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1]” WM“

 

A STUDY OF BLACK WOMEN PROFESSORS AND THE MULTIPLE
FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE THEIR CAREER ASPIRATIONS

TO ADMINISTRATIVE POSITIONS

By

Carolyn 0. Stone

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Educational Administration

1 997

ABSTRACT

A STUDY OF BLACK WOMEN PROFESSORS AND THE MULTIPLE
FACTORS THAT INFLUENCE THEIR CAREER ASPIRATIONS
TO ADMINISTRATIVE POSITIONS

By

Carolyn D. Stone

The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the disparity between black
women in higher education administration and the career aspirations of black women
professors. Cultural considerations. educational factors. personal perspectives.
psychological aspects. the world of work. and racial considerations were examined
to determine their inﬂuence on these women professors.

In this descriptive study. a random sample of assistant. associate. and full
professors was chosen from the main campuses of the Big Ten Conference
institutions. A structured questionnaire was sent to the professors. Data analyses
included frequency distribution of all the items. cross-tabulations with chi-square
tests. t-test of signiﬁcance at the .05 alpha level with various degrees of freedom.
comparison of means with analysis of variance. and correlations of factors.

Findings indicated that significant differences existed between black and
white women professors on the cultural. personal perspectives. psychological

aspects. and racial factors. The following outcomes were significant:

Carolyn D. Stone

1. The majority of both groups of professors aspired to administrative
positions; a slightly higher percentage of black professors did so. The higher the
position level. the lower the percentage of aspirants.

2. The largest number of full professors were black. and the largest
number of associate professors were white.

3. The largest number of doctorates were held by black women.

4. The majority of both black and white respondents taught in urban
communities. More whites than blacks taught in rural communities.

5. The majority of black respondents' mothers had worked all their
growing years; the majority of the white respondents’ mothers had not worked.

6. The majority of the black respondents were employed in social science
and education. whereas the majority of white respondents were employed in
physical sciences. '

7. Race. education. and racial factors positively inﬂuenced career
aspirations.

9. Teaching level and mother‘s work years negatively inﬂuenced career
aspirations. '

10. Racial group and educational level positively inﬂuenced career

aspirations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I have been very fortunate during my graduate studies to have worked with
Dr. Louis G. Romano. a highly esteemed professor. Thank you. Dr. Romano. for the

support and encouragement you have given me over the years.

My special thanks and deepest gratitude are for my husband. Rev. Lester D.
Stone. and son. Lester D. Stone ll. Thank you for your love. support.
encouragement. understanding. and unwavering faith in me. I love you both very

much.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................... viii
LIST OF FIGURES ........ ‘ ....................................... x
Chapter

i. INTRODUCTION ...................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ............................... 1
Purpose of the Study ................................... 2
Research Questions ................................... 2
Hypotheses .......................................... 3
importance of the Study ................................ 4
Assumptions ......................................... 7
Delimitations and Limitations ............................ 7
Definition of Terms .................................... 8
Procedures .......................................... 9
Overview ............................................ 9
ll. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE .................... 11
Introduction ......................................... 1 1

Historical Perspectives on Women’s Advancement in
Higher Educational Administration ...................... 14
The History of Black Women in Higher Education ........... 21

The Status of Black Women Employed In Higher Education . . . . 31
Social and Psychological Factors Inﬂuencing Black

Women's Career Aspirations .......................... 57
DESIGN OF THE STUDY .............................. 76
Introduction ......................................... 76
Type of Study ....................................... 76
Population and Sampling Methods ....................... 77
Instrumentation ...................................... 81

Collection of the Data ................................. 83

Testable Hypotheses ................................. 83
Treatment of the Data ................................. 85
Summary ........................................... 85
ANALYSIS OF DATA ................................. 86
Introduction ......................................... 86
Black and White Women Professors' Levels of Aspiration
for an Administrative Position .......................... 87
Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents ........... 89
Age .............................................. 89
Sibling Placement .................................. 90
Marital Status ...................................... 90
Number of Children ................................. 92
Teaching Level ..................................... 92
Racial Group ...................................... 93
Level of Education .................................. 94
Number of Years Teaching ........................... 94
Edumtional Community .............................. 95
Participation in Sports ............................... 96
Mothers Working ................................... 97
Worked for Female Administrator ....................... 97
Summary of Demographic Data ....................... 98
Multiple Factors inﬂuencing the Administrative Aspirations
of the Respondents ................................. 99
Results of t-Tests ................................... 99
Results of Analyses of Variance ....................... 102
Results of Correlational Analyses ..................... 105
Major Teaching Department .......................... 107
Primary Academic (Professional) Responsibility .......... 108
Summary .......................................... 109
SUMMARY. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS. AND
RECOMMENDATIONS ............................... 1 11
Summary .......................................... 1 11
Findings and Conclusions ............................. 113
Black and White Women Professors’ Levels of
Aspiration for an Administrative Position ............... 113
Demographic Characteristics of Black and White Women
Professors ...................................... 1 15
Multiple Factors Inﬂuencing the Administrative
Aspirations of the Respondents ..................... 119

vi

Comparison With the Karr Study ........................ 124

Recommendations .................................. 126
Suggestions for Further Research ...................... 131
APPENDIX ................................................... 133
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................... 144

vii

LIST OF TABLES

2.1 The Total Absence of Black Doctorates in Key Disciplines .......... 42
2.2 Percentage of Minorities in Leadership Roles. 1986 and 1993 ....... 52
2.3 Distribution of Minority Administrators. by Position.

1980-81 and 1990-91 ...................................... 55
2.4 Distribution of Minority Administrators. by Institutional

Type. 1990—91 ............................................ 56
4.1 Black and White Women Professors’ Levels of Aspiration

for Administrative Positions .................................. 88
4.2 Summary of Aspirers Versus Nonaspirers to Administrative

Positions in Higher Education ................................ 89
4.3 Distribution of ReSpondents by Age ............................ 90
4.4 Respondents’ Sibling Placement in Their Families ................ 91
4.5 Marital Status of the Respondents ............ '. ................ 91
4.6 Distribution of Respondents by Number of Children ............... 92
4.7 Distribution of Respondents by Teaching Level ................... 93
4.8 Distribution of Respondents by Racial Group .................... 93
4.9 Distribution of Respondents by Highest Level of Education

Completed ............................................... 94
4.10 Distribution of Respondents by Years of Teaching Experience ....... 95
4.11 Educational Community in Which Respondents Were Teaching ...... 96

4.12 Respondents’ Participation in Sports as Youths .................. 96

viii

4.13

4.14

4.15

4.16

4.17

4.18

4.19

4.20
4.21
4.22

4.23

Number of Years the Respondents' Mothers Worked During the Time

They Were Growing Up ..................................... 97
Distribution of Respondents by Experience Working for a Female
Administrator ............................................. 98
Results of Tests for Signiﬁcant Differences Between Black and White
Women Respondents on Various Demographic Variables .......... 99
Results of t-Tests of Signiﬁcance for Equality of Means ........... 101

Summary of Results of t-Tests for Signiﬁcant Differences on the
Seven Factors ........................................... 102

Results of the ANOVA Tests of Signiﬁcance on the Seven Factors . . 104

Summary of the Results of the ANOVA Tests of Signiﬁcant

Differences on the Seven Factors ............................ 105
Correlations Between Aspirations and Other Variables ............ 106
Correlations Between Aspirations and Demographic Variables ...... 107
Distribution of Respondents by Major Teaching Departments ....... 108
Respondents’ Perceived Primary Academic Responsibility ......... 109

2.1
2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5
2.6

2.7

2.8

2.9

2.10

2.11

2.12

2.13

LIST OF FIGURES

Total Black Student Enrollments in Graduate Schools ............. 32
Total Black Student Enrollments in Professional Schools ........... 32
Black Women Have a Huge Edge Over Black Men in College

Enrollments .............................................. 34
Percentage of All Black Medical School Applicants. New

Entrants. and Graduates Who Were Women. 1982 and 1994 ....... 35
Black Medical School Graduates .............................. 36

Blacks Make Up 2.1% of Faculty at the Predominantly White
Medical Schools ........................................... 37

Black Women Are Earning Three-Fifths of All Doctorates
Awarded to Blacks. Whereas White Women Earn Only 44% of
All Doctorates Awarded to Whites ............................. 38

Only 7.4% of All Black Doctorates Were Awarded in Science
and Engineering. Whereas Almost Half Were Awarded in

Education ................................................ 39
Distribution of Black Doctorates. by Discipline. 1994 ............... 40
Black Women Outnumber Black Men at All Eight ivy League

Institutions. 1994-1995 Academic Year ......................... 43
Gender Comparison of Black Faculty in the United States .......... 44
Distribution of Full-time Female Faculty Members. by Race.

1991 .................................................... 46
Percentage of Tenured Female Faculty Members. by Race. 1991 . . . . 46

2.14

2.15

2.16

2.17

Median Salary of Full-Time Female Faculty Members. by Race.
1991 .................................................... 47

Tenure of Full-Time Women Faculty Members. by Ethnicity,
1991 .................................................... 48

Distribution of Black Faculty at Harvard University. by
Gender. 1995 ............................................. 50

Percentages of Black Administrators at US Colleges and
Universities. 1981. 1989. and 1991 ............................ 51

xi

CHAPTERI

INTRODUCTION

Statmenmﬂbeﬁmblem
Fifteen years ago. Karr (1982) investigated the disparity between women in

higher education administration and the career aspirations of women professors.
Her investigation focused on whether factors'such as culture. educational climate.
personal perspectives. psychological aspects. and world of work had an inﬂuence
on women professors’ aspirations for a position in administration. In her study. Karr
dealt with women in general. She did not address speciﬁc groups of women.
However. whenever a researcher proposes to study women, he or she should
identify which women are being examined.

In this study. the researcher studied black professional women in higher
education administration. Black professional women were chosen because they are
concentrated in the fields of education and social science (Harvard. 1986).
Moreover. they continue to make contributions in education. Using the same
multiple factors as Karr did. in addition to racial considerations. this researcher
Investigated how such factors influence black women professors’ aspirations for a

position in administration.

2

Eumosegnbeﬂudx
The researcher purpose In this study was to investigate the disparity

between black women in higher education administration and the career aspirations
of black women professors. Also of interest was whether factors such as culture.
educational factors. personal perspectives. psychological aspects. the world ofwork.

and racial considerations have an inﬂuence on black women professors’ aspirations

for an administrative position.

Beseambnuesticns

The following questions were posed to guide the collection of data for this
study.

1. Do black and white women respondents differ in their aspirations for
an administrative position in higher education?

2. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of demographic
characteristics?

3. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of cultural
considerations?

4. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of educational
factors?

5. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of personal
perspectives?

6. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of psychological
aspects?

3
7. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of world-of-work

perspectives?

8. Do black and white women respondents differ In terms of racial
considerations?

9. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of major
teaching departments? '

10. Do black and white women respondents differ in terms of perceived

primary academic responsibility’?

titanium
The following hypotheses were formulated to analyze the data collected in

this study:

BMW! There is a signiﬁcant difference in aspirations for an
administrative position in higher education between black and white women
respondents.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in demographic characteristics
between black and white women respondents.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in cultural considerations
between black and white women respondents.

Hypotheses: There is a signiﬁcant difference in educational factors between
black and white women respondents.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in personal perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

Hypothesisj: There is a signiﬁcant difference in psychological aspects
between black and white women respondents.

Hypothesisl: There is a signiﬁcant difference in world-of-work perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

4

am: There is a signiﬁcant difference in racial considerations
between black and white women respondents.

HMS: There is a signiﬁcant difference in major teaching departments
between black and white women respondents.

. There is a signiﬁcant difference in perceived primary
academic responsibility between black and white women respondents.

Importancemtbeﬂudx
The study is important because it focused on the black professional women

in the ﬁeld of administration in higher education. Black women have ﬁgured
prominently in the history of education. This is perhaps because. in large measure.
teaching was the only profession open to the black woman until the latter part of the
nineteenth century. when nursing became established as an area in which women-
black and white—might serve. For the black woman. education was the means for
improving her race. Perkins (1983) revealed that. as early as 1837. black women
were encouraged to get an education for “race uplift' (p. 4).

Second. this study is important because both sexism and racism have been
discriminatory realities for black women in higher education (Carey. 1979; Giddings.
1984). Epstein (1973) coined the term ”double whammy' to describe the situation
when racism and sexism are teamed together. It refers to the double ascribed
minority status of black professional women. According to Howard-Vital (1987).
black women are at the bottom of the educational hierarchy. subject to racial and

sexual discrimination at all levels of academic life. They are underrepresented in

5

community colleges and senior institutions. where they tend to serve as assistants
to assistants.

The black woman must contend with the gender bias that all professional
white women experience. In addition. she must contend with racism. Because race
is such an important factor in this study. it will be interesting to see what differences
and/or similarities white women and their white counterparts have in common.

Third. this study is important because it focuses on the scarcity of research
on black women in higher education (Shivers. 1985). Black women are lumped
statistically under the broad headings of women. minority. or black; thus. they
frequently are lost to the researcher. As Hull. Scott. and Smith (1982) noted. many
researchers who have purported to study blacks have studied only black males;
similarly, investigators who have focused on women have examined white females.

Moore and Wagstaff (1974) stated that black women in academia continue
to be an area of research ”victimized by scholarly neglect“ (p. 161). Smith and
Stewart (1983) concluded that the neglect of scholars to study black women
demonstrates ”our inability to view contextual interactions that are pivotal to deﬁning
commonalities and differences between racism and sexism“ (p. 5). Perhaps this
scarcity of research alone validates the need for conducting studies on black women
in higher education.

Fourth. this study is of considerable importance because it focused on a

serious problem in society—the problem of inequality. The 1985 College Board

publication entitled WW
Arum included the following data on black women:

According to the College Board. black women have increased their share of

degrees at all levels except at masters. In 1980-81. the majority of black

females received BA degrees in business. education or social science. . . .

Black women also accounted for the increases in doctoral and professional

degrees. (There was an increase of 29% in doctorates and an increase of

71% in professional degrees.) (pp. 7-8)

Despite such gains by black women in degree attainment. both the American
Council on Education and the College Board concluded that blacks have failed to
reach enrollment in higher education proportional to their numbers in the general
American population. This lack of proportional representation would tend to support
the ﬁnding that black women feel isolated in higher education. This isolation of black
women extends from undergraduate to professional experiences. according to the
literature. Perhaps the most apparent cause of this isolation is primarily a lack of
numbers. Carroll (1982) wrote.

Black women in higher education are isolated. undemtilized and often

demoralized. They note the efforts made to provide equal opportunities for

black men and white women in higher education. while they somehow are left

behind in the work of both the black and feminist movements. (p. 115)
This assertion contradicts the popular belief that because black women satisfy two
criteria. race and gender. they have a comer on the employment market. Ifthat is
the case. why are there so few visible black women in higher education? Moreover.
black career women constitute a larger proportion of the black professional

community than white women in the professional world. but not as faculty members

and administrators in predominantly white colleges and universities (WIlliams. 1985).

7
It Is hoped that studies like this one will be signiﬁcant If they provide data

concerning those factors that influence black women to aspire to administrative

positions.

Assumptions
This study was based on the following two assumptions:
1. Black women have the necessary attributes to enable them to assume
the necessary responsibilities associated with an academic administrative position.
2. An individual's gender and race should not be a qualiﬁcation in the

selection process for an educational administrative position.

The following delimitations and limitations were inherent in this study:

1. The data collected were based only on institutions in the Big Ten
Conference.

2. The investigation was delimited to six categories of black women
professors' aspirations in higher education administration: cultural considerations.
racial considerations. educational factors. personal perspectives. psychological
aspects. and world of work.

3. The descriptive nature of the study represents a limitation inasmuch
as it described only what respondents perceived to be true and not what is true.

4. The data gathered in the study were affected by the degree of sincerity

and frankness with which participants responded to the questionnaire.

8
5. The relationship between factors in this study was viewed as

correlational and not causal.
maximum

The following terms are deﬁned in the context in which they are used in this
dissertation:

WWW. Positions in higher education of an
administrative nature that call for responsibility for organizing. planning. directing.
and evaluating the organization as a subdivision. In this study. such positions
include president. vice-president. dean of a- major academic unit. chief academic
ofﬁcer. and department chairperson.

Aspiration. The seeking after or active application for a particular level of
educational administration.

Eamﬂy. The persons responsible for teaching and departmental research
activities who hold faculty rank. including academic department heads.

WM. Undergraduate through graduate programs. in this study
limited to programs in the Big Ten Conference universities.

Multiplejactors. Elements that may correctly or incorrectly inﬂuence career
progression. Theyinclude cultural considerations. racialconsiderations. educational
factors. personal perspectives. psychological aspects. and the inﬂuence of the world

of work.

9
W. Those who hold an academic position in the Big Ten

Conference institutions in the rank of assistant professor. associate professor. and

full professor.

EmceduLes
A survey instrument was used to obtain the necessary data to respond to the
research questions. The instruments were mailed to a random sample of black and
white women professors at the Big Ten Conference institutions: Michigan State
University. the University of Michigan. the University of Minnesota. Purdue
University. the University of lilinois. the University of Iowa. Northwestern University.
the Ohio State University. the University of Wisconsin-Madison. and Indiana

University.

madam

This dissertation is divided into ﬁve chapters. Chapter l contained a
statement of the problem. the purpose of the study. the research questions and
hypotheses. the importance of the study. assumptions. delimitations and limitations.
and deﬁnitions of key terms. Chapter II contains a review of literature on topics
relevant to the study. The method of investigation is explained in Chapter III.
Included are the sampling and data-collection procedures. the survey instrument.
and the method of analysis. The results of the data analyses with respect to the

research questions are presented and discussed in Chapter lV. Chapter V contains

10

a summary of the ﬁndings. conclusions drawn from the ﬁndings. Implications. and

recommendations for future research.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

lntrnduminn

In W Peters and Waterman (1983) researched
successful American companies and discovered that their success was recognizing
the importance of human resources. In regard-to understanding human nature. they
concluded that 'we are creatures of our environment. very sensitive and responsive
to external rewards and punishment. We are also strongly driven from within. self
motivated' (p. 56). They further stated that people desperately need meaning in
their lives and need independence to feel as though they are in charge of their
destinies. The authors reasoned that successful companies know this and provide
work opportunities that continually reinforce this belief. However. what Peters and
Waterman discovered is not new. In the 1700s. the German philosopher Gottfried
Leibnitz (cited in Biehler. 1974) conceived of man as “purposive and self-directed“
(p. 410). He opposed John Locke’s theory that the mind is a tabula rasa (blank
tablet) at birth and that humans learn only through the senses.

Later. Maslow (cited in Biehler. 1974) developed a systematic description of
a theory of motivation. similar t: Leibnitz’s view. He proposed a hierarchy of needs.

starting with physiological needs atthe bottom and working up through safety needs.

11

12

needs for belonging and love, esteem needs. the need for self-actualization. and the
desires to know and to understand. and culminating in aesthetic needs. According
to Maslow’s theory of growth motivation. when a person’s lower deﬁciency needs are
satisﬁed. he or she will feel motivated to satisfy the higher-level growth needs.
According to him. we all share these deﬁcit needs; however. we each have different
growth needs.

Subsequently. Herzberg (1968) looked at motivation as it related to the work
situation. He investigated how employees are motivated by examining events in the
lives of engineers and accountants. He concluded that there are two distinct needs
of humans. which produce job satisfaction or job dissatisfaction. However. these
needs are mutually exclusive. One has no effect on the other. nor is one dependent
on the other. Herzberg termed these two sets of needs hygiene (dissatisﬁers) and
motivators (satisﬁers). A summary of his two-factor theory of job satisfaction is: To
make pe0ple satisﬁed in the workplace. take care of the dissatisﬁers; to motivate
them, take care of the satisﬁers.

The motivator factors or growth needs that are intrinsic to the job are
achievement. recognition for achievement. the work itself. responsibility. and growth
or advancement (Herzberg. 1968). The hygiene factors or dissatisﬁers that are
extrinsic to the job include company policy and administration. supervision.
interpersonal relationships. working conditions. salary. status. and security
(Herzberg. 1968). The basic assumption made in the business world—that people

go to work to make money-is partially true. People also have the need to achieve

13

and. through achievement. to experience growth. Opportunities for growth are. and
can be. secured in the academic setting. Although female faculty advance in status
and salary (hygiene factors) by being granted tenure. they are not always selected
for academic promotion and possible advancement into academic administration
(motivators). Excluding women from signiﬁcant involvement in administration and
in the academics may preclude their ever satisfying their essential needs. Thus. the
female faculty member’s creative and productive capacity is not being used to its
fullest extent

This chapter contains a review of literature pertinent to the present research.
The amount of literature on this topic is very limited. Very little research has been
conducted speciﬁcally on black women in academe. Most research on racial/ethnic
minority Issues has treated minority groups as monolithic. Researchers have
assumed that what is true for minority men is also true for minority women. and that
what is true for white women also holds true for black women. In this chapter. the
following topics are discussed:

1. Historical perspectives on women’s advancement in higher educational
administration.

2. The history of black women in higher education.

3. The status of black women employed in higher education.

4. Social and psychological factors inﬂuencing black women’s career

aspirations.

14

. .
WWI ||l| El Ii lEII'I l'

The history ofwomen administrators in colleges and universities in the United
States ls related to the history of women’s access to higher education. Before
women were admitted to colleges as students. the only avenue to men’s colleges
was through domestic employment like kitchen work or room cleaning.

The nineteenth century was a time oftransltion in regard to the education of
women. At the beginning of the century. the majority of people opposed such
education. Debates on the danger of education surrounded the question of
education for white women. These arguments stated that higher education not only
reduced a woman’s chance of marriage but also resulted in physical and
psychological damage (Woody. 1929). However. bythe end of the century. the idea
that women would be educated became reality. It was apparent that. within a
democratic society. women must be educated. The nature of that education
remained a matter of extensive debate.

As early as 1787. Benjamin Rush. in his publication Ihougmsmﬁemalg
Education. stated that women should be educated to become “stewards and
guardians“ of the family assets. And Noah Webster (cited in Perkins. 1983) warned
that 'education is always wrong which raises a woman above her station“ (p. 20).
Even as high schools for women became available before the Civil War. historian
Thomas Woody (1929). in his seminal history of women's education. noted that the
primary purposes of such institutions were to (a) extend the scope of female

education. (b) increase the social usefulness of women. and (c) train teachers for the

15
lower grades as apposed to the preparation for college. which was the primary aim
of the male high school.

Observers of the early nineteenth century frequently have cited the
emergence of the “cult of true womanhood' as signiﬁcantly shaping women’s
education during this period (Perkins. 1983). This concept of the ‘true woman“
emphasized innocence. modesty. piety. purity. submissiveness. and domesticity.
Female education was necessary for the molding of the ideal woman. Such
education reinforced the idea of women’s natural position of subordination and
focused on women's being loving wives and good mothers. Literacy was deemed
important forthe reading of the Bible and other religious materials (Perkins. 1983).
And needlepoint. painting. music. art. and French dominated the curriculum of
'female' educaﬁon (Cott. 1977; Rosenberg. 1982; Rothman. 1978; Welter. 1966).
This 'true womanhood' model was designed for upper- and middle—class white
women. although poorer white women could aspire to that status.

The early decades of the nineteenth century witnessed a dramatic shift in the
social and economic fabric of the nation. The growth of factories and increased
industry provided employment outside the home. mm the coming of urbanization
and industrialization. a new role for women emerged. In the early nineteenth
century. women’s 'proper sphere” was emphasized as being within the home
(Rothman. 1978). Throughout the antebellum years. white women were deluged
with sermons and speeches stressing the 'duty' of a “true woman“ (Perkins. 1983).

These speeches and sermons were reinforced by a proliferation of magazine and

16

journal articles and other printed materials that focused on instructing women about
their proper sphere (Cott. 1977).

in the United States. higher education for women was begun in the 18205 and
1830s. with the founding of seminaries for white women. Emma Willard established
the Troy Female Seminary in New York in 1821. She was the ﬁrst person to have
a vision of an institution that would give women an awdemic education that would
make them qualiﬁed to teach in any school in the country. Historian Ann Firor Scott
(1979) pointed out in her study of the Troy Female Seminary that the school
combined the true-womanhood ideal with feminist values. Under the direction of
Emma Willard. the institution sought to preserve the traditional social and political
status of women while challenging the notion of women’s Inferior intellectual status.
Despite this challenge to society’s view of the intellectual inferiority of women. the
Troy Seminary lnstilled within its students the belief that “feminine delicacy . . . was
a primary and indispensable virtue” (Perkins. 1983. p. 20).

Shortly afterwards. in 1832. Catharine Beecher established the Hartford
Seminary in Connecticut along the same lines as the Troy Female Seminary and
later wrote widely about the need for better educated wives and mothers. The ﬁnal
member of this trio of founding mothers of women’s academic education was Mary
Lyon. who In 1837 established Mount Holyoke Seminary in Massachusetts. These
women saw a need for better training for women to be more capable wives and
mothers and. before marriage. teachers. They served as the ﬁrst female

administrators in women’s educational history. Other such seminaries proliferated

17
in the nation before the Civil War. These institutions began the professional training

of female teachers. However. few opened their doors to black women on a

continuous basis.

Studies of the students and graduates of white female high schools and
seminaries have conﬁrmed that marriage usually terminated the employment of the
women educated in those institutions. Teaching. the predominant profession of
those women. was merely a way-station until matrimony. Scott’s ( 1979) work on
Troy women students and graduates during the period from 1822 through 1872
Indicated that only 6% worked during marriage and that only 26% worked at any time
during their lives. Although the majority of the student population taught at some
point in their lives. most did so for fewer than ﬁve years. Only 6% made teaching a
lifetime profession.

After the Civil War. the ﬁrst real colleges for women were established. Their
purposes differed little from those of the Troy Seminary or Mount Holyoke. Of the
ﬁrst three women’s colleges. Vassar (1865). Wellesley (1875). and Smith (1875).
only the third had a female benefactor. And only Wellesley opened Its doors with a
female president. Jane Howard. a Mount Holyoke graduate. However. she served
only in a nominal role because Henry Fowle Durant. the school’s benefactor. actually
ran the school (Solomon. 1985).

In 1884. Bryn Mawr was founded by Joseph Taylor as a conservative Quaker

institution to train mothers. However. its dean and second president. Martha Carey

18

Thomas. changed its purpose to one of equaling the academic rigor of the best of
men’s universities. She served as the ﬁrst effective woman in college administration.
At the same time as the ﬁrst oﬁicial women’s colleges were founded. two other forms
of women’s higher education were emerging. The more conservative of the two was
the coordinate college. a women’s college run in conjunction with a men’s college.
An example of a coordinate college is Barnard College for women. established by
Columbia University in 1889. Harvard established Radcliffe in 1894 to
accommodate the demands of the wives. sisters. and daughters of Harvard alumni
who sought a Harvard education for themselves. Other examples of the coordinate
arrangement are Pembroke with Brown and SOphie Newcomb with Tulane.

Althoughthe administrative structures of coordinate women’s colleges varied.
a female was likely to be hired as the dean or possibly president but reported to a
male administrator in the adjoining male school. Some coordinate colleges hired
their own faculty. who were sometimes moonlighting faculty from the adjoining men’s
institution. and a few shared faculty with the men’s institution. Whatever the
arrangement. in most cases the coordinate college remained heavily dependent on
the good will of male administrators in men’s institutions.

The second alternative to single-sex education was coeducation. Oberlin
College in Ohio is rightly credited with being the ﬁrst coeducational college in the
United States. with its policy to admit women to its secondary program from the
college’s founding in 1834 and to its collegiate program in 1837 (Fairchild. 1883).

A number of other small private midwestern institutions such as Olivet and Antioch

19

followed Oberlin’s lead. Although a philosophical conviction of the equality of the
sexes was the major reason for the admission decisions. the need for enough
students to make the institutions viable was an equally compelling reason for
women’s admission.

The ﬁrst public institutions to adopt the coeducational model were in the West
and the Midwest. The University of Washington opened as a coeducational
institution in 1862. The University of Iowa. founded in 1856. became coeducational
in 1860. The University of WIsconsin became coeducational in 1860. and the
University of Michigan did so in 1870. They were gradually followed by nearly all
public state universities. with the University of Virginia being the last to admit women
as undergraduates. in 1971. under federal court order.

The move to coeducation virtually guaranteed that one administrative position
at each institution would be ﬁlled by a woman: a clean of women or a position with
a different name but similar duties. Although this position gave women a start in
university administration. chances of advancement from it were slim. The twentieth
century has witnessed the continuance and evolution of all three kinds of women’s
higher education-single sex. coordinate. and coeducational-but a somewhat limited
growth in the numbers of women administrators.

Women’s colleges continued to have the most women administrators. except
in the South. where men usually have held presidencies. Roman Catholic women’s
colleges. established early in the century. often had female administrators. largely

because they were founded by sisterhoods. As late as 1984 they still had the

20
highest proportion of women presidents of any group of colleges or universities in
the country (Ofﬁce of Women in Higher Education. 1984).

Coordinate colleges continued to thrive through the ﬁrst half of the twentieth
century. thus offering another outlet for the talents of female administrators. In the
1960s and 1970s. the status of a number of these institutions changed. reﬂecting
contemporary demands for educational equity and more sexually integrated
education. Radcliffe women began receiving a Harvard diploma in 1965. and now
diplomas are awarded by Harvard-Radcliffe. Columbia did not actually admit women
undergraduates until 1983. Despite these changes. women administrators continue
to be highly sought after by the historically coordinate institutions.

Women’s admission as students to coeducational institutions in the twentieth
century did not necessarily make women administrators-or faculty-—welcome. At the
University of California at Berkeley. Lucy Sprague Mitchell. who served as dean of
womer. in the early 1900s. and Jessica Peixotto. a female faculty member. felt so
much hostility from male colleagues that they never attended a faculty meeting
(Antler. 1988).

As land grant institutions developed home economics programs. women were
hired to direct them. but again the opportunities for advancement into upper levels
of university administration were limited (lhle. 1991). Women faculty and
administrators became the norm in departments such as nursing. public health. and
home economics but often were excluded from mainstream disciplines and

administrative responsibilities (lhle. 1991).

21

An obvious conclusion from this brief overview of the history of women in
educational administration Is that. until very recently. women administrators have
had more opportunity to excel In women’s colleges and coordinate institutions than
in coeducational ones. The historical perspective on women’s advancement in
higher educational administration was reviewed. As stated. the education of women
was affected by the traditional role ascribed to women and the perceptions of the
past For purposes of this dissertation. however. a historical perspective is not

complete without a review of the history of black women In higher education.

Winn

What higher education means has always varied according to the historical
time and context. Both before and after the Civil War. many schools and colleges
offered a combination of liberal arts and practical training. in the late nineteenth
century. the growth of private secondary schools and the establishment of public
high schools paved the way for more advanced collegiate study. The term “higher
education“ often applied to any studies beyond the elementary level. although the
rate of educational development varied from region to region (Solomon. 1992). For
example. southemers in the 18805 labeled as higher education what is now
considered to be high school education. and even that education was a privilege
available only to relatively few peOple.

During the same time period. however. other parts of the country were
experiencing a signiﬁcant expansion in the number of public high schools. When

substantial populations of students were receiving a high school education. colleges

22
could raise their academic standards. As a result. the term “higher education“
became. equated with what might be considered at least two years of college today
and. later. four years.

The black women who pursued college work in the nineteenth century truly
were pioneers as the desirability of a college education for women of any race was
still a debatable matter. As schools and. later. colleges for blacks opened in the
decades following the Civil War. the goals and content of black women’s education
frequently were discussed. One such discussion concerned the moral improvement
of the race.

The great concern for morality has been used to justify black women’s
education. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. a commonly held
idea. particularly among whites. was that black women tended to be promiscuous.
Such a stereotype was clearly an affront to the moral reputation of black women.
Whether or not they believed in this negative label. educators of blacks used the
myth as a compelling argument for the further schooling of women. One such
educator was William T. Alexander (1887). He embraced the widely accepted
nineteenth-century belief that women were the key to the moral improvement of the
human race through their inﬂuence in family life and therefore should be educated
with this idea in mind. Alexander’s belief in black womanhood can be summarized
in‘the following statement:

Let her never be persuaded to forget that she is sent into the world to teach

man that there is something more necessary than the claiming of rights. and

that is the performing of duties; to teach him also that her rights should be
respected. and her wrongs redressed; that her education should be such as

23

to draw out her powers of mind to the best advantage and their fullest extent:

that there is something more than intellect, and that is purity and virtue.

(Solomon. 1992. p. 46)

Alexander. however. offered no speciﬁcs as to the content of black women’s higher
education. Also. he made no reference to the necessity of preparing black women
to work outside the home. unlike other educators of the time.

Other educators expressed their views on the perceptions of the moral
conditions of the black woman by investigating reports made by others. They
determined that the “extraordinarily strict regulations still in force in their schools
during the 19203 were prompted by a racist belief that Negroes were particularly
sensuous beings who could not discipline themselves and were not prepared to
exercise free will“ (Solomon. 1992. p. 50). However. upon further investigation. they
concluded:

It appears that many of the Negro woman’s [college] rules and regulations

may possibly have been predicated on reasons relating to her foremother’s

sex role as a slave. . . . Her education in many instances appears to have
been based on a philosophy which implied that she was weak and immoral
and that at best she should be made ﬁt to rear her children and to keep house

for her husband. (Solomon. 1992. p. 51)

The second and foremost reason given for educating black women was for
“race uplift“ (Perkins. 1983. p. 17). For black women. education served as an
avenue for the improvement of their race. Unlike their white counterparts. whose
education was based on the true-womanhood philosophy. black women’s education
was based on the philosophy of race uplift during the nineteenth century. For white

women. education served as a vehicle for developing homemaking skills and for

reinforcing the role of wife and mother. as well as a milieu for ﬁnding a potential

24

husband. For black women. education served as an avenue for the improvement
of their race. This education was for the entire race. and its purpose was to assist
in the economical. educational. and social improvement of their enslaved and later
emancipated race (Perkins. 1981).

During the period of the development of the norm of true womanhood.
antebellum blacks struggled to abolish slavery and obtain equality in the nation. The
theme of race uplift became the motto In black communities throughout the nation.
One of the earliest black female educational societies. the Female Literary
Association of Philadelphia. combined educational and civic objectives for the
group’s purposes. The preamble of the organization’s constitution reﬂected the
women’s commitment to the philosophy of race uplift. It contained the following
statement:

[It is our duty]. as daughters of a despised race. to use our utmost endeavors

to enlighten the understanding. to cultivate the talents entrusted to our

keeping. that by so doing. we may in a great measure. break down the strong
barrier of prejudice. and raise ourselves to an equality with those of our fellow

beings. who differ from us in complexion. (Perkins. 1983. p. 19)

Unlike their white counterparts. black women were encouraged to become
educated to aid in the improvement of their race. An article entitled “To the Females
of Colour.“ which appeared in the January 7. 1837. issue of the New York black
newspaper. IheﬂeeklyAdmgam. urged black women to obtain an education. The
article stated:

In any enterprise for the improvement of our people. either moral or mental.

our hands would be palsied without women’s inﬂuence. . . . Let our beloved

female friends. then. rouse up. and exert all their power. in encouraging. and
sustaining this effort [educational] which we have made to disabuse the public

 

25

mind ofthe misrepresentations made of our character; and to showthe world.

that there is virtue among us. though concealed; talent. though buried:

intelligence. though overlooked. (Perkins. 1983. p. 19) '

Although blacks perceived education as “uplifting.“ most whites viewed the
education of blacks as threatening to their position of dominance. By the time of
emancipation in 1863. every southem state had laws prohibiting the education of
slaves. and in many instances of free blacks as well (Woodson. 1919/1968).
However. before the 1830s. there were scattered opportunities for both free blacks
and slaves in the nation to become literate. Catherine Ferguson. a slave who
purchased herfreedom. took advantage of such opportunities. In 1793. she took 48
children and opened Katy Ferguson's School forthe poor in New York City. In 1820.
15-year-old Marla Becraft opened the ﬁrst boarding school for black gins in
Washington. DC. By the 1830s. the number of black female graduates of schools
run by whites had increased sufﬁciently to staff black schools in many communities.

The Institute for Colored Youth in Philadelphia became the training ground for
a corps of women teachers who signiﬁcantly raised the educational level of black
schools and whose training could match that of the female graduates of white
seminaries. In 1851. Myrtilla Miner. a white woman. opened a teachers’ training
school for black girls in Washington. DC. Despite ﬁerce opposition. lack of funds.
harassment. and violence. she managed to maintain the school until 1859. it was
on this foundation that her close associates continued. after the Civil War. to train

teachers for the freedmen in Miners Teachers College. which is known today as

District of Columbia Teachers College.

26

The decades of the 1830s and 1840s, in which free blacks sought access to
educational institutions in the North. paralleled the founding of seminaries for white
women. However. few seminaries opened their doors to black women. Advanced
education was denied to black women longer than it was to white women. As a
result. black and white women moved into the professions at different paces.

In 1833. Oberlin College administrators decided to admit both women and
blacks on an equal basis with white men. Only nine black women could take
advantage of this opportunity before 1871. and of these nine. only four graduated in
1870. Most of the earliest black college graduates. male and female. were Oberlin
. graduates (DuBois. 19090). in 1862. Oberlin bestowed the ﬁrst baccalaureate
degree on a black woman. Mary Jane Patterson. This event. happening before the
Emancipation Proclamation was issued. marks the beginning of higher education for
black women in the United States.

It is signiﬁcant that the ﬁrst black woman college graduate received her
training In a coeducational school and that a vast majority of black women. since
then. have graduated from the same type of college. Coeducational schools were
fostered primarily because they were less costly; southern states were not willing to
set up separate colleges for men and for women because the overhead costs would
have been doubled. Church organizations and other educational agencies have
followed the same course. not always convinced that coeducation was the better

course. but recognizing that it was the more expedient one.

 

27
It was not atypical for black families to relocate to Oberlin for the education

oftheir daughters. When Fanny Jackson Coppin entered Oberlin in 1860. no black
women In the nation had a college degree and very few black men were attempting
higher education. Fanny Jackson Coppin expressed in her autobiography of 1913
that. from girlhood. her greatest ambition was “to get an education and to help [my]
people“ (Perkins. 1983. p. 21). Anna J. Cooper (1882). an Oberlin graduate of 1884
whose papers are housed at Howard University. stated that she decided to attend
college while in kindergarten and devoted her entire life to the education of her race.
Mary Church Terrell. also an Oberlin graduate ,of 1884. jeopardized her inheritance
when her father. who wanted her to model her life on the upper-class-white true-
womanhood ideal. threatened to disinherit her if she worked aﬂer graduating from
Oberlin.

The history of the education of black women. therefore. does not parallel
exactly that of white women. By the time Vassar College was founded in 1865. at
least three black women had been awarded the degree of Bachelor of Arts from
Oberlin College. At the close of the Civil War. coeducational colleges for blacks
sprang up in various places in the South. and the real education of black women
began. Howard University. founded in 1867; Fisk University. founded in 1865;
Atlanta University. founded in 1867; Shaw University. founded in 1865; Straight
College. founded in 1869; and Tougaloo. founded in 1869. are among the important

institutions that admitted women and men on the same basis. Those who entered

28

coeducational colleges studied the same subjects that men did. Indeed. there was
only one course for students to follow-the traditional classical course.

Race uplift was the expected objective of all educated blacks. However. after
the Civil War. responsibility for implementing this philosophy was placed primarily
on the shoulders of black women. Women were prominent among the many
educated blacks who migrated or returned south after emancipation to aid in the
transition of emancipated blacks from slavery to freedom. Scores of black women
went south to engage In the massive effort to educate the newly emancipated blacks
(Blassingame. 1973; Williams. 1883).

Catapulted into a society that placed them in a most disadvantaged economic
position. black women sought employment upon graduation. The majority of these
graduates were in the teaching profession. which traditionally had been the main
occupation for blacks and women. Teaching had provided the original justiﬁcation
for higher education. But the twentieth century opened other possibilities. Social
work and school administration became options. with a few rarer possibilities in law.
medicine. and business.

However. at the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. many
elite blacks embraced the white male true-womanhood ideal of the 1820s and
18305. As were New England white women of the antebellum period. black women
were expected to be self-sacriﬁcing and dutiful wives. Speeches and articles
abound citing black women as the nurturers and the guardians. not the thinkers or

leaders. of the race (Laney. 1899). Most black women educators accepted that

29

charge. By the end of the nineteenth century. sexism had increased signiﬁcantly
among educated blacks. It was clear that many black men viewed women as their
intellectual subordinates and not capable of assuming leadership positions.

Fanny Coppin headed the prestigious Institute for Colored Youth in
Philadelphia. the oldest black private high school in the nation. from 1869 to 1901.
After Coppin was forced to retire in 1901. the school was henceforth headed by
black men. Likewise. the prestigious. oldest black public high school in the nation.
M Street School in Washington. D.C.. was initially headed by a black woman. Mary
Jane Patterson. Patterson served as assistant principal to Coppin at the Institute for
Colored Youth from 1865 to 1869 and was appointed principal of M Street School
in 1869. She was removed several years later so that a male could head the
Institution. Anna Julia Cooper also served brieﬂy as principal of M Street School.
from 1901 to 1906. but was dismissed for refusing to adhere to the inferior
curriculum prescribed for black students.

in the mid-tvventieth century. black college-educated women continued to
voice their concerns and opinions. despite the sexism of their male counterparts.
They cited discrimination when they saw it in various forms. They spoke both of
their own needs and of those of black women pursuing higher education. They
began to produce leaders in higher education. One such black woman was Hattie
Simmons Kelly. She was a student at Tuskegee from 191 1 to 1915 and later served

as dean of education and dean of women at that institution.

30

Another educational leader was Mary McLeod Bethune. Later in life she
became a national ﬁgure as the ﬁrst black woman to be a high-ranking federal
administrator. She began her career by founding a school for black women in 1904.
It became coeducational when It merged with Cookman Institute for boys in 1923.
At Bethune-Cookman College. Bethune became the ﬁrst black woman college
president. serving until 1947. Lucy B. Slowe was enormously inﬂuential in black
women's higher education. She was a founding member of the National Association
of Deans of Women and Advisors to Girls in Negro Schools. and she was dean of
women at Howard University from 1923 until her death in 1937.

On July 1. 1930. Mary E. Branch became the president of Tillotson Teachers
College in Austin. Texas. and served In that capacity until her death In 1944. During
her tenure. Branch made the all-women’s school coeducational. largely as a means
of increasing the college’s enrollment and maintaining its viability. The institution
survl.es today as the coeducational Huston-Tillotson College. The lesser known of
the two surviving black women’s colleges. Bennett in North Carolina. appointed its
ﬁrst woman president. Wilma Playera. in 1955. more than three decades before
Spelman made history in 1987 with the appointment of Johnnetta Cole as its ﬁrst
woman president.

This brief review of the literature has provided a sampling of the dreams.
obstacles. disappointments. and achievements in the history of black women’s
higher education. Progress at many times was slow and occasionally nonexistent.

disheartening to all but the determined pioneers who made a difference. With their

31
tenacity. faith. talent. and dedication. these pioneering black women raised the
educational level of their communities by founding schools. Some of the institutions
have survived to the present day as private schools as seminaries.

Women of both races who advanced to higher education were grossly
underrepresented in the professions. However. black women were somewhat better
represented than white women. The relatively greater visibility of black women in
the professions may have been due to the fact that they. whether married or not.
were of necessity more likely to work than were white women. This reality was
reﬂected in the way black families raised their daughters to accept work or a career
as a natural part of their lives. This may have served to equip black women for the
demands of a professional career better than most white women. in whom career

demands often set up role conﬂicts and uncertainty as to their femininity.

II E [El I!!! E | Hill El l'

Over the past decade. blacks have made tremendous gains in education.
They are graduating from colleges and universities in unprecedented numbers.
Blacks now make up 6.4% of all graduate school students. A decade ago. in 1984.
blacks made up only 5% of all graduate school enrollments (see Figure 2.1). As
well. blacks have made impressive gains in professional school enrollments. Some
21.000 blacks were enrolled in professional schools in 1994. up from 13,000 in 1984

(see Figure 2.2).

32

0005
130 T

110-
90:-
70-

 

50

 

I T I I U

1984

Figure 2.1: Total black student enrollments in graduate schools.

Source: US. Department of Education.

 

 

0005

25-

20-—

15-

10 I I I I I ' .ﬁ
1984 1994

Figure 2.2: Total black student enrollments in professional schools.

Source: US. Department of Education.

33
As black enrollments have risen In the 19905. the pattem of enrollment has

reﬂected a tendency for more black students to attend historically black institutions
(HBls). Approximately 38% of all black students attended HBls in 1992. an increase
of 10 percentage points from 1982 (Daren. Bagaka’s. & LI. 1997). Black women are
dominating higher education. It is believed that black women have an apparent
advantage In college enrollments because they make up a large portion of the
enrollment at community and junior colleges. Indeed. according to the US.
Department of Education enrollment ﬁgures for 1992. women comprised 59% of
enrollees at two-year institutions.

However. the huge educational advantage black women have over black men
is not restricted to two-year institutions. The educational gap between black men
and women is large. and growing. at every level of higher education; Black women
do make up 63% of all blacks in two-year colleges. but they also make up 60% of all
blacks in four-year institutions. And nearly 100.000 more black womer. attend four-
year institutions than attend two-year colleges (“News and VIews.“ 1994/1995.
p. 49). Both black and white women earn more bachelor’s degrees than do men of
their race. and more black and white women earn master’s degrees than do men.
For blacks. the advantage women have over men continues for those who earn ﬁrst
professional degrees and doctorates. whereas white men have an advantage over
white women in these categories.

Black women are increasing their lead over black men in almost every area

of educational attainment. and in many areas they are closing the educational gap

34
with white women. In 1994. black women made up 898,000. or 62%. of the
1,448,000 blacks enrolled in higher education (see Figure 2.3). The huge gap in
enrollments between black men and women continues to widen. in 1984. women
made up 59% of all black enrollments. In 1993. women made up 60.5% of all black
enrollments (“Black Enrollments.“ 1995/1996. p. 66). Black women are far more
likely to graduate from high school than are black men. More than 36% of black
women who graduate from high school enroll in college. compared to only 34% of

black male high school graduates (“Black Enrollments.“ 1995/1996. p. 66).

0005
1.000 — 1994

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2.3: Black women have a huge edge over black men in college enrollments.

Source: US. Department of Education.

35

Enrollment at the historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs)
continues to soar. In 1993. total enrollment at 107 HBCUs was 284,247. up 2.5%
from 1992 and up 32% from 1982 (“Black Enrollments,“ 1995/1996. p. 56). Black
women make up 60% of all black enrollments at HBCUs (“Black Enrollments.“
1995/1996. p. 56). Most of the recent gains by blacks in medical school can be
attributed to gains by black women. In 1994. black women made up 56.4% of all
black medical school graduates (see Figure 2.4). That was a 12.5% increase from

1982. Black medical school graduates reached an all-time high in 1994.

Percent

70-

60.6 60.5

60—
50—
4o—
30—

 

 

1982 1994 1982 1994 1982 1994

Applicants New Entrants Graduates

Figure 2.4: Percentage of all black medical school applicants. new entrants. and
graduates who were women. 1982 and 1994.

Source: Association of American Medical Colleges. (1994. November).

36
Blacks make up 62% of all medical school graduates (see Figure 2.5). More
than half of the black medical school graduates are women. However. blacks make
up only 2.1% of the faculty at the predominantly white medical schools (see Figure
2.6). This number is certainly disproportionate to the number of black women

graduates.

 

Reached an All-Time
High in 1994

llllillllilllllll
1978 1994

1000
900 M
800
Black Graduates
700
600

 

 

 

Blacks Now Make Up 6.2 Percent of
All Medical School Graduates

6 _ 56 5‘9

 

 

1978 1982 1986 1990 1994

 

 

 

Figure 2.5: Black medical school graduates.

Source: Association of American Medical Colleges. (1994. November).

37

70.000 -I
60.000 -

Ii

50.000 -
40.000 .-
30.ooo «-

20.000 -
10.472

10.000 J .

Black White Other
0 Figures exclude faculty of Howard. Madness, and
Mehmy medical schools.

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2.6: Blacks make up 2.1% of faculty at the predominantly white medical
schools.

Source: Association of American Medical Colleges. (1994. November).

The number of blacks earning Ph.D. degrees reached a 10-year high in 1993.
posting a signiﬁcant increase of 15% from 961 in 1992 to 1.106 in 1993 (“Black
Enrollments.“ 1995/1996. p. 58) (see Figure 2.7). Black women earned more than
three-ﬁfths (60.2%) of all doctorates awarded to blacks. However. doctoral awards
for blacks continue to be concentrated in the ﬁeld of education (see Figures 2.8 and

2.9).

38

Percent Percent
70 -— 70 —
\ .
Black 602% White \
60 — 55.3%

44.7%

10”“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Men Women

Figure 2.7: Black women are earning three-ﬁfths of all doctorates awarded to
blacks. whereas white women earn only 44% of all doctorates

awarded to whites.
Source: National Research Council. (1993).

' . Washington.
DC: Author.

39

 

Physical Sciences
Engineering
Life Sciences

Social Sciences

BEBE].

Humanities

Education

I}?

 

Other

E

 

 

 

Figure 2.8: Only 7.4% of all black doctorates were awarded in science and
engineering. whereas almost half were awarded in education.

Source: National Research Council. (1993).

" . Washington.
0.0.: Author.

40

Only 9.8 percent of all black doctorates are in the physical sciences and
engineering compared with 36.2 percent of white doctorates. More than 44
percent of all black doctorates were earned in the ﬁeld of education
whereas only 21 percent of white doctorates were in the ﬁeld of education.

Physical Sciences 4.8%
Other 8.8%

   
  
 

Engineering 4.0%

Life Sciences
10.6%

Social Sciences

Education 1 8.3%

44.1%

Humanities 9.3%

Figure 2.9: Distribution of black doctorates. by discipline. 1994.

Source: National Research Council.

41

Although the number of doctorates awarded to blacks in the physical sciences
and engineering rose in 1994. the total continues to be essentially insigniﬁcant. Only
eight blacks earned Ph.D. degrees in mathematics. six in computer science. and
nine in physics (“Black Enrollments.“ 1995/1996. p. 58). More than 3.500 doctorates
were awarded in these three ﬁelds nationwide. Whites were about four times as
likely as blacks to earn doctorates in the physical sciences and engineering. Blacks
earned no doctorates whatsoever in a number of key scientiﬁc disciplines. as shown
in Table 2.1.

The dominant presence of black women in higher education also appears in
the elite schools of the Ivy League. some of which were entirely closed to women
until the 19705. At all eight Ivy League institutions today. black women outnumber
black men. As shown in Figure 2.10. black women represent 58.1% of all black
students at Columbia. At Brown. Harvard. and Yale. black women comprise more
than 57% of the black enrollment. The black gender gap is smallest at Comell.
There. black women make up 53% of all black students.

The growing presence of black women on the campuses of the Ivy League
institutions has far-reaching implications. If black women are increasingly winning
places at the nation’s most prestigious colleges. it is reasonable to assume that
these women will be selected for the nation’s top positions. The fact that black
women are achieving greater success atthe nation’s premier educational institutions
will further widen the economic earnings and employment gap between black

women and black men.

42

Table 2.1: The total absence of black doctorates in key disciplines.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Discipline Total Ph.D.s Black Ph.D.s
Number theory 36 0
Topology 35 0
Astronomy 65 0
Astrophysics 78 0
Nuclear physics 90 0
Meteorology 32 0
Oceanography 91 0
I Marine sciences 34 0
Bioengineering 175 0
Agricultural engineering 89 0
Engineering mechanics 132 0
Petroleum engineering 42 0
Biophysics 123 0
Ecology 201 0
Toxicology 119 0
Plant physiology 70 0
rZoology 1 17 0
; Archaeology 34 0
I Total 1.563 0

 

 

Source: National Research Council.

43

 

[ I Black Men a Black Women J

 

300 —

250 —

200 -—

150-—

100—

 

 

MF MF MP MP MP MP MP MF

Brown Columbia Cornell Dartmouth Harvard UPenn Princeton Yale

Figure 2.10: Black women outnumber black men at all eight ivy League institutions.
1994-1995 academic year.

Source: “The Growing Gender Gap in Black Higher Education.“ (1994.
Spring). JnumaLQLBlacksjnglicbeLEducatlcn. 2.52.

However. this is not the case. There are still relatively few black women in
academia. They continue to lag behind black men (Drummond. 1995; Leap. 1995;
Park. 1996). Black women still lag far behind black men in faculty appointments. as

well. In 1991. black men held 13.107 of the 24,611 or 53% of the faculty posts held

44
by blacks (“Growing Gender Gap.“ 1994. p. 22) (see Figure 2.11). This is the same
percentage that existed a decade earlier. In 1981. Black men have an even larger
advantage over black women in the highest faculty ran ks. in 1991 . there were 1 .106
black women who held the rank of full professor at America's institutions of higher
teaming (see Figure 2.11). That same year. more than twice as many black men-
2.466 in all—were full professors. Black women made up 31% of all black full
professors. 5.2% of all women full professors. and 0.8% of full professors in the

United States (“Growing Gender Gap.“ 1994. p. 22).

All Faculty F u" Professors
1991

14,000 —- 2 500 _

12.000 —
10.000 -—
8.000 -—
6,000 —
4.000 ._

2.000 j
0

Source: US. Department of Education

2.000 -

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black Black Black Black
Men Women Men Women

Figure 2.11: Gender comparison of black faculty in the United States.

Source: US. Department of Education.

45

At the associate professor level. where a very large majority of the faculty
posts are tenured. black women also have a higher representation but continue to
lag behind black men. In 1991 . there were 2.018 black women associate professors.
compared to 2.924 black men (“Growing Gender Gap.“ 1994. p. 22). Black women
made up 41% of all black associate professors. 6.2% of all women associate
professors. and 1.7% of all associate professors In the nation (“Growing Gender
Gap.“ 1994. p. 22). Atthe assistant professor and Instructor levels. black women are
represented in numbers roughly equal to black men.

In compaiison to their white counterparts. black women lag behind them in
full-time faculty membership. tenured faculty positions. and median salary (see
Figures 2.12 through 2.15). In examining these ﬁgures. it can be concluded that
black women are underrepresented in the highest faculty ranks. There is a
disproportionate number of black women In the associate professor rank and a
majority of black women in the lower faculty ranks. This also conﬁrms the ﬁndings
from studies done by Astin. Kern. and Lewis (1991). Billard (1994). Sandler (1993).
and the US. Department of Education (1991). indicating that female professors in
the academy are found in lower-paying. less prestigious. and less secure positions.
If black women earned more than three-ﬁfths of all doctorates awarded to blacks.
they should have progressed along the tenure track in sufficient numbers to win
associate or full professor status. However. the statistics indicate that black women
are not achieving high-level faculty posts in proportion to the number of black women

who are earning doctorates.

 

Man

Figure 2.12: Distribution of full-time female faculty members. by race. 1991.
Source: US. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

Am“ .HBP‘mc .3“
2.770 2. 3% A
Black Female

 

- 6.6%

 

Figure 2.13: Percentage of tenured female faculty members. by race. 1991.

Source: US. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

47

Median Salary of Full-time Female Faculty Members,

White
American Indian
$38,712 $38,513

 

 

 

FigUre 2.14: Median salary of full-time female faculty members. by race. 1991.

Source: US. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

48

 

Tenure of
Full-Time Women
Faculty

Members, by
Ethnicity 1991

White

Other Tenured

Faculty 30%
40.4%

 

 

 

Non-Tenured
On-Track
29%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2.15: Tenure of full-time women faculty members. by ethnicity. 1991.

Source: US. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

49

in 1981. black women were being appointed to assistant professorships at
about the same rate as black men (“News and Views.“ 1995). During the decade
that followed. these appointees should have had sufﬁcient time to move along the
tenure track to higher-level faculty appointments. Yet. In 1991. the percentage of
black women in associate and full professor posts trailed that of black men; in
addition. black women showed very little progress in closing the gap from a decade
earlier. This suggests that academic appointments in higher education continue to
be driven by strong institutional preferences for men. This evidence negates the
myth that it is more advantageous to be black and female. known as the “twofer" (a
black woman hiree who improves a university’s diversity ﬁgures on two levels
(Epstein. 1973. p. 5). This would lead one to believe that black women would be
hired at a rate far exceeding that of black men. Yet this is not the case.

The failure of black women to make major inroads into high-level faculty
positions at American institutions of higher teaming is illustrated by the example of
Harvard University. The ﬁrst black woman at Harvard to be appointed to a full
professorship with tenure was Eileen Southern. in the Department of African
American Studies. This appointment did not occur until 1975. 245 years after the
founding of Harvard College.

Today. black women make up 3.3% of all women faculty at Harvard. but only
0.8% of the total faculty (see Figure 2.16). Only two black women out of a faculty
of some 2.000 teach at Harvard University. Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham has a joint

appointment in Harvard’s Department of African American Studies and as a

50

professor at the Harvard Divinity School. The only other black woman faculty

member at Harvard University is Caroline Minter Hoxby. an untenured assistant

professor of economics.

All Facult}

60-
50-
40..
30_
20—

Ioj
o

 

55

 

Black
Men

 

Black
Women

 

1995

Tenured iir Tenure-Truck

35-
30—
25—
20—
15—
10-

5

0

 

33

 

 

Black Black
Men Women

Note: Faculty ﬁgures do not include Harvard Medical School.

Figure 2.16: Distribution of black faculty at Harvard University. by gender. 1995.

Source: Harvard University's Afﬁrmative Action Plan. (1995).

in 1995. 20 black women were on the faculty of Harvard University. Three

had tenure (“News and Views.“ 1995. p. 23). Three others were so-called ladder

faculty or on tenure track. Eight additional black women were on the faculty of

Harvard Medical School; one had tenure. Excluding the medical school, black

51
women make up only 26% of the black faculty at Harvard. a rate far below the ratio
of black women faculty to black men faculty in the nation as a whole.
Turning now to the administrative level. since 1981 the number of black
administrators has been increasing. in 1989. the percentage of black administrators
was 8.6%. and in 1991 it was 8.7%. Figure 2.17 indicates an increase in the number

of black administrators. but it does not reﬂect what administrative positions.

 

 
 
 

1 1.796 1 13%
Percentage of All
12.000 - Administrators
Who Are Black
10.000 —

 

 

 

8.000 —-
6.000 —

4.000 —

 

2.000 —

 

 

 

1981 1989 1991

Figure 2.17: Percentages of black administrators at US. colleges and universities.
1981. 1989. and 1991.

Source: US. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

Looking at the results of the advancement of blacks in key administrative
roles over the past eight years (1986 to 1993) is not encouraging. The employment
information displayed in Table 2.2 was derived from the 1986 and 1994 annual

reports of the College and University Personnel Association (CUPA). Looking at the

52

ﬁgures for 1993. it can be seen that the position with the largest majority of minorities
in leadership roles is Director of Afﬁrmative Action (68.6%). which was an increase
of 14.9% from 1986. The percentages of minorities in most of the leadership roles

remained basically the same from 198610 1993.

Table 2.2: Percentage of minorities in leadership roles. 1986 and 1993.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

r————'1§E_—T
Position Title White Minority White Minority

Chief Executive Ofﬁcer 93.1 6.9 93.5 6.5
Chief Academic Ofﬁcer 93.1 6.9 93.2 6.8
Chief Business Officer 93.8 6.2 94.5 5.5
Chief of Student Affairs 87.4 12.6 84.4 15.6
Chief of Development 95.3 4.7 96.0 4.0
Chief of Public Relations 96.0 4.0 94.9 5.1
Chief of Personnel 87.8 12.2 84.8 15.2
Chief Budgeting Ofﬁcer 93.6 6.4 90.9 9.1
Learning Resources Director 88.6 11.4 90.8 9.2
Grants/Contracts Admin. 91.3 8.7 91.1 8.9 l
Afﬁrmative Action Director 46.3 53.7 31.4 68.6 H
Chief Physical Plant 93.8 6.2 94.2 5.8 II
Student Activities Director 86.8 13.2 89.1 10.9
Campus Security Director 84.4 15.6 87.6 12.4
Information Systems Director 96.1 3.9 95.8 4.2
News Bureau Director 97.9 2.1 94.9 5.1
Financial Aid Director 85.1 14.9 85.9 14.1
Student Placement Director 90.3 9.7 89.2 10.9

 

 

53

Table 2.2: Continued.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

-—————r—'———T————1
Position Title 1986 1993
White Minority White Minority

Student Counseling Director 87.2 12.8 86.4 13.6
Athletic Director 94.2 5.8 91.1 8.9
Alumni Affairs Director 94.4 5.6 93.8 6.2
Arts/Sciences Dean 92.0 8.0 91.5 8.5
Business Dean 92.9 7.1 90.8 9.2
Continuing Education Dean 92.2 7.8 91.6 8.4
Education Dean 87.7 12.3 87.2 12.8
Engineering Dean 94.2 5.8 91.4 8.6 I
Fine Arts Dean 95.6 4.6 92.6 7.4
Graduate Programs Dean 94.8 5.2 88.4 11.6
Nursing Dean 90.0 10.0 93.7 6.3
Social Work Dean 71.0 29.0 70.4 29.6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: CUPA Annual Reports.

Percentages of minorities in several positions increased over the seven-year
period. They were Chief of Student Affairs (+3%). Chief of Personnel (+ 3%). Chief
Budgeting Officer (+27%). News Bureau Director (+3%). Athletic Director (+31%).
Business Dean (+21%). Engineering Dean (+28%). Fine Arts Dean (+28%).
Graduate Programs Dean (+64%). and Nursing Dean (+37%). In contrast. the
majority of the white leadership roles were in Chief Ofﬁcer positions. such as Chief

Executive Ofﬁcer. Chief Academic Ofﬁcer. Chief Business Ofﬁcer. Chief of Student

54
Affairs. Chief of Development. Chief of Public Relations, Chief of Personnel. and

Chief Budgeting Ofﬁcer. it is clear that whites are overrepresented at the high
administrative levels and that minorities are overrepresented at the low
administrative levels. The percentages shown in Table 2.2 include all minority
administrators. but there is a striking difference between the general minority
population. the minority college population. and the numbers and classiﬁcations of
minority administrators.

A study was done to determine whether progress had been made toward
equity in the past decade for women and minority college and university
administrators. The data sources for the study were the 1980-81 and 1990-91
Administrative Compensation Surveys from the CUPA. As shown in Table 2.3.
overall minority representation increased slightly over the decade. from 9% in 1980
to 10% in 1990. The percentage of minorities in four of the six Chief Administrative
Officer positions increased from 1% to 3%. whereas the pcrcentage of minorities
holding the post of Chief Executive Ofﬁcer remained the same (6%) and the
percentage of minority Chief Development Ofﬁcers declined by 3%. The
percentages of minorities in four of the six director-level positions increased. led by
Director of AAIEEO at 13%. whereas the percentage of minorities holding the
position of Director of Computer Center declined by 1%. and those in the position of
Director of Training and Development declined by 2%. Chief Student Affairs Ofﬁcer
and Director of AAIEEO were the only positions to have more than 100 minorities in

1980 and 1990. It can be concluded from this study that the advancement of

55

minorities in leadership roles was not signiﬁcant enough to make a difference over

the 10-year period.

Table 2.3: Distribution of minority administrators. by position. 1980-81 and 1990-91.

 

 

 

 

 

    

 

 

 

 

 

Position
W
Executive 79 6 60 6
Academic 73 6 87 7 +1
Business 65 5 66 6 +1
Development 33 5 19 2 -3
Personnel/HR.~ , 54 9 89 12 +3
Student Affairs 140 11 135 13 +2
Subtotal 444 7 456 8 +1
Directors
AA/EEO 194 51 194 64 +13
Training & Dev. 14 15 19 13 -2
Personnel-AA 39 16 39 18 +2
Library Services 73 6 82 8 +2
Computer Center 47 5 29 4 -1
inst. Research 41 8 45 9 +1
Subtotal 408 12 408 14 +2
TOTAL

 

Source: CUPA Administrative Compensation Surveys.

In Table 2.4. minority representation is depicted by type of institution. with an
aggregate range from 6% in baccalaureate to 13% in doctoral institutions. Within the
four institutional types. the largest percentages of minority administrators were in the

positions of Chief of Student Affairs and AA/EEO Director.

56

Table 2.4: Distribution of minority administrators. by institutional type. 1990-91 (in
percent).

     
  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Institutional Type
Position
Doctoral Comp. Bacc. Two-Year

CW

Executive 4 7 5 7 J

Academic 5 9 5 9

Business 5 9 6 5

Development 1 4 2 3

PersonnelIH.R. 10 14 10 12

Student Affairs 18 14 9 14

Subtotal 8 10 6 9

Directors

AAIEEO 70 50 50 89

Training 8. Dev. 13 16 0 25

Personnel-AA 20 16 13 24

Library Services 4 10 8 9

Computer Center 6 4 2 7

Inst. Research 5 9 11 11

Subtotal 19 15 9 ' 15
TOTAL 13 12 6 11 H
w

 

 

Source: CUPA Administrative Compensation Surveys.

In conclusion. leadership roles for minority administrators have remained at
approximately the same level. Leadership roles for minority administrators will need
to increase in order to respond to the increasing diversity of higher education. The
evidence is clear that minorities. especially black women. are underrepresented in
tenured faculty positions. faculty appointments. and the top administrative levels in
higher education. Now it is time to look at the social and psychological factors that

inﬂuence black women’s aspirations.

57
WW
El | 1!! . D E . l'

The literature on women today abounds with sex-role images of the past.
Such sex-role Images ascribed to the majority woman were nurturer. childrearer. and
homemaker. White women accepted these sex-role stereotypes ascribed by men
until the 19705. During the 19705. however. an unprecedented and unforeseen
social phenomenon occurred in the form of a mass movement of women. particularly
wives and mothers. into the labor force (Maison. 1983). From 1970 to 1978. the
labor-force participation rate of women with young children increased 18%. from
25.5 to 30 million. until half of the children under 18 had mothers who worked
(Nelson. 1983. p. 102; see also Waldman. Grossman. Hayghe. & Johnson. 1979).
The shift from home to office implied not only a change in work orientation. but also
a shift in women’s views of their roles. Women’s roles as homemaker and
childrearer now included that of paid worker. Such roles. which had been perceived
as mutually exclusive. were now being merged and sometimes collided; this raised
issues about the repercussions of work outside the home on childrearing and family
life.

Whereas the events of the 19705 were revolutionary for white women. they
were rather commonplace for black women. who have had a long history of
participation in the labor force. For instance. DuBois (1969) pointed out in DadswaIer
that more than half of the black female p0pulation was employed in 1910. primarily

as servants and Washerwomen.

58

Unlike white women. the black woman was now acknowledged by society as
feminine. The qualities of femininity. such as purity. submissiveness. and natural
fragility. were not associated with the black woman. She was a slave. owned
property. Because of her enslavement. her social experience was different from that
of white women. and her own psychology was colored by her peculiar experience.
For example. the black woman’s sex role in the white world was one of concubine
(sex object) and subservient (slave) (Maison. 1983). Although she was a slave.
however. she was never subservient. Frazier (1948) wrote in W
mammaes. “Neither economic necessity nor tradition has instilled in her the
spirit of subordination to masculine authority. . Emancipation only tended to conﬁrm
in many cases the spin't of self-sufficiency which slavery had taught“ (p. 102).

In her racial group. the social role of the black woman was equal if not
superior to that of the black man. She worked beside the black man and sometimes
worked in his place when he could not ﬁnd employment. She assumed leadership
responsibilities when necessary. She worked out of necessity. One of the ways that
the black race has adapted to the economic and social inequalities of American life
has been through black women’s participation in the labor force. One of the
fundamental differences in the lives of black and white females is the experience of
black females as paid workers. The work force experience has profoundly
inﬂuenced black women. in that it has shaped not only their views of themselves but

also the way they are viewed by others.

59

The possibility that black women have a different sex-role ideology because
of their longer experience as paid workers was proposed by Gump (1980) among
others. Their sex-role ideology was that worker and homemaker roles were no
longer mutually exclusive. In fact. women can have multiple roles. Indeed. the fact
that black women have been employed workers. homemakers. and childrearers
implies that they are able to integrate multiple roles. The black woman’s sex-role
integration was probably inﬂuenced bya history of labor-force participation and early
socialization practices. Lewis (1975) proposed that black people. because of their
African culture. were not socialized to polarize behavioral standards. according to
sex They believed behaviors that others saw as appropriate for one sex were
appropriate for both. For instance. Young (1970) described how males and females
are both taught to nurture young children. There is also evidence that both sexes
are socialized to think that they can be responsible for the economic support of the
family (Peters 8 de Ford. 1978).

Multiple roles are so widely exhibited by black women that role adaptation is
viewed as one of the major characteristics of black families (Hill. 1972). Billingsley
(1968) stated that traditional sex-role norms were overly simplistic frameworks for
examining how black families functioned. Exchanging instrumental (male) and
expressive (female) functions was one of the ways that black families adapted to the
social and economic demands of American life. Nobles (1978) also deﬁned the role
ﬂexibility and interchange that black families often exhibited as one of their special

characteristics.

60

Researchers also have Indicated that black women exhibit traditional (family)
as well as nontraditional (paid work) role clientations. Engram (1980) examined
data collected from 361 young black women who were interviewed as part of the
Pames study (1970 to 1975) on the work experience of young women. Unlike
previous investigators. who had found that black women were more predisposed
toward work roles than family ones. Engram found similarities between young black
women and white women in orientation toward work and homemaking/childrearing.
Contrary to how black women usually were depicted. they considered traditional
roles as well as participation in the labor force.

Gump (1975) also investigated the sex-role attitudes of 77 black and 40 white
college women. Black women tended to have similar scores for traditional (family
work) and nontraditional (paid work) items. On the other hand. white women in the
sample had higher scores on the nontraditional items. Whereas white college
women seemed to select role~related items that expressed nontraditional attitudes.
black college women equally endorsed items from the nontraditional and traditional
categories. These ﬁndings implied that black women saw both traditional and
nontraditional traits as part of their lives. Gump (1980) concluded that black
women’s sex-role ideology needs a new examination and investigation. one that is
devised of their own experiences and not measured against a white female
yardstick She suggested that the “traditional role. as it is generally understood.

probably does not exist for black women“ (p. 111).

61

Thus. women were identiﬁed with sex-role stereotyping as homemaker and
childrearer. Such roles were characterized as being helpful. nurturing. emotional.
and dependent. On the other hand. men were identiﬁed with leadership. Such
leadership qualities are conﬁdent. reliable. aggressive. and ambitious. Women often
were thought not to possess these qualities. Some have claimed that women simply
are not socialized to be as career oriented or ambitious as men. Others have
claimed that women still are largely responsible for childrearing and housekeeping.
thus giving them less time and energy to forge successful career paths. Therefore.
they were not meant to be in leadership positions.

Central to sex-role stereotyping is the existence of a gendered division of
labor. A gendered division of labor arose through the institutionalization of
organizational roles that carry characteristic images of the kinds 'of people who
should occupy them (Kanter. 1977a). Thus. certain tasks. such as dealing with
clients. may be gender-typed as feminine. replicating the gender stereotypes that
exist outside the corporation. Gender typing of jobs leads to ﬁlling these
occupational positions with speciﬁc persons who are biologically male or female
(Acker. 1993). This further reinforces the initial assumption that certain work is
“men’s work.“ whereas other work is “women’s work“ (Johnsrud 8. Heck. 1994. p.
25). Moreover. men's work is typically depicted as involving greater complexity and
difficulty than women’s work and enjoys greater status and rewards than women’s

work (Acker. 1993). Hence. the sex-role segregation results in a sex-role hierarchy

62
in which thejobs identiﬁed as feminine and allocated to women are undervalued and
underpaid.

Teaching duties have fallen and continue to fall disproportionately to women
(Astin et al.. 1991; Astin 8. Snyder. 1982; Homig. 1980; Menges 8. Exum. 1983;
Sandler. 1993; Wunsch & Johnsrud. 1992). In 1989-90. 43% of all male faculty. but
only 36% of female faculty. taught eight or fewer hours per week. Conversely. 27%
of female faculty. compared to 20% of male faculty. taught 13 or more hours per
week. Eleven percent of female faculty. compared to 8% of male faculty. spent 17
or more hours per week in the classroom (Astin et al.. 1991). In addition to spending
more hours per week in the classroom. women spent more time preparing for their
classes and more time advising students than did their male colleagues (Astin et al..
1991). This situation may be related to the fact that women are more likely to be
assigned undergraduate and remedial classes.

In academia. women have been encouraged to take on traditional female
roles of being helpful and nurturing by performing more service activities. Like
teaching activities. service activities differ along gender lines. In addition to
spending more time advising students. female faculty members engage in
signiﬁcantly more. and different types of. service activities than do their male
counterparts (Allen. 1994). In 1988. the US. Department of Education found that
female faculty. across all types of institutions. devoted a greater percentage of their
time to institutional service activities than did male faculty. In 1990. the Carnegie

Foundation concurred that female faculty were the most active participants in the

63

daily campus governance process: “Even though they devoted more time to the
teaching function than did men. they were signiﬁcantly more active in the work of the
faculty senate. administrative advisory committees. and other campus-wide bodies“
(p. 42).

There are several reasons for these differences. First. female and minority
faculty members. and especially black female faculty. may have more “opportunities“
for serving student groups and community organizations. as well as individual
students. because they are sought out by other women or minority members as
positive role models or because of their areas of research interest (Menges 8. Exum.
1983; Sandler. 1993). Second. faculty women are more likely to be approached by
students with personal as well as academic concerns with the expectation that
women will be more caring and sensitive than men (Simeone. 1987).

Third. women. as well as minority men, are given more “opportunities“ for
university service than are white men. For example. they may be asked to serve on
various committees in order to guarantee representation of their group or simply to
symbolize their institution’s commitment to afﬁrmative action and diversity goals
(Garcia. 1974; Howe. 1980; Menges 8. Exum. 1983; Moore & Wagstaff. 1974;
Sandler. 1993). Fourth. women and minorities may view their service work as
important and have difficulty abandoning it. They are more likely to devote time to
service activities insofar as they are more likely than white men to perceive the need
for change in the policies, procedures. and institutional structure of the university.

They are also more likely to perceive themselves as having a special responsibility

64

to other female and minority faculty and. indeed. to other women and minorities
outside of the academy. Finally. women are thought “to enjoy and to excel in the
’pattem maintenanoe’ chores that governance involves“ (Park. 1996. p. 54; see also
Menges & Exum. 1983; Simeone. 1987; Turk. 1981).

Although all university faculty are expected to teach and to serve. as well as
to conduct research. male and female faculty exhibit signiﬁcantly different patterns
of research. teaching. and service. Men. as a group. devote a greater portion of
their time to research activities than women do. whereas women. as a group. devote
a much higher percentage of their time to teaching and service activities than do
men (Park. 1996). . As a result. men publish more extensively than do women (Allen.
1994; Astin & Davis. 1993; Billard. 1994).

Research is the primary criterion for tenure and promotion (Park. 1996). It
has taken priority over teaching and service. One argument explains why this is the
case: “Research separates the men from the boys (or the women from the girls).
Teaching and service won’t serve this function because everyone teaches and does
committee work“ (Park. 1996. p. 51). Thus. research is implicitly deemed “men’s
work“ and is explicitly valued. whereas teaching and service are characterized as
“women’s work“ and are explicitly devalued (Park. 1996). Using research as the
primary criterion for tenure and promotion separates the men from the women. The
men advance to higher-level administrative positions. and the women tend to be
clustered at lower administrative levels. As Sandler (1993) contended.

Women administrators remain concentrated in a small number of low status
areas that are traditionally viewed as women’s ﬁelds (such as nursing and

65

home economics) or in care-taking roles (such as in student affairs and

aflirrnative action) or in other academic support roles (such as admissions

ofﬁcer. registrar. or bookstore manager). (p. 205)

Women still have limited opportunities to formulate university policies as
presidents. vice-presidents. academic deans. and department chairs. Tenured
female faculty. especially faculty women of color. often are overlooked for high-
visibility and high-status administrative posts, while they are frequently steered
toward “dead-end“ special positions. such as director of minority affairs or afﬁrmative
action ofﬁcer. “positions that usually have no advancement track in the academic
structure“ (Sandler. 1993. p. 192; see also Andrews. 1993; Farmer. 1993).

Hennig and Hardim (1977) attributed the reason for women’s not advancing -
to higher-level positions in administration to their being outsiders in male-dominated
organizations. which puts them at a disadvantage. Most organizations. including
educational institutions. were founded by men. Therefore. the formal structures.
Informal structures. rules. and values of organizations reﬂect male experiences.
Organizational theorists recently have begun to look at the ways in which allegedly
gender-neutral corporations and bureaucracies are dominated by masculine
principles and structures. which lead to advantages for male employees and
disadvantages for female employees (Acker. 1993; Calas & Smircich. 1993;
Johnsrud & Heck. 1994; Kanter. 1977a. 1977b).

Sexism is embedded in the structures. norms. and policies of the university

itself. Henning and Jardim (1977) and Sagaria and Johnsrud (1987) found that

women were less likely than men to have mentors to explain the unwritten

66

organizational rules. make contacts. and open doors of opportunity. Because
women have been outsiders for so long. men are not quite sure that women
understand the rules of the game. that they are team players. and that they can be
trusted to be loyal and to perform competently when the going gets tough.
Therefore. men hire men and men promote men. Cullivan (1990) stated that people
in any organization hire people who are similar to themselves-people they can trust
to be loyal. particularly If there is uncertainty in the environment. Kanter (1977a)
provided further evidence of this pattern of hiring and promotion in her arguments
of “homosocial reproduction“ In organizations. which results from the inclinations of
men and women to hire and promote colleagues of the same sex. Thus. institutions
that are dominated by male faculty members should have a higher probability of
hiring men than those that are dominated by female faculty members. and vice
versa.

Tolbert and Oberﬁeld (1991) investigated the unequal distribution of women
among college and university faculties. Consistent ﬁndings of an association
between demographic and compensation patterns in higher education were used to
derive three testable hypotheses. The ﬁrst hypothesis was that institutions with
higher levels of slack resources would have smaller proportions of female faculty
members. This hypothesis was based on two assumptions: “The ﬁrst is that wages
are a function of marginal productivity (that is. more productive employees receive
higher wages than do those who are less productive); the second is that men are

generally more productive than are women“ (p. 305). On the basis of these

67

' assumptions. organizations with higher levels of slack will be able to hire the most
productive workers and therefore will hire a larger proportion of men. Slack was
deﬁned as “payments to members ofthe organization in excess of what is required

to maintain the organization“ (p. 306). This hypothesis was supported by the

ﬁndings.

The second hypothesis was that institutions with a high proportion of female
students would have larger proportions of female faculty members. This hypothesis
assumed that constituents (individuals and groups who are major recipients of
organizations’ services or outputs) prefer to interact with organizational members
who are similar to themselves (T olbert 8 Oberﬁeld. 1991). In other words. if the
major recipients are female students. then the colleges and universities should have
a large proportion of female faculty. This hypothesis was supported.

The third hypothesis was that institutions with strong research orientations
would have a smaller proportion of female faculty members. This hypothesis was
based on the assumption that Individuals make rational decisions about investing in
career-related activities on the basis of the expected return on those investments
(T olbert 8 Oberﬁeld. 1991. p. 308). Accepting this theory. Mincer and Polachek
(1974) argued that women generally anticipate limited participation in the labor force
because of child care and family responsibilities. Because lower participation
decreases the rate of return on education and job training. women are expected to
invest less than men in these activities. As a consequence. women presumably are

less productive than men. on the average. and thus have relatively lower earnings

68
and rates of promotion. This hypothesis was not supported. according to the
research. In summary. the results of Tolbert and Oberﬁeld’s analysis suggested that
the unequal distribution of women across college and university faculties is affected
by both employers’ and constituents” preferences. There was little support for the
argument that it is the outcome of women’s intentional choices of or preferences for
employment in certain types of institutions.

If women are outsiders and are at a disadvantage in male-dominated
organizations. black women are even more outsiders and are at a greater
disadvantage because of their racial and cultural differences. Black women are
more outsiders because they are so few in number. Because of their racial and
cultural differences. it is said that black women faculty members and administrators
have a different way of communicating. For example. Atwater (1995) stated that
black female faculty members and administrators have a unique style of
communication. or voice. Because they use different symbolic speech (Atwater.
1995) from the traditional white male voice. the voices of black women often are
viewed as political or without substance (Phillip. 1993). or men deem their
experiences and discursive forms of voice illegitimate because they do not
understand them.

Kanter (1977a) asserted'that being different raises at least two issues for the
person in this situation: visibility and contrast. First, the individual is more visible
and therefore receives more attention. She lacks privacy and often is overobserved.

Her performance is likely to affect not only her own personal advancement but also

69

the future acceptability of other members of her minority group. In addition. being
the only representative of one’s race/gender in the workplace typically leads to
immense performance pressures. either self-imposed or exacted by the
organization.

Second. the presence of someone who is different illuminates the differences
between the individual and representatives of the dominant culture. Those
characteristics that distinguish the individual from the members of the dominant
group tend to be perceived as highly salient. even if they are irrelevant to task
performance. Thus, the presence of someone who is different. while making the
majority culture more aware of what its members have in common. threatens the
continuation of this commonality.

Furthermore. Sodano and Baler (1983) contended that being different from
others in the organization provides the individual and the system with a variety of
problems as well as opportunities. Phelps (1995) concurred with Sodano and Baler
when she stated that black female faculty members have unique advantages and
challenges In predominantly white colleges and universities that are often
intertwined. thus making it difﬁcult to clearly distinguish the advantages from the
challenges. Recognizing these two points is important in understanding the
complex. interrelated nature of the beneﬁts and challenges facing black female
faculty. For example. black women and racial minorities in the academic

environment are likely to occupy positions of “solo status“ (i.e.. to be either the only

70
member or one of a small number of their gender or racial group in a work situation
(Fontaine 8 Greenlee. 1993. p. 121).

Black women faculty members and administrators often ﬁnd themselves in the
position of being solos because there are so few of them. The ﬁrst beneﬁt of being
the sole black female faculty member in a department is reinforcement for being
special. Being the only black women faculty member in a department can result in
being sought out by colleagues; being asked to serve as a consultant. workshop
facilitator. or research assistant to others in the institution and community on
multicultural issues; and being upheld as the department’s symbol of diversity
(Phelps. 1995). On the one hand. this attention provides validation and the feeling
that one is doing something important. On the other hand. this specialness can lead
to overwork. overcommitment. and burnout. as one faculty member related:

When Iﬁrst arrived at the university (my ﬁrst professional appointment). I

enjoyed the attention I received. After a short while. however. i realized that

the responsibility associated with being the only Black female in my college.
and only one of a handful in the university. was ovenlvhelming. l have

suffered several instances of burnout and exhaustion. As a consequence l

have teamed to maintain a less visible proﬁle as a coping and survival

strategy. (Phelps. 1995. p. 257)

Being automatically assumed to be the expert on multicultural issues within
and outside of the department can be rewarding. It can result in the faculty
member’s being able to carve her niche. to develop her own area of expertise. and
to implement some of her own ideas regarding multicultural issues. Having to be the

expert on multicultural issues simply because she is the sole black in the

department. however. can also work to her detriment. The faculty member may be

71

placed unwillingly and continually in the role of multicultural expert. unable to move
beyond that role because of other colleagues’ expectations and assumptions. Thus.
she becomes the symbol or token for her race rather than being viewed as an
individual by the majority group. As a token she is encouraged to behave in ways
that are stereotypical of her group. As Kanter (1977b) stated. solos have a greater
chance of being placed in stereotyped roles by the majority members. whether the
stereotypes concem gender. race. or a handicap. In general. the individual
characteristics of solos are distorted or misperceived to restrict solos to
preconceived stereotypes about the solo’s group. The imposition of stereotypes on
individuals leads to role entrapment. As a consequence. the only behavior that is
accepted from solos is behavior that conforms to the stereotypes.

Moreover. such stereotypical roles relegate their participation to their minority
position in the academic environment (Aguirre. Hernandez. 8 Martinez 1994). In
- other words. minority faculty are overloaded with minority-oriented institutional
demands (multicultural and diversity issues) but are excluded from institutional
committees focused on campus planning. decision making. or other mainstream
activities. For minority women faculty. their minority position in the institution is a
marker in all dimensions of institutional participation; for white women. minority
position in the institution has generalized effects but not particular outcomes (Aguirre
et al.. 1994). The minority status for white women is perceived differently from black

women’s. The white woman's minority status is interpreted only in reference to her

72

number in academe. It does not create barriers to occupational advancement. as
Kanter (19773) contended.

No one group feels the effect of these stereotypical views more than does the
black woman. Often she is a “double solo“ (Fontaine 8 Greenlee. 1993). suffering
the dual effects of racism and sexism In the workplace. In many cases. the two
effects (racism and sexism) are so fused that distinguishing them is difﬁcult.
Frequently. colleagues assume that black women are hired solely on the basis of
afﬁrmative action initiatives. not because of their competence and qualiﬁcations for
the position. Phelps (1995) concurred that racism and sexism are closely
intertwined with the challenge of having to prove oneself. For the black female
faculty member. these “isms“ can affect various areas. such as her perceived
credibility; her perceived competence as a professor and researcher; her teaching
experiences. assignments. and evaluations; her perceived interpersonal skills; and
her perceived decision-making skills (Phelps. 1995). Thus. in addition to facing the
routine challenges and pressures of the academic environment. a black female
faculty member must also deal with the racist and sexist behaviors and attitudes of
colleagues and students (Andrews. 1993; Hooks. 1991; Howard-Vital. 1989; Moses.
1989). This assumption can lead to resentment. disrespectful treatment. and notions
that black women are less competent and qualiﬁed than their majority-group
counterparts.

According to Kanter (1976). numerical scarcity or being in solo status may

inﬂuence the solo’s effectiveness as he or she tries to carry out a prescribed activity

73

or responsibility. Whereas Kanter and others have speculated about the
consequences of solo status for different social categories. in their empirical work
. they did not address the actual perceptions of black women in solo status.
Consequently. Fontalne and Greenlee (1993). in an exploratory study. examined the
perceived effects of being in solo status positions. The study was designed
speciﬁcally to assess the perceptions of black women in solo status positions in
academia and to determine the effect of solo status on their ability to succeed in the
workplace. Black female faculty and administrators from colleges and universities
in Virginia completed a 41-item questionnaire. The study ﬁndings indicated that 75%
of the respondentsreported increased pressure to outperform others. Black women
reported pressures not only to outperform. but also to outshine and outthink their
colleagues. Contrary to what Kanter (1977b) foUnd. the black women in this study
did not report being less successful as a result of the increased pressure to
outperform. None of the black wor..en reported being less successful; in fact. 64%
reported being more successful.

In addition to pressures to outperform others. black women in solo status
reported feelings of isolation. pressures to assimilate. and doubts from their majority-
group counterparts regarding their competence. Overall. 83% reported feelings of
isolation. The extremely high percentages may be attributed to the increased effect
of racial/cultural differences in addition to gender differences. according to Fontalne
and Greenlee (1993). Forty-two percent reported pressure to assimilate. whereas

33% thought that their colleagues viewed them as less competent.

74

When asked whether they experienced greater difﬁculty advancing within the
educational hierarchy than majority-group members. black women were split evenly
on this question. Forty-two percent agreed that they experienced greater difﬁculty
advancing. whereas 42% disagreed; 17% were neutral. However. 58% reported that
they did not receive the same opportunities to advance as did their majority-group
counterparts.

Moreover. black women did not report feelings of frustration in their efforts to
advance because of race or gender. However, 92% thought that black women were
doubly disadvantaged in their efforts to advance due to race and gender.
Interestingly. black women {unanimously agreed that women of color are subjected
to greater degrees of discrimination than are white women. Also. black women
perceived the combined effect of race and gender differences (being a double solo)
as a greater barrier to advancement than just gender or race alone.

From the evidence presented. it is clear that few black female faculty
members become presidents. deans. or department heads at predominantly white
research u’niversities (Blackwell. 1983; Howard-Vital. 1987; Wilson. 1987). If they
are involved in administration. they are holding lower-level traditional administrative
positions. and their opportunities for reaching the top are narrow and in many cases
might not even exist (Gill 8 Showell. 1991). Ovenivhelmingly. the literature indicated
that gender and race function as barriers with respect to tenure. promotion. and
advancement in administrative positions. It also was evident from the literature that

men advance faster than women in administration and with respect to tenure and

75
promotion. Men still hold stereotypes about the roles that women should assume
in the college/university setting. These factors serve to limit the mobility and
integration of black women into the white-maIe-dominated academy.

Still. black female faculty must aspire to become administrative leaders. The
presence of black female faculty and administrators can provide minority students
and white students at research institutions the opportunity to become acquainted
with and develop friendships with different people. The diversiﬁcation of the faculty
and administration at research universities will cultivate educational systems in
which academics of both genders and all races can teach and explore knowledge

from different. creative. conﬂicting. and sometimes compatible perspectives.

CHAPTER III

DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Introduction

The researcher’s major purpose in this study was to investigate the disparity
between black women in higher education administration and the career aspirations
of black women professors. Also of interest was whether factors such as culture.
educationalfactors. personal perspectives. psychological aspects. the world ofwork.
and racial considerations have an inﬂuence on black women professors' aspirations
for an administrative position.

Chapters land ll served to introduce the problem under investigation and to
review the literature pertinent to the primary concerns of the study. The purpose of
Chapter III is to explain the investigator’s methods and procedures for collecting and

analyzing the data derived from the instrument administration.

Wild!

The descriptive method of research was used in this study. Sax (1968)
described the goal of this particular type of study as follows:
The purpose of descriptive research Is to show conditions as they exist

without being inﬂuenced by the investigator. Descriptive research
encompasses a number of different techniques. including correlational

76

77

analyses. case studies. surveys. and interviews as well as direct observation.
In 36)

Both white and black female professors In the Big Ten institutions were given
the identical questionnaire for the purpose of determining their levels of
administration aspiration as well as their level of aspiration. Using a descriptive
study enables the researcher to obtain the necessary data for analysis and to

deterrnlne the extent of the problem and indicate how serious and widespread it is.

Eonulatipnandﬁamnlinsﬂstbpds

Arandom sample ofassistant. associate. and full professors was chosen from
the main campuses of the Big Ten Conference institutions. Boocock (1980) stated
the following about random sampling:

The random sample. in which every case in a population has an equal

likelihood of being included in the ﬁnal sample. is the only kind that allows the

researcher to make estimates about the total population and to compute the

degree of conﬁdence to be placed in his or her estimates. (p. 24)

To ensure that sampling techniques were carefully observed at the various
institutions. Dr. Louis Romano and the researcher wrote a letter to the respective
directors of the Affirmative Action/Equity Ofﬁces in the Big Ten institutions to obtain
their cooperation. Each of them agreed to conduct the sampling of their staffs and
to distribute the questionnaires with retum-addressed envelopes to the white and
black female professors in their respective institutions. The representative sample
was generated from the on-line data base of all the assistant. associate. and full

professors currently associated with each university. The pool for the black female

sample was all of the known black female professors at the university. The pool for

78

the white female sample was all of the known white female professors at the
university. To avoid having to send a follow-up letter and yet secure a large enough
sample for the study. 25 questionnaires for white females and 25 questionnaires for
black females were sent to each of the designated institutions.

Five hundred survey packets were distributed to women professors at the Big
Ten Conference institutions. Each packet contained a cover letter. a letter of
explanation. a questionnaire. a separate answer sheet. and a retum-addressed
envelope (see Appendix). Completion of the research packet was identiﬁed as
consent to participate in the research. To ensure conﬁdentiality and anonymity.
respondents were asked not to put their names on the instrument and to return the
packets directly to the researcher in the postage-paid envelopes provided for that
purpose.

The population used in the study comprised white and black women from the
ranks of assistant professor. associate professor. and full professor from the
institutions in the Big Ten Conference. They include Michigan State University. the
University of Michigan. the University of Minnesota. Purdue University. the University
of Illinois. the University of Iowa. Northwestern University. the Ohio State University.

the University of Wisconsin-Madison. and Indiana University. The following

descriptions of these universities were obtained from W
Qoﬂeceszjael (1996. pp. 48-56)-

79

Michigan State University

East Lansing. Michigan 48824

Established: 1855

Student enrollment. 1996: 39.743

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $4.409
Highest offering: Doctorate

University of Michigan-Ann Arbor

Ann Arbor. Michigan 48109

Established: 1817

Student enrollment. 1996: 36.845

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $5.472
Highest offering: Doctorate

University of Minnesota Twin Cities
Minneapolis. Minnesota 55455

Established: 1851

Student enrollment. 1996: 51.880

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $3.392
Highest offering: Doctorate

Purdue University

West Lafayette. Indiana 47907

Established: 1869

Student enrollment. 1996: 37.094

Affiliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $2.884
Highest offering: Doctorate

University of lllinois

Champaign. lIlinois 61820

Established: 1867

Student enrollment. 1996: 38.912

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $3.750
Highest offering: Doctorate

80

University of Iowa

Iowa City. Iowa 5242

Established: 1847

Student enrollment. 1996: 27.688

Affiliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $2.455
Highest offering: Doctorate

Northwestern University

Evanston. Illinois 60208

Established: 1851

Student enrollment. 1996: 17.586

Affiliation: Independently supported
Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $16,404
Highest offering: Doctorate

Ohio State University

Columbus. Ohio 43210

Established: 1870

Student enrollment. 1996: 50.623

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $3.087
Highest offering: Doctorate

University of Wisconsin-Madison

Madison. Wisconsin 53706

Established: 1848

Student enrollment. 1996: 39.999

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $2.737
Highest offering: Doctorate

Indiana University

Bloomington. Indiana 47405

Established: 1820

Student enrollment. 1996: 35.551

Afﬁliation: Public

Undergraduate tuition and fees (in-state): $3.373
Highest offering: Doctorate

81
tnstnimentatlon

This study was undertaken to determine the aspiration levels of black woman
professors for higher educational administrative positions. A survey was conducted
using a structured questionnaire. Sax (1968) summarized the advantages of such
an instrument

1. The major advantage of the questionnaire is one of economics: the

time and expense involved in questionnaires sent through the mail has
practical ramiﬁcations over other types of survey. such as the
interview.

2. Each respondent receives the same set of questions phrased in

exactly the same way: the job of summarizing and comparing
responses Is reduced.

3. The use of the mail in sending out the questionnaires means that a
larger variety of persons can be contacted. (pp. 214-215)

The questionnaire used in this study was developed by Burleigh-Savage after
a review of the literature pertaining to women in administrative roles in higher
education. The ﬁrst-draft questionnaire was critiqued by professors at Michigan
State University the week of April 2. 1979. The identical questionnaire was used by
Kerr (1982). Some revisions were made. such as the Opening paragraph of the
general directions. and a few terms were changed. For this study. it was suggested
that a fourth part be added to address the issues of gender and race to ﬁt this
particular Investigation.

A letter of explanation was developed to accompany the questionnaire. Also.

at each institution. the director of the Afﬁrmative Action Ofﬁce asked for the

82

cooperation of the personnel in his or her institution. During the month of May. the
sample from each institution received the same questionnaires.

The survey instrument was divided Into three parts:

PART I contained levels of aspiration in higher educational administration for
which an appropriate response might be:

1. I have applied for this position.

2. I would aspire to this position.

3. It is unlikely that i would aspire to this position.

4. I would never apply for this position.
The administrative positions described were Chief Academic Ofﬁcer. Dean of a
Major College. Administrative Vice-President. College President. and Other (please
specify).

PART It contained 13 demographic Items intended to elicit the various
backgrounds of the respondents. for descriptive purposes only.

PART III contained the following six major topic areas with appropriate
statements for each one:

Cultural Considerations (Questions 1 through 11)

Educational Factors (Questions 12 through 21)

Personal Perspectives (Questions 22 through 31)

Psychological Aspects (Questions 32 through 42)

The World of Work (Questions 43 through 53)

Racial Considerations (Questions 54 through 64)
A 5-point Likert-type scale was used for responses. with 1 = strongly agree. 2 =
agree. 3 = undecided. 4 = disagree. and 5 = strongly disagree.

Two additional items were also contained in Part III of the questionnaire.

They were as follows:

83

1. Please indicate your major teaching department. (Question 65)

2. What do you consider your primary academic professional
responsibility? (Question 66)

These two items were not treated as factors that might be related to administrative
aspirations. Rather. they were included to ascertain whether a signiﬁcant difference

existed between white and black women professors in higher education.

Collactlnnﬁﬂhiﬂaia

Five hundred questionnaires were mailed to each sample (25 white female
professors and 25 black female professors) selected from Michigan State University.
Ohio State University. Purdue University. the University of Illinois. the University of
Michigan. the University of Wisconsin. Northwestern University. the University of
Iowa. Indiana University. and the University of Minnesota. An appropriate letter
requesting participation in the study. a letter of introduction to the directors of the
respective institutions. and 50 ma. .ila envelopes containing questionnaires. answer
sheets. and stamped retum-addressed white envelopes were contained in the

packages sent to each institution (see Appendix).

Isstableﬂvonlbeses

To ascertain whether signiﬁcant differences existed between black and white
women professors concerning their levels of a5piration for a higher educational
administrative position. it was necessary to test the following hypotheses using data

gathered from Parts I. II. and III of the questionnaire.

34

EABLI: Intent of Aspiration for a Position in Higher Educational
Administration

11mm: There is a signiﬁcant difference in aspirations for an
administrative position in higher education between black and white

women respondents.

BARB]: Demographic Data

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in demographic
characteristics between black and white women respondents.

EABLﬂl: Multiple Factors That Might Be Related to Administrative
Aspirations

Cultural Considerations

BMW: There is a signiﬁcant difference in cultural
considerations between black and white women respondents.

Educational Factors

Wham: There is a signiﬁcant difference in educational factors
between black and white women respondents.

Personal Perspectives

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in personal
perspectives between black and white women respondents.

Psychological Aspects

Engines“: There is a signiﬁcant difference in psychological
aspects between black and white women respondents.

The World of Work

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in world-of-work
perspectives between black and white women respondents.

Racial Considerations

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in racial considerations
between black and white women respondents.

85
Major Teaching Departments

W9: There is a signiﬁcant difference in major teaching
departments between black and white women respondents.

Perceived Primary Academic Responsibility

W510: There is a signiﬁcant difference in perceived primary
academic responsibility between black and white women respondents.

W

The completed questionnaire forms. totaling 319 from the sample population.
were given to the Michigan State University computer center for data processing.
From the Data Processing Division. frequency distributions were generated. A
research consultant assisted in recommending the appropriate statistical techniques
for analyzing the data and also helped in the analysis. Data analyses included
cross-tabulations. frequency distributions. chi-square test of association. comparison
of means with analysis of variance (ANOVA). and the t-test of signiﬁcance. Data

were tested for signiﬁcance at the .05 alpha level with various degrees of freedom.

Summary

This chapter contained a description of the planning and implementation of
the study. Speciﬁc attention was given to describing the type of study and the
population. The development of the instrument was then discussed. along with a
description of the components of the ﬁnal survey instrument. The procedures used
to collect and analyze the data also were explained. In addition. the testable

hypotheses were reviewed.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF DATA

Introduction

The researcher's purpose in this study was to investigate the disparity
between black women in higher education administration and the career aspirations
of black women professors. Also of interest was whether factors such as culture.
educational factors. personal perspectives. psychological aspects. the world ofwork.
and racial considerations have an inﬂuence on black women professors’ aspirations
for an administrative position. In addition. the major teaching departments and
perceived primary academic responsibilities were investigated.

In this chapter. the results of the data analyses are presented in the following
sections:

1. The aspiration levels of both black and white women professors. The
appropriate hypothesis is restated. with the accompanying data and discussion.

2. The demographic data. The appropriate hypothesis is given. with the

corresponding data and discussion.

86

87

3. Factors inﬂuencing the higher educational administrative aspirations
of the respondents. namely. cultural considerations. educational factors. personal
perspectives. psychological aspects. the world of work. and racial factors. Each
hypothesis was analyzed to determine whether there was a signiﬁcant difference
between black and white women respondents. Data on majorteaching departments
and primary academic responsibility of the respondents also are presented.

WWW !|"||' E'l'

12110010331541 There is a signiﬁcant difference in aspirations for an
administraﬁve position in higher education between black and white women
respondents.

This hypothesis was tested using a totest for equality of means. The
independent variable was the racial group. and the dependent variable was
aspiration. The t-value was -1 1 .85. which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore.
this hypothesis was retained. The aspiration levels for administrative positions of the
black and white women professors in the sample. in numbers and percentages. are
shown in Table 4.1. In Table 4.2. the aspiration levels of the respondents are shown

on the basis of aSpIrers and nonaspirers for administrative positions in higher

educaﬁon.

88

Table 4.1: Black and white women professors’ levels of aspiration for administrative

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

positions.
P it' Black White
05 Ion N % N %
CHIEEACADEMISLQEEIQEB
Aspirers
I have already applied for this position. 15 11 3 2
I would aspire to this position. 74 53 29 17
Total 89 64 32 19
Nonaspirers
It is unlikely that I would aspire to this position. 36 25 83 47
I would never apply for this position. 16 11 59 34
Total 52 36 142 81
W
L Aspirers
l have already applied for this position. 16 11 1 2
I would aspire to this position. 79 56 33 19
Total 95 67 34 21
Nonaspirers
It is unlikely that I would aspire to this position. 36 26 66 38
I would never apply for this position. 9 7 . 71 41
Total 45 33 137 79
AW
Aspirers
l have already applied for this position. 4 3 0 0
I would aspire to this position. 60 43 14 11
Total 64 46 14 1 1
Nonaspirers
It is unlikely that I would aspire to this position. 52 37 84 47
I would never apply for this position. 24 17 75 42
Total 76 54 159 89
W
Aspirers
l have already applied for this position. 3 2 0 0
I would aspire to this position. 49 35 5 3
Total 52 37 5 3
Nonaspirers '
it is unlikely that I would aspire to this position. 53 38 72 41
I would never apply for this position. 35 25 97 55
Total 88 63 169 96

 

 

 

 

 

 

89

Table 4.2: Summary of aspirers versus nonaspirers to administrative positions in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

higher education.
II Black White
Position
N - % N %
W
Aspirers 89 64 32 19
Nonaspirers 52 36 142 81
I Total 141 100 174 100
W
Aspirers 95 67 34 21 L
Nonaspirers 45 33 137 79
Total 140 100 171 100
W
Aspirers 64 46 14 11
Nonaspirers 76 54 159 89
Total 140 100 173 100
CDLLEGEEBESIDENI .
Aspirers 52 37 5 3
Nonaspirers 88 63 169 97
Total 140 100 174 100

 

DemnotapnisﬁnaractedsticsnttbeBesnondents

 

 

 

 

BMW: There is a signiﬁcant difference in demographic characteristics
between black and white women respondents.

A99

The distribution of the black and white women professors by age is shown In

Table 4.3. According to the table. both black and white women were fairly close in

age in the different age brackets. In testing this hypothesis. a chi-square value of

3.90 was obtained. with 3 degrees of freedom. which was not signiﬁcant at the .05

level. Therefore. the hypothesis for age was rejected.

90

Table 4.3: Distribution of respondents by age.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black White
Age in Years N % N %
20-29 5 4 3 2
30-39 29 21 26 15
40-50 52 37 62 37
Over 50 54 38 81 46
Total 140 100 172 100
Siblincﬂacement

Respondents were asked about their placement in their families in relation to
siblings. As shown in Table 4.4. 1% of the black women and 5% of the white women
were the second youngest to the middle child in the family. Within the other
categories. there were small differences between the black and white respondents.
In testing the hypothesis. a chi-square value of 2.973 was obtained. with 4 degrees
of freedom. which was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the research

hypothesis was rejected.

MaritaLStatus

A larger percentage of white women than black women in the study were
married (see Table 4.5). As shown in the table. 44% of the white women and 33%
of the black women were married. The percentages of black and white women who
were married. with children. were somewhat close: 39% of black women and 34%
of white women. Also. a larger percentage of black women than white women was

divorced/widowed. with children-8% and 1%. respectively. In testing the

 

91
hypothesis. a chi-square value of 9.07 was obtained. with 4 degrees of freedom.
This was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level because the alpha value must be less than
.05 and the alpha value in this test was .05940. This explains the differences in the
marital status categories. Therefore. the hypothesis concerning marital status was

rejected.

Table 4.4: Respondents’ sibling placement in their families.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

T—_-—-————F .
Sibling Placement Black White
N % N %
Youngest child 23 16 27 15
Second youngest to middle 2 1 8 5
Middle child 18 13 18 10
Middle to second oldest 27 19 34 20
Oldest child 71 51 91 50
Total 141 100 178 100
Table 4.5: Marital status of the respondents.
F— Marital Status Black White
N % N %
Single 26 18 31 18
Married 47 33 78 44
Married with children 55 39 61 34
Divorced/widowed with children 10 8 2 1
Divorced/widowed without children 3 5 3
Total 141 100 177 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

92

NumbenntChildLen

As shown in Table 4.6. 41% of the black women and 44% of the white women
did not have children. Of the black women. 26% had one child; 31% of the white
women had one child. In addition. 33% of the black women and 23% of the white
women had two to four children. No black women and 2% of the white women had
ﬁve or more children. In testing this hypothesis. a chi-square value of 6.39 was
obtained. with 3 degrees of freedom. which was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level.

Therefore. the hypothesis for number of children was rejected.

Iaapbinsielel

Twenty-three percent of the black women held an assistant professorship. as
compared to 26% of the white women. In contrast. 46% of the black women and
33% of the white women were full professors (see Table 4.7). In testing this
hypothesis. a chi-square value of 6.15 was obtained. with 2 degrees of freedom.
which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore, the hypothesis concerning teaching

level was retained.

Table 4.6: Distribution of respondents by number of children.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black White
Number of Children
N % N %
None 58 41 78 44
One 37 26 55 31
Two to four 46 33 41 23
Five or more 0 0 4 2
Total 141 100 178 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 4.7: Distribution of respondents by teaching level.

93

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black
Teaching Level
N % N %
Assistant professor 31 23 45 26
Associate professor 43 31 73 41
Full professor 64 46 59 33
Total 138 100 177 100
BaciaLGtouo

As shown in Table 4.8. the largest racial group in the study was Caucasian.
which consisted of 177 (100%) white women respondents. The next largest racial
group was African American. which consisted of 139 (100%) black women
respondents. The hypothesis was tested for this variable and resulted in a chi-

square value of 317. with 1 degree of freedom. which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level.

Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.

Table 4.8: Distribution of respondents by racial group.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black White
Racial Group
N % N %
Black 139 99.3 0 0
White 0 0.0 178 100
Hispanic 1 0.7 0 0
Total I 140 100.0 178 100

 

 

 

94

LemLuLEdunaiiQn

As shown in Table 4.9. 92% of the black women in the study and 88% of the
white women had achieved a doctorate. Three percent of the black women and 9%
of the white women had taken graduate hours beyond a master’s degree. Five
percent of the black women had earned a master's degree. as had 1% of the white
women. None of the black women and 2% of the white women said a bachelor’s
degree was the highest level of education they had completed. In testing the
hypothesis. a chi-square value of 15.93 was obtained. with 3 degrees of freedom.

which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.

Table 4.9: Distribution of respondents by highest level of education completed.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black White
Level of Education
N % N %
Doctorate 129 92 155 88
Graduate hours beyond master’s 4 3 17 9
Master’s degree
Bachelor‘s degree 0 0 4 2 II
Total 141 100 177 100 n
Numbenofleatsleacbinc

Four percent of the black women and 6% of the white women were in their
ﬁrst year of teaching (see Table 4.10). In contrast, 22% of the black women and
15% of the white women were in their ﬁrst through ﬁfth years of teaching. Thirty

percent of the black women and 25% of the white women were in their sixth through

95
tenth years of teaching. approximately the same percentages (24% and 26%) were
in their eleventh through ﬁfteenth years. and 20% of the black women and 29% of
the white women had been teaching 15 or more years. In testing this hypothesis.
a chi-square value of 4.85 was obtained. with 4 degrees of freedom. which was not

signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.

Table 4.10: Distribution of respondents by years of teaching experience.

 

—_1 I: L

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. Black White
Years of Teaching N % N %
First year 6 4 1 1 6
1-5 years 30 22 26 15
6-10 years 41 30 45 25
11-15 years 33 24 46 w 26
15 or more years 29 20 49 28
Total 139 100 177 100
E I l' l C 'l

Approximately 80% of both the black and the white women were teaching in
urban communities (see Table 4.11). Twelve percent of the black women and 7%
of the white women were teaching in suburban communities. Teaching in rural
communities were 5% of the black women and 13% of the white women. In testing
the hypothesis. a chi-square value of 6.26 was obtained. with 2 degrees of freedom.

which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.

96

Table 4.11: Educational community in which respondents were teaching.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Black White
Community N % N %
Urban 116 83 139 80
Suburban 16 12 12 7
Rural 7 5 22 13
Total 139 100 173 100
E I" l' I S I

As shown in Table 4.12. 21% of the black women and 24% of the white
women had participated in team sports as youths. Approximately the same
percentages of black and white women had participated in team (21 % and 24%) and
individual (both 2%) sports. In contrast. 43% of the black women and 40% of the
white women had not participated in any sports as youths. In testing this hypothesis.

a chi-square value of .491 3 was obtained. with 3 degrees of freedom. which was not

signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.

Table 4.12: Respondents' participation in sports as youths.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Sports Activity Black White
N % N %
Team 29 21 42 24
Individual 4 2 4 2
Both team and individual 47 34 60 34
Did not participate 61 43 72 40
Total 141 100 178 100

 

97

Writing

As shown in Table 4.13, 17% of the black women and 40% of the white
women said their mothers had not worked either full or part time during their
growing-up years. Six percent of the black women and 16% of the white women
said their mothers had worked one to ﬁve years. and 16% of the black women and
18% of the white women said their mothers had worked six to ten years. Sixty-one
percent of the black women’s and 26% of the white women's mothers had worked
all oftheir growing-up years. in testing the hypothesis. a chi-square value of 48.90
was obtained. with 3 degrees of freedom. which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level.
Therefore. the hypothesis was not rejected.

Table 4.13: Number of years the respondents’ mothers worked during the time

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

they were growing up.
Number of Years Black

I N %

Zero 22 17

One to ﬁve 8 6
| Six to ten 21 16
| All 85 61
I Total 136 100
Water

As shown in Table 4.14. 63% of the black women and 57% of the white
women in the study had worked for a female administrator. Only 37% of the black
women and 43% of the white women had not had the experience of working for a
female administrator. In both categories the percentages of black and white

98
respondents were fairly close with regard to their experiences of working for a
female administrator. In testing the hypothesis. a chi-square value of 1.55 was

obtained. with 1 degree of freedom. which was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level.

Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.

Table 4.14: Distribution of respondents by experience working for a female admin-

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

istrator.
Had Worked for a Black White
Female Administrator N e,n N %
Yes 88 63 102 57
N0 51 37 76 43
Total 139 100 178 100
W

The results of analyzing the various demographic data for black and white
women respondents are summarized in Table 4.15. As can be seen in the table. the
hypotheses concerning signiﬁcant differences between black and white respondents
with regard to present teaching level. racial group. level of education. educational
community. and mother working were not rejected. On the other hand. the
hypotheses concerning signiﬁcant differences between black and white respondents
with regard to age. sibling placement. marital status. number of children. years of

teaching. sports as a youth. and working for a female administrator were rejected.

99

Table 4.15: Results of tests for signiﬁcant differences between black and white
women respondents on various demographic variables.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographic Variable Result of Hypothesis Test
Age Rejected
Sibling placement Rejected
Marital status Rejected
Number of children Rejected
Present teaching level Not rejected
Racial group Not rejected
Level of education Not rejected
Years of teaching Rejected
Educational community Not rejected
Sports as a youth Rejected
Mother working Not rejected
Working for a female administrator Rejected
. _ j
WWW . I' [II B |
W
C II I . | l' i | .

11W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in cultural considerations
between black and white women respondents.

A t-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value of 3.05 was

signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.

100

Educationaljamor.

W53: There is a signiﬁcant difference in educational factors between
black and white women respondents.

A t-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value was -1.26. which
was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.
W.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in personal perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

A t-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value was 3.40. which

was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
WW.

Wham: There is a signiﬁcant difference in psychological aspects
between black and white women respondents.

A t-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value was 4.61. which

was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
Mddsztworkiactor.

Hypothesisl: There is a signiﬁcant difference in world-of-work perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

A t-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value was .51 . which
was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.

5mm: There is a signiﬁcant difference in racial considerations
between black and white women respondents.

At-test was conducted to test this hypothesis. The t-value was -21.94. which

was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. this hypothesis was retained.

A summary of the t-tests of signiﬁcance for equality of means is presented in
Table 4.16. This table reﬂects the results concerning the effect of status

(race/gender); that is. signiﬁcant effects of status were present on ﬁve of the seven

factors.

Table 4.16: Results of t-tests of signiﬁcance for equality of means.

101

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mean —

Factor Black White t-Value
Aspirations 2.54 3.30 -1 185"
Cultural considerations 3.52 3.35 3.05“
Educational 3.00 3.07 -1.26
Personal perspectives 3.22 3.02 3.40‘
Psychological aspects 3.22 3.02 340"
World of work 2.66 2.63 .51
Racial considerations 2.30 3.49 -21.94*

 

'Signiﬁcant at the .05 level.

A summary of the results of t-tests for signiﬁcant differences on the seven
factors is provided in Table 4.17. As shown in the table. the hypotheses regarding
the aspirations. cultural considerations. personal perspectives. psychological

aspects. and racial factors were not rejected. Conversely. the hypotheses regarding

the educational and world-of-work factors were rejected.

 

 

102

Table 4.17: Summary of results of t-tests for signiﬁcant differences on the seven

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

factors.
Factor ” " i 7’ ” if ”' Rult of tesi Test

I Aspirations Not rejected

Cultural considerations Not rejected

Educational Rejected I

Personal perspectives Not rejected

Psychological aspects Not rejected I
i World of work Rejected l
I Racial considerations Not rejected H
W

The second type of statistical analysis that was performed was the analysis
of variance (ANOVA). ANOVA is an inferential technique with many applications.
It is used to determine whether means on one or more factors differ signiﬁcantly from
each other. ANOVA results in an F-value. which. if statistically signiﬁcant. tells the
researcher that the means are likely to have been drawn from different populations.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in cultural considerations
between black and white women respondents.

Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of 9.30. which
was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
EducationaLfactor.

W34: There is a signiﬁcant difference in educational factors between
black and white women respondents.

1 03
Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of 1.58. which

was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.
W.

W3 There is a signiﬁcant difference in personal perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of 1 1.54. which
was significant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
W.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in psychological aspects
between black and white women respondents.

Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of 2 1 .27. which
was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
Wanton.

Hypothesisl: There is a signiﬁcant difference in world-of-work perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of .263. which
was not signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was rejected.
Bacialiaclor.

mugs“: There is a signiﬁcant difference in racial considerations
between black and white women respondents.

Testing of this hypothesis with ANOVA resulted in an F-value of 481.47.
which was signiﬁcant at the .05 level. Therefore. the hypothesis was retained.
Table 4.18 includes the ANOVA results on the effect of status (race/gender).

Signiﬁcant effects of status were present on ﬁve of the seven factors.

104

Table 4.18: Results of the ANOVA tests of signiﬁcance on the seven factors.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

L 1“"‘7
Factor Mean F ~Value
Black White

Aspirations 2.54 3.30 140.49‘
Cultural considerations 3.52 3.35 9.30“
Educational 3.01 3.07 1 .58
Personal perspectives 3.22 3.02 1154"
Psychological perspectives 3.27 3.01 21 .27'
World of work 2.66 2.63 .26
Racial 2.30 3.49 481 .47‘

 

‘Signiﬁcant at the .05 level.

 

 

“——

 

 

A summary of the results of the ANOVA tests of signiﬁcant differences on the

seven factors is presented in Table 4.19. As shown in the table. the hypotheses

regarding the aspirations. cultural considerations.

personal perspectives.

psychological aspects. and racial factors were not rejected. Conversely. the

hypotheses regarding the educational and world-of-work factors were rejected.

These results correspond to those from the t-tests.

105

Table 4.19: Summary of the results of the ANOVA tests of significant differences
on the seven factors.

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

 

 

Factor Result of Hypothesis Test

Aspirations Not rejected ll
Cultural considerations Not rejected

Educational Rejected

Personal perspectives Not rejected H
Psychological aspects Not rejected I]
World-of-work Rejected

Racial considerations Not rejected

 

 

    

W

The principal advantage of correlational analyses is to analyze the
relationships among a large number of variables in a single study. This method
allows the researcher to analyze how several variables. either singly or in
combination. might affect a particular pattern of behavior. Another advantage of the
correlational method is that it provides information concerning the degree of
relationship between the variables being studied. Correlation coefficients are used
to measure the degree of relationship. They express in mathematical terms the
degree of relationship between any two variables.

A summary of the correlations between aspirations and the other variables
is provided in Table 4.20. The table indicates that race group and racial
considerations had a positive relationship to aspirations (.5591 and .5648.

respectively). On the other hand. both psychological aspects and personal

106

perspectives had a negative relationship to aspirations (-.3451 and -.1651.

respectively). The correlation coefficient for cultural considerations indicated a lack

of relationship between this variable and aspirations.

Table 4.20: Correlations between aspirations and other variables.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'1 Variable Correlation Coefﬁcient
Race group .5591“
Racial considerations .5648“
Psychological aspects -.3451“
Educational factors .1137‘
Personal perspectives -.1651'*
World of work -.1392‘
Cultural considerations -.0834 J

 

 

 

‘Significant at the .05 level. “Signiﬁcant at the .01 level.

Correlations between aspirations and the demographic variables are shown
in Table 4.21. It can be seen that racial group and educational level (.5538 and
.1271. respectively) had a signiﬁcant positive relationship with aspirations. On the
other hand. teaching level and mother's work years (-.1703 and -.2121) had a
signiﬁcant negative relationship to aspirations. The other variables were not

signiﬁcantly related to aspirations.

107

Table 4.21: Correlations between aspirations and demographic variables.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable Correlation Coefﬁcient
Age .0802
Gender ' -.0868
Sibling placement -.0190
Marital status -.0614
Your children -.0420
Teaching level -. 1703"
Racial group .5538“
Educational level .1271
Teaching years .0217
Educational community .0572
Sports participation .1049
Mother's work years -.2121**
Work for female .0504

 

 

 

 

*Signiﬁcant at the .05 level. “Signiﬁcant at the .01 level.

II'II'D ||

W3 There is a signiﬁcant difference in major teaching departments
between black and white women respondents.

This hypothesis was tested using responses to the following statement:
”Please indicate your major teaching department.” The response had to be written
in on the questionnaire form. Therefore. statistical analysis was not done on these
responses. The results are shown in Table 4.22. The majority of the black

respondents (27%) were in the Social Sciences Department. The College of

108

Education was a close second. with 23%. and Health Services and Arts and Letters
tied for third. with 20% each. The majority of the white respondents (39%) were in
the Department of Physical Sciences and Technology. Health Services was second.

with 20%. and Arts and Letters was third. with 17%.

Table 4.22:. Distribution of respondents by major teaching departments.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Department Black White
N % N %

Education 32 23 20 1 1
Social Sciences 35 27 23 13
Health Sciences 30 20 35 20
Arts and Letters 30 20 30 17 a
Physical Sciences and Technology 13 10 69 39

Total 140 100 177 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

E' E I '{E[ . I18 .I.”

8mm: There is a signiﬁcant difference in perceived primary
academic responsibility between black and white women respondents.

This hypothesis was tested using responses to the following question: ”What
do you consider your primary academic responsibility?“ Responses to the question
were tabulated; Table 4.23 contains the responses. Twenty-six percent of the black
respondents and 25% of the white respondents indicated teaching. research. and
service as their primary academic responsibility. Twenty-ﬁve percent of the white

respondents and 21% of the black respondents indicated teaching only as the

109
primary responsibility. Eleven percent of the black respondents and 8% of the white
respondents indicated administration only. Only 10% of the black respondents and
4% of the white respondents indicated teaching and administration as their primary

responsibility.

Table 4.23: Respondents’ perceived primary academic responsibility.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. __ Black White

Responsrbrlity N % N %

Teaching only 30 21 45 23
Research only 15 11 35 20
Administration only 15 11 15 8
Teaching and research 30 21 35 20
Teaching. research. and service 37 26 40 25
Feaching and administration 13 10 7 4
Total 140 100 177 100

Summary

This chapter contained the results of the statistical analyses designed to
investigate the disparity between black women in higher education administration
and the career aspirations of black women professors. Further investigation focused
on whether factors such as racial considerations. cultural considerations. educational
factors. personal perspectives. psychological aspects. and the world of work had an
inﬂuence on black women professors' aspirations for a position in administration in

colleges and universities. In addition. the majorteaching departments and perceived

110

primary academic responsibilities of the respondents also were investigated.
Results of the hypothesis testing were reported. based on t-tests of signiﬁcance.
ANOVAs. and correlations. The .05 level was the criterion for statistical signiﬁcance.

A summary of the study. discussion. implications for education. and

recommendations for future research are presented in Chapter V.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS. AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This chapter contains a summary of the purpose of the study. as well as the
population and the procedures employed. The research ﬁndings are discussed. as
well as conclusions drawn from those ﬁndings. The ﬁndings from this study are
compared with those from Karr’s (1981) research. Recommendations for

educational practice and suggestions for further research conclude the chapter.

Summam

This study was conducted to determine whether differences exist between
black and white women professors concerning their levels of aspirations for a higher
educational administrative position. The women responded to a questionnaire that
focused on their aspiration for an administrative position. and certain factors that
might influence their advancement into such positions. namely. cultural. educational.
personal. psychological. racial. and the work environment.

Literature was reviewed on the following major topics:

1. Historical perspectives on women’s advancement in higher educational
administration.
2. History of black women in higher education.

111

 

1 12
3. The status of black women employed in higher education.
4. Social and psychological factors inﬂuencing women’s career
aspirations.
The following hypotheses were tested in this study:

magnum: There is a signiﬁcant difference in aspirations for an
administrative position in higher education between black and white women

respondents.

113331333152: There is a signiﬁcant difference in demographic characteristics
between black and white women respondents.

BMW-1.33 There is a signiﬁcant difference in cultural considerations
between black and white women respondents.

W33: There is a signiﬁcant difference in educational factors between
black and white women respondents.

W: There is a signiﬁcant difference in personal perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

WM: There is a signiﬁcant difference in psychological aspects
between black and white women respondents.

Hypothesisl: There is a signiﬁcant difference in world-of-work perspectives
between black and white women respondents.

3mm: There is a signiﬁcant difference in racial considerations
between black and white women respondents.

15mm: There is a signiﬁcant difference in major teaching departments
between black and white women respondents.

HAMMER—1.01 There is a signiﬁcant difference in perceived primary
academic responsibility between black and white women respondents.

A random sample of women assistant. associate. and full professors was

chosen from the main campuses of the Big Ten Conference institutions. To ensure

113

a large enough sample. 25 questionnaires were sent to white professors and 25
questionnaires were sent to black women at each of the ten universities.
Astructured questionnaire developed and critiqued by professors at Michigan
State University was used to gather the data. The questionnaire was divided into
three parts: Part l—levels of aspiration in higher educational administration; Part II—
demographic Items; and Part Ill—factors related to culture. education. race, personal
perspectives. psychological aspects. and the world of work. A 5-point Likert-type
scale was used for responses. An additional item in Part III asked for the
respondent’s major teaching department and primary academic responsibility.
Vlﬁth the cooperation of the Afﬁrmative Action/Equity Ofﬁce at each of the ten
institutions, the researcher sent packets containing a cover letter. a letter of
permission. questionnaires. and retum-addressed. stamped envelopes to the
institutions for distribution to sample members. Of the 500 questionnaires that were

mailed, 319 usable questionnaires were retumed.

E'I' ID I'

Bla:l: ”mm.“ lumen E|::iass:|:s’l errals :f
AspirationioLanAdministrativcEQsﬂion

The ﬁndings indicated that signiﬁcantly more black women than white women
aspired to administrative positions in higher education. The breakdown of
respondents aSpiring to various positions is as follows: chief academic ofﬁcer (64%
black and 19% white). dean of a major college (65% black women and 21% white

women). administrative vice-president (46% black women and 11% white women).

114
and college president (37% black women and 3% white women). Based on these
ﬁndings. the following conclusions were drawn:

1. Both black and white female professors had aspirations for
administrative positions. However. the black female professors had higher
aspirations than did their white counterparts. based on their percentages. In studies
of occupational aspirations. some investigators have found higher aspirations among
black women (Eckland & Alexander. 1980; Fleming. 1983; Gurin 8 Gaylord. 1976;
Mednick & Puryear. 1976; Picou. 1973). Also. the black women’s lower mean score
indicated that aspiring to an administrative position was not as problematic for them
as it was for the white female professors. In studies comparing black and white
women. most researchers have found that black women showed stronger work
orientation. longer history of participation in the work force. and stronger commitment
to professional goals (Epstein. 1973: Gump. 1980: Smuts. 1971 ). Black women are
less likely to rely solely on marriage but have become more self-sufﬁcient due to
their work history.

2. It also was concluded from the ﬁndings that black women’s race did
not hinder them from aspiring to administrative positions in higher education. In fact.
just the opposite was true. Because of their race, they were more determined.

3. The higher the administrative position. the fewer aspirants there were
for that position. Perhaps this is because it is more difﬁcult to achieve higher levels

in administration. and the process is more selective.

115

l: I'CI I'I' [BII
andﬂbﬂaﬂcmenﬂctesscrs

1. The majority of the women professors in this study were in the 40-to-50
and over-50 age brackets. More than one-third of the respondents (both black and
white. 37%) were 40 to 50 years old. and even more were over 50 (white. 46%;
black. 38%). No signiﬁcant difference was found between black and white women
professors with regard to age. This ﬁnding is consistent with previous research.
indicating that female professors are older. teach more years. and postpone starting
a family longer than their male counterparts.

2. With regard to sibling placement. half of the female professors (black.
51 %; white. 50%) were the oldest child in the family. This was another commonality
that women of both races shared. There was no signiﬁcant difference on this
variable. According to the literature. the oldest child assumes leadership
responsibilities early in childhood by sharing in the childrearing in the home. Older
children often are the achievers. the ones who are driven toward success in their
given ﬁelds. According to Leman (1985) in W. a person’s order
of birth has a lifelong effect on who and what that person turns out to be. As was
evident from the data. the majority of the female professors in this study who aspired
to administrative positions were the oldest child in the family.

3. The majority of the women professors were married or married with
children. Forty-four percent of the white women and 33% of the black women were

married; slightly more than 33% of both groups were married with children. No

 

116

signiﬁcant difference in marital status was found between white and black women
professors.

4. The majority of the respondents had no children. Approximately one-
third of the respondents had from one to four children. The white and black women
were similar with regard to this demographic variable. These ﬁndings conﬁrm what
has been noted in the literature-that women professors postpone starting a family
in order to achieve their career goals.

5. The data on the professors’ teaching level showed that the largest
number of full professors were black (46% black. 33% white). Conversely. the
largest number of associate professors were white (41% white. 31% black). There
was a signiﬁcant difference in teaching level between black and white women. The
literature clearly has stated that women must have tenure for advancement into the
higher levels of administration, Despite the barriers to obtaining tenure. the majority
of the black female professors in this study had full professorships.

6. More black women than white women in this study had doctorates
(92% and 88%. respectively). although it has been found that it takes blacks 16.5
years to complete this degree. as compared to 11.4 years for whites ('Black
Enrollments in Higher Education.” 1995). The data analysis showed a signiﬁcant
difference between black and white women on this variable. Based on the research.
black women earn more doctorate degrees because being a minority. especially a
black female. one must continually prove her competence and credibility as a

scholar. not only to her colleagues but to her fellow students as well.

117

7. The majority (30%) of the black respondents had taught from six to ten
years. whereas 25% of the white respondents had taught that number of years.
Twenty-eight percent of the white women had taught 15 years or more. whereas
20% of the black respondents had taught that long. In the other categories. the
percentages were similar between the two groups. Although the two groups did not
differ signiﬁcame on this demographic variable. the ﬁndings are signiﬁcant
educationally because they reﬂect a relatively young group of black female
professors in academia. These respondents were fairly new professionals in the
academic environment. Their young status in academia may further implythat black
female professors are not being hired as often as whites or that they have higher
attrition. Therefore. the results may be relevant only for relatively new professionals.
This ﬁnding is not consistent with the research literature. in which it consistently has
been stated that female faculty in academia were older. although most of the
research was done on white female faculty. The literature also has indicated that
women teach more years and more courses than their male counterparts.

8. The majority of both black and white respondents (83% and 80%.
respectively) taught in urban communities. More whites than blacks (13% and 5%.
respectively) taught in rural communities. There was a signiﬁcant between blacks
and whites on this variable. The explanation for this difference is that female
professors teach where the job opportunities are. Most of the time. the job
opportunities for black women professors are in the urban communities where they

live and where they went to school. Second. people in organizations hire people

118

who look like them and share similar experiences and values. This may account for

the low percentage of blacks teaching in rural communities.

9. The majority of both black and white respondents (43% and 40%.

respectively) had not participated in any type of sports activity as youths. Thirty-four

percent of both groups had participated in both team and individual sports. Both
groups were similar on this demographic variable. Not having participated in any
sports precluded the women’s being team players. Being a team player is another
male attribute associated with leadership qualities.

10. In the category of number of years mothers worked. the majority (91%)
of the black respondents' mothers had worked all their growing years. whereas only
26% of the white respondents’ mothers had done so. Forty percent of white
respondents indicated that their mothers had not worked during their growing years.
whereas only 17% of the black respondents' mothers had not worked. This
difference was signiﬁcant. According to the rescarch. the socialization process for
black girls is different from that for white girls. Black women are socialized to be
career oriented. whether they are married or not. Their role models and. later.
mentors are their mothers.

11. The majority of the respondents (63% black. 57% white) had worked
for a female administrator. Both black and white respondents were similar on this
demographic variable. The expianation that people in organizations hire people

similar to themselves can be applied here also.

119

WWII'E'I' [IIB ll

W. The black and white women professors differed signiﬁcantly
on the cultural factor. This difference can be attributed to their different
socializations, sex-role stereotyping. and racial perceptions. The fact'that black
women had a higher mean score than their white counterparts indicates that this
factor was more problematic for them. However. the mean scores for both groups
were high. indicating that this factor inﬂuenced both races.

W. The black and white women professors did not differ
signiﬁcantly on the educational factor. The mean scores of both groups were close.
indicating that the women had given similar responses. There were shared
commonalities of gender on this factor.

WW. There was a signiﬁcant difference in the
personal perspectives of black and white women professors. The fact that the black
respondents had a higher mean score indicates that this factor was more
problematic for them than it was for the white respondents. Again. this conﬁrms
other research ﬁndings suggesting that experience in the academy differs according
to majority and minority status.

W. The black and white women professors differed
signiﬁcantly on this factor. Again. it was more problematic for blacks. who had a
larger mean score than whites. Black women faculty perceived more barriers to their

academic progress than did their white counterparts.

120
MW. There was no signiﬁcant difference between groups on

this factor because their means were close. This indicates that both groups held
similar perceptions of the work environment. such as men advancing faster than
women and the "old boys” network promoting men over women for positions in
administration.

BaciaLIactnt. The black and white respondents differed signiﬁcantly on this
factor. The mean score for the white group was higher than that of their black
counterparts. indicating that the racial factor was problematic for them. The groups’
differences can be attributed to differing racial perspectives.

mammmmmrs When all seven factors were correlated with
aspirations. the ﬁndings were as follows. Race group and racial factor (.5591“ and
.5648”. respectively) correlated positively with aspirations. Because both factors
had a positive correlation with aspirations. it was concluded that neither race group
nor racial factors hindered black women's aspiration to administrative positions in
higher education. in other words. black women’s race did not keep them from
seeking advancement to administrative positions such as dean. department chair.
chief academic ofﬁcer. administrative vice-president. and president. If their race and
racial factors did not prevent black women’s aspiring to administrative positions. it
can be Inferred that their race and racial factors were barriers to the black women's
advancement in administration. which accounts for the underrepresentation of black
women in academe. Another researcher will need to address these concerns

because they are beyond the scope of this study.

121

The educational factor (.1137") correlated positively to aspirations. This
means that the higher the level of education a person has. the higher the individual’s
aspirational level. The psychological factor. personal perspectives factor. and world-
of-work factor (-.3451*‘. -.1651”. and -.1392‘. respectively) correlated negatively
with aspirations. Such factors appeared to hinder or negatively inﬂuence the career
aspirations of black women professors. as well as their white counterparts. This
ﬁnding is not surprising because both the psychological and personal perspectives
factors were problematic for both groups. However. what was surprising was the
world-of-work factor. Although it was not signiﬁcant statistically, it correlated
negatively with aspirations. A chilly. unaccepting academic environment in which
female professors have minority status perhaps would disillusion them to aspire to
administrative positions. There was no correlation between the cultural factor and
aspirations.

W. The ﬁndings
indicated that racial group was positively related to aspirations. with a correlation of
.5538”. Again, race did not hinder or act as a barrier to one's aspirations for either
group. Teaching level and mother's work years (-.1703“ and -.2121“. respectively)
were negatively correlated to aspirations. This can be interpreted to mean that the
higher the teaching level. the more aspiration one has. and vice versa. Also. the
longera respondent's mother worked during the child's growing years. the higherthe
individual’s level of aspiration. and vice versa. The other demographic variables

showed no correlation to aspirations.

122

W. The majority of the black respondents taught in
the Social Sciences Department (27%). the College of Education (23%). Health

Services (20%). and Arts and Letters (20%). The majority of the white respondents
taught in the Department of Physical Sciences and Technology (39%). Health
Services (20%). and Arts and Letters (17%). The ﬁndings conﬁrm what was stated
in the literature-that the majority of black professors and doctorates were in the ﬁeld
of education. Very few were in the sciences or even pursuing degrees in the

sciences. These differences were signiﬁcant.

EdmarLacademiLLesnnnsibilitx. Most of the black and white female

professors considered ﬁrst teaching. research. and service (26% black. 25% white);
second. teaching only (21% black. 23% white); and third. teaching and research
(21% white. 20% black) to be their primary academic responsibilities. It appears that
both groups of women professors highly valued teaching. Again. this ﬁnding
conﬁrms those of previou- research. indicating that women value teaching whereas
men value research.

Conclusions. The majority of both groups of women professors aspired to
administrative positions. with a slightly higher percentage of black female professors
doing so. The top administrative position of president had fewer aspirants because
this position is perceived as more demanding. The female professors were married
with no children. in their forties or older. and had taught at least six to ten years and
more. Because they are already in their forties or older. minority women and women

in general tend to be older when tapped for administrative positions. The research

123

has indicated that to move up in the administrative hierarchy is a slow process that
usually takes a decade or more to achieve. If this is the case. most of the women
faculty in this study will be in their ﬁfties or sixties before they are promoted. which
will be a great disservice to them and the university.

The majority of the women professors had doctorates and full and associate
professorships and taught in urban educational communities. Most of them had not
participated in sports as youths and had worked for a female administrator. The
majority of the black female professors had mothers who had worked their entire
childhoods. whereas the white female professors’ mothers had not worked. most of
the black women professors were in the department of Social Sciences. Education.
Health. and Arts and Letters, whereas most of their white counterparts were in the
departments of Physical Sciences and Technology and Health. Both groups agreed
that their primary academic responsibility was teaching. research. and service:
second was teaching only.

The factors that inﬂuenced the career aspirations of black and white women
professors were the cultural. personal perspectives. psychological. and racial
factors. The factors that correlated positively with aspirations were the race group.
racial. and educational factors. On the other hand. the factors that correlated
negatively with aspirations were the psychological. personal perspectives. and
world-of-work factors.

The demographic data that correlated with aspirations were as follows.

Racial group and educational level had a positive correlation with aspirations. On

124

the other hand. teaching level and mother's work years correlated negatively with
aspirations.
W

In comparing Karr's ﬁndings with those from this study. it should be pointed
out that the ﬁrst study included men and women professors from the Big Ten
Conference institutions. whereas this study included black and white women
professors from those institutions. Karr conducted her study in 1981. and this study
was done in 1996. a difference of 15 years. This difference should make for an
interesting comparison of what has changed in 15 years and what has remained the
same.

In both studies. a large percentage of women professors aspired to become
chief academic officer. dean of a major college. or administrative vice-president. In
Karr's study. more women than men aspired to these positions. In the present
study. more black women than white women aspired to these positions. With regard
to the college presidency. Karr found that more women than men aspired to this
position. although the percentages were smaller in comparison to the other three
positions. in this study. the same was true of the black women professors.

In both studies. the following similarities and differences were found with
regard to the demographic data:

1. ln Karr's study. the majority of the females were 39 or younger.
whereas in this study the female professors were 40 and older. The men in Karr's

study were 40 and older.

125

2. In both studies. the majority of the women respondents were the oldest
child in the family.
3. In Karr’s study. the majority of the women were single with no children.

whereas in this study the majority of the women were married and the majority had
no children. The men in Karr’s study were married with children.

4. In Karr’s study. the largest number of assistant professors were
females. and the males were full professors. In this study. the majority of the
females were full professors and associate professors.

5. In the former study. male professors held the most doctorates and had
spent more years teaching than the female professors. In this study. the black
women professors had more doctorates and had taught fewer years than their white
counterparts.

6. In both studies. the majority of the professors taught in urban
communities.

7. In both studies. the majority of the female professors had not
participated in sports as youths and had worked for a female administrator. In
contrast. the majority of male professors in Karr’s study had participated in sports
and had never worked for a female administrator.

8. In the former study. the majority of both female and male professors
had mothers who had not worked during their growing years. Conversely. in this
study. the majority of black women's mothers had worked during their growing years.

whereas their white counterparts' mothers had not worked.

126

In the Karr study. the cultural factor was the only one on which male and
female professors differed signiﬁcantly. In this study. black and white female
professors differed signiﬁcantly on the cultural, personal perspectives. psychological.
and racial factors.

In the earlier study. the majority of respondents were in physical sciences and
technology (males) and health sciences (females). In this study. the majority were
found in the social sciences (blacks) and physical sciences (whites).

The majority of respondents in Karr’s study indicated their primary academic
responsibility as teaching only (males and females) and teaching and research
(males). In this study. though. the majority of women professors indicated teaching.

research. and service and teaching only as their primary academic responsibility.

Recommendations

According to the review of literature and the ﬁndings from this study. there are
black women professors who aspire to administrative positions. However. the fact
remains that black women faculty in the administrative ranks of academe are
relatively few in comparison to their representation in the population. Whereas
blacks comprise approximately 12% of the general population of this country. less
than 5% of university faculty are black. and some people think it will require more
than 100 years before the academy can boast of a faculty that is 10% black. In the
meantime. black women are making great strides to see that the 10% goal is

attained. However. for the retention. advancement. and ultimate success of black

127
women faculty. changes in the awdemic environment must occur. The following
recommendations can be helpful to all those in higher education.

College and university departments providing graduate studies in higher
education administration should reevaluate their graduate programs to see how well
new doctorates are prepared for the role of faculty member. The pressure of time,
work load balance. tenure. and research writing are issues with which women
professors as junior faculty constantly grapple. Such a preparatory course would
enhance the retention and success of faculty. not only for the institution. but also for
the entire academic profession.

So that women faculty. especially black women faculty, no longer feel a sense
of isolation. institutions need to develop initiatives that encourage women faculty to
interact with each other and exchange Ideas. Also, institutions should create
opportunities for women faculty that encourage professional growth and enhance the
positive identiﬁcation of black women faculty. This, in turn. will reduce the sense of
isolation and increase the likelihood that minority women faculty will identify positive
dimensions in their workplace environment.

Furthermore. initiatives must incorporated to promote mentoring programs.
Researchers have found that neither majority women nor minority women have
achieved full access to the arenas that position them for leadership. or to leadership
positions themselves. Although women have the academic credentials and scholarly
productivity. they may get stuck without colleague connections who can move their

advancement along. Researchers have indicated that women and minority faculty

128

tend to be promoted and tenured more slowly than white male faculty and are more
likely to leave an institution before gaining tenure. The most important goal of
mentoring is to help junior colleagues plan and advance in their academic careers.
The landmarks of an academic career are tenure and promotion. Men have more
natural access to career advice from senior faculty mentors than do females. still
hold the majority of senior positions. and have a stronger inclination to guide the
careers of younger men and to socialize them into the department and the discipline
and research networks (Boice. 1992; Kaufman. 1978; O’Leary 8. Mitchell. 1990).

Women should be integrated Into the discipline at an earlier stage. like their
male counterparts. A mentoring program to develop leadership roles is necessary
for minority women faculty in order to alter their perception that the workplace is
exclusionary. Perceiving that opportunity exists would increase the feeling among
minority women faculty that they can aspire to administrative positions before
reaching the age of 50 or older.

Furthermore. institutions must address the issues speciﬁc to women and
minorities with policy and program initiatives if they are genuinely committed to the
goal of diversifying their faculty. Structural discrimination (e.g.. lack of support for
gender- and ethnic-related research. lack of support for alternative research
methodologies. and sick leave and maternity leave policies) and personal
discrimination (e.g.. sexual and racial harassment. sexual and racial stereotyping.
and tokenism) are perceived by women faculty as barriers to their progress. For

example. men currently holding administrative positions. as well as those men in

129
faculty positions having responsibility for the graduate education of women. may
hold values, attitudes. and stereotypes that conﬂict with the concept of women as
administrators.

Therefore. initiatives should be taken for sensitivity training to make men
more aware of the capabilities of women and minorities in administrative positions.
Department chairs. who are in key positions to recognize and eliminate structural
and personal discrimination at the department level. must be trained to recognize
and confront Inappropriate conduct. Chairs could receive ongoing training in
professional work climate. staff training and development. formative evaluation.
sexual harassment. discrimination (race and sex). and affirmative action.

Moreover, women should become fully informed about the nature of
discrimination and the subtle ways in which it is employed. In addition. women
should take the responsibility to educate themselves about the legal means to
combat discrimination and the legal rights due them. instead of leaving the
university.

To further their own academic careers. women should take the initiative and
seek ideas to increase their research productivity. For example. they can become
acquainted with retired professors who no longer plan to revise their work. The
theories and recommendations they developed can be revisited from the perspective
of a black. Also. they can learn from colleagues the ways to recognize the “trap
doors” that hinder professional advancement. For example. they should learn how

to solve problems related to teaching and writing. They should also inquire about

130

the shortcuts and time savers colleagues use when writing and editing articles for
publication. as well as ways to obtain new writing assignments.

Finally. black women faculty must take the initiative to become aware of
promotion and tenure policies that inﬂuence the success of minorities and women
employed by the university. Tenure-related anxiety, expressed particularly by
minority faculty but experienced by all faculty. contributes to alienation and
frustration. For example. the black female faculty member should discuss with
colleagues at the department. college. and university levels the policies and
procedures that cause them to feel like outsiders. Also. institutions can respond with
policy and program initiatives. They can require all departments to update and
clarify their tenure and promotion criteria. An explicit statement of expectations
could be required as a part of the letter of appointment issued to new tenure-track
faculty members. Annual reviews ought to explicitly address progress toward
tenure—that is. the individual’s progress should be measured against the
departmental criteria. and the chair should make concrete recommendations for a
positive decision. The granting of tenure demonstrates departmental and
institutional commitment to faculty and relieves the pervading sense of anxiety.

In conclusion. university support or the lack of it can inﬂuence a black
female's decision to accept or reject her role In fulﬁlling institutional goals. University
support for the leadership behavior a female strives to maintain as a productive
faculty member is critical. Thus. such support should include faculty role

preparation. a reevaluation of tenure and promotion policies. a commitment to

131

afﬁrmative action policies. and strategies to combat discrimination wherever it exists.

as well as mentoring from those who can help to eliminate the obstacles facing black

female faculty members.

If educators are serious about including women in the top administrative
ranks. it is important that actions such as those recommended above be taken to
recruit and retain talented women and to provide conditions that promote greater

participation and advancement of women faculty members in the academic

environment of the present and the future.

Wu

The study of black women in higher education who aspire to an administrative
position raises many issues. These issues need to be studied in depth. and. it is
hoped. solutions will be found to the many problems surrounding this tapic. The
following are suggestions for further research.

1. Replicate this study on a national basis in order to obtain a cross-
section of the population. The Big Ten Conference institutions represent large-
enrollment universities. and a national study might yield ﬁndings that may provide
a more representative grouping from the colleges and universities.

2. Because only one type of institutional setting (large. predominantly
white colleges and universities) was examined. replicate this study using all-women
colleges. teaching institutions. community college settings. and historically black
colleges and universities. Experiences of female faculty at such colleges and

universities may be very different.

132

3. Conduct case studies of successful black women administrators to
determine what factors have enabled them to move up the administrative ladder.

4. Examine in depth a number of women in one institution. such as a
women's college. to determine whether they aspire to an administrative post. What
factors are at play that provide them with the incentive to move into administration?
Also. It would be helpful to determine why some women do not aspire to move into
administration.

5. Study a well-deﬁned and well-developed mentoring program that works
and has proven to be successful for women who aspire to an administrative position.
What features in the program proved to be successful? What features in the
program should be revised or dropped? Such a study might provide an excellent

model for other institutions to emulate.

APPENDIX

133

Dear Caucasus:

MynameisCuolynStoneadoctoralstudetnatMichiganStateUniversity. My
dissertation topic is “The Scarab Between Black Women Professor: in High Educational
Administrative Positions and Those Who Aspire to Such Positions. " This study is being
conducted to determine whether factors such as education. culture. personal perspectives.
psychologicalaspectsandtheworldofwork. inadditiontoraeeandgutderaresigniﬁcantin
aspiringtoadminisn'ativepositions. Asahlackfemaleth'ureeearchstudyisveryimportant to me.

laminviting youto participatebyresponding to theenclosedquestionnaire. lt isa survey
form which takes ten minutes to complete. It will provide data that may help educators to assess
those faaonwhichmﬂumcecueauph'anonsofhlackwomenntheadmisuaﬁvekvebof
higher-education. aswellas. to assessthecareeropportunitiesavailahletothem Thissurveywill
be valid only if you will give complete information. Your conﬁdentiality will be honored. We
pledge complete anonymity of individual responses. The results will be reported in statistical form
only. No htdividualsorinstitutionswillbeidentiﬁetl

The questionnaire is easy to complete. Write only on the answer sheet using a #2 pencil.
Foldtheanswersheetintothirdsasyouwouldaletter. Rennnitintheselﬁaddressedstamped
envelope. Your response will be very much appreciated.

lfyou wish a review ofthe results when the Study is conmleted let us know and we will be
happy to oblige. Thank you for your time and interest.

Sincerely.

Louis Romano Carolyn Stone
Professor Project Co-Director

134

1603 West Kalarnuoo Street

lansing. Michigan 489l5
May I, 1996

To The Director of Afﬁrmative Action/Equity Ofﬁce:

MynameisCarolynStoneandlamadoctoralstudentatMichiganState
University. My dissertation topic is “The Disparity Between Black Women meesors
in Higher Educational Administrative Positions and Those Who Aspire to Such
Positions" This study is being conducted to determine whether factors such as
eduaﬁoncuhmﬂconsﬁmﬁonspawnﬂpaspecdmpsychobgialaspeasmdthe
worldofworhmaddniontoncemdgendamdgrnﬁcammaspnmgtoadmnsuative
positions. Asablackfemalethisresearchstudyisveryinmortanttome.

linviteyouto participatebydistnhrthtgthequestiorntarestothefemlestaﬂ’at
your university. The questionnaire is a sin-vey form which takes ten minutes to complete.
It will provide data that may help educators to assess those factors which inﬂuence career
aspirations ofblack women at the administrative levels ofhigher education. as well as. to
assessthecareeropporttmitiesavailableto them

Fifty questionnares are enclosed. A representative sampling of twenty-five black
women professors and twenty-ﬁve white women professors are needed to complae the
form This sampling may 'mclude associate. assistant and full professors who are termed
or non-tenured. It is net restricted to the College of Education only.

The instructions for completing the survey form are self-explanatory. However.
the answer sheets must be completed with a #2 pencil and returned as instructed. Only the
answer sheets are to be returned as soon as possible. in doing so. conﬁdentiality will be
honored and complete anonymity of responses. The results wﬂl be reported in statistical
form only. No individuals or institutions will be identiﬁed.

Your participation in distributing the survey forms will be greatly appreciated. If
you wish a review of the results when the study is completed let us know. We will be
happy to oblige. Thank you for your time and interest.

Sincerely.

Louis Romano Carolyn Stone
Professor Project Co-Director

135

ADKINISTIASIV! ASPIRAIION QUESTIONNAIRE

ﬁzuznan_nznzczzgxﬁ: This questionnaire is designed to obtain the
opinions of female professors of the Big Ten Universities
concerning their administrative aspiration. Aspiration 1s a term
used to describe the seeking after or actively applying for a
particular level of educational administration. It is an important
issue regarding equal employment opportunities for all

administrative applicants.
What is wanted is your own point of view about each of the

statements in Parts I, II, and III of the questionnaire. Part I
indicates actual administrative positions: Part II simply seeks
demographic data to aid in analyzing results obtained. Your
answers will be kept strictly confidential and at no time will

individuals be identified.
After reading each item in Part III, indicate the extent of

agreement with your point of view on each item by circling the
appropriate response selected.

PART I

Answer goon item under "Level of Aspiration“ with an
appropriate response from below. Numbers may be used as often as
necessary.

l-- I have already applied for this position.

2-- I would aspire to this position.

3-- It is unlikely that I would aspire to this position.
4-- I would never apply for this position.

Won:

1. Chief Aacademic Officer

2. Dean of a Major College

3. Administrative Vice President

4. College President

5. Other ( Please Specify)

PART II
Demographic Data
Answer each of the following questions:
1. What is your age?

() 1. 20-29 () 3. 40-50
() 2. 30-39 () 4. Over so

136

What is your sex?
() l. Male
() 2. female

What is your sibling place-
ment in your family?
I. Youngest child
2. Second youngest
to middle
3. Middle child
4. Middle to second oldest
5. Oldest child
6. Only child

t is your marital status?
1. single
2. Married
Married with children
4. Divorced/widowed w/children
5. Divorced/widowed with-
out children
() 5-

Separated
How many children do you have?
() l. O
() 2. One
() 3. Two - four
Five or more

?

AAAAA
U
C

What is your present teaching
level?

() 1. Assistant professor
() 2. Associate professor
() 3. Pull professor

What is your racial group?
1. Native American

2. Black/African American
3. Asian-American

4. Caucasian

5. Hispanic

6. American Indian

7. Other

AAAAAAA
vvvvvvv

5

at level of education have

on completed?

) 1. Doctorate

) 2. Graduate hours beyond
Master's

3. Master's degree

4. Bachelor's degree

Isa-5%

AA
WV

10.

11.

12.

13.

How many years have
you been teaching?
() I. First year

() 2. 1—5

() 3. 6-10

() 4. 11-15

() 5. 15 or more

Identify the
educational
community in which
you are new
teaching.

() 1. Urban

() 2. Suburban

() 3. Rural

Did you actively
participate in
sports as a youth?
() 1. Team

() 2. Individual
() 3. Both team
and
individual
Did not
participate

() 4-

Mow many years did
your mother work
during your grow-
ing years?

full or part-time?
() l.0

() 2. 1-5

() 3. 6-10

() 4. All

Have you ever
worked for a
female
administrator?
() 1. Yes

() 2. No

137

PART III
RATING SCALE: 1 - Strongly Agree

2 - Agree

3 - Undecided

4 - Disagree

5 - Strongly Disagree
DIRECTIONS: Circle your response to each item.
WW

1.

2.

3.

My colleagues would react unfavorably
if I became an administrator.

For psychological and social reasons,
men are more effective administrators
than women.

Women are better organizers than men.

Women are more likely to seek proximity
to others than to work independently.

In a given task, women are more likely
to ask for help or rely on others in
face of a threat than are men.

In general, I consider women not as
dependable as men because of women's
biological and personal character-
istics.

A male spouse would be threatened
by a competent, career-oriented wife.

Nomen generally have a lower level of
achievement motivation than men.

Men know more than women about how to
seek and obtain opportunities to
become administrators.

lo.women lack the drive to become

11.

administrators.

College women who attempt to compete
with men usually do so at the

expense of their popularity or social
e.

138

PAR! III
RAIING SCALE: 1 - Strongly Agree

" 591..

- Undecided

-- Disagree

-- Strongly Disagree

“DUN

Edusatinnal_zssters

12. welcoming women as equals into the
professional managment levels may
tend to downgrade the teaching
profession. I 2

13. Female students who never experience
women in leadership positions are not
likely to develop aspirations or values
that move beyond traditional
stereotypes. l 2

14. Women administrators have less
power to make decisions than men. 1 2

15. I feel more comfortable working
for a male administrator than a
female administrator. I 2

16. In my college career, most college
courses were designed for male
advancement and emphasis. l 2

17. I would feel uncomfortable in a
higher education administration
class of all males. 1 2

18. Educational counseling enabled
me to plan for advancement in
my career. 1 2

19. There have been female adminisrataors
who have encouraged me to seek an
administrative position. 1 2

20. Most administrators in my schooling
process were male. 1 2

21. In our institution both men and women
are encouraged to apply for admini-
strative positions. 1 2

139

PART III

RAIING SCALE : .-

“DUMP

W

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

A woman can be a successful
administrator and happily
married at the same time.

I feel I need to know a

few administrators well

in order to win their support
for an administrative
position.

I have too many family
responsibilities to seek an
administrative position.

My spouse would be upset if
we had to move because I was
selected as an administrators.

In my home, I was encouraged
to get a college degree.

I have-planned specifically
for advancement in higher
education administration.

What my spouse thinks about
an administrative position
has an influence on me.

I would be eager to become
an administrator, even if I
had to move somewhere else.

I have personally received
encouragement from an admini-
strator in my institution to
apply for an administrataive
position.

I have a negative image of
university/college admini-
strators.

Strongly Agree
39:00

Undecided
Disagree
Strongly Disagree

1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3
1 2 3

140

PRR! III

RATING SCALE: 1 - Strongly Agree
2 - Agree
3 - Undecided
4 -- Disagree
5 -- Strongly Disagree

We

32. I am satisfied with my pres::t
employment and would no se
an administrative position. 1 2 3

33. I feel confident in most
leadership positions. 1 2 3

34. I would be willing to further
my education or training for
an administrative position. 1 2 3

35. Administrators in my institution
would react favorably if I became
an administrator. l 2 3

36. I have been in my present position
too long to seek an administrative
position now. 1 2 3

37. I like delegating tasks and working
with people. 2 3

38. Being an administrator would enhance
my self image. 1 2 3

39. If I applied for an administrative
position, I feel I might be a top
contender. 2 3

40. I would rather not compete for
an administrative position. 1 2 3

41. Administrators tend to become
“out of touch” with the teaching
environment. 1 2 3

42. Seeking an administrative position
involves too much "politics. ” l 2 3

141

PART III
RATING SCALE : l --
2 -- Agree
3 - Undecided
4 -- Disagree
5 -- Strongly
Ihs_!erld_nf_!erk
43. People who are at admini-
stratove levels are often
asked to compromise their
principles. 1

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

51.

52.

53.

My present position provides

too much security for me to

seek an administrative

position. 1

Men advance faster in admini-
stration with less experience
simply because they are men. 1

The ”white-male club“ promotes
men over women for positions in
administration. 1

I see a position in higher
education administration as
attainable by me. . 1

Men are more often chosen for
an administrative position than
women. 1

I am willing to 'go for broke"
in my quest for a position in
administration. 1

I consider that working with
college students is more reward-
ing than administration. 1

There is just too much
competition in trying to
become an administrator. 1

Being a successful administrator
is easier for men than for
women. 1

My university or college colleagues
assisted me in seeking an
administrative position. 1

Strongly Agree

142

PART III

RATING SCALE: 1 -- Strongly Agree
'- 39:00

-- Undecided

-- Disagree

-- Strongly Disagree

«new»

Racial Considerations

54. The affirmative action policy
assisted me in obtaining my
present position. 1 2

55. Being a female of my race has
made it more difficult in my
present position. 1 2

56. My race impacts on how I am
evaluated as a female. 1 2

57. Being a female of my race
impacts the way students
perceive my authority. 1 2

58. Because of my race. my
colleagues would react
unfavorably if I became
an administrator. 1 2

59. Female students who never
experience women of their
race in leadership positions
are not likely to develop
aspirations or values that
move beyond traditional .
stereotypes. 1 2 3

60. Because I am an African
American or other minority
my credibility is queStioned. 1 2 3

61. For a woman of my race
tenure is very difficult
to obtain. 1 2 3

62. In my institution, African
American women and ether minority
women sometimes feel isolated
as well as alienated. 1 2 3

63.

64.

65.

66.

143

My race influences the types

of committee appointments and

administrative positions I

am.offered. 1 2 3 4

Being a female and African
American or other minority _
is an advantage. 1 2 3 4

Please indicate your major teaching department.

 

What do you consider your primary academic (professional)
responsibility?

 

Thank you for your assistance in*my efforts to improve
higher education. Please return this form to:

College Of Education
Michigan State University
Erickson Hall, Room 415
East Lansing, MI 48824

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