
of the migratory inﬂuences on kinship relations as suggested by Mitchell (ibid.). Cohen
and Atieno-Odhiambo (1989) discuss 01010 which is the Kaloleni area of Nairobi. They
describe this sub-section of Nairobi as providing a “home” away from the cﬂrala (the Luo
word for one’s “real” home) for those Luo from Siaya area who are living and working in
Nairobi.

As will be discussed later, this movement of men to urban areas for increased

27

economic opportunity frequently results in women having increased and regular economic
responsrbility for their families in the rural homelands. How women address these daily
economic demands and meet the resultant life challenges is of particular interest since
women and children are ﬁ'equently the most vulnerable part of any population. This study
articulates the lives and experiences of a particular segment of those women, i.e., those
who seek their economic livelihood in the freshwater ﬁshery located around Kenya’s Lake
Basin Development Area (LBDA) of Lake Victoria which runs from Kenya’s northern-
most shared boundary with Uganda to the southern-most boundary shared with Tanzania,
and their responses to the life challenges they encounter. As a result, the lives of women
in the ﬁshery, their economic and social strategies for accomplishing the tasks of their
lives, and the ways in which they utilize their individual social relations and the social
relations of their communities to facilitate that life activity provide the parameters and
focus of this research and writing.
Present Day Politics of Ethnicity for the JoLuo

According to WR Ochieng’ (1974), the Luo people of Nilotic origin, arrived in
the Nyanza Province from the Sudan in the late ﬁfteenth century. Following land and
resource disputes with neighboring cultural groups, the JoLuo, who had existed peaceth
with these other groups, began what Ochieng’ termed “the spearhead of the great
southward movement in the history of migration and spread of the Nilotes” ﬁom the
Sudan (op cit., p. 19). Ochieng’ (1974) concludes that four main divisions or groupings of
the Luo people resulted from that migration. He suggests that these groups are easily

isolated ﬁom each other by culture and genealogy but remain within the overall Luo

28
heritage.

One of those groups, which completed the original ﬁfteenth century Luo migration
and subsequently developed its own Luo sub-traditions and culture, is the BaSuba
(Ochieng’, ibid.). This group currently is the source of political disruption in the southern
region of the Lake area (along the beaches north of Muhuro Bay area). The controversy
and social disruption which surrounds the government’s enumerative separation of the
BaSuba ﬁ'om the Luo as a group adds to the social complexity which women encounter
and must negotiate in order to accomplish their socio-economic activities. Therefore, a
brief overview and discussion of this issue follows.

The JoLuo and the BaSuba
The Socio-Political Implications of Separation of the BaSuba from the JoLuo

According to Kenya’s 1979 census data, the Luo totaled approximately 79% of the
populace in western Kenya’s Nyanza Province and about 13% of Kenya’s total
population. A change in ethnic groupings from 1969 to 1979 resulted in a subsequent
reduction in the overall number of Luo people. In 1979 the BaSuba, historically
considered a Luo sub-group for prior census activity (most notably 1969), were separated
out and named a distinct ethnic group. This group equaled only about 0.40% (less than
one-halfa percent) of Kenya’s total population. However, it is of interest to note that had
that re-grouping not occurred, the JoLuo would have been a close contender for rating as
the second largest ethnic group in Kenya. Presently, they are considered to be the third
largest ethnic group in Kenya.

It is important to note that the redeﬁnition of the Luo into two distinct ethnic

29

groups occurred following political contention between factions of Kenya’s populace. The
Luo played a major role in this contention for political inﬂuence. (For discussion of the
political disruption of the time which resulted in the murder of Luo political ﬁgure, Tom
Mboyo and the split from the major Kenya party KANU by Oginga Odinga who then
formed the Kenya FORD party, (see c. g. Cohen and Atieno Odhiambo, 1989; Miller and
Yeager, 1994).

Given the historicity of political jockeying regarding these socio-political parties,
the debate continues regarding the purpose and political implication for the separation of
the BaSuba from the JoLuo in census collection and interpretation. However, for those
who live within the geographical region in which this ethnic question is raised, a series of
complex social relations result. The issues of social relations are reﬂected with regard to
ethnic lineage and cultural heritage and with regard to the political and social unrest which
resulted from the 1995 community disruption and violence. The social relations of
economic activity must also occur within the ﬂame of this socio-political disruption.

Census data for 1989, collected from “24/25 August until 2 September 1989”
(Kenya Population Census 1989, p. 1-1), was not available to the public until late 1994
and early 1995. At the time of the release almost 5 years after its collection, the Luo
people were reported to be about 12.4% of the total Kenyan population. They numbered
about 2.7 million people. The BaSuba were counted to be about 0.50% or one-half
percent of the entire population, totaling no more than about 108,000 people.

Culture as Determinant of Ethnicity

During my research interviews it was apparent that some accepted this

 

30

contemporary social construction of ethnic difference. That is, when asked their ethnicity
identity, some respondents replied that they were of “mixed” heritage ﬁ'om BaSuba and
JoLuo unions. Whether this ethnic differentiation is “legitimate” or not is debatable.
Discussion oﬂ‘ered by Ochieng’ (1974) as well as perspectives offered by laypersons
within Kenyan society would challenge this ethnic separation. A brief overview of that
argument follows.

As Ochieng’ (1974) concludes, culture and genealogy provide the connections
which articulate the boundaries of any ethnic grouping, despite subtle variation within the
ethnic category. Ochieng’ (ibid.) regards the commonality of language and culture as the
measure of ethnic inclusion. His contention is exempliﬁed by an encounter and discussion
I had with a man of the Teso ethnic group. “William” (not his real name) worked in the
hotel in which I stayed and used as a base during the course of my research. On a daily
basis, he and I talked frequently about my work and his life.

The Kisumu hotel from which I traveled to my activities on the beaches had a
multi-ethnic staﬂ’. As a result, I learned greetings in a number of different languages, e. g.
Kalenjin, Kikuyu, Kisii, Luyhia, and KiSwahili. However, my major language focus was
on DhoLuo, the Luo language, since my work would take me mainly into contact with the
Luo people. Therefore, as I learned the Luo language hotel staff of any ethnicity, as well
Kisumu dwellers, would often engage me in conservation in DhoLuo. Essentially, all who
spoke DhoLuo became my teachers.

In talking with William, initially in DhoLuo and then in English, we talked of his

culture and his ethnic group. He described the Teso as a “tiny” ethnic group from west

31

Kenya “with not many members.” Many Kisumu community residents and hotel personnel
had suggested that as a result of my language acquisition that I was truly a “daughter of
the Luo” (“In nyar JoLuo ” which, dependent on the inﬂection, can be understood as “you
are a m daughter of the Luol”). While talking with William, I jokingly suggested that
instead of my “becoming” Luo, I should instead set my aspirations on joining the Teso in
order to swell their numbers substantially. In an extremely serious and somewhat shocked
fashion, William looked at me and responded that it would not be possible for me to
become Teso because I “did not know [their] language.”

The implications of William’s concern suggest that the commonality of shared
language, and by extension the sharing of cultural traditions which is ﬁequently manifested
via language development may lead to one’s inclusion within a particular ethnic group or
identity. To apply his concerns to the BaSuba and JoLuo, it would appear that the shared
language and cultural tradition of these two groups would prohibit separation of the two
into different ethnic groupings. Additionally, it makes more plausible the argument that
something other than clarity of ethnic grouping underlies the separation. Further, it lends
credibility to the claim of many that political motivation is the impetus behind this
enumerative separation.

Data gathered during this research further challenges the separation of the BaSuba
from the Luo and supports the argument oﬁ‘ered by Ochieng’ (1974) as well as the
concern raised by William. That is, those who identiﬁed as BaSuba provided telling
information regarding the existence of a distinct BaSuba language. Respondents who

identiﬁed themselves as BaSuba most often stated that they were “not ﬂuent in” the

32
BaSuba language or, more interestingly and perhaps more truthfully, they stated that the
language did not yet exist.

The lack of a common language and the small size of identiﬁed members of this
ethnic group leaves one wondering the purpose of attempting to separate out this group
from the larger Luo grouping. Given the history of political contention between the Luo
and the standing government as well as other political factions, it is not unreasonable to
conclude that the attempt to diminish the Luo in number is more politically motivated than
it is an attempt to acknowledge an additional ethnic grouping. Whatever the motivation
for the distinction, this division provides an additional and challenging social construct
through which those in the ﬁshery and other beach area inhabitants must proceed in order
to conduct their lives.

Study Objectives
The Social Relations of Economic Activity

Economic sociologists, Swedberg and Granovetter (in Granovetter et al., 1992)

state:

Economic action is a form of social action;

Economic action is socially situated; and,

Economic institutions are social constructions (ibid, p.6).
Despite the seemingly self-evident nature of these concepts, these ﬂaming parameters have
been infrequently applied to research exploring individual economic activities (e.g.
Swedberg et al., op cit., Smelser et. al, 1994). In fact, empirical economic research has
been too inﬁequently explored within the social sciences (Etzioni, 1991; Swedberg, 1992).

The conceptual delimiters, as stated by Swedberg and Granovetter, combined with an

33

overriding sociological frame provide the approach for this research.

Those involved in marketing activities in and around the lake beach communities
face a series of particular social, political, and economic challenges as discussed above.
The historically secure processing and marketing activities of this ﬁshery industry related
to Lake Victoria have been eventually dislocated due to the impact of the world market
economy into which this indigenous activity of the ﬁshery has been thrust. Further it can
be argued that species ﬂuctuation ﬁirther disrupted that traditional ﬁshery practice.
Whether the species ﬂuctuation is a result of a normal ebb and ﬂow of the various ﬁsh
species, a result of the seemingly cyclical prevalence of a given ﬁsh species, or as a result
of an actual ﬁsh species change continues to be debated (Harris, Wiley, Wilson, 1995; e.g.
see Pitcher and Hart, 1995). Whatever the initiating causal factor(s), those involved in
local or community marketing of ﬁsh have suﬁ‘ered an economic impact which
encourages, if not forces, them to aggressively fashion their economic strategies for
survival. This research explores those strategies of economic activity and the extent to
which those strategies are embedded within communal social relations and to what extent
they are, in fact, dependent upon those communal social relations for successful outcomes.

The focus of this research is on the economic activities of the people, both men
and women, living and working in Lake Victoria’s beach communities. Given the
prevalence of women in small scale and micro-sized economies, it is imperative that this
study perforce assume an additional perspective to particularize and capture the socio-
economic experience within Lake Victoria’s gendered ﬁshery market activity. In

particular, this study focuses on Kenyan women living and working in Lake Victoria's

34

beach communities. Women's activities in small-scale and micro-sized economies (SSEs
and MSEs) within the ﬁshery and the critical role of social relations in the economic
survival strategies of these women provide the research foci. A myriad of socio-economic
stressors currently challenge the Lake Victoria beach communities and make more visible
the societal barriers which individuals must surmount in their daily lives. This research
seeks to articulate those social stressors, to highlight social and economic strategies
developed in response to those stressors, and to explore the role of communal social
relations in facilitating these strategies in this economically challenged society (Mutiso,
1987; MacGaﬂ‘ey in Robertson et al., eds, 1987; Minar et al., 1969; Hiskes, 1982; Goudy,
1990; Overing, 1989; Fiske, 1991; Vail, et al., 1980; Wiley and Yongo, 1992; Harris,
Wiley and Wilson, 1993).

The Gendering of Fishery Activity and Micro-Sized Economies (MSEs)

Recent study of the market activity in several emergent and re-emergent
economies (Liedholm and McPherson, 1991; Liedholm and Mead, 1987; Fisseha, 1982;
Eldredge, 1992), suggest that micro-sized economies (MSEs), i.e. businesses with fewer
than ﬁve employees (for an extended discussion see Liedholm et al., 1987), are an active
strategy of individuals to gain access to the immediate economic environment in which
they are embedded and, potentially, to participate in the world market economy (Liedholm
and Mead, 1987; Roemer et al., 1991). MSEs offer access to proﬁts and livelihood, the
conunon meditun of exchange or monetary unit. MSEs can be a vehicle for resource
distribution and provide a vehicle for employment opportunities to the under- or un-

employed in any community as well as offering additional income sources to the fully-

35

employed (Castells and Portes, 1989). Such informal economy establishments are oﬁen
found in areas with marked population concentrations, whether rural or urban (Liedholm
et al., 1987).

Women and children historically and universally are a most vulnerable population.
Kenyan women, particularly those in the bottom economic strata of society, have devised
socio-economic strategies to survive the residual impact of poverty and socially
constructed categories of economic exclusion which have relegated them to a set of social
circumstances which appear almost impossible to surmount. As stated above, Lake
Victoria beach communities have been severely impacted economically and socially as a
result of ﬁsh species ﬂuctuation, ﬁshery technology change, and ecological changes to the
Lake itself (Wiley and Yongo, 1992; Harris, Wiley, and Wilson, 1995). Women, who
constitute approximately one-third of the heads of households in these beach communities
(Wiley and Yongo, 1992), can be assumed to suffer additional burdens due to their already
vulnerable gender status.

Traditional Western exploration of economic activity in non-Western countries has
focused on certain market variables as deﬁned in the assumptive models of neo-classical
economics, e.g., proﬁt, capital, costs of production or overhead, and labor costs.
Investigation of these variables has failed to adequately grasp and comprehend the social
context in which these activities occur (Klitgaard, 1991; Perkins, 1991; Bruce et al., 1988;
Guyer, 1988). Further, although women represent a signiﬁcant portion of those involved
in these MSEs (e.g., Liedhohn et al., 1987; Downing, 1990), the systemic forces which

uniquely impact women within any economic system have been generally ignored (Waring,

36

1988). Therefore, attention must also be directed to gender issues inherent in the social
relations of the economic activity within small-scale and micro-sized economies
(Downing, ibid; Feldman, 1991).
The primary hypotheses of this research are:
1. Simple associational or contractual relationships are not sufﬁcient to
obtain entry into or achieve success within the marketplaces; it is expected
that parallel market activity is actually dependent upon highly developed

and complex communal social relations;

2. Successful economic survival strategies by women require
strengthening, extending, and drawing upon their communal social

relations.

Secondary or implied hypotheses are as follows:
1. The viability, or marketability, of a product may not be a simple function
of consumer need but also a reproduction of complex communal social

relations, e.g., marketers will sell what is available to them and consumers

will buy what is available;

2. The function of these communal social relations may be either affective
or ﬁnancial in nature and outcome (Mutiso, 1987; MacGaﬂ’ey, 1987).

Support networks are more salient when social or economic setbacks are

37

encountered;

3. The access of women MSE owners to items essential for production and
marketing opportunities is positively correlated with the social networks,
communal relations, and amnal linkages to which they have access (Obbo,

1980; e.g., Obbo, MacGaﬁ‘ey, or Bujra in Robertson et al. eds., 1986).

4. Social, public, or NGO policy development which takes into account and
builds into economic projects these extant Gemeinschaﬂ social relations is
more likely to be successful;

To answer these research questions, data such as the following has been collected:
1. Type and amount of women's market activity in and around Lake
Victoria’s beaches;
2. Type and amount of assistance received in facilitating the woman's
market activity, e.g., capital;
3. Coping strategies utilized by women in response to disruption of
societal infrastructure and traditional livelihoods;
4. Role of amnal ties of birth, marriage, or kinship imputation in these
strategies;

Data Collection and Methodology
This study was undertaken along the shoreline conununities of Kenya’s Lake

Victoria. Over the course of about 10 months, from January 1995 until November 1995, I

38

conducted a series of interviews with and observations of women and men inhabitants of
17 beach communities. Colleagues from the Kenya Marine and Fishery Research Institute
(KMFRI) accompanied me and facilitated my research eﬁ‘orts. Data was gathered via an
interview schedule, formal observational tools, and ﬁeld note material.

These 104-question interview schedules (see Appendix B), speciﬁcally designed
for this research eﬂ'ort, incorporate the areas of concern raised in the hypotheses and other
issues of social concern. For example, the interview schedule included questions
regarding: respondents’ demographics, formal educational experience, literacy, numeracy,
nutrition and food sources, income-producing work activity both within and outside of the
ﬁshery, agricultural activity, the speciﬁc demands of their income-producing activity, and
the ways in which any of those demands are accomplished in concert with family members,
ﬁiends or business partners. A speciﬁc set of 6 questions was directed to all female
participants. The interview took approximately 60 to 90 minutes to administer. Interviews
were conducted at beach sites as well as households. A more detailed discussion of the

issues of methodology and analysis occurs later in this paper.

Chapter 2
The Literature
Identification of the Relevant Literature

In sociology, as in the other social sciences, any theory must be assessed for its
utility in explicating the variances and vagaries of social experience. All theories are based
on a series of assumptions which “theoretically” shed light on a set of socially obfuscated
empirical observations of the broader societal setting. Within those assumptions are the
inherent shortcomings of the theory itself or, to paraphrase a Marxian concept, potentially
the seeds of its demise lie within it. That is, when the model or formula which the theory
espouses fails to account for a wide enough or complete enough swatch of social life, the
model needs to be re-assessed for its utility and applicability.

It can be argued that neo-classical models of economic activity have failed to
account for the social reality in which the economic model was created (which introduced
its own series of biases) and within which the economic system under scrutiny exists.
These limitations perhaps reﬂect more the limits of the humans applying the model and
those interpreting the outcomes of those models rather than the limits of the economic
model itself. That is, there has been a failure on the part of economists, who are in fact
social scientists, and other disciplines of social analysts to remember the hidden and
backgron assumptions of economic theory and to make overt those caveats when
applying those models of social investigation.

This failure to acknowledge the impacts of social reality accounts for the present

day limitations of most economic theory. As Smelser and Swedberg (1994) suggest neo-

39

40

classical economics has based its theory on the assumption that the economic actor is one
who is engaging in “ratio ” choice. That is, the actor has been perceived to be
uninﬂuenced by additional variables of her/his social milieu and to instead have based
her/his decisions on perceived economic outcome alone. Smelser et al. (ibid.) state:
“...[T]he actor is uninﬂuenced by other actors... All economic actions are assumed to be
rational (p. 4).” This assumption excludes the dynamics of the social milieu in which the
actor operates. Consideration of Anthony Giddens’ theory regarding power and agency is
pertinent here.

Giddens (1987) argues that those who have agency reﬂect both the ability to act
and the knowledge that they are able to act. The awareness of their ability to act results
ﬁ'om their perception of the agency of their group, the larger social context of which they
are a member. This suggests that several social milieux within which one may be a member
dictate the immediate agency experienced by an individual. This has relevance later in this
discussion for women’s ability to operate and act within the ﬁshery. The ﬁshery activity is
bounded by and operationalized as a result of males within the beach communities and by
males ﬁ'om international marketing enterprises. Luo women, as are women within many
cultures (see feminist discussion of gendered practices, e.g., Stacey et al., 1986; Harding,
1987,1991; Lorber, 1993 ), are constrained in their economic activities by socio-historical
cultural traditions which are inﬂuenced by economic as well as gendered historical
practices (e. g. Hay, 1976). Therefore their ability to act as economic agents is limited by

the gendered constraints placed upon them by the socially constructed economic arena in

41

which they act. As such, their ability to act as “rational” economic agents in a neoclassical
theory model is prohibited.

These unexplored assumptions of economic activity limit the researcher’s ability to
have a more complete understanding of the economic actor’s behavior and motivation for
particular action. Additionally, the impact of the socio—cultural environment in which the
economic action takes place is excluded. Conceivably this exclusion of essential socio-
cultural information precludes successful research interpretation of “facts”critical to
economic and social activity. Lorber (1997) raises an interesting argument in her article
“Believing is Seeing.” Although she is discussing the limitations of biology as determinant
of sex, her concern provides added value to the present discussion. Of particular
relevance is her statement: “When we rely only on conventional categories..., we end up
ﬁnding what we looked for - we see what we believe (ibid., p. 20).”

Therefore, discernment of the socio-economic experience of Lake Victoria’s
beach community inhabitants demands a critical analysis not simply of individual income
levels but of the particular economic experience ﬂamed within the social context in which
beach inhabitants live. Further, because the research focus of this effort results in study of
the local-level ﬁshery marketers, an economic arena in which women predominate, an
understanding of the gendered social context must be articulated (e.g. Downing, 1991;
Guyer, 1988; Hill Collins, 1987). To appropriately contextualize women’s socio-
economic experience within the Kenyan ﬁshery, a combination of theoretical perspectives

will be utilized to most accurately capture the reality under which women exist in the
ﬁshery.

42

To reach this end of articulating the socio-economic reality under which those in
Kenya’s beach communities live and work, three major theoretical perspectives of social
experience are engaged in this research. Speciﬁcally, utilization of economic sociology
theory, gender theory analysis, and a perspective on communal social relations provide the
major paradigmatic foci. This critical combination of theoretical paradigns, and
articulation of their intersection, provides a more inclusive set of analytical tools with
which to discern local level marketers’ socio—economic experience within Kenya’s Lake
Victoria ﬁshery and the socially constructed economy of that ﬁ'eshwater ﬁshery.
When Marx described “social relations,” he was considering the forces of
production within the context of the larger society.
In the social production of their lives men [sic] enter into deﬁnite relations
that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production
which correspond to a deﬁnite stage of development of their material
productive forces. The sum total of these relations of production
constitutes the economic structure, the real basis on which rises a legal and
political superstructure... (Contribution to the Critique of Political
Economy, Preface p. xvii).

He was discussing the relationship of those who owned the means of production and those

who were “employed” to utilize those tools of production.

In this research, this concept 0 “social relations” has broader application and
utility. Within the context of this research “social relations or communal social relations”
refers to the interconnections of individuals and/or goups within and across societal
subdivisions. This conceptualization of social relations would dictate that the interactive
relations between and within beach communities, social goups, ethnicities, and rural and

urban inhabitants should be of primary consideration and of essential importance when

43

considering socio-economic life. An expanded discussion of this topic will follow later.
The concept of social relations within the ﬂame of economic activity is best understood as
both horizontal and vertical within class (Marx) or status goup (Weber) and horizontal or
vertical across class or status goup. Additionally, the ways in which social relations are
called upon (or not) and exercised (or not) as part of one’s economic activity can
ﬁequently provide the impetus for the success or failure of the economic endeavor. This
research demonstrates that contention.

This research follows and expands upon a Weberian and Durkheirnian concept of
economic sociology. I approach the question of economic activity and socio-economic
survival within the frame of sociology in order to capture the base structure of social
relations which underlies it. In addition, that sociological base is both integal and critical
to the outcome and shape of economic action at any level, whether that level is local or
community, national or nation-state, or global and international or a combination of all
these levels.

Further, articulation of the over-arching social construction of reality which
frames and shapes the context in which this segnent of Kenyan life occurs dictates the
necessity of an articulation of the overt and subtle constructions of economic and social
reality within which Kenyans and others operate at the local ﬁshery level. Therefore a
discussion of the political economy of world systems and its impact at the household level

is also warranted.

44
Economic Sociology
As stated earlier, the intersection of three constructs of economic sociology

provide the starting point for the economic perspective of this research:

1. economic action is a form of social action

2. Economic action is socially situated

3. Economic institutions are social constructions

(Granovetter and Swedberg, 1992 p.6.).

Of particular interest are the implications inherent in each of these tenets as stated by
Granovetter and Swedberg. A common implication and one that appears ahnost self-
evident is that economic action is a form of social action or interaction. The larger
implication is: given this, the question must be followed to identify the particular series of
social interactions, social weave or social relations, which also impact this “economic
action.” With regard to Granovetter et al. ’s (ibid.) second sentiment, not only the nature
of the particular social situation needs to be verbalized; there is an inherent need to overtly
contextualize that economic action within the experienced social reality of the inhabitant
of this particular social location. Finally, economic institutions are social constructions.
Simply put, economic institutions, and hence the study of economics, are not impervious
to the whimsies or particular proclivities of individuals whose speciﬁc sensibilities
ultimately combine in social organization or what we label society. Therefore to fail, in
some fashion, to account for those human frailties or “depravities” as James Madison

originally framed the issue (see Simon, in Williamson, 1994), is to set oneself and one’s

economic model up for predictive failure.

45

In any economic assessment of a situation, the underlying or ﬁaming human
interactions, whether covert or overt, subtle or blatant, impact the resultant ﬁndings.
Interestingly, it must be understood that the perspective of the researcher economist (e. g.
the researcher’s social location and, in fact, the assumptions which create the economic
model in use) as well as the economic system under research scrutiny (which itself is a
result of the social construction of reality), each carry biases, subjective understandings, or
social shapings to the situation and each need to be assessed ﬁ'om their particular
standpoint or social location (Berger and Luckrnan, 1966; Gouldner, 1970; Hill Collins,
1987; Dorothy Smith, 1986). To explicate this idea within the context of this writing, it is
important to acknowledge and account for the fact that the human interaction, or social
relations whether dyadic or communal, lends itself to the shaping or construction of the
resultant economic situation. Failure to analyze or account for these social relations
results in a weak, or ultimately ﬂawed, economic model. In this research, the major goal
is to unearth the communal social relations which facilitate or inhibit marketers in the
Kenya’s freshwater ﬁshery in their socio-economic strategies for survival and economic
livelihood.

Economic Theory and Women

Many have begun to challenge the assumptions upon which traditional economic
models have been built. Numerous writings catalog the particular limitations which
traditional economic models have perpetrated with regard to lack of social

contextualization (e.g. McCloskey, 1990, 1985; Smelser and Swedberg, 1994; Tai Landa,

46

1994; Nelson, in Kuiper and Sap, 1995; Ferber and Nelson, 1993). Discussion of the
particular failings of traditiOnal theory to capture women’s experiences has also begun.

In a thoughtﬁil assessment of the shortcomings of the neoclassical economic
tradition with regard to women’s economic behavior, Pujol (1995, in Kuiper, et al., ed)
suggests that the ﬂaws of this economic model can be summarized as having inherent in it
assumptions which characterize women as:

1. All women are married, or if not yet, they will be. Similarly, all women
have or will have children.

2. All women are (and ought to be) economically dependent on a male
relative: father or husband.

3. Women are (and ought to be) housewives, their reproductive capacities
specializes them for that function.

4. Women are unproductive (whether absolutely or relative to men is not
always clear) in the industrial workforce.

5. Women are irrational, they are unﬁt as economic agents, they cannot be
trusted to make the right economic decisions (op cit, p. 18).

These assumptions, Pujol argues (ibid), come directly from the social locations of the
economists themselves and are, in fact, a reﬂection of their “strongly held Victorian
values” rather than a reﬂection of some universal norm (Kuiper and Sap, 1995 p.6).
These assumptions, which are unspoken within this economic tradition, not only
fail to acknowledge the ways in which western women are economically and socially
viewed and codiﬁed (into a perspective which fails in its ability to capture their
experience), the model also fails to acknowledge that the differing social construction of

other nation-states and cultures may also not “ﬁt” within this narrow view of human

47

economic behavior. This present study of the economic sociology of Kenya’s Luoland
starts from the assumption that cultural practices and social relations impact and shape
economic activity and that women devise and utilize economic and social strategies which
may or may not be consciously articulated but which can be sociologically observed,
recorded, and analyzed.
The Failure of Prior Analytic Models of Economic Activity to Capture Human
Behavior

The following discussion considers the limitations of two prior models of
economic analysis which have been employed by others to respond to the concerns which
I outlined above. Those models, institutional economics and the subsequent re-vamping of
that model labeled new institutional economics (NIB), attempted to articulate the social
and human factors inherent in economic behaviors. For diﬂ‘erent reasons, I contend that
each of those models prove insuﬁicient to capture the human factors and social relations
inherent within economic activity. Given the limitations of these models, it is therefore
critical to employ a model of assessment which fully captures the social nuances inherent
in socio-economic activity. I subsequently oﬂ‘er consideration of a model of theoretical
integation critical to this end. The integative model of the impact of social relations on
women’s economic activity is the model subsequently applied to my research on Kenya’s
Lake Victoria beach conununities.
Institutional Economics

Pragnatic philosopher Charles Saunders PeirCe (193 5, in Hodgson, 1994, p. 61)

argues that both inductive and deductive reasoning contain limitations. He suggests that

 

48

actual intellectual creativity can result from neither of these strategies of scientiﬁc inquiry.
Rather, the generative aspect of intellectual creativity comes ﬁom the “transfer of
metaphor ﬁom one scientiﬁc discourse to another” via what he terms “abductive
reasoning.” That is, it would appear from his argument that the synthesis for assimilation
of diverse ideas form a moment of insight resulting in what may be termed new
knowledge. However, this result is not necessarily, nor even perhaps usually, a “logical”
progession of one bit of outcome information to the next.

This perspective underpins the assumptions which provide the foundation for the
Institutional economics of the early 1900's. Limitations of this theoretical perspective, as
well as the less than rigorous articulation of its theoretical base, led Gunnar Myrdal to
describe it as containing “naive empiricism.” Myrdal oﬁ‘ered this assessment depite his
own initial support of this economic perpsective (Hodgson, op.cit). A combination of
factors but particularly its not well-defended theory led to its eventual disuse.

New Institutional Economics (NIE)

The introduction of new institutional economics (NIB) oﬁ‘ered for some an
economic model which suﬂiciently addressed the limitation of prior models. NIE was seen
to provide an adequate accounting of the larger context in which economic activity
occurred. The following discussion provides an overview of the parameters of NIE and
addresses the limitations of this model given the present research issue.

Williamson (1994), in his discussion of transaction cost economics and
organization theory, suggests that there has been a failure within prior economic theory to

consider the institution or organization by which the economic transaction is bounded and

49

thus the application of institutional economics theory is limited. He argues this failure
compounds the inaccurate assessment of economic activity in that the empirical inﬂuences
of exchange are not fully captured in traditional neo-classical economic assumptions. He
attempts a nested or layered gaphical schema of transaction costs economics or “the
governance of contractual relations” (ibid., pg. 80) . Aﬁer consideration of Williamson’s
model, the limitations of this approach will also be considered.

In Williamson’s model of his “layer schema”, he represents the secondary or non-
primary interactions as a series of dotted lines. In this representation, the secondary
interactions attempt to capture the human impact on what he labels the “institutional
environment.” Williamson is clear on stating that “governance does not operate in
isolation.” However, relegation of individuals’ or human impact on the larger socially-
constructed institutional environment as secondary to the institutional superstructure of
the environment itself fails to account for the fact that the particular superstructure under
scrutiny was created by individual and “secondary” human impacts.

Limitations of New Institutional Economics ( NE)

The central theme of New Institutional Economics (NIB) is eﬁciency. That is, an
institution exists only because it is eﬁicient. Granovetter et al. (1992) suggests that a
major short-coming of NIE theory is that “the economic deﬁnition of eﬁicient is confusing
and contradictory and lacks subtlety”. In a cogently framed argument, Granovetter et al.
(ibid.) suggest that the NIE approach fails to adequately consider the historical context
which fostered the emergence of the particular institution under consideration. Further,

this lack of contextualization results in an ahistorical or hypothetical (as opposed to

 

50
actual) consideration of the considered institution. In critique of Schotter’s NIE (e.g.
1981) work, Granovetter et al. state:
Schotter prefers hypothetical to actual history: If something exists, it must
be (or have been) beneﬁcial for someone or some organization. This type
, of argument was once popular in sociology but would today be dismissed
as crude functionalism (op. cit., p. 15).
I would go further in this critique by arguing that the NIE perspective fails to account for
the social reality in which the institution exists and within which it was created.
The Impact of a Monied Economy
Frequently, the introduction of an external system into, or overlaid upon, an extant
social system implies more complex results than simple assumption of an additive result
might suggest. That is, the attempt to understand the impact and changes of an
introduced system demands minute attention to detail. For example with regard to the
introduction of money and monied systems, Hodgson (1994, op cit.) states:
...the account of the emergence of money...suggests that this event cannot
be explained simply because it reduced costs or made life easier for traders.
The penetration of money exchange into social life altered the very
conﬁgurations of rationality, involving the particular conceptions of
abstraction, measurement, quantiﬁcation, and calculative intent. It was a
transformation of individuals and their preference ﬁinctions rather than
simply the emergence of institutions and rules.
Some of the possible implications for the extant social system are obliquely referenced in
Hodgson’s statement. A full articulation of the spectrum of potential social system impacts
may not be possible. However, it is important to attempt overt consideration of some of

the impacts which can produce a shift in or adaptation of social relations which occur

within the impacted social system. The following discussion begins that consideration.

51

The Overlay of Socially Constructed Systems

As the socially constructed economic system of the ﬁshery at the beach-level is
considered, it is important to acknowledge the overlay of the external context in which
this activity occurs. In fact, what is critical to the present discussion is the consideration
of a social system within a social system within a social system. That is, at the very least,
goss consideration or attention must be directed to a beach-level system which exists
within the Kenyan nation-state system which itself exists within a world economic system.

As the larger social relations of the nation-state and the world economic system
impact local Luoland practices within beach communities, it is critical to consider the
resultant changes on the social relations which exist within the commmiity at the local and
beach-level. Consideration of that potential change suggests, at the least, the following
possible results: displacement or disruption of local-level economic social relations,
mutation of local-level economic activity; and ﬁnally evolution or metamorphosis in local
level socio-economic relations. Further, at a minimum, consideration must also be given
to the impact of world-market demand for nile perch on the gendered social relations of
the traditional culture of the Luo people and the family system in which they live and
operate.

There are varied ways in which money is utilized, considered, or created within
individuals’ life plans. Zelizer (1994) references, within the Western societies of the
United States, “a remarkable range of invented monies” e.g., supermarket coupons, gift
certiﬁcates, bus tokens etc. which give substance in the form of a monied response to the

demands of social relations. Given the varied forms monied social relations may assume,

 

52

it is not unreasonable to assume that social relations which heretofore did not fall within
the realm of monied repsonse may, at some point, move into the realm of a quantiﬁed
monied repsonse. With regard to this Kenyan beach-level society and its economy, an
overview of the potential impact of monied exchanges on beach-level social relations is
warranted.

An example of the impact of monied exchange has manifested itselfin a Luo
tradition of “sharing the gief.” When a Luo family member dies, those who are ﬁiends
and relatives of the irmnediate family which has suﬁ’ered the loss are expected to “share
the gief’ by money contributions. These donations are used to oﬁ‘set the cost of
transportation of the body to the cﬂrala, i.e., the geogaphic location in which one’s birth
placenta is buried. These “share the grief’ contributions are also used by remaining family
members to get on about their economic lives once the formal mourning ceremonies are
completed. Some of the women participants in this present study spoke of using funds
received as a result of “sharing the gief’ to start their economic endeavors. Ostensibly,
this “moni ” practice of the social relations of loss assists women who are economically
widowed to develop strategies for obtaining economic autonomy.

Within the Kenyan fresh-water ﬁshery, the social relations of buying and selling, or
market exchange, take on a formal contractual relationship as well as retaining elements of
traditional communal social relations. That mix, i.e. the interaction and the resultant social

impact on buying and selling practices, is the essence of this investigation.

53

World Systems Theory

Wallerstein (1991) suggests that the value inherent in world-systems analysis is not
so much in its theory per se as in the ability to ﬂame a series of questions heretofore
unavailable but absolutely critical to the work of social science researchers and theorists.
The value inherent in this theoretical framework is no less obvious than when considering
the international division of labor, economic activity, and the implications of those
Structures at the local, i.e., beach, community, or household level. The following
discussion presents an overview of the complexities which world systems theory identiﬁes
and suggests some of the implications for Luoland ﬁshery.

Wallerstein and Smith (1992) speak of the capitalist world system of economics as
embodying a series of interrelated production activities which revolve around an economic
axis of ”core" and ”peripheral" geogaphic locations and involve tasks which can be
understood as more or less core and peripheral. Proﬁts accrue to those located within the
more core axial locations and controlling the more core production activities. These series
of inter-related production activities are conceived of as existing along a "commodity
chain” which serves as a connector of seemingly diverse and, sometimes mistakenly
assumed to be, unrelated actions. Units of production can include a variety of actions:
e.g., individual activities of petty market productions, households unit activities as well as
larger manufacturing activities or goss resource extraction. Wallerstein and Smith (ibid)
suggest that production activities "clump" at varying points along these commodity chains

and they label these ”nexus” points.

54

A concern of utilizing the world systems analysis framework or model is that it
appears somewhat linear in construction (e. g. "production commodity chains") and
attempts to encompass a series of complex production activities which oﬂen occur in
distinctly non-linear fashion. In fact, identiﬁcation, and even deﬁnition, of these
production activities and the attempt to articulate the relationship between them,
frequently has been hampered because of the very lack of discipline in their manifestation.
Further, they occur on varying levels of social dimensions and can be misunderstood both
in their manifestation and in their inter-relationships particularly as these production
factors interact with gender issues (e. g. Walby, 1986; Beneria and Stimpson, eds., 1987;
Nash, in Smith et al, eds., 1988; Harding, 1987; Hester, 1992).

However, the utility of this model does not lie in what it lacks but rather in what it
adds to the discussion of the intersection of gender and world economic systems. The
linearity of the ”commodity chains" might be utilized as a way to envision the relations
between the varying levels of commodity productions within and between local, national,
and international strata. The “nexus" or clumping of production activities might be
understood to include possible tasks in which any deﬁning unit (e. g. individual, household,
or other gouping) involves itself. Further, the value of the "nexus" in this model provides
the opportunity for social science researchers to consider the contextualizing or
surrounding environment and culture in which the nexus occurs and to incorporate the
implications of that ambience and environment within the analysis being conducted.

This analytical ﬁamework in the context of household and gender production

activity then provides not simply an up-to-down conceptualization of production activity

55

but also provides for a horizontal explication of those activities and the relations between
them as well as providing the ability to articulate the context (historical and geogaphical)
and culture (social and ethnic) in which these activities occur. The end result of applying
world system analysis to the questions of gender and households and their inter-
relationship to the larger world economy is the possibility of a multi-dimensional social
analysis which accommodates "within" and "across" analysis of social organization.

Mics (1986) oﬂ‘ers a cogent historical overview and discussion regarding
”externalization or ex-territorialization" of the labor demands of the industrialized nation-
states as a result of the emergence of capitalism as a world-market economy. The
international division of labor (IDL) which emerged sometime aﬁer the sixteenth century
as a corollary to the spreading capitalist world economy, was initially predicated upon
removal of raw materials and natural resources from exploited colonies to industrialized
nations wherein the manufacture of ﬁnal products occurred. These ﬁnished products were
then marketed in the industrialized nations and, at times though infrequently, in the
colonized areas. In essence, under what Mies has labeled the ”old IDL", the production
labor required for ﬁnished manufactured goods was contained within the industrialized
nation-states, i.e. the United States, Europe, and later Japan. However, the raw materials
to create these goods, and the highly proﬁtable cheap labor to extract those materials ﬁ'orn
the environment, were expropriated from other nation-state locations.

This historical perpsective has a remarkable parallel to the present-day freshwater
ﬁshery of Kenya’s Lake Victory. Those who labor to acquire the ﬁsh frequently cannot

afford to purshase that ﬁsh themselves and are instead forced (of their own free will - to

56

paraphrase Marx) to sell their produce on the international market via the Asian
wholesalers who proliferate the beaches and waters. The ﬁsh are purported to ultimately
ﬁnd their way to the international dining tables of Japan, Great Britain, and the United
States.

Wiley and Yongo (1992) state:

Key changes in the contemporary period result from the thither
incorporation of Kenya into the global economy and the economic changes
within Kenya that provide the context for the changes in human linkages to
the ﬁshery and to the lake basin environment. The most important
parameter for this change, we hypothesize, is the rise of the export market
for Kenyan ﬁsh... ( p. 7).
In addition to the impact on the sale and purchase of ﬁsh, Wiley et al. (ibid) suggest that
the weakening of the Kenyan shilling against the international money market places an
additional demand for production on the ﬁshery since it is one of the few consistent export
commodities upon which Kenya is able to rely. The result is:
This soﬁening of the Kenya economy means that foreigi currency per
kilogarn of ﬁsh increases and the need for foreigi currency from ﬁsh also
increases due to shortages of . . .[foreign exchange]... production in other
sectors of the economy (Wiley and Yongo, p.8.) .

The method of conceptualization offered by world system analysis also suggests
some of the complexities faced when attempting to isolate the intricacies of gendered
social relations and economic activity. Potentially, the approach to understanding the
social world as a system of interactions operating within several overlying and interacting

systems provides a frame for analyzing household relations and excavating buried

gendered social relations.

 

57
Wallerstein (1991) states:
World-systems analysis is not a theory about the social world, or about part
of it. It is a protest against the ways in which social scientiﬁc inquiry was
structured... [Due to the eﬁ’ect of]... a set of often-unquestioned a priori
assumptions... [which have]. . .had the effect of closing off rather than
opening up many of the most important questions (pg.237).
The implications of this statement are broad. A primary implication sigiiﬁcant to
understanding world systems ﬁ'amework is to conceptualize of it as not an answer to
social research issues but rather as an approach to elucidation of social structures, while
using a theory with less likelihood of falling into unarticulated theoretical assumptions and
traps.

Traditional research of gender issues and relations within the larger economic
world system has provided inadequate theoretical framing to suﬁciently posit the
parameters of the issue (e.g. Smith, in Smith et al., eds., 1988; Bruce and Dwyer, in
Dwyer and Bruce, eds., 1992; Mics, 1986; Walby, 1986; Hester, 1992). On-going
examples of these debates are exempliﬁed by the discussions of, for example, socialist
feminists, Marxist feminists, and radical feminists, all engaging in research on economies
and gender intersections (e.g. Folbre, in Dwyer, ed., 1988). World systems theorizing
oﬁ‘ers the potentiality of broadening the heretofore too-narrow boundaries of exploration
of the relationship between the world economic system and gender. However, although
this world-system analysis theoretical framework may provide insight into the posing of
additional valuable research questions, it does not necessarily provide easily obtainable or

ready-made answers to those questions.

58

Consistent with concerns Gouldner (1970) has raised regarding hidden
assumptions, as well as Wallerstein's (1991) own arguments regarding a priori
assumptions, world-systems analysis suggests a method for begiruiing to untangle the mass
of societal threads which obscures adequate social science understanding of the categories
of "family" and "household" which are themselves socially constructed. A number of
issues confound the attempts of social science researchers to place parameters around this
most basic unit of social organization, the household (W allerstein and Smith, 1992).

The use of traditional neoclassical economic theory, with its assumptions of a
"uniﬁed household," preempts empirical discovery (Bruce et al., 1989). Historical
deﬁnitions have failed to address the variety of conﬁgurations in which households may
manifest. Wallerstein and Smith (1992) argue that this lack of articulation of the
particular, often ﬂuid and frequently disparate, manifestations the varied forms of
”households" may take, not only across societies (geogaphic space) but across time-space
(i.e. the historicity of households), has failed to consider the close and integral relationship
between households and the larger world—economic system.

Further, neither the concept of "families" nor "households" are "primordial.” These
concepts are in fact social constructions of whatever current reality shapes the social
setting in which they are located. Therefore, the construction of the concept of
”households” can be understood to be changeable, eminently challengeable, and ultimately
contextually dependent. Because households are not ”primordial" they can be understood
to contain the dynamics of historicity and are therefore shaped and deﬁned as well as

"bounded” (W allerstein and Smith, 1992; Touraine, 1977). Additionally, historicity can be

59
understood as encompassing both geogaphy, i.e. physical location, and time-space
location, or a particular location in time. Both of these concepts imply polity (Giddens,
1979 reprint 1990; Touraine, ibid). The impact of socio-political construction on these
conceptualizations implies, in turn, additional elasticity inherent in the manifestation and
deﬁnition of and, ultimately, the social understanding of the concept of "households" and
"families.” The idea of “elasticity” with regard to household membership, i.e. those for
whom one is responsible, is important to consider given the impact on women’s beach-
level economic practices and for women’s on-going responsibility for the recreation of
the household. These implications for study participants will be discussed in geater detail
later.

Wallerstein and Smith (1992) provide a cogent discussion regarding the bounded
parameters of "households". They suggest that the relationship between household and
global macro-level economic activity are both direct and indirect and not unrelated to both
the deﬁnition and conception of household. The authors correctly posit that previous
scholarly discussions of international economic activity have overlooked the ways in which
local economies, particularly the smallest of units, i.e. the household, are forceﬁilly
impacted by ﬂuctuations in the larger economies not only at whatever national level in
which the household exists but also by ﬂuctuations from the more macro- or international
level as well.

To begin exploration of the relationship between the international division of labor
and individual locales and households, articulation of potential categories of interaction is

critical. However, consideration of that interactional relationship is predicated upon the

 

60

particular working deﬁnition of the household. The categories of income generation
suggested by Wallerstein and Smith (1992), as well as the complex make-up of these
categories, offer a valuable starting point for articulating a deﬁnition of "household” and
therefore for understanding some of the intersections of the household with the larger
economies: local, national, and directly, as well as by extension, the international
economy. These economic intersections, i.e. the nexus of these varying economies
(W allerstein and Smith, op. cit), and the relationships inherent in those intersections,
provide the departure point for the articulation of the impact, both direct and indirect, of
the varying economic arenas on the local and household levels.
The Impact at the Beach Level

Each of the income-generating categories, i.e., wages, market sales, rent, transfer
payments, and direct labor input (for an extended discussion of these categories, see
Wallerstein and Srrrith, 1992) which identify both a household and the members of that
household contain speciﬁc characterizations of income production. These varying
categories account for varied connections to and therefore, convey diﬁ'ering impacts from
the larger market economy. Further, the interactions between particular income generating
activities can inﬂuence and are inﬂuenced by activity in other income generating arenas.
For example, Wallerstein and Smith (1992) identify a connection between the reduction in
direct-pay wages and a corresponding increase in informal sector activity. This implies
that as direct-payment wages to households are reduced, household strategies for
maintaining income levels include entry into or increase of involvement in the informal

sector. For example, there is a gowing number of Kenyan government employees who

 

d1

61

also have a capital interest in beach-level ﬁshing activities which they use to supplement
the declining buying power of their ﬁxed government incomes.

An additional permutation can occur which may impact both income generation
and social factors of the households which in turn re-shapes the household itself. As
Kenyans are unable to meet their ﬁnancial responsibilities with only their ﬁxed government
salaries, many Luo return to their (”talus (or homes of origin). Those from ﬁshery areas
(who may be teachers or other government employees) often invest some of their waged-
earnings and savings in the ﬁshery. Frequently, they will have amassed more capital than
those who have remained on the beaches and therefore, as a result of this accrued ﬁnancial
resource, will become akin to a jadoung (an important or “big man”) and thus attain
positive community regard and status.

Within world-systems theory, it is reasonable to posit that economic forces may
act individually or may act in concert with each other to impact the income-generating
activity under inquiry and subsequently the household itself. Further, it is not
unreasonable to theorize that market forces may interact in a syncretized fashion with each
other as well as with other social forces (e. g. Asian/Indian beach-level economic
intervention combined with their already existent social status and power provides them
with a particular economic mystique when entering a beach community) or ecological
forces (ﬁsh species changes in Lake Victoria). These resultant interactions produce not
necessarily two single impacts but a combined economic force resulting in a newly formed

dynamic which negatively impacts a household’s income-generating ability and activity.

62

Discussion of the impact of intermediary vendors on beach-level practices and women’s
ﬁshery activity occurs later.
Micro-sized Economies

Recent study of the economies in several Southern Aﬁican countries (Liedhohn
and McPherson, 1991; see King, 1996 for an extended discussion of jua kali or informal
sector activity in Nairobi.) and elsewhere in the world (Liedholm and Mead, 1987;
Fisseha, 1982), suggest that micro-sized economies or MSEs are an active strategy of
individuals to gain access to the immediate economic environment in which they are
embedded and, potentially, to enable their participation in the world market economy
(Liedhohn and Mead, 1987; Roemer et al., 1991). Liedhohn et al. (1987) deﬁne micro-
sized economics as small-scale economic enterprises which employ fewer than eight to ten
people.

Traditional exploration of economic activity has focused on certain market
variables, e.g., proﬁt, capital needs, costs of production, or labor costs. Investigation of
these variables has failed to account for or to acknowledge the social context in which
these activities occur (Klitgaard, 1991; Perkins, 1991; Bruce et al., 1988; Guyer, 1988).
Clues regarding the sources of success or failure of nascent enterprises may be contained
within factors traditionally relegated to the realm of social relations and unattended to as
economic impactors. This study proposes exploration of communal social relations
inherent in market economies. Findings should provide insight for future Kenyan socio-
economic development strategies which propose to build socially ”from below," whether

government-level policy or individual socio-economic strategies.

63

The systemic forces which uniquely impact women within any economic system
have been generally igrored (Waring, 1988). Women represent a sigiiﬁcant portion of
those involved in these entrepreneurial ventures (e.g., Liedholm et al., 1987; Downing,
1990). Attention must also be directed to gender issues inherent in these social relations
of the parallel economy (Downing, ibid; F eldman, 1991).

Social Relations

Social relations or communal social relations develop among individuals
interrelated by kinship, via association (e.g., Mitchell, ed., 1969), or via networks
(Simmer, 1955; Wellman et al., 1988; Powell and Smith-Doerr, 1994). These kinship
relationships may be lineage-based, imputed, or ascribed (see Harries-Jones in Mitchell,
ed., 1969). Communal social relations can be critical to the success or failure of individual
survival schemes whether those are social enterprises or economic development strategies
(Gilmore, 1991; McCloskey, 1985; Obbo, 1980; Obbo, in Robertson et .al., eds, 1986;
Schwartz, 1981; Overing, 1989). It is interesting to note that the discussion of communal
social relations is relevant to even the interactions of “virtual” communities constructed
over the electronic “geogaphy” of space. Porter (1997), as editor, hosts a valuable
discussion regarding the culture and ultimately the social relations and community of the
Internet.

Foster (in Porter, 1997) states: “[C]ommunication and community have a common
lineage” (p. 23) and suggest that communication forms a basis for community but is not

synonymous with it. As they attempt to build an argument for inclusion of Internet

 

64

communication as community, they provide an interesting discussion regarding the nature
of the foundation upon which “communities” are built.

The term “communi ” is broadly used to refer to an ideal type of social relations

known as Gemeinschaft, the embryo of which is found in the relations of kindred

individuals (Toennies, 1957, 37). ...[T]he term embodies a set of voluntary, social,
and reciprocal relations. This is typically contrasted with its polar opposite,

Gesellschaft, or impersonal association. . .the utilitarian sentiment that underpins

modern, industrial, urban life (Foster, op cit., p. 25).

The "nation-state,” one of the parameters deﬁning a particular geogaphic
"community,” is a result of industrialization, technological development, the world
political economy, and specialization of labor (e. g. Marx, Weber, Durkheim, Wallerstein).
Contemporary nation-states do not evolve from and are not explained by the structure of
traditional societies (Giddens, 1981, 1987, 1990). However, the individual's action must
be understood within the context of the world system (Giddens, 1987, 1991; Wallerstein,
1974, 1984). The impact of these ”social systems within social systems” on the agency of
individuals and on the larger social structures or communities, via individuals' subsequent
reﬂexivity, is myriad (Simmer, 1955; Mills, 1963, 1967; Luhrnann, 1982; Giddens, 1984).
Given these theoretical implications, attending speciﬁcally to women's sociological
experience within the context of Kenya’s Lake Victoria economy is necessary and critical.
Gendered Research

The dangers of research assumptions which fail to account for gender differences
are well documented (e.g., Silberschmidt, 1991; Baca Zinn et al., 1986). To ignore
women's particular experience in the Lake Victoria area only perpetuates erroneous

assumptions already challenged within the research on substantive areas in other African

65

contexts (e.g Stacey and Thorne, 1985; Baca Zinn et al, 1986; Andersen, 1988; Wood
Sherif, in Harding, ed., 1987. Schoepf in Seidman and Anang, eds, 1992; Silberschmidt,
1991; Clark, 1991; Horn, 1991; Downing, 1991).

Hill Collins (in Hartrnann et al., eds, 1991) broadens that discussion by arguing
persuasively that those who are the "outsiders within," i.e. effectively "outside" of the
social system but who are forced to operate "inside" that system (e. g. Kenyan women
suﬂ‘eiing the impact of ﬁsh species changes and the intervention of the forces of a world
economy), ﬁequently have an informed and informative perspective essential and integal
to understanding and potentially enhancing that system to which they are subject. Harding
(1987) suggests that research without inclusive scholarship, i.e. ”gendered research,”
results in only a "partial and distorted” account of social experience. Understanding of the
socio—cultural impact of introduction of the nile perch into Lake Victoria waters, species
ﬂuctuation, and the socio-economic implications of contemporary international market
impact is only at an early exploratory stage. There is heuristic value in simultaneously
pursuing social information regarding the gendered impact of those ﬁshery changes.
Linkage of Household Patriarchy and Male Dominance with World Systems
Economy

Western feminists have through their own, arguably hegemonic, efforts offered to
the larger world a popularized understanding of the concept of ”patriarchy” as well as
oﬁ‘ered cogent arguments elucidating the structural inﬂuences of that concept. Despite the
ethnocentricity of that hegemony, their discussion of "patriarchal" inﬂuences in social

structures is not without validity and should not be discounted. As Robertson (1996)

 

of;

66

states “Patriarchy is oﬁen said to be more important than class among structures of
dominance aﬁ‘ecting women” (p.47). Some feminist researchers approach the concept of
patriarchy diﬂ’erently but ultimately provide similar arguments regarding the pervasive
inﬂuences of that patriarchy albeit under diﬂ‘ering nomenclature. It is valuable to brieﬂy
consider those deﬁnitional discrepancies.

Nash (in Smith et al, eds, 1988) oﬁ‘ers a compelling discussion regarding the
inception and essential meaning of the term ”patriarchy. " Nash (1988) understands
patriarchy to be

[the] dominance of the ascending male generation over women and youths...

which ...refers to elder male authority in a gerontocracy. ..[which] provides

reciprocal beneﬁt to subordinate females and youths in the society where it
prevails, and it implies persistence from past institutions, principally those related
to pastoral societies (p. 15, et seg.).

Nash (ibid.) suggests that popular application of the term ”patriarchy” to present-
day structures disregards the history of current social structures and misinforms readers as
to the longevity of those social institutions. As she cogently argues any number of social
structures labeled "patriarchal" are in fact not gounded in traditions persistent from past
institutions of pastoral societies. Nash oﬁ’ers this argument in opposition to Millett‘s
original articulation of patriarchy as ”...the rule of men as a universal mode of power
relationships” (Millett, 1970, in Nash, ibid.). Nash challenges the ethnocentric myopia of
this deﬁnition and correctly argues the reality of the hegemonic imposition of Millet's re-
deﬁnition which as Nash says ”...rob[s] the term of its ethnogaphic meaning..." Nash

argues that utilization of this term ”distorts the evidence by suggesting that the existence

of male dominance was prior and universal. " In summary, she urges the use of the term

 

67

patriarchy be reserved for societies in which the historicity of this type of gendered
dominance is apparent.

The application of this social legacy of Nash’s interpretation of patriarchy to Luo
economic practices and social relations is apparent with regard to present-day practice and
women’s beach-level experience. Findings from this research support Nash’s contention
and reﬂect male social and economic dominance within ﬁshery and beach-level economic
activities. Robertson (1996) oﬁ‘ers a similar discussion regarding the social construction
of the concept 0 “patriarchy” and the need to situate the construct when considering its
application. Robertson states:

But patriarchy, or male dominance, to be more accurate, is not a ﬁxed
phenomenon, is historically situated, and changes along with the society
that encodes it; it may change from being a primary method of ascribing

socioeconomic status to being embedded within a larger class matrix
(p.47).

In attempting to highlight why the system of subordination is perpetuated, it is not
unreasonable to understand the structural system of patriarchy or male domination as both
extension of and integal to capitalism itself (e. g. Eisenstein, 1979; Walby, 1986; Eviota,
1992; Sangari and Vaid, eds, 1988; Nash, 1988). As Robertson (1996, p.48) says
“...when economic and political interests coincide, colonist and colonized men may
cooperate in the attempt to control women.” Discussions oﬂ‘ered in Vail and White’s

The Creation of T ribalism (1991) provide support for this contention (e. g. Marks, 1991).
Capitalism is predicated upon the necessity of having not just a "core" but also a
”periphery." Without the periphery ﬁ'om which to draw its surplus labor and ﬁom which

to accumulate excess, the ”core” countries, or however the entities on the receiving end of

net
der-
don
the (
dismj

Wide,

68

capitalism are deﬁned, and ultimately the system of capitalism, itself cannot continue.
Capitalism is predicated upon accumulation. Accumulation implies an excess or "surplus"
to be acquired. The "surplus" is not freely given but acquired at the expense of some
other entity, through political or military hegemony (e. g. Mies, 1986; Eviota, 1992). That
is, this surplus is taken.

When considering nation-states, this predatory relationship can be described
geogaphically as the "core-periphery." The entity which is exploited and drained to allow
the surplus accumulation for some, i.e. those countries or regions within the geogaphic
”core" (which can, at times, include parts of, or persons from, the geogaphically exploited
areas) is the so—called "Third World" or those nation-states which are have also been
labeled the "South” versus the countries in the "North" (see for example: Wallerstein,
1979, 1984; Hopkins, et al., 1982; Mies, 1986; Safe, 1982).

Nash (1988) succinctly outlines a series of situations in which households are
impacted by world systems changes directly linked to male dominance or patriarchy, under
the Mies' deﬁnition. Frequently, state policy or development policy fails to address or
consider the needs of women, and, directly as well as by implication, fails to consider the
needs of households, subsuming the concerns of subordinated goups into the policy
development desigred to address only the articulated or identiﬁed concerns of the

dominant goup. The implication of this type of development policy is not so much that
the concerns of households and women are discounted once identiﬁed; the insult is more
dismissive than that. The controlling powers frequently have no awareness that those

gendered concerns even exist. An example of this is agicultural land reform policy

pa

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69

implemented in many re-emergent economies in which women hold responsibility for
household agicultural production and subsistence but were neither consulted prior to nor
consulted after implementation of policy threatened household livelihoods (Nash 1988).

Nash (ibid.) additionally extends her discussion to include the ”way in which
women enter the workplace" or begin their participation in economic-generating activity.
These workplace rules, of course, manifest diﬂ‘erently dependent upon the status of the
nation-state under discussion. That is, the particular “core” or “periphery” standing of the
geogaphic location shapes the actuality of the work experience as well as the look and
shape of the workforce within a particular strata of the labor force (e.g., Eviota, 1992).

As Nash argues, the social construction of the workplace can also reﬂect a “core”
or “periphery” standing of particular social goups within a society. For example, in
Kenya’s ﬁeshwater ﬁshery, women are not permitted to be “ﬁshers” or to be present on a
ﬁshing boat during the activity of ﬁshing. The particular construction of this task of
ﬁshing is relegated only to the “core” of the Luo population, i.e., males, and women, who
can be considered as labor “periphery" in this endeavor, are not tolerated as direct
participantsintheactivityofﬁshing.(1nthepresentresearch, itisofinterestto notethat
a speciﬁc exception is permitted within one beach community, Nyang’wina, as a result of a
particular set of social factors. One woman whose husband is mentally incapable is

permitted to be a “ﬁsher” and voyage onto the Lake in a boat.)
The valuation of a particular labor task itself, as well as socio-cultural gender
perceptions, shapes a women's entry into it as workplace (Papanek and Schwede, in

DWyer et al., eds, 1988). That is, the more or less valued a labor task is within a social

70

system articulates and determines women's access to that task. Further, the social
valuation also determines how, or in what manner, she may enter into that workplace.
Women’s tasks within the ﬁshery have traditionally encompassed processing, preparation,
and trading of ﬁsh. This work has been considered ‘Women’s work” as it has essentially
focused on cooking and food preparation. As international economic attention to the
ﬁshery has increased males have subsequently begun to describe themselves as “traders” in
the attempt to access a part of the market which has become more lucrative. Additionally,
males will direct their wives’ entry into processing and preparation of ﬁsh in order to
capitalize on the diversity of ﬁshery activity.
Kenyan Women

Oﬁicial Kenya census data ﬁ'om 1979 states that the Lake Victoria Basin area
encompasses one of the three main population regions of Kenya. The other two areas are:
Nairobi and the Rift Valley and Central Areas and the coastal area of Mombasa and its
surrounds. Population trends of 1979 revealed that more than 67% of Kenya’s population
lived on approximately 10% of its land mass. Further, these data showed an increase
over 1969 population concentration and indicated a trend toward urbanization which
appeared on the rise (Kenya Population Census, 1989). Of interest is the fact that more
men than women were heading for the towns. This gendered trend toward urbanization
may reﬂect women’s continuing awareness of their own social and physical vulnerability in
more urban settings where they are likely to fall victim to predatory crime.

Data from this current study of the economic sociology of the ﬁshery reveals that

women see the ﬁshery as a potentially viable income source and as a ﬁuitful source for

71

obtaining safe, secure housing and livelihoods for themselves and their families. Women
who are widowed, divorced, or simply alone with their children are able to enter the beach
community and obtain entry into both the ﬁshery market activity itself and into the
community at large. In some communities (e.g, Nyang’wina Beach), women are able to
identify a piece of land and build a shelter on it without challenges ﬁ'om other inhabitants.
Thatis,thecommunityisableto expand and accommodatetheentranceandpresenceofa
single (i.e. not accompanied by an adult male) female and her children without necessarily
posing a threat to ha physical vulnerability while potentially providing her with the
opportunity for shelter and income. The same cannot be argued for the entry of a lone
female into more urbanized areas.
Women and Security
Eldredge (1993), while explaining the historical and political reign of Moshoeshoe
of the BaSotho people, argues persuasively that the search for security of self, children,
family, and possessions provided the impetus for BaSotho acceptance of Moshoeshoe’s
leadership and authority. Eldredge (ibid) states:
In Lesotho, economic as well as political developments at the local and national
levels can best be explained with reference to the pursuit of security ...an
emphasis on security rather than mere physical survival signiﬁes a recogrition that
the exploitation of resources to meet material needs is governed by the social
system which structures and limits the abilities of individuals or goups to exploit
these resources (emphasis added, p. 5).
According to oﬁcial census data, women do not head to the vagaries and dangers of the

towns where their life experiences are more likely to end in exploitation. Rather, women

head towards the relatively more secure shores of Lake Victoria. Following Eldredge’s

72

(op cit.) argument, I would argue that a similar motivation, the need for security for
themselves and their children, drives these Kenyan Luo women, who are seeking
economic and social security as they leave their homes of origin or aﬂinal connection and
seek socio—economic connection, onto the beaches of Lake Victoria.

Summary

Traditional nee-classical economic theory has functioned utilizing the assinnption
of the economic actor as operating under “rational” motivations. The limitations of
general economic assumptions and the particular limitations within speciﬁc nee-classical
economic theory approaches have been laid out above. It is important to identify the
limitations of those prior models in order to understand the complexity of the women’s
lives. By simply re-applying extant models of economic analysis, this complexity is
shrouded and women’s economic lives remain obscured.

My goal in this research is to assess the socio-economic lives of women in Kenya’s
ﬁ'eshwater ﬁshery. The lives of women in Kenya’s ﬁshery are complex. They have socially
expected tasks of househOld re-creation to accomplish on an on-going basis. They have
economic endeavors with which to contend which are embedded in a complex local and
globally impacted market of a re-emergent economy. They have the challenges of raising
children, ﬁ'equently on their own without the active involvement of their spouse. The
multiple theoretical perspectives of economic sociology, the sociology of gender with
particular regard to Aﬁican women, and the implications of social relations, or

Gemeinschqﬁ, are critical to that articulation.

73

Given the complexity of the socio-economic environment in which women in the
ﬁshery operate, it is important to build a model of “relational” economic activity rather
than simply relying on a model of “rationality” inherent in neo-classical economic modeler
This relational model of economic activity provides the parameters for the following
socio-economic exploration.

The literature of these theoretical perspectives, i.e. economic sociology, social
relations, and gendered experience, informs the presentation and discussion of data to
follow. Exploration of the social relations women utilize to accomplish their
responsibilities in the areas of household work, child care, economic activity, meeting

nutritional needs, etc. follows the methodology presentation.

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Chapter 3

Methodology

The complexity of the social milieu in which women in beach communities operate
is obvious. Strategies for assessing and deconstructing the complexity of their lives must
accommodate the social and economic environment within which women exist and within
which they conduct the business of their lives. Therefore the methods undertaken need to
articulate and account for these several layers of social complexity which women must
traverse.

Research Design

As dismissed earlier in this writing, I identiﬁed three areas of social and economic
ﬁinctioning which impact the lives of women. These areas were: women’s economic
activity; the communal social relations of their social and geogaphic setting, i.e. the
particular set of communal interdependencies upon which they draw for assistance and
support, whether ﬁnancial or emotional; and, the particular set of gendered dynamics
which surround their lives and, on a daily and on-going basis, shape the socially acceptable
arenas into which they may enter with impunity. Given these three arenas of inquiry, it
was important that the research desigi itself and the methodology undertaken be able to
incorporate the breadth of these social concerns. Therefore in addition to use of expert
informant testimony and interviews, I needed to develop instruments for inquiry which
would explore economic activity, individual’s access to and use of kin and consanguineal
relationships, as well as accommodate and reﬂect the Luo construction of gender and

acceptable gendered actions.

74

75

Beach Selection

In addition to the substantive areas of inquiry discussed above, this research desigi
had to include the variances of geogaphy which deﬁne the Lake Basin Development Area
(LBDA) of Kenya’s beach communities. The Kenyan section of Lake Victoria comprises
approximately 6% of the total Lake area (W elcomme, 1972 in Reynolds and Greboval,
1988). However, the land adjacent to it, Kenya’s LBDA area, stretches from Kenya’s
northern-most boundary with Uganda to Kenya’s southem-most boundary with Tanzania.
To accommodate the spatial and geogaphic challenges which women in the ﬁshery who
live and work along Kenya’s beaches encounter, a representative subset from the over
250 beaches was selected for inclusion in this research. Following Hoekstra (1992), a
stratiﬁed subsample of Kenya’s beaches reﬂecting the variance in ﬁshery type, beach
census size (large, medium, or small), and, LBDA regional location, i.e. north, central or
Gulf, and south, shaped the beach selection process. See Table 1 for a listing of those

beaches and Appendix A for a map of the beaches selected for participation in this study.

76

Table l - Region, Size and Fishery Type of Originally Selected Beaches, 1995

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Beach Region Size Fishery Type

Honge North Large Omena“

Oele North Medium Mbuta“ and Omena

Wichlum North Large Mbuta and Ngege“

Ludhi North Large Mbuta and Omena

Osindo North Large Omena and Tilapia

Misori North Large Mbuta and Omena

Madundu North Medium Mbuta, Omena, Tilapia

Kibro South Large Omena and Mbuta

Ng’ore South Small Ngege and Mbuta

Nyang’wina South Small Ngege and Mbuta

Luanda South Large Mbuta and Ngege

Konyango

Oodi South Medium Mbuta and Omena

Gingo South Medium Mbuta, Ngege, Omena
Central

Kiumba South Medium Mbuta, Ngege, Omena
Central

Negegu Gulf+ Medium Omena and Tilapia

Bala Rawi Gulf+ Medium Omena, Mbuta, Tilapia

Obaria Gulft Medium Talapia and Omena

 

 

 

*ngege = tilapia
mbuta = nile perch
omena = sardine
+due to lack of time, only observational data was collected from Gulf area beaches

Although I had identiﬁed 20 beaches to include in this study, three (Uhanya in the

north, Rasira in the south, and Tabla beach in the south central region) were replaced due

77

to lack of ﬁshing activity which I discovered after arriving at the speciﬁc beach site. At
Uhanya Beach, the beach had been temporarily closed by ﬁshery oﬁcials to prevent over-
ﬁshing. Two beaches, Rasira and Tabla, were “dead beaches,” that is, no ﬁshing activity
was taking place at either beach due to lack of ﬁsh. At Tabla beach, some residents
remained although the majority of housing spaces were empty. Those remaining
inhabitants told us that the ﬁshing had stopped at that beach some 10 months earlier due
to lack of ﬁsh. Those who remained at the beach were convinced that the “ﬁsh would
return.” They were convinced that the reduction in the availability of ﬁsh was simply a
“cyclical” occurrence.

At Rasira beach there were no inhabitants remaining. Residents in the
surrounding area, about 3 kilometers away, told us that ﬁshing had ended at that beach
about one year prior. For each of these three beaches - Uhanya, Tabla, and Rasira - I
decided to select a beach within close proximity of the inactive beaches following as
closely as possible the original criteria of the stratiﬁcation model, i.e. beach size and
ﬁshery type. After consulting with my KMFRI colleagues, Oele beach was substituted for
Uhanya, Oodi for Rasira, and Gingo for Tabla.

Three beaches Bala Rawi, Obaria, and Negugu beaches are all located in the Gulf
region Both Bala Rawi and Obaria had been included in the initial beach observation
phase of this research. However, no data was collected via the intensive interview
schedules used at the other beaches. I had planned to include these three beaches in the

interview phase of this study. I felt it was of value to gather data ﬁ'om the three regional

LBDA areas, i.e. northern, Gulf, and southern so that geogaphic variations which might

78

result in speciﬁc patterns of social organization could be identiﬁed. I decided to travel to
the southern area after collecting data in the northern area to avoid the onset of the rainy
season and to insure that data would be collected in the southern region which has
historically been less accessible to researchers than has the Gulf region. Therefore, I
changed the itinerary to accommodate travel to the southern area prior to the travel to the
Gulf area.

However, due to vehicle shortages and breakdowns, we were unable to return to
these Gulf sites for participant interviews. The Kisumu KMFRI oﬂice, out of which I
worked, had only one vehicle capable of the required back road travel. This vehicle was
used by all the on-site KMFRI researchers as well as the national director and his staﬂ’
when they traveled to Kisumu ﬁom the national oﬁice in Mombasa. The Kisumu oﬁce
had extremely limited ﬁinds for fuel. The national staﬁ‘ had more funds available for
expenditure on fuel. There were a geat many demands for use of this vehicle by the
national staff. As a Western researcher, I also had funds for the purchase of fuel. The
heavy use of the vehicle because of the needs of so many led to a geat many breakdowns,
which resulted in its being incapacitated for large segnents of time.

However, after completion of the southern itinerary, we no longer had access to a
vehicle, and the Gulf area had to be eliminated as an interview site. As a result I was
unable to carry out my research plan to include the Gulf beaches. Therefore, no
respondent data was collected at those beaches.

The differing ﬁshery types on Lake Victoria result in diﬂ‘ering processing and trade

activities. To understand the lives of women in Kenya’s beach communities these

79

distinctions of ﬁshery types and activities also had to be accounted for. Therefore, beach
selection had to reﬂect the diversity of ﬁshery types. Table 1 provides a listing of the
differing ﬁsheries at the different beaches. Table 2 lists the ﬁsh type by scientiﬁc and
Kenyan name.

Table 2 - Fish Species and Popular Name

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Scientiﬁc Name Kenyan Name English Name

Lates Niloticus Mbuta Nile perch

Oreochromis Ngege Tilapia

Rastrineobola argentea Omena Sardine

Caradina Ochong’a Prawn

Haplochromis Fulu Haplochromine
Participant Selection

Although women’s lives provide the focal point of this research, it was also
essential to document the lives and experiences of men in the beach communities. The
lives of men provide not just a comparison for exploring women’s activities but the lives
of men also provide a context for understanding women’s ﬁshery and beach community
experiences and the social relations which proscribe women’s activities. Therefore a
subset of this research inquiry had to focus on men and their beach community lives.

Table 3 lists the number of participants by beach and gender.

80

Table 3 - Number of Respondents at each Beach by Gender

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Beach N Females N Males N Total
Honge 7 4 l l
Oele 11 3 10
Wichlum 7 3 10
Ludhi 7 3 10
Osindo 7 5 12
Madundu 4 1 5
Kibro 8 3 l l
Ng’ore 7 3 10
Nyang’wina 1 1 3 14
Luanda Konyango 8 2 10
Oodi 3 0 3
Gingo 9 16 25
Kiumba 10 2 12
Total 99 48 147

 

 

 

 

 

 

The interview schedules took approximately 60 to 90 minutes to administer. The
level of interest in our activity was such that people would line up and wait to have the
chance to talk with us and give us their stories. In fact, in most communities, our presence
was an occasion for any who had time to gather and listen to others engage in the
interview. Frequently, I wondered at the on-going interest of individuals as they patiently

awaited their turn to be interviewed and listened to the other participants. Despite the

time required, all respondents expressed eagerness to participate. A respondent at

81

Wichlum Beach expressed the sentiment which many held. She stated that participation in
this interview provided people with valuable information and education regarding their
lives and business activities which they would not otherwise have considered.

Initially, I had planned to spend at least four days at each beach and hoped to
interview 10 per day. Two intervening factors changed that plan. Budget considerations
determined the maximum number of days which I could spend in the ﬁeld and provide per
diem costs for the KMFRI personnel which included the driver and my colleague who
acted as translator. Additionally, the costs for ﬁiel determined and limited the amount of
travel we could undertake. Therefore, I decided that a limit of three days per beach was
the maximum we could spend if we were to accomplish interviews at 20-22 beaches.

Although I had hoped that my colleague and I would be able to interview many
more in a given day, it became clear that the maximum interviews we could accomplish in
three days of time was just about 10-12 people. Therefore I targeted interviews of at least
seven women and three men. Given the limited amount of time women had, interviews
with women were given priority. At some beaches, men were ﬁustrated that they were
not ﬁrst to be given the opportunity to engage in this interview activity.

Beach Entry

Initial contact and entry into beach communities was facilitated by my KMFRI
colleague. Upon arrival at the beach, we would seek out the beach leader or village chief.
Meeting with that individual was conducted usually in a closed setting with several other

(rmle) oﬁcials present. Until I was able to discuss my activities in DhoLuo, I was li

82
mited to simply giving the requisite geetings and explaining my interests in English while
my KMFRI colleague translated. After meeting with the village chief or beach leader, a
public meeting would be called and village inhabitants or those present at the beach
(depending on the size of the beach) would be directed to gather to hear about our
presence. Usually, we were seated at places of honor accorded to guests as we waited for
the beach community to gather. Additionally, we were ﬁequently given something to
drink, usually soda, and sometimes we were given food. It is interesting to note that at the
poorest of beaches we were always provided with food as we waited. The meetings were
usually held on the beach itself under a particular tree designated for gatherings. At other
beaches, the meeting would be held in the banda, the concrete and roofed open-sided
structure in which ﬁsh were taken for weighing.

When the community had gathered, the beach leader or village chief would state
that the village had guests and that they would do well to listen and learn what these
newcomers had to say. In some smaller or more isolated ones beach communities, the
area religious leader would pray prior to our research presentation and request that all
would be disposed to receptive listening and clear speech. At this point, the village chief
would take a sit and indicate that we could now begin our presentation to the village as a
whole. As part of our entry strategy, I would begin the presentation by geeting the goup
in DhoLuo and introducing myself and the two members of my research goup. I would
then continue the presentation as long as I could in the Luo language. During the early
stages of my research, I was unable to continue very far. At that point when I would

return to English usage, my colleague would begin translating my words. Later, I was

83

able to complete the presentation regarding my research interests and my requests for their
participation without needing translation. Despite my initial stumbling, all the beaches
responded positively to my attempts. Several beaches seemed pleased to realize that I was
unable to speak KiSwahili but that I could speak DhoLuo. My presentation put particular
emphasis on the request for women participants and the need for this.

Interview Sites ‘

My initial strategy for participant selection had incorporated random selection of
households within a two kilometer radius of the speciﬁc beach. That strategy was not
viable at all beach sites because women who are economically active in the ﬁshery leave
their homes extremely early in the morning to go to the beach and await the arrival of
boats (some leave as early as 5 am). Other women are engaged in other business
practices at the beach site which is the center of activity of the community. For example
they may be selling mandasi (a doughnut like bread) out of a basket, or running a “hotel,”
a building which provides sit-down food service from which they sell nyoka (a fermented
porridge-like cereal), chcpati, a ﬁied ﬂat bread, chm', strong tea sweetened with lots of
milk, or whole baked potatoes. They also had to leave their homes early in the morning to
accommodate the early morning arrival of ﬁshers needing food. Generally, my colleagues
and I timed our beach site arrival for just before 8 am. Generally, women were not to be
found in their homes at this time in the morning.

Given the centering of all activity around the beach sites, our attempts to engage

people at their homes were not always successﬁrl. At those beach sites where living

shelters were located on the beach, this was not a problem, e. g. Wichlum, Honge, or

84

Ludhi in the north, or Ng’ore and Nyang’wina in the south. Additionally, on beaches
which engaged primarily in the omena ﬁshery, women had blocks of time during the
middle of the day when they were available to talk at their homes as they waited for the
omena to dry in the sun. As a result, my subject selection strategy reﬂected a dual
approach which included random selection of households, every third household at sites
where homes were located in close proximity to the beach and on the other sites, random
selection of women traders at the beach.

As I stated earlier, I gave priority to women participants such that the ﬁrst sets of
interviews at any site were heavily female. This was to insure that there would be
suﬁcient opportunities to accommodate women’s busy schedules in the interview process.
Time for men during the days was much more ﬂexible and they, as a result, were much
more available for interviews. Although I had originally planned to include only 10
participants per beach site, many residents were eager to participant and would wait for
hours through the interviews of others in order to participate. For those stalwart
individuals, I would conduct an interview. Those interviews are usually included in the
summary data presented here. However, some of those interviews are not included. In
some cases, the interview was not able to be conducted in its entirety or other concerns
were raised as a result of others responding on behalf of the participant. As an example, a'
woman was insistent that her daughter-in-law participate in this study. The woman herself
had already been interviewed and she wanted her daughter-in-law to also “beneﬁt” from
the interview. However, iii her desire to have the daughter-in-law “ earn” she persisted in

answering on behalf of the daughter-in-law. This challenges the value of the interview.

85

Finally, it is of interest to note that those who were persistent in being interviewed are not
particularly distinguished by the particular success or lack of success of their economic
enterprises.

Beach inhabitants tend to gaze and attend to the entrance of strangers with
interest; and, opportunity to engage with the those who come to the beaches is met with a
positive response. Therefore, people were usually eager to participate in our interviews.
Only two beaches presented a problem. Both were located in the north, Misori and
Madundu beaches. As we drove into Misori beach, which is in a fairly remote location,
residents ran and hid in their houses. After ﬁnally ﬁnding the beach leader, we learned of
their reluctance to participate. They feared that we were from the ﬁsheries department
and not just researchers. Oﬁcials from the ﬁsheries department had just visited their
beach (about three to ﬁve days prior) and levied a series of ﬁnes for, according to beach
inhabitants, artiﬁcially created violations. This was not an unknown practice of ﬁshery
ﬁeld oﬁcials. Therefore, fearing that we were part of the same process, the population
was reluctant to talk with us at all.

Madundu beach, which was located close to Misori, had suffered the same
experience; initially inhabitants were also unwilling to talk with us. After extended
discussion, the beach community ageed to let us proceed if a man was allowed to go ﬁrst
in the interview process. I ageed and the ﬁrst respondent was the beach religious leader.
We accomplished three more interviews and then my colleague became ill with malaria,

and we were forced to leave and return to Kisumu for treatment for him.

86

Of interest and as a demonstration of the positive regard in which our efforts came
to be held, about 3 months into my research eﬂ‘ort, leaders form both Madundu and Misori
beaches came at different times to other locations in which we were working to request

‘ our return to their beaches to conduct our interviews. At that point, I was not able to
accommodate their request due to time, limited ﬁnancial resources, as well as the logistical
constraints regarding the vehicle. Frequently, leaders or residents of other beaches invited
us to come to their beach sites and conduct interviews. For example, inhabitants of
Rusinga Island and Mfagano Island requested our presence and oﬂ’ered to transport us
there. Only time constraints prohibited our accommodating their requests.

The Interview Process

The interview team consisted of myself and a colleague from KMFRI’s Kislimu
office. My colleague acted as interpreter.

The interview schedule consisted of 104 major items which covered the areas of
demogaphics, nutrition, economic activity, and women’s issues. See Appendix 1 for the
complete interview schedule. The demogaphics section had 27 items. This section
covered issues such as respondent’s age, ethnicity, marriage status, number of children,
ages of children, educational level of respondent and spouse, et cetera. Additionally,
questions were covered regarding children’s educational costs, decision-making within the
household, and respondent’s historical involvement within the ﬁshery.

The nutrition section had 16 items. This section covered items regarding
household membership, contributors to household food supplies, and types of food eaten

within the household. This section also explored the household’s dependency on ﬁsh as a

87

food source and the dedication of any of the ﬁsh trader’s sale products to meet that need.
The areas of questions included numbers and status of individuals making up the
household, e.g. elderly, students, handicappers, young children or others unable to work.
Questions speciﬁcally related to diet included dietary practices, respondent’s access to
food, and variety of foods available.

The economic and business activity section had 55 items. The following types of
items were covered: business activities, savings practices, daily ﬁshery activities, type and
number of customers, travel and transportation costs associated with their businesses,
additional MSE or SSE activity within their household, and their own activity during the
slow time within their particular ﬁshery. Areas speciﬁcally related to economic activity
included: decision-making practices regarding earnings and expenditures; overhead, labor,
storage, and travel expenses; types of ﬁshery engaged in; number of beaches where
respondent bought or sold ﬁsh during the prior year; sources where respondent sought
problem-solving assistance or advice; formal business training experiences, etc.

The women’s section had six items. Items concerning women were covered
throughout the interview, but this last section of six questions was to be given to women
respondents only and not to men respondents. This section addressed co-wives and
shared activities with co-wives. Additionally, I asked women their perspective and
understanding of the problems women faced in business. I also asked their perspective
regarding the experience of married women in business, the differences for those who are
married versus those who are not married and working at a business. I also asked these

questions of men but in a goup discussion.

88
Instruments and Analysis

Instruments included the interview schedule described above. I desigled a beach
observation schedule to articulate the particular characteristics of each beach site in a
formal fashion. See Appendix 3 for that instrument. I also created a household observation
checklist to capture the nuances of the living establishments of participants. See Appendix
4 for an example Of that document.

As a result ofinterview data, I was able to summarize a series ofsocial and
economic or business barriers which beach community residents encounter and must
surmount. Examples of these barriers include: need for money, childcare assistance which
must encompass crisis or illness care as well as regular daily care, need for food, access to
ﬁsh for purchasing, development of a strategy to continuation one’s business, access to
housing, etc.

From the 104-item interview schedule, 269 variables were identiﬁed. In order to
build scales of measure which would articulate my research interests, I applied a simple
dichotomous scoring to most of the responses after initial coding. That is, if the
respondent oﬁ'ered any kind of articulated strategy to business strategy-based questions or
any kind of reference to communal social relations in social relations-based questions, then
their response was re-coded to a simple no/yes classiﬁcation. That is, their response was
re-coded as zero or one in the subsequent dichotomous scoring. Scoring in this fashion
results in nominal measure of these categories and therefore avoids weighting any
particular strategy as better or worse than another. Although valuation of the strategy

may prove of interest at some point, for this particular research eﬁ‘ort it is more important

89

to determine if a respondent engages in some consciously articulated schema or strategy to
meet economic and social challenges. These dichotomously scored variables were then
sununed into aggregate scales of measure and labeled accordingly, e. g., money, advice,
food, school/education, product strategy, etc.

In order to construct the ﬁnal six typologies of strategies and social relations
(which are listed later in this writing), I extracted relevant variables from the 104-item
interview schedule and used them to create the summed variables. SPSS functions
allowed combination and transformation of the identiﬁed variables to isolate the options
women fashioned for themselves to meet the challenging realities of their lives. I then
combined subsets of these summed scales of measures with other individual variables from
the original data set. This last permutation of the data resulted in the ﬁnal indices which
reﬂect respondents’ business strategies and reliance on social relations.

I hypothesized that a positive and somewhat linear relationship would exist
between strategies for economic activity and women's social relations. After the
construction of these measures of business strategies and social relations, I ran statistical
tests to determine the strength of these measures in the lives of beach inhabitants.
Following that, I ran tests to determine the relationship of the indices to each other. Tests
for linearity and strength were conducted using Spearman’s correlation to determine the
measure of association between the two indices of business strategies and social relations.
This test was run since the ordinal data in these indices are fully ranked due to the method

of their construction. Spearman’s correlation provides for a more rigorous testing of data

such as these as compared to use of Pearson’s R.

Chapter 4

Findings Regarding Lake Victoria’s Beaches and Communities

The world experienced by those who live in the Lake Victoria area of Kenya is not
an easy one. The compendium of barriers (social, geographic, and environmental) which
they must face on a continuing basis and overcome with regularity in order to survive and
to ensure their children’s survival can seem overwhelming, particularly to those from
outside that cultural ﬁame. In many ways the complexity of challenges which inhabitants
encounter in the communities of Kenya’s freshwater ﬁshery are compounded for those
who are female by the simple fact of their gender, the gendered responsibilities of their
social roles, and the gendered impact of a socially constructed economic reality.
Therefore to best understand that world, it is important to understand the environmental,
cultural, and social referents which shape the parameters of those who inhabit that world.
Geography

This study was conducted in the shoreline beach communities (all within 0-2
kilometers of the beaches) of Lake Victoria in Kenya ranging from the northern district of
Siaya to the central district of Homa Bay to the southern-most district of Migori. Seven
beaches in Siaya District were included in this study. They were: Oele, Honge, Mchlum,
Ludhi, Osindo, Misori, and Madundu beaches. In Homa Bay district, the following
beaches were visited and studied: Gingo, Tabla, Kiumba, Ngegu, Bala Rawi, and Obaria.
From Migori District, the following seven beach sites were included: Krbro, Ng’ore, Got
Kachola, Nyang’wina, Luanda Konyango, Rasira, and Oodi. (The locations of all of the

beaches can be seen on the map in Appendix A.)

90

91

Terrain and climate can differ vastly even within districts but certainly between

districts. Kenya’s Lake Victoria beaches stretches ﬁom its northern border to its southern

border with Tanzania. However, all of the regions reﬂect the impact of the Lake winds

on these equatorial climates, thus reducing some of the equatorial inﬂuence. That is, the
winds ﬁ'om the Lake combine with inland winds to produce high to moderate amounts of
regional rainfall, more so than occurs within other proximal areas of the western region of
the country which do not share Lake boundaries. Typically, seasonal changes produce
“long rains” from March until May and “short rains” ﬁom September through November.

Comparatively, Siaya District in the northern Lake region has heavier rains than
those experienced in the southern and central districts (Migori District and Homa Bay
District respectively) which were included in this study. Rainfall is approximately 1800-
2000 mm in the northern highlands and falls to 800-1600 in the lowland areas of the
central and south areas of Siaya district. According to the 1994-1996 Home Bay District
Development Report, Homa Bay District receives an average of 250-1000 mm during the
long rain season and only 500-700 mm during the short seasonal rains.

Migori District, where seven of the beaches in this study are located, is more arid
than either of the other two districts; thus, the more limited farming practices reﬂect this
lack of arable land. Many respondents, including all of those located in the Nyang’wina
and Ng’ore beaches of Migori District, report with regard to that area that “There is no
fanning here” or “We do not farm here.”

According to the southern regional Migori District Development Plan:

 

an Jam-Ir; ..

92

Rainfall in the district shows considerable variation... The relatively wet

agro-ecological zones dominate except near the Lake where the air masses

fall again (p. 3, emphasis added).
During the interim drier tirneframes, land preparation, e. g. hoeing, for agricultural activity
is conducted in all areas where farming is more viable. This farming activity provides the
on-going food source for most people. About 50% of the respondents farm two acres of
land or less. More than 70% of the respondents report some kind of fanning or
agricultural activity (see Table 4 and Table 5). An overview of the climates in the
particular regions occurs later in this writing.

' Table 4 - Number of Female Respondents Who Have Farmland

 

 

 

Frequency Percent
Have farmland 71 71.7
Those who do not 28 28.3

 

 

 

 

 

Total 99 100.0

 

93

Table 5 - Size of Farms for Female Respondents, All Districts, 1995, Value in Acres

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Acres Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 28* 28.3 28.3
1" 28 28.3 56.6
2 23 23.2 79.8
3 7 7.1 86.9
4 8 8.1 94.9
5 2 2.0 97.0
6 2 2.0 99.0
11 1 1.0 100.0
Total 99 100.0

Mean 2.133 Median 2.00

 

 

 

 

 

 

"‘= more than halfof those in this non-farming category come from Nya’ngwina Beach
which has no arable land close by
"- any amount of land less than a ﬁrll acre up to and including 1 acre

More than 90% of women in this study reported owning some type of livestock
(see Table 6). This is indicative of respondents’ continuing ties to agricultural activity
despite lack of access to land as well as purchase of livestock as a common method of
savings or investment strategies. As one respondent stated in response to questions
regarding savings practices and behaviors: “I do not keep money in accounts [i.e. banks
or savings institutions]. I buy cows instead, so if you have a problem, you can go and sell
cows instead.”
There is an on-going and strong tie between agricultural activity and the ﬁshery

both as a food source for beach communities and as a ﬁnancial resource for start-up and

94

on-going ﬁshery work. Reports ﬁ'om respondents reﬂect this practice. In response to
questions regarding funds for start-up costs for their ﬁshery business, livestock sales
provide an available and accessible source for those funds. For example, as one
respondent stated: “I sold hens that I owned. . .then my husband sold a goat for me; and I
added to what I had and started [my business].” Another stated: “I sold cows to [get
money] to start.”

Table 6 - Female Respondents Who Have Animals

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent
Has No Animals 8 8.1
Has Animals 91 91.9
Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

Of those who practice some level of farnring, more than 65% rent land to supplement their
farming activities. (See Table 7, Table 8, and Table 9.) Of those who rent, most are
renting one acre. However, almost 30% rent two or more acres to accommodate their
needs for agriculture and access to land.

Table 7 -Total number of Women Respondents Who Rent Farmland

 

 

 

Frequency Valid Percent
Do not rent 34 34.3
Rent 65 65.7

 

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

95

Table 8 - Number of Acres Respondents Rent for Farming

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Acres Rented Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 76 76.8 76.8

1 16 16.2 92.9

2 3 3.0 96.0

3 4 4.0 100.0

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

Table 9 - Number of Acres Rented for Respondents Who Rent

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Acres Frequency Percent Cumulative
Percent
1 16 69.6 69.6
2 3 13.0 82.6
3 4 17.4 100.0
Total 23 100.0
Mean 1 .478 Median 1 .000

 

 

 

 

 

 

This year-round involvement in the Lake and beach communities which is implied
by the cyclical agricultural activity in which respondents engage is also reﬂected in
individuals’ reports that they have remained in this particular beach area over the last 12
months with minimal migratory movement. More than 75% of all respondents report

remaining in the Lake area in which they were interviewed (rather then migrating from

beach to beach “following the ﬁsh.” (See Table 10.)

96

Table 10 - Respondents Who Lived at This Beach for the Past 12 Months

 

 

 

 

 

Lived at Beach Value Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 1 19 19.2 19.6
yes 2 78 78.8 100.0
Total 99 100.0
Valid Cases 97 Missing 2
Cases

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The seasonally heavy “long rains” which do fall can greatly inhibit travel and
access to beach communities, particularly in Migori District. Although seasonal road
access can be a problem for all beach sites, it is of particular concern when traveling in the
southern region where there is less road development than in other lakeside areas.
Beaches and beach communities can be described as remote and inaccessible to the
majority of matatus (transport vehicles ranging ﬁ'om antiquated cars to more functional
buses or vans) and ndigni (bicycles).

This is particularly true in the southern-central coastal areas of Kenya’s Lake
Vrctoria (Migori District which includes which includes Kibro, Ng’ore, Got Kachola,
Nyang’wina, Luanda Konyango, Rasira, and Oodi beaches as well as the heavily traveled
Muhuro Bay area). Access roads into these beach communities range in viability ﬁom
impassable and inaccessible to moderate physical barriers which can be overcome with
sustained personal eﬂ‘ort and a well-maintained vehicle, to reasonably well-maintained and

comparatively easily traversed passage-ways. Maintenance of roads and, in some areas

97
actual creation, of passage-ways is frequently left to the limited resources and energies of
the local inhabitants in these regions.
Migori district is described in the Republic of Kenya’s District Development Plan

for 1994-1996 (1994) as:

Lake Vrctoria forms an important feature in the district covering about
45% of the Nyatike Division. It is easily accessrble and serves as a source
of water for the people around it and their livestock. The large mass of
water provides an abundant amount of ﬁsh which is important to the
economic and social development of the region. However, due to poor
roads and poor marketing of this resource, maximum potential has
not been exploited.. .. [additionally] the Lake is inhabited by wild animals
like crocodiles and hippos which destroy many crops and human life...
(emphasis added, p. 3).
As discussed above, roads and access into each beach diﬂ‘er, and to a greater or lesser
extent encourage or inhibit entry of transport vehicles, which range ﬁ'om bicycle riding
transporters (io ndr'gni) to vans or lorries driven by employees of large-scale international
ﬁshery enterprises. Respondents from all regions report transportation of ﬁsh to market as
a signiﬁcant concern in their economic activity. About 70% report “walking” as their
. means of transportation to get to market and utilize “self-portering” as the means to
transport their product (see Table 11, Table 12, and Table 13). Almost 20% of all
respondents utilize multiple methods of transportation to get their ﬁsh to their
marketplace. Women usually must walk some part of the route and then seek motorized
transport. The reasons women select a particular market will be discussed later in this

writing.

98

Table 11 - Respondent’s Means of Transport by Single Use of Transportation Only

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Means of Transport Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
walked (1) 72 72.7 88.9

bicycle (2) 1 1.0 90.1

bus, matutu (3) 2 2.0 92.6

transport boat (4) 2 2.0 95.1

lorry, van, pickup 1 1.0 96.3

(5)

bicycle transporters 1 1.0 97.5

(9)

Total 79

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 12 - Respondent’s Use of Multiple Means of Transportation

99

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Transport“ Frequency Percent
1,2 1 5.8

1,3 7 41.1
1,4 3 17.6
1,9 1 5.8

3,4 2 11.7
1,2,3 1 5.8
1,2,5 1 5.8
1,3,4 1 5.8
Total 17 99.47

 

Walk = 1; Bicycle = 2; Bus, matutu (multiple passenger taxi) = 3; Transport boat = 4;

Lorry, van, pick-up = 5; Bicycle transporters = 9

* More than one number reﬂects a combination of transportation methods.

Table 13 - All Respondents Who Report Walking as Some Part of Transport

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent
walking 73 73.7
No 26 26.3
walking
Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

Although more than 50% of all respondents indicate that they live within 15
minutes of their sale site, of those who live more than 15 minutes from their sale site or

marketplace, more than 80% report more than 40 minutes of travel time. Almost 70%

1 00
report at least 90 nrinutes or more of travel time needed to get to market (see Table 14
and Table 15).

Table 14 - Amount of Time Respondent Needs to Travel to Her Primary Market
Location

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Time Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
2-5 minutes 53 53.6 53.5
12-20 nrinutes 61 6.0 59.6
30-60 nrinutes 11 11.1 70.7
2 hours 7 7.1 77.8
3-4 hours 11 11.1 88.9
5-6 hours 6 6.0 94.9
7-24 hours 5 5.0 99.0
Total 99 100.0

Mean 106.00“

Median 5.00

Mode 2-00

 

 

 

 

 

 

*time is represented in minutes

101

Table 15 - Respondents Who Travel More Than 15 Minutes to Market

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Minutes Number of Respondents Percent Cumulative Percent
20-45 7 16.7 16.7
60-90 65 14.3 31.0
120 7 16.7 47.6
180-240 11 26.2 73.8
300-420 7 16.7 90.5
540- 4 9.6 100.0
1600
Total 42 100.0

Mean = 4 hours

Median = 3 hours

Mode = 2 hours

 

 

 

 

Ethnicity

The majority (almost 83%) of the inhabitants in the beach communities of Lake
Victoria are Luo people (JoLuo) in historical origin and self-identify as such (see Table
16). A few of the other inhabitants identify as Luhiya (about 6%), a north and western
group who have not traditionally engaged in the ﬁshery but who historically have been
agriculturally focused. A very few are from bordering areas of Uganda in the north and
Tanzania in the southern-most Lake regions. Of particular interest (and worth continued
social science attention) are the BaSuba group. At the time of this research conducted in
1995, this group was found only in the southern region and in the southern beach

communities, especially in the Muhuro Bay area. As was discussed earlier, the re-

102

identifying and naming of this group peaked in May of 1995 following violence which
occurred in the previous month. This self-identiﬁed group totals about 6% of the
respondents (see Table 16 also).

Table 16 - Respondent’s Ethnic Identification

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Group 9 Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Luo 81 81.8 82.7

Luhiya 6 6.1 88.8

Tazanian 2 2.0 90.8

BaSuba 6 6.1 96.9

Luo/Basuba mix 3 3.0 100.0

Missing 1 1.0

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

This ethnic group, the BaSuba who have only recently been recognized by the
national government, clashed violently with the other inhabitants of the area (in particular,
the JoLuo) during March and April 1995 in a struggle for increased political power and
ownership and access to meager geographic resources. Traditionally, this group has self-
identiﬁed as JoLuo and has shared both tradition, history, and language with the Luo
people. There seems to be no readily identiﬁable language of the BaSuba people which
would serve to further codify their cultural claim. Although one regional respondent who
identiﬁes his own lineage as BaSuba in origin stated; “[We are] just starting a written Suba
language. It wasn’t there before.” Others, who identify themselves as BaSuba, go farther

and acknowledge that there is not yet developed a spoken language either.

103

Most regional inhabitants consider the recent change in this self-identiﬁcation from
J oLuo to BaSuba to be more reﬂective of political disruption with the onset of elections
than of substantive change in socio-cultural lifestyle or practices. However, the political
disruption, geographic and land contestation, and social unrest which has resulted from
this clash creates additional social dynamics and challenges for all within the region to
surmount.

The Gendered World of the Lake

Articulating the overriding problematic of socio-economic dynamics women
encounter oﬂ‘ers a useful and critical direction in order to build a picture of women’s work
and their world within the ﬁshery. Areas which command the time and attention of
women, but are not limited to and not necessarily in the order of priority, include: farming
and gardening, childcare, attending to the illness of household members, cooking,
obtaining food, obtaining water, mending and washing clothes, acquisition of clothes for
children, cleaning of household and immediate external spatial environs as well as
attending to their economic activity of product acquisition and sales.

Women’s lives are hard and extremely demanding. Their lives are much harder
than males whose lives can also be also fraught with challenge. Although males rarely, if at
all, assume the duties of their female counterparts, women frequently undertake duties
reserved for men. For example, men rarely, if ever, cook for their family. That task is
reserved for females, including girl children. However, the task of cattle herding which

usually is the province of men or boys often will be undertaken by women in addition to

104

their household duties and responsibilities. It is not unusual to ﬁnd women engaged in this
task of cattle herding.

A 1991 Government of Kenya/UNICEF (GOK/UN) study concluded that: “In
general, a man works for 8 hours a day as compared to women who work for an average
of 15 hours per day” (p. 8). These ﬁndings suggest that women are likely to work at least
twice as long a male on a given day. The GOK/UN study only references household
activities and does not account for economic activity which must also be accomplished if a
women is to survive and to insure her children’s survival. Other studies support these
inequities in labor time demanded of women in their daily responsibilities as compared to
men in their daily responsibilities (e. g. King, 1996; House-Midamba, in House-Midamba
and Ekechi, eds., 1995; Whitehead, in Adepoju and Oppong, 1994). Miller and Yeager
(1994) state:

Women serve as the chief productive force in the local economies of rural Kenya,

and [there are] gross disparities in female versus male labor contributions. ..

Women perform most routine farm chores, including the arduous tasks of hoeing

and weeding. They are also held responsible for gathering ﬁrewood and water,

sometimes ﬁom considerable distances; for managing the household hearth; for
tending babies, children, and the elderly; and for carrying planting materials and

harvested crops to and from the family shambas (production ﬁelds) (p. 82).
Findings from this present study also demonstrate the contention that women’s time and
their use of time reﬂects more extensive social demands than those placed upon males.
Women’s Entry Into Beach Communities

When women enter a beach with the hope of securing a livelihood for themselves

and their families, they may not always be welcomed. The resources are ﬁ'equently thinly

105

spread among the inhabitants who are already present. If one has no family or relatives
within that social system, entry into the economic activity and into the social situation is
even more diﬂicult. The importance of regional connections manifested by family ties
cannot be overstated. With the simple question which follows almost immediately after
the greeting: in nyar kanye? (whose daughter are you?), the signiﬁcance of one’s
lineage/kinship and cultural ties is readily apparent. One’s response to the question of
one’s lineage is signiﬁcant to one’s ﬁrture social relations in that community; so the
response of “an nyar (one inserts the name of a speciﬁc location)” - “I am the daughter
of a particular geographic region” cannot be overstated.

Following disclosure of the general region ﬁ'om which one hails, the speciﬁcity of
the location within that region is sought. Then begins the recitation of one’s relatives in
that area under discussion. Following that disclosure, the search for commonality of
extended relations between one who seeks entry into the community and the questioners is
begun. Iffortunate, it may be that the questioner can identify an ancestor, perhaps as
distant as a great-grandmother who originally came from that area, which then bodes well
for the entry seeker.

Ifa successful connection can be found, a welcome is extended to the stranger
seeking entry into the comnrunity. If no connections are identiﬁed then any welcome,
assistance, or access to area goods and resources is limited or, in some cases, totally
withheld. One woman stated that coming into her present southern beach community
after the death of her husband in the north, following the conﬁscation of all of her farm

lands by the dead husband’s other sons and her own lack of children, made it extremely

106

difﬁcult to ﬁnd acceptance in any community because, as she put it, what had she brought
to contribute to this new community, “...nothing, no children, no wealth, nothing.”

Let me offer a personal example of this experience. At a beach which I had
investigated early in my research, there was a fair amount of resistance to our entry.
Usually upon entry, my colleague from the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute
(KMFRI) and I would meet with the beach leader or local area chief and request that he
call a public meeting so that we could present our study goals to the community
inhabitants. At Honge, a mainly omena (sardine) ﬁshery, area leaders and residents were
resistant to discussion with us. They were “too busy” and had recently been harassed by
the intervention of” lice oﬁcials” and “ﬁshery department omcials.” They were
therefore reluctant, at best, and unwilling, at worst, to even let us speak with them. Many
were concerned that we had come to “ e” them or collect “fees” which had been the
intent of the prior “oﬂ'rcials” who had come to Honge.

Because the requisite greetings must be proﬂ‘ered, I was able to respond to “in
nyar kanye? ” with “an nyar USA. ” As the speciﬁcity of my regional connections was
determined (in kanye? - you are from where in that area?), beach inhabitants ascertained
that I was “Black American,” (African American, I insisted). One male listener became
excited and insisted I had a sister-in-law (imm' - your sister-in-law) right there on this
beach. Most who are able to gather when a visitor appears in the village community are
males or boys who have leisure time as opposed to females who have extremely limited

“free” time. Discussion of this phenomenon will be considered later in this writing.

l 07

I, in my inirnical “American” fashion, was too pro-occupied with accomplishing my
own goal of entry into this beach to ﬁnd that information anything more than distracting.
Furthermore, I considered the man to be both misguided and factually wrong. Luckily,
either my attitude was not too obviously insulting or this very generous man had the grace
to ignore me. He raced off to ﬁnd the woman, my “alleged” sister-in-law, and promptly
returned with her.

Indeed, it became clear that Inura (my sister-in-law) had a brother who had
married an Aﬁican American woman, and he now lived in the United States. In fact, he
and his wife (my sister, my Aﬁican American sister) were to come for a visit to the cﬂrala
(the birthplace or “home”, one’s real home as opposed to the place one may be staying
for some period, which is referenced as “ot”) in the next two weeks. Because of the
signiﬁcance of this “relative” connection and the implied obligations of social relations, my
KMFRI colleague and I were allowed to make a presentation to the beach community and
village inhabitants as a group. Later I was permitted and actively encouraged to
individually interview and talk with area residents.

Despite my sister-in-law’s incredibly busy and time-consuming schedule, she was
certain to greet me and check on me several times each day and to ensure that inhabitants
were assisting me in all the ways that I needed. Because of my own social location and
goal-oriented nature, I would have continued working and interviewing right through
meals. Inura, who would never give me any name but that, would appear at meal times
and insist on taking me to be fed. I was part of her family, and I must be looked alter until

I could sumciently “care for myself.”

108

I was fortunate to be discovered and claimed by Inura, “my sister-in-law.”
Women who enter beaches without resources and cannot claim those familial social
relations are often without hope for establishing a successﬁrl living situation. “ﬁthout
familial ties or resources, they must move on to seek a more receptive environment. As
discussed earlier in the review of the literature section of this writing, the signiﬁcance of
communal social relations, whether imputed or based on actual lineage, is critical to
functioning within a community and cannot be ignored.

Demographic Proﬁle: Age, Children, Education

The mean age for woman participants is 35 (see Table 17). More than 55% of the
women participants have four or more children whom she has birthed, who are currently
living, and for whom they provide some amount of care (see Table 18). More than 10 %
of the women have seven or more children whom they have birthed, who are currently
living and for whom they provide some amount of care. More than 73% of the

respondents report that they are presently caring for 4 or more children (see Table 19).

109

Table 17 - Age of Respondents (Females)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
16 - 20 3 3.0 3.2
21 - 25 12 12.1 15.8
26 - 30 _ 24 24.2 41.1
31 - 35 14 14.1 55.8
36 - 40 17 17.2 73.7
41 - 45 10 10.0 84.2
46 - 50 7 7.7 91.6
52 - 55 2 2.0 93.7
59 - 67 6 6.6 98.9
Doesn’t Know 4 4.0

Total 99 100.0

Mean 35.5 Median 35

 

 

110

Table 18 - Number of Respondent’s Children Who Are Currently Living

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Children Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 6 6.1 6.3

1 6 6.1 12.5
2 8 8.1 20.8
3 21 21.2 42.7
4 13 13.1 56.3
5 17 17.2 74.0
6 13 13.1 87.5
7 4 4.0 91.7
8 5 5.1 96.9
9 2 2.0 99.0
10 1 1.0 100.0
Valid cases 96 Missing cases 3

Mean 4.125 Median 4.000

 

 

111

Table 19 - Total Number of Children Respondent Currently Supports

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Children Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 1 1.0 1.0

1 7 7.1 8.2

2 3 3.0 11.2
3 15 15.2 26.5
4 , 21 21.2 48.0
5 15 15.2 63.3
6 7 7.1 70.4
7 6 6.1 76.5
8 10 10.1 86.7
9 4 4.0 90.8
10 5 5.1 95.9
11 2 2.0 98.0
12 1 1.0 99.0
14 1 1.0 100.0
Mean 5.255 Median 5.000

 

Additionally, women respondents report providing care or support for children
whom they did not birth. Care of relatives and extended family is expected within Aﬁican
culture in general and among the JoLuo, in particular, it is the cultural and behavioral
norm. These children are frequently the progeny of deceased relatives or deceased co-
wives. More than 50% of women participants report providing care for at least one child

whom they did not birth (see Table 20).

112

Table 20- Number of Children for Whom Respondent Provides Care But Whom She
Did Not Birth

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Children Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 43 ’ 43.4 51.0
1 11 11.1 62.5
2 17 17.2 80.2
3 5 5.1 85.4
4 6 6.1 91.7
5 3 3.0 94.8
6 3 3.0 97.9
8 2 2.0 100.0
Missing 3 3.0

Total 99 100.0

Mean 1.198

 

 

 

 

A Case of Childcare Responsibilities
The following case summary provides a narrative of a representative woman’s

experience. Three years ago after her husband died, Adhiarnbo came to Ng’ore Beach.
(This is not her real name, but one which means “daughter of the evening.” Luo names,
such as this, generally reﬂect a feature signiﬁcant to one’s birth.) She was 35 years old
and had children. At the time of this interview she has a total of 9 children, at least one of
whom was not birthed by her, but for whom she provides daily care. Additionally, she
considers herself to be solely responsible for providing food for the 11 people who eat at

her table on a regular basis.

113

More than 65% of women respondents report the age of the youngest child they
support as ﬁve or less (See summary of this data in Table 21; for expanded data table, see
Appendix E.) Almost 50% of respondents state that the youngest child is aged three or
younger; and, 10% report having at least one child who is less than one year in age.
Almost 70% of women state that their youngest child is age six or less. In the Kenyan
school system, children are not considered school age until they are at least six years old.
This school age-criterion combined with the child age-level data of this study suggest that
the majority of children can be considered to be still within the household on a daily basis
and in a high need and dependency state.

Over 15% of all respondents report that their oldest child is only nine years of age
or younger (see Table 22). The oldest child of more than 21% of the respondents is
reported as 10 or younger. For many women (almost 56%), the age of the oldest child for
whom they provide support is reported as 15 or younger. And, over 74% report their

oldest child as 18 or younger.

Table 21 - Age of Youngest Child Whom Respondent Supports (Whether Birthed or

114

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Not)*
Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 - 1 20 20.2 22.2
2 - 4 36 30.4 62.6
5 - 9 21 21.3 85.6
10 - 15 8 8.0 94.4
19 - 32 5 5.0 100.0
Doesn’t know 9 9.1
Mean 5.156 Median 3.500

 

 

* See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

Table 22 - Age of Oldest Child for Whom Respondent Provides Regular Care

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Summary Table)‘
Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
l - 6 11 10.0 10.5
7 - 10 10 10.1 21.1
11 - 14 21 21.2 43.2
15 - 18 30 30.3 74.7
20 - 23 6 6.0 82.1
24 - 28 10 10.0 92.6
30 - 48 6 6.0 98.9
Doesn’t Know 5 5.0 ' 100.0
Mean 16.716 Median 15.000

 

 

 

 

 

See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

 

115

The number of dependents within a woman’s household is routinely high (see Table 23).
Further, the ability of those dependents to contribute to the household is ﬁ'equently not as
pronounced as the need for care they represent.

Table 23 - Number of People Eating in Respondent’s Household on a Daily Basis"

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number Eating Frequency Percent Cumulative
Percent

1 - 4 8 8.1 8.3

5 - 7 36 36.3 45.8

8 - 10 32 32.3 79.2

11- 21 20 20.2 100.0

Mean 8.156 Median 8.000

 

 

 

 

 

 

"‘ See Appendix E for a complete table for this data.

Therefore, the data suggest that, in addition to accomplishing their economic
activity, women must accommodate the labor-intensive care for the children to whom they
provide primary support. This implies that many women have children who must either
accompany them as they engage in their economic activity or for whom care must be
otherwise provided. The amount, level, and type of dependent child care which a woman
in the ﬁshery community must plan into her work day can be quite demanding given the
age and needs of her children because depending on the child’s age, the needs of her
children can be quite consuming. A discussion of women’s responses to childcare needs
and the development of particular childcare strategies is presented later.

Although the mean time women have been married is almost 18 years (see Table

24. For more detailed data, see Table 24a in Appendix E.), almost 1/3 of all respondents

116

report that they are not living with their husbands (see Table 25). However, only 7% state
that they are divorced or separated. The other 25% report that their husbands are
deceased. This ﬁnding corroborates Yongo (1993) whose ﬁndings suggested that almost

1/3 of beach community households are female-headed.

Table 24 - Number of Years Respondent Has Been Married (Summary)*

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years Married Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
1-2 years 2 2.0 2.1

3-4 years 4 4.0 6.2

5-9 years 17 17.2 23.7

10-14 years 23 23.2 47.4

morethan 15 51 51.5 100.0

years

Total 99 100.0

Mean 17.978 Median 16.000

 

 

 

 

 

*See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

Table 25 - (Women) Respondent Considers Self to be Sharing Household with
Spouse

 

 

 

 

 

 

Label Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
unmarried l 1.0 1.1

Not Living 7 7.1 8.4

With

Living Vlfrth 62 62.6 73 .7

Spouse 25 25.3 99.0

deceased

 

 

 

 

 

117

Many women living and working on the beach do not reside in the same
geographic location as their husbands. Women may reside separately from their husbands
for particular lengths of time as they conduct their economic activity. Those in the omena
ﬁshery ﬁequently spend the two weeks of intense monthly omena work living on the
particular beach where they buy and process their ﬁsh because omena ﬁsh are caught
during the “dark phase of the moon.” In the off weeks when omena ﬁsh are not available
to be caught, some women will travel back to their homes.

Other women in the ﬁshery live separated ﬁom their husbands for extended
periods of time. They may live separately for the majority of time. That is, they live on
their own with little support or contributions expected or received ﬁ'om their husbands.
Their husbands, who ﬁequently live elsewhere, are usually reported as having another
wife. Therefore, it is reasonable to surmise that the number of women who are solely
dependent upon themselves for economic and food security is actually greater than the
30% suggested by Yongo (1993) or by the data presented in this study.

The average age of a woman’s husband is just over 46 years of age (see Table 26).
Given women’s average of 37 years (see Table 27), there is a 9 year age difference in
these spousal sets. Summary data suggest that over 10% of all husbands are reported as
being 60 years or older. Males report the average age of their wife as 31 or less (see

Table 28). In fact, over 60% of males state that their wives are less than 35 years of age.

Table 26 - Women Respondent’s Report of Husband’s Age by Categories

118

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(Summary)*
Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
25 -35 10 19.7 19.6
36—45 23 45.1 64.7
46-50 10 19.6 84.3
51-55 1 2.0 84.3
56-88 8 11.8 100
Total 51 100.0
Mean 46.471 Median 45.000
Mode 45.000

 

 

 

 

 

 

*See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

Table 27 - Women Respondent’s Self -report of Age by Categories (Summary)*

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
16-25 14 14.1 14.1
26 - 30 24 24.2 38.3
31 -40 31 33.3 71.6
41- 50 16 16.1 87.7
51-70 8 8.0 95.7
Don’t Know 6 6.0 ***
Total 99 ***

Mean 37.312

Median 35.000

Mode 30.000

 

* See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

"*doesn’t add to 100% due to rounding

 

Table 28 - Male Respondent’s Report of Wife’s Age (Data for First Wife only)*

119

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cum
Percent

20 - 25 14 12.2 12.2

26 - 30 10 24.4 58.5

31 - 41 9 21.8 80.5

42 - 70 8 19.2 100.0

Total 41 100.0

Mean 32.683

Median 29.000

Mode 20.000

 

 

* See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

More than 35% of all women respondents state that they do not know their
husband’s age (see Table 29). Comparatively, only just over 12% of males report not
knowing their wife’s age (see Table 28). Although the data shown in Table 30 reﬂects
men’s responses with regard to their ﬁrst wives, their knowledge of second and third
wife’s age is also fairly complete. This is another one of the many indicators of the
pervasive gendered imbalance of social relations and social practices in these beach

communities.

120

Table 29 - Female Respondent’s Who Report Not Knowing Husband’s Age

Frequenc Percent

 

 

 

 

 

 

doesn't know 35 35.4
spouse deceased 9 9-1
doesn’t know & 4 4-0
spouse deceased

 

 

Table 30 - Male Respondent’s Report of Wife’s Age"

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency . Percent Cumulative Percent
20 -25 14 29.2 34.1
26-30 10 20.9 58.5
31-35 5 10.5 70.7
36-43 6 12.6 85.4
52-70 6 12.6 100.0
Doesn‘t know 6 12.5

Unmarried l 2.1

Total 48 100.0

Mean 32.683

Median 29.000

 

* See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.

A similar gendered imbalance in spousal knowledge is apparent in respondents’
answers to questions regarding their spouse’s educational levels. Males report not
knowing their wife’s educational level less than 10% of the time (see Table 31). In JoLuo
culture, men are socially permitted to have more than one wife at a time. The greater their

number of wives, the less the incidence of this failure to know their spouse’s educational

121

level. That is, for second and third wives men report only 4.2% and 3% of the time
respectively that they “do not know” in response to questions regarding the educational
level of these wives (see Table 32 and Table 33).

Table 31 - Husband’s Report of First Wife’s Number of Years of Education“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 - 6 17 35.6 37.0

7 - 9 14 29.2 67.4

10 - 12 8 16.7 84.8

don‘t know 4 8.3 93.5

deceased 3 6.3 99.8

total 46 100.0

 

"' See Appendix for a complete table of this data.

Table 32 - Husband’s Report of Second Wife’s Number of Years of Education“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 - 6 9 39 39.1

7- 10 11 47.8 87

Don’t know 2 8.7 95.7

Deceased l 4.3 100.0

Total 23"

 

* See Appendix E for a complete table of this data.
** These data correspond to the 23 of the 45 respondents had more than 1 wife

 

 

122

Table 33 - Husband’s Report of Third Wife’s Number of Years of Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
1 1 14.3 14.3

2 1 14.3 28.6

7 1 14.3 42.9

8 2 28.6 71.4

12 1 14.3 85.7

99 1 14.3 100.0

Total“ 7 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

*Only 7 respondents reported more than 2 wives - educational data was collected on the
ﬁrst 3.

On the other hand, some 20% of women (who are only permitted one husband at a
time) report not knowing their husband’s educational level (see Table 34). This suggests
that males are entitled to, and perhaps expected to have, certain information about their
mates or potential mates, while women are generally not encouraged to exercise that same
social privilege. Further, I would wonder if the higher educational level of second, third
and additional wives provides incentive in the forrrr of status attainment to the males
seeking to increase their number of wives. Knowledge of one’s spouse, whether
educational level or age, appears gender-biased in favor of males and perhaps reﬂects a

fairly well-deﬁned imbalance of gendered social relations.

.— a—u‘~ .., .... .

123

Table 34 - Women’s Report of Spouse’s Number of Year of Education"

 

 

 

 

 

 

Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 - 6 30 30.4 31.3

7 - 10 32 32.4 64.6

11- 14 14 14.1 79.2

Don’t know 20 20.2 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

*See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

Mean formal educational levels for women is approximately ﬁve years of schooling
or until age 10 (see Table 35). Comparatively for males, mean formal education is about
eight years or until about age 13 (see Table 36). Further, more women than men report
“no school” for themselves. The incidence o “no school” for women is about 20% while
for men that incidence is about 4%. This is a dramatic comparative gender decrease.

This educational imbalance reinforces ﬁndings by the Government of Kenya and UNICEF
study Gender and Girl Child Concerns in Kisumu District which was conducted in a

more limited geographic area during 1991.

124

Table 35 - Education Level for Female Respondents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 18 18.2 18.6
2 3 3.0 21.6
3 6 6.1 27.8
4 7 7.1 35.1
5 5 5.1 40.2
6 13 13.1 53.6
7 21 21.2 75.3
8 10 10.1 85.6
9 5 5.1 90.7
10 4 4.0 94.8
11 2 2.0 96.9
12 3 3.0 100.0
Missing 2 2.0

Total 99 100.0

Mean 5.412

 

 

125

Table 36 - Male Respondent’s Educational Level

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no school 2 4.2 4.2
2 1 2.1 6.3
4 3 6.3 12.6
5 3 6.3 18.9
6 4 8.3 27.2
7 14 29.2 56.4
8 4 8.3 64.7
9 4 8.3 73
10 2 4.2 77.2
1 1 3 6.3 83.5
12 6 12.5 98.1
Technical 1 2.1 "*
training

some college 1 2.1 *"
Total 48 100.0

Mean 8.065

 

 

 

A Case Study of Business Start-up

Upon arrival at a beach, a woman must ﬁnd a living space for herselfand her
children. The case study description of the woman’s life begun above continues.

Aﬁer Adhiambo came to Ng’ore beach, she “found a man who would let me live in
his house.” She transported omena (a small sardine-like ﬁsh sold only in bulk) ﬁ'om the

ﬁshing boats to the drying area For this work of carrying “tins” (approximately 5 gallon

126

containers) of omena on her head, she was paid in a “measure of omena” (about a half-
quart size container). She would process (dry) and save that omena. When one large tin
was ﬁrll, she would take it to the market and sell it. She saved part of that sale money and
used it to start her own omena trading practice on a larger scale. Eventually she stopped
portering and now she simply processes and trades omena Her last purchase was 6,000
Kenya shillings (Ksh) which she later sold at Ksh 9,000. (This amounts to about $130
USD for her purchase price and about $200 USD for her sale price.)

This particular woman was successﬁrl in both her beach entry strategy and in her
start-up of a ﬁshery business. However, inherent in her story are a number of experiences
which must be taken in account in order to understand fully both the socially constructed
restraints which she had to overcome as well as the on-going environmental and economic
challenges which are present in that system. Additionally, the demands of her social role as
female with full care and responsibility for the household must be acknowledged and
accounted for.

This respondent describes her current situation compared to ﬁve years prior much
as others do. That is, she states that her life is “rach ahinya, ” much worse now than it
was then. Despite this sincerely truthful self-assessment, this woman is presently in a
comparatively more stable and secure situation than many of her ﬁshery colleagues. In
fact, this scenario could have easily resulted in much more negative and personally
dangerous outcomes. For example, had she not been able to develop a relationship which
provided housing for herself and her children, or had she not been able to entry the ﬁshery

via portering, or had she not been able to successfully dry the omena product and save

127

funds ﬁom her interim sales, she would not have been able to attain this level of success.
Part of the focus of this research is to identify what factors aid in more positive outcomes
versus negative ones. Additionally, it is important to articulate which of these factors
(those which aid in obtaining personal and familial security) are already, or can be, self-
deﬁned and implemented by the woman herself to ensure the maximal opportunity for
security for a woman and her family.
Household Responsibility

The responsibility for daily household tasks falls on women. That is, it is women’s
responsibility to care for the house and insure its daily “re-creation,” e. g. provision of food
and water, gardening, cleaning, childcare. Although structural maintenance for the roof
may be a task which can be relegated to males, essentially the care of the home is the
concern of the women. This is particularly true for women who are one of several co-
wives (over 55% of these respondents report having at least one co-wife, see Table 37).
In the co-wife situation, the male is understood to have several homes and to not always
be present to physically invest in the care or maintenance of a particular dwelling. He
does retain the right to appear in the household and expects to be provided with care. In
this situation, the woman’s responsibility for the physical maintenance security of her

dwelling can be even more pronounced.

128

Table 37 - Respondent’s Report of Number of Co-wives

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Co—Wives Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 44 44.4 44.4

1 32 32.3 76.8

2 13 13.1 89.9

3 5 5.1 94.9

4 4 4.0 99.0

7 1 1.0 100.0

Total 99 100.0

Median 1.00

 

 

 

 

 

 

Although almost 50% of women respondents and 23% of male respondents
describe themselves as bearing sole responsibility for providing food for their household, it
appears that women are more likely to state the presence of someone else (non-spouse)
who assists in providing food (see Table 38, Table 39, Table 40, and Table 41). That is,
women are more likely than males to acknowledge the household and food contributions
of another. This suggests that men are more inclined to “fake good” on their response.
That is, it appears that men will more often claim sole responsibility for provisioning food
when in fact that is not what they do. Therefore, I conclude, and formal and informal
observation seem to support this, that women are more likely to have on-going and sole

responsibility for providing food on a regular basis for their families and households.

129

Table 38 - Women’s Report on Spouse Contribution of Food

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Contribution Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 48 48.5 48.5

yes 51 51.5 100.0

Total 99 100.0

 

 

Table 39 - Men's Report of Wife's Contribution of Food or Money

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Contribution Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 1 1 22.9 23 .9

yes 35 72.9 100.0

Missing 1 2. l

Deceased 1 2. 1

Total 48 100.0

 

 

Table 40 - Women’s Report on Others’ (Not Husband) Contribution of Food or

 

 

 

 

 

Money
Contribution Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 68 68.7 70.1
yes 29 29.3 100.0
Missing 2 2.0
Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

130

Table 41 - Men’s Report of Others’ Contributions

 

 

 

 

 

Contribution Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 32 66.7 68. 1

yes 15 31.3 100.0

Missing 1 2. 1

Total 48 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Women respondents’ statements also articulate this issue and support the

conclusion that women bear primary responsibility for the household:

Women work too much in the house [so their businesses suﬂ‘er as a result].

Certain husbands, if their wives do business, they will give all the responsrbility [of
the household] to the wife. When women are working like that, they work hard
and then have to go home and still have to work [in the house] and then they get
sick.

Husbands ﬁght for money when you come ﬁ'om the market. The husband wants to
take the money...

Women have less ﬁrnds for good business. Women have lots of things to do. . .have
more responsibility than husbands. So even if you have big money, it goes oﬂ‘ [is
spent] because of children, food etc.

[There are no problems] except when [you are] losing money in business. So
[there is] no food and then [you have] household problems [and problems] with
[your] husband.

Responsibility of the house [is a major problem for women]. Things are expensive
and you have children who are eating.

Women also say that problems are incentives for entering into their SSE and business

activity. These problems include: illness of children, school fees, the need for clothes for

131

children and themselves, and the need for food. All of these issues indicate the primary
role women play in maintaining and recreating their households.

A combined eﬁ‘ort by the government of Kenya and UNICEF remlted in the Child
Survival and Development Programme. In 1989, this program was to created to “identify
and respon ” to the needs of women and children. It began in 1991 with a participatory
rural assessment in Kenya’s Kisumu District which is within the Lake Basin Development
Area (LBDA) which borders Lake Victoria. This assessment reveals the demands on
women’s use of time for household activities compared to men. That study stated: “In all
the ﬁve sub-locations, it was found that the division of labour, access to and control of
beneﬁts and resources favors the male. Female children were also found to be more
disadvantaged.”

Although this study was limited to one more urbanized area of the LBDA, i.e.
around Kisumu which is the third largest city in Kenya, those results of gendered time
demands and the inequity of socially-constructed gendered responsibilities are reinforced
by the results of the study which I recently conducted. The government of Kenya and
UNICEF study found women work an average of 14-16 hours per day. Men work an
average of 7-9 hours per day. They conclude that women are “predominately responsible
for domestic work.” The ﬁndings from the present study support those ﬁndings
particularly with regard to household duties, obligations, and responsibilities with which
women must contend.

In the present study, when women were asked about their child care strategies,

almost 50% state that they leave their children with a relative who is not their husband or

132

that they leave the children alone (see Table 42). As one woman stated, “I leave them for
God to take care of them.” As discussed earlier, more than 50% of respondents have
children who are age three or under; 10% are under age one, and 70% of these children
are age seven or under (see Table 21). Despite the fact that more than 60% of the
participants describe themselves as living with their husbands, only about 7% of the
women identify their husbands as caregiver to their children during the woman’s absence
(see Table 25 and Table 42). Women’s co-wives provide childcare about 40% of the time

for those with who identify themselves as having childcare needs (see Table 43).

133

Table 42 - Childcare Strategies and Practices

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Childcare Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no care 21 25.6 25 .6
needed

take them 4 4.9 30.5
along

leave with a 38 46.3 76.8
relative

husband 6 7.3 84.1
provides care

non-relative 7 8.5 92.7
care (e. g

cattle herder

watches)

leaves 4 3 .7 97.5
children

alone

hires ' 2 2.4 100.0
someone

Missing 17 17.1

Total 99

 

 

 

134

Table 43 - Which Relative Provides Childcare

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Relative Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
co-wife 15 14.1 39.4

other 16 16.2 78.9

family

other 7 7.1 100.0

children

Doe not 61 61.6

rely on

relative

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

The households demands placed on women are extensive and seemingly
exhausting. Most ﬁequently, the source for all household water is Lake Victoria itself.
Acquisition of water means traversing the distance to the Lake, with children, and
returning carrying both children and water. The limited area study conducted by the
government of Kenya and UNICEF found that daily water acquisition can take from 30
minutes to 5 hours.

Geographic and spatial factors impact women’s lives greatly both in terms of the
accomplishment of their household demands and in terms of their economic activities. The
terrain of northern, southern, and central regions can vary greatly, from hilly and rocky,
to pastoral, to arid and dry. Therefore, the terrain which women must cover in their daily
trek to potable water, although it varies dependent upon geographic region around the
Lake, can be extremely challenging to cross. The majority (about 93%) of participants in

the present study describe themselves as living “on the beac ” and from one-half to two

135

kilometers from the Lake itself (see Table 44 and Table 45). In fact, most people live
within one-half kilometer. Despite this seeming proximity, given the spatial and

geographic realities, it ﬁ'equently requires approximately 30 minutes to reach the Lake.

Table 44 - Living Space When Working

 

 

 

 

 

 

Location Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
at this 93 93 .9 95.9

beach

on 1 1.0 96.9

another

beach

Inland 3 3.0 100.0

Missing 2 2.0

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 45 - Distance From House to Beach

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Distance Frequency Percent Cum Percent
0 -0.5 85 85.8 88.6

krns

1 -2 krns 5 5.1 92.8

3 -5 kms 4 4.0 96.9

5 -10 3 3.0 100.0

krns

Missing 2 2.0

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

136

Many respondents stated that transportation is a major problem. Much of the
route access is via boulder- and/or rock-strewn passages. They state that if access routes
and roads were more easily passed, more and larger buyers would come to the beach and
they, the ﬁshery workers, could expand and broaden their customer base. However, due
to the frequently impassable nature of many of the roads and the limited access of many of
the other routes into the beach community, this customer niche is not available to them.
The impact of those impassable routes also indicates the individual diﬁculty women
encounter when traveling from their households to the beach to acquire water as these are
the same routes that women must use to accomplish their household tasks of water
acquisition and washing of clothes, dishes, and children.

Women must balance demanding household expectations and their critical and
essential need to engage in economic exchange in order to provide for their families in
creative and practical ways. Women in ﬁshery practices can work at their business
activities ﬁ'om as little as one hour to a total of 24 hours during a given day. (Some of the
difference in the amount of time required is dependent upon the speciﬁc ﬁshery in which
the woman engages. For example, women involved in omena ﬁshery activity engage in
labor intensive activity for a concentrated amount of time during the two week timeframe
when omena ﬁsh are most active.) The average work day for women in the ﬁshery is
about nine hours. However, almost 30% work 10 hours per day and about 15% work 12

or more hours per day (see Table 46).

137

Table 46 - Number of Hours Women Work In Their Fishery Practice Per Day“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hours Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Worked

2 - 4 10 10.4 11.5

5 - 7 25 25.3 40.2

8 - 12 39 39.5 85.1

13 - 24 13 13 100.0

Total 87 100.0

Mean 8.966

 

 

*See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

More than 15% of women leave their homes by 4 am. each day that they are

engaged in their work to begin their economic activity (see Table 47). Over 50% have left

their homes by 6 am. and, more than 72% have left home by 7 am. Over 30% do not

leave their market site until after 6 pm. Almost 20% do not leave until after 8 pm. (See

Table 48).

Table 47 - Time Women Respondents‘ Leave Home“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Time Leave Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
l-5a.m. 18 18.1 21.2

6 - 9 am. 58 58.6 89.4

12 -22 9 9.0 100.0

Total 85 100.0

Mean 6.718

 

 

 

 

*data for women working in the ﬁshery only
** See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

138

Table 48 - Time Women Respondents“ Go Home at End of Day"

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24-hour clock Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
4 - 9 3 3.0 3.5

10 - 13 22 22.2 29.4

14 - 19 42 42.4 78.8

20-24 18 18.1 100.0

Total 85 100.0

Mean Time 16.435

 

 

 

 

I"Data is for women in the ﬁshery only
** See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

In contrast, men report leaving for their activities with more regularity to their
hours. That is, they work a predictable eight- or ten-hour ﬁshing shift. For some men this
shift may start aslateas 11 am. Otherﬁshersmaybeginwork earlierwiththecomingof
the dawn but their ﬁshing work will end in mid-afternoon. Those ﬁshers who follow the
omena ﬁshery may begin work at night around 10 pm. and continue until morning (see
Table 49, Table 50, and Table 51). In each instance their work time is limited to
approximately an eight- or ten-hour shift. As indicated above, women’s workshifts are

longer.

139

Table 49 - Number of hours Male Respondents Work“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hours Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
1- 4 6 12.5 14.0

5 - 7 5 10.5 25.6

8 — 12 27 56.3 88.4

13 -17 5 10.5 100.0

Total 43 100.0

Mean 9.140

 

 

 

 

* See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

Table 50 - Time Male Respondents Leave Home to Begin Work“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24-Hour Clock Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
2 - 5 8 16.7 18.6

6 - 10 19 39.6 62.8

17 - 23 16 33.5 100.0

Total 43

Mean 1 1.070

 

"' See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

 

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Table 51 - Time Male Respondents Go Home at End of Day“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24 hour clock Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
3 - 8 14 29.1 32.6

9 - 12 10 20.9 55.8

14 - 18 12 14.7 83.7

19 - 24 7 25.1 100.0

Total 43 100.0

Mean 12.581

 

 

 

 

* See Appendix E for complete table of this data.

How women integrate the time-consuming demands of their households duties and
the essential economic activities in which they must engage provides initial insight into
their well-developed strategies for economic and social survival. Men, whose household
duties are not as consuming, have less of a need to create viable strategies for integrating
household duties into their social relations.

As discussed above, women will respond to their childcare needs by: leaving the
children alone, having an older srbling provide the care for the younger siblings, or taking
the children along with them to the ﬁshery and market site. As stated earlier, some
women leave the children in the care of a family member. Frequently, women use their
ties with their eo-wives to accomplish these childcare needs. Almost 70% of the women
report at least one co-wife. Of those who report having at least one co-wife, almost half
do not share any household tasks. However, for those women who do share tasks, more

women report sharing childcare responsibilities with their co-wives than any other activity

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(see Table 52). 52% of the respondents shared childcare with their co-wives while only

34% share cooking (See Table 53). Even fewer (25%) farm together (see Table 54).

Table 52 - Respondent Shares Childcare with Co-wives

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 26 26.3 47.3
yes 29 29.3 100.0
Total 55 100.0

 

Table 53 - Respondent Cooks with Co-wives

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
no 36 36.4 65.5
yes 19 19.2 100.0
Total 55 100.0

 

Table 54 - Respondent Farms with Co-wives

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent Cum Percent
no 40 40.4 74. 1
yes 14 14. 1 100.0
Total 54 100.0

 

 

 

 

The World Economic System - Its Intersection with Fishery Women
F ew of the respondents, male or female, acknowledge the role or the impact of

large international or mizungu (foreign) traders and factories on their economic activity.

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More than 1/3 state that they do not have any business competition (see Table 55). Of the
more than 58% who do acknowledge having some business competition, most respond
that only those who are in the same MSE as the respondent represent their competition
(see Table 56). That is, they usually respond “jo ohala mamako kaka in ” or “those who
are small like me are my competition.” Although not pertinent to the present writing, it is
of interest to note that men respondents who are ﬁshers also do not have a sense of the
larger international market in which they operate and the impact which that international
economy has on their local beach activity. The impact of foreign marketers on local
ﬁshery trade has been discussed earlier in this writing. Many involved in the ﬁshery at the
local beach level have little or no awareness of the impact of the larger world economy on

their economic activity.

Table 55 - Does Women Respondent Identify Any Business Competition

 

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
yes 50 50.5 58.8

no 35 35.4 100.0

Total 85

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Table 56 - Women Respondents’ Identification of Business Competitors

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Competition Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
MSE/SSE (1) 39 79.6 79.6

large traders (2) 8 16.3 95.9

Men traders 1 2.0 98.0

Both 1 and 2 1 2.0 100.0

Total 49 100.0

 

One overt way in which the international or world economic system begins to
impact market women is via price setting. When asked about how they determine their
selling prices, those whose economic activity is limited to the immediate beach area,
generally respond that this price is set by the large factory representatives, sometimes in

concert with beach cooperative ofﬁcials. Whether the interest of the marketers is served

in these negotiations is not proven and highly suspect. Respondents state:

 

“The factories make the prices with the ﬁshers”

“It is diﬂicult to take for your labor. Because the price is general price for that day
and you can’t put your own price”

“[We are] given prices by the vans. We can try to negotiate it up but usually we
just accept their price.” '

“[The] prices are set by companies who come to the Beach, Asians [Indians], and
mizungus [whites or foreigners].”

“Here at the beach, [you] sell cheap but in the market [in town, you] have to add
in transport and other costs.” [emphasis added]

“People who buy the ﬁsh, don’t tell us the truth about the price. So that is why
the price goes up and down. The Asians [Indians] are doing this.”

144

From these responses, it appears that women whose selling is conﬁned to a single
beach location are less likely to have the economic ﬂexibility to negotiate a better price or
include a proﬁt for themselves. This suggests that those who travel to other sites to sell
their product fare better with regard to pricing outcomes. However, a review of
spatial/geographic setting and requisite travel time may suggest otherwise with regard to
the viability of such geographic expansion. That is, the mean travel time for all women
respondents to their place of sale is 106 minutes (see Table 57 which reﬂects summary
data from Table 14). If those women who travel 15 nrinutes or less are excluded ﬁ'om the
analysis, that average travel time to their market site increases to more than 4 hours (see
Table 58 which reﬂects summary data from Table 15). More than 83% of male
respondents in the ﬁshery, on the other hand, report living within 10 minutes walking
distance from where their work is located (see Table 59). (This disparity in distances
reﬂects ﬁshers living within close proximity to their source of ﬁsh. Women also live close
to the source of ﬁsh, i.e. Lake Victoria. However, women must travel to reach their points
of sale. However, the clients of ﬁshers come to the beaches. So travel is not required for
ﬁshers who are male.) Therefore, although a potential solution for women to the ﬁxed
pricing imposed by international interests is suggested by travel to other sales sites, it can
be somewhat prohibitive for a marketer to geographically expand her sales or to compete
for additional market shares via an expanded geographic arena simply due to the amount

of time required to travel to additional marketing sites.

145

Table 57 - Travel time to market for all Women Respondents

 

 

 

 

Mean 106.00
Median 5.00
Mode 2.00
Total 99

 

 

 

 

Table 58 - Women Respondents’ Travel Time to Market - (more than 15 minutes)

 

Mean 244.833
Median 180.000
Mode 120.000

Total 42

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 59 - Male Respondents Time from Home to Beach - (men in fishery only)

146

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Minutes Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 13 27. l 3 l

2 l 2.1 33 .4
3 2 4.2 338. l
5 16 33.3 776.2
10 3 6.3 83.4
20 l 2. 1 85.7
25 l 2. l 88. l
30 5 10.4 100.0
Missing“ 5 10.4

Total 48 100.0

Mean 1 1.024

Median 5.000

Mode 5.000

 

 

*= Male respondents who are retired, not working or not working in the ﬁshery

Problems and Strategies
Introduction

Women employ a variety of strategies to accomplish the multiple responsibilities of
their daily lives. The roles they perform are varied and ﬁequently overlap with regard to
time constraints. For example, it is not unusual to ﬁnd that women must take their infants
or young children along with them as they accomplish their market activities. Additionally,
it is not unusual for slightly older children to bear responsrbility for watching their only

slightly younger siblings.

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However, childcare is only one example of the demands women must satisfy in
order to go about their economic lives. The integration of household responsibilities,
economic and market activity, and the societally deﬁned constrictions of gender present
constant social and economic challenges which women must overcome if they are to
function successfully in their world. In this next section, I will present a summary of the
problenrs which respondents articulated and the problems which remain unarticulated by
respondents but which are readily apparent to external observers. This will be followed by
a discussion of the particular strategies and strategy types which are employed and/or
created by women as they meet the continuing demands of their lives in the ﬁshery.
Problems

As presented above, women encounter many challenges to their physical security
as they go about their daily lives. This results in their need to ﬁnd food, provide childcare,
and maintain their household and shelter. Some women engage in economic activity to
contribute to the overall household econonric activity. As one respondent stated in answer
to the question of why she entered business, “Responsibility for the house cannot be borne
by one person alone.” Another woman stated, “If both [husband and wife] are in money-
making activity, [this] would help each other very well.” However, other women ﬁnd
themselves in the position of needing to bear sole responsibility for providing for
themselves and their children. Typically, respondents in this situation stated, “[I] had
problems. ..[my] husband’s money was not enough.” He had 5 other wives.

[My] husband had 4 other wives, [there was] no way to get food. I am the ﬁfth

wife and others all have children so there are many people to feed. So I started
this business. Since [the number of] wives kept getting bigger and to depend on

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farming, that is only once a year. And then there may be a bad crop so problems

get worse. Finally... [I] got into business to get food for my family.

Another respondent stated, “[I] had problems after my husband died, [my] child was sick,
[my] husband was dead, so [I] started in business to help myself.” Or, as another woman
stated “When husband died, there was no one to look after me.”

Women who are solely responsible for their well-being ﬁequently turn to business
as a way to provide care for themselves and their families. As one woman stated, “I had
children and was not educated to go and look for a job anywhere so I said I should start a
business.” And ﬁnally despite the presence of a husband, a woman may still ﬁnd herself
with sole responsible for the care of her family. One respondent stated the problem of
many women when she stated, “Sitting down was no good for me, and my husband was
doing nothing.”

Women on their own oﬁ'er these reasons and explanations for entering the
economic world of the beach community. These sentiments provide a fairly stark picture
of the reality women face and the necessity which directs their economic activity as well as
the construction and maintenance of their social relations.

Strategies

Given the complexity of social, environmental, economic, and gendered life
barriers and concerns which women must address and ultimately overcome, the breadth
and depth of the spectrum of strategies they must construct, knowingly or unknowingly,
can be staggering. Women encounter a range of problems and must respond with some

kind of action, (which may or may not be articulated), to ensure their own and their

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children’s survival. As discussed earlier, the litany of problems can include the following:
childcare; food needs; water acquisition; acquisition of a product, i.e., ﬁsh to sell; a need
for business advice or business training; start-up funds; daily ﬁinds; establishing a
continuing source for loan; interruption of their ﬁshery work, due to climatic disruptions
of drought or usual weather cycles; housing needs; travel to places to purchase product
and travel to places where they sell their product; access and road transportation into their
market place; initial entry into ﬁsh trade; income activity during slow season; ﬁnding
“customers” (regular, steady, loyal buyers) to whom to sell; obtaining a source of business
capital; identifying business competition; including a charge for their labor or not;
including a proﬁt or not.

Obviously, these concerns are listed in no particular order and are not to be
understood as being presented in their entirety. They are simply provided to give the
reader a sense of the range of issues which women in the ﬁshery encounter and which they
ultimately nmst address. The “strategies” women eﬂ'ect are not necessarily articulated as
such. The responses women undertake are designed to simply attend to the problem at
hand. However, it seems good social science sense to attempt to identify patterns of need
within women’s lives as well as the solutions women create.

Identiﬁcation of Categories of Respondents’ Problems and Strategies

The individual interviews and observations (156 interviews of females and males
which lasted approximately 60 to 90 minutes at 17 beaches) which I conducted can be
summarized across respondents and condensed into categorization of life barriers and/or

business challenges. (The research instruments are located in Appendix B, Appendix C,

150

and Appendix D.) Subsequently, I have constructed the following life and socio-economic
or business typologies which codify the challenges women beach community encounter
and to which they must respond. These typologies embrace the spectrum of needs women
encounter and can be summarized as follows. Women in the ﬁshery must develop
strategies for:
1. acquisition of money;
2. childcare, which includes in times of crisis or illness as well as regular daily care;
3. obtaining food for self and dependents;
4. obtaining commodity to sell;
5. beginning/maintaining a successful business; (For most beach community
inhabitants, whether men and women, economic activity or business involvement is
simply a way for providing for day to day survival not for long-term economic
growth or activity. This is not necessarily their desire but rather reﬂects practical
reality. Wrth no resources to draw on except for those resulting from business
activity, one’s business activity is the solution to all problems which life presents,
e. g. illness, emergency or demands of removed family members. Savings and proﬁt
are not always the outcome of business practice. Therefore, respondents usually
state that continuation of their daily business is their goal rather than engaging in
expansion strategies.)
6. housing.
And, ﬁnally, for many, it is essential that they develop:

7. strategies for dealing with their husband’s demand for money.

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It is not my contention that this is the complete list of needs which must be
surmounted nor is it the total world of possible typologies of strategies. However, it is an
initial codiﬁcation of the challenges and needs to which women must respond and for
which they develop strategy responses.

Building Scales of Measures

As stated earlier, 269 variables were identiﬁed. From those variables, a subset of
212 variables were coded across the 156 cases of males and females. Types of response
categories were then created to allow respondents’ perspectives to be sorted into differing
groupings of needs and responses. Following this, a simple dichotomous scoring was
applied to most responses. That is, if the respondent oﬂ‘ered any kind of articulated
strategy to questions concerning business strategeis or any kind of reference to social
interdependency in social relations-based questions, then their response was re-coded to a
simple no/yes classiﬁcation. For example, their response was re-coded as zero or one in
the scoring. This nominal measuring avoided a valuation or weighting of particular
strategy responses and instead merely determines whether or not a respondent engages in
some consciously articulated schema or strategy to meet challenges in her/his life. Once
an item was dichotomously scored, the particular eﬂicacy of the response within the
positive groupings was not evaluated. These re-scored variables were then summed into
aggregated scales of measure: e.g., money, advice, food, school or education, product-

related strategies.

152

Many respondents were able to respond to sections of the 104-item interview
schedule with a range of possible actions to the category of needs listed above. From
those responses some of the more successful strategies women employed can be identiﬁed.

Obviously, not all women were able to articulate a strategy response. For
example, some women responded “I do nothing” when faced with a particular problem or
challenge. Additionally, not all women necessarily articulated a conceivably successful
response. For example, several respondents replied “I pray to God” when conﬁonted with
the question of expansion of their business. However, many women were able to oﬂ’er
interesting and potentially successful responses to the range of life barriers which must be
surmounted. Examples of their individual responses regarding strategies for these various
needs include but are not limited to the following:

1. have a relative whom they could use as a loan source

2. have a relative who could or does provide child care

3. have a dependable product source - i.e., they are a regular “customer” to a

particular ﬁsher or seller and therefore are guaranteed a product to purchase

4. diversiﬁed trade for oﬂ‘-season slow times

5. travel to a more distant market to get higher price

6. could articulate a strategy for increasing business

7. have a mentor or advisor to go to for business questions and concerns

8. have a plan for selling if they need to be absent ﬁom their market stand

9. others in their household also engage in some kind of business activity which

augments the total household economic base

153

10. others also contribute to food needs of the household

11. respondent engages in farnring activity

12. respondent owns animals (which can be used as a potential source of capital)

13. respondent owns buildings other than home

14. respondent has access to and use of co-wives resources re: food, farming

activity, and childcare

15. to pay wages to employees they "share-out” vs. ﬁxed pay. (That is,

employees share is a portion of the day’s income. Therefore, labor is not a ﬁxed

cost but dependent upon actual daily sales which are “split” with an employee.)

In order to construct the ﬁnal six typologies of strategies and social relations
(listed below), a subset of variables were extracted from the 104-item interview schedule
and scored to create the following summed variables. Utilizing SPSS processes and
ﬁrnctions (e. g., re-eoding, new variable creation), the following typologies of strategies
were then constructed to reﬂect the creative options women fashioned for themselves to
meet the challenging realities of their lives (new variable names follow within the
parentheses). The following new variables were constructed from combined individual
data variables to reﬂect women’s strategies: money strategy (MONEY); food strategy
(FOOD STRATEGY); product acquisition strategy (PRODUCT STRATEGY); education
strategy for children (SCHOOL STRATEGY); and ﬁnally, business strategy (BUSINESS
STRATEGY). Additionally, a scale measuring the respondent’s use of social relations

(SOCIAL RELATIONS) was built. The latter two scales result from the summed values

154

of their sub-categories and provide ordinal measures of business strategies or social
relations.

This following variable, MONEY, codiﬁes the respondent’s reported access to
sources of capital and awareness of their capital investment in their business activity. For
the summed variable regarding money resource strategies, the following individual
variables scored dichotomously were used (see Appendix F for ﬁrll variable list and
Appendix B for complete interview schedule):

1. ANIMAL95 - Do you own any animals?

2. BNKACT2 - Do you have a bank account?

3. BGHTYRZ - Does respondent know amount of product she has purchased

during the last 12 months?

4. SVSBZ - Does respondent have business savings?

5. MTVHBK96 - Does R own any means of transportation, e. g. bicycle, or motor

vehicle?

The summed variable of FOOD STRATEGY accesses the respondent’s strategy
for meeting food needs. The following individual variables were used:

1. ETPROD34 - Amount of product R uses to meet daily food needs

2. SPSCNT 30 - R’s spouse usually contributes food

3. OTHCNT31- Others usually contribute food to R’s household

4. FDDEC12A - Who decides type of food R’s household eats

5. COOK100A - Respondent cooks with co-wives.

155

For the sunrrned variable PRODSTRT, regarding the strategy of product
acquisition, the following individual variables were used:

1. NUMBCH47 - number of beaches respondent bought from on last buying day

2. NUMBT47b - number of boats respondent bought ﬁ'om on last buying day

3. NMTR47b l - number of traders respondent bought from on last buying day

4. PLBGHT55 - number of places respondent bought from in last 12 months

For the summed variable SCHLSTRT, regarding the strategy of children’s
educational needs, the following individual variables were used:

1. PAYFEES9 - Does R or someone else pay school fees?

2. UNIFORMIO - Does R or someone else pay for school uniforms?

3. BKSUPll - Does R or someone else pay for books or supplies?

4. CHEDU12D - Does R or someone else decide children’s education?

(These variables of children’s education reﬂect others’ ﬁscal involvement in the
educational activities of the respondent’s children. That involvement provides the
respondent with additional ﬁnancial assistance for her obligations regarding her children’ 5
needs.)

Subsets of these summed scales of measures and others of the individual variables
were subsequently combined to result in the ﬁnal indices of: the Business Strategy Index
and the Social Relations Index. These summed variables created the indices which
measure the existence of respondents’ business strategies and their utilization of social

relations.

156

The index of social relations (SOCREL) traces the interactive and interdependent
nature of economic activity with communal social relations. As discussed above, these
variables are coded dichotomously and consist of the following subset of variables:

1. STRTFUND- source of start-up funds

2. SPSCNT l - spouse contributes to food needs

3. OTHCNT31 - other contributes to food needs

4. BUYREL - does respondent buy product ﬁ'om a relative?

5. ADVICE2 - does respondent get business assistance from relative or ﬁiend?

6. SLFRU2- does anyone sell for respondent when she is unable to sell for herself

or does she simple close her stand?

7. YRCHLDI - who provides care for R’s children?

A ﬁnal summed scale was constructed to identify the varied business strategies
(BUS STRAT) which women design to accommodate their economic and social needs.
This index codiﬁes the presence or absence of strategies for surrnounting the barriers
women encounter in the world of the ﬁshery. Variables comprising this measure include:

1. ADVICE] - does respondent identify a source for advice or counsel in business
needs?

2. CAPITAL - repondent has an identiﬁed source for daily capitalization of her

business

3. BUSCOMPl - respondent identiﬁes business competition

4. SLMREl - respondent has a strategy for increasing her sales

5. PRBGETl - respondent has no problem obtaining ﬁsh to sell

157

6. PROFIT] - respondent’s selling price includes a cost for her labor

7. BSTRNGI - respondent reports having had some type of business training

8. BSRCDl - respondent keeps some type of records of her business activity

9. SVSB S3 - respondent reports savings from business activity

10. KNWSSR] - respondent identiﬁes a loan source

11. NUMPLC49 - number of places in which respondent sold on last day of

market activity (coded as actual value to reﬂect respondent’s economic enterprise

in marketing her product)

12. PLSOLD59 - number of places in which respondent sold in during past 12

months (coded as actual value to reﬂect respondent’s economic enterprise in

marketing her product)

13. PLBGHT55 - number of beaches where respondent bought during last 12

months (coded as actual value to reﬂect respondent’s economic enterprise in

acquisition of her product)

14. NUMBCH47 - number of beaches from which respondent bought from on last

day of market activity (coded as actual value to reﬂect respondent’s economic

enterprise in acquisition of her product)

15. NFSWRKI - respondent’s activity during slow time in ﬁshery work

16. SLFRUl - respondent has strategy for times when she cannot be at her stand
Each of the preceding variables provides a measure of the respondent’s direct access (e.g.,
do you know a loan source?) or indirect access (e. g. who sells for you in your absence?)

to resources which aid their socio-economic activity.

158

It is clear that women working in the ﬁshery face a plethora of problems. Further,
human ingenuity being what it is, obviously any number of strategies can be created and
put into play. However, of particular interest in this research is to clarify the existence (or
lack thereof) of a connection between women marketers' varying socio-economic
strategies for survival and their particular communal social relations. Therefore, the ﬁnal
two summed measures created above, i.e., the social relations index (SOCREL) and the
business strategies index (BUS STRAT), are those which are of most interest in this study.
These latter two indices will be the focus of the remainder of this discussion.

It was hypothesized that a positive and essentially linear relationship would exist
between strategies for economic activity and women's social relations. That is, as
hypothesis number one contended: simple associational or contractual relationships are not
suﬂicient to obtain entry into or achieve success within the marketplaces; it is expected
that this parallel market activity is actually dependent upon highly developed and complex
communal social relations.

Therefore, after the construction of these indices of business strategies and social
relations, statistical tests to determine the independence of these indices were run to test
that hypothesis. Following that, tests to determine the relationship of the indices were
run. Tests for linearity and strength were conducted using Spearman’s correlation to
determine the measure of association between the two indices of business strategies
(BUS STRAT) and social relations (SOCREL). This test was run since the ordinal data in

these indices are fully ranked due to the method of their construction. Spearman’ s

159

correlation provides for a more rigorous testing of data such as these as compared to use
of Pearson’s R.

The results of this test of association in an 8 x 28 cross-tabulation suggest that
there is both an association between the indices and that there is a positive relationship
between the two measures (Spearman’s Correlation =.38830, p< .00007). A scatter-plot
was constructed to visually explore the nature and strength of that relationship (see
Appendix G, the graph entitled Measure of Linear Association). Again, the linearity and
positive association of these two indices is displayed. Of interest in that table is the
clustering of activity in the central area of the graph. A somewhat parallel increase of
both business strategies and social relations manifests and then appears to peak at that
point (i.e., the intersection of y-axis 14 and x-axis 6). The subsequent drop-off of social
relations reported may suggest that the beneﬁts and necessity of strategies and social
relations may level oﬂ’ after some degree of business stability is attained. That is, the
respondent at some level of utilization of social relations connections is no longer in such
particular need to exercise those relations yet is able to retain sufﬁcient business strategies
to continue to function with adequate economic stability or success. Although the present
set of data being considered do not provide for continued exploration of this point, the
leveling off and possible decline in the linearity of the relationship of business and social

relations is worthy of future research.

Chapter 5
Conclusion

Adair makata gi oonge, “I am living with or without them.” This is a Luo
women’s saying regarding the presence or absence of men/husbands. It reﬂects the reality
which women in the ﬁshery must accommodate. That is, women must continue to live
and to provide for themselves and their children whether or not a male is present in their
lives in an active and economically contributory fashion.

The Chicago Tribune of 22 September 1996 printed a story entitled ‘Doin
Mamas ’ A ﬁ'ica ’s Pure Entrepreneurs. This story went on to discuss the lives of women
marketers selling and portering/transporting their goods across nation-state boundaries to
South Aﬁica to capitalize on the disposable income present within households there.

To understand those lives, the Chicago Tribune reported a “story.” I would argue
that social science research, i.e., research which focuses on a particular segment of social
activity as does this research, is also the attempt to “tell a story.” A set of data in addition
to a particular location of inquiry (which includes a theoretical, a geographical location, as
well as a social location) provide both the parameters and the threads for the weaving of
that story. And although, we as researcher hope (and pray) that the data will “speak for
themselves”, the particular value of the narrative, the discussion, or the telling of that story
can provide the reader and the narrator with a sense of closure and completion of a shared
journey into the lives of others. In telling the “story” of women’s lives within the ﬁshery,
my goal is also to make clear the sets of social interactions upon which economic

strategies are poised and upon which much of the success of those strategies depends.

160

161

It is important to understand that a particular version of the story of Kenyan
women in the ﬁshery of Lake Victoria follows. The presentation or perspective of a story
is predicated upon the social location of the researcher/narrator as well as upon the
particular frame within which study participants operate. That is, the story to be told
reﬂects my own social location and understanding of the world and therefore “colors” the
lens through which I attempt to articulate the lives of women in Kenya’s beach
community.

The Contemporary Frame of Women’s Social Reality in Luoland

Dorothy Smith (1987), who early on entered the discussion which began the
articulation of the “relations of ruling” (i.e. those relations which shape lives and social
structures), states that sociology should provide readers a way of “seeing ﬁrrther into the
relations which organize their lives.” My goal and purpose in pursuing this research, that
is, the way in which women in a most challenging economic system organize their lives, is
to make more visible the larger system or “relations of ruling” in which Kenyan women in
the ﬁshery must operate. This larger realm includes, but is not limited to the political,
social, economic, and international dynamics which shape the world in which women live
their lives. These sets of Smith’s “relations of ruling” occur on several levels (e.g.,
household, local or community, regional, provincial, national, and international). It is
these relations of ruling which provide the social and economic ﬁ‘ame within which women
operate. That is, the social relations or “relational” dynamics of their social milieu shape
and direct their economic activity. Traditional neoclassical economic approaches fail to

provide for the assessment of these relational dynamics.

162

Hartsock (1985) stated: “[Theorists] have been more willing to focus attention on
women’s oppression [rather] than on the question of how men’s dominance is constructed
and maintained (ibid., p. 1.).” My present work reﬂects the concern raised by Hartsock
and is an attempt to focus instead on the lived experiences of women within the ﬁshery
and to articulate the ﬂame of social relations within which and by which their lives are
shaped. Hartsock (op. cit.) cogently presents the limitations inherent in neoclassical
models which have been utilized to explain the social experience of individuals operating
within economic markets. I will let her words summarize the linriting assumptive
characteristics of neoclassical economic models of “rational exchange theory” and the
behavior of the economic being.

The problems of exchange theories are rooted in the theoretical
construct of “rational economic man” and in the neoclassical economists’
outline of the communities (markets) these men construct. The model of
rational economic man in the market involves theorists in circular
reasoning, inaccuracy, and ethnocentrisrn. The deeper problem of which
these are symptoms is the vision of community implicit in the market model
- vision of community as arbitrary and ﬁagile, structured fundamentally by
competition and domination. ..[I]t gives us little insight into the workings
of actual human relations (emphasis added, ibid.,p. 38).”

Given the present limitation of neoclassical economic theory, it is critical that a
more “relational” model of economic market activity (which actually reﬂects the social
relations of human interaction which can be seen to account for and motivate human
economic behavior) be imposed rather than continuing to employ the limited “rational”
behavioral model. A relational model of economic activity provides a mechanism for
highlighting the social relations inherent in the social practices of economic activity.

Additionally, identiﬁcation and acknowledgment of the social relations which propel and

 

163

constrain women’s economic activity is critical to understanding the gendered dynamics of
the socially constructed reality which lend themselves to determining women’s success or
failure within the ﬁshery.

Women and Product Transport

In 1986 Polly Hill wrote of the invisible and unacknowledged role which women in
West Aﬁican countries occupy. She asserted that this was not unique to that geographic
region but also to other re-emergent and segmented economies, e. g. India. She argued
that women provide much of the labor and functional infrastructure which permitted both
the economy and the society to operate. In addition, she contended that women provide
an essential and critical contribution to challenged economies. For example, she pointed
out that portering women provided the labor which transported foodstuﬂ’s ﬁ'om remote
areas to regions urban and otherwise which would not have access to these goods (Hill,
ibid.).

Contemporary ﬁshery activity in the Kenyan freshwater arena supports that
contention. For example, male bicycle traders do indeed provide necessary transport.
However, this transport is usually provided for the larger ﬁsh processing interests, not for
the small-scale economic activity in which most women engage. Male bicycle traders
provide porterage and may act as middle-men or agents but this service is usually reserved
for large companies while women traders must self-porter and journey to locations which
are less likely to receive or have access to the ﬁsh transported by bicycle traders. Findings
ﬁom this study demonstrate that women marketers more frequently self-transport their

product to varying marketing locations than they utilize other forms of transport.

164

International Fish Traders, Social Relations with “Customers”, and Women Traders

Women ﬁsh traders must seek out opportunities (both for purchase of ﬁsh and in
order to sell ﬁsh) which are not threatened with encroachment of the international and
large marketers. Although women themselves frequently state that their competition for
customers is only with those “jo ohala mmnoko kaka an ” (those small-sized traders who
sell as I do), it appears that they have limited awareness of the ways in which international
traders inhibit their beach-level selling activity. For example, women speak of expanding
their trade or increasing their sales reference difﬁculty in selling to hotels in the more
developed areas of Kenya. One woman respondent who had a sizeable hotel in Nairobi as
her customer lost that account because that “customer” subsequently shifted its business
to a source which she believed to be an international trader.
Price Setting

Frequently, women are not aware of the impact of the larger traders on their
beach-level sales or on their activity in nearby market sites. That is, they do not
acknowledge a connection of Wallerstein’s (1988, 1992) world economic system on their
local beach-level selling activity, i.e., their own selling of ﬁsh. However, some women do
see the impact of international traders on their initial buying purchase price of ﬁsh for re-
sale. They state that the price is artiﬁcially inﬂated and that ﬁsh for purchase are reduced
in number as a result of the participation by international interests. For example, in
response to this same question regarding business competition, one women stated:

Vans [the internationals] are competing here. Vans are oﬂ‘ering high prices

[based on] kilograms of ﬁsh and [so the] price goes up and I only get
rejects [the ﬁsh which the vans do not want].

l 65
One response summarized the series of interwoven problems which market women
face at the beach level, e.g., physical intimidation, cost inﬂation, and unavailability of
product, all of which are directly related to the involvement from international traders. Of
particular interest is her last concern which is an issue that has not been stated before, i.e.,
the issue of ﬁsh weight and price. She stated:
Men traders push you. [Men traders cause a] hike [in] prices so women
can’t get ﬁsh. They raise prices [because] men are coming in from other
places and different companies. [And ﬁnally] sometimes [they] weigh [the
ﬁsh] and weighing is off so you don’t get any money or you lose because
weight is wrong [and you had to pay too much to purchase the ﬁsh
initially].
Purchase/Sale Strategies and Social Relations
Donaldson (1997), in her discussion of South Aﬁican women, summarizes well the
importance of the role kinship and family, or communal social relations, play in women’s
social and economic survival. Her discussion, although it is focused on the experience of
women in South Aﬁica during apartheid dominance, has relevance for the importance of
ties of kinship and communal social relations in the socio-economic lives of women in the
ﬁshery in Kenya. She states:
Paramount is the fact kinship instills a sense of social responsibility in and
for people associated by birth and marriage . Even the most distant
relatives are morally obligated “to be friendly and hospitable and to help
one another at work, with gifts of food, clothing, etc. in times of trouble”
(Schapera, 1962245). Thus kinship ﬁrnctions as the social and economic
safety net for individual, family, and ethnic existence (Donaldson, 1997, p.
263).

Because so many socially and econonrically imposed external barriers exist,

Kenyan women in the ﬁshery, of necessity, must evolve eﬂ‘ective means of traversing

166

these socially constructed forrrrs of economic exclusion. It is imperative for their survival
and that of their children, that a "way around" the spoken and unspoken rules of the
ﬁshery economic community (which is embedded in the over-arching Kenyan and Luo
social systems) be found. Women who are able to identify a short- and long-term plan,
strategy, or “way around” social constraints to accomplish their business activities and
provide for their households are more likely to be successful than those who have not
developed personal/business or socio-economic strategies.

For example, when asked what steps are taken to expand their individual
marketing activity, women respond with a variety of answers. Some state that they “do
not know what to do” and their sales and purchase opportunities reﬂect that limited range
of opportunity which they have constructed for themselves. However, others who are
more successful in both their sales and purchase opportunities state “[I] talk to boat
owners or others who ﬁsh to give me ﬁsh on credit.” After selling this product, a prior
agreed upon price is paid by the woman to the boat-owner or ﬁsher. Creating and then
drawing upon these social relations with the ﬁsher or boat-owner allows a woman with
limited money resources or one who, for whatever reason, simply wants to expand her
sales opportunity to begin that expansion despite her personal shortage of funds.

Other business expansion strategies women described include traveling to different
markets sites, “I go to where ﬁsh are sold cheap (to buy) [and then I go] to where the
prices are good to sell so my business will go on.” Or, she may use strategies to maximize
resources, “[I] have many customers so that I can take ﬁ'om here or here and get what I

need.” That is, she may reduce the price she charges in some markets (and absorb a loss).

167

However to oﬂ‘set that loss, she will increase the price in other geographic areas which can
accommodate a higher charge.

Or, she may diversify her sales practices, “I expand my stock and [also] sell
different things.” This diversiﬁcation can include the sale of different ﬁsh types dependent
upon ﬁshery practices or it may he that she will move into a different economic activity
during off ﬁshing season if only one type of ﬁshery is practiced in that area. Some women
begin to buy ﬁshing gears that can be rented out to ﬁshers and in this way gain additional
income. Some women use a variant on this theme and simply loan out their gear so that
they will be insured a share in the ﬁsh catch, “[1] take the money and put with it [other
funds] and buy an omena lamp and send it out. This will bring me money.” (Omena lamps
are kerosene-ﬁreled lamps which ﬁshers light and ﬂoat on the water. This light attracts the
sardine-like omena to the ﬁsher’s net.) One woman combines several of the above
strategies and states “[I] talk to my ﬁshers and get more ﬁsh when I have more funds
[emphasis added].” Wrth this statement, she provides an example of both her “customer”
social relations and the way in which she uses that social relation to obtain more product
when she is ﬁnancially able.

Women identify many challenges in obtaining ﬁsh. These challenges include the
issues of competition for buying ﬁsh, the problems of not having social relations upon
which to draw as well as the waning of activity at particular beach sites. The following
statements oﬂ‘er summary perspectives of those issues. One woman states “[there are] no

8’

ﬁsh and so many [other pe0ple] are looking for ﬁs . Another states “everyone tries to

get ﬁsh to go to market.” “I am new here and people do not know me. So I have a

168

problem getting ﬁsh.” Another states, “...I just started, they [other traders] are known
more than me.” Or, as one woman stated which reﬂected the experiences of other
respondents, “It takes time to ﬁnd ﬁsh, a long time [and then] men traders will push you
away.” And ﬁnally one woman articulated the problems women traders encounter with
not just the purchasing of ﬁsh but also with the changing environment, “This place
[Luanda Kanyango] is just a market, [it is] not a beach anymore.” The last comment
reﬂects the diﬁiculty of obtaining ﬁsh (that is, the number of traders who wish to buy) as
well as the paucity of ﬁsh due to the lack of availability of ﬁsh from what formerly was a
“strong” beach. The latter has resulted ﬁom the encroachment of the water hyacinth plant
which has invaded the water around the beach area and is no longer used as an active
landing site for ﬁshers.

The use of social relations ﬁgures prominently in the creation of their individual
strategies in obtaining ﬁsh to sell. One women states that she has no problems obtaining
ﬁsh for later sale except “...when there are no ﬁsh in the Lake because I have two boats I
can depend on.” In response to questions regarding obtaining ﬁsh to sell, one women
summarized eﬂ‘ectively both the diEculty in obtaining ﬁsh and the necessity of social
relations in that acquisition, when she stated that one of the most important aspects of her
ﬁsher trade is “. . . getting to know someone, [a] boat owner. Ifyou don’t know someone,
you’ll have problems getting ﬁsh to sell.”

Tradition and Current Social Relations of Fishery Practice
As a result of tradition and enforced by current practice, women are socially

proscribed from entry onto the Lake on ﬁshing expeditions, despite the fact that they may

169

be the owner of the boat itself. However, it is popularly held as social fact by men in
beach communities that ‘Wvomen will bring bad luck and no ﬁsh will be caught,” or as the
men on Gingo beach asserted “women will be too aﬁaid on the Lake because it is too
dangerous for them.” Women who were standing nearby and listening as this comment
was made snorted derisively.

One exception to this social prohibition was found at Nyang’wina beach wherein
one woman was proudly described by other women as “on jo lupo” (“she is a ﬁsher”) and
similarly so described herself “An jo lupo” ( “I am a ﬁsher”). Only as a result of her
husband’s incapacitation (his mental inﬁrmity) was this exception socially permitted by the
larger (male) community. This woman not only participated in beach seine activity (which
was seen as acceptable for women on this particular beach) but she was also allowed to go
on the Lake as crew. Therefore it appears that in unusual circumstances, social norms and
social relations may be stretched to accommodate a particular exception but in general it
is held that women have no place on the Lake itselfas ﬁshers.

What becomes immediately apparent from even cursory observation of women's
lives in the ﬁshery is the weight of their daily burden of work and life. It is not so much
that men in the ﬁshery do not face life challenges in their daily work activities. It is ,
however, an added and more challenging burden which confronts Kenyan women in the
ﬁshery who must operate within a social system which inhibits and limits their entry into,
prohibits their activity in, and proscribes their economic success in the ﬁshery. That is,
women encounter the gendered construction of their social reality. (The gendering of a

socially constructed reality and/or economic proscription are not necessarily diﬂ‘erent ﬁom

170

the experience of women within other social, economic, and nation-state systems.) The
economic constraints which women encounter limit their access to loans, educational
activities, industry equipment, and even the opportunity to "ﬁnd” adequate ﬁsh product
within their tightly deﬁned and constrained lives due to the daily demands of re—creating a
household.

The demands of household re-creation, (e. g., acquisition of water, production of
food, preparation of food, and usually acquisition of food, child care, maintenance of the
"home", travel time to and from beaches and markets for the acquisition, preparation and
sale of product) leave women with limited time to attend to any but the most pressing
needs of care for themselves and their families. When asked to compare their present
standard of living with the period of time ﬁve years prior, women offered answers which
implies the life challenges they must continually face and successfully overcome in order to
continue their lives. As one woman stated “[It must be better] Because I am living”.
Another stated, “I can say that it is good,just to eat and live.” And ﬁnally as one woman
said, “I live well because I am eating.”

Given the varied and extensive life challenges which Kenyan ﬁshery women
encounter, what behavioral strategies facilitate women's work? What means do women
employ to assist them in their economic pursuits and in accomplishing their household
demands? In particular, what communal social relations of women draw upon to
successfully fulﬁll their economic needs and their societally deﬁned responsibilities?
Family members, whether antecedent elders, siblings, age-mates, or progeny, provide

essential resources upon which women draw. Market-place stand-ins, substitute

171

purchasers of product, child-care providers, meal preparers, transporters of product,
business advisors and teachers, mentors, ﬁnancial loan resources, as source and provider
of product, all of these tasks (and the many more which are not listed here) suggest some
of the roles ﬁlled when women draw on their ties of communal social relations to satisfy
the demands of their daily life struggles.

Women actively develop and nurture their market connections, in both directions
of their economic relationships. That is, they perform the role of seller to their customers,
and they function in the role of buyer (or customer) to their product provider. In this latter
instance, the women marketer herself takes on the role of ”customer”. There are spoken
and unspoken obligations and responsibilities in this interactive social relation of
”customer". As ”customer", the woman in the ﬁshery is entitled to product from her
supplier, the ﬁsher. And as seller to her own “customers”, she expects them to buy ﬁ'om
her and not ﬁ'om other traders.

This concept of "customer" and subsequent entitlement is not simply for any buyer
or purchaser. It is reserved for one who is regarded as regular purchaser and who
manifests speciﬁc loyalty to the particular seller/ﬁsher. The ﬁsher expects that woman to
purchase ﬁom him, and the woman expects to buy from him. This last implies both that
she will not substitute her purchase from this provider by purchasing elsewhere, although
she may supplement her purchase elsewhere.

It is something of a ”closed"system with expectations and obligations on both sides
of the interaction. This issue was strongly stated by the statements of women ﬁom

Luanda Kanyango and Gingo beaches regarding the necessity of “knowing” someone in

172

order to purchase ﬁsh which were presented earlier. Should a ﬁsher of whom she is a
customer not have ﬁsh to sell on a given day due to a bad catch, women will seek to
further strengthen their social relations with the provider via small gifts or assistance, e. g.
as a woman ﬁom Honge beach reported she will provide kerosene for lamps which is an
on-going expense for omena ﬁshers, a blanket if it is cold, or a bit of food.

Reciprocal social relations for the provider, could include, perhaps not a reduction
in price (because as respondents state "business is business"), but perhaps ﬁrst pick of
product, or a particularly good catch may be held back and reserved for the particular
customer. Similarly, should the woman customer be in diﬁcult economic times, the ﬁsher
may extend credit (no interest charged) to her and receive delayed payment for an agreed
upon price alter the woman has sold her product. As discussed earlier, women who are
new to an area may have diﬁculty obtaining this “customer” status because ﬁshers already
has a wife, wives, or female relative to whom he is obligated to sell. Women acknowledge
this fact of social relations but men state that the opposite is true. For example, the men at
Gingo beach state that they will sell to anyone who is there. The women listening to this
statement made audible sounds of disagreement.

The social relations of ﬁsh selling do entitle the spouse or female relative to a
“right of purchase.” However, there is a clear separation of spousal or familial obligation
and economic ties with regard to selling price. That is, there is no automatic reduction in
selling price to the spouse or relative of the ﬁsher. It is also true that even if the woman is
the boat owner or owns the gear, no product selling price is assumed or assured. Women

in the southern beaches, e.g. Muhuro Bay area, were particularly adamant about this. To

173

give themselves a discount in the purchase of the ﬁsh from the boat would be to reduce
their ultimate proﬁt.
Theoretical Implications

Earlier in this writing, I discussed the ways in traditional economic models failed to
capture the social relations within which economic activity occurred. Additionally, I
discussed the value of integrating three particular theoretical approaches, economic
sociology, gender theory, and social relations theory. This integration of theory appeared
valuable based on the complexity of the larger social world within which women in the
ﬁshery pursued responses to, as well as attempted to satisfy, their economic needs. In
addition, the larger socially constructed economic system presented a series of barriers
wchi women had to surmount in order to survive. Therefore, it was also important to
identify the implications of that model which incorporates a world view. Consideration
and combination of the three heretofore unconnected methods (i.e., economic sociology,
social relations theory, and gender theory) provided a more expanded view from which to
understand the economic dynamics in which women operated.

This research demonstrates that much of the economic activity in which women in
the ﬁshery engage is dependent upon those social relations, or the “relational” aspects, of
economic activity which have usually been overlooked. Economic analytical tools must
incorporate these relational ways of being in the economic world if we are to understand
the socio-economic impact of the questions we ask.

Combining aspects of economic inquiry, social relations theory, aand gender

theory provides a ﬂame for viewing the socio-economic experience of women in the

174

ﬁshery which has not been used before. The value of this integrative model of theory
application is that it provides a method for understanding dynamics inherent in this
particular issue which was not possible before. The role of social relations in economic
activity has been overlooked. The results of this research suggest strongly that
overlooking those social relations is to miss many of the keys to economic success or
failure.

It is important to realize that this relational model of economic has application
across social constructions of experience. That is, the impact of social relations on
economic activity is not simply constrained to women’s activity nor is it located solely
within re—emergent economies, e.g., the Kenyan ﬁshery of Lake Victoria. The
implications of this integrative model of socio-economic activity can (and should) be
extended to the traditional male enclaves of economic activity and also should be
incorporated into the analysis of economic activity in the Western world.

Directions of Future Research

Human connections, the essential human inter-dependence of communal social
relations, or Toennies' concept of gemeinschaft, are evidenced in subtle and overt,
articulated and unarticulated, formal and informal manifestations as discussed above.
These communal social relations provide mechanisms essential to women's daily
sustenance as well as to her economic survival. Despite a repeated articulated need and
desire for additional capital, ﬁnancial development assistance, women create and exercise

economic strategies which provide, in some cases, simply daily existence, but in other

175

cases enable women to launch their business or businesses towards a level above simple
survival and existence to a level of economic stability more promising of on-going success.

This research demonstrates the essential role which social relations manifest in the
operations of ﬁshery and beach community women’s lives. Despite the challenges of this
daily existence and the frequency with which they alone are responsible for their family’s
continuation, they are indeed able to prove “adak makata gr' oonge ” (“I am living with or
without him”). However, the diﬂiculty of the tasks they must accomplish is indisputable.
There is great value in consideration of larger community or state policy intervention to
assist women with capital investment. A revolving loan fund would be a reasonable path
to follow.

Research which pursued inquiry into the speciﬁcity of women’s lives in beach
communities would provide additional and valuable insight into the continuing struggles
women face. It would be of value to interview more community members as opposed to
the small but representative sample used in this study. It would valuable to chronicle more
completely the particular circumstances of the challenges women face. Additionally, the
challenges which men encountered although mentioned in this research effort would
beneﬁt ﬁom more extensive documentation. Ultimately, this type of research and other
research efforts paralleling it provide reasonable paths for those framing social service
policy in ﬁsheries management and government and non-government organizations to

pursue.

APPENDIX A

Map of Kenya’s Lake Victoria Beaches Visited During Study

 

. ° , O
~ .....1: D .
‘0‘

9 a
0 9 9
WinamGulf
LakeVictoria
’ C o . 16 1

 

 

 

176

Beach

1. Honge

2. Oele

3. Wichlum
4. Ludhi

5. Osindo
6. Misori

7. Madundu

8. Kibro

9. Ng’ore

10. Nyang’wina

1 1. Luanda Konyango
12. Oodi

13. Gingo

14. Kiumba

15. Negegu
16. Bala Rawi

1 7. Obaria
*ngege = tilapia

mbuta = nile perch
omena = sardine

Region
North
North
North
North
North
North
North

South
South
South
South
South

177

Size
Large
Medium
Large
Large
Large
Large
Medium

Large
Small
Small
Large
Medium

South Central Medium

South Central Medium

Gulf+
Gulf-I-

Gulf+

Medium
Medium

Medium

Fishery Type
Omena"

Mbuta“ and Omena
Mbuta and Ngege“
Mbuta and Omena
Omena and Tilapia
Mbuta and Omena
Mbuta, Omena,
Tilapia

Omena and Mbuta
Ngege and Mbuta
Ngege and Mbuta
Mbuta and Ngege
Mbuta and Omena
Mbuta, Ngege,
Omena

Mbuta, Ngege,
Omena

Omena and Tilapia
Omena, Mbuta,
Tilapia

Talapia and Omena

+due to lack of time, only observational data was collected ﬁom Gulf area beaches

.APPENDIX B

Household Interview Schedule (rev: 16 May 95; no Management)

 

 

 

 

 

D / M / Y
DATE:___/___/ 2; Participant Number:
Interviewer: Beach:
Sub-location: Province:
of household interview
Demographics
Location of interview: Note Gender of Study Participant:
1= beach 1= female

2= household 2= male

1. How old are you?

 

W1. In ja higni adi?

 

2. What is your ethnic group?
What is your clan?

 

 

W2. In ja kabila mane?
In ja dhot mane?

 

 

3. What is yor husband's/wife's ethnic
group?

 

W3. Chuori/jaodi en ja kabila
mane?

 

4. What is your husband's/wife's age?

 

 

W4. Chouri/jaodi en ja higni adi?

 

 

5. How long have you been married?
1= less than 1 year
2= 1-less than 3 years
3= 3- less than 5 years
4= 5- less 10 years
5= 10- less than 15 years
6= 15 or more years

W5. Nyaka ne kendi koro en higni adi?

1= matin ne higa achiel
2= matin ne higni 3

178

W6.

W7.

W8.

W9.

10.

179

3= mokadho higa 3 to tin ne 5

4= mokadho higni 5 to tin ne 10
5= mokadho higni 10 to tin me 15
6= higni 15 kata moloyo

How many children have you produced who are currently
living?

How many children are you currently

supporting?

 

Nyasaye ose konyi gi nyithindo adi mantie?
To nyithindo adi maintiegodo ma irito sani?

 

How old is the oldest?
How old is the youngest?

Maduong hike adi?
Matin hike adi?

Are any of these children in school?
1= no
2= yes

Be nitie nyithindi moko e school?
1= Ooyo 2= Eeeh

Who pays the schools fees?
1= husband
2= wife
3= both
4= other (who in relationship to
child)

 

Ng'ama chulo negi fis?
1= dichuo
2= dhako
3= Wanduto
4= Jomamako (en wat nyathi nade)?

 

Who buys the uniforms?
1= husband
2= wife
= both
= other (who in relationship to
child)

 

180

W10. Ng'ama ng'iewo ne nythindo uniform?
1= dichuo
2= dhako 3= Wanduto
4= Jomamoko (en wat nyathi
nade)?

 

11. Who pays for books and supplies?

 

1= husband
2= wife
3= both
4= other (who in relationship to
child)
W11. Ng'ama ng'iewo ne nythindo buge to gimamoko?
l= dichuo
2= dhako
3= Wanduto

4= Jomamako (en ng'a)?

 

12. In your family, who makes the following decisions?
1= husband
2= wife
3= both together
a- what food to purchase? ___
b= the type of business you should do?
c= what to plant?

d= decisions about the children's education

e= disciplining the children
f= helping relatives on each side

W12. E dalani ngama keto chikegi?
1= dichuo
2= dhako
3= Uduto (waduto)
= chiemo ma onego ong'iew?
= ohala ma onego ihoki?
c- cham ma onego pidhi?
d= weche mag somb nythindo?
e= neno ni nythindo ni kod kido maber
f= konyo wede kongi koni

13. What is your work?
= other than fishery (specify)

 

2= fishery (specify)
1= trader 4= boat owner

181

2= processor 5=
3= seller/marketer 6=
7= other (specify)

boat manager
crew

 

W13. Be itiyo tij lupo?
1= Ma ok tich lupo (wachi)

 

2= E lupo (wachi)

w1= Ja ohala 4=
w2= Ja los rech 5=
w3= Ja uso 6=

w7= Mamoko (wachi)

wuon yie
ja rit yie
ja lupo

 

14. What is the highest grade of edu
completed?

cation that you

 

a. What year was that?

 

W14. Ne isomo nyaka klas a di kendo mane itieko?

 

(w)a. Ne higa mane?

 

15. What is the highest grade of education that your

husband/wife completed?

 

 

 

 

W15. Jaodi/chuori osomo mogik e klas adi?
16. Can you (check all that apply):
Speak Read Write
a= Dholuo ; ;
b= English ; ;
c= Kiswahili ; ;
W16. Bende inyalo ? (ket ranyisi e duto mowacho)

Wacho Somo
a= Dholuo

Ndiko

 

b= Kisungu
c= Kiswahili

‘- \o ‘0

‘0 ‘0‘

 

17. Can you (check all that apply):
add
subtract
multiply
divide

 

182

W17. Be inyalo ? (ket ranyisi e duto mowacho)
riwo (+)
golo (-)
goyo (x)
pogo (/)
18. Did your father work in the fishery?
1= no
2= yes --> For how many years was fishing his main
occupation? years

 

W18. Be wuoru ne otiyo tij lupo?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh --> Be nitie ndalomoko ma lupo emane tich
ne maduong?
1= ooyo
= eeeh--> Higni adi ka lupo emane tich ne
maduong?

 

19. Was your mother involved in the fishery?
1= no
2= yes ---> In what ways was she involved in the
fishery? (mark all that apply)
1= owning fishing boats
2= managing fishing boats
= processing fish
4= selling fish
5= other

 

W19. Be minu ne tiyo tij rech?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh --> Ne otiyo tij rech e yo mane (Ndik duto
ma owacho)
1= ne en kod yie lupo
2= be orito yie lupo
3= ne oloso rech
4= ne oloko rech
5= mamoko (kaka)

 

IF NOT IN FISHERY - GO TO #22
20. What was your first involvement in the fishery?
= going out in my parent's boat
2= working on someone else's boat
3= buying a boat of my own
= never involved --->(go to #22)
= Other -->

(specify)

W20.

21.

W21.

22.

W22.

23.

183

 

How old were you at that time?

Ne ichako lupo mokuongo kar ang'o?
l= ne adhi lupo gi jonyuolga gi yie
2= ne atiyo eyie ng'ato
3= ne ang'i ewo yieya
4= pok alupo nyaka nene --->(dhi apenjo #22)
5= mamoko (kaka)
Ne in ja higa adi ndalono?

 

 

Since that time, has there been a year that you were
not involved in the fishery?
1= no;
2= yes -> Which year was that?
What did you do during that time?

 

 

Chakre higno be ise bedo ka ok ilupi a higa moro?
1= ooyo

2= eeeh--> Ne en higa mane?

Ang'o mane itimo ndalono?

 

When you are actively involved with your work where do
you live?
How many kilometers away from here/this

beach? kms
Is this place located inland or on Lake
Victoria?
1= inland
2= on the Lake

 

Sama idich e tijeni idak ga kanye?
Kilo adi koa ka/dho wath? km.
Be ka nie but Lake Victoria kaso en ei piny?
1= inland; 2= e dho nam

 

 

During the past 12 months, did you stay at this
beach/place all year round?
1= no --> ; 2= yes (go to next question)
if NC --> How many months did you stay at this
beach/place? months
Did you stay at any other beaches/places?
1= no; 2= yes-->
Which other beaches/places?
How long?
Where else did you stay?

 

 

 

184

Why did you stay there?

 

How long?

 

W23. Kuom dueche apargariyo mose kadho ne idak e dho
wethe/kanyo seche duto?
1= ooyo -->; 2= eeeh (dhi e penjo machielo)
Ka OOYO --> Ne idak ka dweche adi?
Ne idak e dho wethe/kuonde mage kendo?
l=ooyo; 2=eeeh ——>
Dho wethe/kuonde mage?
Marom nade?
Ne idak kanye kendo?

 

 

 

 

Ne idak kuro nang'o?
Marom nade?
24. Do you own or rent your accomodation ?
1= own
2= rent
3= other (specify)

 

 

 

W24. Kama idakieno ikombo koso en mari?
1= mara
2= akombo
3= mamoko (kaka)

 

25. About how much do you pay per month?

 

W25. Ichulo pesa adi edwe?

 

26. Do you have anyone other than your own children, (or
your wife), to help with the housework or cook for you?
1= no
2= yes
a. Do you pay for that?
1= no
2= yes -->
a. about how much do you pay per
month for that? Ksh
(Exch=45/1 USD)

 

W26. Be in gi ng'ama konyi (ma ok chiegi/nyithindi) gi tedo
kata ritoni ot?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh
(w)a. Be Ichulo ma?
1= ooyo

185

2= eeeh —->
(w)a. I chule pesa adi edwe
Ksh (Exch= 45/1 USD)

 

27. Do you send money to parents or relatives at home?

1= no

2= yes
a. about how much money do you send home per
month?

 

W27. Bende ioro ne jodala kata wedeni pesa?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh
(w)a. I oro pesa adi e dwe.

 

186
Nutrition Section

Household.Membership Questions [Think of your household as
the people who regularly eat food provided by you or your
husband as well as the people who usually sleep in the same
house or compound as you.]

Penjo mar Oganda JOot (Raw odi kaka joma pile chamo chiemo
ma in kata wuon paru ochiwo to gi joma pile nindo eodi kodi
kata e aluora dalani.)

28. How many people regularly eat food provided by you
(including yourself and your wife/husband)?

 

W28. Ji adi mapile chamo chiemo ma in kata wuon paru ochiwo?
(ka oriwo in togi jaodi/woun paru)

 

29. How many of these people are less than 12 years old?

 

W29. Kuomjo gi adi mahikgi thin ne 12?

 

30. Does your husband/wife usually contribute food or money
to feed the household?
l= no
2= yes

W30. Bende wounparu/jaodi kelo chiemo kata golo pesa mar
chiemo mondo okony joodi?
1= Ooyo
2= Eeeh

31. Does anyone else regularly contribute money or food to
your household?
1= no
2= yes
What is the relationship of that person to you?

W31. Bende nitie ng'at machielo mabende golo pesa kata
chiemo ne joodi?
1= Ooyo
2= Eeeh
Ng'atno en watni koso?

 

32. What is the number of people who are 12 years old or
older, in your household, who are:

W32.

33.

W33.

187

a. students:

b. not able to work all day, e.g. elderly,
handicapped:

c. able to work all day:

 

 

Ji adi mahikgi 12 kata moloyo manie odi to:
(w)a= Nythi school
(w)b= Maok nyal tiyo odiochieng' te (kaka jomaoti,
kata ma ong'ol)?
(w)c= Manyalo tiyo odiochieng te?

 

 

 

What is the number of people who depend on you
financially but are sometimes living in another place,
e.g. boarding school?

 

Ji adi mayudo kony kuomi moloyo kony mar pesa to seche
moko ok odak kodi to dak kuonde moko kaka boding
skul?

 

IF NOT IN FISHERY - GO TO #35

34.

W34.

35.

W35.

How much of the fish which is intended to be your
product for the market do you take home to feed your
family?

1= none

2=-= less than one-quarter

38 one-quarter to one-half

4= more than one-half

Rech marom nade mar ohala ma ikawo itero ot mondo jogi
okonyre godo?

1a oonge

2= matin ne achiel kuom ang'wen

3= achiel kuom ang'wen nyaka nus

4= moloyo nus

In an average week, on how many days does your family
eat fish in any form? days
What type of fish does yor family eat most?
1= Lates Niloticus - mbuta
2= Oreochromis species or Talapia species - ngege
3= Rastrineobola argentea - omena

 

4= Caradina (fresh water prawn) — ochong'a
5= Haplochromines species - fulu
6= other

 

Ka ipimo, I chamo rech di di ejuma? Di

 

36.

W36.

37.

W37.

38.

W38.

188

Rech mane ma uhero chamo ahinya?
= Lates Niloticus - mbuta
= Oreochromis species or Talapia species - ngege
= Rastrineobola argentea - omena
= Caradina (fresh water prawn) - ochong'a
= Haplochromines species - fulu
= mamoko (kaka)

 

Compared with 5 years ago, would you say that your
family is eating less, the same, or more fish
1= less than 5 years ago

2= same as 5 years ago
3= more than 5 years ago

 

Ka ipimo kod higni abich mose kadho, inyalo wacho ni
joodi chamo rech matin, machalre, koso mang'eny ___
1= matin moloyo higni 5 mokadho

2= machalre gi higni 5 mokadho
3= mang'eny moloyo higni 5 mokadho

Compared with 5 years ago, how much of the folowing
types of fish does your family eat now:

1= less than 5 years ago

2= the same as 5 years ago

3= more than 5 years ago

 

mubta ngege

omena ochong'a

fulu other (specify type)
amount

 

Ka ipimo kod higni abich ma osekadho, rech mane matinde
uchamo gi jogi sani?

1= mathin moloyo higni 5 mokadho

2= machalre gi higni 5 mokadho

3= mang'eny moloyo higni 5 mokadho

 

 

mubta ngege

omena ochong'a

fulu mamoko (ler ane)
romonadi

 

Compared with 5 years ago, would you say that your
family is eating worse, the same, or better

1= worse than 5 years ago

2= same as 5 years ago

3= better than 5 years ago

Ka ipimo kod higni abich mokadho inyalo wacho ni jogi

39.

W39.

40.

W40.

189

chiemo maber, marach, machalre, koso maber
1= marach moloyo higni abich mokadho
2= machalre gi higni abich mokadho
3= maber moloyo higni abich mokadho

Compared with 5 years ago, would you say that your
family is obtaining a smaller, the same, or a larger
proportion of what you eat from food your family
grows

 

1= smaller than 5 years ago
2= same as 5 years ago
3= larger than 5 years ago

Ka ipimo gi higni abich (5) mose kadho inyalo wacho ni
joodi yudo matin, machalre, koso meng'eny kuom chiemo
ma uchamo mo a epuothu__

1= matin moloyo higni 5 mokadho

2= machalre gi higni 5 mokadho

3= mang'eny moloyo higni 5 mokadho

Compared with 5 years ago, would you say that your
family is obtaining a smaller, the same, or a larger
proportion of what you eat from food your family buys
at a duka or market

1= smaller than 5 years ago

2= same as 5 years ago

3= larger than 5 years ago

 

Ka ipimo gi higni abich (5) mose kadho inyalo wacho ni
joodi ng'iewo e duka kata e chiro
1= matin moloyo higni 5 mokadho
2= machalre gi higni 5 mokadho
3= mang'eny moloyo higni 5 mokadho

 

 

190

41. Please tell me how often you and your family eat the
following food items:
a. How often?
1= never
= ocassionally
= once a month
4= once in three weeks
= once a week

 

 

 

 

 

= daily
a. maize/maize food j. meat
a. a.
b. rice k. chicken
a. a.
c. wheat 1. fish
a. a.
d. sorghum m. milk
a. a.
e. legumes n. sugar
a. a.
f. casava o. oils/fat
a. a.
9. potatoes p. vegetables
a. a.
h. bananas q. fruits
a. a.
i. eggs r. tinned food
a. a.

 

 

W41. Nyisae ni in to gi jo odi chamo chiemo gi pile marom
nade?
(w)a. Marom nade?
1= pok wachamo
2= ka dichiel
3= dichiel e dwe
4= dichiel bang' jumbe adek
5= dichiel ejuma
6= pile pile

 

a. bando/odmma j. ring'o
a. a.
b. michele k. gueno
a. a.
c. ngano l. rech
a. a.
d. kal m. chak
a. a.
e. oganda/njugu n. sukari

a. a.

 

42.

W42.

43.

W43.

191

 

 

f. mariwa 0. mo
a. a.
g. rabuon p. alot
a. a.
h. rabolo q. olembe
a. a.
i. tong gueno r. chiemo mkebe
a. a.

 

During the past year, how much of the time did your
family have enough food to eat?

 

1= never
2= some of the time
3= usually

4= all of the time

E higa mokadho, bende jo odi ne nigi chiemo moromogi
chamo?

1= kata matin ne onge

= seche moko

= seche mothoth

= seche te

What time(s) during the past year did your family not
have enough to eat?

 

What foods were not available to you?

 

What was the cause of this, e.g. too expensive, you
didn't have the money, shortage of that partcular food?

 

Saa/seche mage e higa mokadho ma jogi ok nyal yudoe
chiemo moro mogi chamo?

 

Chiemo mage mane ok 0 nyal yudo?

 

Ang'o mane kelo ma e.g nengo tek, pesa onge chiemo no
ne onge?

 

IF NOT IN BUSINESS - GO TO #93

192

IF NOT IN BUSINESS - GO TO # 93
Questionaire Section 3 3 Economics

44. Who decides how the money you earn will be spent?
1= husband
do you give all the money to him?
1= yes; 2= no
2= wife
do you give all the money to her?
1= yes; 2= no
3= husband and wife
4= you and someone else; Who is that person?

 

W44. Ng'ama chiko ni pesa ma iyudo tiyo nade?
l= dichuo
be imiye pesa go duto?
1= eeeh; 2= ooyo
2= dhako
be imiye chiegi pesa go duto?
l= eeeh; 2= ooyo
dichuo gi dhako
An kod nga ma chielo; En ng'a?

no.)

 

45. Do you belong to a nyoluoro?
1= no
2= yes-->
a. How many members are there?
b. How often do you put money in?
c. How much money do you put in?

 

 

 

d. Who runs this savings society?

 

W45. Be in e Nyluoro moro?
1= Ooyo
2a Eeeh-->
wa. Un ji adi kanyo?
wb. Uchulo pesa didi?
wc. I chulo pesa adi kanyo?

 

 

 

wd. Ng'a ma ochung' ne Nyoluoroni?

 

IF NOT IN FISHERY - GO TO # 50
46. What was the most recent day (before today) that you
were involved in the fishery?
1= yesterday
2= other (specify)

 

193

W46. En odiochieng' mane machiegni (motele ne kawuono)
manyocha itiyo tij rech?
l= nyoro
2= mamoko (ler ane)

 

IF FISHER - GO TO #49
47. On that day, at how many landings and locations did you
buy
fish?
a. What landings or locations were these?

 

 

b. At each place, how many boats or other sellers
did you buy from?
Boats: Other
Sellers:
c. Were any of the boat owners, managers, or crew
relatives or friends of yours?
l= no
2= yes -—> if yes, do they give you better
fish or a better price for fish?
1= no
2= yes
d. Were any of the sellers or traders, you bought
fish from, relatives or friends of yours?
1= no
2= yes

 

 

W47. Chieng'no ne ing'iewo rech e dho wethe kata kuond e
adi? ,

 

(w)a. Ma ne en dho wath kata kuonde mage?

 

(w)b. Kuonde mane idhi ye go ne ing'iewo e yiedhi
adi kata jo uso adi mane ing'iewo kuomgi?
Yiedhi
Joma ose ng'iewo
(w)c. Bende achiel kuom weg jorit, kata joriemb
yiedhigi ne wat ni?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh -—> ka eeh, be gimiye rech mabeyo
kata gi bei mayot?
1= ooyo
2= eeh
(w)d. Be ne achiel kuom jo uso kata jo ohala mane
ing'ewo rech kuomgi go wede ni?
1= ooyo
2= eeeh

 

 

48.

W48.

49.

W49.

50.

194

On that day, how many/much fish did you

 

 

 

 

 

 

buy?
a. How much did you pay per species?

= mbuta ksh
= ngege ksh
= omena ksh
= ochong'a ksh_
= fulu ksh
6= other ksh

 

b. Did you buy only fresh fish?
1= no -->; 2= yes (go to next question)
IF NO -->
Of your total purchase on that day,
about how much of each type did you
purchase? (%)
1= fresh
2= smoke
3= sundried

Chieg'no ne ingiewo rech maromo nade
(w)a. Ne ichulo pesa adi kuom?

 

 

 

 

 

 

1= mbuta ksh

2= ngege ksh

3= omena ksh

4= ochong'a ksh

5= fulu ksh
6=-= mamako (ler ane) ksh

 

(w)b. Ne ing'iewo mana rech manumu kende?
1= ooyo -->; 2= eeeh (dhi e penjo machielo)
KA OOYO -->
Kuom rech mane ingiewo duto ne
ingiewo achiel kuom 100 adi mar:
= rech manuma
= rech mothol
= rech motuo

On that day, at how many places did you sell fish?

Chieng'o ne iuso rech kuonde adi?

 

What type of buyers were these?
1= consumers
2= small scale processors
3= small scale fishmongers or traders
4= large commercial fish traders or sellers
5= fish processing factories or plants

 

195
6= bcycle traders

W50. Jo ng'iewo ne gin joma chal nade?
= kastemba ma pile
= jo los rech matindo
= jo ohala matindo
= jo ohala madongo
= jo ohala matero rech e factory
6= jo ndigini

51. How many of these buyers were relatives or friends of
yours?
If relatives or friends, do you give them better
fish or a price per fish? 1= no; 2= yes

W51. Adi kuom jong'iewo gi mane watni kata osiepeni?
Be ichiewo rech mabeyo kata nengo maber?
1= ooyo; 2=eeeh

IF NOT IN FISHERY - GO TO #60
52. When you sold fish that day, how much did you charge
for each species and each type (e.g. fresh, smoked,
dried)
Fresh Smoked Dried
= mbuta
= ngege
3= omena
4= ochong'a ___
= fulu
6= other

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\\\\\\
\\\\\\

 

 

W52. Kane iuso rech gi ne ochuli pesa adi e kit rech ka rech
to gi kaka olose (eg. marumu, othol, motuo)

MANUMU MOTHOL MOTUO
= mbuta
= ngege
3= omena
= ochong'a
5= fulu
= mamako (ler ane)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

\\\\\

 

 

 

 

\ \\\\

/

 

 

53. On that day, what means did you use to transport the
fish you bought and/or sold? (mark all that apply)
l= walked
2= bicycle

W53.

54.

196

3= Bus, matatu

4= transport boat

5= lorry, van, pick-up truck
6= refrigerated lorry

7= none (sold at this beach)
8= other (specify)

 

Chieng'no ne idhiye chiro nade mondo ius kata ng'iew
rech? (ket duto mowacho)

1= ne awuotho 4= yre injini
2= ne adhi gi ndiga 5= lori,van, pick—up
3= bus, matatu 6= loche mag pe

7= onge (re auso e dho wath ka)
8= mamoko (ler ane)

 

On that day, did other people work with you in buying,
selling, or processing these fish?

 

1= no

2= yes

a. How many:
females
males
children

b. Are these full-time or part-time workers?.
1= part-time
how many workers?
2= full-time
how many workers?
c. How many of these were ralatives?
What relation?
Did you pay them?
1= no
2= yes
What wages do you pay them?
(specify daily, weekly, or
monthly)
d. How many of these who worked with you were not
relatives?
Did you pay them?
1= no
2= yes
What wages do you pay them?
(specify daily, weekly, or
monthly)
e. Are any of these people partners with you in
this business?
1= no

 

 

 

 

 

 

197

2= yes
W54. Chieng'o, be jomoko ne okonyi ng'iewo, uso kataloso
rech gi?
= ooyo
2= eeeh
(w)a. Ji adi?
mamon
machuo
nythindo
(w)b. Gitiyo seche te koso man samatin?
1= seche matin
ji adi?
2= seche te
ji adi?
(w)c. Kuom jogi adi ma wedeni
Gin wedeni/watni nade?
Be ne ichulogi?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

= ooyo
2= eeeh
I chulo gi nade?
pile ?
juma ka juma ?
edwe ?
(w)d. Kuom jogi ji a di mane itiyo go ma ok

watni?
Be ne i chulo gi?
1= ooyo; 2s eeeh
Ne ichulogi nade?

 

 

 

pile pile ?
juma ka juma ?
edwe ?

 

(w)e. Be a chiel kuom jogi uriworu godo o hala ni?
1= ooyo; 2= eeeh

55. During the past year (12 months) at how many landings
or other places did you buy fish? places

 

W55. E higa mokadho (dweche 12) ne ing'iewo rech edho wethe
adi

 

56. During the past year (12 months) whic of the following
species have you bought (Ksh)?
Kshl
1= mbuta
2= ngege
3= omena

 

 

 

198

 

 

= ochong'a
5== fulu
6= other \ Ksh

 

 

W56. E higa ma okadho (dweche 12) ne ing'iewo rech gi maromo
nade (Ksh)?

57. How has

Ksh.
l= mbuta

= ngege

= omena

= ochong'a

5= fulu

6= other \

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

the price for this species changed in the past

year (12 months)?

a:
b:
c:
dz
e:
f:

1- decreased
2= no change
3= increased

mbuta

ngege

omena

ochong'a

fulu

other

 

 

 

 

 

 

W57. Bech rech gi ose lokore ma chal nade bang' dweche 12

 

 

 

 

mokadho?

= odok chien
= onge lokruok moro
3= ose medore

as mbuta

= ngege

= omena

= ochong'a

= fulu

 

mamako (kaka)

 

199

58. Why has the price changed in this way?
1= less fish available
2= more fish available
3= fewer buyers of this species of fish
4= more buyers of this species of fish
= other (specify)
a= mbuta b= ngege
c= omena d= ochong'a
e= fulu f8 other

 

 

 

W58. Ang'o ma omiyo nengo oselokore kama?
1= rech tin 2= rech ngeny
3= jongiew rech ni tin ahinya
4= jongiew rech ni ngeny
5= momako (ler ane)

 

a= mbuta b= ngege
‘c= omena d= ochong'a
e= fulu f= mamako (kaka)

 

 

59. During the past year (12 months) at how many places
have you sold fish?

 

W59. E dweche 12 mokadho ne iuso rech kuonde adi

 

60. On the days when you are actively trading fish, about
how many hours do you spend at your
work? hours

 

W60. Odiochienge ma idich iloko rech ikowo seche adi ka
itimo ma? seche

 

200

61. On average, how many days per week do you work in the
fishery? days
a. Which time of the month do you work more often
than usual? Why?

 

1= no
2= yes--> (mark all that apply)
1= boats go out fishing more often
2= more boats go out fishing
3= fish catches per boat (per trip) are
larger
4= demand for fish from your buyers is
greater
5= few traders are working
6= consumer prices for fish are higher
7= nothing else to do
8= other (specify)

 

 

b. What do you 36 during the time when you are not
working much?

 

(mark all that apply)
1= nothing
2= farming
3= wage labor
4= run another business of mine (specify
type)
5= other

 

 

W61. Ka ipimo, ikawo ndalo a di ejuma ka iloko rech?
(ndalo)
(w)a. Seche mage edwe ma itiyo mang'eny moloyo?

 

Ang'o ma omiyo (ket riny isi e duto mowacho)

 

= yiedhi dhi lupo pile pile

= yiedhi lupo mang'eny

= yiedhi mako rech mang'eny

4= dwaro mar rech omedore

= jo ohala ok ngeny

6= nengo rech ni mala

7= onge gimora machielo ma anyalo timo
= moko (ler ane)

 

 

(w)b. Ang'o ma itimo e seche ma ok iti mang'eny?

 

1:

4:

 

201

oonge

apuro

atiyo tij andika

aloko ohala machielo (ler ane)

 

mamako (kaka)

 

62. On average, how many days per month do you work
actively trading fish? DAYS

a. What

usual? Why?

time of the year do you work more than

 

For what reasons? (mark all that apply)

b. What
no work

1= boats go out fishing more often

2= more boats go out fishing

3= fish catches per boat (per trip) are
larger

4= demand for fish from your buyers is

greater

5= few traders are working

6= consumer prices for fish are higher

7= other (specify)

 

 

do you do during the time when there is
or less work?

 

1= nothing

2= farming

3= wage labor

4= run another business of mine (specify

type)

 

5= other (explain)

 

W62. Ka ipimo, itiyo ndalo adi e dwe k a idich iloko rech?

Ndalo

 

(w)a. Seche mage e higa maityo mang'eny moloyo?

 

Ang'o ma omiyo?

 

1= yiedhi dhi lupo pile

2= yiedhi dhi lupo mathoth

3= rech mayie ka yie mako ugeny
4= rech an jongiewo dwaro ng'eny
5= jo lok rech tin

6=

202

nengo rech mi uso ni malo

7= mamoko (ler ane)

 

 

Ang'o ma itimo e seche ma in kod tich matin kata

ka tich onge

kabisa?

 

1:
2:
3:
4:

oonge
apuro

tij andika

aloko ohala machielo (kaka)

 

5=

mamoko (ler ane)

 

IF NOT TRADERS OR PROCESSORS - GO TO #64
63. .Are there times when you want to buy fish but cannot
find fish for sale or the fish are not affordable?

1= no

2= yes--> When does this happen?

 

What causes it?

 

W63. Bende nitie seche moko ma idwaro ng'iewo rech to ok
inyal yudo kata nengo gi tek?

l= ooyo

2= eeeh--> ma timore seche mage?

 

Ma timore ni

rech ang'o?

 

64. What was the source of your total investment funds when
you started your business? (Check all that apply)
I. own savings/started it

0

(DQONU'IDWN

friends and relatives
. private loans
government assistance
inherited

as gift

partnership

other (specify)

 

a. if currently partnership, how many people are
interest/shareholders?
b. if partnership, who are your partners?

1= family members

 

W64.

65.

Pesa gi

203

2= friends

3= other investors
4= an institution
5= others (specify)

 

duto mane ichako godo ohala ne owruok kanye?
1. pesana mane akano/ne achake
osiepe gi wede

N

3. hola mopondo

4 kony moa ka sirikal
5= neowena

6= mich

7= wariwore

8:

mamoko (ler ane)

 

(w)a. ka en mar riwruok, ji adi ma uriworugo?

 

(w)b. ka en riwruok, jomage ma jokanyono

1a jodalawa

2- osiepe

3= jo ohala mamoko
4= riwruok moro
mamoko (ler ane)

 

What was the single most important issue that motivated
you to go into this business?

1:
2:
3:
4:
5:
6:
'7:

W65. En ango

66.

1:
2:
3:
4:
5:
6:
7:

Did you

none
availability of funds
family and friends
seek employment/income
market availability
seeing others
other (specify)

 

mane omiyo i chako ohalani ahinya?
onge

pese ne nitie

jodalawa gosiepe

dwaro tich/yuto

chiro ne nitie

aneno jomoko

mamoko (ler ane)

 

face any problems when you first started

(acquired) your SSE?

1:

no

W66.

67.

W67.

204

2= yes —-> If yes, name and rank the major two:
1.

 

2.

 

Ka ne ichako ohalani, bende ne nitie chandruok?
1= eeeh
2= ooyo --> Ka eeeh, to wach nyingi ka luore gi
kony
1.
2.

 

 

What is the source for your working capital/operational
expenses?

a. own savings

b. savings society

c. private loans

d. government assistance

e. other (specify)

 

Pesa mar ohala ma itiyo go/garama ne iyuodo nade?
a. pesana mane akano

b. nyoluoro

c. hola mopondo

d. kony moa ka sirikal

e. mamoko

 

IF FISHERS - GO TO #69
68. Do you own or rent your business site?

W68.

69.

W69.

1= own
2= rent

Ka ma ilokoe ni mari?
1= mara awuon; 2= achulo/akombo

Are you able to save any money from your business?

1= no

2= yes
a. About how much do you save per
month? KSH

 

Bende lkano pesa ma owouk e ohandi ni?
1= Ooyo; 2: Eeeh
(w)a. Inyalo kano pesa adi e
dwe? KSH

205

 

 

 

 

 

 

70. When you encounter problems within your work, who do
you usually ask for advice?
= relative
= friend
= neighbor
= spouse
5= other
(specify)
Why do you ask this person?
W70. Ka idhi marach gi tichni ng'ano ma i penjo mondo
opuonji?
1= Watna
2= Osiepna
3= Ja batha/ja dala machielo
4= Chuora/Dhako
5= Mamoko (ler wachni)
Ang'o momiyo en ng'atni?
71. Do you face any business competition?
l= no
2= yes-->
a. If yes, from whom?
1= other MSE's
2= the LSE's
3= illegal competition
4= other (specify)
W71. Be nitie jomoko maloko ohandi ni ma upiemgo?
l= eeeh -->
2= ooyo
a. Ka eeeh, gin jomage?
1= jo ohala mamoko kaka in
2= jo ohala mamoko madongo
3= jpma loko rech eyor kuo
4= mamoko (ler ane)
72. What steps do you take to expand your market or to sell

more?
1= business sign
2= word of mouth
= quality of product
4= quality of service
5= treatment of customers
= sell on credit
= other (specify)

 

W72.

73.

W73.

74.

W74.

75.

206

Ang'o ma itimo mondo omi ohandi omedre kata mondo ius
rech mang'eny?

= ndiko nying ohala

= wa che ne gidhoga

= 105 gik mabeyo

= 105 kar tich maber

= 1050 jo ngiewo aber

= uso gik moko gowi

= mamoko (ler ane)

 

Are you facing any problems in the acquisition of raw
materials/merchandise?

1= too expensive

2= unavailable

3= poor quality

4= lack of foreign currency (FX)

Be iyudo chandruok yudo gik ma idhi uso?
1= nengo tek 2= ok yudre
3= gik moko ok beyo 4= pesa ma iwilo onge

Who is the primary buyer of your products/merchandise?

= rural consumers

2= urban consumers

= retailers

= wholesalers

= bicycle traders

= other MSE's

7= other (specify)

 

Ng'ano ma iusone ahinya?
1- joma odak e gweng 2= joma odak e boma/taon
3- jo ohala matindo 4= jo ohala madongo
5= jo ndigni/jo oringi
6= joma nigi ohala matindo tindo
7= mamoko (ler ane)

 

How do you decide what price to charge?

 

Does this include a charge for your labor or time?
1= no
2- yes
How much do you add in to account for
your labor and
time?
Do you have a set amount of profit you want to get
per fish?

 

 

W75.

76.

W76.

207

Nengo to iloso nade?
Seche gi mag tich bende imedo ei bech rech?

 

 

l= Ooyo
2= Eeeh
Pesa adi ma imedo mondo orom kod seche gi?
Ksh
Bende nitie pesa ma iketo ni nyaka iyudie rech ka

rech?

 

Have you received any business
training?
When was that?

1. Management training

source:

2. Technical assistance/training:

source:

3. book keeping/accounting

source:

4. marketing

source:

5. other (specify)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Be ise yudo puonj mar ohala moro?

Ne kar ang'o?
1. Puonj mar rito ohala koa kanye:
2. kony mar tiegrouk koa kanye:
3. rito buge mag akaont koa kanye:
4. medo ohala koa kanye:
5= mamoko (ler ane)

 

 

 

 

77. Do you keep any written business records?

W77.

1= no
2= yes --> If yes,what type?
= complete records
= purchase records/receipts
= sales records
= credit sales
= credit purchases
= utility expenses
= others (specify)

 

Be indiko piny kaka ohandi dhi?
1- ooyo
= eeeh --> Ka eeeh, chal:
1= rekod mongith 2= ruide mag nyiepo
3= rekod mag uso 4= gowi
5= nyiepomohola 6= gik ma atiyo godo

78.

W78.

79.

W79.

80.

W80.

81.

208

7= mamoko (ler ane)

 

Do you keep bank accounts?
1= yes, saving 2= yes, checking
3= no

Be in kod akaunt e bengi?
1= eeeh, saving 2= eeeh, karent
3= ooyo

Which financial assistance sources, if any, are you
aware of which might assist you with your business?
(Tick as many as appropriate)

1- cooperative bank

= national bank/Bank of kenya

3= savings society (other than beach) nyoluoro

4= Beach-site nyoluoro

= moneylender

= nyoluoro for church or church organization

7= other (specify)

 

Bende nitiere kama iparo ni inyalo yudoe kony korka
pesa ma inyalo medogodo ohandini? (Ket ranyisi emangeny
kaka nyalore)

1= bengi mar riwruok mar jolupo

= bengi mar piny owacho/National Bank of Kenya

= nyoluoro moro machielo ma ok dho wathka

= nyoluoro mar dho wathni~

5= jaholji pesa

= nyoluoro mar kanisa

7= mamoko (kaka)

 

Have you ever applied for financial assistance?
1= yes - applied and received
2= yes - applied and refused
3: yes - applied and pending
4= no

Bende ise oroe baruwamoro mondo iyudie hola moro?
1= eeeh - ne andiko kendo ne ayudo
= eeeh - ne andiko kendo ne okayudo
3- eeeh - ne andiko kendo pod arito
= ooyo

If you could receive financial assistance, what would
you use it for?

W81 0

82.

W82.

83.

W83.

84.

W84.

209

= buy tools and machinery
2= buy additional stock

= payment for workers

= repair/rent/buy premises or shop
= purchase transportation

= open a new business

= other (specify)

 

Kaponi iyudo hola moro sani to di itim godo ango?
= amed godo stok
= angiew god gik tinogo rech
3= angiew godo ndiga
= ayaw ohala ma chielo
= alos godo/akom/anyiew godo ka ohala
= anyuomgo dhako machielo 7= mamoko (ler ane)

When you have a problem at the market or the beach -
who do you ask for help?

Why do you ask that person?
Ka in kod chandruok e chiro kata e dho wath - ngano ma
idhi ire mondo okonyi? Ang'o
momimyo?

 

 

 

 

Do you work with a group of others in your trading or
selling?
1= no -—> If NO, go to #86
2= yes
Are these others: (check all that apply)
1= relatives
2= friends
3= neighbors
4= other (specify)

 

Be itiyo gi jomoko kata ogando moro ka iloko kata uso?
1= Ooyo —-> OOYO, dhi apenjo #W86
2= Eeeh

Be jogo (ket ranyisi e duto mowacho)

1. Wedeni
2. Osiepe
3. Jabathi
6. Mamoko (ler wachni)

 

How long have you been working with that group?

Ise tiyo kod jogo marom nade?

 

IF NOT IN FISHERY - GO TO #87

85.

W85.

86.

W86.

87.

W87.

88.

W88.

89.

W89.

90.

W90.

210

How much do you pay for transport to and from the
beaches each day? Ksh

 

I chulo pesa adi edho wath? Ksh

 

How much do you pay for transport to and from where you
sell your fish each day?

 

I chulo pesa adi dhi gi dwuogo e chiro? ksh

How long does it take to get from your home to this
beach?

 

Kawi seche marom nade kia dala nyaka dho wath ka?

How long does it take you to get to the place where you
sell your fish?

 

Kawi seche marom nade ka idhi e chiro ma iusoe?

 

At what time of day do you leave your home to begin
your work/business?

 

Saa mane ma iwuokie ka ibiro chako tichni/ohandi?

At what time of day do you end your work/business and
go home?

 

I weyo tich/ohandi saa adi mondo idhi dala?

 

IF FISHER - GO TO #92

91.

W91.

If you are selling on a particular day and have to
leave your stand, who sells for you?

1= relative

2= friend

3= neighbor

4= anyone selling close by

5- no one, I close my stand

6= other (specify)

 

Ka en chieng' chiro to chuno ni nyaka idhi wuoth,
ng'ano ma iweyo mondo oritni ohandi?
1= Watna

92.

W92.

211

2= Osiepna

3= Jadala machielo
4= Ng'at man buta

5= Oonge (A.loro)

6= Moko (ler)

 

How many customers would you say you have on an average
day?

 

Is this more, less than, or the same as others who sell
around you?

1= less
2= the same
3= more

(if 1 or 3): What do you think explains that
difference?

 

Jo ng'iewo/kastembe adi ma inyalo wacho ni in godo e
odiochieng'?

 

Mang'eny, tin koso chalre gi mag joma uso bathi?
= tin
2= chalre
3= mang'eny

(ka 1 kata 3): Ang'o ma kelo ma?

 

212

93. During the past twelve months did you or other members
of your household work for pay or engage in any small
businesses or crafts or selling activities?

= No ---> GO TO Next QUESTION

1.

(1)
(2)

= Yes —-->
What specific kinds of work,

or sales would this be?

small business, crafts,

2. Which member of the household did this work? (check
all household members who engaged in the activity)

3. Was this a new activity during the past 12 months?

4. Was more or less time spent on this activity when
compared to one Year ago

Code:

Household member:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 = (H) Husband

2 = (W) Wife (or co-wives)

3 = (C) one or more Childen

4 = (OA) Other Adults in

the household
H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
SALES
H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

 

nets

 

 

 

 

 

= (NA) New Activity
in past 12 months

= (LT) Less Time than
last year

= (MT) More Time than
last year

RETAIL AND WHOLESALE

A1. Small business/shop
A2. Selling fish

A3. Selling animals or
other food

A4. Other retail or
wholesale sales
(specify)

 

 

MANUFACTURING
B1. Making boats or

B2. Clay/Mats/Metalwork
B3. Other manufacturing
(specify)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

H OA NA
1 4 5
H OA NA
1 4 5
H OA NA
1 4 5
H OA NA
1 4 5

 

 

 

LT MT
6 7
LT MT
6 7
LT MT
6 7
LT MT
6 7

 

 

 

 

SERVICE

C1. Any cleaning or

repair (nets, lamps,

engines)

related to the fishery

C2. Fish processing or

transporting

C3. Weaving, sewing or

mending for cash

C4. Maid or housekeeper

C5. Music or art

C6. Bicycle or auto
repairs

C7. Lending money

C8. Other service

(specify)

 

 

OTHER FISHERY
D1. Any fishery work on
boats:

1= own
2= manage
3= crew

FARMING OR HERDING
E1. Work on another's
farm/garden

E2. Herd another's
animals

SALARIED JOB
F1. Government

F2. Private

214
WECHE KUOM DONGRUOK MAR JA NG'I YIE KOD JO ODE

W93. Edweche apar gariyo mokadho bende in kata jo odi notiyo
e ohala moro kata tij lwedo kata andika?
[1] Ooyo--> DHIYE PENJO Machielo
[2] Ee -->
1. Tich mane kata ohala mane?

2. Ng'a e odi mane otimo tijni? (ket ranyisi kuom jo ot
duto mane otimo tijni)

3. Ne ja odi ochako tijni/ohalani edweche apar gariyo
mokalo?

4. Ka ipimo kod higni mokalo jo odi ne kawo seche
mang'eny koso matin e tijni/ohalani e dweche apar
gariyo mokalo go?

Household.Mhmber
1 8 Ne otimo ma?/ husband
2 =- Ne achiel kuom monde notimo ma?/ wife or oo-wives
3 = Ne nyithinde notimo ma?
4 = Ne joma dongo otimo ma?

Code:
Household member:
1 = (H) Husband 5 = (NA) New Activity
in past 12 months
2 = (W) Wife (or co-wives) 6 = (LT) Less Time than
3 = (C) one or more Childen last year
4 = (0A) Other Adults in 7 = (MT) More Time than
the household last year
GIK MOTIMO

LOKO CHUMBU KOD JUMBLA

.Al. Ohala matin/Duka
.A2. Loko rech

.A3. Loko jamni/chiemo
moko

A4. Loko moko

(kaka)

 

 

 

 

 

TIJE LWEDO MOKO

 

215

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

H W C 0A NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
mag

mondo

matokini/ndigini

H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
lupo

H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
dhoge

H W C OA NA LT MT
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

B1. Gero yiedhi/tonde
lupo

B2. Chweyo agulini, par
kata

theth

B3. Tije moko

 

TIJE MATINDO MAPOGORE

C1. luoko kata loso
(tonde, taya,injini)

tij rech

C2. Luoko rech gi sombo

rech

C3. Kuocho/chwecho

ochule

C4. Tich ot

C5. goro kata wer mondo

chule

C6. loso

C7. holo ji pesa
C8. Tije moko

TICH LUPO MAMOKO

D1. Tiji mamoko kuom
e yie:

1= wuon yie

2= rito yie

3= lupo e yie

PUR/PITH

E1. Tiyo e pwoth ng'ato
E2. Kwayo ne ng'ato

TIJ MISARA

216

F1. Sirikal
F2. Kambi

 

 

 

 

94. During the past twelve months, how many acres were
farmed by you and other members of your household?
acres

 

Of these, how many were rented from someone outside
your household? acres

 

W94. Kuom dweche apa ga ariyo mokadho in kod jo odi ne puro
eka adi? (hectares)
Kuom.magi adi mane ikombo kuom ng'ato?
(hectares)

 

 

95. During the past twelve months, how many animals were
kept by you and other members of your household?

Animals Number

Dairy cows Donkeys
Beef cattle Chickens
Goats

Sheep

Swine

W95. Edweche apar ga ariyo mokadho in kata jo odi ne in gi
jamni adi?

Jamhi Khan gi

Dhok minyiedho Dho moko
Diek Rombe
Anguro Kanyna/Punda
Guen

96. Do you own a motor vehicle/bicycle?

1= No

2= Yes ---> What kind? (mark all that apply)
Lorry
Van

Pick-up truck

Automobile (including Land Rover)
Motorcycle

Bicycle

Other (specify)

r—Ir—vv—r—nr—sr—‘l—ﬁ
I—dl—lt—lh—ll—Jt—Jt—l

 

W96. Bende in kod mitoka/ndiga?

97.

W97.

98.

W98.

217

1= Ooyo

2= Ee---> Machalo nade?
[ ] Lori (chakla) [ ] Mitoka matin
[ ] mitoka matin mar misigo [ ] Piki piki
[ ] Ndiga

[ ] Mamoko (kaka)
Do you own any buildings other than your house?
1= No
2= Yes ---> How many? BUILDINGS

 

 

Be in kod Ot/Duka moro maok midake?
1= Ooyo; 2= Ee ---> Adi?

 

In general would you say that your standard of living
is better or worse than five years ago?

1= Much better 2= Somewhat better

3= About the same 4= Somewhat worse

5= Much worse

Ka ing'iyo sani ng'imani/dakni ber koso rach moloyo
higni abich mokalo?

1= Ber ahinya 2- Ber moromo

3= Chalre 4= Rach mromo

5- Rach ahinya

218

Section 5:'Wbmen's Issues

99. Are
1:
if

For how

you living together with your husband?
no; 2=yes--> (if yes,

go to next question)
no --> Did you leave one another?
l= no; 2= yes
long, have you and your husband been apart from

each other?

1:
2:
3:
4:

W99. Be idak
1:
machielo)

Use dak

100.

6 - 11 months

1 -2 years

more than 2 years less than 5 years
5 years or more

gi chuori?
Ooyo; 2= Eeeh --> (ka ee to dhi e penjo

ka ooyo --> Ne uweru?
1=Ooyo; 2= Eeeh
ka upogoru gi chuori ndalo marom nade?
dweche 6-11
higa 1-2
moloyo higni 2 to matin ne higni 5
higni 5 kata moloyo

How many co-wives do you have?

Do you or your co-wives work together to:

a.
b.

C.

cook:
1= no; 2= yes
cultivate
1= no; 2= yes
share childcare
1= no; 2= yes

Un mon a di?

 

Be in kod mond nyiekeni tiyo kanyakla mondo:

W

100.
a.
b.
c.

101. To what
1:
2:

utedi:
1= ooyo; 2= eeeh
upur
l= ooyo; 2= eeeh
rito nyithindo
1= ooyo; 2a eeeh
extent does your husband approve of your work?

does not approve at all
he would prefer that you not be doing this work

101.

102.

102.

103.

103.

104.

104.

219

3= doesn't care one way or the other
= approving
5= very approving

Be wuon paru oyie kod tijini?
1= Ok oyie godo kata matin
2= Ok doher mondo ati tijni
3= Ok odewo kata aloko kata ok aloki
4= Oyiegodo
5= Oyiegodo ahinya/Ohera ahinya

How are your children looked after when you are at your
business or job?

1= no children requiring supervision

2= take them with you

3= leave them with a relative; Who?

4= husband provides care for them

5= other - explain

 

 

Nythindi to ng'ano marito ka in e tich ka?
1= Onge nyithindo ma inyalo ng'i
2= A biro kodi e tich
3= Aweyo gi watna;
Ng'a?
4= Chuora rito gi
5= Mamako (ler ane)

 

 

What problems do woman who are maried have with their
husbands when they are involved in business?

 

Ere chandruok ma mine yudo e tij ohala gi chuogi ka gi
goyo ohala?

 

What problems do women doing business have whether they
are married or not?

 

Chandruok mane ma mine yudo ka gi loko ohala kata gin
joma osekendi kata podi?

 

.APPENDIX C

Beach Observation Checklist
Day Month Year

DATE: 1225 Time of Day: a.m./p.m.
Beach Name Sub-

location

District

Province

Observer

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

To Each Beach Leader:
How many registered boats land at this beach?

CHECKLIST ITEMS
1. Level of activity: high; medium; low

2. Main Fishery (check all that apply):

1= mbuta 2= ngege
3= omena 4-1-= ochong'a
5= fulu 6s mamoko (kaka)

3. Dominant Gear(s) (check all that apply):

gill netting mosquito nets
beach seining fishing hooks w/fishing line__
Propulsion

a. any motorized boats? 1= no; 2= yes
b. sails/paddling c. paddling

4. Estimated number of people
Men
Women
Children

 

 

 

5. Number of houses at beach site

6. Number of shops\dukas

 

7. Cooperative Shed/Building: 1= no; 2= yes
Comments on construction

 

8. Toilet Facilities: 1= no; 2= yes
9. Road Connection:

good/fair/bad
a. surface type: tar; dirt/graded; dirt/ungraded

220

10.

11.

12.

221

b. can matatus/autos get there?
c. is the road maintained?
1=no; 2= yes
who maintains the road?

 

General Condition of the Beach:

 

Cooperation/Attitude of Beach Leaders/Officials (to
researchers): good/ bad/ fair
Comments

 

Is there any market activity of fish directly to
consumers? 1= no 2= yes
Comments:

 

APPENDIX D

Household Observation Checklist
Day Month Year

DATE: 1225

Time of Day a.m./ p.m.

Study Participant Number

 

 

Beach Name

 

Sub-location

 

District

 

Province

 

CHECKLIST ITEMS
1. Type of house (construction)

 

how many

2. Sheds: 1= no; 2= yes

 

 

 

cow shed ; how many
chicken coop ; how many
other sheds ; how many

 

 

3. Animals (visible): 1= no; 2= yes

 

 

 

 

Type:

cows ; how many

chickens ; how many

sheep ; how many

goats ; how many

donkeys ; how many

dog(s) ; how many

other ; ;

 

4. Water Source:
catchment/pond
bore hole/well
dam
river
other

 

 

5. Latrine
type (shed, covered etc)

 

 

6. Utensil Rack

 

222

10.

223

Electricity

 

Radio

 

Bicycle

 

Carts

 

COMMENTS

 

 

 

APPENDIX E

Complete Data Tables
Table 21 - Age of Youngest Child Whom Respondent Support: or Birthed (1995,
Total)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cum Percent
under one 13 13.1 14.4
year
1 7 7.1 22.2
2 17 17.2 41.1
3 8 8.1 50.0
4 11 11.1 62.2
5 5 5.1 67.8
6 4 4.0 72.2
7 5 5.1 77.8
8 5 5.1 83.3
9 2 2.0 85.6
10 3 3.0 88.9
11 2 2.0 91.1
13 1 1.0 92.2
15 2 2.0 94.4
19 1 1.0 95.6
20 1 1.0 96.7
22 - 32 3 3.0 100.0
Doesn’t know 9 9.1

Mean 5.156 Median 3.500

 

 

 

 

224

225

Table 22 - Age of Oldest Child For Whom Respondent Provides Care (1995, Total)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent Cum Percent
Age
1 - 2 3 3.0 5.3
3 2 2.0 5.3
4 4 4.0 9.5
6 l 1.0 10.5
7 1 1.0 11.6
8 3 3.0 14.7
9 1 1.0 15.8
10 5 5.1 21.1
11 3 3.0 24.2
12 7 7.1 31.6
13 8 8.1 40.0
14 3 3.0 43.2
15 12 12.1 55.8
16 6 6.1 62.1
17 3 3.0 65.3
18 9 9.1 74.7
20 3 3.0 77.9
21 1 1.0 78.9
22-23 3 3.0 82.1
24 3 3.0 85.3
25-28 7 7.0 92.6
30-48 6 6.0 98.9
Mean 16.716 Median 15.000

 

 

 

 

 

Table 23 - Number of People Eating in Respondent’s Household on a Daily Bash

226

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
l 2 2.0 2.1
3 1 1.0 3.1
4 5 5.1 8.3
5 13 13.1 21.9
6 12 12.1 34.4
7 11 11.1 45.8
8 12 12.1 58.3
9 6 6.1 64.6
10 14 14.1 79.2
11 9 9.1 88.5
12 5 5.1 93.8
13 2 2.0 95.8
16 3 3.0 99.0
21 l 1.0 100.0
Missing 3 3.0
Total 99 100.0
Mean 8.156 Median 8.000

 

 

227

Table 24 - Number of Years Respondent Has Been Married (Expanded Data from
Table 24)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
2-4 4 4.0 4.4
5-8 12 12.0 17.8
10-11 9 9.1 27.8
12 9 9.1 37.8
13-15 8 8.0 46.7
16 7 7.1 54.4
17 5 5.1 60.0
18 4 4.0 64.4
19-20 8 8.1 73.3
21-25 6 6.0 80.0
26—30 7 7.0 87.8
33-40 5 5.0 93.3 .
45-50 6 6.0 100.0
9 9.1
Total 99 100.0
Mean 17.978
Median 16.000

 

 

 

 

228

Table 24a - Years Married (Summary)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Value Label Frequency Percent Cumulative
Percent

1-2 years 2 2.0 2.1

3—4 years 4 4.0 6.2

5-9 years 17 17.2 23.7

10-14 years 23 23.2 47.4

morethan 15 51 51.5 100.0

years

Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 25 Respondent (Woman) Considers Self to be Sharing Household with Spouse

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
unmarried l 1.0 1. 1
no 7 7. l 8.4
yes 62 62.6 73.7
spouse 25 25.3 100.0
deceased
Missing 4 4 0
Total 99 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

229

Table 26 - Women Respondent’s Report of Husband’s Age by Categories (Complete
Data Set)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
25 -35 10 11.8 2.0
26-30 3 5.9 7.8
31-35 6 11.8 19.6
36-40 9 17.6 37.3
41-45 14 27.5 64.7
46-50 9 17.6 82.4
51-55 1 2.0 84.3
56-60 2 3.9 88.2
61-65 2 3.9 92.2
66-70 2 3.9 96.1
72 1 2.0 98.0
88 l 2.0 100.0
Total 51 100.0

Mean 46.471

Median 45.000

Mode 45.000

 

 

Table 27 - Women Respondent’s Self-report of Age by Categories - Complete

230

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
16-20 3 3.2 3.2
21-25 11 11.8 15.1
26-30 24 25.8 40.9
31-35 14 15.1 55.9
36—40 .17 18.3 74.2
41-45 10 10.8 84.9
46-50 6 6.5 91.4
51-55 2 2.2 93.5
56-60 2 2.2 95.7
61-65 3 3.2 98.9
66-70 1 1.1 100.0
Don’t know = 6
Total 93 100.0

Mean 37.312

Median 35.000

Mode 30.000

 

 

231

Table 30 - Male Respondent’s Report of Wife’s Age - Complete (Data for First Wife
only)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
20 5 12.2 12.2
21 2 4.9 17.1
22 4 9.8 26.8
24 2 4.9 31.7
25 l 2.4 34.1
26 1 2.4 36.6
28 3 7.3 43.9
29 4 9.8 53.7
30 2 4.9 58.5
31 l 2.4 61.0
32 1 2.4 63.4
34 l 2.4 65.9
35 2 4.9 70.7
36 3 7.3 78.0
41 l 2.4 80.5
42 1 2.4 82.9
43 1 2.4 85.4
52 1 2.4 87.8
53 1 2.4 ' 90.2
56 1 2.4 92.7
57 1 2.4 95.1
62-70 2 4.8 100.0
Total 41 100.0

Mean 32.683 Median 29.000 Mode 20.000

 

232

Table 31 - Husband’s Report of First Wife’s Number of Years of Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Education

0 2 4.2 4.3
2 2 4.2 8.7

3 2 4.2 13.0
4 2 4.2 17.4
5 3 6.3 23.9
6 6 12.5 37.0
7 7 14.6 52.2
8 6 12.5 65.2
9 1 2.1 67.4
10 5 10.4 78.3
1 l 1 2.1 80.4
12 2 4.2 84.8
don't 4 8.3 93.5
know

deceased 3 6.3 100.0
total 46 100.0

 

233

Table 32 - Husband’s Report of Second Wife’s Number of Years of Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Education Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 2 8.7 8.7
2 1 4.3 13.0
3 l 4.3 17.4
4 1 4.3 21.7
5 2 8.7 30.4
6 2 8.7 39.1
7 5 21.7 60.9
8 2 8.7 69.6
9 2 8.7 78.3
10 2 8.7 87.0
Don’t know 2 8.7 95.7
Deceased l 4.3 100.0
Total 23"

 

 

"' these data correspond to the 23 of the 45 respondents had more than 1 wife

234

Table 34 - Women’s Report of Spouse’s Number of Year of Education

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Value Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
0 30 6.1 6.3

2 1 1.0 7.3

3 5 5.1 12.5
4 5 5.1 17.7
5 3 3.0 20.8
6 10 10.1 31.3
7 15 15.2 46.9
8 9 9.1 56.3
10 8 8.1 64.6
11 2 2.0 66.7
12 11 11.1 78.1
14 1 1.0 79.2
Don’t know 20 20.2 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 46 - Number of Hours Women Work In Their Fishery Practice Per Day

235

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hours Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Worked

2 1 1.0 1.1
3 5 5.1 6.9
4 4 4.0 11.5
5 6 6.1 18.4
6 12 12.1 32.2
7 7 7.1 40.2
8 9 9.1 50.6
9 7 7 .1 58.6
10 10 10.1 70.1
11 6 6.1 77.0
12 7 7 .1 85.1
13 1 1.0 86.2
14 4 4.0 90.8
15 2 2.0 93.1
16 1 1.0 94.3
18 4 4.0 98.9
24 1 1.0 100.0
Missing“ 12 12.1

Total 87 100.0

Mean 8.966

 

*These respondents are not involved in direct ﬁshery work

 

236

Table 47 - Time Women Respondents“ Leave Home

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Time Leave Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
1 3 3.0 3.5

2 7 8.2 11.8
3 2 2.0 14.1
4 3 3.0 17.6
5 3 3.0 21.2
6 28 28.3 54.1
7 16 16.2 72.9
8 11 11.1 85.9
9 3 3.0 89.4
12 2 2.0 91.8
13 4 4.0 96.5
14 2 2.0 98.8
22 1 1.0 100.0
Missing 14 14.1

Total 99 100.0

Mean 6.718

 

 

 

 

 

*Data is for women working in the ﬁshery only

Table 48 - Time Women Respondents’ Go Home At End of Day

237

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24-hour clock Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
4 1 1.0 1.2
7 1 1.0 2.4
9 1 1.0 3.5
10 5 5.1 9.4
11 4 4.0 14.1
12 2 2.0 16.5
13 11 11.1 29.4
14 1 1.0 30.6
15 4 4.0 35.3
16 11 11.1 48.2
17 2 2.0 50.6
18 17 17.2 70.6
19 7 7.1 78.8
20 4 4.0 83.5
21 3 3.0 87.1
22 5 5.1 92.9
23 4 4.0 97.6
24 2 2.0 100.0
Missing 14 14.1

Total 99 100.0

Mean 16.435

 

*Data is for women in the ﬁshery only

 

 

238

Table 49 - Number of hours Male Respondents Work

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hours Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
1 1 2.1 2.3

3 1 2.1 4.7

4 4 8.3 14.0
5 1 2.1 16.3
6 1 2.1 18.6
7 3 6.3 25.6
8 7 14.6 41.9
9 6 12.5 55.8
10 3 6.3 62.8
11 4 8.3 72.1
12 7 14.6 88.4
13 3 6.3 95.3
17 2 4.2 100.0
Missing 5 10.4

Total 48 100.0

Mean 9.140

 

 

239

Table 50 - Time Male Respondent Leaves Home to Begin Work

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Hours Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
2 1 2.1 2.3

3 1 2.1 4.7

4 4 8.3 14.0
5 2 4.2 18.6
6 13 27.1 48.8
7 5 10.4 60.5
10 1 2.1 62.8
17 1 2.1 65.1
18 2 4.2 69.8
19 3 6.3 76.7
20 4 8.3 86.0
21 2 4.2 90.7
22 2 4.2 95.3
23 2 4.2 100.0
Missing 5 10.4

Total 100.0

Mean 1 1.070

 

 

240

Table 51 - Time Male Respondents Go Home at End of Day

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

24 hour clock Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
3 1 2.1 2.3

6 4 8.3 11.6

7 4 8.3 20.9

8 5 10.4 32.6

9 2 4.2 37.2
10 3 6.3 44.2
12 5 10.4 55.8
14 3 6.3 62.8
15 2 4.2 67.4
16 2 4.2 72.1
18 5 10.4 83.7
19 3 6.3 90.7
20 2 4.2 95.3 i
23 1 2.1 97.7
24 1 2.1 100.0
Missing 5 10.4

Total 48 100.0

Mean 12.581

 

 

Complete List of Variables

Variable Name/Code
Number
SUBJECT
RECORDER
BEACH
DATE
PROVINCE
SUBLOC
INTERLOC
GENDER

. AGE]

10. ETHNICZ

1 1. SPOUSTH3
12. SPOSAGE4
13.YEARMAR5
14.CI-ILDLIV6

1 5. SPCHLD6A
16. OLCHLD7A
17 .YNCHLD7BZ
18. CHLDSCH8
19. PAYFEES9
20. UNIFRMIO
21. BKSUPI 1
22. FDDECIZA
23. BSDEC12B
24. PLANT 12C
25.CHEDU12D
26. DISCH12E
27. HEPRLIZF
28. SUBJWK13
29. EDLEVL14
30.YRCOM14A
3 1 . EDI SP15A
32. EDZSPl 5B
33.ED3SP15C
34. SPKDL16A
35. RDDHL16A

‘OQNQ‘MPP’NF

APPENDIX F

Variable Label Questionnaire
participant number (A)
who recorded subject responses (B)
Kenya Beach Location (C)
date of interview (D)
Kenya Province (E)
Kenya Sub-location (F)
Location of Interview (G)
participant's gender (H)
Participant's Age (1)
Participant's Ethnicity (2)
Spouse's Ethnic Group (3)
age of husband/wife (4)
Number of Years Married (5)
Children Currently Living (6a)
Supporting Currently: number of children (6b)
Age of Oldest Child (supported or produced) (7a)
Age of Youngest Child (supported or produced) (7b)
Children's School Attendance (8)
who pays school fees * (9)
who buys uniforms (10)
who pays books and supplies (11)
food decisions (12a)
who decides your business (12b)
who decides what to plant (12c)
who decides children's education (12d)
who disciplines children (12e)
who decides help for relatives (12f)
subject's work (13)
highest completed educational level (14)
year completed (14a)
Spouse's Educational Level (15)
Educational Level of Spouse #2 (15a)
Educational Level of Spouse #3 (15b)
speak Dholuo (16 a1)
read Dholuo (self-report) (16 a2)

24]

36. WRTDL16A

37. SPKEN16B
38. RDENGIGB

39. WTENGI6B

40. SPKISlGC
41 .RDKISIGC
42. WTKISIGC
43. ADD17A
44. SBTRC17B
4S. MULTI17C
46. DVIDE17D
47. FAFISH18

48. NUMYR18A

49. MOFISH19
50. MFJOBI9A
51. FRSTMEZO
52. AG] ST20A
53. INTRPT 21

54. YRINTZIA
55. ACTIVZIB

56. LVWHER22

57. HSLOC22A
58. HSLOC2ZB
59. ALLYR23A
60. PRTYR23B
61. STYAT23C
62. OTH123cl

63. TMAT23C2
64. CIT-1223B

65. YOTH23D1
66. 'I'MAT223E

67. OWNRNT24

68. HSCOST25
69. MAIDCK26
70. PAMAIZGA
71. MAICT26B

72. MONYRL27
73. AMTRL27A
74. NUMEAT28

75. LSTWLV29
76. SPSCNT30

77. OTHCNT31
78. RELAT31A

242

ability to write Dholuo (self-report)
ability to speak English (self-report)
ability to read English (self-report )
ability to write English (self report)
ability to speak KiSwahili (self-report)
ability to read Kiswahili (self-report)
ability to write KiSwahili self-report)
ability to add (self-report)

ability to subtract (self-report)

ability to multiply (self-report)

ability to divide (self-report)

father in ﬁshery

father‘s number of years in ﬁshery
mother in ﬁshery

mother's work in ﬁshery

ﬁrst involvement in ﬁshery

age/year of ﬁrst involvement

any interruption in ﬁshery work

years of ﬁshery work interruption
activity during ﬁshery work interruption
name of living space when working
distance of house from beach (kms)
house location: beach or inland

stayed here the last 12 months

lived here only part oflast 12 months
stayed at other beaches/places

other beach or place stayed at

length of stay at ﬁrst other beach

other places stayed at during the year
reason stayed other place

time stayed in other place

own or rent lodging

monthly cost for housing

help in household or ﬁelds

pay maid/cook or ﬁeld workers

amount paid for household or ﬁeld help
send money to parents or relatives
monthly amount sent to relatives or parents
number of people eating in household daily
number of people eating who are less than 12
spouse usually contributes food or money
others usually contribute food or money
relationship of other contributors

(16 a3)
(16 b1)
(16 b2)
(16 b3)
(16 c1)
(16 c2)
(16 c3)
(17a)
(17b)
(17c)
(17 d)
(18)
(18a)
(19)
(19a)
(20)
(20a)
(21)
(21a)
(21b)
(22)
(228)
(22b)
(23a)
(23b)
(23c)
(23c1)
(23c2)
(23d)
(23d)
(23c)
(24)
(25)
(26)
(26a)
(26b)
(27)
(27a)
(28)
(29)
(30)
(31)

(3 1a)

79. STDNT32A
80. CNTWKBZB
81 . CNWRK32C
82. DPENWHB3
83. ETPROD34
84. FRQET3 5A
85. FETMS3SB
86. FSHEAT36
87. MBUTA37A
88. NGEGE37B
89. OMENA37C
90. OCHON37D
91. FULU37E
92. 0THFH37F
93. NOWEAT38
94. GROWFD39
95. DUKAFD40
96. MAIZE41A
97. RICE418

98. WHEAT41C
99. SRGHM41D
100. LEGUM41E
101. CSAVA41F
102. TATER41G
103. BNANA41H
104. EGGS41i
105. MEAT4IJ
106. CHICK41K
107. FISET41L
108. ILK41M
109. SUGAR41N
l 10. OIL410

1 1 1. VEGET41P
1 12. FRUIT41Q
1 l3. TH‘IFD41R
l 14. EATNUF42
l 15. NOTNUF43
1 16. FDLAK43A
1 17. LACK43B

1 18. USEHOW44
1 19. GIVEH44A
120. GIVEW44B
121. WHODE44C

243

number of students in household (>12yrs)
number of people in household who can't work
number of people in household who can work
number of dependents living elsewhere

amount of R’s ﬁshery product used to feed family
number of days per week family eats ﬁsh

type of ﬁsh family cats most

consumption of ﬁsh currently versus 5 years ago
mbuta consumption compared to 5 years ago
ngege consumption compared to 5 years ago
omena consumption compared to 5 years ago
ochong’a consumption compared to 5 years ago
ﬁilu consumption compared to 5 years ago
consumption of other types of ﬁsh vs. 5 years ago
eating worse, same, or better than 5 years ago
amount of self-produced food eaten

amount of food bought ﬁ'om store or market
frequency eat maize

frequency of eating rice

ﬁequency of eating wheat

frequency of eating sorghum

frequency of eating legumes

ﬁequency of eating cassava

frequency of eating potatoes

ﬁ'equency of eating bananas

frequency of eating eggs

frequency of eating meat

frequency of eating chicken

ﬁequency of eating ﬁsh

ﬁ'equency of milk in diet

frequency of sugar in diet - including use in tea
frequency of oil in diet

ﬁ’equency of vegetables in diet

ﬁ'equency of ﬁuit in diet

frequency of eating tinned food

lmd enough to eat during the year

when was there not enough food

foods that were unavailable

why foods not available

who decides how the money you earn will be spent

give all earnings to husband
give all your earnings to your wife

who decides with you how your earnings are spent

(3 28))
(32b)
(3 2c)
(33)
(34)
(35a)
(35b)
(36)
(3 7a)
(3 7b)
(37c)
(3 7d)
(3 7e)
(3 7f)
(3 8)
(3 9)
(40)
(41a)
(41b)
(41c)
(41d)
(41c)
(411)
(418)
(41h)
(41i)
(411')
(41k)
(41L)
(41m)
(41n)
(410)
(41p)
(41(1)
(41r)
(42)
(43)
(43a)
(43b)
(44)
(44a)
(44b)
(44¢)

122. SAVSOC4S
123. NUMEM45A
124. FCNTR4SB
125. AMCTR45C
126. SAVHD45D
127. LASFIS46
128. NUMBCH47
129. NAMB47A
130. NUMBT47B
13 1 . NMTR47BI
132. BCREL47C
133. BPRL47C1
134. STDRL47D
13 5. BPRC47D1
136. AMTFSH48
137. SPEC$48A
138. BYFRS48B
139. TYPE48B1
140. NUMPLC49
141. BUYERSSO
142. NUMRELSI
143. GDPRCS 1A
144. CHRGFSSZ
145. TRNSPT53
146. WRKOTH54
147. HWMNY 54A
148. PTTM54B1
149. FLTM54BZ
150. WKRELS4C
l 5 l . WTRL54C1
152. PAY54C2
153. NREL54D1
154. PAYNS4D2
155. PRTNR54E
156. PLBGHT55
157. BGHTYR56
158. PRCHNGS7
159. YCHNG58
160. PLSOLD59
161 . HRSDAY60
162. DAYSWK61
163. WKMON61A
164. YMTH61A1

244

member of nyoluoro/ savings society (45)
number of members in savings society (45a)
frequency of nyoluoro contribution (45b)
amount of savings society contribution (45c)
gender of savings society head (45d)
last day working in ﬁshery (46)

# of beaches where you bought ﬁsh last (47)
name(s) of beaches bought ﬁ'om (47a)
number of boats bought from last (47b)
number of traders or sellers bought from last (47b1)
any boat crew, owners etc related to you (47c)
better price if relative (47c1)
seller or traders you bought from related to you (47d)
better price received because you are related (47d1)
amount of ﬁsh purchased last day (48)
cost per type of ﬁsh (48a)
bought only fresh ﬁsh (48b)
type of treatment of ﬁsh bought (48b1)
number of places sold ﬁsh (49)
type of buyers (50)
number of relatives or ﬁiends you sold to (51)
better price/ product to ﬁiends/ relatives (51a)
charge/cost per species by type of processing (52)
means to transport ﬁsh to sale site (53)
work in a group with others (54)
number of others respondent works with (54a)
number of R’s part-time workers (54b1)
number of R’s full-time workers (54b2)
number of R’s workers who are relatives (54c)
what relation to respondent (54c1)
pay relatives who work with respondent (54c2)
number of non-relatives wrking for respondent (54d1)
does respondent pay non-relatives (54d2)
any of the people working with respondent partners (54c)
number of places bought ﬁsh in last 12 months (55)

# ﬁsh bought/sold in last year (1USD= 45 Ksh) (56)
price change by species within last 12 months (57)
why has price changed per species (58)
number of places sold at during the past 12 months (59)
number of hours work per day (60)
number of days work per week (61)
time of month you work more than usual (61a)
why R works more during the month (61a1)

245

165. LSWRK61B activity during the time when R works less (61b)
166. OBUS61B4 other business when ﬁshing business is slower (61b4)
167 . DAYMTH62 number of days you work per month (62)
168. TMYRW62A time of year during which R works most in ﬁshery (62a)
169. YMOR62A1 why R has more work during the month (62a1)
170. NFSWK6ZB work during slow time of month (62b)
171. OTHBGZB4 other activity when not ﬁshing (62b#4)
172. NOF SH63 no ﬁsh available for sale or not affordable (63)
173. WHEN63A when is ﬁsh not available (63a)
174. YNOF63A1 why no ﬁsh for sale (63a1)
175. STRTS64 source of start-up funds (64)
176. YBUS65 why did you enter this business (65)
177. PRBSTR66 problems at start of business (66)
178. DLYCAP67 source of daily capital (67)
179. OWNRTB68 own or rent business site/own or rent boat (68)
180. SVSB 869 does R save money from business (69)
181. SAVM69A savings from business per month (69a)
182. HELP70 who R asks for help with business problem (70)
183. YHELP70A why R asks this person for help (70a)
184. BUSCMP71 does R identify any business competition (71)
185. COMPW71A R's business competition ' (71a)
186. SLMRE72 steps to expand market (72)
187. PRBGET731 problems getting raw material/equipment/ gear (73)
188. PRIBYR74 R's primary buyers (74)
189. DECPRC7 5 how R decides selling price of product (75)
190.YRLBR75A includes cost fo R's labor (75a)
191. MUCH75A amount R includes for labor and time (75a)
192. PROFI75B set amount of proﬁt per ﬁsh (75b)
193. BSTRNG76 business training or ﬁshing training R has received (76)
194. BSRCRD77 R keeps business records (77)
195. TYPRD77A type of business records R keeps (77a)
196. BNKACT78 R has bank account (78)
197. KNWS SR79 R's awareness of loan sources (79)
198. APLDAS80 applied for ﬁnancial assistance (80)
199. USEHOW81 R would use loan in what way (81)
200. PROBMB82 who do you ask if problem at beach or market (82)
201. WHY82A why do you ask that person at beach or market (82a)
202. WRKOTH83 does R work with others in trading/selling/ﬁshing (83)
203. IFYES83A R works with others who are (83a)
204. TMWGRP84 time working with group (84)
205. TRNSPB85 transport cost daily to and from beach (85)
206. TRNSPM86 R's transportation cost to and from market (86)

207. TMFRH87 time to travel to beach from R‘s lodging (87)

208. TMTOMK88
209. TMLVH89
210. TMGOH9O
211. SLFRU91
212. CUST#92
213. SMDIF92A
214. YDIF9ZB
215. SBWRK93A
216. SBTYP93B
217. FAMEM93C
218. HWRK93C1
219. WWRK93C2
220. COWK93C3
221. CHWK93C4
222. OAWK93C5
223. NWACT93D
224. MLSTM93E
225. ACFARM94
226. ACRNT94A
227. ANIMAL95
228. MTVHBK96
229. TYPVH96A
230. OWNBLGQ7
231. BLDOWN97
232. STRDLV98
233. LVWSP99
234. DVSP99A
235. TMSP993
236. NUMWVIOO
237. COOKIOOA
238. FARMIOOB
239. CHLDIOOC
240. HUSAPIOI
241. YRCHD102
242. WH01023A
243. OTHIOZBS
244. MPROBIO3
245. UMPRBIO4

246

R's travel time to selling market(s) (88)
time R leaves home to begin work (87)
time R goes home at end of day (90)
who sells for R if R has to leave (91)
R's average number of customers (92)
R's number of customers compared to other sellers (92a)
R's explanation of customer difference (92b)
anyone in hh engage in SSE or wage labor (93 a)
type of small business or wage labor activity (93b)
R's household members who work (93 c)
husband's SSE or wage labor (93c1)
wife's SSE or wage labor (93c2)
co-wives work or wage labor (93 c3)
children's SSE or wage labor (93 04)
SSE or wage labor of other adults in R's household (93c5)
new activity within the last year (93d)
more or less time spent on this activity (93c)
number of acres R farms (94)
numberoffarmsacresrentedbyR (94a)
type and number of animals R keeps (95)
does R own vehicle or bicycle/transportation (96)
type of transportation R owns (96a)
other buildings owned by R (97)
number and type of buildings owned by R (97a)
R's standard of living compared to 5 years ago (98)
R considers self to be living with spouse (99)
R and spouse are divorced or separated (99a)
length of time separated or divorced (99b)
number of co-wives (100)
R cooks with co-wives (100a)
R farms with co-wives (10%)
R shares childcare with co-wives (100c)
husband approves of R's working (101)
R's child care needs (102)
which relative provides child care (102a)
other child care strategies (102b5)
married women's problems (103)
working women's problems in general (104)

Business Strategylndex

APPENDIX C

Measure of Linear Association:

Business Strategies by Social Relations

 

qu = 0.8
thru origin

 

 

 

 

m-l
ad

0 2 4

10

Social Relations Index

247

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