‘T g1] NIVEHSITY LIBRARI IIIIHlflllll 2 lllllllilllllllll .1 m 31293 01714133 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Latina and European American Women: A Comparison 0n Selected Measures of Affect, Coping, and Interpersonal Relatedness presented by Rosa Maria Rigol has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D. degree in Psychol 0cm ”ml/K“ 7 Major professor 5 Norman Abeles, Ph.D. Albert 1. R bin, Ph.D. Date August 26, 1998 /[ M MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 042771 LIBRARY Michigan State Unlverslty PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout fro m your record. before date due. To AVOID FINES return on or DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE ff...— _________.___._—— ______.___——— ' “5,". __,________———— / _______.._..—— /___—— ___,/ _________.____- use Wm“ LATINA AND EUROPEAN AMERICAN WOMEN: A COMPARISON ON SELECTED MEASURES OF AFFECT, COPING, AND INTERPERSONAL RELATEDNESS By Rosa Maria Rigol A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 1998 ABSTRACT LATINA AND EUROPEAN AMERICAN WOMEN: A COMPARISON ON SELECTED MEASURES OF AFFECT, COPING, AND INTERPERSONAL RELATEDNESS By Rosa Maria Rigol The Latino population is the fastest growing ethnic minority group in the United States and is expected to be the largest minority group by the middle of the let century. Research evaluating the psychological functioning of Latinos residing in the U.S. has suggested that cultural heritage and status as a member of an ethnic minority group may impact psychological functioning. Early childhood socialization, culturally-mediated value systems, the role of immigration, and status as a linguistic and cultural minority have been cited as influences on the functioning of Latinos. The present study sought to explore differences between Latinas and European Americans on the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal relatedness. The following hypotheses were tested: Hypothesis I predicted that Latinas would exhibit greater levels of affect and less modulated affect, Hypothesis 2 predicted that Latinas would have access to fewer coping resources, Hypothesis 3 predicted that Latinas would exhibit higher levels of dysphoria, Hypothesis 4 predicted that Latinas would be more likely to express psychological symptomatology in terms of bodily distress, and Hypothesis 5 predicted that Latinas would value interpersonal relationships and operate more effectively in social relations. Eighty-five undergraduate women (42 Latinas, 43 European Americans) enrolled at a large midwestern university participated in the study. Participants were administered the Rorschach Inkblot Test and completed the California Psychological Inventory-Revised (CPI-R) and the Symptom Checklist-90Revised (SCL-90-R), as well as measures of phenotype and acculturation (Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican-Americans—II-Revised; ARSMA-II). As expected, phenotype scores were significantly higher for Latinas, while levels of acculturation were significantly lower. Hypotheses 1, 3, 4, and S were not confirmed, while Hypothesis 2 was only partly confirmed. Latinas scored significantly lower on the Capacity for Status, Empathy, Achievement via Independence, Flexibility, and Vector 3 (Realization) scales of the CPI-R. No other significant differences were identified between the groups. A discussion of the possible reasons underlying these results is provided. Implications for working with Latina undergraduate women and directions for future research are also discussed. For Mami and Papi, Who instilled their beliefs in freedom, education, and growth even in the darkest of hours. Your immigration and sacrifices will inspire me through the winds of time. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I owe special thanks to Leticia Arellano, Lisa Galasso, Christina Haemmerle, Gloria Hernandez, Diana Morrobel, Regina O’Connell, Marieva Puig, and Michelle Toma for their selfless contribution of time and expertise, even at moments when they were at their busiest. This study could not have taken place without each of you. I am also indebted to my committee members: Dr. Norman Abeles, who enabled me to forge a clinical and administrative identity, Dr. Bonita Pope Curry, who provided me with a personal and professional model throughout my graduate career, and Dr. John Hurley, who helped me recognize my own voice. Lastly, I owe immeasurable gratitude to my dissertation chairperson and mentor, Dr. Albert I. Rabin, who allowed me to share in his colossal work with the Rorschach while enabling me to maintain my own identity. I am deeply grateful for everything that you have taught me. In closing, I would like to thank my fiancé, Jason R. Dahn, who has been a partner in my personal life and the best professional colleague I could ever ask for. Your keen intellect, steady determination, and calm presence have illuminated my life and enabled me to find previously unknown paths. I know that this journey could not have been possible without you. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION . . A. An Overview of the Latino Culture B. Core Latino Structures. 1. Family . . 2. Gender Roles 3. Religion . C. Psychological Stressors 1. Biculturalism . . 2. Culture-Bound Syndromes D. Latino Mental Health Epidemiology 1. Ethnic Differences . 2. Intra-Ethnic Differences 3. Gender Differences . E. Issues in Latino Mental Health . F. Latina Women . . 1. Latina Gender Roles . . 2. Immigration and Physical Appearance 3. Economic and Social Pressures G. The Present Study HYPOTHESES . METHOD A. Participants . . 1. Latina Participants . 2. European American Participants. B. Materials 1. Demographic Questionnaires. 2. Acculturation Scale . 3. Rorschach Inkblot Test . . a. The Use of the Rorschach with Latinos b. Rorschach Variables . . 4. California Psychological Inventory-Revised 5. Symptom Checklist-9O Revised . . 6. Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised C. Operationalization of Hypotheses . . D. Design and Procedures vi 38 4O 4O 4O 42 43 43 45 46 49 51 59 61 63 65 68 S TABLE OF CONTENTS (contd.) RESULTS . QWWPOW? Demographic Questionnaires Acculturation Scale . Rorschach Inkblot Test . . . California Psychological Inventory-Revised Symptom Checklist-90Revised. . Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised. Additional Findings . . . . . 1. Familial Demographics Acculturation Scale . Rorschach Inkblot Test Symptom Checklist-90Revised . . Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised 99:59!" DISCUSSION. A. B. Summary of Findings Exploratory Analyses . 1. Acculturation Scale . . . 2. Additional Rorschach Variables . 3. California Psychological Inventory-Revised 4. Symptom Checklist-90-Revised Methodological Considerations . Conclusions APPENDICES . Traewwpowe Recruitment Message . . . . Personal Demographics Questionnaire . Familial Demographics Questionnaire . Acculturation Scale . . Rorschach Research with Latinos. Symptom Checklist-90Revised . Verbal Instructions . Informed Consent Agreement Participant Impressions and Comments Study Summary and Debriefing . VII. REFERENCES . vii California Psychological Inventory-Revised 71 71 71 73 73 77 77 82 82 84 88 91 92 96 98 99 105 105 106 107 108 109 111 114 115 116 117 120 122 125 128 129 130 131 132 Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 Table 11 Table 12 Table 13 Table 14 LIST OF TABLES Participant Phenotype Ratings . Acculturation Rating Scale For Mexican-Americans—II-Revised: Participant Scores Rorschach Inkblot Test: Participant Scores California Psychological Inventory-Revised: Scale Reliabilities . . . . . . California Psychological Inventory-Revised: Participant Scores . . . . Symptom Checklist-90-Revised: Subscale Reliabilities Symptom Checklist-90—Revised: Participant Scores Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised: Subtest Scores Parental Ethnicity for Latino and European American Participants Parental and Familial Demographic Variables . Acculturation Rating Scale For Mexican-Americans—II-Revised: Scores by Parental Ethnicity . California Psychological Inventory-Revised: Scores by Parental Ethnicity . Symptom Checklist-90Revised: Mean Subscale Scores by Parental Ethnicity Symptom Checklist-90—Revised: Total Scores by Generation Level viii 72 74 75 76 78 79 80 81 83 85 87 93 95 97 INTRODUCTION The study of culture and its impact on psychological and social functioning has traditionally been associated with the fields of anthropology and sociology. These disciplines attempt to understand civilizations and groups-their task is often separate from that of psychology, whose primary emphasis is on the individual. Although Sigmund Freud, who is considered the father of psychology by many, addressed the role of culture in his social works Iotmandlahog (1912), £31an Bmhelggmndthemmlxsimfthefign (1921), Cixflizatienanditsllumntems (1930), and through the founding of a journal to address cultural questions, Imago (Gay, 1989), many of his observations failed to consider the interplay between the individual and his or her culture, particularly in relation to emotional status and behavior. Indeed, many sociologically oriented psychoanalysts of the time felt that Freud's focus was too ”biological" and tended to emphasize the early interactions between parent and child, often to the exclusion of other forces (Manson, 1988). Abram Kardiner, a psychoanalyst who trained in New York and was analyzed by Freud, emphasized the role of culture in psychological development in his seminal work, Wet}; (1939). Kardiner noted that cultures were defined by organized methods of dealing with interrelations, the outer world, and the processes of birth, growth, development, maturity, decline, and death. He contended that these methods of dealing were culturally transmitted through "institutionalized behavior,” which consisted of the values, necessities, and defenses specific to each culture. Kardiner (1939) emphasized that the specific attributes of each culture depended on the impulses it chose to curb, how these impulses were curbed, its compensations, how it dealt with stresses created by its repressions, the avenues of discharge promoted, and the emotional values- including ideals, objectives, and life goals—it accentuated. Leighton and Hughes (1968) noted that culture could be influential in determining an individual's psychological status and the etiology of psychiatric disease. They maintained that the cultural context was responsible for: (1) the definition of normality and abnormality, (2) fostering Stressors that exceeded coping abilities, (3) creating personality styles that fit poorly with environmental demands, and (4) encouraging specific modalities for disease causality and control. A decade later, LeVine (1977) reviewed cross-cultural research across various cultures and concluded that the environment in which individuals were reared was largely shaped by cultural values. This statement was significant for it suggested that culture played a role in determining psychological development, not only in aboriginal societies that were markedly different from Western norms, but also in traditional Western societies. Cultural differences were subsequently hypothesized across various ethnic and racial groups within the United States and were researched from various perspectives. From the 1960's to the 1980's, cross-cultural studies examining psychological and psychiatric functioning among ethnic minorities in the United States increased substantially (Marsella, 1988). Most of this cross-cultural research focused on the four major ethnic minority populations in the United States: African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans (U .8. Bureau of the Census, 1990). However, much of this initial research was comparative in nature and presented the functioning of white, European Americans-who formed the majority culture in the United States— as ideal and normative. Members of ethnic minority populations were deemed "inferior" to the European American norm and their development was seen as plagued by a variety of socioeconomic and educational conditions that limited their achievement in a variety of avenues (Spencer, 1990). Fortunately, the emphasis in cross-cultural research has slowly shifted from a model which seeks to identify deficiencies to one that highlights differences and posits Strengths and weaknesses in relation to the majority, European American culture. To date, most of the cross-cultural psychological research in the United States has focused on the largest ethnic minority group in the United States, African Americans, who represent 12% of the US. population (U .8. Bureau of the Census, 1990). Although psychological research with African Americans continues to be important, there is also a need for research that focuses on the other three major minority groups, Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans. Within this mandate, psychological research which addresses the needs of the Latino population is particularly important. Latinos make up 9% of the US. population and are the second largest ethnic minority group in the US, but are the fastest growing (U .5. Bureau of the Census, 1986). According to Rosado and Elias (1993), the Latino population has exhibited growth rates that surpass those of European Americans and any ethnic minority group in the United States. Since 1980, the Latino population in the US. has nearly doubled (Garzon 8: Tan, 1992). Projections by the US. Bureau of the Census (1991) indicate that by the year 2050, the Latino population in the US. will more than triple from its current representation of 22 million to 81 million. Latinos are expected to account for 21% of the US. population, and will be the largest ethnic minority group in the United States by the middle of the let century (U .3. Bureau of the Census, 1991). The Latino population is diverse in appearance and broadly heterogeneous. Great variability exists in variables such as skin color, physical features, race, and identified ethnicity. Differences in age, marital status, race, acculturation, degree of English proficiency, education, and occupational and socioeconomic status further contribute to individual differences (Rosado, 1986). Mexican Americans comprise the largest subgroup (60.4%) of Latinos residing in the United States, while individuals from South and Central America, collectively referred to as ”Other Latinos" (22.7%), account for the second largest group (U .8. Bureau of the Census, 1991). Puerto Ricans (12.2%) and Cubans (4.7%) constitute the remainder of Latinos in the United States. Geographic representation of these subgroups varies across the nation, with larger proportions of Mexican Americans in the Southwest, Puerto Ricans in the Northeast, and "Other Latinos" and Cubans in the Southeast (Santiago, 1989). Preparation for the provision of mental health services to adequately target the needs of Latinos residing in the US. is a crucial task in light of rising population rates (Rosado 85 Elias, 1993). However, the planning of such services is complicated by our limited knowledge of the Latino population and the difficulties associated with the study of what has been termed a "large segment of a complexly stratified population of a pluralistic society” (Fabrega, 1990). The need for psychological research which investigates the Latino culture and its psychological status is particularly important in light of the limited research available with general, nonpatient populations. An Overview of the Latino Culture Differences between Latino and European American cultures are often the focus of cross-cultural discussions but are rarely clearly emphasized. Marrero (1983) is one author who has attempted to delineate the different value systems that operate in these two cultures. Her research provides an outline of core cultural and social values existing within the Latino culture that have been discussed by other researchers. Latino family values include emphasis on the extended family, family dependency, individual cooperation, and male superiority (Garcia-Preto, 1982; Bernal 8?. Gutierrez, 1988). These contrast with European American values that emphasize the nuclear family, self-dependency, individual competition, and equality in gender roles. Within a social domain, Latinos value courteous behavior and social graces, operate on a more flexible time orientation, and rely more on their emotions when making decisions (Gomez, 1987). On the other hand, European Americans tend to accentuate candid, direct communication, adhere to a strict time orientation, and emphasize reason in making decisions. While Latinos are more likely to solve problems within the family and use internal attributions for causality and happiness, European Americans tend to solve problems with the aid of a professional and incorporate external attributions for causality and happiness (Torres, 1983). Finally, while Latinos rely on religion for its Spiritual belief system, European Americans emphasize religion for its structure and see work as a blessing (Garzon SC Tan, 1992). Core Latino Structures The core cultural values of Latinos are manifested across the major structures of family, gender roles, and religion-a brief description of each of these values follows. Hamil): Familismo (familism) has been used to describe the feelings of loyalty, reciprocity, and closeness shared among members of Latino families (Sabogal, Marin, 8: Otero-Sabogal, 1987). This is an important Latino value that emphasizes the role of the extended family. It highlights the interdependence among Latinos and their extended family and is crucial in understanding the limited ability for Latinos to view themselves as individuals. Familismo is guided by notions of respeto (respect), confianza (giving trust), and personalismo (emphasis on polite, amicable, and personal communication; Laureano 86 Poliandro, 1991). The concept of familismo is also associated with the dictate that one's nuclear and extended family, network of compadres and comadres (godfathers and godmothers, as well as close family friends that are considered kinship), and the clergy are the preferred emotional and social support systems (Rosado St Elias, 1993). Sabogal and colleagues (1987), using a population of Mexican Americans, Cubans, and Central Americans, identified three dimensions to the concept of familismo. Obligation to the family, the family as a source of reference or referral, and the family as a source of support were identified as the key attributes of familismo. While feelings of obligation and reference to the family changed with shifts in acculturation status, the perception of family support did not. More recent research has identified differences in familismo among two generations of Puerto Ricans residing in the US. (Cortes, 1995). Level of education and age of arrival to the United States were significant predictors of an individual's degree of adherence to familismo views, while preferred language was not. Higher levels of education were associated with less belief in familism, while later age of arrival to the United States was associated with a stronger sense of familismo. Although the extent offizmilismo exhibited by individuals may vary, Latinos as a group continue to consider affiliation, an important component of firmilismo, as significantly more important than European Americans or African Americans (Bernstein, 1991). Recent developmental research has suggested that differences exist between Latino and European American cultures in developmental goals and interactions within the family (C011, 1990). This research suggests that Mexican American mothers may perceive their role differently than European American mothers and are more likely to relate to their infants nonverbally in face-to—face and teaching interactions. Similarly, Zayas and Solari (1994), in their review of Latino childhood socialization, reported that Latino (Specifically, Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Dominican) mothers used more modeling, visual cues, and directives, while European Americans mothers used more verbal inquiry and praise during teaching behaviors (Laosa, 1980). Consistent with the concept of familismo, research has suggested that social skills are seen as equal to—or more important than—cognitive skills among Latino (Puerto Rican and Mexican) parents (Okagaki 8C Sternberg, 1993). Additionally, Latino parents were reported to prefer more obedience and conformity in the classroom, while European American parents emphasized verbal expressiveness and self-direction. C011 (1990) has also posited that culture, health status, socieconomic status, family structure, and biological factors act synergistically to influence developmental outcomes in minority infants. However, she notes that cultural factors are the most responsible in determining the timing, intensity, and context of an individual's developmental expression. Research exploring the role of culture on attachment behavior has similarly posited that the personality and relational styles that are seen as desirable differ as a function of culture (Hinde, 1991). The impact of culture on development cannot be understated. 92mm Zayas and Solari (1994) have highlighted how early childhood socialization in Latino families differs from that of the European American culture. Latino parents value children who are obedient and exhibit interpersonal relatedness, while European Americans emphasize self-confidence and independence (Harwood, 1992). Respect for parental authority, affection, and close proximity are seen as ideals for Latino children, while activity, self control, and autonomy exemplify European American children. Latino family socialization indoctrinates the importance of these values from an early age while encouraging the formation of specific gender roles. These traditional roles are highly influenced by cultural concepts of macbismo and marianismo (Stevens, 1973). Macbismo denotes that men are privy to sexual freedom, emotional detachment, and physical dominance over women. Conversely, marianismo holds that women are spiritually superior and may become ”holy" by enduring the suffering inflicted by men. Such a perspective can be influential in the formation of a "martyr complex" among Latino women (Comas-Diaz, 1987). Although research has suggested that gender roles in the Latino culture are Shifting toward greater egalitarianism and less stereotypical male dominance, Latino women continue to face the pressures of a cultural system that values traditional "feminine" values (V azquez-Nuttall, Romero-Garcia, 85 De Leon, 1987; Comas—Diaz, 198 8). Bernstein (1991) has highlighted that when compared to other cultural groups, Latino men and Latina women exhibit the greatest discrepancy in gender roles. She suggests that Latina women continue to adhere to traditional gender roles in greater numbers than women from other ethnic groups. For instance, division of household labor continues to be more traditional among Mexican American women, who report doing more household labor than Mexican American men and European American women (Golding, 1990). Fracasso and colleagues (1994) have also posited that the early socialization of Latina women is different from that of their Latino male counterparts and European Americans. These authors studied interactions and attachment between Latina mothers and their infants in the United States. Whereas 50% of Puerto Rican and Dominican infants were classified as "insecurely attached," only 30% of European American infants were classified in this category. This study also identified differences in attachment style by gender within the Latino sample. While 70% of Latino male infants were identified as “securely attached,” only 33% of Latina female infants were identified in this manner. This research suggests that Latina infants may be socialized in a way that is distinctly different from an early age. Religion Mendez-Villarrubia and LaBruzza (1994) have posited the central role of religion as a source of support for Latinos. While the majority of Latinos adhere to the Roman-Catholic faith, a minority is affiliated with the Protestant church (Dana, 1993). Additionally, some Latinos follow the spiritual systems of espiritismo (spiritism) and santeria (worshiping of saints) which blend Roman Catholic teachings with African and Caribbean beliefs. Scott (1974) has highlighted the tendency for Latinos from the Caribbean to rely on the alternative healing practices of these spiritual systems to heal intra-psychic and interpersonal 10 conflicts. Although the various forms of religion and spiritual beliefs provide support for Latinos of all cultures, they often do not advocate direct communication as a way to confront and resolve issues. Rather, these traditional ways of coping with psychological difficulties emphasize prayers or rituals in conjunction with faith and reliance on a higher spiritual source (Espin, 1994). A stance of acquiescence and passive waiting may be inherent in these approaches and can lead to quiet resignation or somatization of psychological, family, and interpersonal issues. Lastly, research from the psychoanalytic field has suggested that the Latino culture, with its emphasis on firmilismo, respeto, and its religious influences, may exert a significant role on individual moral development and may contribute to greater levels of "superego pathology" among members of this population Gavier 8c Yussef, 1995). A personality structure that is dominated by the superego is characterized by guilt, excessive self-punishment, and high levels of self-criticism. The capacity for fantasy and tolerance of negative states may also be limited in individuals who have highly developed superegos. Although not intended to be exhaustive, this review suggests that traditional Latino values contrast sharply with those of European Americans and may represent distinctively different ways of looking at the world and organizing experience. Abiding by a traditionally Latino value system within an European American dominant culture may produce a greater potential for psychological and social difficulties. Consequently, members of the minority culture—in this case, 11 Latinos—may be more likely to experience psychological difficulties due to social and political pressures that promote acquisition of the values of the majority culture. Psychological Stressors Beyond the obvious differences associated with living in a culture that organizes its experience through a different value system, the psychological Stressors affecting Latinos residing in the United States are numerous. Being a member of a minority or underrepresented group based on gender, age, education, socioeconomic, or marital status can predispose one to higher levels of stress. However, within a minority group, the experience of Stressors may be influenced by additional factors and is highly variable. An individual's ethnic group, degree of ethnic affiliation, language proficiency, and length of stay in the United States further influence perceived levels of emotional distress. The role of physical appearance in determining life chances and levels of discrimination among Latinos has been emphasized by Arce, Muguia, and Frisbie (1987). These authors reported less opportunity and greater levels of discrimination among Mexican American men who possessed darker skin and Indian features. However, greater discrimination was found for lighter skinned Mexican American women, particularly among first generation immigrants. Latinos in the US. have also been described as a linguo-cultural minority due to their use of Spanish as a principal language and their limited proficiency in the English language, both of which may limit verbal communication in an American 12 system (Gomez, Ruiz, 8C Rumbaut, 1985). The diverse impact that Skin color and language proficiency can have on Latino individuals is significant; however, these are but two of the variables that may influence the experience of Stress among Latinos in the United States. Psychological stress has also been associated with the experience of migration (Smart 85 Smart, 1995). Gonsalves (1992) has noted how the process of immigration contributes to major shifts in social and professional status and is often responsible for greater levels of psychological distress in Latino populations, particularly among refugees. The propensity toward dreams highlighting the journey motifs of searching and seeking are common even after Latino immigrants have resided in the US. for years (Maduro, 1976). In a study by Vega, Kolody, Valle, 85 Hough (1986), over 60% of Mexican American women who immigrated to the US. exhibited Significant symptoms of depression. Severity of symptoms was inversely associated with time in the US. and leveled off after five years. This finding has serious ramifications since the majority of Latinos residing in the United States are immigrants or second and third generation Latinos born to immigrant parents. The psychological ramifications of immigration, particularly its effect on women, is of specific concern as Latina women are often the ones responsible for child-rearing and social functioning within the family (Espin, 1987). Minority and immigration status, coupled with limited utilization of services and high levels of personal and professional stress, suggest a potential for psychological difficulties among Latinos residing in the United States. However, 13 research has not been able to ascertain whether rates of psychological difficulties are different as a function of generation level. The degree of acquisition of American values and the influence of biculturalism have been cited as possible explanations for possible differences in psychological functioning across Latinos. BicIIlDIralism Assimilation, acculturation, and pluralism are terms that have been used to describe the manner in which cultural systems synthesize (Rotheram-Borus, 1993). Assimilation refers to the integration of members from a minority group into the larger culture. It often involves the acceptance of values from the dominant group and is associated with the loss of the original culture and its uniqueness. In turn, acculturation applies to the acceptance of both minority and majority cultures and the modification of norms, values, and behaviors of both cultures. It differs from assimilation in that part of the minority culture is retained. Finally, pluralism implies the acceptance of the norms of both majority and minority cultures without modification. Acculturation best reflects a median level of cultural identification with the majority culture by minorities and has been implicated as an important variable influencing levels of distress in these populations (Rogler, Cortes, 8C Malgady, 1991). A measure of acculturation that has consistently shown high reliability is the assessment of an individual‘s degree of both language proficiency and preference for language use (Marin, 1992). Under this paradigm, changes in language proficiency and preference are used to operationalize the degree of 14 cultural affiliation and identify shifts in levels of acculturation. Notwithstanding, research exploring acculturation levels among Latinos and its role on mental health has yielded contradictory results. Caetano (1987) found that Latinos who were highly acculturated exhibited lower rates of psychological disorder than their less acculturated counterparts. However, research by Burnam, Hough, Karno, Escobar, 8C Telles (1987) contradicted these findings. These authors reported that Latinos with low levels of acculturation exhibited lower rates of psychological disorder than those who were more highly acculturated (Burnam et al., 1987). The lack of clarity in determining the role exerted by an individual's level of acculturation suggests that the use of acculturation as a measure may not be a totally useful construct. An individual's degree of acculturation looks at the extent to which the values of the newer culture have been acquired, but does not assess the degree of continued adherence to the traditional culture, which can often ameliorate stress. Acculturation may therefore not be adequate to fully explain mental health and social adaptation status. The concept of biculturalism, or living within two cultures, may be a more functional construct in predicting mental health among minorities (Harrison, Wilson, Pine, Chan, 8C Buriel, 1990). The mastering of biculturalism is seen as an adaptive strategy among minority cultures; however, because biculturalism allows for the experience of pressures from both minority and dominant cultures, it may exert a greater role in predicting psychological distress than acculturation has demonstrated. Under this paradigm, higher levels of stress are more likely to occur when one gravitates between two 15 cultures rather than assimilates into one. Consequently, Latinos who are highly acculturated may exhibit greater levels of distress as a function of trying to exist in two cultures with seemingly contradictory value systems (Marrero, 1983). Evidence supporting this position has been provided by Escobar, Karno, Burnam, Hough, 8c Golding (198 8). These authors reported that older, first generation immigrants were generally more likely to present a more positive picture of mental health than their American—born, Latino children. CIIlDILeBnundsitndmma The expression of psychological stress by members of a minority culture often takes place through culture-specific idioms. Among Latinos, ataques de nemios (nervous attacks) or nervios (nerves) are often the most popular ways to describe psychological stress. These ataques typically ensue following a major psychological stressor and are deemed to be beyond conscious control. Ataques have recently been included in the DiagxmmandjtatmicalManualQLMmml Wm (DSMIM; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) under the listing of culture bound syndromes. According to the DSMJM, symptoms of ataques may include "uncontrollable shouting, attacks of crying, trembling, heat in the chest rising into the head, verbal and/ or physical aggression," as well as "dissociative experiences, seizure-like fainting episodes or suicidal gestures." Many of the symptoms are Similar to a panic attack but appear to be influenced to a greater degree by interpersonal, external conflicts (Guarnaccia, Rubio-Stipec, 8C Canino, 1989). Rogler, Cortes, and Malgady (1994) have noted how idioms of 16 distress such as ataques are often associated with the experience of anger and injustice, and have been found to be highly correlated with measures of anxiety, depression, and somatization in the Puerto Rican culture. Ataques de ner'vios are known to have a strong somatic component and have been associated with the tendency to somatize distress (Angel 8: Guarnaccia, 1989). Among Latinos, ataques de nervios are often attributed to external circumstances that create physical problems. This is important as cross-cultural research has indicated that help-seeking and coping behaviors are often curtailed when emotional distress is associated with an external cause and is manifested physically (Kirmayer, Young 86 Robbins, 1994). De La Cancela, Guarnaccia, and Carrillo (1986) have specifically highlighted how displacement of anger and rebellion against repressive conditions are often central components of the ataques. These researchers have also elaborated on the secondary gains often provided by ataques. Ataques de new/i0: may be a way to express distress without having to assume responsibility for working through situations or acknowledging one's role in interpersonal difficulties. Individuals who proclaim they have a nervous condition are often excused from direct communication and discussion of their difficulties, as their nervios presumably prevents them from engaging in this distressing activity. 17 Latino Mental Health Epidemiology The number of studies investigating rates of mental disorder among Latinos residing in the United States is limited. Roberts' (1980) review of physical and psychological health among two samples of Chicanos residing in California identified few differences between Chicanos and European Americans. Chicanos reported as many, and sometimes fewer, physical problems than European Americans, but scored significantly lower than European Americans on positive affect and satisfaction with marriage and leisure. On the other hand, a study by Escobar, Gomez, and Tuason (1983) identified greater levels of depression and illness severity among Colombians residing in Columbia when compared to a sample of non-Latino, American subjects. Columbian subjects also reported significantly greater symptoms of anxiety, somatization, and sleep difficulties. A stronger association between depressive and somatic symptoms has been identified for U.S.-born and Mexican—born Mexican Americans residing in the United States, when compared to European Americans (Kolody, Vega, Meinhardt, and Bensussen, 1986). An age and gender Stratified sample of Mexican Americans consistently reported more severe somatic symptoms than European Americans. Mexican Americans were also more likely to describe depression as a "nervous” condition and provide a mixed presentation of affective and somatic symptoms. Escobar (1987) has also reported higher rates of somatic symptoms among Latino patients diagnosed with schizophrenia and depression. Irrespective of psychopathology, Latino community respondents in Escobar's (1987) sample 18 reported greater rates of somatic symptoms than their European American counterparts. The concept of somatization among Latinos has also been explained as a metaphor for psychological distress that is cast in bodily terms. Koss (1990) has identified three dimensions of distress common among Latinos and has discussed the meanings attached to somatic representations. These included the psychophysical (where the mind and body are seen as one), the metaphoric (where physical complaints are used as symbols to highlight distress), and the body-self dimension (emphasizing the permeability of boundaries among Latinos; that is, a family self dimension over an individual self). Taylor (1987) has described psychosomatic disorders as developmental failures in the "internalization of endopsychic self-regulatory mechanisms." The Latino culture, with its emphasis on the extended family and family proximity, typically does not undergo the processes of individuation in the same manner as the European American culture. In light of this, Latinos may vary from European Americans in the type of internal schema that is developed and referred to for self- regulation. The tendency toward internalization of aggressive and sexual impulses, combined with limited networks to cope with problems may be exhibited in a tendency toward increased affect and limited coping abilities. Attempts at internalizing or shutting down affect may generate psychological conflict experienced in the form of depression and physical symptomatology. These studies suggest that Latinos residing in the United States, irrespective of specific ethnicity 19 or mental health status, may be more prone toward lowered positive affect, somatization, and symptoms of depression or anxiety. As previously mentioned, the Latino population is broadly heterogeneous across nationality, generational level, and levels of acculturation. When demographic variables such as gender, education, and socioeconomic status are included in identifying differences among Latinos, findings are often more complex. Although a review of ethnic and gender differences among Latinos identifying levels of psychological distress and culturally relevant etiology would be extensive, these differences will be briefly considered. EIthDiffercnces Latinos have been found to score higher than European Americans on objective personality measures of somatization. The Hysteria (l-Hy) and Hypochondriasis (3-Hs) scales of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) have been used to measure the denial of psychological factors associated with physical disorder (McGrath 8C O'Malley, 1986). Using elevations above a t- score of 70 on the Hysteria (1-Hs), Depression (2-D), and Hypochondriasis (3-Hy) scales of the MMPI, DuAlba and Scott (1993) classified 93% of a sample of Latino men as somatizers. Comparable classification for European American men was only 55%. Similarly, in a comparison of MMPI scores among male Latinos, African Americans, and European Americans, Velasquez and Callahan (1990) identified significantly higher scores for Latinos on the Hypochondriasis (1-Hy) scale. 20 Although research has suggested that Latinos deny psychological symptomatology and somatize distress, such findings have not been consistently corroborated on objective personality measures such as the MMPI-2 (Greene, 1987). However, recent research with Latino populations continues to find elevations on MMPI scales that measure somatization [e.g., Hysteria (l-Hs) and Hypochondriasis (3-Hy)]. Elevations on these scales have been reported among Latinos, and are significantly greater when Latinos are tested in Spanish (W hitworth, 1988). Elevated scores on the Hysteria (1-Hs) and Hypochondriasis (3-Hy) scales of the MMPI have also been identified among Mexican American college students when acculturation level was considered (W hitworth 8C Unterbrink, 1994). These findings suggest that the lack of a consistent picture on objective measures of somatization may be an artifact of moderator variables including language and acculturation levels. I -E l . 1: 'EE Differences in the emotional and personality functioning within Latino groups have been more clearly elucidated in recent years. Guarnaccia and colleagues (1989) studied depression in Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans. They noted that Latinos as a group did not make distinctions between the affective (e.g., sadness) and somatic (e.g., fatigue) aspects of depressive emotions, and were more likely to emphasize somatic symptomatology in clinical settings. Intra-ethnic group comparisons between Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans have identified higher rates of somatization in Puerto Ricans (Rubio-Stipec, Shrout, 21 Bird, Canino, 8C Bravo, 1989). The experience of anger among Puerto Ricans has also been associated with higher scores on measures of depression, somatization, and anxiety (Rogler, Cortes, 8C Malgady, 1994). The tendency for Latinos to highlight physical symptomatology has also been emphasized by Angel and Guarnaccia (1989). In a comparison of self and physician perceptions of physical health, Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans as a group consistently saw themselves in poorer health than they were seen by their physicians. When these Latinos were interviewed in English, 48% rated themselves in "good or very good" health, while 88% were rated to be in "good or very good" health by their physicians. Although these figures indicated a discrepancy between self and physician ratings of physical health, this discrepancy was even greater when participants were interviewed in their native language of Spanish. While physician ratings of "good or very good" physical health remained relatively steady at 80%, only 15% of Latino participants rated themselves in "good or very good" physical health when they were interviewed in Spanish. This suggests that language may play an important role in symptom presentation, with Latinos reporting more symptoms when interviewed in their native language. Gendenfliffemnces The broadest generalization that can be made about the psychological status of Latinos, suggests that Latino men are more likely to engage in alcohol abuse, while Latina women tend toward depressive symptomatology (Canino et al., 1987; Escobar et al., 1988). But even this categorization is complicated when selected 22 factors are evaluated. Research has suggested that as Latina women become more acculturated to the US. society, they move from abstinence to infrequent or moderate drinking, while males move toward more frequent, high quantity drinking (Cervantes, Gilbert, Salgado de Snyder, 86 Padilla, 1991). Rates of alcohol consumption also appear to be greater among Mexican American men and women when compared to Central Americans (Marin 8C Posner, 1995) Research has suggested that although Latina women exhibit lower overall rates of affective disorders than European American women, they exhibit higher rates of dysthymia than their European American counterparts. Lifetime prevalence rates for dysthymia of 7.6% have been identified among Puerto Rican women residing in Puerto Rico (Canino et al., 1987). Similarly, Karno and colleagues (1987) reported lifetime prevalence rates for dysthymia of 6.0% for Mexican American women residing in Los Angeles and contrasted these with rates of 4.3% for white, European American women in Los Angeles. Robins and colleagues (1984) reported lifetime prevalence rates of dysthymia ranging from 2.9% to 5.4% in a three site sample combining African American and European American women. Epidemiological Catchment Area statistics suggest that Latina women may be at greater risk for dysthymia than European Americans, while Latino men may be at greater risk for alcohol abuse. Issues in Latino Mental Health Although the amount of research exploring issues of mental health among Latinos has steadily increased over the last twenty years, such research currently 23 accounts for only one-third of the psychological literature on ethnicity and race (PsychInfo, 1995). Unfortunately, much of the earlier research on Latinos in the United States failed to consider important variables known to influence psychological findings. Velasquez and Callahan (1992) have specifically discussed how an individual's country of origin, race, gender, education, socioeconomic class, level of acculturation, generational status, and language dominance play a major role in determining mental health status. The ability to elucidate cross-cultural, ethnocentric, and gender differences is compromised when moderator variables such as these are not introduced into analyses. Indeed, the assumption of cultural homogeneity among individuals whose native language is Spanish is erroneous, and synonymous to grouping individuals from the United States with those from England based solely on their common language. The need for specificity is crucial in the evaluation of the Latino population. Even the classification of Latinos into politically correct, ethnocentric terms reflecting the general geographic origin of the culture (e.g., Chicanos) lacks the preciseness necessary to truly uncover ethnic and cultural differences. A problem plaguing much of the research examining the psychological status of Latinos is the tendency for Latinos to underutilize mental health services (O'Sullivan, Peterson, Cox, 8: Kirkeby, 1989). Latino adults as a group are consistently underrepresented in inpatient samples and seek outpatient mental health services in fewer numbers than European Americans, African Americans, and Asian Americans (Flaskerud 8C Hu, 1992). Although help-seeking for 24 psychological problems carries a social stigma for most individuals, this Stigma may be greater for Latinos. The Latino culture is founded on a tradition of reliance on the family and religious institutions for problem solving. Seeking psychological or personal services outside the family or church may be taken to mean that these systems-which form the backbone of the Latino culture—are limited in their ability to solve problems or provide healing. Additionally, the seeking of psychological services outside these institutions may be considered a form of "disrespect" (Rosado 8C Elias, 1993). In addressing this issue, Angel and Guarnaccia (1989) have suggested that Latinos are more likely to somatize psychological Stresses in order to seek treatment from medical doctors for ”physical problems." Notably, even when Latino individuals are interested in receiving mental health services, lack of accessibility to services, limited English language abilities, and scarce financial resources may be major impediments to the receipt of such services (Gomez, 1987). The shortage of bilingual, bicultural Latino clinicians in the United States can also interfere with accurate diagnosis and treatment of this population (Mendez-Villarubia 8L LaBruzza, 1994). Awareness of the Latino culture by non-Latino mental health professionals is necessary to adequately target the mental health needs of Latinos. Notwithstanding, Latino individuals who seek services may find that family and cultural values, as well as pressures to maintain stereotypical roles, can limit involvement in treatment (Stevens, 1973; Comas-Diaz, 1990). Research has also suggested that Latinos who seek mental health services are 25 more likely to drop out of therapy early in the course of treatment than European Americans (Sue 8C Zane, 1987). Reliance on the family unit and emphasis on medical interventions, religion, or alternative healing practices in dealing with psychological difficulties have been cited as major causes limiting the use of mental health services by Latinos in the U.S. (Garzon 8C Tan, 1992; Mendez-Villarrubia 8C LaBruzza, 1994). Low levels of participation in mental health services by Latinos limit our knowledge of the psychological status of this population. Even when clinical populations are studied, it is important to keep in mind that these research samples are themselves a self-selected group, and results obtained from such Studies should not be generalized to the entire Latino population. The need for psychologically-relevant research that includes the general, nonpatient Latino population and is culturally relevant is still necessary (Torres, 1983). The research that is available in this area suggests that Latino nonpatients within a college setting score higher than European Americans on symptom scares, and exhibit higher rates of dysthymia than European Americans , African Americans, and Asians (Chmielewski, Fernandes, Yee, 8C Miller, 1995) The limited knowledge available about nonclinical Latino populations continues to complicate our ability to identify problem areas and provide effective mental health services to Latinos. Without knowledge of what is deemed "normal" within a culture, we cannot identify that which deviates from the norm and may compromise optimal functioning. Szapocznik, Kurtines, Santiesteban, 85 Rio 26 (1990) have highlighted the importance of culturally appropriate Latino mental health interventions that emphasize theory and incorporate research. Obtaining information on the psychological status of nonpatient Latinos can provide a basis for comparison on the dimensions of mental health and illness, and can more adequately guide future service delivery and preventive efforts. Latina Women A population that has been consistently underrepresented in Latino mental health research is that of Latina women. The need for research on the mental health status of nonpatient Latina women is an important consideration in light of the particular challenges faced by Latinas. Reid and Comas-Diaz (1990) have emphasized the need for research on the interaction between gender and ethnicity in order to address the needs of ethnic minority women. This is of particular relevance for Latina women as they possess "dual minority status" as both women and ethnic minorities. This reality is not lost on researchers who are informed about the vicissitudes of culture. In their review of mental health issues among Latinas, Amaro and Russo (1987) highlighted the need for increased access to services and greater cultural sensitivity in the treatment of this population. Comas- Diaz and Greene (1994) have discussed the historical, sociocultural, familial, and developmental issues faced by Latinas in the United States and have emphasized the need for Latina mental health research to adequately guide mental health interventions. Central issues for Latinas include the conflict of gender roles and its contribution to depression, increased Stressors as a result of acculturation and 27 immigration, pressures resulting from employment outside the home, and family and cultural expectations (Bernardez, 1984; Golding, 8C Karno, 1988). MW Exist (1987) has specifically discussed how Latino gender role socialization can limit the expression of assertiveness, sexuality, and independence among Latina women and contribute to dysphoria. Notably, Latina women have been found to experience significantly higher levels of cultural and family conflict and may exhibit greater general distress than their male counterparts (Salgado de Snyder, Cervantes, and Padilla, 1990). Among Puerto Ricans, depression has been found to be significantly more prevalent among women than men (Canino et al, 1987). A sense of helplessness and limited control of one's environment have been identified as contributors to depression and may be experienced differently as a function of gender within the Latino culture. In a sample of Columbian men and women residing in Columbia, Columbian women were found to have a significantly greater external locus of control orientation when compared to their male counterparts (Zea 8: Tyler, 1994). The experience of limited control was present in political, economic, and interpersonal domains and was consistent with a greater belief in luck or fate, rather than active pursuit of one's goals. It is likely that this way of looking at the world and its concordant depressive symptomatology may be more pronounced among older Latina women who were raised in their native, more traditional countries. Research has suggested that Latinas over the age of 40 are more prone to psychological difficulties and are 28 twice as likely as European American women to present with symptoms of somatization (Escobar, 1987). The relative difficulty in expressing dysphoric affect verbally and dealing with it in that manner may contribute to higher levels of distress. Notably, intra-ethnic differences have been found in the manifestation of depressive symptomatology among Latina women (Guarnaccia, Angel, 8: Worobey, 1989). While symptoms of depressive affect (e.g., sadness) and somatization (e.g., physical complaints) have been found to represent feelings of depression in Mexican American and Puerto Rican women, feelings of isolation appear to contribute most significantly to feelings of depression among Cuban women. This suggests that variability exists in the manner in which Latina women communicate depressive symptomatology. Latina women may experience more stress due to language barriers, liberal social values, loss of family ties, and financial difficulties associated with migration. High levels of psychosocial stress have also been identified among Latina women and are highest among first generation Latinas who migrated to the United States (V argas—Willis 8C Cervantes, 1987). Although the process of immigration is known to exacerbate psychological difficulties, it appears to have a greater impact among immigrant women from Central America than those from Mexico. Research has indicated that Mexican American women born in the U.S. had an earlier onset of depression than Mexican American immigrants (Sorenson, Rutter, 8L Aneshensel, 1991). Independent of other factors, the process of migration is not in itself 29 suggestive of greater psychological difficulties or onset of depression. Individual differences in adherence to cultural norms, personality style, and life events have been posited to play a key role in determining levels of distress among Latinas (Enguidanos-Clark, 1986). Although the threat of increased levels of psychological distress may be greater among older women of Latino heritage, the preferred gender roles of the culture still affect younger women. Large numbers of depressive symptoms have been found among U.S.-born Mexican American women (Golding 8C Karno, 1988). Mexican American women born in the U.S. have also been found to develop depressive symptomatology earlier than Mexican American immigrants (Sorenson, Rutter, 8L Aneshensel, 1991). This research indicates that immigration per se is not a sole explanation for greater levels of depressive symptomatology. Recent research by Codina and Montalvo (1994) has elucidated the role of an individual's physical appearance, as measured by Skin color and physical features, in depressive symptomatology. They identified higher rates of depression among light-skinned Mexican-born women residing in the United States and better mental health among dark-skinned Mexican-born women. Mexican women who are fair complected, known as giieras, have long been known to experience greater ambivalence regarding their ethnic identity as their physical appearance prevents them from fully assimilating into either the majority or minority culture (Montalvo, 1991). 30 E . l S . l E The pressure for changing roles, including participation in the labor force and less traditional female gender-role orientations, can exacerbate levels of stress in the home and increase levels of personal stress and psychological symptomatology for Latinas (Canino et al., 1987). Golding and Karno (1988) reported large numbers of depressive symptoms among U.S. born Mexican American women and attributed this to limited participation in the labor force and low levels of marital support. Notwithstanding, N apholz (1994) noted that Latina women who exhibited traditionally masculine traits (e.g., assertiveness, decision making) continued to be at greater risk for dysphoric symptoms if they possessed low levels of self-esteem. In a comparison of European American, African American, and Latina women, Latina women were also reported to attribute significantly less importance to the functions of control and adventure than their European American and African American counterparts (Bernstein, 1991). These values are consistent with traditional marianismo beliefs and may contribute to increased levels of stress for Latinas residing within the European American culture, where such attributes are highly valued. Inclan (1983) explored the role of personal and generational socieconomic class among second generation Puerto Rican women. Although greater numbers of psychological symptoms, more severe symptomatology, and more overall dysfunction were found in women from lower first and second generation social classes, the pattern of symptom profiles on a symptom checklist was similar across 31 socioeconomic levels. Recent research has corroborated on this in noting that Mexican American and Puerto Rican women present depressive emotions in the form of psychosomatic complaints irrespective of socioeconomic or marital status (Stroup-Benham, Lawrence, 8C Trevino, 1992). These Studies suggest that it is the intensity with which symptomatology and dysfunction are experienced that varies as a function of social class, rather than the type of symptom. Lastly, Latino early childhood socialization, limited individuation and separation, gender role socialization, and cultural mores against the expression of aggressive and sexual drives contribute to a different psychological picture in Latina women, and may culminate in increased levels of distress for Latinas who reside in the United States. Zavala-Martinez (1987) has addressed the difficulties of Latinas by writing about the economic, social, and emotional struggles often encountered by Puerto Rican women in the U.S.. She describes the similarities among Puerto Rican women in their tendency to note they are en la lucba or "in the struggle" when queried about their well-being. The revealing descriptiveness of this simple statement has also been emphasized in mujerista (Latina womens’) commentary regarding economical, political, social, and psychological experiences within the context of theology (Isasi-Diaz 8C Tarango, 1988; Isasi—Diaz, 1993). The Present Study In light of this review of cultural and mental health issues within the Latino culture, it is anticipated that Latina women may differ from European American women on several dimensions as a function of their cultural experience. The 32 Latino culture tends to view the mind and body as one, while religious doctrines within the culture emphasize the view of the spirit as a separate entity. The perceived unity between mind and body contributes to the tendency of Latinos to emphasize the physical, biological dimension to identify and explain difficulties that may be seen as psychological within the majority culture (e.g., physical shaking attributed to ner'vz'os may be seen as anxiety in the European American culture). Given the emphasis placed on spiritual and religious matters in the Latino culture, it is possible that the direct communication of negative emotional states (e.g., aggression) without mention of physical symptomatology may potentially be interpreted as a weakness in spirit. These emotional experiences may be viewed as resulting from insufficient devotion in spiritual, moral, or religious matters, and may only be ameliorated through greater adherence to one's faith and use of prayer. Consequently, it may be more socially appropriate for Latina women to communicate psychological distress that may be viewed as an ”illness of the soul" in a physical manner, and thereby avoid negative categorization within spiritual and religious doctrines. The above views may be influential in determining infant and childhood development. Infant research has suggested that Latina mothers interact with their infants in a way that is distinctly different from that of European American mothers. For example, Latina mothers are more likely to use less verbal and educationally oriented interactions when relating to their infants. Informal 33 observations also suggest that the cries of a Latino child are more often interpreted as signs of hunger or sleepiness rather than as reflections of emotional states (e.g, need for contact). This suggests that Latina mothers may be more likely to explain their infant's affective state along biological and physical dimensions. In light of the above, it is possible that the affective and emotional states of Latino infants may be placed secondary to their perceived physical needs. Latino mothers may place a greater emphasis on physical provisions than on direct emotional attunement. As a result, modulation of emotion via affective attunement between mother and infant may be significantly different within the Latino culture. The emotional expressions of infants may be modulated through somatic, rather than affective channels. The stereotype of Latinos as "hot-blooded and emotional" may also reinforce the continued expression of emotion throughout adulthood. The limited emphasis on affective modulation early in life— as well as the many indirect reinforcements of emotional expression in the Latino culture later in life—may contribute toward a greater intensity and breadth of emotion for Latinos when compared to other ethnic groups. Levels of emotionality may be more salient for Latina women due to assigned gender roles within the Latino culture which presuppose and reinforce weakness and emotionality in Latina women, while inhibiting expressions of sexuality or aggression. These culturally defined roles may potentially place Latina women at greater risk for later psychologiCal difficulties. The use of external social supports by Latina women to help negotiate these role conflicts may be 34 compromised due to Latina's status as members of an ethnic minority culture. Although Latina women may be able to surround themselves with a social network, their status as an ethnic minority may interfere with their ability to feel understood in a deeply meaningful way with members of this social group. This may be due to potential limitations in the ability of individuals from the majority culture to understand Latino family mores and means of expression. The stresses encountered by Latina women, particularly those enrolled in undergraduate education, will most likely exacerbate current levels of functioning. Gender roles that continue to emphasize traditional feminine roles of wife, mother, and housewife may conflict with current levels of aspiration. Because many Latina women who enroll in college are often the first generation to pursue higher education, Latina undergraduates may encounter limited role models with whom they can identify. The ability to relate interpersonally and provide for the needs of others, a skill that is heavily enforced for women within the Latino culture, may be a strength in interpersonal relations. Social participation may help ameliorate feelings of isolation, but may be insufficient to counter distress. Interactions within the social group may be supportive, but may not include the personalismo common to Latino culture, and may potentially be perceived as superficial and insufficient. Coping resources that may be available to Latina women (e.g., support groups, psychotherapy) may be restricted in their use due to traditional cultural values that maintain confidentiality within the family. Even when supportive 35 resources are available, it is likely that they may not be prepared to address affective and cultural concerns which may be preeminent. These difficulties in affect and coping may be more pronounced among bicultural individuals who are exposed daily to the stresses associated with relating to two cultures that possess different value systems. Cultural mores suggest that when coping resources are not available, Latina women may be more likely to exhibit depressive affect and somatize their psychological distress in order to receive adequate assistance. This summary details some of the variations in developmental and cultural pathways that may contribute to differences between Latina and European American women on the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal relatedness. The current study aimed to assess psychological status on these dimensions among nonpatient Latina and European American women who were enrolled in undergraduate education. The use of a nonpatient population who shared a common enrollment in an educational, nonclinical institution was pursued for two reasons. For one, the number of studies conducted with the Latino population that address psychological issues among nonpatient Latinas are almost nonexistent, and there is a great need for research in this area. Secondly, the selection of Latina women from a university campus also presupposed certain normative educational goals. It also surmised levels of psychological and physical distress that were operative and were not expected to interfere with daily functioning on a regular basis. Potential confounding variables, including psychological and medical co-morbidity, status as a patient, occupational 36 differences, educational level, and socioeconomic status, although addressed in the Study, were anticipated to be relatively restricted due to participants' enrollment in undergraduate education. Degree of proficiency in the English language for Latina women was anticipated to be adequate given their enrollment in an American university, where proficiency in the English language was a condition for enrollment. Although it would have been ideal to conduct this study with Latina women of a specific Latino ethnicity (e.g., Mexican American, Puerto Rican) or generation level (e.g., first, second generation Latinas), the ability to obtain a sufficiently large sample across these dimensions was compromised due to the limited number of undergraduate Latina women in the university (3% of total student population, Bonner, 1995) and the geographic location of the study (the midwestern United States). Consequently, although participant specific ethnicity and generation level were considered, the study focused on identifying differences between Latina and European Americans as a group. 37 HYPOTHESES Based on the review of the literature, the following hypotheses are made: Hypothesis 1 Given the greater emphasis on affective communication within the Latino culture, it is expected that Latina women will exhibit greater levels of affect, and less modulated affect than European American women. Hypothesis 2 It is anticipated that the experience of being an ethnic minority in a largely European American university may be particularly salient for Latina undergraduates due to limited educational support systems that exist for this group and the potential for isolation. Consequently, it is anticipated that undergraduate Latina women will have access to fewer coping resources than European Americans. Hypothesis 3 Partly as a function of tendencies toward internalization of conflict, it is predicted that Latina women will exhibit higher levels of dysphoria, particularly symptoms of depression and dysthymia than European American women. However, Latina women are not anticipated to be clinically depressed. Hypothesis 4 Due in part to gender role socialization which restricts the expression of negative affect among Latinas, it is anticipated that Latina undergraduate women 38 will have a greater propensity to explain psychological symptomatology in terms of bodily distress than European Americans. Hypothesis 5 In light of the heightened emphasis on “meaningful” socialization (e.g., personalismo, familismo) that exists within the Latino culture, it is predicted that Latina women will value interpersonal relationships and will operate more effectively in social relationships than European Americans. 39 METHOD Participants A total of 85 participants (IS-42 Latinas, N-43 European American women) completed the study. All of the European American women (bl-43) were recruited from undergraduate psychology classes at a large midwestern university and received course credit for their participation. Only 40.5% (N- 17) of the Latina sample were recruited in this manner. More direct recruitment efforts were subsequently incorporated to target and recruit the small subset (3% of all students, Bonner, 1995) of Latina women at the university. Due to university limitations on disclosure of students’ ethnicity, potential Latina participants were identified from the university’s student directory by Spanish surnames and were recruited by means of a brief message sent via electronic mail (email; see Appendix A). This message was sent to 170 women with Spanish surnames, 33.5% (Ma 57) responded to this message. Approximately 21% (Na 12) of this group indicated that they were not eligible as they were not of Latino heritage. Of the remaining 45 potential participants, twenty-five (55%) participated in the study. These participants received ten dollars (U .3. $10) as a token of appreciation for their participation The forty-two Latina students ranged in age from 18 to 30 (M=-20.74, Sun-2.35). Participants in this group had completed an average of 14 years of 40 education (M- 14.01, SD 1.43), equivalent to completing two years of undergraduate education. These Latina participants identified their specific ethnicity as follows: 71.4% (Ii-30) Mexican/Mexican—American/Chicana, 9.5% (N=4) Puerto Rican, 7.1% (IN-3) Columbian, 2.4% (Na 1) Brazilian, 2.4% M= 1) Cuban, and 2.4% (N21) Guatemalan. The remaining two participants identified their ethnicity as “Latina/Hispanic,” even when queried further. While most (78.6%; his-33) Latina participants had been born in the United States, 19% (N=8) had been born in a Latino country, specifically, Puerto Rico (N-4), Columbia (Ns3), and Brazil (IS-=1). One Latina participant had been born outside the United States in a non-Latino country (i.e., Germany). Age at time of immigration for first generation Latinas ranged from one month to 21.8 years (M:- 11.49, 312-888). At the time of the study, 76.2% (bl-32) of Latina participants were Michigan residents, the other 24.8% (13:10) were residents of other states, specifically: Florida (NaZ), Texas (NaZ), California (Na-1), Illinois (N- 1), Kentucky (Na 1), Nebraska (151:1), New Mexico (Na-1), and Puerto Rico (Na: 1). Latina participants were equally divided in their place of residence, with 50% (LI-21) residing on-campus and 50% (Na-21) residing off-campus. The majority (50%, N=21) resided with friends, 28.6% (N- 12) lived alone, 9.5% (N=-4) resided with parents, another 9.5% (N=4) resided with other relatives, and 4.8% (51:2) resided with their husband. 41 E E'E" The European American group (Na-=43) ranged in age from 18 to 33 (Ma-20.23, 512-245) and had completed almost 14 years (M- 13.97, SD- 1.22) of education. Approximately half (49%; N=21) of this group was comprised of individuals of Mixed European American heritage; other participants identified their specific ethnicity as follows: 14% (bl-6) Irish, 9.3% (N=4) German, 4.7% (N-Z) Russian, 2.3% (Na 1) Dutch, 2.3% (N:- 1) Canadian/French—Canadian, 2.3% (N: 1) Greek, 2.3% (N:- 1) Italian, 2.3% (N= 1) Polish. Another 9.3% (Na-4) of European American participants identified their ethnicity as “American/ Caucasian,” even when queried further. One participant indicated she “did not know” her ethnicity. The majority (97.7%; 151-42) of European American participants were born in the United States. Most (bl-36) had been born in Michigan, while the remainder (Nu-5) had been born in other states, specifically California (Na-1), Illinois (51- 1), Massachusetts (N= 1), Texas (IS-1), and Wisconsin (1‘31=1). One participant did not identify her place of birth, while another had been born in St. Petersburg, Russia and had come to the United States to study at age 18. Over 95% (Na-41) of European American participants were Michigan residents; 4.7% were residents of other states or countries: Illinois (N- 1) and Russia (Na 1). Approximately 67.4% (13:29) resided off campus, while 32.6% (N:- 14) resided on campus. The majority (79.1%; Ns34) resided with friends, 9.3% (Na4) resided 42 alone, another 9.3% (IS-4) resided with parents, and 2.3% (N =1) resided with their husband. Latina and European American participants did not differ from each other in regard to age, occupation, or education. However, analysis of variance yielded significant differences between the two groups on socioeconomic status [E(1,83) 29.21, p< .001], with Latinas (M=2.60, SD- 1.11) reporting a significantly lower socioeconomic status than European Americans (M:- 3.23, SD- .81). Materials Participant and familial demographic variables were collected by means of questionnaires which were verbally administered by examiners. The Personal Demographics Questionnaire (Appendix B) assessed participants' age, ethnicity, birthplace, immigration status, place of residence, and residential status in Michigan; it also asked participants to rate their skin color and physical features on a continuous line. The Familial Demographics Questionnaire (Appendix C) obtained information regarding the birthplace and ethnicity of participants’ parents and grandparents; it also assessed the occupation, education level, and socioeconomic status of participants, their parents, and grandparents. Participants’ age was reported in number of years, occupation was identified by participants and then coded into one of eight categories (i.e., 1=unemployed, 2 = student, 3 = homemaker, 4 unskilled worker, 5 skilled worker, 6 = administrative personnel, 7 = managers/ minor professional, and 43 8 executives/ major professional). Notably, all participants in the study identified their occupation as “Student.” Education was reported in number of completed years, and socioeconomic status (SES) was rated by participants into one of five categories (1 = Lower, 2 = Lower-Middle, 3 =- Middle, 4 - Upper Middle, and 5 = Upper). Phenotype Information regarding participants’ skin color and physical make-up was collected to determine the degree to which their physical appearance, also known as phenotype, identified them as members of an ethnic minority group (Arce, Murguia, 8C Frisbie, 1987; Codina and Montalvo, 1994). Skin color and physical features (e.g., racial and facial features) were rated by participants and examiners on a continuous scale in order to obtain an increased effect size (Russell 8C Bobko, 1993). Skin color ratings ranged from light to dark, while physical features were rated in their adherence from an European to an African/ Indian norm, respectively. Skin color and physical features were summed to derive a total phenotype score. Generatinnlexel Latina participants’ generation level was identified based on criteria specified by Cuellar and colleagues (1995). Individuals were classified into one of five generation levels based on familial demographic information (specifically, parental and grandparental place of birth and identified ethnicity). Latina participants were identified as follows: (1) First generation-Born in a Latino country, (2) Second 44 generation-Born in the U.S., either parent born in a Latino country, (3) Third generation-Born in the U.S., both parents born in the U.S., two or more grandparents born in a Latino country, (4) Fourth generation-Born in the U.S., parents born in the U.S., at least one grandparent born in a Latino country, and (5) Fifth generation-Born in the U.S., parents born in the U.S., and all grandparents born in the U.S. Walt: The Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican-Americans-II (ARSMA-II; Cuellar, Arnold, 8C Maldonado, 1995) was used to assess participants’ ethnic orientation and level of acculturation to the American culture. The original ARSMA is the most widely used acculturation scale in the United States and has been in use for over a decade (Montgomery 8C Orozco, 1984; Rogler, Cortes, 8C Malgady, 1991). The ARSMA-H is a revised version of the ARSMA which is designed to assess: (1) language use and preference, (2) ethnic identity and classification, and (3) ethnic interaction (Cuellar et al. 1995). It incorporates measures of individual and parental acculturation and includes degree of proficiency in the Spanish language. The ARSMA-II is comprised of two self- rating scales which can be used independently: Scale 1 is a 30-item scale designed to yield an index of acculturation, while Scale 2 is comprised of 18 items and provides a measure of marginality, both scales are rated on a five-point Likert scale ranging from “Not at all” to “Extremely often/ Almost always.” 45 Given that the focus in this study was on level of acculturation, only Scale 1 of the ARSMA-II was used. Linguistic revisions were made within this scale in order to make the scale applicable to all participants (Appendix D). For example, where the original scale listed the term “Mexican-American” or the country “Mexico”, the revision read “Latino” or “Latino country of origin.” Two additional items were also included: Question #31 asked participants whether their identity as a Latina or European American had changed over the last few years, and Question #32 asked participants to rank order which of six factors (i.e., educational status, geographic location, marital status, personal/ psychological growth, socioeconomic status, or other) had contributed to changes in their ethnic identity. Scale 1 of the ARSMA-II yielded two subscales: an Anglo Orientation Subscale (A08; 13 items), and a Latino Orientation Scale (LOS; 17 items). The LOS mean was subtracted from the A05 mean to yield a linear acculturation score, which was then used to classify participants into one of five acculturation levels: Level I=Very Latino oriented, Level II-Latino oriented to approximately balanced bicultural, Level III-Slightly Anglo oriented bicultural, Level IV-Strongly Anglo oriented, and Level V=Very assimilated, anglicized. EthEhhkblmm The Rorschach Inkblot Test is a projective instrument made up of ten bilaterally symmetrical inkblots. It is one of the most frequently used projective tests and has been extensively researched (Exner, 1993). The Rorschach is the most broadly researched projective instrument and continues to be widely used. In a 46 recent survey, the Rorschach was found to be the fifth most commonly used assessment instrument among clinical psychologists (Watkins, Campbell, Nieberding, 8C Hallmark, 1995). Blatt (1975) has discussed the advantages and limitations of the Rorschach and has elaborated on the Rorschach's strength in eliciting unconscious material, while noting that the quality of the data is highly dependent on the skills and training of the examiner. The ambiguity of Rorschach stimulus cards and the pull for both conscious and unconscious material may limit faking and malingering on the Rorschach. Notably, the Rorschach has been found to be fairly resistant to defensive response sets among individuals responding defensively on the Minnesota Multiphasic Inventory (MMPI; Ganellen, 1994). While no psychological difficulties were reported on the MMPI, Rorschach protocols of the same subjects suggested emotional distress, self-criticism, and interpersonal problems. Although no Specific malingering patterns have been replicated in Rorschach studies, the question of the Rorschach’s susceptibility to malingering remains unanswered (Perry 8: Kinder, 1990). Notwithstanding, recent research has elaborated on the positive relationship between the face validity and fakability of projective measures (Bornstein, Rossner, Hill, 8: Stepanian, 1994). Attempts to identify the trait assessed, fake responses in a requested direction, and be influenced by instructional manipulation were accurately executed with an objective measure, but were not successful in the projective task. 47 In a recent meta-analytical study, the Rorschach was found to exhibit equivalent reliability (e.g., interrater, intrarater, alpha, and part-whole correlations) to the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (W AIS) and the MMPI (Rorschach [a .86, WAIS r= .87, MMPI DB .84; Parker, Hanson, 8C Hunsley, 1988). Convergent validity estimates for the Rorschach (r- .41) were lower than those for the WAIS (r= .62), but were similar to those of the MMPI (r- .46). The Rorschach has also been found to be comparable in conceptual validity to the MMPI, particularly when predictions are founded on theory and research (Atkinson, Quarrington, Alp, 8C Cyr, 1986). Wenar and Curtis (1991) have provided evidence for the Rorschach's ability to measure affective changes among children with behavior problems. Exner's comprehensive system will be used to score the Rorschach. The comprehensive system has been in use for over twenty years and has been empirically validated (Exner, 1993). Research has suggested that the Rorschach places a ”mild to moderate" degree of stress on examinees (Hurt, Reznikoff, 8C Clarkin, 1995). This is largely due to the ambiguous nature of the stimuli and the nondirective interview format. Establishment of unobtrusive rapport between examiner and examinee are known to limit the anxiety experienced by some subjects to "tolerable bounds." The rationale underlying the Rorschach stipulates that, when presented with ambiguous stimuli, individuals will organize their experience in a way that is consistent with their personalities and perceptions of the world (Hurt, Reznikoff, 8C Clarkin, 1995). Cross-cultural research incorporating the Rorschach has 48 indicated that Rorschach protocols of different cultures vary in distinct ways from American norms. To date, the Rorschach has been incorporated in over one thousand cross-cultural studies evaluating a variety of ethnic populations including, African Americans (DePetris, 1986; Frank, 1992; Tobin, 1992), Finlanders (Mattlar, 1986), Japanese (T akeuchi, 1986; Suzuki, 1987), Koreans (Moon 8?. Cundick, 1983), and Swedes (Spigelman, 1991), to name a few. W In their review of the literature on the psychological testing of Latinos, Velasquez and Callahan (1992) highlighted the under-representation of projective instruments in the assessment of Latino populations. Of 103 studies published since 1950, the authors identified only 12 studies incorporating either the Rorschach or the Thematic Apperception Test in the assessment of Latinos. In contrast, 91 studies incorporated objective, paper and pencil measures, including the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (N- 86), the California Personality Inventory (N=2), the 16 Personality Factors (N- 1), the Beck Depression Inventory (Na: 1), and the Comrey Personality Scales (N=1). Esquivel (1992) has further emphasized the lack of projective personality testing with Latinos. He has highlighted the need to incorporate projective tests in the assessment of Latinos and establish norms for nonclinical populations. Frank (1993) has similarly underscored the lack of projective personality assessment with Latinos and has emphasized the need for standardization of projective tests with Latinos. Advantages to the use of the Rorschach with the Latino population 49 include reduction of complications associated with translation and administration, as well as the ability of this test to allow for ethno-relevant responses. Jones and Thorne (1987) have emphasized the importance of assuring that assessment techniques can adequately reflect the experience, reality, and meanings of different cultural groups. The open-ended nature of the Rorschach test allows for the expression of such ethnocentric perspectives, while facilitating comparison with other ethnic and cultural groups. A summary of Rorschach studies conducted with Latinos is provided in Appendix E. All studies were conducted in the United States unless Otherwise indicated. Although significant differences between the Rorschach protocols of Latinos and European Americans are reported in many of these studies, conclusive results regarding the performance of Latinos on the Rorschach are unavailable. This is largely due to the limited amount of research conducted on Latinos with projective techniques and the methodological limitations which plague much of the available research. Among the available Rorschach studies, limited sample sizes, varied target populations, and lack of consideration of moderator variables limit the generalizability of Rorschach results. To date, only one Rorschach study has looked at nonpatient Latinos residing in the United States (Kranau, 1983). Unfortunately, this sample was limited to fifteen Latino men and fifteen Latina women, and participants were interviewed by European American examiners. 50 Wes Selective Rorschach variables were used to operationalize study hypotheses and are delineated in the following section. These variables were selected due to their ability to assess the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal perception. Affect. An individual's use of color on the Rorschach has long been interpreted to reflect their emotional life. While criticisms of the color-affect hypothesis have been made (Frank, 1976; Stevens, Edwards, Hunter, 86 Bridgman, 1993), many of these are methodologically flawed and fail to adequately review the meaning of color, or consider differences on this dimension as a function of psychiatric diagnosis and normative data. Characteristics of affect include the Form-Color (FC:CF + C) ratio, the Affective Ratio (Afr), and Blends. W. The ratio of Form Color (FC) to Color Form (Cf) and Color (C) has been found to be a good indicator of the extent to which affective experience is modulated by cognition. Exner (1993) has noted that PC responses are consistent with a passive affective experience controlled by cognition. Conversely, CF and C responses suggest a tendency to give in to affective stimuli and incorporate less cognitive control. Rabin and Beck (1950) found pure C responses to be more common in young children. Nonpatient adults have been shown to provide twice as many PC than CF + C responses, while individuals with psychosomatic difficulties tend to have a ratio of 4:1 or greater (Exner, 1993). Exner notes that when the ratio exceeds 3:1, more efforts at affect modulation are 51 present; conversely, when the right side is equal to or greater than the left, the subject may be less willing to modulate affect. Am. The proportion of answers to the chromatically colored cards of the Rorschach (Cards VIII, D{, and X), in comparison to the number of responses to the less chromatically colored cards (Cards I—VII) make up the Affective Ratio (Afr). Afi is computed by dividing the number of responses to Card VIII+ Card IX+ Card X, by the number of responses to Card I+Card II+Card III+Card IV+Card V+Card VI+Card VI+Card VII). In summary, Afr corresponds to the degree that an individual might become involved with affect in coping Situations. Blends. Blends are responses which incorporate two or more determinants. These responses are often thought to be more complex than pure F responses as they incorporate greater synthesis of the stimulus field (Exner, 1993). The absence of blends in an adult record may be suggestive of psychological narrowness or constriction and may indicate less sensitivity to the self and the environment. More than eight blends in a record may suggest great sensitivity to stimuli but may be a negative sign if the subject's resources for coping with these stimuli are limited (Exner, 1993). The substance of the blend provides information regarding the subject's affective experience. Blends incorporating movement (M, FM m) and form (H represent well modulated affect and are seen as more positive than those emphasizing color (C). 52 Blends fall into two categories: shading and color Shading. Shading blends incorporate at least two achromatic (C ', C 'F, PC) or shading (T, TF, FT, V, VF, F V, Y, YE FY) determinants. Shading blends occur mostly in depressed groups but are not very common (Exner, 1993). Color shading blends are more common and occur in 42% of the records of nonpatient adults and in 70% of records of depressives. Color shading blends include a chromatic color determinant (C, CF, FC, C11) and one of the achromatic or shading determinants previously delineated. Beck (1945) noted that the color-shading blend suggested a combination of "pleasure and pain.” Applebaum and Colson (1968) have suggested that color Shading blends reflect ”an aborted form of emotional experience," while Exner (1978) has highlighted that they represent a mixed or confused emotional experience that may suggest ambivalence. Coping. The Rorschach includes five special indices which are used to identify potential psychological disorganization and provide some information about personality structure (Exner, 1993). Two of these indices, the DEPI and CD1, were incorporated in the study to evaluate level of distress and coping. Contents dealing with bodily preoccupation (An and Xy) were also examined to identify potential somatization. Lastly, the number of Popular (P) responses was noted to determine the degree of adherence to traditional cultural values and conventionality. W. The Depression Index (DEPI) incorporates affective, cognitive, and interpersonal variables. DEPI is comprised of seven 53 conditions which are made up of fourteen variables in pairs of two: (F V+ VF+ V> O) or (FD > 2), (Color-Shading Blends > 0) or (Space > 2), (3r+(2)/R > .44 and Fr+ rF= 0) or (3r+(2)/R < .33), (Afr< .46) or (Blends < 4), (Sumeading > FM + m) or (SumC'> 2), (MOR > 2) or (2xAB+Art+Ay > 3), and (COP< 2) OR ([Bt+2xCl+ Ge+Ls+2xNa]/R > .24). A condition is judged positive if criteria is met for one of the variables in each pair. Exner (1993) has noted that individuals who score high on DEPI tend to be emotionally distraught, cognitively pessimistic, lethargic, self-defeating, and/ or helpless in dealing with the complexities of society. A DEPI of five or greater is common among adult psychiatric inpatients and suggests "frequent and intense experiences of depression and/ or affective disruption" (Exner, 1993). Approximately 20% of outpatients score greater than five on DEPI, while about 3% of adult nonpatients score higher than five on DEPI. Copingfldicnhdgx. The Coping Deficit Index (CD1) deals with social relationships and includes interpersonal skills and adjustment, as well as coping abilities. CD1 is comprised of five conditions and is identified through ten pairs of variables: (EA > 6) or (Ade< O), (COP < 2) and (AG > 2), (Weighted SumC> 2.5) or (Afr< .46), (Passive >Active+ 1) or (PureH< 2), (Sum T> 1), or (Isolate/R > .24), or (Food > 0). For the CD], a condition is judged positive if it satisfies the rules of "or" and "and" listed for each condition. Higher CD1 scores are common among individuals who report interpersonal complaints and are often associated with major affective disorder or 54 dysthymia (Exner, 1993). Nevertheless, the CD] is not an index of depression like the DEPI, but rather, is directed toward identifying individuals who may have "coping limitations or deficits". W. Anatomy (An) and X-ray (Xy) contents suggest problems in self-image or body concern and highlight bodily preoccupation. An and Xy contents will be summed to determine the total number of each of these contents. Whereas nonpatient adults average .6 An responses, a greater frequency of An answers are often found in psychosomatics (Shatin, 1952). Endicott and Endicott (1963) identified statistically significant relationships between Minnesota Multiphasic Inventory (MMPI) scores on the Hysteria (l-Hs) scale and the percentage of anatomy responses in the Rorschach records of inpatients and outpatients with somatic preoccupation. A later study (Endicott 8C Jortner, 1967) identified similarly significant correlations for inpatients, but found only MMPI scores on the Hysteria (l-Hs) scale to be significant predictors of somatic preoccupation among outpatients. Both of these studies discussed the greater ability of the Rorschach to elicit information related to unconscious somatic preoccupation, while highlighting the Rorschach's low susceptibility to faking and socially desirable response sets. Somatic preoccupation and somatization are common in psychosomatic diseases. Bash (1986) identified certain characteristics common to Rorschach protocols of psychosomatic patients. These records had a lower number of responses (low R), with low movement (M) and low general human (H) responses, 55 tendency for poorly differentiated color responses (high CF and C), and coarctation of the experience balance (EB). Bash (1986) also noted the "low originality and spontaneity and rather rigid formal control" common to these records. In a later study, Acklin and Alexander (1988) explored alexithymia (i.e., lack of expressed emotion, often associated with a greater predisposition to physical problems) and somatization by comparing differences between diagnosed psychosomatic patients and nonpatient adults across seven variables. The variables assessed subjects' capacity for fantasy (R, M), affect (SumC, FC), cognition- perception (Blends, Lambda), and adaptive resources (EA). Psychosomatic patients consistently scored lower than nonpatients on all seven variables. However, patients presenting with symptoms of lower back pain and dermatological problems scored significantly lower on these variables than did patients presenting with gastrointestinal distress and headaches. W. Popular responses (1’) refer to the ability to perceive and identify the common features of blots (Exner, 1993). Aside from being an index of conventionality, P has also been found to be an index of socialization and perception. Notwithstanding, Exner noted that the frequency of P responses was fairly consistent across cultures. Impersonalfiemepjion. Interpersonal perception on the Rorschach refers to the manner in which an individual perceives and relates to others (Exner, 1993). Characteristics of interpersonal perception include measures of Interpersonal Interest (H. (H), Hd, (de), the Isolation Index (Isolate/R), and Cooperative 56 movement (COP). These variables provide some information regarding individual needs and attitudes that may impact interpersonal relations. W. Human content responses refer to responses that incorporate whole human [H, (H)] or aspects [Hd, (Hd)] of the human form. While pure H responses indicate that conceptions of people are based on actual experience, (H), Hd, and (Hd) responses suggest that such perceptions have a greater basis in one's imagination (Exner, 1993). Lower H responses are common in subjects who do not seem to identify with typical social values. The ratio H: (H)+Hd+(Ha9 is particularly helpful as an index of interest in people and a measure of the degree to which conceptions of people are based on actual experience [left side of ratio; H] rather than imagination [right side of ratio; (H) +Hd+ (Hd)] (Exner, 1993). A ratio that is higher on the left side suggests that "real experiences" in social interactions have been influential in sharing formulations about the self. In contrast, a ratio that is higher on the right side indicates a tendency to base self- image on imaginary experiences and suggest greater immaturity (Exner, 1993). Isolationlndex. The Isolation Index (Isolate/R) refers to an individual's world view and relations with the social environment. Isolate/R is related to social isolation and is computed by adding weighted primary and secondary contents in five categories [Botany (Bt), Clouds (Cl), Geography (Ge), Landscape (L5) and Nature (Na)] and dividing by the total number of responses (R). The equation is the sum of Bt+2Cl+ Ge+L5+2Na, divided by R. Isolate/R greater than .25 suggests that a person is less involved in social relationships due to limited 57 interest or timidity, while an Isolate/R greater than .33 suggests that an individual is socially isolated (Exner, 1993). WI. Cooperative movement (COP) in the Rorschach refers to percepts in which two or more objects are seen as participating in a clearly positive or cooperative movement (Exner, 1990). The COP is computed by summing the number of responses that incorporate positive or cooperative movement. The Rorschach was administered and scored according to criteria set forth by Exner (1993). The majority of examiners were advanced graduate students who had received formal training in a graduate assessment course on the scoring and administration of the Rorschach. Two examiners had limited experience with the Rorschach and were trained on the use of the Rorschach by the principal investigator. Training took place on a weekly basis over the course of eight weeks and emphasized the administration and scoring of a number of practice batteries. All examiners were blind to Study hypotheses and participated in a two-hour training session which reviewed aspects of Rorschach administration and scoring; Each Rorschach protocol was scored independently by two of the examiners; examiners then met to review the scoring. Responses that did not yield 100% agreement were examined further until inter-rater reliability was established. Structural summaries were generated by the Rorschach Scoring Program, Version 3.1 (RSP3 Plus; Exner 8C Ona, 1995). 58 Cl'E'Ell°lI -B'l The revised California Psychological Inventory (CPI-R) is an objective personality assessment questionnaire consisting of 462 true-false items (Gough, 1987). The CPI-R is designed to be used in the assessment of personality and interpersonal behavior with nonclinical populations. A fourth grade reading level is necessary to complete the CPI-R, and administration takes 45-60 minutes. The original CPI was published in 1957 and was in use for thirty years, during which time it was extensively researched and validated (Domino, 1984). The revised CPI was released in 1987 (Gough, 1987) and consists of twenty individual scales including: Dominance, Sociability, Empathy, Self-Control, Intellectual Efficiency, Psychological-mindedness, and Well-Being. These twenty scales comprise four major factors, each of which addresses different dimensions. Factor 1 (Extraversion) measures an individual's poise and effectiveness and orientation towards others in interpersonal situations, Factor 2 (Control) evaluates conscientiousness and self-discipline, Factor 3 (Flexibility) measures individuality and a preference for change or variety, and Factor 4 (Consensuality) measures perceptions of the environment and adherence to social norms (Gough, 1987). The CPI also assesses for the major themes of role, character, and competence and assigns each theme to a vector. Vector 1 measures internality- externality, Vector 2 evaluates norm-favoring versus norm-questioning, and Vector 3 is an index of psychological ego integration and realization (Gough, 1987). The interaction between Vectors 1 and 2 is used to place individuals within one of four 59 roles, delineated by the titles of alpha, betas, gammas, and deltas. An individual's score on Vector 3 describes the degree of self-realization and ego integration. Groth—Marnot (1990) has reported that the CPI exhibits adequate scale construction and validity. Median test-retest reliabilities of .70 have been found across CPI scales, and internal consistency of individual scales range from .52 to .80 (Gough, 1987). In his review of the CPI, Bolton (1992) noted that scale reliabilities actually ranged from .70 to .90, with a median of .80. Holliman (1991) has indicated that the CPI is an effective tool in the assessment of nonpatient populations of college undergraduates and, unlike other instruments, does not overestimate levels of pathology and personality disorders. The CPI assesses broad functions such as effectiveness in interpersonal situations, general mental health, and ego integration. Consequently, the CPI may generate more adequate information on personality and social functioning by emphasizing both strengths and weaknesses and identifying the degree of development of certain personality functions. One of the strengths of the CPI is its ability to distinguish healthy controls from individuals with psychological distress. The CPI has recently been used to successfully discriminate between nonpatient controls and delinquent or criminal men and women (Gough, 1992). Research has suggested that the CPI is a useful instrument in the assessment of other cultures. Specifically, the CPI has exhibited cross-cultural validity in a number of countries including France, Italy, and Japan. (Groth—Marnat, 1990). The CPI's ability to identify cultural differences within the United States has also been 60 demonstrated. Cross-cultural comparisons with Japanese undergraduates (N ishiyama, 1973), African American adults and undergraduate students (Cross, 1982), Native American adults (Davis, 1990), and Indian graduate students (Segal, 1993) have identified significant cultural differences in CPI profiles. Although Latino populations are reported to have been included in two studies incorporating the CPI (Velasquez and Callahan, 1992), no studies addressing the use of the CPI with Latinos have been published to date. The CPI-R was selected for use in the current Study due to its ability to tap broad personality constructs, its utility with nonpatient populations, and prior use with cross-cultural populations. While the Minnesota Multiphasic Inventory (MMPI) is the most widely used objective test in the assessment of personality with Latino populations (Velasquez, 1992), most studies that have attempted to look at cultural differences between Latinos and European Americans on the MMPI have been inconclusive (Greene, 1987). However, recent research has identified Significant differences between Latinos and European Americans on the MMPI supplemental content scales, rather than the clinical scales (Montgomery, Arnold, 8C Orozco, 1990). This suggests that cultural differences in attitudes and personality may be most efficiently tapped at a non-clinical level, and provides support for the use of the CPI-R rather than the MMPI within the current study. The Symptom Check List-90-Revised (SCL-90-R) is a symptom inventory consisting of 90 items which measure current psychological symptoms and has 61 been found to exhibit high construct validity (Derogatis, 1977a; Derogatis, 1977b; Derogatis, 1983). The SCL—90—R is made up of nine symptom subscales that evaluate the dimensions of somatization, obsessive-compulsiveness, interpersonal sensitivity, depression, anxiety, hostility, phobic anxiety, paranoid ideation, and psychoticism. Participants are asked to assess the level of distress experienced on a five point scale ranging from "Not at all" to "Extremely" (see Appendix F). Three indexes which measure "global scores" are generated from the SCL- 90-R (Derogatis, 1983). The Global Severity Index (GSI) is an index of total symptoms and is the average rating of distress across the 90 items and ranges from zero to four. The Positive Symptom Total (PST) refers to the total number of symptoms reported (e.g., total number of items rated higher than zero) and ranges from 0-90. Lastly, the Positive Symptom Distress Index (PSDI) provides an average rating for all positive symptoms and ranges from one to four. Administration time for the SCL-90-R is approximately 12 to 15 minutes. The SCL-90-R is designed to assess the type and intensity of perceived distress and has been reported to be successful in discriminating individuals with psychological problems from the general, healthy population (Hafkenscheid, 1993). Tambs (1993) reported internal reliabilities of .85 for the Anxiety and Depression subscales of the SCL-90-R. In addition, the Depression subscale has been shown to correlate highly with other measures of depression such as the Beck Depression Inventory and the Hamilton Depression Rating Scale (Payne, 1985). The SCL-90-R has been used in cross cultural studies and has demonstrated high levels of 62 reliability and validity, although factor loadings have not always been consistent with European American norms (T akeuchi, 1989; Noh, 1992). Inclan (1983) has used the SCL-90-R with a population of Latina women in the United States. WWW The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R; Wechsler, 1981) is the most widely used and most extensively researched adult intelligence test. Although the WAIS-R has been shown to exhibit race and cultural bias (Kaufman, 1990), it is the only intelligence test that has a long history and has been extensively normed and validated. Although "culturally unbiased" intellectual tests, including the IPAT/Cattell Culture Fair Intelligence Test (Cattell, 1951; Cattell, 1961) and the Test of Nonverbal Intelligence, Second Edition (T ONI-Z; Shelly, 1985; Brown, Sherbenou, 8C Johnsen, 1990), have been constructed, they often lack the strict methodological groundings of the WAIS-R and are only partially successful in limiting the effects of race or culture while measuring "intelligence." In his review of the IPAT, Tannenbaum (1965) noted that the IPAT tapped the construct of "hidden potential or capacity" rather than intelligence. Similarly, the TONI-2 has been described as a test of nonverbal problem solving, rather than a measure of intelligence (Watson, 1992). In their review of sensitive cross-cultural assessment, Lonner and Sundberg (1994) concluded that although traditional intelligence tests were typically biased against members of ethnic minority groups, "older and more widely used tests" such as the WAIS-R were preferable when assessing ethnic minorities due to their 63 long-standing methodological traditions. In light of this, a WAIS-R short-form was incorporated in the study to assess cognitive variables across the two groups (e.g.,Latinas and European Americans). Kaufman and Ishikuma's "quick triad"—consisting of the Information (I), Picture Completion (PC), and Digit Span (DSp) subtests-was selected for its ability to tap each of the three constructs underlying cognitive performance: Verbal Comprehension, Perceptual Organization, and Freedom from Distractibility (cited in Kaufman, 1990). Reliabilities of .91 and validities ranging from .88 to .92 have been reported for the I-PC-DSp triad. Administration time is brief and takes approximately 16 minutes. In light of race and ethnic bias, none of the subtests incorporated have been shown to generate consistently "very strong" racial differences, like those seen in the Vocabulary and Block Design subtests, across the target age range of 18-21 (Kaufman, 1990). While the Information and Picture Completion subtests have not been found to produce a strong racial difference for 16-19 year olds, the Information subtest is associated with a strong racial difference and the Picture Completion subtest is associated with a very strong racial difference for 20-34 year olds. In contrast, the Digit Span subtest has not been associated with any racial bias (Kaufman, 1990). Although these racial differences are reported for African Americans, research has suggested that Latinos traditionally produce WAIS-R profiles that fall mid-point between those of African Americans and European 64 Americans. The WAIS-R I-PC-DSp variables were incorporated in the study to rule out any cognitive effects upon the other experimental measures in the study. Operationalization of Hypotheses Differences between Latina and European American women on the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal relatedness were tested by examining selected variables across study instruments. These variables are summarized under the appropriate hypotheses and are delineated below; predicted directionality of findings is listed in italics at the end of each hypothesis. prmhes'ml Hypothesis 1 stated that Latina women would exhibit greater levels of affect, and less modulated affect than European American controls. This hypothesis was tested by examining the following Rorschach variables: (1a) The Form-Color Ratio (FC'CF + C). (1b) The number of color-shading and movement blends. (1c) The Affective Ratio (Afr). Latinas are expected to (a) score lower on the left side, and higher on the right side of the Form-Color ratio, ([7) provide more color-shading blends than European Americans, but less blends incorporating movement, and (c) have a higher Afr on the Rorschach than European A mericans. 65 Hmhfiifl Hypothesis 2 stated that Latina women would have access to fewer coping resources than European American women. This hypothesis was tested by examining: (2a) The Isolation (Isolate/R) and Coping Deficit (CD1) Indexes on the Rorschach. (2b) Responsibility (Re), Socialization (So), Self-control (Sc), Good Impression (Gi), Well-being (Wb), Tolerance (T o), and Achievement via Conformance (Ac) scales of the California Psychological Inventory-Revised (CPI-R). These scales measure social values, conscientiousness, and self-discipline to obtain an indicator of “Control.” (2c) Tolerance (T o), Achievement via Independence (Ai), Flexibility (Fx), Intellectual Efficiency (Ie), and Psychological-mindedness (Py) scales on the CPI-R. These scales measure individuality and a preference for change and variety, or “Flexibility." (2d) Vector 3 (Realization) of the CPI-R. Latinas are expected to (a) have higher scores on the Rorschach Isolate/R and CDI, and (b, c, d) score lower on CPI-R scales tapping Control, Flexibility, and Realization than European Americans. 66 prmhesfl Hypothesis 3 stated that Latina women would exhibit higher levels of dysphoria, particularly symptoms of depression and dysthymia, than European American women. This hypothesis was tested by examining: (3a) Total number of Color-Shading Blends and the Depression Index (DEPI) on the Rorschach. (3b) Communality (Cm), Responsibility (Re), Socialization (So), and Well-being (W b) scales of the CPI-R. These scales measure shared perceptions of the environment or “Consensuality.” (3c) Depression subscale on the Symptom Checkhst-90-Revised (SCL-90-R). Latinas are expected to (a) have a higher number of Color-Shading Blends and higher scores on the DEPI of the Rorschach, (b) score lower on the CPI-R Consensuality scales, and (c) score higher on the SCL-90-R Depression subscale than European Americans. 11mm Hypothesis 4 stated that Latina women would have a greater propensity to explain psychological symptomatology in terms of bodily distress than European American women. This hypothesis was tested by examining: (4a) Number of Anatomy and X-Ray (An + Xy) responses on the Rorschach. (4b) Somatization subscale on the SCL-90-R. 67 Latinas are expected to (a) provide more A n +Xy responses on Rorschach, and (b) score higher on the S CL-90-R Somatization subscale than European Americans. Hmothesiafi Hypothesis 5 stated that Latina women would value interpersonal relationships and operate more effectively in social relationships than European American women. This hypothesis was tested by examining: (5a) The Interpersonal Interest [H: (H)+Hd+(Hd)] ratio and the total number of Popular (P) and Cooperative movement (COP) responses on the Rorschach. (5b) Dominance (Do), Capacity for Status (CS), Sociability (Sy), Social Presence (Sp), Self-Acceptance (Sa), Independence (In), and Empathy (Em) scales of the CPI-R. These scales measure effectiveness in interpersonal situations and orientation to others or “Extraversion.” Latinas are expected to (a) score higher on the lq‘t side of the Interpersonal Interest ratio and provide more COP responses, but less P responses on the Rorschach, and (b) score higher on the Extraversion scales of the CPI-R. Design and Procedures Data collection took place at a large midwestern university across three semesters (Fall, Spring, Summer) during the 1996-97 academic year. Due to the difficulties in ascertaining degree of proficiency in Spanish and the limited population of Latina women on campus, all instruments were written and administered in English. Demographic questionnaires, the Rorschach Inkblot Test, 68 and the WAIS-R subtests were administered by an examiner who was of the same gender and general ethnicity (i.e., Latina or European American) as the participant. Matching by gender and ethnicity was primarily done in an effort to facilitate greater self-disclosure of varied content and limit potential cultural bias within the Rorschach testing situation (Milner, 1975; Howes 8C DeBlassie, 1989). A total of eight examiners (four Latina and four European American women) were responsible for administration of these instruments. While most examiners were advanced graduate students in their third or fourth year of studies in psychology, one was several years post-baccalaureate and enrolled in studies for an advanced teaching certificate. Participants signed up for individual interview times and were asked to allot 2 1/2 to 3 hours to complete the study. They were greeted by the principal investigator upon arrival to the study, provided with an introduction to the study (Verbal Instructions, Appendix G), and asked to read and sign a consent form (Informed Consent Agreement, Appendix H). Participants were then introduced to an examiner of the participant's ethnicity by first name and were escorted to a private room for test administration. The study was divided into two parts. The order of administration for the first part of the study was as follows: Personal Demographics Questionnaire, Rorschach Inkblot Test, Familial Demographics Questionnaire, and WAIS-R subtests. The Rorschach was administered according to guidelines established by Exner (1993). Administration took place immediately after the Personal 69 Demographics Questionnaire in order to limit the effect of priming or participant suggestibility. All instruments in the first part of the study were administered verbally by the examiner. Upon completion of the first part of the study, the Acculturation Scale, CPI-R, and SCL-90-R were presented to participants as written questionnaires. The order of administration for these instruments was counterbalanced; participants were asked to complete these instruments in the order they were provided by bubbling in the appropriate answer on a scantron form. A comment sheet (Participant Impressions and Comments, Appendix I) was also included at the end of the packet of written questionnaires for participant feedback. Upon completion of the study, participants were presented with a brief summary of the study (Study Summary and Debriefing, Appendix J). Experimental credit was then provided by stamping participants’ cards with the experiment number. For participants recruited from outside the subject pool, financial renumeration was provided in the form of ten dollars cash placed inside an envelope. Statistical analyses of data were conducted using the SPSS for Windows software program (1994, SPSS, Inc). 70 RESULTS Demographic Questionnaires Analysis of variance was conducted on participant and examiner ratings of phenotype. Results indicated that Latina participant and examiner ratings were significantly higher for skin color [E(1,83) - 28.96; p < .001; E(l,80) =- 33.53; p < .001, respectively], physical features, [E(1,83) - 73.51, p < .001; E(l,80) - 134.23; p < .001], and overall phenotype [E(1,83) - 68.64, p < .001; E(1,80) - 78.07; p < .001] than those of European American participants and examiners (see Table 1). Participant and examiner ratings were highly intercorrelated for skin color (1- .86; p < .001), physical features (rs .76; p< .001) and phenotype (x- .84; p< .001). Acculturation Scale The revised version of Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican-Americans-II (ARSMA-II) was scored according to criteria set forth by Cuellar and colleagues (1995). Reliability analysis yielded satisfactory internal consistency for the Anglo Orientation Subscale, Latino Orientation Subscale, and Overall Scale (Cronbach’s Alpha a- .70, .97, and .83, respectively). Analysis of variance indicated that Latina participants scored significantly higher on the Latino Orientation Scale [LOS; E(l,83) -= 262.78; p < .001], while European Americans scored significantly higher on the Anglo Orientation Subscale [AOS; E(1,83) =27.69; p < .001]. The overall acculturation score [E(1,83) =«206.97; p < .001] and acculturation level 71 Table 1 E . . El E . European Latinas Americans (151-42) (151-43) B E . . Skin Color 7.59 (3.86) 3.87 (2.36)*** Physical Features 9.11 (3.53) 3.42 (2.52) rhea PhenOtrpe’r 16.70 (6.29) 7.28 (3.96)*** W Skin Color 7.36 (3.45) 3.44 (2.62) H... PhYSical Features 8.62 (2.75) 2.64 (1.84 *""" Phenorype 15.98 (5.87) 6.08 (4.12)m Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. *p< .05; “p < .01; “*p < .001 1' Phenotype is the sum of skin color and physical features. 72 [E(1,83) = 161.21; p < .001] were significantly higher for European Americans when compared to their Latino counterparts (see Table 2). Rorschach Inkblot Test A total of 85 Rorschach protocols were scored; two protocols were excluded from the study due to invalidity (i.e., one protocol contained only Form determinants, while the other was less than 14 responses). Mean number of responses for the remaining 83 protocols was 22.27 (SD-7.52). Analysis of variance was conducted on identified Rorschach variables and yielded no significant differences between the protocols of Latinas (Na-42) and European Americans (N,- 41). Nonparametric variables were analyzed using chi-square (1‘) analysis as per Exner’s (1993) recommendation and similarly resulted in no significant differences between Latinas and European Americans. Rorschach study variables are summarized in Table 3. California Psychological Inventory-Revised The California Psychological Inventory-Revised (CPI-R) was scored according to criteria set forth in the manual (Gough, 1987). Protocols were evaluated for invalidity using invalidity equations presented in the manual. Only one protocol was judged to be invalid (meeting criteria for “fake bad”) and was excluded from the analysis. Internal consistency (Cronbach’s Alphaaa) for CPI-R scales are presented in Table 4; reliability scores were satisfactory and consistent with those presented in the CPI-R Manual (Gough, 1987). 73 Table 2 an l10|.\«.!: . IAN-Maw... I-i--o_ .__u-.,u .- European Latinas Americans (18-42) 08-43) Anglo Orientation Subscale 53.43 (5.59) 59.49 (5.02)*** Latino Orientation Subscale 55.86 (11.26) 24.98 (5.08)*** Acculturation Score .82 (.92) 3.11 (.48)"** Acculturation Level 3.17 (.82) 4.88 (.33)*’"" Level 11’ 0.00°/o/O 0.00°/o/0 Level II 23.8°/o/ 10 0.00°/o/0 Level III 38.1%/ 16 0.00°/o/0 Level IV 35.7%/ 15 11.6%/ 5 Level V 2.4%/ 1 88.4%/ 38 Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation) unless otherwise indicated. TData summarized by Percentage/ Number. AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. “'p< .05; **p< .01; “'*"'p< .001 74 Table 3 European Latinas Americans (Is-42) (Is-41) Responses 23.41 (8.19) 21.10 (6.66) Populars 5.36 (1.45) 5.78 (1.95) Blends 6.38 (3.53) 6.98 (3.42) Blends:R .30 (.18) .35 (.17) Color-Shading Blends 1.29 (1.37) 1.34 (1.20) Movement Blends 4.81 (2.71) 5.39 (3.14) FC 1.71 (1.50) 1.95 (1.40) CF+C 2.86 (2.08) 2.15 (1.75) Affective Ratio .47 (.16) .50 (.19) H 3.19 (1.63) 3.29 (2.45) (H)+Hd+(Hd) 4.02 (2.90) 4.20 (2.47) Isolation Index .30 (.15) .28 (.16) Cooperative Movement 1.21 (1.14) 1.10 (.94) An+XyT 1.07 [1.33] 1.07 [1.33] DEPI 4.71 [1.09] 4.63 [1.24] CD1 2.64 [1.17] 2.83 [1.30] Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. ‘I'Variables analyzed by chi-square; standard deviations for these variables are presented in brackets. 75 Table 4 .‘on. ”0:. o‘uou-i‘ .61" ’x‘ Abbrev. No. of Alpha Scale Name Name Items Coefficient Dominance Do 36 .80 Capacity for Status Cs 28 .64 Sociability Sy 32 .79 Social Presence Sp 38 .72 Self-acceptance Sa 24 .60 Independence In 30 .74 Empathy Em 38 .59 Responsibility Re 36 .64 Socialization So 46 .73 Self-control Sc 38 .76 Good Impression Gi 40 .73 Communality Cm 38 .56 Well-being Wb 38 .85 Tolerance To 32 .67 Achievement via Conformance Ac 38 .60 Achievement via Independence Ai 36 .69 Intellectual Efficiency Ie 42 .55 Psychological-mindedness Pm 28 .58 Flexibility Fx 28 .66 Femininity/ Masculinity F/ M 32 .50 Vector l-Internality V.1 34 .84 Vector 2-Norm-favoring V2 36 .74 Vector 3-Realization V.3 58 .83 76 Analysis of variance yielded Significant differences between Latinas and European Americans on several scales of the CPI-R. Latinas scored significantly lower on the Capacity for Status [E(1,81) -4.17; p< .05], Empathy [E(1,81) -6.59; p < .05], Achievement via Independence [E(1,82) -4.34; p < .05], Flexibility [E(1,82) - 5.24; p < .05], and Vector 3-Realization [E(1,81) - 5.82; p < .05], scales of the CPI-R. No significant differences were identified on the remaining CPI-R scales. These results are summarized in Table 5. Symptom Checklist-90Revised The Symptom Checklist-90-Revised (SCL-90-R) was scored according to criteria set forth in the manual (Derogatis, 1983). One protocol was excluded from the analysis due to missing data. Internal consistency scores (Cronbach’s Alpha) were derived for the SCL—90-R individual and total subscales; these scores were congruous with those provided in the manual and are presented in Table 6. Analysis of variance yielded no significant differences between Latinas and European Americans on any of the SCL-90-R individual or total subscales. Subscale means and standard deviations are summarized in Table 7. Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised Analysis of variance indicated that Latinas scored significantly lower on the Picture Completion subtest of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R) than European Americans [E(1,83) -4.10); p< .05]. No other significant differences were identified on the WAIS-R subtests. These results are summarized in Table 8. 77 Table 5 01.. no.1, Lu '0 on-i' European Latinas Americans Dominance 22.91 (5.28)/ 42 22.57 (6.34)/ 42 Capacity for Status 16.45 (3.83)/ 42 18.12 (3.61)/41"' Sociability 22.93 (4.79)/42 24.02 (5.15)/42 Social Presence 25.98 (5.01)/ 42 27.91 (4.46)/ 42 Self-acceptance 19.33 (3.24)/ 42 19.86 (3.96)/ 42 Independence 16.35 (4.64)/ 40 17.17 (4.46)/ 42 Empathy 21.48 (4.51)/42 23.88 (4.00)/41* Responsibility 23.62 (4.46)/42 23.74 (3.91)/42 Socialization 28.33 (5.82)/ 42 29.83 (5.03)/ 42 Self-control 17.39 (5.3 1)/ 41 17.24 (5.75)/ 42 Good Impression 15.29 (5.35)/ 42 15.07 (5.09)/ 42 Communality 34.62 (2.36)/42 35.38 (2.49)/42 Well-being 26.50 (6.39)/ 42 28.33 (5.72)/ 42 Tolerance 19.77 (4.62)/ 42 21.21 (3.54)/ 42 Achievement via Conformance 26.76 (3.96)/ 41 26.93 (4.21)/ 42 Achievement via Independence 22.21 (4.84)/ 42 24.31 (4.36)/42"' Intellectual Efficiency 27.55 (4.15)/ 42 28.79 (3.87)/ 42 Psychological-mindedness 14.88 (3.72)/ 42 15.93 (3.24)/ 41 Flexibility 14.38 (3.78)/42 16.29 (3.85)/42* Femininity/Masculinity 18.38 (3.62)/42 18.76 (3.29)/42 Vector l-Internality 15.00 (5.64)/ 41 14.36 (6.75)/ 42 Vector 2-Norm-favoring 21.67 (4.82)/ 42 21.14 (5.29)/ 42 Vector 3-Realization 32.81 (8.03)/ 41 36.86 (7.27)/42* Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation)/ Sample size. AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. *9 < .05; *"’p< .01; ""”'p< .001 78 Table 6 S :l 11'-g;-E .1.“ ”3].”. Abbrev. No. of Alpha Subscale Name Name Items Coefficients Somatization Som 12 .83 Obsessive-Compulsive Oc 10 .88 Interpersonal Sensitivity Is 9 .88 Depression Dep 13 .90 Anxiety Anx 10 .84 Hostility Hos 6 .86 Phobic Anxiety Phob 7 .67 Paranoid Ideation Pi 6 .85 Psychoticism Psy 9 .76 Total SCL—90—R Score Tot 90 .97 79 Table 7 5 :l ll-EIE . l'E .. 5 European Latinas Americans (Ii-42) (IS-42) Somatization .57 (.52) .69 (.57) Obsessive-Compulsive 1.04 (.80) .89 (.73) Interpersonal Sensitivity .84 (.85) .71 (.63) Depression .95 (.81) .82 (.61) Anxiety .60 (.65) .58 (.51) Hostility .69 (.83) .43 (.51) Phobic Anxiety .28 (.48) .16 (.25) Paranoid Ideation .71 (.86) .45 (.52) Psychoticism .46 (.51) .44 (.48) Total SCL-90-R Score 65.19 (54.01) 56.48 (40.39) Global Severity Index .72 (.60) .63 (.45) Positive Symptom Total Positive Symptom Distress Index 35.41 (20.54) 1.64 (.50) 33.91 (18.25) 1.55 (.42) Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). 80 Table 8 Eillélllll' 5111.1.515 European Latinas Americans (bl-42) (Ha-43) Information 18.95 (3.89) 18.91 (4.48) Picture Completion 14.41 (2.60) 15.56 (2.66)“ Digit Span 17.38 (3.76) 18.21 (4.35) Forward 9.19 (2.23) 9.65 (2.26) Backwards 8.19 (2.10) 8.56 (2.76) Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. *p< .05; **p< .01; **"'p< .001 81 Additional Findings Latina participants comprised a diverse group in terms of parental ethnicity and generation level. As a result, exploratory analyses on the aforementioned measures were conducted across parental ethnicity and participant generation level. These analyses and additional findings are summarized after each instrument. E .1. l l: l . Latina participants had varied familial backgrounds, with 61.9% (Na-26) identifying both parents as Latino and 33.3% (Ii-14) identifying parents of mixed ethnic heritage. Thirteen of these participants had one Latino parent and one European American parent; one participant had one Latino parent and one African American parent. Additionally, two Latina participants (4.8%) were born to Latino parents, but adopted by European American parents before their first birthday. All participants (N:- 43) within the European American sample were born to European American parents. Parental ethnicity for Latina and European American participants is presented in Table 9. Generation levels for Latinas were as follow: 19.0% (bk-8) first generation, 33.3% (IS-14) second generation, 11.9% (N35) third generation, 21.4% (bl-9) fourth generation, and 14.3% (bl-6) fifth generation. Nonparametric statistics were used to analyze parental and familial occupation but analyses were insignificant for parents and all grandparents. Analysis of variance was conducted between parental and familial education and socioeconomic status and indicated that Latina participants’ mothers [E(1,83) = 5.05, 82 Table 9 C . t . .5 2.3 I ll 1... Lanna: Mother Father Mother Father (N- 42) (N- 42) (N= 43) (N=43) Mexican 47.7%/ 20 61.7%/ 26 —- —- Puerto Rican 9.5%/ 4 7. 1%/ 3 — —- Latina/ Hispanic 9.5%/ 4 4.8%/2 -— -- Columbian 0.0%/0 4.8%/ 2 — — Brazilian 2.4%/1 2.40/0/ 1 -- -- Cuban 2.4%/1 2.4%/1 -— — African American — 2.4%/1 -— — Spanish -— 2.4%/1 -- — American/ Caucasian 7. 1%/ 3 2.4%/ 1 18.6%/ 8 18.6%/ 8 European American Blend 7. 1%/ 3 2.4%/ 1 48.8%/ 21 25.4%/11 Irish 7. 1°/o/ 3 2.4%/1 4.7%/2 14.00/0/ 6 German 2.4%/1 2.4%/1 9.3%/ 4 4.7%/ 2 Italian -- 2.4%/1 7.00/0/ 3 2.3%/1 Canadian/ French Canadian - -— 2.3%/1 4.7%/2 French -- -- 2.3%/1 4.7%/ 2 Greek —- — 2.3%/1 4.7%/ 2 Polish —- -- —- 7.0%/ 3 Russian — - 4.7%/2 2.3%/1 English —- —- -— 4.7%/ 2 Dutch —- — -- 2.30/0/1 Scottish -- — — 2.3%/ 1 Lithuanian 2.4%/ 1 -- -- —- Polish 2.4%/1 —— - — Don’t know — -— —- 2.3%/ 1 Note: Data summarized by Percentage/ Sample Size. 83 p < .05], fathers [E(1,81) =4.10, p < .05], paternal grandmothers [E(1,60) - 13.24, p< .001], and paternal grandfathers [E(1,53) -5.32, p< .05] had significantly less years of education than those of European American participants. Latina participants also reported a significantly lower socioeconomic status for their maternal [E(1,83) =9.0879, p< .01] and paternal grandparents [E(1,81) - 12.96, p < .001] grandparents than their European American counterparts. These results are summarized in Table 10. Amhnmionficale Chi-square analysis was conducted on Question #31 of the Acculturation Scale which inquired regarding changes in participants’ ethnic identity. Significantly more Latinas (60%) than European Americans (14%) reported changes in their ethnic identity [x2 (4, N- 85) =21.97; p < .001]. Rank ordering of variables that contributed to changes in ethnic identity (Question #32) was subsequently evaluated for participants who had identified some change in their ethnic identity. Latinas identified “Personal/ Psychological growth” as most significant in effecting ethnic identity changes, followed by “Geographic location,” “Educational status,” “Socioeconomic status,“ and "Marital status.“ About 25% of Latina participants also identified relationships with peers as significant contributors to changes in their ethnic identity. In turn, European American participants identified “Personal/ Psychological growth” and “Educational status” as most significant in contributing to their identity Shifts, followed by “Socioeconomic status,“ “Geographic location,” and “Marital status.” 84 Table 10 P. 1 IE 'l'll: 1.3,.” Latinas European Americans Mother’s OccupationT Father’s Occupation Maternal Grandmothers Occupation Maternal Grandfather’s Occupation Paternal Grandmother’s Occupation Paternal Grandfather’s Occupation Mother’s Education Father’s Education Maternal Grandmother’s Education Maternal Grandfather’s Education Paternal Grandmother’s Education Paternal Grandfather’s Education Parents’ Socioeconomic Status Maternal Grandparents’ SES Paternal Grandparents’ SES 5.21 [1.47]/42 5.78 [1.331/40 3.71 [1.071/42 4.80 [1.281/35 3.47 [.991/36 5.26 [1391/31 12.57 (3.89)/42 13.79 (3.95)/40 6.51 (6.98)/36 7.29 (7.46)/34 6.45 (6.57)/30 7.52 (6.98)/29 3.29 (.92)/42 2.38 (1.01)/42 2.20 (1.10)/41 5.14 [1.251/43 6.33 [1.191/43 3.81 [1.25]/42 5.32 [1.34]/38 3.97 [1.351/39 5.36 [1.47] 31 14.06 (1.90)/43* 15.31 (2.88)/43* 9.12 (7.60)/38 10.09 (7.26)/33 11.72 (4.74)/32*** 11.42 (5.36)/26* 3.47(.80)/43 2.98 (.80)/43** 2.95 (.79)/42*** Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation)/ Sample size. AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. “'p< .05; “12< .01; ***p< .001 TVariableS analyzed by chi-square; standard deviations for these variables are presented in brackets. (SES =Socioeconomic status) Batentalfithnicitx Due to the limited sample size, two Latina participants who were born in a Latino country but had been adopted by European American parents shortly after birth were not included in this, nor subsequent, analyses which include parental ethnicity. Consistent with prior results, analysis of variance by parental ethnicity yielded significant differences on overall acculturation scores [E(2,80) = 136.71; p. < 001] and acculturation level [E(2,80) =96.71; p< .001], as well as scores on the Anglo Orientation Subscale [AOS; E(2,80)=-14.84;_p < .001] and the Latino Orientation Subscale [LOS; E(2,80) - 192.43; p< .001] as a function of parental ethnicity. Scheffé post-hoe analysis at the .05 level of significance indicated that participants who had two Latino parents (N-26) had lower acculturation scores and levels than participants who had one Latino parent (Na-14) or two European American parents (bl-43). Analysis also indicated that participants with one Latino parent had significantly lower acculturation scores and levels than participants who identified two European American parents. Participants who had two Latino parents or one Latino parent also scored significantly lower on the A05 than participants with two European American parents, while participants with two European American parents scored significantly lower on the LOS than Latinas with two Latino parents or Latinas with one Latino parent. Notably, Latinas with two Latino parents also scored significantly higher on the LOS than Latinas with one Latino parent. These results are summarized in Table 11. 86 Table 11 5 l E l E l . . Two Latino One Latino Two European Scheffé Parents Parent Amer. Parents Post-hoe (N= 26) (N =- 14) (N:- 43) (.05 level) “A” “B” “C” AOST 52.54 (5.60) 54.57 (5.79) 59.49 (5.02 ** A,BC A > B Aclt. Score .49 (.92) 1.25 (.58) 3.11 (.48)*** A C Psychoticism .33 (.38) .74 (.64) .44 (.48)* AC Total ScoreT 54.50 (45.17) 89.29 (65.10) 56.48 (40.39) GSI .61 (.50) .99 (.72) .63 (.45) PST 32.69 (20.13) 41.65 (21.49) 33.91(18.25) PSDI 1.51 (.41) 1.93 (.58) 1.55 (.42)* B>A,C Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). AN OVA used to test differences between Latinas and European Americans. *p< .05; **p< .01; ***p< .001 ’r(Total Score=Total SCL-90-R Score; GSI2Global Severity Index, PST2Positive Symptom Total, PSDI-Positive Symptom Distress Index) 95 Generationlexel Inter-generation comparisons between the Latino group (i.e., first to fifth generation) did not yield any significant results on SCL—90-R subscales but indicated a trend toward higher scores for higher generation levels on the SCL-90-R Total, Global Severity, and Positive Symptom Total subscales, but not on the Positive Symptom Distress Index. The scores of European American participants tended to fall between those of second and third generation Latinas. These findings are summarized in Table 14. WW. Analysis of variance by parental ethnicity and generation level did not yield any significant differences between the groups on the Information, Picture Completion, or Digit Span subtests of the Wecshler Intelligence Scale-Revised. 96 Table 14 noon 0'. ”'01‘ ‘0 0.. Total Score‘l' GSI PST PSDI Latinas First generation 39.38 (34.21) .44 (.38) 24.38 (15.59) 1.50 (.32) (bl-3) Second generation 54.14 (53.36) .60 (.59) 31.07 (19.39) 1.53 (.53) (131-14) Third generation 77.20 (63.03) .86 (.70) 37.40 (22.77) 1.87 (.52) (N'S) Fourth generation 80.33 (61.14) .89 (.68) 43.00 (20.59) 1.66 (.56) (bl-9) Fifth generation 92.67 (53.34) 1.03 (.59) 47.17 (22.95) 1.88 (.53) (M=-6) EumpeanAmcticans 56.48 (40.39) .63 (.45) 33.91 (18.25) 1.55 (.42) (Is-42) Note: Data summarized by Mean (Standard deviation). 1'(Total Score - Total SCL—90—R Score; GSI- Global Severity Index; PST 2Positive Symptom Total; PSDI-Positive Symptom Distress Index) 97 DISCUSSION The Study sought to explore differences between Latina and European American undergraduate women on the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal relatedness. Participants were recruited from a large, midwestern university and are thought to accurately represent a sample of undergraduate women. Latina participants’ phenotype and acculturation level were found to be significantly different from those of European American participants and provided support for identification into two distinct ethnic and cultural groups. Evaluation of cognitive variables indicated that Latinas had significantly lower scores than European Americans on the Picture Completion subtest of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-Revised. This test is known to measure visual concentration and is a nonverbal test of general information; however, it has been suggested that individuals who are less familiar with some features of American society may obtain lower scores on this subtest as a function of less experience with the dominant culture (Groth-Marnot, 1990). Notably, no other differences between Latinas and European Americans were identified across cognitive variables. This suggests that findings on the aforementioned measures were not an artifact of cognitive ability. 98 Summary of Findings Himmhcml Hypothesis 1 predicted that Latinas would exhibit greater levels of affect and less modulated affect than European Americans. This hypothesis was not supported in the current study. No significant differences were obtained between Latinas and European Americans on the Form-Color ratio (FC'CF+ C), the number of Color-Shading and Movement blends, or the Affective Ratio (Afr) on the Rorschach. Latinas in the current study exhibited levels of affective expression and modulation that were Similar to those of European Americans. These findings may be partly explained as a function of the demands and personal adjustments that may be required to pursue undergraduate education. Research has suggested that Latinas who choose to pursue undergraduate education may be deviating from the traditional cultural norm (Ethier 8C Daux, 1990). This norm tends to emphasize indoctrination into the roles of wife and mother over attainment of educational or professional status for many Latina women. The movement into higher education may be consistent with a movement away from the traditional, often affectively mediated, roles of wife and mother, possibly resulting in affective levels and modulation strategies which are more consistent with those of the majority culture and European American undergraduates. 99 112119125112 Hypothesis 2 predicted that Latinas would have access to fewer coping resources than European Americans. This hypothesis was partly supported by Latinas’ scores on the Flexibility, Achievement via Independence, and Realization scales of the California Psychological Inventory-Revised (CPI-R). The first two scales contribute to measures of “Flexibility,” while the latter (V ector-3) is a measure of realization. Latinas scored significantly lower than European Americans on these scales, exhibiting lower propensities toward individually- initiated achievement, changeability, and self-realization than their European American counterparts. Findings regarding achievement orientation are in line with values within the Latino culture that emphasize interdependence over independence. These value systems may also contribute to a propensity for Latinas to view the road toward achievement as one guided by the direction and support of significant others rather than as an individual endeavor. Similarly, given the direct experience or history of migration that is common to most members of the Latino culture, it is likely that orientations toward change and new environments may be downplayed while those that have to do with establishing roots and devoting energy to the establishment of a well-organized lifestyle may be accentuated. Lastly, Latinas’ tendency to have lower levels of self-realization may partly be explained by their status as ethnic minorities in a predominantly European American university. This Status may contribute to greater levels of direct 100 (personal) or indirect (transgenerational) stress which may complicate movement toward increased personal fulfillment or actualization, especially when one moves in two different cultures. In considering findings regarding accessibility to coping resources, it should be noted that based on normative data (Exner, 1993), no deficiencies in coping—as measured by Rorschach variables including the Coping Deficit(CD1) and Isolation (Isolate/R) indexes—were identified for Latinas or European Americans. Additionally, no differences were identified on CPI-R scales tapping dimensions of “Control” or on the remaining “Flexibility“ scales (i.e., Tolerance, Intellectual Efficiency, and Psychological-mindedness). Hmhesifl Hypothesis 3 predicted that Latinas would exhibit higher levels of dysphoria than European Americans. This hypothesis was not supported in the current study. No significant differences were identified between the two groups on the number of blends (Blends, Blends:R) and Depression Index (DEPI) of the Rorschach, CPI-R scales tapping “Consensuality”, or on the SCL-90-R Depression subscale. One could wonder whether Latinas who are visibly identified as members of an ethnic minority group and comprise a small subsector of a predominantly white, European American university in the midwest may be more prone to dysphoric symptomatology. The lack of support for this statement in the current study may best be explained by the protective role that higher levels of education 101 appear to exert on mental health outcomes for Latinas, especially symptoms of depression (Amaro 8C Russo, 1987). Higher educational achievement has also been hypothesized to be associated with greater cultural adaptation (V azquez-Nuttall, Romero-Garcia, 8C De Leon, 1987), suggesting that individuals who are matched on educational level may be less likely to exhibit cultural differences as a function of ethnicity, as was the case in the current study. Research with Latino working women has also suggested that higher levels of self-esteem and traditionally male-oriented instrumentality (i.e., characteristics of independence, action orientation, competition, and decision making) may be associated with lower levels of dysphoria (N apholz, 1994). In the present study, levels of self-esteem (as measured by the Self-acceptance scale of the CPI-R) were Similar for Latina and European American women, while dimensions of instrumentality (as measured by the Capacity for Status and Achievement via Independence scales of the CPI-R) were significantly lower for Latinas. Notwithstanding, dimensions of self-acceptance coupled with analogous levels of education may have provided a protective barrier against feelings of dysphoria for Latina women in this study. Hypothesis}: Hypothesis 4 predicted that Latinas would be more likely to explain psychological symptomatology in terms of bodily distress than European Americans. This hypothesis was not supported by findings in the current study. No significant differences were identified between the groups on the total number 102 of Anatomy and X-Ray (An +Xy) responses on the Rorschach or on the Somatization subscale of the SCL-90-R. Although no Statistically significant differences were identified in this section, it is notable that while Latina and European American participants had the same number of An+Xy Rorschach responses, Latinas actually had lower scores on the SCL—90—R Somatization subscale than European Americans. The lack of statistically significant differences in this area suggests that Latinas are no more likely than European Americans to express psychological distress by way of somatic channels. These findings are inconsistent with prior research indicating that Latinas may be more likely to express psychosocial stress in physiological terms (i.e., as physical complaints) as this may be a more culturally sanctioned way to seek help (V argas—Willis 8C Cervantes, 1987). However, levels of psychosocial stress were within normal limits and both Latinas and European Americans in the current study were found to be a psychologically healthy group. It may be that when levels of psychosocial stress are within normal limits, Latinas are no more likely than European Americans to incorporate somatic channels in their identification of well-being. The question that requires further exploration is whether differences in the tendency to somatize would exist between Latinas and European Americans when clinically significant levels of psychosocial stress were activated. 103 firearm Hypothesis 5 predicted that Latinas would value interpersonal relationships and operate more effectively in social relationships than European Americans. Once again, no significant differences were identified between these groups on the Interpersonal Interest Index [H: (H)+Hd+(Hd)] and the total number of Popular (P) and Cooperative movement (COP) responses on the Rorschach. Two of the CPI-R scales tapping the dimension of “Extraversion” (Capacity for Status and Empathy) yielded significant differences between the groups; however, these findings were not in the predicted direction. Although not statistically significant, Latinas did exhibit higher scores on the Interpersonal Interest and Cooperative movement dimensions of the Rorschach, yet had lower scores on most of the CPI-R scales tapping this dimension than European Americans. Significantly lower scores on the Capacity for Status scale may best be explained as a function of Latino core values which tend to emphasize harmonious interdependent relationships over those that emphasize ambitious competition and independence. This contributes to a greater difficulty in explaining Latinas’ significantly lower scores on the Empathy scale. Why would Latinas adhere to certain Latino values but not others? Perhaps the lower scores on the Empathy scale speak to a movement away from core values that are internalized as compared to those that have to do with external attainment (i.e., achievement). 104 Research has suggested that young Latina women who pursue higher education or professional employment often make internal, attitudinal shifts regarding family core structures (i.e., don’t believe they should call home everyday or visit weekly), but may not necessarily express or demonstrate these beliefs externally (Gibson, 1983). This suggests that while Latinas may evidence a shift in moving away from internal qualities such as empathy, they may still struggle with their ability to externally present themselves as independent and successful. Exploratory Analyses Although hypotheses were based on ethnic Status as a Latina or European American woman, exploratory analyses were conducted using parental ethnicity and generation level as grouping variables. These analyses are summarized below. AcmlmrationScale In regard to acculturation, Latinas who had two Latino parents were found to be the least acculturated of the groups, followed by Latinas with one Latino parent, and then European Americans with two European American parents. This finding is consistent with the general knowledge that Latinas who have parents belonging to two different ethnic groups are more likely to incorporate the values from both groups and in this way appear to be more acculturated than Latinas with two Latino parents, but not quite as acculturated as European Americans. In regard to generation level, first generation Latinas were found to be the least acculturated of all Latina generation groups, with a trend for higher generation levels to be more acculturated. However, an exception to this was 105 noted among second generation Latinas who often had acculturation scores between those of fourth and fifth generation Latinas. This finding may be a function of pressures on second generation Latinas associated with their non- immigrant status. Such pressures may be more salient in the realm of ethnic identification, as second generation Latinas may not fully identify with the parental immigrant (i.e., Latino) culture, while similarly not quite feel like members of the newer (i.e., American) culture (Antokoletz, 1993). Such an experience may propel second generation Latinas, who are the first American-born offspring of their immigrant parents, to over-identify with the values of the majority culture, resulting in higher levels of acculturation. The pressure to acculturate rapidly may be less prominent in third and fourth generation Latinas, many of whom can turn to their American-born parents for models of how to negotiate biculturalism. ”1.. IE 11!.“ Latinas’ tendency to provide significantly more Unusual Form (Xu%) and Unusual Detail (Dd) Rorschach responses is consistent with their dual status as ethnic minorities and students at a largely European American university. Their dual world views are expected to predicate access to both a Latino and European American culture, with the tendency for more ethnically mediated responses to be less traditional or common. The focus on unusual details may be characteristic of perceptual differences; however, it is likely that these differences Stem for Latinas’ exposure to a different culture and are not necessarily indicative of perceptual 106 abnormalities. Not surprisingly, Latinas with two Latino parents provided the largest number of Xu %, (Dd), and Vague Developmental Quality (DQv) responses, even when compared with Latinas with one Latino parent. This provides further support for the greater influence of culture in such response sets. It is also of interest that Latinas as a group, especially Latinas with two Latino parents, provided significantly more responses to Card I of the Rorschach. These findings may be related with task demands and suggest that when task directions and stimuli are ambiguous, Latinas may be more likely to respond by generating a greater level of possibilities (in this case, responses). Notably, Latinas as a group also had significantly longer response times to Card II of the Rorschach, while first generation Latinas and Latinas with two Latino parents had significantly longer response times to Card VI. It is notable that Card II is the first card in the series to include chromatic color, while Card VI has been associated with largeness and dimensions of sexuality (Rabin, 1959). At minimum, these findings suggest a possible delay in dealing with affective or sexual material on the part of undergraduate Latinas in this study. Findings across the CPI-R scales by parental ethnicity were generally consistent with those identified for the larger Latino sample (i.e., with Latinas scoring lower on the Capacity for Status, Empathy, Achievement via Independence, Flexibility, and Vector 3 scales of the CPI-R). Notably, Latinas with two Latino parents were found to score significantly lower on these scales, as 107 well as on the Tolerance and Flexibility CPI-R scales, when compared to Latinas with one Latino parent or European Americans with two European Americans parents. Scores on the Tolerance (which measures understanding and acceptance of others’ beliefs and values) and Flexibility (an indicator of changeability and desire for new experiences) were also significantly lower for this group. Scores on these scales suggest that Latinas with two Latino parents may respond to the world in less tolerant and flexible ways, perhaps in response to their perception of how the majority culture has responded to them. Overall, these findings provide further support for the greater impact of Latino value systems on psychological functioning, especially among Latinas with two Latino parents. Comparisons across the SCL-90-R subscales by parental ethnicity indicated that Latinas with one Latino parent and one parent of another (European American or African American) ethnicity scored consistently higher across all SCL—90-R subscales. Although these findings only approached significance on the Phobic Anxiety, Psychoticism, Additional Items, and Positive Symptom Distress Index subscales, the overall scores suggest a trend where Latinas of inter-racial paternity (i.e., one Latino parent and one European American or African American parent) may be more likely to identify higher levels of psychological symptomatology. Similarly, the higher the generation level (i.e., with third generation being higher than second generation), the more likely Latinas were to report higher levels of symptomatology on the SCL—90—R Total, Global Severity, 108 and Positive Symptom Total subscales. The scores of European American women on these measures consistently fell between those of second and third generation Latinas. These findings suggest that biracial paternity and higher generation levels among Latina undergraduates may be associated with a greater endorsement of psychological symptomatology. A model which anticipates higher levels of stress for Latinas who are affiliated with two ethnic value systems—as embodied by parents of different ethnicity—or whose Latina heritage is more distant as a function of higher generation levels, may be useful in beginning to explain these results. Methodological Considerations It is possible that the similarity in participants’ educational level and familial (i.e., parental and grandparental) occupation level may have functioned as a demographic moderator on outcome measures, cancelling out potential ethnic differences and significant inter-group differences in familial educational level and socioeconomic status. The limited sample size of the study may have similarly impacted results. Although several study findings were in the predicted direction, they did not approach significance, a situation that could be remedied by incorporating a larger—and in the case of the Latina group, more ethnically and generationally homogenous— sample in future research. Issues regarding sample selection should also be considered. Whereas all of the European American participants received course credit for their participation in this, among others, research studies, the majority of Latinas were paid for their 109 participation. These Latina participants self-selected from among a pool of potential applicants by their affirmative response to an electronic mail recruitment message. This group may have agreed to participate for a number of reasons including a commitment to Latino research, a tendency to enter into unfamiliar situations (i.e., agreeing to participate in a research project run by strangers), and perhaps a certain degree of extraversion and openness to new experiences. This may also bring into question the representativeness of the Latino sample This study was an improvement over prior studies with Latinos insofar as it considered a number of demographic (i.e., education level, occupation, and socioeconomic status) and ethnic (i.e., phenotype, generation level, level of acculturation) variables which are known to influence psychological outcomes. The study also sought to control for the influence of cognitive variables by incorporating a short Wechsler Intelligence Scale-Revised (W AIS-R) form. Notwithstanding, there are two major considerations that will serve to improve future research. Principal among these is the incorporation of sufficient numbers of Latinas belonging to any one specific ethnicity (i.e., Mexican American, Puerto Rican). This would enable intra-group comparisons to be made across the identified variables and may serve to establish whether differences in psychological functioning actually exist within Latino groups or whether they are merely an artifact of educational, occupational, or socioeconomic status. The inclusion of equal numbers of Latina participants from each generation level (i.e., first, second, third generation, etc.) should also be emphasized in future research. 110 Larger scale analyses which consider this variable could provide important information regarding the relationship between generation level and its impact on psychological functioning. Limitations in the number of participants belonging to a specific Latino ethnicity and generation level were present in the current study and appeared to be largely meditated by the geographic setting of the study. A second recommendation in conducting future research with Latinas would be to incorporate measures which highlight dynamics rather than personality traits. The Thematic Apperception Test may be of particular utility in this regard due to its emphasis on interpersonal scenarios and associated presses. This emphasis may be particularly useful in generating non-comparative information about the Latino culture and may facilitate a greater understanding of this culture as a group. Conclusions In summary, the results of the current study suggest that Latinas who are enrolled in undergraduate education are more similar to their European American counterparts across the dimensions of affect, coping, and interpersonal relatedness, than they are different. This is a significant finding as it suggests that research conducted with general Latino populations may not be generalizable to Latinas who are pursuing an undergraduate degree. Notably, this was the case across most of the study hypotheses, the majority of which were based on prior research with the general Latino population. 111 The current findings indicate that undergraduate Latinas exhibit levels of psychological adjustment and general functioning that are similar to those of European Americans. Notwithstanding, Latinas may perceive the world differently than European Americans, with a greater propensity to see beyond traditionally accepted parameters and focus on specific details. This tendency is most notable among Latinas with two Latino parents as they may have a greater exposure to a distinctly different cultural view. It should be noted that even within a normative, relative symptom-free distribution, Latinas may encounter more difficulty than European Americans in establishing an independent achievement orientation, expressing competition and ambition, being open toward change, and in their ability to reach their potential. This tendency appears to be more pronounced among Latinas who have two Latino parents. It is likely that this subgroup of Latinas may have greater access to traditional Latino value systems which may inadvertently support personal and family achievement over academic and professional excellence. Findings from the current study also suggested that Latinas with one Latino parent and a parent of a different ethnicity, as well as Latinas who were members of later generation levels (i.e., fourth or fifth generation) were more prone toward psychological symptomatology. It is possible that while more traditionally oriented Latinas born to Latino parents struggle with issues of achievement and self-realization, their ability to perceive the world through different cultural lenses may provide a protective buffer against the experience and expression of 112 psychological symptomatology. Conversely, while Latinas with one Latino parent or who belong to later generations may be more able to successfully negotiate achievement demands due to their greater exposure to the values of the majority culture, they may struggle significantly more with issues of ethnic identity and belongingness. Even within a non-clinical, normative level of functioning, cultural and ethnic issues may generate greater levels of psychological symptomatology among Latinas of biracial paternity and those belonging to later generation levels. Although more research continues to be necessary with Latina undergraduate populations, some practical recommendations can be made from the above findings. Principal among these is a mandate for the provision of increased academic and professional support for Latina women as they pursue undergraduate education and enter the workforce. Such support may be instrumental in enabling Latinas to modulate negative cultural stereotypes that restrict female achievement and may allow young Latinas to reach their potential for personal and professional self-realization. And decisively, the importance of providing Latinas with access to their ethnicity and culture cannot be understated. Such a connection may facilitate the continued development of a unique and vibrant group of women who in their living may be fully connected to their past, present, and future. 113 APPENDICES 114 APPENDIX A RemitmenLMessage Hello, my name is Rosa M. Rigol and I am a Latina doctoral student in psychology at MSU. I am conducting research with Latina undergraduates and am contacting you to see if you might be available to participate. As you know, there are a limited number of Latinas at MSU and it is often difficult to target them and include them in research. The study is made of an individual interview and several written questionnaires—it takes about two and a half to three hours to complete. I would be able to compensate you with $10 as a token of appreciation for your time. I know your time is worth much more, but you would be making a valuable contribution to the research that is now available with Latina undergraduates. Please let me know whether you would be interested in participating—if so, we could arrange a convenient time either in the spring or summer semester. Thank you very much for at least considering this request. Feel free to contact me if you have any questions. All research will be conducted by Latinas. Muchisimas gracias, Rosa 115 APPENDIX B E II: 1.2.. 1. What is your date of birth? 2. How old are you? Years _ Months 3. What is your ethnicity? Caucasian/ Anglo Hispanic/Latina/Chicana 4. What is your specific ethnicity: (e.g., American, German-American, Irish-American, Mexican American, Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican, Dominican, South American, African American/ Hispanic, etc.) 5. On the line below, rate your skin color by marking an "X" at the appropriate place: Very light Very dark (Giier a) (Morena) 6. On the line below, rate your physical features (including facial features, height, eye color, hair color and texture) by marking an "X“ at the appropriate place: Very European Very Indian/ Very African 7. Where were you born (city/ state and country)? 8. If you were not born in the U.S., how old were you when you moved to the U.S.? Age: Years Months 9. What is your residential status? 1 2 3 4 5 Reside alone Reside with Reside with Reside with Reside with friends parents husband/ other children relatives 10. Do you reside on or off campus? 1 2 Off campus On campus 11. Are you a Michigan resident? 1 2 Michigan resident Resident of other state 12. If not, in what state are you a legaLresident? 116 APPENDIX C E '1']: 1.: . . (For questions 1-13, ask the participant: “What is your ?') 1. Mother's place of birth: Her identified ethnicity: 2. Father's place of birth: His identified ethnicity: 3. Maternal grandmother's place of birth: Her identified ethnicity: 4. Maternal grandfather's place of birth: His identified ethnicity: 5. Paternal grandmother's place of birth: Her identified ethnicity: 6. Paternal grandfather's place of birth: His identified ethnicity: 7. Your occupation: 8. Mother's occupation: 9. Father's occupation: 10. Maternal grandmother's lifetime occupation: 11. Maternal grandfather's lifetime occupation: 12. Paternal grandmother's lifetime occupation: 13. Paternal grandfather's lifetime occupation: 117 APPENDDC C (contd.) Use the following scale to estimate completed years of education. For example, if participant is a Sophomore in college, she has completed high school (12 years) plus her Freshman year (one year) of college. Hence, she would have completed 13 years of education. <12 years Identify last grade completed 12 years High school diploma/ GED 13 years Some college 14 years Associate's degree or trade school 16 years Bachelor's degree 18 years Master's degree > 21 years Doctorate, medical, or professional OD.) degree (For questions 14-20, ask the participant: How many years of school did you/ your complete?) 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Your education: Mother's education: Father's education: Maternal grandmother's education: Maternal grandfather's education: Paternal grandmother's education: Paternal grandfather's education: (For questions 21-24, ask the participant the question and then circle the appropriate number). 21. 22. MI] . . . l l? 1 2 3 4 5 Lower Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle Upper Pill . , . . l l? 1 2 3 4 5 Lower Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle Upper 118 APPENDD( C (contd.) 23. MW? 1 2 3 4 Lower Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle 24. Wad? 1 2 3 4 Lower Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle 119 Upper Upper APPENDIX D Amltnrarionficale For each of the following items, identify a number between 1 and 5 which best applies. Not at all Very little/ Moderately Very much/ Extremely often/ Not very often Very often Almost always 1 2 3 4 5 i 1. I speak Spanish 2. I speak English 3. I enjoy speaking Spanish k 4. I associate with Anglos _. 5. I associate with Latinos or Hispanic Americans 6. I enjoy listening to Spanish language music 7. I enjoy listening to English language music 8. I enjoy Spanish language TV 9. I enjoy English language TV 10. I enjoy English language movies 11. I enjoy Spanish language movies 12. I enjoy reading books in Spanish 13. I enjoy reading books in English 14. I write in Spanish 15. I write in English 16. My thinking is done in the English language 17. My thinking is done in the Spanish language 18. My contact with the Latin country I originate from has been 19. My contact with the United States has been 20. My father identifies/ identified himself as "Hispanic" (e.g., Chicano, Latino, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Columbian, Cuban, Dominican, Nicaraguan, Argentine). 21. My mother identifies/ identified herself as "Hispanic" (e.g., Chicana, Latina, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Columbian, Cuban, Dominican, Nicaraguan, Argentine). 22. While I was growing up, my friends were of Latino origin 23. While I was growing up, my friends were of Anglo origin 24. My family cooks Latin/ Hispanic foods 120 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. APPENDD( D (contd.) My friends now are of Anglo origin My friends now are of Latino origin I like to identify myself as an Anglo American I like to identify myself as a Hispanic American I like to identify myself as Hispanic (e.g., Chicana, Latina, or related specific ethnicity) I like to identify myself as an American Over the last few years, my identity as an Anglo or Latina has changed Rank the order in which each of the following has contributed to changes in your ethnic identity: (Rank 1 - 6; 1-greatest influence to 6-least influence) Personal/ psychological growth Marital status Geographical location Socioeconomic status Educational status Other (please describe: ) 121 APPENDIX E BllE 1.”. Researshfitudxfliopulation 16 Spanish refugee boys 16 English refugee boys 11812131111256). 6 Navaho men 6 Zuni men 6 Mormom men 6 Spanish American men (Assessed in New Mexico) K] F] -:‘1' W216) Navaho, Zuni, Mormom, Spanish-Americans (Assessed in New Mexico). W 29 White 8 Black 11 Latina E' 1' Spanish children gave more responses, took longer for each response, had more Uncommon detail (Dd) and Space (S) responses, gave fewer Popular (P) responses, more human plus human detail (H +d), and were more likely to be Extratensive than their English counterparts. The emotional experience of the Spanish children was seen as more outgoing and expressive ("more noise and more warmth") coupled with more obstinacy and suspicion. Discussed the role of the acculturation process on Rorschach research. Results indicated that the Mormom and Spanish-American groups showed differences in almost every variable that were as great as those of the less acculturated Navaho and Zuni cultures. Significant cultural variability was seen in five Rorschach variables: FC, CF, T/R, FC', and m. Significant cultural differences on five Rorschach variables including Form-color (FC), Color-form (CF), Pure texture (7), Form- achromatic color (FC'), and inanimate movement (m), but did not provide content descriptions for each culture to elucidate the direction of the differences. Using a sorting technique, the authors concluded that Rorschach records from these cultures were "different enough to be sorted with considerable success". Identified significantly different "personality patterns" among the varied ethnicities. The Rorschach was scored using the Friedman Developmental Level Scoring system (Becker, 1956) and comparisons to Exner norms were not made. Notwithstanding, White adolescents were identified to be more likely to fit into a neurotic personality structure, while Latino adolescents coming from lower social classes were more likely to be identified as antisocial. 122 Reseacchimdxlfionulatinn Female adolescent delinquents, (ages 13-18) Kmmflflfill 15 Latino men 15 Latina women 15 Anglo men 15 Anglo women (All nonpatient adults) 60 N onpatient male and female Chilean adults (Assessed in Chile) Taxi—(1282) 40 Homosexual Mexican men residing illegally in the U.S. 30 Homosexual Mexican men residing in Mexico 25 Heterosexual Mexican men residing illegally in the U.S. (All ages 20-30) APPENDIX E (contd.) E' 1' This sample was limited in size and included only eleven Latino adolescents, hence, the generalizability of these results is questionable, particularly as data on specific Rorschach variables was not reported. Latinos provided significantly more animal movement (FM) and overall form level (X + %) responses, as well as higher experience potential ratios (ep) than Anglos, while Anglo Americans provided significantly more pure form responses (F). Significant gender differences within the Latino sample identified that Latina women produced more whole(W) and space (.5) responses, but provided significantly less total responses (R) than Latino men. Latina women also provided Significantly fewer responses incorporating common detail (D), uncommon detail (Dd), pure form (F), human (H +Hd), animal (A +Ad), human detail plus animal detail (Hd+Ad), and human movement (M) than Latino men. Latina women also scored significantly lower on the Egocentricity Index (3r+(2)/R) than did Latino men. Although these comparisons are based on a limited sample, they highlight cultural differences in response styles on the Rorschach. Specific data describing results (e.g., protocols and differences between groups) was not provided. The author emphasized the need to develop normative data on Latin American populations. The Rorschach protocols of the homosexual men were found to be significantly different from those of heterosexual men. Homosexual men experienced greater levels of dysphoric mood and distorted perceptions as measured by the Rorschach. The heterosexual subjects appeared more aggressive and impulsive than the homosexual groups on the Rorschach. 123 APPENDIX E (contd.) E lSlZEl' E'l' Children with reading problems exhibited lower 97 Spanish children with perceptual accuracy and self-concept as measured by and without reading problems. the Rorschach. (Assessed in Spain) WW F + % and X + % similar to that of Anglo norms. 19 Spanish children with reading problems (Assessed in Spain) Compared number of responses (R) and feelings of 107 Brazilian residents insecurity across the cultures. African-Brazilian 12 Portuguese participants exhibited significantly lower R's and 13 African-Brazilians greater feelings of insecurity. 23 Israelis 20 Germans 30 Italians (ages 14—20; Assessed in Brazil no gender information reported) 124 APPENDIX F S :lll'E'l Below is a list of problems people sometimes have. Please read each one carefully, and identify a number between 1 and 5 that best describes HOW MUCH THAT PROBLEM HAS DISTRESSED OR BOTHERED YOU DURING THE PAST 7 DAYS, INCLUDING TODAY. Not at all A little bit Moderately Quite a bit Extremely 1 2 3 4 5 OVER THE PAST 7 DAYS, HOW MUCH WERE YOU DISTRESSED BY: 1. Headaches 2. Nervousness or shakiness inside 3. Repeated unpleasant thoughts that won't leave your mind 4. Faintness or dizziness 5. Loss of sexual interest or pleasure 6. Feeling critical of others 7. The idea that someone else can control your thoughts 8. Feeling others are to blame for most of your troubles 9. Trouble remembering things 10. Worried about sloppiness or carelessness 11. Feeling easily annoyed or irritated 12. Pains in heart or chest 13. Feeling afraid in open spaces or on the streets 14. Feeling low in energy or slowed down 15. Thoughts of ending your life 16. Hearing voices that other people do not hear 17. Trembling 18. Feeling that most people cannot be trusted 19. Poor appetite 20. Crying easily 21. Feeling shy or uneasy with the opposite sex 22. Feelings of being trapped or caught 23. Suddenly scared for no reason 24. Temper outbursts that you could not control 25. Feeling afraid to go out of your house alone 125 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. APPENDIX F (contd.) Blaming yourself for things Pains in lower back Feeling blocked in getting things done Feeling lonely Feeling blue Worrying too much about things Feeling no interest in things Feeling fearful Your feelings being easily hurt Other people being aware of your private thoughts Feeling others do not understand you or are unsympathetic Feeling that people are unfriendly or dislike you Having to do things very slowly to insure correctness Heart pounding or racing Nausea or upset stomach Feeling inferior to others Soreness of your muscles Feeling that you are watched or talked about by others Trouble falling asleep Having to check and double-check what you do Difficulty making decisions Feeling afraid to travel on buses, subways, or trains Trouble getting your breath Hot or cold spells Having to avoid certain things, places, or activities because they frighten you Your mind going blank Numbness or tingling in parts of your body A lump in your throat Feeling hopeless about the future Trouble concentrating Feeling weak in parts of your body Feeling tense or keyed up Heavy feeling in your arms or legs Thoughts of death or dying Overeating Feeling uneasy when people are watching or talking about you 126 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. APPENDIX F (contd.) Having thoughts that are not your own Having urges to beat, injure, or harm someone Awakening in the early morning Having to repeat the same actions such as touching, counting, or washing Sleep that is restless or disturbed Having urges to break or smash things Having ideas or beliefs that others do not share Feeling very self—conscious with others Feeling uneasy in crowds, such as shopping or at a movie Feeling everything is an effort Spells of terror or panic Feeling uncomfortable about eating or drinking in public Getting into frequent arguments Feeling nervous when you are left alone Others not giving you proper credit for your achievements Feeling lonely even when you are with people Feeling so restless you couldn't sit still Feelings of worthlessness The feeling that something bad is going to happen to you Shouting or throwing things Feeling afraid you will faint in public Feeling that people will take advantage of you if you let them Having thoughts about sex that bother you a lot The idea that you should be punished for your sins Thoughts and images of a frightening nature The idea that something serious is wrong with your body Never feeling close to another person Feelings of guilt The idea that something is wrong with your mind 127 APPENDDC G Yerballnstmctions Welcome to experiment number #132. You have signed up for a study about "individual styles." The study is divided into two parts. In the first part, you will be interviewed by a research assistant in an individual setting. Upon completing this portion of the study, you will be asked to complete several written questionnaires. Please keep in mind that there are no right or wrong answers. The goal is to answer all questions to the best of your ability. To maintain confidentiality, please do not write your name on any of the questionnaires or answer sheets. The study is expected to take approximately two and a half to three hours. You will obtain six research credits in return for your participation. In cases where research credit is not an option, you will receive a small payment as a token of appreciation for your participation. Please note that full research credit or payment will only be provided upon full completion of the study. I will now distribute the Informed Consent Agreement. Please read this form and let me know if you have any questions. 128 APPENDDC H InfermedfxensentAgteement This is a study about individual styles. As part of this study, I understand that I will be interviewed by a research assistant and will be asked to respond to various stimuli. I will also be asked to complete several written questionnaires. I understand that participation in this study does not guarantee any beneficial results to me. I have been advised that information obtained through this study will remain confidential and will only be identified by code number. I further understand that I will remain anonymous in any report of research findings. It is my understanding that results of the overall study will be made available to me within these restrictions and upon my request. I have been informed that approximately two and a half to three hours will be required for full completion of the study. I am aware that participation in the study is not associated with any known risks and is not anticipated to pose a threat to well-being or functioning. However, I have been advised that some of the questions may be of a personal or ambiguous nature and may produce mild levels of stress. I am aware that my participation is voluntary. I have been advised that I will receive research credit for my participation. I am also aware that in cases where such credit is not an option (as determined in advance by the principal investigator and course professor), I will be compensated with $10 cash as a token of appreciation for my participation. If at any time during the study I feel that I cannot continue to participate, I may terminate my participation without penalty by alerting the research assistant. However, because of the time factor involved, full research credit (6 credits) or payment will only be provided upon full completion of the study. I have been informed that a written summary describing the purpose of the study will be made available to me for debriefing purposes upon full completion of the study. I have been advised that I may obtain additional information about the study, or group results, by contacting Rosa Maria Rigol at Michigan State University, Department of Psychology, 129 Psychology Research Building, East Lansing, MI 48824. I have read and fully understand the above information. My signature below indicates that I have freely consented to participate in this study. Participant Signature Date 129 APPENDIX I PHI . l: 1. What do you think this study was about? 2. Please write any comments below: 130 APPENDIX J W You have just participated in a study about individual styles and the role of culture. The study was designed to explore differences in how individuals look, perceive, and explain their world. Differences on these factors were predicted for undergraduate women based on their culture and generational level. The study specifically sought to explore differences between Latina and Anglo women on personal and social variables. To maintain the integrity and validity of the study, please do not communicate this information with any potential participants. If you have any questions, you may contact me at Michigan State University, Department of Psychology 129 Psychology Research Building, East Lansing, MI 48824. Thank you again for your participation. Rosa Maria Rigol 131 REFERENCES Acklin, M. W., 85 Alexander, G. (1988). Alexithymia and somatization. A Rorschach study of four psychosomatic groups. WM Distant-allow), 343-350. Amaro, H., 8L Russo, N. F. (1987). Hispanic women and mental health. An overview of contemporary issues in research and practice. Bsychglgmfflqmen W1, 393407. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). 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