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thesis entitled

TENRIKYO AND EDUCATION

presented by

Thomas Kitai Hahn

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph . D . Secondary Education

degree in

 

 

Major professor

Date June 11, 1974

 

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ABSTRACT

TENRIKYO AND EDUCATION

BY

Thomas Kitai Hahn

The palingenesis of awakened religious ardor, if
not cultic frenzy, such as witnessed in our time character-
izes a recurring and recurrent social phenomenon that is
uniquely human evidenced throughout the history of mankind.
For this reason, the natural religiosity of man and its
manifest derivatives in the areas of human endeavor, such
as in the field of education, become a focus of interest to
psychologists, sociologists, philosophers and educators
alike.

There has been a prominent development of the New
Religions in Japan since the end of World War II that made
Japan a selective and combinative religious mixing pot as
no other nation in the world. Next to Soka Gakkai,
Tenrikyo, an old New Religion, is the second largest
denomination of the New Religions to date. The influence
of Tenrikyo is not confined to a particular religious
circle but Tenrikyo has exerted some definite influence
upon Japanese society through social, cultural and peda-

gogic institutions. Tenrikyo maintains an educational

mfflrY Thomas Kitai Hahn

(7’0

system ranging from the kindergarten through the university
in Tenri City, Japan. Although there has been some research
done on Tenrikyo as a religion, there is an exiguity of
evidence of research that has been done on its educational
institutions--particularly from the socio-historical dimen-
sion.

This study purports to the socio-historical dimen-
sion of both Tenrikyo as a religion and its educational
institutions, to show that political, social, cultural
factors have invariably and inevitably affected them both.
This study further describes the general background of
Tenrikyo, the major tenets of Tenrikyo, and the history,
curriculum and pedagogic philosophy of the Tenrikyo edu-
cational institutions. The study reveals the social,
cultural factors as definite factors that have influenced
the thematic syzygy of Tenrikyo and the pedagogic platform
of its educational institutions--yonaoshi (world reform)
and the vision of the ideal society of yokigurashi
(jocund living), here and now.

Culturally reflective factors are manifold that
limn the pistic character and content of Tenrikyo, and
academic curriculum, activities and pedagogic philosophy
of its educational institutions. The ethico-religious

movements of shingaku (Heart or Mental Learning) and

 

hotoku (Repayment of Virtue) popular teachings during

the time of kyoso Miki of Tenrikyo; the governmental

Thomas Kitai Hahn

fractions and political labefaction of the Tokugawa regime
and the oppression and persecution of the Meiji government;
the degeneration of the established religions of the time,
etc., all are tributary factors to the birth and develop-
ment of Tenrikyo.

Moreover, the doctrines of Tenrikyo constitute a
firm ideological foundation for Tenrikyo schools. Although
the history of the Tenrikyo educational institutions
depicts a complicated series of reorganizations and trans-
formations, the perusal of their history until the present
evince the creedal conviction and ordinal indoctrination
to be the twin-sisters of Tenrikyo ideas and ideals indis-
pensable to, and inseparable from, the academic curriculum,
activities and school and social life in these institutions.

The social, cultural factors appear to be tributary
also to the shift of emphasis of Tenrikyo pedagogic phi-
losophy. The "Shintonization" of Tenrikyo pedagogic
philosophy in congruence with the Rescript of Education
characterizes the period prior to the end of World War II
during which the emphasis was on moral education in com-
pliance with the national policy of Japan. The "Tenrini-
zation" period of its pedagogic philosophy with the
emphasis on education of creed came with the end of WOrld
War II when the religious autonomy and governmental neu-
trality have spurred the "Back to Kyoso Miki" movement

called fukugen undo. In the latter part of the 1960's,

 

Thomas Kitai Hahn

the "Universalization" period of "Tenrinized" education of
creed emerges with projected interest in international
programs, inspired by the "world-consciousness" induced

by the interest in international education, amazing rapid—
ity of epitomized global distance, and the epoch-making
historical event of Apollo's lunar exploration.

Tenrikyo, basically as an action oriented religion,
has provided functionally significant hope and solace to
the restless political, social ethos of Japanese society.
Despite its transcendental and meta-eonic claim, the
strength of Tenrikyo may lie in its distinct social func-
tion and action through secular means of alleviation and
amelioration of the human condition.

The relentless effort of the Tenrikyo educational
institutions, in order to transform the promised utterance
of kyggg Miki into a fulfilled reality, has spurred a
laudable progress, though in limited degrees, in the
endless pedagogic march toward the ultimate fulfillment

of Tenrikyo vision.

TENRIKYO AND EDUCATION

BY

Thomas Kitai Hahn

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1974

PREFACE

There has been prominent religious development in
Japan since the end of World War II. The New Religions
that embrace nearly 200 different sects have emerged or
re-emerged and have become one of the most stimulating
cultural forces to shape modern Japan. Next to Soka Gakkai,
Tenrikyo is the largest and considered to be one of the
most influential New Religions to date. Like Soka Gakkai,
Tenrikyo is also a religion indigenuous to Japan. It arose
on the soil of Japan, fostered and cultivated there and now
it has grown beyond the ambit of the land of its birth.
Currently, Tenrikyo maintains educational institutions
ranging from the kindergarten to the university in Tenri
City, six miles south of Nara, the ancient capital of Japan.

Some research has been done on Tenrikyo as a reli—
gion, yet to the best of this writer's knowledge there is
ample evidence to indicate the exiguity of study on educa-
tional facets of Tenrikyo, and certainly none in English
books. The writer's interest in the study of Tenrikyo and
its educational institutions was triggered by a profitable
and casual conversation on the New Religions in Japan with
Dr. Gross. The writer's interest in this area was further
augmented and implemented by the opportunity to do the

first—hand research in Japan.

ii

Taking advantage of his fluency in the Japanese
language, the writer availed himself, during his stay in
Japan from 1972-1973, to the central library attached to
Tenri University which contains more than a million volumes
of unique collection of books. He had an access to all the
primary sources, many of which are difficult to procure
outside Tenri church headquarters. He also managed to con-
duct interviews with the people of Tenrikyo in Tenri City
and the staff members of Tenri University.

The primary purpose of this dissertation is neither
to condemn nor to condone Tenrikyo and its educational
system, rather to expound it with additive or evaluative
observations. Due to the shift of emphasis in Tenrikyo
doctrine since its beginning, this writer has sought the
most recent publications by its proponents for its primary
expositions. In doing so, this writer kept in mind the
balancing View of multi-perspective. He has thus consulted
both English and Japanese books; and those who take a criti-
cal religious stance against, and those who are sympathetic
to Tenrikyo. As for Tenrikyo doctrines, it must be men-
tioned that the difficult problem of exclusion and inclusion
could not be fully avoided.

The writer wishes to express his sincere and whole—
hearted gratitude and especial indebtedness to Dr. Carl H.
Gross for his overall generous, gracious, multifarious and

unfailingly perspicacious guidance and direction for this

iii

dissertation. His sociable personality, sense of fairness
and loyal friendship, and above all his exacting nature of
scholarship, always tempered with a strain of benign human-
ism, have been the constant source of encouragement,
easement and endearment. This writer's involvement with,
and investment in, the field of education owes much to

Dr. Gross's deep sense of commitment and his life-long
dedication to the field of education.

The writer's particular appreciation is also due
to Dr. J. Geoffrey Moore whose constructive suggestions
and often witty criticism have been both informative and
instructive. He has taught the wisdom of life: life is
more than mere scholarship; it consists primarily, if not
entirely, of human relationship. A sincere appreciation
is also due to Dr. Petr B. Fischer, an occidental scholar
with oriental modesty, who in fraternal, congenial and at
times convivial way, helped the writer with a scholarly
touch of cordiality. Also to Dr. Raymond Hatch, the writer
is grateful for his judicious guidance savored with additive
suggestions compressed to pragmatic dimension.

The writer is also deeply grateful to Mr. K. Sato
of the Research Department of Tenri University whose kind
and willing assistance in finding relevant source materials
on Tenrikyo and its educational institutions has been a
highly valuable service; and to Mr. S. Oishi of International

Institute for the Study of Religions in Tokyo, Japan, who

iv

has provided this writer with insightful knowledge of
Tenrikyo. Finally, the writer must not fail to express
his affectionate thanks to his wife, Misa, who shared the
first year of our married life in Japan. Without her
patient cooperation, warm understanding and personal
sacrifices with which she undergirded much effort that
went into this dissertation, this undertaking would have

never been materialized.

CHAPTER

I.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 q 0

II. GENERAL BACKGROUND OF TENRIKYO . . . . . .

Biographical Sketch of 030 Miki . . .
Influence of Establishedxfiffiico-Religious
Movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Shingaku Movement . . . . . . . . . .
Ninomiya Sontoku and the Hotoku Movement
Political Conditions . . . . . . . . . .
Social Economic Milieu . . . . . . . .
Ee Ja Naika Dances and Okage Mairi . . .
Religious Circumstances and Hayari Gami
(Popular Deity) . . . . . . . . . . . .

III. MAJOR TENETS OF TENRIKYO . . . . . . . . .

Theology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cosmology . . . . . . . . . . . .
Anthropology . . . . . . . . . .

Hamartiology . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Soteriology . . . . . . . . . . .
Thanatology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

IV. TENRIKYO EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS: HISTORY
PAST AND PRESENT . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Tenri-kyoko in Pre-World War II Period .
Tenri-kyoko in Post-World War II Period .
History of the Tenri University . . . . .
History of the Tenri High School . . . .
History of the Tenri Junior High School .
History of the Tenri Primary School . . .
History of the Tenri Kindergarten . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vi

Page

28
29

35
36

42
49
51

55
62

62
70
77
84
90
106

117

118
125
131
134
140
142
145
147

CHAPTER

V. MAJOR TRENDS AND EMPHASES
PEDAGOGIC PHILOSOPHY

Shintonization Period
Tenrinization Period

Universalization Period

Summary .

VI. SUMMARY AND EVALUATION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Vii

Page

OF TENRI
I I O O O O O O O I 150

151
164
176
183

O O O O O O I O O O 185
203

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Man is said to be "incurably religious." Whether
"religious" implies the question of value judgment in
beliefs of religion or simply as value beliefs or the
actuality which belief seeks to apprehend, man has not been
able to escape from the confrontation with religious dimen-
sions in life. In fact, psychologists, sociOIOgists,
philosophers and educators alike, either for or against
religion, have come to grips with the religious aspects of
human affairs. Down through the course of human history
religion has occupied a rather significant locus in man's
axioloqical constellation.

Resurging interest and awakened ardor in religion in
recent times bear witness to this natural religiosity of
man, although the late professor of psychology at Harvard
University Gordon Allport once remarked that in the last
fifty years, religiosity and sexuality have exchanged places.
He commented that formerly people freely discussed religion
but were shy about sex. Today a SOphisticated atmosphere
prevails concerning sex, but the mention of religion is an

occasion for embarrassing silence. If, however, he were to

witness the changing ethos of contemporary society vibrating
with religious fervor, if not cultic frenzy, he would have
found his remark somewhat anachronistic in part; he would
have vindicated a case for the palingenesis of religion in
modern time.

Japan as a nation since the end of World War II is
a historic co-witness to this fact. With explosive birth of
the New Religions and their subsequent growth and develop-
ment, the phenomenon of religion explosion has transformed
Japan into a selective and combinative laboratory of
religion.1 Japan, making the extravaganza of kaleidoscopic

religious scene on display, emerged as a nation of religious

 

mixing pot as no other nation in the world. In Japan, we
find a nation of religious conglomorate in which the New
Religions conglutinate along with old traditional ones,
each adapting to new situations, yet simultaneously keeping
its ideosyncratic identity without the benefit of mutual
assimilation.

Within that religious crucible, tangible traces of
old established religions (particularly Buddhists denomina-
tion) may be discerned and two kinds of the New Religions

stand in clear contrast. Among the latter, one kind of

 

1Y. Hisaki, Nihonno Shukyo: Japanese Religion
(Tokyo, Japan: Kobunsha, 1968), p. 17?. He mentions that
in 1946, at the time when establishment of religious freedom
became effective, there were some 700 New Religions in Japan,
creating the phenomenon of "the rush hour of the gods."

the New Religions traces back to the old nationalized shrine
Shinto embodied in emperor worship as the religious repre-
sentative of Meiji absolutism, the other the New Religions
of the masses.

The religious history of Japan since the Meiji era,
it may be said, is a continuing vertical confluence of
confrontations and compromises, intricacies and catenations
of these two elements.

Interestingly, however, modern Japan generally is
generously disposed toward any system of thought, par-
ticularly religions, that various contradictions have
caused little inconvenience, if at all; and it would be
safe to assume that Japan is endowed with a Special capacity
for religious tolerance; it allows peaceful existence for
religions in lassez-faire environment. As Japan embraces
all of the major religions of the world, every form of the
New Religions, consisting of wide range in origin and tenets,
exists with no apparent enmity and strife,1 each claiming
the loyalty of ardent followers. Japan today is indeed a
multi-religious nation, and it is ushered into an Age of

the New Religions.

 

1Although this is generally true, the manifestation
of unbridled hatred and open disdain of Soka Gakkai for
Tenrikyo somewhat cuts a conspicuous figure in the general
picture of religious tolerance in Japan. Soka Gakkai con-
siders Tenrikyo as a religion of exploitation that exacts
offerings and demands sacrifice from the ignorant and suf-
fering mass.

Variations, diversity, multiplicity and complexity
of religions in Japan, at the same time, unmistakably
evince the religiosity of its people. To enumerate a few,
one of the New Religions in post-World War II era was
reported to have registered General Douglas MacArthur as

the object of their faith.1

One bizzare group called
Denshinkyo (religion of the Electricity god), now extinct,
dedicated to the worship of its eponymous deity and
Thomas Alva Edison as a subordinate deity.2 Another sect,
called Kodojikyo, was organized specifically for the pur-
pose of tax evasion. For about two years (1947-1949) the
founder was the head of a thriving organization that
licensed as churches a wide range of enterprises including
restaurants, dress shops, ert shops, beauty salons, and
even brothels.3
At this juncture, however, the understanding of
general characteristics of the New Religions becomes neces-
sary if we are to have a better grasp of Tenrikyo. In the
light of an adequate estimate of their general significance,

it would be more facile to understand the secret of bound-

less energy and restless vitality with which Tenrikyo has

 

1N. Koike, Nihonno Kamigami: Japanese gods (Tokyo,
Japan: Gakugei ToshEkan Co.,’1968T, p. 20.

2Shinshuren Research Department, Sengo Shukyg
Kaisoroku: Recollections of Post-War Religions (Toyko,
Japan: Shinshfikyo Shinbungha, 1966), p. 5

31bid., pp. 170-171.

mustered up its force for the progress it has made over the
past more than one hundred years. Since it is this writer's
opinion that Tenrikyo is an old New Religion, it seems
necessary to direct the focus of attention first on New
Religion with regard to its definition.

Unfortunately, there is a difference of definitions
among scholars as to what the New Relgiions are. There are
no clear and uniformly accepted definitions of the New
Religions among them.

The name shinko shukyo (literally newly arisen reli-
gions), or simply New Religions, was originally used during
the 19305 in the sense of new born religion in contrast to
the established religions.l Under the religious order of
the emperor system then, kyghg_shinto (Sect Shinto)2 had
obtained official recognition from the government maintain-
ing legal existence. Unauthorized religious groups were
classified as ygiii_shukyo (pseudo-religions), or yuiji
shukyo dantai (pseudo-religious group) and always placed

under severe surveillance of the government. They became

 

lS. Muraue, "Shinko Shukyo" in Gendai Nihon Shukyo
Hihan: A Critique of Religions of JapaH_T36ay (Toyko,
Japan:FSobunsha, 1970), p. 106. 'Cf. also H. N. McFarland,
The Rush Hour of the Gods (New York: Macmillan Co., 1967),
p. 7.

 

2The 13 Sect Shinto have maintained its existence
since 1871, except Jingukyo was dissolved in 1899. Tenrikyo
was one of the 13 Sect Shinto. See Y. Hisaki, o . cit.,
p. 149. The 13 Sect Shinto are: Jingukyo, HusoEyo, JIkkokyo,
Ontakeokyo, Shinrikyo, Daiseikyo, Misogikyo, Shinshukyo,
Suiseiha, Shindo Honkyoku, Kurozumikyo and Tenrikyo.

the object of government's suppression. Amid such adverse
circumstances, the name shinko shukyo acquired a pejorative
connotation, became universalized being linked with the
appellation of opprobrium--yuiji.shukyo, or igkyg (heretical
religion). As a result, shinko shukyo was attached with

the connotated impression of value judgment such as reli-
gions with a short history and tradition, inferior religions,
or pseudo-religions.

With the disasterous catastrophe of World War II,
the nationalized Shinto system was dissolved and religious
freedom became a reality. Nonetheless, although the system
of official recognition of religion and its national control
was abolished, the term shinko shukyo came to be in more
general and wider use. There are few instances that some
shinko shukyo refused to be named so with the pre-World
War II connotation and called themselves shin shukyo (liter-
ally new religion). Others such as Soka Gakkai emphatically
negated the term New Religion being attached to their
organization, making a claim of close affinity with, if
not direct geneology of, the traditional authority and
cultural heritage of the established religions.

It is this writer's contention that, in spite of
some scholar's objection to Tenrikyo as a New Religion, it
can be classified as an old New Religion on the ground that
many New Religions are of post—World War II origin and they

share many commonalities with Tenrikyo.

According to a research recently made by the Agency
for Cultural Affairs,1 scholarly uses of the term "New
Religions" tend to take one of three forms, although these
classifications may be also vulnerable.

The first definition refers to religious organiza-
tions that have emerged since the end of World War 11.2
The second3 includes groups that Sprang up during the Taisho
period (1912-1926) and the first two decades of the Showa
period (1926-1945). The third4 designates groups that had
their beginnings in the closing years of the Tokugawa period
(1603-1868) and experimented much of their development
during the Meiji period (1868-1912). According to this
classification, Tenrikyo belongs to the third category.

Furthermore, upon perusal of these developmental
periods, it becomes patent that political, economical or
social factors appear as underlying causes that precipitated
the New Religions.

For the first religious groups, the Spirit of reli-
gious tolerance and freedom prevalent after WOrld War II is

combined with the subsequent spiritual vacuum created in

 

1See A Survey by the Agency for Cultural Affairs,
Japanese Religion (Toyko and Palo Alto: Kodansha Inter-
national Limited, 1972), p. 92.

 

2They are too numerous to cite here.

3E. g., Omotokyo, Hitono Michi, Seichono Ie,
Reiyukai, Tokkokyo, etc.

4Kurozumikyo and Konkokyo.

the society when faced with a crisis. The rise of the New
Religions has been attributed to the concerned effort to
rush into this vacuum.1 As for Tenrikyo in the turbulent
vortex of rapid social change, taking full advantage of the
Zeitgeist of the era, it had been able to develop in new

ways and to apply itself to the new situations.2

 

lA. Toynbee points out this crisis as follows: "In
our time, all traditional ideologies, philosophies, and
faiths have shaken off their pedestal by the explosive in-
tellectual force of modern science; and Japan's traditional
ideology, like all the other, would have been undermined by
the progress of science if it had not been shattered by the
shock of military disaster--All mankind is now in search of
new foundations for its spiritual life. If Japan has tem-
porarily lost her way, she has lost it in company with all
the rest of the world. . . . The catastrophe [of the Second
World War] seems to have produced a sort of moral and Spirit-
ual vacuum which will surely have to be filled." "The Role
of Japan in World History," in Japan Quarterly, IV, No. 1
(January, 1957), p. 19.

2In this connection H. N. McFarland makes a highly
significant observation from socio-religious point of view.
Tenrikyo, in his opinion, sought to offer an experience of
community that was lacking in Japanese society facing with
identity crisis during this period. He notes: "In the
'web society' of old imperial Japan, there was an intense
consciousness of corporate identity, but who was the indi-
vidual? Officially, in the latter days of that society, he
was defined as 'an existence belonging to a State and her
history.‘ In the new democratic Japan, no clear new sense
of national identity and purpose has yet arisen, and the
individual knows not who he is. He must struggle in order
not to be lost in the amorphous mass of his society, but
with what and for what does he struggle? The New Religions--
those that arose before World War II as well as the most
recent ones--have sought out the hopless, helpless individual
with a message of hope and a promise of help. Behind the
message and the promise, perhaps the single most important
boon that they have had to offer is the opportunity to be-
long to a community. . . . In the post-war period, even
though to many eyes certain features of the New Religions
seem anachronistic or superstituous or undemocratic, the

The second group coincides with the periods when
Japan fell into a serious crisis after the First World War
with progressing international crises. In the 19305,
military invasion to the Asian continent began as a national
effort to abate domestic turmoil. In this process there
arose emperorized fascism, and this fascism was buttressed
by the joint debouchment of Germany and Italy which later
had developed into a war of invasion on the broad surface
against China.

The third religious group is the harbinger of the
New Religions of more recent off—shoots. Tenrikyo,
exhibiting practically the same characteristics of its
progeny and its kinship, arose standing on the foothold
of praedial populace during the end of the Tokugawa period.
It was a time when the established Buddhisms lost spiritual
power and effective influence and when economic circum-
stances made life for many of the farmers particularly
difficult and the feudalism of Tokugawa rule gave little
hope of redress. Tenrikyo reflected in its doctrine the

desire of yonasshi (world reform)--which is also its peda-

 

gogic p1atform--spread among the farmers and workers, and
preached the universal salvation of the masses. It devel-

oped as a religious movement, a spirit of protest, to resist

 

situation still obtains: these religious movements offer one
of the few opportunities in Japanese society for the dis-
tressed individual to be identified with a community."

op. cit., p. 83.

10

the authoritarian reins of Tokugawa feudalism and oppression
of the established religions.

Furthermore, when primary importance is attached to
the question of the genesis of the New Religions, as the
prototype of the New Religions, Tenrikyo has more affinities
with its progeny than with the traditional religions. In

fact, Tenrikyo shares more similarities than disparities

 

with the former. Thus, the question is not a matter of
chronology alone but it involves other factors such as the
type of founder, teachings, hip gt 2332 orientation, and
principles of organizational structure.1

Although there are other common characteristics
Tenrikyo shares with the New Religions, the following four
features are singled out as they seem to constitute the
most fundamental common denominators of the New Religions.

1. Type of Founder.--As in the case of many female

 

founders of the New Religions, kyoso (founder) of Tenrikyo,
Nakayama Miki, was also a woman of charismatic personality

and of the Shamanistic type.2 As in the great majority of

 

le. A Survey by the Agency for Cultural Affairs,
0 . cit., pp. 97-103. Also see H. Thomsen, The New Reli-
gions of Japan (Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle Cb., 1963),
pp. 20-29. H. N. McFarland, op. cit., pp. 71-96.

2Cf. Deguchi Nao of Omotokyo, Kotani Kimi of
Reiyukai, Naganuma Myoko of Rissho Kosei Kai, Kitamura Sayo
of Tensho Kotani Jingukyo, Nagaoka Yoshiko of Jiu, are all
female and Shamanistic type of founders. Cf. also T.
Fujitani, "Shinto," in Gendai Nihon Shukyo Hihan: A Critique
of Religions of Japan Today, p.7700. I

 

 

11

cases of the New Religions, kyggg of Tenrikyo felt that a
kami had entered into and taken possession of her body, thus
making her ikigami (the livingkami).

Furthermore, as in the case of some New Religions
of female founders who had male partners,2 later venerated
as a cofounder of their religions, kyggg Miki also had a
man as a spiritual partner, Iburi Izo (first honseki of
Tenrikyo) who worked as an organizer for Tenrikyo. More-
over, the line of succession had a tendency to move away
from Shamanistic qualifications to lineal descendency. Thus,
since the time of Ueda Naraito who became the second honseki
after Iburi Izo, Shamanistic succession has completely died

out in Tenrikyo.3

The tradition of leadership has become a
matter of heredity, ecclesiastical leaders being selected

from the Nakayama line.4

 

1It must be noted that an iki ami concept is not
synonymous to the Christian notion-BIEGEH incarnate man or
man incarnate God in the Western tradition. There is a
vague notion of deity and imprecise demarcation of the human
from the divine in the Japanese religious orientation.
McFarland points out that according to this vague concept of
diety, ". . . there is no sharp differentiation of the human
and the divine. . . ordinarily it is not considered appro-
priate to refer to a living person as kami. Rather, it is
supposed that an individual becomes, or under certain cir-
cumstances mgy_become a kami only after his death. Excep-
tionally, however, there*1s a person who, by the general
consent of those around him merits acknowledgment that he is

a 'living kami.'" op. cit., p. 72.

2Cf. Deguchi Onisaburo of Omotokyo, Kubo Kakutaro of
Reiyukai, and Niwano Nikkyo of Rissho Kosei Kai.

3See J. Oguri, Nakayama Miki--Tenriky9 (Tokyo, Japan:
Shin Jinbutsu Oraisha, 1970), pp. 187-191.

4Soka Gakkai is a major exception, as it does not
admit hereditary succession.

12

2. The Doctrinal System.--Tenrikyo appears to be

 

eclectic and syncretistic of Shinto, Buddhism and Christi-
anity.1 Although Tenrikyo claims to hold a unique doctrinal
system, it has been derived from the mixed components of
other religions and thus it is not a case of creatio SE
nihilo. At the time of its founding, Tenrikyo worshipped

an ideal king of Buddhist mythology--Tenrino-O that connotes
the expectation of the realization of ideal society reigned
by the god. The prayer, formerly addressed to this god,
"Namu, Tenrino-O" formulated in 1864 was replaced in 1866
under the influence of Shinto by a new formula, "Ashikio
Harote Tasuke Tamae, Tenri-O-No-Mikoto," which means,

"Sweep away all evils and save us, Tenri-O-No-Mikoto"--a

Shinto kami, mikoto being the suffix given the name of a

 

Shinto deity.2

3. Teachings.--Tenrikyo teachings in part are

 

rather mystical in character. Faith healing,3 for example,

was a characteristic that eSpecially in the earlier history

 

le. H. Thomsen, o . cit., p. 16. Also H. Van
Straelen, The Religion of Divine Wisdom (Kyoto, Japan:

Veritas Shoin, 19571, p. 29.

 

2Y. Hisaki, op. cit., pp. 160-161. See also
I. Oguchi and H. Takagi, Religion and Social Development,"
in H. Kishimoto (ed.), Japanese Religion in the Meiji Era
(Tokyo, Japan: Obunsha, 1956), p. 328.

3H. Van Straelen nearly ventures to say that Tenrikyo
considered it a virtue to break into the houses of sick
people, even when they were not welcome, in order to propa-
gate their doctrine. See op. cit., p. 18.

13

of Tenrikyo accounted for much of its reputation. It

served as an effective medium through which Tenrikyo claimed
to rescue people from adversity, restoring health to the
sick and happiness to victims of misfortune.l However, it
would be fair to say that, with the lapse of time, Tenrikyo
changed its emphasis on faith healing, relegating its major
locus in the doctrines to that of peripheral status,
resorting much to the benefit of modern science and sophis-
ticated technology.

4. Hic et Nunc Orientation.-—Of overriding impor-

 

tance for Tenrikyo is the focus of concern on the immediate
affairs of mundane world, here and now. Although some New
Religions affiliated with the Buddhist tradition adhere to
an eschatological belief in other worlds, both past and
future, in Tenrikyo life after death is not an issue of
central importance. Family problems, anxieties, sickness
and disease, and unhappiness in the present life necessitate
the concrete help, and Tenrikyo provides solution to the
immediate need of the populace. It promises to provide a
way of escape from nayami (suffering) from daily life, and
the establishment of utopia where people will be free from

the affectation of malady, inquietude and various evils.

 

lThis writer interviewed several Tenrikyo believers
doing hinokishin (sacred labor) in Tenri City, Japan, who
testified they were leading a healthy and happy life having
been cured from long years of nerve pain by their unswerving
faith.

 

14

This hip 25 £222 orientation may be enmeshed with magical
character of Tenrikyo. It is one that grew out of the
immediate concern of the common people.

5. Principles of Organizational Structure.--The
model on which Tenrikyo takes as its basic principle of
organizational structure is, as with nearly all New Reli—
gions, that of the parent-child relationship1 which in
innumerable variations has evolved in Japanese society since
early days.

The basic organizational unit of Tenrikyo is the
congregation. The members of the congregation are joined
together by the vertical network of quasi-familial relations
called 212E2.22.£i (The parent-child relations). Newell and
Dobashi2 provide the following analyses with regard to the
principle of Tenrikyo organization.

A congregation of Tenrikyo ideally consists of:
1. Those people ignorant of any Tenri principles
but who are wishing to learn by contact with a
m1ss1onary.
2. Missionaries (yoboku).
3. Those who have been missionaries and to whom

probably missionaries will be attached but who
are carrying out occupations in the area.

 

le. Doyusha (ed.), Kyoiku ChokugotofiTenrikyo: The
Rescript of Education and TenrikyoFINara, Japan: Doyusha,
1913), p. 21}

2For the following analyses see W. H. Newell and
F. Dobashi, "Some Problems of Classification in Religious
Sociology As Shown In the History of Tenrikyokai," 1n The

Sociology of Japanese Religion (Leiden, Netherlands:.-E. J.
Br ' 9 8 ' pp. 94-950 -

15

4. Representatives of a superior bunk okai (branch
churches) or daikyokai (large cHurches).

Furthermore, four principles that govern the congregation
are explained as follows:

1. No two people in the group are equal but every
person is superior or inferior to everyone else.

2. It is not territorially based but based on
parental relatiOns. If one moves from one area
to another, ties with the converter and the con-
verted still remain, being joined by indis-
soluble ties.

 

3. There is no £132 d2 assa e of admission, no
baptism, no confirmation to be a member of the
congregation.

4. The parental relationships are inherited.

This pyakp pg £1 applies also at every administra-
tive level in Tenrikyo. Thus a church, whether a kyokai
(church) or fukyokai (mission chapel), is always subordinate
to the level above in the hierarchy and all communications
with the Great Church must pass up the parental chain of
command. It is less revealing than obvious that the effi-
cacy of pygkp pp £1 is a stimulating source of energetic
activity to draw in more people to the fold of Tenrikyo.

In 1852, kypgp Miki of Tenrikyo initiated her reli-
gious activity with the promise of obiya yugushi (grant of
easy delivery) to her third daughter Haru. KypngMiki soon
became known as the living goddess of easy delivery and
remedy of eye disease, stomach disease, cancer, rheumatism,
mental illness, etc. Stories of recovery from sickness
became a magnetism to attract people and Tenrikyo turned to

the search for the patient as its propaganda method.

16

Ironically, kypgp Miki and Tenrikyo were seen as
the public enemy by some of their coevals.l Kypgp Miki was
regarded as an old fox incarnate and the faith of Tenrikyo
as "faith of the fox and the badger"2 as Tenrikyo followers
were all looked down as being bewitched by the fox and the
badger. Criticism took a form of cynical twist and kypgp
Miki and Tenrikyo believers were decried as "great bandits
who confuse the nation," "great deceivers," and "great
swindlers" who were not only harmful to the individuals but
also to the nation as well.

In desperate struggle for the religious survival,
Shamanistic and pig pp pppg orientation became a medium to
draw farmers and workers, and Tenrikyo confronted the tradi-
tional Buddhist denominations with tenacious resistence to
their suppression.

Although in early formative periods of Tenrikyo
elements of Buddhism, Shugo Shinto, shingaku, etc., were
incorporated in their doctrinal formation, Tenrikyo always

centralized the desire of this worldliness deeply rooted in

 

1See J. Oguri, op. cit., pp. 34-39.

2In this connection, N. Koike comments on an inter-
esting notion that from ancient times in Japan, there has
been no clear distinction between god, man and animal. God,
in Japanese thought, is man's companion in the world of
idea. It is possible for man to become god, and god appears
in the image of man or animals. Fox is one of the animals
identified with the divine household in Japanese shrines.
Other animals identified with the deity are: deer, monkey,
dove, snake, etc. See op. cit., pp. 12-13.

17

the heart of praedial mass, hinged upon the universal
salvation by the diety, Tenri-O-No-Mikoto. It adopted an
activistic religious stance and after the Meiji Restoration
in 1868, it spread like a forest fire. Moreover, given free
propagation after Kypgp Miki's death in 1887, Tenrikyo's
first rapid growth took place between 1890 and 1892, and
after that it continued at an accelerated rate, making
advance from Nara, Japan, and beyond its immediate vicinity.
The financial panic of 1890 and the suppression of the Meiji
government with liberal political tendencies initiated
around that tine. seemed to be the factors in this growth.1
Tenrikyo continued to build its gigantic organization
through the turbulent vortex of oppression, imputation and
persecution from established Buddhism, political power,
journalism and general mass.

Kyp§p_Miki called the men of power "high mountains"
and the common mass "the depth of the valley" and challenged
the men in authority that obstructed her divine mission.
What constantly and clearly reflected in Tenrikyo teaching
through the mounting hurdles it-faced, were the realization
of the world reform, desire for peace and prosperity rooted
in the community consciousness of the farmers, equality and
love for humanity and conjugal-centered family system--
which were rather advanced embodiment of ideology in those

changing epochs in Japan.

 

lI. Oguchi and H. Takagi, op. cit., p. 333.

18

Of course, Tenrikyo developed within the framework
of Shinto, and was for many years assigned to the Shinto
category. It has integrated elements of Shinto, Buddhism,
and Christianity in its doctrines. However, it would be
a misjudgment to make Tenrikyo fall into a traditional pat-
tern of Shinto. It appears to be a Shinto gone cultic.
During the early period of the Meiji era, Tenrikyo adopted
temporizing measures to assume a form of Shintol because
of the government's attempt to abolish Buddhism in order
to officialize Shinto. That measure for Tenrikyo was a
cryptical accommodation for survival.

Although the ferment and momentum of Tenrikyo have
lost their initial impetus through the Meiji era, today
there is no question of denying Tenrikyo's influence both
in and outside Japan as a firmly established religion.

It has made a serious attempt to attract the middle class
and the intelligentia in recent time. As Tenrikyo has
gradually shifted its emphasis to gain the upper strata of

I 2 O 0
Japanese soc1ety, became successful 1n reaching a fair

 

1T. Nishiyama admits that, for this reason, Shinto
rituals and ceremonies were introduced to Tenrikyo and
many of its vestiges are still extant in Tenrikyo. See
Tenrikyo Towa: What Tenrikyo Is (Tenri, Japan: Tenrikyo
Doyusha,‘1970), Vbl. l, p. 13}

2The high rate of economic productivity and its
attendant increase in urbanization in Japan probably made
this shift necessary. As research indicates, since 1960
the urban residents in Japan have outnumbered the rural by
a ratio of 7 to 3. See A Survey by the Agency for Cultural

Affairs, op. cit., p. 91.

19

number of people from the higher social echelon. The unique
library of the Tenri University and educational programs
carried out by the institutions in Tenri City may be a sig-
nificant contributing factor for its success.

At present, Tenrikyo maintains the church head-
quarters in Tenri City, Japan. It claims it has churches
in Canada, Mexico, South America, African Congo, European
and some South East Asian countries. The most recent
statistics published by the Tenrikyo church headquarters
lists1 more than 15,600 churches, 120,000 priests and as
many as 3 million followers. No doubt, it is one of the
most influential religious forces to reckon with in Japan
today, but it would be an exaggerated appraisal to call it
"Japan's most powerful religious movement."2

Incidentally, though not insignificantly, a powerful
religion though it may be, its political involvement is
quite limited. Tenrikyo finds it difficult to put up
candidates for political offices in their own right since
Tenrikyo still maintains a foundation in rural areas and
their members are stable supporters of the Liberal Demo-
cratic Party of Japan. As Ikado points out, Tenrikyo tends

to think it is safer to maintain assumed nonchalance in

 

1The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo (Tenri,
Japan: Tenri Church Headquafters, 1971), pp. 120-142.

2It is the subtitle of H. Van Straelen's book,
The Religion of Divine Wisdom: Japan's most powerful
Religious Movement. '

 

20

political elections and activities as they advocate, unlike
Soka Gakkai, the principle of separation of politics and
religion.1

Tenrikyo was a member of the Federation of Sect
Shinto which was organized after the Second WOrld War. But
in token of its universal ideological orientation, it had
withdrawn its membership from the £2223 Shinto Rengokai
(Federation of Shinto Denominations) on April 30, 1970.

At present, it has its classification changed to that of
Other Religions. It now disclaims any official affiliation
with all Federation of Religions in Japan, and maintains
merely fellowship, not official affiliation, with other
religious organizations.

Tenrikyo punctuates a belief in God the Parent who
is simultaneously the Creator, the Sustainer and the Pro-
tector of all the creation in the universe. As a Savior
of mankind this deity made his appearance in the world,
taking Nakayama Miki, as His shrine. Tenrikyo calls this
triune deity--Creator, Protector and Savior--Oyagamisama
(gppg being a polite honorific)--literally, honorable God
the Parent. Tenrikyo also calls kypgp Miki Oyasama (liter-
ally, honorable Parent), who is a medium through and with

whom God the Parent made His appearance, and thus making

 

lF. Ikado, "Trends and Problems of New Religions:
Religion in Urban Society," in The Sociology of Japanese
Religion, p. 109. I I

21

these two personalities dependent of, and inseparable from,
each other in Tenrikyo doctrine.

Furthermore, in Tenrikyo, the purpose of man's
creation and chief and of mankind are to be found in the

realization of yokigurashi. According to Tenrikyo teaching,

 

every person has an inherent right to this life style,

yokigurashi. The hinderance to the life of happiness, joy

 

and delight is attributed to the woeful ignorance of man

in the knowledge of the deity, Oyagamisama, and rueful
accidence of man in the divine providence of God the Parent.
The egoistic mental attitude of man ranging over a period
of time made mankind impossible to lead a delectable ppgpg
vivendi--yokigurashi. In order to transform the chaos of
darkness, misery and curse into a cosmos of beauty, harmony
and joy, God the Parent embodied the saving and in kypgg
Miki making her His temple in Tenri City.

Kypgp Miki serves as the Divine Mpdpl that would
give the believers support and encouragement in times of
adversities. Her words, her writings and her life itself
have become a living instruction for Tenrikyo believers.
Kypgp Miki is conceived not as the founder of mere doctrinal
system of ideas including miracles, but of a firmly estab-
lished religion. In order to authenticate the validity of
this claim, Tenrikyo presents three conditions by which its
kyppp Miki was made known to the world. These conditions

are the Three Great Preordinations--the Preordination of

22

the Foundress' soul, the Preordination of the Residence,
and the Preordination of Time.1
The principal sources of Tenrikyo doctrines are
found in three canonical writings contained either in the
form of fragmentary oral instructions or the collection of
divine utterances revealed to kypgp Miki via oral trans-
mission. These holy scriptures of Tenrikyo are: Egg

Ofudesaki, the Mikagura-uta and the Osashizu.

The Ofudesaki, which literally means "the tip of

 

the divine writing brush," was written between 1869 and
1882, and contains 17 chapters, comprising a total of 1,711
verses. On the Tenrikyo doctrine, more importance is

attached to the Ofudesaki than to the Mikagura-uta and the

 

Osashizu.2 However, like the Mikagura-uta and the Osashizu,

the Ofudesaki is written in the Japanese phonetic syllabry

 

hiragana a la Yamato Province dialect without the use of
the kgpji_(Chinese ideographs). It deals with the subjects
of the creation, the sacred spot 2122 as the center of the
world--situated in Tenri City; eight kinds of mental dust
and salvation, the particulars of the kanrodai, and Japan

being the oldest brother and the other countries being

 

1See Y. Moroi, What is Tenrikyo (Tenri, Japan:
Tenri Jihosha, 1968), p. 4. Also Tenrikyo Overseas Mission
Department (ed.), Tenrikyo: Its History and Teaching (Tenri,
Japan: Tenri Jihosha, 1970), pp. 283-285.

2See 8. Nakayama, "On the Idea of God in the Tenrikyo
Doctrine," in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings, pp. 44-45.

23

younger ones.1 It contains also three nomenclatures of
Tenrikyo trinity designated according to their stages of
mental growth: first revealed Himself as kgpi (god);
second as Tsuki-Hi (Moon and Sun); and finally, as ng
(Parent).

The Mikagura-uta (The Song of the Sacred Dance) was
written as the accompanying hymn to the kagura-zutome2 and
the teodori3 that constitute the holy service of Tenrikyo.
The major part, all but a few lines, was written between
1866 and 1880. Written in the format of kazoe-uta (count-
ing song), it consists of one prelude in 12 parts, and this
prelude is always chanted during morning and evening prayers
in every Tenri church. What has been emphasized here is the
appearance of the Original Deity who will bring into reality
the world reform devoid of sickness and unhappiness. Per-

haps for this reason, the Mikagura-uta, among the canonical

 

writings of Tenrikyo, is the most important text in Tenrikyo
worship and thus most popular and practical device for their

pistic expression.4

 

1
See H. Thomsen, o . cit., p. 48. Also H.
Van Straelen, op. cit., pp. I69-I7l.
2

This is the sacred service in the form of ka ura,
consisting of the three parts and is performed at tHe Jiba
alone.

3The holy dancing, consisting of the prologue and 12
stanzas in the form of a kazoe-uta, is performed irrespective
of place and time.

4The opening words of the Mikagura-uta begin with:
Ashikio harote tasuke tamae, Tenri-o-no-mikoto--Sweep Away
Evils and Save Us, 0 God the Parent.

 

24

As one of the most important sources of inspiration

for the Tenrikyo believers, the Mikagura-uta serves as the

 

source of religious vitality as necessary and essential as
the staple food itself. Its magical value is well expressed
by T. Fukaya, professor at the Tenri University, who writes:
we Tenrikyo believers will never forget our
Mikagura-uta. It is the first thing taught upon enter-
ing religion and we sing it day and night and at every
occasion. Whenever we chant this sacred song, miracu-
lous salvation descends upon us. This song is the
source and essence of our religious life and it is to
us as necessary as rice.
However, contrary to the claim of Tenrikyo that the
Mikagpra-uta is a completely original work of kyoso Miki,
it is highly probable, if not absolutely certain, that there
is a close historical connection with the "nihon kokuno yo
naori ee ja nai ka" (the world reform of Japan is alright)
dances, so popular in 1867, that accompanied the raids and
riots against the rich farmers and rich merchants.2 This
may explain why Tenrikyo had attracted the followers from

among the farmers.3

The Osashizu (literally, revealed directions of god)

 

was written down and compiled by the followers of kyoso

Miki from what they heard but the greatest part of the

 

1See T. Fukaya, Mikagura-Uta Kogi (Tenri, Japan:
Tenri, 1956), p. l.

21. Oguchi and H. Takagi, op. cit., pp. 332-333.

See also Y. Hisaki, op. cit., p. 140.
3

Cf. H. Thomsen, o . cit., p. 40. Also H.
Van Straelen, op. cit., pp. 160-161.

 

25

Osashizu were written by Iburi 120 during the period from
1887 to 1907. It comprises 33 books with a total of 7,790
pages making it the most voluminous of the three canonical
writings of Tenrikyo. It contains not only oral directions
by God the Parent given an answer for occasional questions
for the Tenrikyo believers, but also opportune remarks given
by God the Parent as the occasion demands, thus containing
wisdom destined for all mankind. For Tenrikyo, it serves

as the important source of Spirituality, and more philosoph-
ically as the terminus 3 app for their polemics as well as
apologetics.

AS a religion of action, Tenrikyo maintains interest
in many social services and cultural activities. Clinics,
hospitals with large one thousand beds and other social
welfare institutions such as the orphanages of Tenri
Yotokuin and Tenri Takujisho, Yorozu-sodansho with three
departments of the mijo-bu (medical treatment department),
jijo-bu (counseling department), and sewa-bu (service
department) constitute an important part of the Tenrikyo's
contribution to the society.

Moreover, Tenrikyo maintains various educational
. institutions in Tenri City, Japan, to promote Tenrikyo faith
throughout the world. From kindergarten through University,
the general curriculum as prescribed by the government of
Japan is being adopted along with special emphasis on what

Tenrikyo calls education of creed backed with courses on

26

Tenrikyo doctrines. To train the students with Tenrikyo
knowledge as well as to provide them with religious atmos-
phere, many religious clubs and organizations are set up to
serve its religious objectives as well as pedagogic aim.

This dissertation purports that the historical study
of the rise and development of Tenrikyo, and the history,
aims and emphases of philosophy of its pedagogic institu-
tions indicate political, social cultural factors as
decisive causes of affectation. These factors have affected
the central theme of Tenrikyo, yonaoshi (world reform), as
well as its pedagogic platform. They have also affected
its pedagogic philosophy and practices.

The methodology employed is principally descriptive
rather than prescriptive, and historical rather than statis-
tical. Included in the methodology are the interviews with
the leaders and common folks of Tenrikyo, and personal con-
tacts and correspondences with the staff of the Tenri
educational institutions in Tenri City, Japan.

The second chapter deals with the historical back-
ground of Tenrikyo, in order to show various social, cultural
factors affecting the rise and development of Tenrikyo.

The third chapter sets forth, in order to obtain a
fuller understanding of Tenrikyo, the principal tenets of
Tenrikyo with objective exposition and additive evaluation,
as these teachings form a cornerstone of Tenrikyo educational

institutions.

27

The fourth chapter describes the historical
development of various Tenrikyo educational institutions
from their inception to the present time, as the present is
dependent of, and inseparable from, the past and is diffi-
cult, if not impossible, fully to understand apart from the
past.

The fifth chapter attempts to exposit the histori-
cal orientation of the shift of Tenrikyo pedagogic philosophy
as well as its emphases as affected by the varying political,
social circumstances of time.

The final chapter sums up, in a brief evaluation,
the strengths and weaknesses of Tenrikyo pedagogic institu-
tions.

Primary purpose of this dissertation
IS not circumlocution, but exposition;

Not to Show the erudition profound
But Tenrikyo and the Schools to expound.

CHAPTER II
GENERAL BACKGROUND OF TENRIKYO

Tenrikyo is a conglomorate product of divers elements,
not only in the doctrinal contexture but in historical con-
text as well. For this reason, understanding of the origin
and early development of Tenrikyo cannot be fully explicable
or congently authenic apart from its surrounding historic,
political and socio-cultural backgrounds that are directly
and indirectly tributary to its rise and growth. It can be
understood fully in relation to the cultural background that
supplies the fertile source of its motives as well as motifs.
This chapter, therefore, attempts to examine some of the
culturally reflective factors in the background of the
incunabula of this religion.

First of all, a biographical sketch of kypgp Miki
is an imperative preliminary to the fuller background under-
standing of Tenrikyo. Although in kyppp Miki's biography
there are considerable numbers of miraculous anecdotes
attributed to her life, they will be eliminated here for
the reason that it seems difficult to determine the degree
of authenticity attached to the mysterious, sometimes radi-

cally enigmatic, halo behind her biographic episodes.

28

29

Biographical Sketch of Kyoso Miki

Kypgp of Tenrikyo, Nakayama Miki, was born in
Sammaiden Village of Yamabe District in Yamato Province in
Central Japan on June 2, 1798. Miki was the oldest daughter
of Hanshichi Masanabe Maekawa, who held the rank of musokunin,
or samurai without a fief, and thus bearing the head of a
distinguished family.1 In addition, he held the influential
post of pipyg, or the chief of a group of the local village.
Miki's mother, Kinu, from the Nagao family of the same
village, was a woman of modest disposition, and excelled
particularly in the art of needlework.

For generations, Miki's family had been the members
of the Jodo Shu, the great Japanese Buddhist Sect, and she
was brought up among the traditions of a pious family.

This religious environment undoubtedly had exerted a con-
siderable influence upon her disposition, temperament, ;
character as well as meaning of life. Miki is portrayed as

a child of tender and kindly nature. Unselfishness, thought-
fulness, generosity and self-sacrifice are among the qualities
that seem to have marked her personal traits. This other-

oriented personality seems to have combined with a maternal

 

1Having the family name was a matter of distinction
during the Tokugawa periods when Miki was born. Usually com-
moners or nonwarriors were not allowed to use cognomens as
only the daim o (feudal lords) did bestow names. See J. M.
Kitagawa, ReIigion in Japanese History (New York and London:
Columbia University Press,’19667, p. 152. It should be noted
also that society under the Tokugawa regime was based not on
the clan system as it was in the Medieval feudal society in
Europe, but on the household system.

30

touch of high domestic interest to attract attention and
admiration from her neighbors.

Miki's early education began with home education,
being initiated into penmanship by her father. Her elemen-
tary education consisted of three years from nine to eleven,
in the usual education of 2 R's (reading and writing) of
those days, by attending to terakoya, temple school, in a
neighboring village. At that time she also began to recite
the Jodo Wasanl by memory.

Being an avid learner, Miki mastered the domestic
science--art of sewing and weaving--taught by her mother
in which Miki is said to have shown an exceptional talent
even at early teens.

In 1810, at the age of 13, it was through pigi
arranged by Miki's aunt Kinu that Miki married Zembei
Nakayama, 20 years of age, the oldest son of Zanemon
Nakayama of the neighboring village of Shoyashiki. It is
reported that Miki declined that proposal on the ground of
her anchoretic intentions but only agreed to it on the con-
dition that, after marriage, her devotional services be

continued to Amidabutsu.2 A biography published by the

 

1It is the hymn of the Jodo Sect of Buddhism turned
into Japanese. See Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (ed.), Life
of Oyasama, the Foundress of Tenrikyo (Tenri, Japan: Tenri
Printing Office, 1967), p. 25, note 2.

2"Namu, Tenri-o-no-mikoto" in the Mikagura-uta may
find its trace here. '

 

31

Tenrikyo Church Headquarters makes note of her saying,
"Even after I went there (to the Nakayama household), I
hope I shall be allowed to invoke the Buddha when My [sic]
work for the night is over."1
As a wife, Miki's faithfulness, devotion and piety
to her husband and to the household in general, and kindness
and sympathy towards the servants and maids were laudable
virtues. Moreover, the kind of diligence with which she
executed her domestic and field duties won her a reputation

of an exemplary woman with three cardinal virtues of early

rising, honesty and diligence.2 Later in her reminiscing

 

years Miki is reported to have told: "There was hardly any
farm labor I did not do, the only exceptions being the
breaking up of waste fields and the digging of irrigative

ditches. But in every other work I worked twice as much as

others.“3

Miki's benevolent nature, industrious character
capped with high managerial efficiency were accepted enthu-
siastically by the whole members of the family and she was
made an overseer entrusted with the entire Nakayama house-

hold at the age of 16.

 

lSee Life of Oyasama, the Foundress of Tenrikyo,

p. 14.

2See J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 18.

3Life of Oyasama, the Foundress of Tenrikyo, p. 15.

32

By 1837, when Miki was 40 years of age, a son named
Shuji and five daughters, Masa, Yasu, Haru, Tsune and
Kokan had been born, and the second and third daughters had
been dead. In subsequent years, most of Miki's children
had died at relatively young age, and Miki outlived all of
her children except the oldest daughter Masa.

On the morning of October 26th, 1838 when Miki was
41 years old, the body of Miki became the repository of a
god. In a prayerful expectation to remove a severe pain
from her son Shuji's leg Miki was acting a substitute medium
for a neighbor, Mrs. Soyo, when she became possessed by one
of the heavenly deities, known as Tsuki-Hi. It was Egppp
Shogun, the Heavenly General, who descended on Miki saying,
"Warewa motono £2Ei.22£ir I am the true and real God. I
have the preordination for this Residence. At this time I
have descended from Heaven to save all mankind. I want to
take Miki as Tsuki-Hi pp yashiro, Shrine of God and media-
trix between God the Parent and men."1

Miki's husband Zembei refused to accept the demand
of an unknown deity, being supported by the earnest suppli-
cation of an itinerant priest, Nakano Ichibei, for the deity

to ascend. However, the deity was stubborn and adamant, and

refused to withdraw.

 

1See J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 16. For detailed
description see H. Van Straéien, o . cit., pp. 40-41. Also
Y. Ueda, "The Life of the Foundress, 1n'Tenrikyo:"Its
History and Teachings, pp. 15-17. 1

 

 

33

As a custom in Japanese society, a family council
was held in the face of this sudden crisis. A staid con-
clusion was reached that Miki's life would be jeopardized
if the shocking state of excitement and extreme fatigue had
lasted. As a result, a final concession was made with the
obedient surrender of Miki's body to be the Shrine of the
deity. This was the moment of deification of Tenrikyo
kypgp Miki according to Tenrikyo teaching--a theatrical
moment of kypgp's birth. Tenrikyo had set October 26, 1838
as the official date for its founding.

Tenrikyo claims that the divine revelation to kypgp
Miki was neither mediate nor indirect, but it was immediate
and personal in its absolute sense. Thus Tenrikyo provides
an explanation for Miki's identification with the deity as
follows.1

When Oyagami created the universe, He created man-
kind to rejoice together with them leading a happy joyous
life. 900,099,999 years have elapsed Since the creation of
man, and this number of years equates to that of man's first
offSpring conceived in the womb of Izanamino-mikoto whose
soul, by the divine promise made at the creation of man, was
'reincarnated in Miki.2 Miki's reincarnation was preordained

900,099,999 years ago to be taken place on October 26, 1838.

 

1See J. Oguri, op. cit., pp. 16-17.

2Cf. A. Inoue, "Explication of Prologue of the
Mikagura-uta," in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings,
p. 89.

34

Further it claims that it was in the mansion of the Nakayama
family in Shoyashiki Village (present Tenri City) where
Oyagami had begotton the human race; and that Nakayama
family is the home of the whole mankind and accordingly is

the place of sato gaeri (homecoming) for the entire human

 

race.

Upon receiving the divine announcement to give away
all of her possessions and reach bottom of poverty, during
15 years between 1838 and 1853,1 Miki sold not only her own
house but every piece of owned property to distribute them
to the poor. This peremptory act of sacrifice served as a
model for the Tenrikyo followers to emulate and become a
part of Tenrikyo article of faith.

Through the vicissitudinous periods of the declining
years of the Tokugawa regime, Miki perpetuated her faith in
the depth of poverty. During the periods of the Meiji era
where emperorized absolutism was being recognized as offi-
cial religion, Miki's attempt to meet the need of the
pOpulace with Tenrikyo as the religion of "the depth of the
valley" met an ineluctable suppression of the governmental
officials.

The suppression of Tenrikyo began in 1874, and Miki

was put under arrest in the Nara prison as many as 18 times

during her life.

 

1This is the year when Miki's husband Zembei died.

35

Through the stormy opposition Miki stood firm on
her religious battleground and consolidated followers with
the conviction of "gakusha, kanemochi atomawashi" (Leave
the scholars and the rich till later on) and "tanizokono
kyuzai" (salvation for the depty of the valley). The
theistic notion of Oyagami, the concept of Jiba, Oyasato
as the Holy Place, kanrodai to insure the realization of
yonaoshi, practical ethic hinged upon the removal of eight
hokori (mental dust), etc., the important thrust of Tenrikyo
teachings, came out in the process of tenacious resistance
against the viscious oppression. Miki never ceased to
aspire ever to inSpire her followers until she expired at

the age of 90 on February 18, 1887.

Influence of Established Ethico-Religious
Movements

 

Among various factors that constituted the back-
ground of Tenrikyo, two ethico-religious movements in
particular seem to have found their insidious, if uncon-
scious, way into Miki's thoughts.

Kypgp Miki most probably was familiar with,1 and
influenced by, what were then two popular ethico-religious
movements: shingaku (Heart or Mental Learning) primarily

disseminated among the merchant classes in the urban areas,

 

le. Ofudesaki III 69, p. 56. "Hitherto there have
been shin aku and koki, but there has been no one who under-
stands EHe truth of tHe origin."

 

36

and hotoku (Recompense of Virtue) directed to the farmers.
These two movements no doubt have brought some adaptive
influence of syncretism upon kyoso Miki's thought as she

formulated the pistic creed of Tenrikyo.

Shingaku Movement

 

The founder of Shingaku, begun in 1729, was Ishida
Baigan (1685-1744). Although of peasant extraction, in his
boyhood he apprenticed as a clerk in a merchant family,
educated himself in Confucian writings, Zen meditation and
Shinto. Baigan developed three methods for his teaching:
the lecture, the question and answer meeting and the prac-
tice of meditation.1 AS a popular teacher and lecturer on
practical ethic, he consolidated his followers and adher-
ents among the prosperous merchant classes. The movement
was carried on under the leadership of men like Teshima
Toan (1718-1786) and Nakazawa Doji (1725-1803).

The Shingaku movement, as Anesaki puts it, was
"humanitarian in principle and popular in method."2 As an
ethical teaching it was "an eclecticism, aiming at uniting
the moral teachings of all the religious and ethical

systems prevailing in Japan, tempering them with the

 

1R. N. Bellah, Tokugawa Religion (Glencoe, Ill.:
The Free Press, 1957), p. 138.

2M. Anesaki, History of Japanese Religion (Rutland,
Vermont and Tokyo, Japan:' CharIes E. Tuttle Company, 1972),
p. 299.

37

general principles of humanitarian ethics and mental

culture."1

It claimed the training and listening to the
voice of the innermost conscience is the true Mental
Culture. The cardinal virtues, the means and the aim of
spiritual exercise and moral life consisted in benevolence,
patience, diligence and vigilance.2

Furthermore, the importance of the natural and
moral order was emphasized, and it held man's true and
original nature consisted in virtue--homo virtuosus. What
defied man's virtuous life was his mnguided conduct of
egoism, which is the root of all malices and vices. Thus,
Shingaku identified human nature with natural order and the
latter with moral order. The soul was conceived as the
reflex of the heavenly reason in the individual, and the
life of cosmic soul issued from the triad--human nature,
natural order and moral order. The ethics of Shingaku
emphasized the importance of moral order that assigns to
every individual his duty and destiny in harmony with his
social station and vocation,3 and encouraged the Shinto

communal ritual and ancestral worship.

 

lIbid., p. 300.

2Ibid., p. 301.

3For example, Baigan said, "If you do not know
occupation, you are inferior to birds and beasts. The dog
protects the gate and the cock informs us of the time. . . .
If as merchants we do not know our occupation, we Shall
come near the destruction of the family which our ancestors
havi transfered to us." AS quoted by R. N. Bellah, op. cit.,
p. 64.

38

Shingaku developed the concept of‘gakumon, the
highest aim of which was to exhaust one's heart and know
one's nature. The selfish heart and its desires, it taught,
obscure the possibility of this attainment. Through the
practice of meditation, of asceticism, and devotion to
one's obligations and occupation, the selfish element in
heart could be eliminated. Since it combined the reli-
gious teaching of meditation with practical ethic--daily
practice of economy and frugality and one's devotion to
assiduity with reSpect to his vocation, the movement was
considered not as religious escapism, but was labeled as

1

"this worldly mysticism." The social implications of the

Shingaku that this mysticism implies ethical imperatives
most probably have left considerable affectation on kypgp
Miki's mind as it did on the people and the atmOSphere of
the time. AS Bellah points out:

It is the religious aspect which appealed to all
the deep inner needs of troubled people for salvation
from their misery. This religious appeal reaches to
the profoundest depths of human motivation. It is the
linking of such motivation as this--of the weary for
succor, of the troubled for repose, of the guilty for
absolution--to the fulfillment of certain practical,
ethical duties in the world which gives that ethic a
dynamism which it could never have if it were mere
exhortation.2

Though the movement flourished until the end of the

Tokugawa regime it dwindled ever Since. In its teachings,

lIbid., pp. 150-152.

21bid., p. 165.

39

there is clear evidence of syncretistic strains from
Buddhism, Confucianism and Zen Buddhism, making fundamental
identity of all religions. Kyppp Miki seems to have suc-
ceeded in formulating what Tenrikyo calls its religion "the
finality of religion" with adaptive ideation of syncretistic

Shingaku movement.

Ninomiya Sontoku and the Hotoku Movement

 

Another movement that has invariably brought some
effect upon kyoso Miki appears to be the hotoku movement.

This movement was originated by Ninomiya Sontoku
(1787-1856) who gained the eminent reputation of the "Peasant
Sage" by his agrarian creed of didactic quality and plebeian
simplicity of high moral purpose appealing to the farmer
class. He was considered to be the paragon of assiduity,
frugality and sincerity. The following articles may well
sum up his agrarian, egalitarian and humanitarian principles:1

1. Manual labor is the worthiest of human activities
since it brings to fruition the creative labors
of the gods.

2. The law of averages in nature requires a sort of
planned agrarian economy, whereby something is
set aside from good harvests to tide over bad
years.

3. Agrarian life is essentially communal and its
success depends upon unselfish, cooperative
activity in an organization through which the

savings of some members may be made available
for the use of others.

 

1For the following see R. Tsunoda, et al. (eds.),
Sources of the Japanese Tradition (New York: Cqumbia
University Press, 1958), pp. 578-579.

 

40

4. Human life must be conceived as an act of
continuity of thanksgiving for the providence
of Heaven, earth and man.

Sontoku advocated labor as the root of virtue and
idleness as the loss of virtue. His teaching was embodied
in practical techniques of ethic and moral attitudes of
honesty, thanksgiving, disciplined and devoted service and
the self-reliance, all of which invariably associated with
the cardinal teachings of Confucianism, Jodo Buddhism,
Shinto, and Zen Buddhism.

His syncretistic and religious relativism was

further evinced poetically thus:l

Yono naka wa The things of this world
—— Are like lengths

Of bamboo rod

Sute ajirogino take kurabe For use in fish nets--

 

Sore kore tomoni This one's too long,
That one too short.

 

Nagashi mijikashi

Although his teaching did not bear the mark of any
established, traditional cult or religion, it absorbed much
of the established ones. His teaching was comprised of
one-half Shinto, one quarter Buddhist, and one-quarter
Confucianist. He saw "Shinto is the Way which provides the
foundation of the country; Confucianism is the way which

provides for governing the country; and Buddhism is the way

2

which provides for governing one's mind." This was the

 

lIbid., p. 585.

21bid., p. 581.

41

essence of the pill of three religions1 which is another
appellation for his teaching of Repayment of Virtue.

The particular forte underlying his teaching issued
from his agrarian reform and economic planning and coopera-
tion, but its overriding principle always rested in manual
industry, moral sincerity and economic frugality--all for
the explicit purpose of multi-lateral reciprocity in com-
munal cooperation and helpfulness.

Sontoku had drawn his moral ideas from the eclectic
elements of three religions, and in practice combined them
with economic measure.2 Moreover, he believed in the end-
less process of transormation and transmigration in nature
and human life which anticipated the Elysian bliss here on
earth and in the world to come.3 His thought purported to
a vague notion of social utopia, resembling the "Utopia"
described by Thomas More in the sixteenth century, combined
with clear expectation of eschatological millennium. As
Bellah observes, from the hotoku teachings "one gets the

impression that salvation in the religious sense and economic

 

1Ibid., p. 585. He is quoted as saying, "you won't
find medicine like that anywhere. In a real pill all the
ingredients are thoroughly blended so as to be indistin-
guishable. Otherwise it could taste bad in the mouth and
feel bad in the stomach." Loc. cit.

3His poem reads: "So let our labor bring benefits
Equally to all, That all as one may attain the Buddha-mind
and go on to live in the land of Bliss." Tsunoda, et al.,

op. cit., p. 584.

42

recovery seem to be conceptually fused. There is indeed an
almost millennial expectation. . . ."1
Both from hotoku and Shingaku movements, kypgp Miki
appears to have culled the syncretistic or eclectic elements
of its teachings, the adaptive combination or fusion of
religious faith and concrete, immediate, practical ethic
desirable and feasible to the mundane state of affairs. A
voice of discontent against the Tokugawa regime was uttered
in the anticipation of some approaching world change, a
coming of a new age, a new social order--the social atmos-

phere kyoso Miki undoubtedly shared with the people of her

time.

Political'Conditions

 

What constituted the background of Tenrikyo in part
was the anticipated consciousness for the coming of the
ideal society in which the happiness and sense of security
of the Japanese masses were expected to be insured. This
desire for the world reform was closely affiliated with the
criticism of feudal system under the Tokugawa regime. The
political ethos which created the threatening atmosphere to
this ideal had also an inescapable effect upon the formative
process of Tenrikyo. The decline of the feudal system of

Tokugawa era, the progressive spirit that demanded the

 

1R. N. Bellah, op. cit., p. 128.

43

opening of the Japanese country to commerce had Spurred
political measure of implementing the thematic syzygy of
Tenrikyo--Reformation and Renovation.

In the last years of the eighteenth century, for
the Tokugawa government, there was some change taking place
on the political front of foreign diplomacy. Russia was
extending its Sphere of activity and attempting to establish
a point of contact with Japan. Great Britain and France
were also making an attempt to demolish the barrier of con-
scious and subconscious xenophobia of China. Moreover, the
development of American interest in the seaboard on the
Pacific led to the opening of a new trade route with China,
for which the Japanese islands offered convenient ports of
call.1

These increasing changes which the Tokugawa regime
had to encounter on its foreign front, spurred by the intro-
duction of Steam navigation, caused a sudden and rapid
increase in the frequency of American and European ships in
the Japanese territory. The principal reasons for those
frequent visits of European ships were attributed to: l) the
need of provisions; 2) the search for shipwrecked crews, or
repatriation of them; and 3) a desire to engage in trade,

or to establish an amicable relationship leading to mutual

 

1See E. O. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964), pp. 108-111. Also J. .
Gubbins, The Making of Modern Japan (Philadelphia: J. B.
Lippincott Co., 1922), pp. 42-47}

44

commercial treaty. In all, however, the American government
was the most interested in the opening of Japan for foreign
trade on account of the Whalers and clipper ships to enter
Japanese islands to obtain water and fresh provisions.1
The United States thus made an effort to take the initiative
to put an end to the Tokugawa policy of exclusivism and
isolationism. Though in the first half of the nineteenth
century, the Americans, English and Russians repeatedly
dispatched expeditions to Japan demanding open-door policy,
the Tokugawa regime remained adamant and intransigent,
refusing the opening of the country to commerce. Nonethe-
less, the international showdown became apparent with the
arrival of American naval force under Commodore Matthew C.
Perry on July 8, 1853.2 This intrepid re-encounter of the
United States with Japan since more than centuries ago,
though met with tepid welcome on the part of Japan, intended
to help thwart the Tokugawa's policy of seclusion and enlarge
the scope of international relations.

On Perry's return in the following year, 1854, under

the threatening guns of the American ships, the Tokugawa

regime had no alternative but to make a treaty with Perry.

 

1J0 Ho GUbbinS, OB. Cit. p p. 450

2This is the year when kyoso Miki's husband Zembei
Nakayama passed away, and it also marks the first missionary
activity of Tenrikyo by kyoso Miki's daughter Kokan in Osaka,
Japan.

45

The result was the opening of two ports, Shimoda and
Hakodate, to the American vessels. Perry's treaty was suc-
ceeded by similar arrangements with England, Russia and the
Netherlands within two years.

By 1858 regular commercial treaties were concluded
between the United States and Japan, and European powers
made similar treaties with Japan with free unrestricted com-
mercial relations.

This eruptive element in portentous occasions for
international diplomacy has inSpired the governmental Eggp-
Eippg and brought, along with other factors of disruptive

revolts, ultimate political labefaction to the long peaceful

 

reign of the Tokugawa era. For the Tokugawa regime, it was
a dischordant age that called for a reformative change with-
in and the ingressive challenge from without, and disturbing
awakening from sepulchral slumber to instill Promethean
elasticity into time-honored oriental equanimity. While the
architect of the Tokugawa regime maintained a strong,
external facade, its political foundation was indefensibly
crumbling with internal decay. The external political con-
ditions created an obvious case of a morganatic wedding with
internal discontent, because the impotence of the feudal
system and degeneration of the higher warrior (samurai) of
the Tokugawa regime were becoming appalling, creating multi—
forms of its financial difficulties, both central and feudal.

The threatening Shadow of democratic aSpirations, if not in

46

modern sense, especially among the lower samurai and
unemployed scholars, was looming like a grumbling thunder
and gathering storm reminiscent of a Japanese version of
Finlandia in Tokugawa setting.

In the power configuration, it must be noted, during
the Tokugawa regime, the sovereign power d§|jp£g_rested
always with the Imperial Throne of Japan, although the
Tokugawa government ruled the country g2,£pgpg. Under the
leadership of the Tokugawa lord of Mito, who was looked
upon as a political leader as well as a moral inspirer, the
men standing for the royal cause upheld by the social ethos
of discontent launched a carping criticism on the cabinet
of the Tokugawa government. The attendant result was an
assassination of the highest minister of the Shogun in 1860.
It merely augmented the fervor of xenophobic movement.
Anesaki pointedly describes the converging foci of resent-
ment in this period:1

Political and social discontent against the existing

regime, enthusiasm aroused by the propagators of nationa-
list ethics, the semi-religious reverence towards the
Imperial Throne, the hereditary hatred and dread of
foreigners implanted by the alleged evils of Kirishitan
missions--all these forces converged in vehement attacks
upon the government.

The vociferous calumny against the government and the xeno-

phobic sentiment were combined with the awesome realization

of the supremacy of the American "black ships." It dampened

1M. Anesaki, op. cit., p. 322.

47

the vigorous semi-religious zeal for the sanctity of the
Japanese nation, and the concerned effort of attack was
shifted to dethrone the Shogunate. As a result, the
ethnocentric watchword, ggp p_ig 1 (Honor the Emperor and
Expel the Barbarians)1 was substituted for more "emperor-
centric" slogan, E22 9 32.2252 (Honor the Emperor and
Supplant the Shogunate).2 This politico-social agitation
against the American intrusion culminated in search for
solution by national unity and restoration of the imperial
authority. In 1867, the Imperial Throne of Japan regained
the actual rule of the country and power from the Tokugawa
regime.

This progressive change was made with rapidity,
along with more exposure to the Western learning with the
lapse of time. The focus of popular discontent Shifted to
the impetus for national progress. The ebulient motto of
conservatism became a resilient cry of progressivism--
kaikoku shinshu (Open the country and Achieve Progress.)3
The tangible desire in this politico-social milieu was the
change--restoration and renovation. This dual aspect of
the political and social ethos probably characterized the
thought of kyggg Miki and became the central theme and

ultimate vision of Tenrikyo--Reform the World.

 

1E. O. Reischauer, op. cit., pp. 112-113.

2M. Anesaki, op. cit., p. 322.

3Ibid., p. 323.

48

The opening of the ports brought some effects on
social, economic life in Japan during this period. It
affected significantly social conditions and thus the
farmer's life, and brought about mainly three disruptive
effects on the Japanese economy and society.1

First, it caused a marked increase in all prices,
but primarily it had an effect eSpecially on raw Silk, tea,
hair oil, and marine products for which there was a foreign
market.

Secondly, it also caused to increase the profits
from the exported goods, both to their producers and to the
dealers who had monopoly control over their distribution.
Manufacturing and commercial farmers gained benefits from
the trade but it conferred no particular benefits upon the
large mass and impoverished farmers. On the contrary, they
suffered severely from the commodity inflation.

Thirdly, the resultant inflation in the price of raw
silk with the introduction of new production caused a
catastrophic blow to silk weavers all over Japan as silk
weaving was Japan's largest industry.

This economic condition, in turn, directly affected
the Tokugawa government tax income by which it consolidated
the monopoly system to exact even more taxes from the hoi

polloi--the lower class samurai, farmers and city poor.

 

1See I. Oguchi and H. Takagi, op. cit., pp. 319-320.

49

Thus, the opening of the ports became one of the most
Significant contributory factors that incited farmers'

revolts with gp_jp naika dances.

Social Economic Milieu

During approximately the last hundred years of the
Tokugawa regime, there were numerous incidents of epidemics
of national magnitude, frequent droughts, floods, and poor
harvests, etc., throughout Japan. The successive national
catastrophe and famines aggrevated poverty of the farmers.
Being attacked on both flanks of natural calamities and
human exigencies, the farmers, in order to overcome the
distressing circumstance, were forced to surrender even
their only means of production, the rice-field and farmland.
Even with tearful reluctance, they had to commit the hideous
act of killing their new born infants to satisfy their
hunger. However, the escape from the poverty was only a
remote possibility for them. Amid such adverse circum-
stances, there were increasing number of rich farmers who
became landowners by purchasing the land from the poor
farmers which only widened the chasm between the landlords
and tenants. The tenants were taxed with the burden of farm-
rent to the landlords, in addition to landtax to the feudal

lords.l

 

lcr. J. Oguri, op. cit., pp. 105-106.

50

The heavy levy merely exacerbated the already fervid
antagonism between the landlords and tenants. The outcome
was the farmers' revolts that flaunted on the pages of
Tokugawa history.l According to a report, the incidents of
riots and revolts are numbered at 2,651 during the entire
Tokugawa period and among them 2,260 incidents are reported
to have occurred between 1704 and 1867.2

In Spite of numerous riots and revolts among the
farmers, there was no intrigue of revolution possible, nor
the direct action of the farmers against the government
feasable to curb the dictates of the feudal system. It was
impossible, if not improper, for the populace to expect
change and reform within the confines of the Tokugawa society.
Since it was within the strict feudal stratification of
classes that the Tokugawa regime cemented its political
power, the desire for social reform took a mode of passive
resistance through religion. Simply stated, there was a
desire to solve political problems in religious terms.3

This desire found its expressions in §g_ig naika dances

and okage mairi.

 

1For more detail see K. Haraguchi, Nippon Kindai
Kokkano Keisei: Making of Modern Japan (Tokyo, Japan:
Iwanami Shdtén, 1968), pp. 46-49.

2J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 106.

3Cf. I. Oguchi and H. Takagi, op. cit., p. 348.

51

1

Ee Ja Naika Dances and Okage Mairi2

 

EE.i§.EE£§E dances recognized the connection between

religion and the desire to alleviate economic distress.

When the masses under the Tokugawa regime were powerless to
alter their circumstances by direct political action, they
turned to emotive expression of dances, pg 13 pgikp, As
McFarland points out, they were "understood as translations
into spontaneous group action of the feverish desire for
social reform that burned in the hearts of the Japanese

"3 They were the most dramatic piece of evidence of

masses.
popular assumption that religious faith and action were
directly related to the amelioration of social, economic
morass. Thus, as Anesaki observes, "the social atmoSphere
in the first half of the nineteenth century was redolent
with something verging on the Messianic conception of the
Jews in the first century before Christ."4 McFarland adds,

"to the longing of the people for deliverance was added the

expectation that deliverance was imminent and it would

 

lThe literal meaning of this dance is any action £5
all right or iE.£§ all right.

2Oka e means the grace of god. It was sometimes
called the n e mairi. It was so called because the people
set out for piIgrimages without the consent of the family or
the permission from the employers. Being unprepared for
journey they simply received the provision of food and
lodging along the way. See Y. Hisaki, 0p. cit., p. 139.

3H. N. McFarland, op. cit., p. 57.

4M. Anesaki, op. cit., p. 316.

52

1 This earnest

involve the changing of the world itself."

expectation was formalized and codified in Tenrikyo.
What accompanied 23 12.22152 dances was the mode

of passive resistance become visible in the pkggg’pgipi,

conspicuously to the Ise Shrine, the abode of the sun-

 

goddess amaterasu-g-mikami, a legendary ancestress of the
Japanese Shinto Since the eighteenth century. Qkpgg_m3i£i
posed a perilous threat to politics and the established
Buddhisms as it embodied "an embryonic theory of social
reform."2

What had ignited the collective pkpgg mgigi was
the rumor that amulets of the Ise Shrine fell from the Sky.
There was a folk belief among farmers that every 60th year
is the year of the pkggg m§i£i_when the amulets would fall
from the sky. Perhaps the largest gkpgg,p§i£i ever under-
taken was in 1830 when, within four months, nearly 5 million
people forced their way to the Ise Shrine.3

The pkpgg TEiEi accompanied some instances of mob

riots of farmers in a demand for the reduction of taxes and

debts, the burden of which the farmers were inexorably

 

1H. N. McFarland, op. cit., p. 58.

2I. Oguchi and H. Takagi, op. cit., p. 317.

3Y. Hisaki, op. cit., p. 139. Also H. N. McFarland,
op. cit., pp. 56-57. Kyoso Miki herself, when she was 32
years of age, participated in this Okage mairi, which pre-
sumably left a deep impression on her. See I. Oguchi and
H. Takagi, op. cit., p. 329.

53

subjected to bear. Along with the pkggg,ppi£i_such mob
actions came to signify a kind of demonstration to express
peOple's personal freedom from the bondage of the feudalism.
At the same time, it embodied a fermenting germ of social
innovation. It is palpable what had been a passive resist-
ance against the feudal oppression was increasingly assuming
a form of positive protest through the pkpgp_mpi£i.

It was the pkpgg_mgg£i_in 1867 that the group action

of the okage mairi is clearly tied in with the expectation

 

of world reform.1 It was begun with the rumor that the
amulets fell from the sky in Nagoya, Japan, and it evolved
the turbulent society of the Tokugawa regime into a vortex
of frenzied song and dances of "9.11025215239 yonaori 22.33:.

"2(world reform of the country of Japan is alright).

It was a distinctive feature of this pkpgp’pgipi in which
earnest anticipation of the world reform was contained in
frenzied dances of the masses. Not only the amulets of the
Ise Shrine but also gods of hachiman, ippgi, degumo, Emigg,
dainichi, miroku were reported to have descended from

heaveng-unprecedented event in the wake of the okage mairi

in Japan. Every god and buddha familiar to the Japanese

 

1It is a point of interest to note that the Ofudesaki
was written after kyoso Miki's experience with this okage
mairi.
Y. Hisaki, op. cit., p. 140.

Y. Hisaki, op. cit., p. 140.

54

masses were mobilized for yonaoshi. With the song, pgpg
pppgp,pp£g gamino okudariga nihonkokuju ichijirushi (the
decent of every god and buddha is conspicuous throughout
the land of Japan),1 every bit of folk faith was converged
on the expectation of the world reform, and it was no other
than a ringing declaration to decry the feudal system and
"feudalized system of religions."

ES jg pgikp dances, accompanied by riots and knock-
ing down the rich farmers and rich merchants, paralyzed the
public peace and particularly the one in 1867 is said to
have helped the military action of new Meiji government to
topple the Tokugawa regime. For the Japanese masses
yonaosi was not a remote, future illusion, nor was it a
miracle to be performed by divine power--dpp§’g§_machina.
Nor was it a chimeric mirage beyond human reach but a
realistic task to realize their dream with their own hands.

The feeling of the common populace was imbedded
‘with importance and dependence on the repetition of the
words, pg 13 pgiki as a magical formula. The objective of
desired social reform to be achieved was "better distribu-
tion of wealth, land reform, and abolition of feudal
burdens."2 Tenrikyo then became the voice of social con-
science, and this social atmosphere in twin embodiments
of 23 12.221 gland the pkggg.mgi£i became contributive to

the central theme of Tenrikyo--yonaoshi.

 

1Loc. cit.

2I. Oguchi, and H. Takagi, op. cit., p. 326.

55

Religious Circumstances and
Hayari'Gami (PopuIar Deityi

 

 

Perhaps a most direct influential factor for the
rise of Tenrikyo may be assessed from the standpoint of the
relationship between locality and real circumstances of the
Buddhist sect and then prevalent so-called hayari gpmi
(popular deity).

The present Nara prefecture in Japan, called Yamato
Province in earlier times, is not only the birthplace of
Tenrikyo but also a seat where the longest history and
richest tincture of religion have been observed in the wake
of Japanese history. It is also the region where the
earliest culture of Japan had flourished and down through
its history has been a religious hot-bed that has incubated
a great number of religions. According to an estimate, at
least 17 different main religious organizations, including
Buddhism and Shinto Sects, maintain their headquarters in
the prefecture of Nara, Japan, at the present time.1

During the last decades of the Tokugawa era, the
Yamato Province came to be the denominational museum 5 la
Buddhism. The temples of Nara Buddhism, Heian Buddism,
Kamakura Buddhism, along with other folk religions, had

maintained a close affinity in varied ways, with the masses

of Japan.

 

1See J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 98.

56

The wide spread of Buddhism, however, was equally
matched with a wild spread of malignant evils of its monks.l
Of the characteristic records describing the utter corruption
and degradation of Buddhist monks, Oguri cites copious
incidents of indulgence and prurience that had become a
trademark of Buddhist tradition at that time.2

The Buddhist monks maintained a facade of religious
piety but their loss of Spiritual power and leadership was
self-evident in succulent delight in luxury, with contra-
vened religious rules and solemn vows. The monks became
inured to heinous violation of morality, including gambling,
villainous violence, thievery and even homicide. Exaction,
exploitation, deception and usurpation became a common
practice and the monks became wealthy through ignoble prac-
tice of usury and lottery. The abuse and misuse of their
position became a normal criterion assessing the arrogant
power of bonzes.3

This deplorable circumstance inSpired the surge of
carping criticism from all of the Tokugawa society. With

centripedal force it converged unabashedly on all sects of

Buddhism. The ambitious thrust of this excoriation expressed

 

1Cf. R. Tsunoda, et al. (eds.), op. cit., pp. 10-11.

2See J. Oguri, op. cit., pp. 68, 70-76 for detailed
description.

3Cf. T. Inoue, Hon Gan Ji (Tokyo, Japan: Shibundo,
1966). pp. 222-225.

 

57

itself even in the kazoe-uta (counting song)l making a

 

carricature of multi-facets of treacherous improbity of
the cenobites.

The most trenchent impugnment, however, was reserved
for Kamakura Buddhism among which Jodo Shinsu had been the
champion of the folk religions during the Tokugawa era.

What spurred the increment of corruption was partic-
ularly the monks of ppp €22.11 kyodan backed with stupendous
magnitude of financial power. Under the surveillance, pro-
tection and control of the Tokugawa regime, the Buddhism
had already achieved a total cohesion with the political
power and showed a positive cooperation to the government
for the control of the populace.2 What £23 £23.11 kyodan
attempted to promote was an ideal image of the farmer in
order to dissuade them to the subjugated cooperation with
the government. It taught, among other ethical codes, the
following forte:3

1. Thou shalt take heed of other buddhas, Bosatsu
and other gods.

2. Thou shalt not slight other sects and other
buddhas.

3. Thou shalt vindicate benevolence, justice,
propriety, wisdom and trust.

4. Thou shalt not forget four favors: of the par-
ents, of the buddha, of the king, and of other
people.

 

1See J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 69.

2T. Inoue, op. cit., pp. 215-217.

3See J. Oguri, op. cit., pp. 79-80.

58
5. Thou shalt support wife and children; govern
thyself; and know the way of the world to come.

In Spite of a touch of religious magnanimity as the
champion of the established Buddhism, pgp gap ii kyodan
became the target of the fiercest criticism. The compendious
mockery was summed up in three greatest evils of 922.222.11
kyodan: guilty of infringing and misleading the nation; of
beguiling and stealing the hearts of the populace; and of
a baneful traitor against the country.1

As a stern protest against the total decadence of
established Buddhism there arose many religious movements
as symbols of relentless pursuit of the value and validity
of human existence in living faith. Because of their opposi-
tion to, and protest against, the existing Buddhism they
were not permitted in public. In order to escape the inex-
orable persecution of the Tokugawa regime, they became
clandestine--"mole"--religious movements. Among them,
kakure nembutsu2 was a most representative, illustrative,
though merely suggestive, example that symbolized an indom-

itable spirit of resistance against the established Buddhism

poisoned by elitist consciousness of the bonzes.

 

lJ. Oguri, o . cit., p. 75. There was also this gen-
eral criticism: "THe priests are all stupid; they confuse
the people, waste national resources, and offend morality."

R. Tsunoda, et al. (eds.), op. cit., p. 10.

2Cf. kakure kirishitan,kakure daimoku, etc., that
Spread underground taking refuge from the Tokugawa regime or
established Buddhism.

 

59

Unlike kakure nembutsu, since the middle of the
Tokugawa era there arose increasing numbers of faith,
hayari gami (popular deity),l that sought living faith in
public. What animated the rise and popularity of hayari
gppi was its practical orientation of mundane benefits
through faith. The ignorant mass was taught what the just
religion could provide for them consisted in prayer for
the instant gain of this world, pig pp pppg, and sought
"loaves and fishes" through religion in mundane world.

The hayari 222$.With a placard of instant solution for
proverty, sickness, suffering and catastrophe was an answer
to the plebeian longing. As a result, the numerous faiths
of "instant gain-ism" became popular during the end of the
Tokugawa era. Moreover, the faith of hayari ggpi rested

in the belief that the dead became deities and heal the
sick, and fulfill the hopes and desires. The advent of
hayari gppi no doubt signaled a plebeian yearning for the
gain in the present world. However, with its belief in the
incarnate deity of the dead who would bring salvation, it
contained a religious seed to germinate Tenrikyo--a faith
of living deity who can save mankind from physical and

existential anguish and suffering.

 

1J. Oguri, cites some distinctive features of the
ha ari ami: (1) multiplicity of gods and buddhas as a
p1st1c object; (2) no permanence in pistic content; (3)
extreme mobility; (4) individualistic and mechanistic
spiritual experience; (5) a strong relationship between a
particular hayari gami and a particular locality. Op. cit.,
p. 135.

60

In View of the curious paradox as to why kyoso
Miki did not seek salvation through the existing Buddhism
but through a new faith of which she herself became the

incarnate deity, needless to say, the existing Buddhisms

 

 

did provide a necessary anchor of faith but not sufficiepp
anchor for salvation for the populace and for Kypgp Miki
herself.

The understanding of the real circumstances of the
established Buddhism during the last decades of the Tokugawa
era seemstxaprovide a significant and vital clue to the
ineluctability of the birth of Tenrikyo.

It becomes patent that religious background of
kypgg Miki's time embelished with social, cultural atmos-
phere and political, economic conditions during the end of
the Tokugawa era all point towards the ripe anticipation
for the rise and development of Tenrikyo.

Understandably, Tenrikyo refutes any social-
cultural factors accountable for the birth of Tenrikyo, and
dismisses such explanation as a kind of social, economic
determinism. If religion, Tenrikyo claims, is a product of
any particular age, it would be accepted in the contemporary
and die away with the age. The greater is the religion,
Tenrikyo contends, the greater is its meta-eonic force for
universal prevalence, and Tenrikyo is one such religion.
Furthermore, the direct and immediate revelation that came
upon kyppg Miki, Tenrikyo claims, was an act of absolute

divine will that transcends all human intelligence and

61

wisdom, and irrespective of surrounding social conditions in
which Tenrikyo was born. It would be impossible or para-
doxical to attempt an explanation of the fact of divine
revelation from socio-cultural or even psychological point

1

of view--from any human standpoint.

Even if Tenrikyo is a revealed religion, it seems

quite evident that what is taught in the Ofudesaki or

 

Mikagura-uta was directed to a particular time in history
and particular social environment. If Tenrikyo had not met
the need of the particular social circumstances, it would
never have developed as it had.

Though Tenrikyo forcibly, if understandably, negates
the impact and influence of all social, political and cul-
tural circumstances, the fact still remains that many
political and social conditions created the atmoSphere in

which Tenrikyo saw its birth.

 

1See Oyasato Research Department (ed.), Gendai
Shakaito Tenrikyo: Modern'Sociepy'and'Tenrik o (Tenri,
Japan: Tenri UniVersity Press, I973Y, pp. 1 8-166.

CHAPTER III
MAJOR TENETS OF TENRIKYO

Having examined the characteristics of times and
conditions in which Tenrikyo had arisen, in this chapter
focus is on the principal teachings of Tenrikyo. It must
be noted that Tenrikyo doctrines have undergone various
stages of dispensation, and with a shift of emphasis they
have been developed with miliorative alterations, ramifi-
cations and modifications. It is not in the scope of this
dissertation to give a comprehensive exposition of its
doctrines in full. For practical purposes, the predilec-
tion of this writer tips the scale in favor of the more

recent provenance of its fundamental doctrines.

Theology

 

As a whole Tenrikyo theology contains somewhat
ambiguous, if not contradictory, assertions. The present
Tenrikyo, however, is a monotheistic religion that holds a
belief in Oyagami (God the Parent)--Tenri-o-no-mikoto.
There appeared different divine appellations over the
stages of revelation: first as kppi, then as Tsuki-hi
(moon-sun god), and finally as God the Parent who loves His

thildren on earth.

62

63

Tenrikyo claims that it is neither monotheistic nor
polytheistic,1 and yet when being asked whether it is poly-
theistic or monotheistic it cannot but answer that Tenrikyo

is monotheistic. Tenri-o-no-mikoto is conceived as the sole

 

deity of all. Oneness of the deity, however, is not held

so much important as belief in God the Parent whose action

is Tsuki-hi which is oneness in duality, not mere oneness.2
The catechism of Tenrikyo seems to uphold monotheism

as it states: "We adore God the Parent, as we recite His

3

name Tenri-O-no-Mikoto." Fukaya, contending for the mono-

theistic conception of Tenrikyo, claims that "God the Parent
'Tenri-O-no-Mikoto' may be called an 'umgreifend Deity' and
likened to a circle of infinite diameter."4 Further he
expounds:5
Tenrikyo is a peculiar faith which is neither

exclusively theistic nor pantheistic. The Kami (Deity)
of Tenrikyo, "Tenri-O-no-Mikoto," is, to Speak explicitly

 

lT. Nishiyama, o . cit., p. 168. Regardless of vari-
ous interpretations of TenriEyo as polytheism, post-World
War II Tenrikyo has emerged clearly as a monotheistic reli-
gion.

2See G. B. Offner and H. Van Straelen, Modern
Japanese Religions (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1963),
p.‘l45-I46.

 

3Oyasato Research Institute (ed.), "An Introduction
to Catechism of Tenrikyo," in Tenrikyo: jlts History 829
Teachipgs, p. 279. (Henceforth to be referred to as Cate-
chism of Tenrikyo.)

4T. Fukaya, "The Fundamental Doctrine of Tenrikyo,"
in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachingp, p. 57.

5

 

 

Ibid., p. 50.

64

um reifend and all the universe lives in His bosom.
The Kami of Tenrikyo may be perceived as a crossing of
pantheism plus determination of Space, and theism plus
determination of time. A pantheistic god is immanent,
while a theistic god transcendent. But an umgreifend
god is both immanent and transcendent. A pantheistic
god is rational, while a theistic god is irrational.
An umgreifend god is, however, "transrational."

 

 

The deistic conception, therefore, is completely eliminated
in Tenrikyo notion of deity. Tenrikyo deity is contained in
the universe but also it contains the universe as well.

One of the essentia of Tenrikyo deity is his
autarkic and eternally unchanging attribute, and it is
symbolized in the shrines in Jiba.1 The pre-temporality,
supra-temporality and post-temporality constitute the age-
less quality of this deity. Yet, the concept of divine
ubiquity is also preserved in Tenrikyo. The deity is con-
sidered in relationship to temporal and spatial dimension.
His omnipresence is found in every phenomenon of the uni-
verse.2 At the same time, this deity is not a 2225

. 3
absconditus but a Deus revelatio.

 

Touching upon the divine individuality and attributes
Fukaya maintains:

God the Parent who affects us by virtue of the
Heavenly Law is neither a deity up in heaven alone nor
a deity always on earth, but a deity found everywhere
who embraces all the universe in His arms. This does
not mean, however, that He is a something like the

 

1T. Nishiyama, op. cit., p. 161.

21bid., p. 162.

3Cf. Ibid., p. 160.

65

Greek lo 03 or something like an omnipresent power.

He is a eity who Speaks to mankind through the
Foundress Miki Nakayama. The true intention of God
the Parent is made known only through the mouth of the
Foundress, His living Shrine.

Moreover, in Tenrikyo, God the Parent is regarded
as the creator of the universe, and raison g'etre of
exquisite harmony of the universe is attributed to him as
the First Cause:2

I am the original God who created human beings of

this world. Yet, perhaps there may be no one who
knows Me.3

I am going to initiate things which have never

existed before, because I am the God who created this
world in the beginning.4

Furthermore, God the Parent is conceived not only
as the creator of the cosmos but as the protector and pre-
server of all sentient and insentient beings.5 He mani-
fests himself in celestial bodies--solar, lunar and stellar
configurations, and bestows parental benevolence on the whole

creation.

The true and real Parent of this universe is I,
Tsukihi. I will protect you in any and every thing.6

 

1T. Fukaya, op. cit., p. 54.

2See Headquarters of Tenrikyo Church, The Doctrine of

Tenrik o (Tenri, Japan: Tenri Jihosha, 1972), p. 38.
ence orth to be referred to as The Doctrine of Tenrikyo.)

3Headquarters of Tenrikyo Church, Ofudesaki (Tenri,
Japan: Tenri Jihosha, 1971), 111 15, p. 42. (Henceforth
to be referred to as Ofudesaki.)

4Ibid., III 17, p. 43.

5See The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 39.

6Ofudesaki, VI 102, p. 164.

66

The protection of God the Parent constitutes
differentiated manifestations, as in plus and minus of

electricity, in tohashira pg kami (literally Ten Pillar

 

Gods).l It is maintained that their protection is eternal
and immutable, and by their eternal protection the universe
continues to exist from its genesis till present and through

timeless ages. These tohashira pp kami are described as
2

 

follows.

1. Kunitokotachino-mikoto is the male Spirit of Founda-

 

tion of the cosmos. In the human body, it protects

the functions of the eyes and humors, and in the

external world it manifests itself in 322 principle
'QELEEEEE, such as moist, vapor, streams and seas.

2. Omotarino-mikoto is a female deity who protects the

 

warmth of the human body and manifests itself in

the principle pf fire in the world. Van Straelen

 

depicts an amusing characteristic of this deity thus:

She is represented with a Serpent with 12 heads
and 3 tails with a sword at each end. Each of her
12 heads gives protection to mankind. At the same
time the 12 heads signify the 12 months of a year
and the 12 hours of a day. This deity becomes after
conception everyday heavier and heavier, and this is
the reason why she got the name: Omotaru or growing
in weight.3

 

1The existence of these ten deities seems to be a
polytheistic vestige from the Shinto of which Tenrikyo was a
part for some periods of time. These deities also play a
significant role in Tenrikyo cosmology.

2See H. Van Straelen, op. cit., pp. 89-91. T.
Nishiyama, o . cit., pp. 169-173. Also The Doctrine of
Tenrikyo, pp. 40-42.

3H. Van Straelen, op. cit., p. 89.

67

Kunisazuchino-mikoto is a female deity who "is

 

represented as a tortoise. This deity was used to

1 In the human

serve as the first female organ."
body it protects the functions of Sinews, especially
the skin. In the external world, it serves to pro-

tect the matters pf bindings, relationships--of

 

universal joints.

Tsukiyomino-mikoto is a male deity who is repre-
sented as a dolphine, vigorous and daring, and
serves as the first male organ. It protects the
function of support, especially bones in the human
body. In the external world it presides over the

principle pf support and encouragement ip general.

 

 

~Kumoyomino-mikoto is a female deity whose figure is

 

similar to an eel, and serves to protect the func-
tions of ingestion and excretion, eSpecially with
regard to eating and drinking, and the movements of
entry and exit in general. In the external world
it appears as the morning star and provides protec-

Kashikoneno-mikoto was originally a female deity but

 

in Tenrikyo it has assumed a new form of male deity.
He is represented as a flat-fish. "This association

with the flat-fish is apparently due to the resem-

blance of this to a fan which naturally suggests air

 

'—

1Loc. cit.

68

in motion."1 He serves to protect the functions of
innalation and exhalation in the human body and
breathing and Speaking are possible only through

the assistance of this deity. In the external world,

it presides over the wind.

 

Taishokutenno-mikoto has the figure of a poisonous

 

globe fish, and governs the functions of cutting off
the embryonic tie of a child bound to his mother at
birth, and also of the death of mankind. In the

external world it presides over ESE action pf pgygp—

ance in general.

Otonobeno-mikoto whose divine sex has been changed

 

 

by Tenrikyo from that of female to male2 presides
over human deliveries at birth in the human body, and
also over the germination of crops. In the external
world, it appears as the evening star in the sky,

and protects the principle 9: pulling forth i2

 

general.

Izanagino-mikoto is the model Male deity. Being the
prototype of man, the seed of human beings, he is
symbolized by a mermaid and presides over paternity.
In the external world, it appears as the Tanabata
star, the Vega in the heaven, and presides over £22

principle g£ seed.

 

lIbid., p. 90.

21bid., p. 91.

69

10. Izanamino-mikoto is the model Female deity. She is
the prototype of woman, the seedplot of human
beings. She presides over maternity and the germina-

tion 2: seeds. She is also associated with the Vega

 

in the sky.

Above all, according to Tenrikyo teaching, this God
revealed Himself as loving Parent of all mankind. By this
revelation "He desired to awaken them to the truth of their
brotherhood by letting them know of the Parent who had
created them and to encourage their feeling of brotherly
love . . . ."l

The concept of divine wrath, divine retribution,
righteous indignation by which a deity defends his honor
and justice from mnguided offenses of humanity is quite
alien to the quality of loving, judicious and parental
deity of Tenrikyo. Most clearly Tenrikyo claims that the
creator of the universe is God the Parent who regards the
human race as His children. So states Ofudesaki: "For Me,
God, who created this world, all human beings are My chil-
dren."2 Again, "For God, people of the whole world are all
My children. All of you equally must understand that I am

your Parent."3

 

1The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, pp. 35-36.

ZOfudesaki, IV 62, p. 94.

3Ibid., IV 79, p. 98.

70

Cosmology

 

What is closely associated with the tohashira pg
kgpi is the theory of genesis as expounded in the teaching
of Tenrikyo. The cosmology of Tenrikyo is a highly com-
plicated account full of allegorical and mystical symbols
and meanings. It is, in fact, reminiscent of the ancient

Japanese chronicles, the Nihon Shoki and especially the

Kojiki.l

The account of the genesis of Tenrikyo is recorded

in doroumi koki, moto hajimarino hanashi, or motono pi, and

 

is also found in part in the Ofudesaki:2 The genesis account
plays a significant part in the Tenrikyo doctrine, and it is
indispensable to, and inseparable from, the part of Tenrikyo
theology, that of the deity as the creator of the universe.

Some excerpts from the Ofudesaki indicate this:

 

Hitherto there have been Shingaku and koki, but
there has been no one who understands the Eruth of
the origin.3

 

It is no wonder that you know nothing about the
process in the muddy ocean.4

 

lSee H. Thomsen, pp. cit., p. 50. Also H.
Van Straelen, pp. cit., p. 79.

 

 

2For example, see Ofudesaki, XI 66-70, pp. 291-292.
3

 

Ofudesaki, III 69, p. 56.

 

41bid., III 70, p. 56.

71

I began to teach My providence in the muddy ocean.
And then step by step you have grown to your present
prosperity.

This time, also, in order to teach the way of
single-hearted salvation, I am going to initiate things
which have never existed before.2

I am going to initiate things which have never

existed before, because I am the God who created the
world in the beginning.3

According to the Tenrikyo doctrine, this world was
originally an immense expanse of muddy waters. No human

beings, no world, nothing existed except the Tsuki-hi: the

 

Tsuki deity being kunitokotachino-mikoto, and fii deity

Omotarino-mikoto. The Tsuki deity first fixed the appro-

 

priate space for the birth of the cosmos, and came to agree-
ment with the g; deity that this chaotic condition is
unbearably tasteless. In the state of the muddy ocean there
was no jocundity, and the thought of creation was conceived
so that the deity might share joy with the creatures and

watch their yokigurashi (jocund living). Thus divine search

 

began through the muddy ocean for the necessary tools and
models for the creation of mankind. Tenrikyo doctrine nar-

rates the story as follows.4

 

lIbid., III 16, p. 42.

21bid., III 17, p. 43.

3Ibid., III 18, p. 43.

4See A. Ishii, Tenrino Ri: Heavenly Wisdom (Tenri,
Japan: Tenri Shobo, 1971), p. I3. Also H. Van Straelen,
op. cit., pp. 81-83. The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, pp. 26-31.

72

He (Tsuki-hi) found there a lot of loaches (dojo),
and among them a merman (no) and a white snake (mi),1
promising materials for the creation of the first human
couple. He called them to Him and finding both of them
single-minded, He asked them to undertake the reSpective
roles which He intended to assign to them, and made a
promise that, if they would accept His request, He would
bring them back to the Moto-no-yashiki to be adored by
posterity. He announced that the time of their return
would be after the lapses of the same number of years as
that of their first off-Spring. He obtained their con-
sent and took them to Himself. Then He called an orc
(Shachi) from the northwest and a turtle (kame) from the
southeast. And when they came, He took them up with
their consent, ate them to test their mental flavor;
and discerning their reSpective qualities, decided to
make use of the former as the "first organ" of the
sterner sex and also as the skeleton to support the
body, the latter as the "first organ" of the gentler
sex and also as the skin to cover muscles and bones so
as to keep them coherent. Then He put these materials
respectively into the bodies of the merman and the
white snake, which He had determined as the prototypes
of man and woman. Thus Izanagi-no-Mikoto and Izanami-
no-Mikoto are the sacred names given by Him respec-
tively to the seed, the prototype of man, and to the
seed-plot, the prototype of woman; while those of
Tsukiyomi-no—Mikoto and Kunisazuchi-no-Mikoto are given
respectively to these functions of the body.2

Nishiyama is of the opinion3 that it would be diffi-
cult to take the word, d212, in literal sense. What is more
likely interpretation is that in the state of the muddy
ocean the divine mind conceived of the creation and the
changes taken place in the muddy ocean over a long period
of time produced the materials to create mankind there which

is the body of God the Parent. Thus, dojo is the expression

 

1It is to be noted that uo and mi are regarded as
pure and sacred in the traditionEI thougfit of Japan.

2The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, pp. 27-28.

3See T. Nishiyama, op. cit., pp. 124-125.

 

73

of something living with characteristics for creation
materials.

pp and mi also should refer to certain material
unmistakeably suited for future mankind, to which was given
the power and tools which make possible their respective
function of reproduction.

Then He called an eel (unagi) from the east, a flat-
fish (karei) from the southwest, a black snake (kurogu-
tsuna) from the west, and a globe-fish (fugu) from the
northeast. And when they came, He took them to Himself
with their consent, ate them to test their respective
mental flavor, and decided to make use of them as in-
struments.

First he made use of the eel as the instrument of the
function of ingestion and excretion with respect to eat-
ing and drinking. Then, he used the flatfish as the
instrument of the function of breathing and speaking.
Next He made use of the black snake as the instrument of
the pulling out. Lastly, He made use of the globe-fish
as the instrument of the function of severance. And to
these functions, He gave the sacred names of Kumoyomi-
no-Mikoto, Kashikone-no-Mikoto, Otonobe-no-Mikoto, and
Taishokuten-no-Mikoto respectively.1

The signification given to these narratives in
Tenrikyo is that God the Parent granted them the function so
that they may continue to live on.2

Now He began the creation of human beings, since

the prototypes and the functions had been decided upon.
In the beginning, He ate all the loaches in the muddy
waters to test the flavor of their nature, and made use
of them as the material of human beings.3

Although it is not clear what is meant by loaches

here, Nishiyama says it could refer to protoplast, cell or

 

1The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, pp. 28-29. Cf. Ofudesaki,
x11 143-145, p. 334.

2T. Nishiyama, op: cit., p. 125.

3The Doctrine of Tenrikyg, p. 29.

74

chromosome in biological sense.1 It is interpreted that the
divine operation was at work sufficiently to discern their
nature, and in what seemed to be mere loaches there had been

given two characteristics of prototype and function of

human beings.2

Then He entered into the body of Izanagino-Mikoto
as Tsuki-sama, and into that of Izanami-no-Mikoto as
Hi-sama, and taught them how to procreate human beings.
And then nine hundred million ninety-nine thousand nine
hundred and ninety-nine seeds were put into the womb of
Izanami-no-Mikoto, which took three days and three
nights. Thereafter, Izanami-no-Mikoto, who continued
to stay there for three years and three months, gave
birth to as many offspring as the seed, the completion
of the process taking fully seventy-five days.3

This account provides Tenrikyo's interpretation that
God the Parent did not create Hemp Sapiens but its seeds.
The manner of how they were put into the womb of Izanamino-
Mikoto is not explained but it is held that the conception
took place in Jiba, while giving birth took a long period
of time.4 This interpretation substantiates the claim that
all mankind was created by the same Parent and, therefore,

are brothers who are of the same Parent, and born of the same

seat of conception.5

 

1T. Nishiyama, op. cit., p. 135.

2Loc. cit.

 

3The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 29.

4See T. Nishiyama, op. cit., pp. 139-141.

5Tbid., p. 143.

75

As to the number of the seeds, it is said that at
the time of creation of mankind the number of the seeds were
900,099,999, and it reached more than 3 billion of the world
population today.1

The first offSpring were uniformly half an inch in
height. They grew taller, half an inch at a time and
reached a height of three inches in ninety-nine years.
But when they reached that height, they all passed away,
together with their father, Izanagino-Mikoto. Where-
upon Izanami-no-Mikoto conceived the same number as
before, in the way already shown her, and gave birth
to them in ten months. These too were uniformly half
an inch tall at their birth and, growing taller by half
an inch at a time, reached a height of three inches and
a half in ninety-nine years, but when they reached that
height, they, too, all passed away. Then Izanami-no-
Mikoto for the third time conceived and gave birth to
the same number as before. This time, also the newly-
born were uniformly half an inch tall, but grew up to
stand four inches in ninety-nine years. But when they
attained that height, their mother, Izanami-no-Mikoto,
passed away, saying with a smile: Now that they have
grown up so tall, they will soon reach the full stature
of a man, standing five feet.

Then they, too, passed away, following their mother
with intense yearnings.

After that, human beings were reborn eight thousand
and eight times, passing through all stages of existence.
They transmigrated into worms, birds and beasts in turn,
and again passed away, leaving behind only one animal,

a she-monkey. She conceived and gave birth to ten human
beings, five male and five female. These creatures
stood uniformly half an inch at their birth and grew
taller half an inch at a time, but when they reached the
height of eight inches, at the bottom of the muddy sea a
manifestation began and when they reached the height of
one foot and eight inches, land and sea, heaven and
earth, sun and moon, came to be dimly discerned little by
little. During the stage of their growth from the height
of one foot and eight inches to that of three feet, they
were born as twins, one male and one felame, but when
they reached a height of three feet, they came to be
conceived one at a time, and began to Speak. And when,
at last, they came to stand full five feet, the whole

 

1Ibid., pp. 144-145.

76

universe--1and and sea, heaven and earth--was completed
and they began to dwell.

God the Parent, reviewing the long past of human

life, revealed that during the first period of nine
hundred million and ninety thousand years, human beings
lived in the muddy waters; that during the second period
of six thousand years they received His training in
mental power; while during the third period of three
thousand nine hundred and ninety years they received

His instruction in reading and writing.

According to Tenrikyo interpretation, there was a

uniformity in size and longevity of mankind in the beginning.

Through various evolutionary processes both mankind and the

universe had undergone changesz--perhaps through a phenom-

enon that would be called creationistic evolutionism.

However, the meaning of human life in the muddy water for

the period of 900,090,000 still poses a baffling conundrum,

and its signification is yet to be properly assessed.3

Inoue, lecturer at Tenri University, sets some

criteria for the proper interpretation of genesis account

of Tenrikyo.

1.

The Story of Creation is not a mere mythology in
Tenrikyo. It is most important for one to under-
stand the divine intention implied in it. Spoken
directly by the Foundress, it is in reality the
ground of the faith of Tenrikyo.

The Story of Creation is not concerned with a
specific truth. It is concerned in a very profound
way with the religious truth of Tenrikyo as the last
and final religion of the world.

 

1The Doctrine of Tenrikyg, pp. 29-31.

2T. Nishiyama, op. cit., pp. 149-150.

 

3Ibid., p. 151.

77

3. Since we discover some significant moral principles
in the Story of Creation as the divine instructions,
one must apply them to the actual situations as a
stimulus to required behavior in reSpect to the
ethics of Tenrikyo.

4. The subject matter of the Story of Creation is
nothing but the joyous life of man in participation
with God.

5. The divine intention behind the Story of Creation
is firstly to offer the means for proper understand-
ing of the truth of benefaction of the divine grant,
sazuke, and blessings of the service, tsutome as
the necessary paths for the salvation of man.
Secondly it is to explain . . . the Trinity of Pre-
ordinations. . . .

6. The Story of Creation was not directed toward
scholars and intelligent people but toward farmers,
merchants and carpenters of a century ago, whose way
of thinking influenced by the folk-customs of Yamato
province were naturally quite different from ours in
the twentieth century . . . . Therefore, zoological,
geological, purely literal or narrowly rational
criticism and interpretations are not commendable.
Significant is one's understanding of a variety of
symbols expressed . . . .

For Tenrikyo, cosmology as properly interpreted and studied
has been a significant effect upon the religious morale of
its members, and it is assumed that it has provided intrinsic
power and explicit enthusiasm for the expansion and propaga-

tion of its faith.

Anthropology

Fundamental to Tenrikyo's theological anthropology

is the concept of universal Parenthood of God the

 

1A. Inoue, "Explication of Prologue of the Mikagura-
uta," in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings, pp. 96-97.

78

Parent and the universal brotherhood and sisterhood of
mankind.1
By virtue of being the creature, every human is a
child of God the Parent. Accordingly, every person is
essentially equal and there is no mark of superiority or
stigma of inferiority attached to any particularity of

manhood or womanhood.

Man was created for yokigurashi, and every person

 

is possible, and entitled, to enjoy living. For every
individual the human body is not his own but only a loan
from God the Parent, and the mind alone is man's own.2
This, in brief, is the fundamental notion of Tenrikyo
anthropology.

Thus, the central theme of Tenrikyo anthropology
hinges upon the doctrine of kashimono-karimono (A Thing
Lent, A Thing Borrowed). It constitutes an important
ground of Tenrikyo faith as this teaching is claimed to
be a completely unique ingredient in the Tenrikyo doctrine.

Fukaya alleges that "the old religions also preach that

clothes, food and shelter are given by God or Buddha, but

 

 

1Ichiretsu HE.k odai. See Ofudesaki, XIII 43, p. 358,
swhere it states: "All peopIe of the whole world are equally
lorothers and sisters. There is no one who is an utter
stranger. "

2See T. Nishiyama, Tenrikyo Towa: What Tenrikyo IS
(Tenri, Japan: Tenri Jihosha, I971T, Vol. II, pp. 37-38}

79

they have not gone so far in their teaching as to state

that the human body is a loan from God."1

For this reason, this uniqueness of the term
kashimono-karimono has a special meaning for Tenrikyo doc-
trine. The Tenrikyo catechism claims:

Although it could be taken that we borrow also the
things other than our body from God the Parent, the
term kashimono-karimono is used only as far as it refers
to our own body. There are quite different meanings in
borrowing the body and in borrowing the things other
than the body. Things other than the body are returnable
and exchangeable and thus we can get along without them.
However, our bodies alone are the exceptions to this.
Moreover, the realization that our bodies are properties
loaned from God the Parent becomes the basis for proper
undersganding of all and the ground of our progressive
faith.

This doctrine attests to a complete dependence of
man for his existence on God the Parent. In fact, man does
not live by his power alone but by the divine guidance and
providence.3 Tenrikyo catechism substantiates this:

It is all due to the existence of our body that we
may say we are born and exist in the world and so on.
Moreover, our body is not controlled at will. Our mind
alone is at our own will. It is to this mind that God
the Parent lends the body. In short, the truth of
kashimono-karimono teaches us that we do not live by
ourselves, but we are kept alive in the providence of
God the Parent. Since we can live daily without any
inconveniences owing to his exquisite providence, we
must be always thankful to Him who makes possible our
daily existence.4

 

lT. Fukaya, Tenrikyo Nyumon: A Tenrikyo Primer
(Tenri, Japan: Tenri JihoSha,'1954), p._l2.

2Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 298.

 

3See T. Nishiyama, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 37.

4Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 297.

 

80

Kashimono-karimono doctrine is based on the idea
that the world is the body of God the Parent. Man lives on
the cosmic stage called the earth, but the world is the
body of God the Parent and man dwells in His bosom. As
Uehara points out "originally man emanated from God and
man's reality came into existence only in the relationship
where the union of living with God existed."l Ofudesaki
declares, "any and everything of this universe is all the
body of God. Ponder deeply and understand it well!"2
These words palpably show that the kypgg Miki taught that
the cosmos is the body of God, and, therefore, the human
body is a part of the divine body. This makes the human
body not his own but essentially that of God the Parent who
lends it to human beings.

There are numerous passages in the Ofudesaki and
Osashizu that purport to this anthropological view of
Tenrikyo.

All human bodies are things lent by God. With
what thought are you using them?3

Human bodies are all things lent by God. Do you
not know the omnipotence of God?4

 

1T. Uehara, "Image of Man in Creation," in Tenrikyo:
Its History and Teachings, p. 69.

2Ofudesaki, III 40, p. 48.

31bid., III 41, p. 49.

411616., III 126, p. 70.

81

So long as you remain ignorant of the truth that
you borrow your body from God, you can understand
nothing at all.1

In Osashizu the following passages may be cited:

The human body is a thing lent, a thing borrowed:
the mind alone is yours.

You borrow your body from Me; the mind alone is
yours. And out of this one mind of yours arise daily
all your mental actions of every variety. But I do
hope you listen to Me with understanding when I say
that I estimate each of these actions at its true
worth, and help with My omnipotent hand only those
whose sincerity is acceptable in My sight.

Thus the human body is a thing lent, God the Parent
is the lender. The mind is at man's own will because it is
so created. Tenrikyo is quite peremptory in insisting that
the human body is held on lease and man can claim the
ownership of the mind alone as his.

In Tenrikyo understanding, however, animal bodies
and human bodies are differentiated. Although they belong
to the same morphological category, the fundamental differ-
ence between them lies in the fact that God the Parent has
lent the human body to appreciate the human mind whose
essential function is free. Man alone has the power of
self-recognition of his body and can be conscious of himself

and recognize his own being by virtue of his autonomous

function of reason.

 

11bid., III 137, p. 73.

2Osashizu, June 1, 1889.

3Ibid., February 14, 1889.

82

The mind is then the borrower of the body, if God
the Parent is the lender of 1he body. Nishiyama asserts:

. . . man is the only animal that has the mind as his
own. Only in the case of man, the body, which was
lent to the subjective mind by God the Parent, can be
called "a thing lent by God." It is "a thing borrowed
from Him" from our point of view. This is called the
Truth of "a thing lent, a thing borrowed," which forms
the basis of Tenrikyo's view of man.

Tenrikyo reiterates that the mind alone (kokoro

 

hitotsu) is man's own and is free to use the borrowed thing
otherwise the world would be a purely mechanical universe
without ypkigurashi. The true signification of the TEES
31229 is, as Nishiyama essays to Show, that in spite of its
changeability it is a unifying and controlling element amid
incessant change. This unchanging element shapes the con-
sciousness called self--the absolute first person I that
differentiates from all others including God the Parent.2
What is vaguely differentiated from the mind, in
Tenrikyo notion, is the concept of soul--the soul lives
forever. The soul seems to be understood as germinating
seed. Nishiyama states:
It is this "seed" that lives forever. And the
"seed" will not remain as it is, but will grow and be
realized as a man in the course of nature. In other

words, it becomes the human body lent by God the
Parent. It is life.3

 

1T. Nishiyama, "Body, Mind and Soul in Tenrikyo,"
in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachipgs, p. 167.

2See T. Nishiyama, Tenrikyo Towa: What Tenrikyo Is,
V01. II, p. 52.

 

3T. Nishiyama, "Body, Mind and Soul in Tenrikyo," in
Tgnrikyo: Its History and Teachings, p. 176.

83

The soul lives forever even death means returning the body

to its lender, because by returning what is borrowed man

is reduced to the soul. Nishiyama goes on to say, "there

are two forms of existence for the mind: in one case the

soul exists by itself, and in the other, it exists together

with the body. The latter form of existence is called life."1
The idea of separation of soul and body is not con-

ceived in Tenrikyo, and the soul constitutes an eternal

segment of man. Thus, Tenrikyo essentially holds the

trichotomic view of fundamental constitutionality of man.
Furthermore, Tenrikyo maintains that the body and

mind are composed of entirely heterogenous elements, and

operate on different principles, and they are equally important.

It is the free mind of man which has the initiative in the

way leading to yokigurashi which is the true and chief pur-

 

pose of man.2 Since Tenrikyo does believe in essential
goodness of human nature, it exhorts the altruistic use of
the body. Tenrikyo insists that the mind and body are not
to be used for selfish pleasure, egoistic satisfaction or
purely instinctive gratification but for the happiness for
all, and this is the intention of God the Parent, the Lender

of the human body.3

 

lLoc. cit.
2Ibid., p. 169.

3T. Nishiyama, Tenrikyo Towa: What Tenrikyo IS,
Vol. II, p. 59.

84
Hamartiology

There is no concept of ponerology in Tenrikyo as
has been understood in Judaic-Christian tradition in the
Western World.1 Tenrikyo teaches that since the human body
is a loan, not a gift, from God the Parent, the misuse of
the body results in the accumulation of what has been
described as eight kinds of hokori (dust) on human soul.
Kyp§p_Miki taught that "among all mankind, there is no one
who is essentially evil. If there is, it is only because
a few specks of dust have stuck to him."2

This mental dust called hokori signifies evil or
sin in a common parlance. It is something superimposed on
the human soul. What kyppg Miki intended to teach by the
allegorical use of hokori is that as it clings to a man in
his daily life, the human mind is apt to accumulate it,
and thus before it is amassed, it must be swept away.3

Tenrikyo catechism states:

We call hokori the act of mind deviating from the
will of God {HE—Parent. For instance, the mind of
desiring the things that are more than necessary or
the deed of whiSpering of others behind their backs
with a veneer of smiling faces, causes hokori. We

call these kinds of immoral acts hokori, Since man
tends to perform them unawares in His'daily life,

 

1 I O C
There are no terms in Tenr1kyo such as Sln or
peccatum originale.

 

2Ofudesaki, I 53, p. 16.
3

 

T. Nishiyama, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 93-94.

85
though they could be swept away instantly like Specks
of dust before it accumulates.
The nature of hokori is described in Tenrikyo doc-
trine thus:
. . . particles of dust are essentially things so
light and minute that we can blow them away with a
single puff of breath--so light and minute that we
can clear them away with perfect ease, provided only
that we dispose of them promptly. But it is not an
easy task to sweep or wipe dust particles away if,
through our negligence, we leave them to themselves
for a long time, for it is in their nature to heap
themselves high though imperceptibly.
Kyoso Miki also used a simile to Show its easiness of
removability, saying that it is as easy as to pick a grain
of soy bean stuck in the groove of threshholds.3
Eight kinds of mental dust, hokori, that constitute

the essence of Tenrikyo hamartiology are explained as
follows.4
1. QEBEE (Miserliness)
It constitutes (a) reluctance to pay one's
taxes and other public duties; (b) reluctance to

return what one has borrowed; and (c) reluctance

to lend to those whose need is greater. Also

 

1Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 300.
2The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 66.

3A3 quoted by A. Ishii, op. cit., p. 172.

4For the following descriptions see H. Van Straelen,

o . cit., pp. 98-101. C. Palmquist, "Ten Commandments and
EigEE fiusts in Tenrikyo," in Tenrikyo: Its History and

Teachings, pp. 230-234. T. Nishiyama, op. cit., V61. 1,
Pp. 93-1140

86

included here is the mental attitude of regret after
generous giving. This mental dust implies a con-
junction to be generous in life and to sacrifice
for the sake of others.
Hoshii (Covetousness)

‘ It constitutes (a) a desire for more than one
deserves; (b) a desire for more than one can afford;
and (c) a desire for something which others possess.

One's modus vivendi must be commensurate to his

 

means. If desire, unchecked and unbridled, might
lead to criminal acts, savage lust, and primitive
greed embodied in monopoly of wealth, concentration
of political power by the aristocrats, bigamy or
polygamy, etc. Hoshii dust implies a warning against

excessive desires.

‘Nikui (Hatred)

It is the opposite of love. It includes hatred
for an innocent person for inadvertent offenses, and
intense dislike which may become the cause of com-
mitting mayhem or murder. Social evils manifest in
a mother-in-law's hatred for the bride, and in the
hatred of a step-mother for her step-children are
the result of this kind of dust. With a strong
emphasis on a great love for mankind, awareness of
this dust serves as a warning against the sacrile-
gious feelings within one's own mind and heart

rather than sacrilegious facts.

87

Kawaii (Self-love)

This is the dust of partiality which refers to
the love for only certain people; blind love of
parents for their children; or an exaggerated love
of a man for a girl which can destroy him completely.
Man must repress feelings that cause discord in the
home, in the school, in the office and wherever
corporate human relationships exist. The psychologi-
cal cause of much domestic disharmony results from

this kind of dust.

Urami (Enmity)

It is a feeling less violent than hatred but
still equally dangerous to the tranquility of mind.
This is the cause of many wrong actions such as
vindictive revenge by arson, thievery, or poisoning
other's mind against his beloved ones, or even
slight verbal slander injurious to other's social
reputation or damaging to other's financial credit.
It manifests itself in a grumble against unkind
people; in misinterpreting the kindness of others;
in ascribing one's own failure and shortcomings to
other's actions; or harboring ill-feelings towards
one's friend who tells the truth about his weak
point.

Haradachi (Anger)

 

It refers to the emotional condition of being

angry or testy against other's unwitting or careless

88

mistakes, or worse Still an aroused temper against
trifle, unpleasant state of affairs. The lack of
generosity and patience results in this dust.
Anger may become even the emotional basis for murder,
and often moves men to senseless acts of violence.
The moral lesson implied here is the prevention of
one's anger from rising in one's mind, and avoid-
ance of its cause by soothing words and gentle
deeds.

7. 32kg (Avarice)

It indicates the desire to have what others
possess and even more. It pursues material profits
in unreasonable ways, and shows itself in an insati-
able desire for all the more possessions.

8. Kppgp (Arrogance)

It evokes exaltation of knowledge and snobbish
pride in superiority of education. The pretentious
knowledge and all kinds of snobbery belong to this
category. The highest and ultimate arrogance is
the misbelief to consider oneself greater than God
the Parent and ignore the divine will.

Of course, man's hokori is not confined to these
eight kinds alone. There are numerous kinds of dust, and
Tenrikyo particularly Singles out two other dusts man is

warned against--the dusts of lying and flattery.1

 

1Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 300. Also Ofudesaki,
XII 113, p. 326.

 

 

89

The first two of eight mental dusts, oshii and
hoshii, is said to arise from the overconcern with material

things, while nikui, kawaii, urami, haradachi are the dusts

 

engendered in, and associated with, the human relationships.
Zpkp is the root of anxiety over material things and kppgp
is the source of affliction with respect to one's self and
others.1 These last two are the fundamental, and the most

deeply seated obstacles to realize one's yokigurashi.

 

In Tenrikyo understanding, what becomes the source
of all dusts in man--"the shrine of dust"--is the selfish
mind the wayward desire--egoism.2 It harries and hampers

the reality of yokigurashi which only becomes possible

 

through the mutual help stemming from the idea of universal
brotherhood and sisterhood of man.

The criterion of dust, however, is not clearly set
in Tenrikyo teaching. Although there are obvious cases in
human life that are considered as dust, there is no uni-
versal standard by which to determine what constitutes dust
for every individual person. The criterion differs from
one person to another.3

Whatever forms dust may take, its characteristics

are uniformly summed up by Nishiyama as follows:

 

1See T. Nishiyama, op. cit., p. 97.

2Ibid., p. 98.

3Ibid., pp. 99-103.

90
1. It is against the will of God the Parent.

2. It is the cause of unhappiness, and accordingly an
undesirable obstacle to the reality of yokigurashi.

 

3. It afflicts pain upon oneself and upon others as
well. On the other hand, by sweeping one's own
dust away, he sweeps away other's dust.

4. It accumulates daily, limitlessly and unawares.1

Soteriology

 

The soteriology of Tenrikyo, tasuke-ichijp (the
salvation of the world), takes a prominent place in its
present doctrinal loci.

Since Tenrikyo declares no concept of sin and evil
in the essential nature of man, the path of salvation is
not strait nor strenuous but easy and rosy, and univer-
sally open to all mankind. Tenrikyo claims that there can
be no chosen elect; the salvation of a particular person
is not sufficient; and it emphasizes the importance of the
salvation of mankind as a whole (yorozu-tasuke).

Removal of dust is a necessary condition for salva-
tion as Yamamoto, lecturer at Tenrikyo Theological Seminary,
expresses it: "The sweeping dust is nothing but realization
of divine salvation."2 The ultimate salvation culminates

in the reality of yokigurashi.

 

 

lIbid., p. 97.

2K; Yamamoto, "On 'A Thing Lent, A Thing Borrowed,'"
in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings, p. 112.

91

The soteriology of Tenrikyo is coexistent and
coextensive with the genesis of the universe. It teaches
that since the creation of mankind there has been an
"indirect salvation" by gods, buddhas and other saints.l

When shunkokugen (the fullness of time) had come, complete

 

and direct salvation became a reality by Tenri-o-no-mikoto
through kypsp Miki.

The soteriology of Tenrikyo, however, is a rather
complicated, if not contradictory, idea with regard to the
agent and process of salvation by whom and how it is
accomplished. This is due to the signification of Tenrikyo
soteriology that has been altered to some degree with its
point of emphasis shifted from the salvation from physical
sickness and pain,2 later on to a connotation of deliver-

3

ance from economic, social and domestic affliction, and

then to the recent addition of Spiritual dimension.4

The spiritual emphasis of salvation in the present
Tenrikyo is clearly expressed by Moroi, professor of Tenri
University:

The salvation offered by Tenrikyo is material and

physical, but it is brought about by the Spiritual
(mental), because the reality of salvation lies in the

 

1T. Nishiyama, op. cit., pp. 43-45.

 

2cr. Ofudesaki, XII 95, p. 322.

31bid., XII 96, p. 322.

4 .
See H. Thomsen, op. c1t., p. 54. Also H.
Van Straelen, op. cit., pp. - 16.

 

92

realm of the Spiritual (mental). If Tenrikyo lacked
Spiritual (mental) salvation, it could be called a
religion of mere material salvation. But we put
emphasis upon the Spiritual (mental) nature because
we are taught that true human freedom exists only in
mind, a word that is used very frequently in the
Mikagura-uta. Salvation in Tenrikyo is rooted in the
mind; but this is quite different from the Spiritual
salvation in heaven offered by Christianity. Heaven
in the Christian sense of the term is not recognized
in Tenrikyo, but salvation is nonetheless essentially
spiritual. It is the salvation of the soul that is
everlasting. The phenomenal reality of the ever-
lasting soul is the mind; the ultimate reality is the
soul.

Thus, the salvation of the mind is in reality the
salvation of the soul; it is material salvation in a
temporal sense, and spiritual salvation in its ulti-
mate meaning.

This spiritual salvation, in turn, consists of the purifica-

tion of the soul, a sine qua non for the realization of

 

ypkigurashi. Fukaya describes it thus:

 

Salvation sometimes means the donation of materials
and money, which is, indeed, good and noble. However,
salvation of this kind is, after all, to make up for
an insufficiency. . . . This is not the case with true
salvation, which means the removal of causes [of suf-
ferings]. By true salvation we mean the regeneration
of the subject of action, or the mind. All the other
things are of secondary meaning.

As to the question of agent 2: salvation--who

saves?--Ofudesaki speaks of God the Parent in a figurative

 

way as "the broom" by which man's heart is swept clean.

It reads: "Acting as broom, I, God, will sweep dust from

 

1Y. Moroi, "Critique on H. Van Straelen's 'The Reli-
gion of Divine Wisdom,'" in Tenrikyo: Its History and
Teachings, p. 273.

2T. Fukaya, "The Fundamental Doctrine of Tenrikyo,"
in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings, pp. 65-66.

 

93

innermost hearts of everyone of the whole world. Behold
attentively, all of you."1
However, there are other passages that indicate an
autosoteric element with the emphasis upon man himself as
cleansing agent of his mind or heart to bring it into line
with the divine plan. Tenrikyo doctrine states: "If only
man can cleanly sweep away the dust, he shall be favored
with His marvelous help, and shall not fall ill or become

2 Further it

enfeebled, but shall enjoy Splendid health."
states, "A man cannot but sweep the dust from his mind when
he realizes the truth that everything that happens has its
own distinct cause."3

Then again, there appears the passages that indicate

the dust sweeps away by itself. Ofudesaki says, "You looking

 

at this, the sweeping of your hearts will be truly accom-
plished of itself, whoever you may be."4 "Look at the
events which shall appear in the near future. Then the
sweeping of the minds of all of you equally shall be accom-

5

plished by itself." This notion of self-cleansing process,

 

1Ofudesaki, III 52, p. 51. See also Ibid., III 51,
III 53-54, pp. 51-52. ““'

2

 

The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 68. Cf. p. 66.

3Loc. cit.

4Ofudesaki, XII 172, p. 341.

51bid., XII 79, p. 318.

94

however, is said to be the influence from Buddhism.which
teaches that the evil regarded as ignorance or illusion
disappears with the enlightenment of the mind with true
knowledge.1

On the other hand, some passages in Ofudesaki

 

reveal the synergistic effort of salvation in Tenrikyo.
"Unless this dust is cleanly swept away, it will be impos-
sible to save you, however impatiently I, Tsukihi, so
desire."2 Again, "If only I, God, accept the sincerity of
your mind, I will sweep away any and every dust, whatever

3 These passages Show that the work of God and

it may be."
the endeavor of man are precisely divided, and the salva-
tion of God the Parent is contingent upon the effort of

man. They imply that the responsibility and right to purify
his own mind lie with man himself.4

What is implicit in soteriology is the question of

salvation from what? Tenrikyo, in spite of its spiritual

 

emphasis of salvation, cannot dismiss the importance of
interlinked relationship between the body and mental atti-
tude. The salvation from physical illness seems suggested

in the Ofudesaki: "What do you think this salvation is? I

 

 

lSee H. Thomsen, op. cit., p. 54.

'ZOfudesaki, VIII 62, p. 220.
3

 

Ibid., XIII 23, p. 353.

4T. Uehara, op. cit., p. 83.

95

will protect you from falling ill, dying or becoming weak."l

Offner is of the opinion, though perhaps more fulsome than
winsome, that it is not a distortion of the Tenrikyo doctrine
to consider sickness and to view healing of sickness as a
primary aim.2 Sickness, in Tenrikyo concept, results from
hokori, and it must be eliminated for the cure of sickness.
However, it is not considered sin or punishment but an
indication of Special and loving warning from God the Parent
to cause man to realize the presence of dust on his soul
and to take the necessary step for its removal.3

In order to remove its sickness, man must understand
the cause of any sickness which is invariably and inevitably
traced back to the heart of mind. In Tenrikyo view, there
seems to be a discernible echo of psychosomatic view
reminiscent of Christian Science in the Western world.

Mikagura-uta sums up this idea well:

 

All suffering comes from man's heart, blame yourself
and not others.

Although sickness is great suffering, nobody under-
stands the root of it.

Up until now nobody knows the cause of suffering.

But at long last this cause has now become known:
it is man's heart itself.

 

lOfudesaki, XVII 53, p. 472.

 

2G. B. Offner and H. Van Straelen, op. cit., p. 159.
See also T. Nishiyama, op. cit., pp. 86-87.

3K. Yamamoto, op. cit., p. 109.

4Mikagura-uta, X 7-10, p. 23.

96

Tenrikyo provides hosts of diagnosis of illness as
related to mental attitude and its resultant manifestation
that encompass virtually every area and function of the

body.1 In this connection, Ofudesaki also says, "Whatever

 

working of each of your minds, I will clearly Show it in

2 Any and every kind of sore or swelling is

your bodies."
said to be an indication of the dust of hoshii and espii.
As man's prurience manifests itself in majority cases in
legs and eyes, a lame, a cripple or a blind all are the
resultant manifestation of lust, while the unjust greed
to rob others of property or cozen of goods is said to
appear in the illness of eyes.3 Offner also cites a few
examples: a wife's constant cold feeling is due to her
cold words and heart towards her husband; her irregular
menstral periods result from her unsettled heart; and her
inflammation of the womb indicates some laxness in her
marital life.4
If, according to Tenrikyo doctrine, there seems to

be no discernible cause in the present or the sickness

remains after the cause has been remedied, the more basic

 

1See A. Ishii, op. cit., pp. 66-114.
2Ofudesaki, XII 171, p. 341.

 

3A. Ishii, op. cit., pp. 112-113. Majority cases
refer to 70-80 percent of the cases.

4As quoted by G. B. Offner and H. Van Straelen,
op. cit., p. 168.

97

cause is to be found in man's innen, the karma of one's
previous state of existence.1 Tenrikyo affirms this:

God the Parent demonstrates the working of His
law of causality in various phases of our life. He
does not do it from an intention to torment or annoy
us, but out of His gracious parental goodness, to
make us all reform and thus pave the way for the
realization of yokigurashi.

By understanding this truth and by the saving knowledge of
God the Parent,rmmiseeks to cleanse his mind from the dust.
AS a result, a change in mental attitude accompanies a
change in physical life, as expressed in its doctrine:
"The world which one perceives through his senses is not
altered, but the world reflected in his mind changes."3
Furthermore, Tenrikyo is clear in affirming that:
Man's happiness does not depend upon circumstances,
nor do the pleasure and pain of life depend upon out-
ward appearances. Everything in life is the fruit of
man's mental attitude. It is the way of the pious
life to regulate our mental attitgde and live our
daily lives happily and joyously.
To the question of salvation for what? the ultimate
meaning and final vision of Tenrikyo soteriology is equated

with the ideal world of yokigurashi--the ultimate salvation,

 

or ultimate liberation from all physical and spiritual

ills. As a world of complete freedom, it envisions a

 

1The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, pp. 69-70.

21bid., pp. 70-71.

3Ibid., p. 73.

4Ibid., p. 71.

98

circle of one big happy family where God and man together

take delight in yokigurashi. Tenrikyo claims the proven-

 

ance of tasuke-ichijo-no-michi (the way of world salvation)

 

as stemmed from oya gokoro (parental heart) of God the

Parent. Ofudesaki shows this divine intention: "For Me,

 

Tsukihi, people of the whole world are all My children,
therefore I am burning with desire to save all of them."1
Tenrikyo catechism also states that "it is the Parental
love for mankind to want us to lead a joyous life full of
merriments. In other words, it is the divine will to

realize a life conforming to the purpose of human creation."2
This purpose of human creation is synonymous with the

realization of yokigurashi.

 

Tenrikyo alleges that yokigurashi is a possible
reality in this world. It is not a mere ideal but a mobile
state of concrete life Situation rife with actualized
seeming impossibilities. For this reason, Tenrikyo rejects
all forms of "religious pessimism" and "nihilism" that
espouse the thought of imperfect element or evil essence
of human nature that makes the ideal world impossible on
3

earth.

The world of yokigurashi undergoes a gradient

 

process until it reaches its final stage. At the present

 

lOfudesaki, VIII 4, p. 205. See also XII 92, p. 321
and XII 78, p. 317.

2

 

Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 290.

3See T. Nishiyama, pp. cit., Vol. II, p. 231.

99

stage, Tenrikyo explains, sickness, old age or death
constitute the sad state of affairs with economic, political
and social instability.1 However, it is nothing other than
the disguised tebiki (guide) of, by, and to God the Parent.
The major hurdle in the way of full realization of

yokigurashi is the mental dust, and only when this evil

 

is swept away, logos (abstraction) becomes pathos (actuali-
. 2
zation).

The ideal world of yokigurashi is the state of

 

mental and physical well-being, happiness and harmony.
1. It is the state of harmonization between God and
man in which man's desire to enjoy yokigurashi and the

3 God the Parent is

divine longing to have man enjoy it.
not a mere spectator but active participator to bring about
this state of beatitude.

2. It is the state where goodness and happiness
coincide. Sweeping away dust, altruistic desire and deed
to "save others" are regarded as goodness.4 In this state
man's psychological state of contentment makes him feel

happy in whatever he sees or whatever he hears.5 This

 

1Ibid., p. 261.

2Tbid., p. 244.

3Ibid., p. 230.

4Ibid.,pp. 238-239.

5Ibid., p. 233.

100

state seems to be of subjective attitude brimming with joy
and happiness independent of whatever external adverse
circumstances.

3. It is the state of what this writer would call
synagism (syndrome of togetherness). Tenrikyo rejects the
principle of the survival for the fittest, or even for the
fitter, which runs against the universal equality of man

in ypkigurashi.l The key concept centers on how to harmonize

 

one's own interest, joy and happiness with those of others
to promote the universal brotherhood of man.2 In this state
there will be equal jocundity for social fits and misfits

as well.

4. It is the state in which the unity of human
heart is evidenced. Again Tenrikyo emphasizes the "sweep
away evil, and save us" which is the only avenue to actu-
alize the unity of heart. By doing so the negative element

in yokigurashi is reduced to naught and will be converted
3

 

to a positive element.
Moreover, it is embodied in equality in heart, not

equalization of everyone and everything. Tenrikyo admits

the existence of distinction in equality as distinction is

a natural phenomenon, while it opposes discrimipation

 

1Ibid., p. 241.

2Ibid., p. 242.
31bid., pp. 244-245.

101

which is an artificial and pernicious element for

 

yokigurashi.1 What is realized in this state appears to

 

be the unity, not uniformity, of the human heart bound not

by the identity pg habitat on earth but by the affinity pg

 

 

spirit.

The final vision of ypkigurashi is the central and

 

ultimate meaning of salvation in Tenrikyo. It is the time
when the world is perfected, and the impossible becomes the
possible. In short, it is when the human longevity reaches
115 years and the prophetic utterance of kyppp Miki would
become a promised fulfillment: "By this salvation I, God,
intend single-heartedly to fix the natural term of human
life at one hundred and fifteen years."2 In this perfect
state, the problems of sickness and diseases, of grief and
pain will permanently disappear, and above all, the problem
of death, the root of man's ultimate anxiety, will be com-
pletely eliminated.

The concrete ways, Tenrikyo teaching suggests, by

which yokigurashi can be achieved are demonstrated in

 

tsutome and osazuke. As Tenrikyo catechism defines it:

Tsutome is the holy service for the salvation of
all beings that God the Parent initiated for the pur-
pose of restoring His marvelous power at the time of
His creation of man and the universe. The tsutome is
performed in a manner symbolizing the process of human
creation by God the Parent . . . .

 

1116161., pp. 249-250.

ZOfudesaki, III 100, p. 63.

 

102

By way of the tsutome, the yorozutasuke--the
salvation of all kinds--is realized.1

Ofudesaki also declares, "Any and every salvation shall be

 

accomplished by the Service tsutome, if only you do just as
I, Tsukihi, say."2 Thus, tsutome becomes a means to

realize ypkigurashi for the whole mankind.

 

Among various tsutome's, at least Six are connected

 

with agriculture, reflecting the close historical affinity
of the farmers with Tenrikyo in its early stage of develop-
ment. These are: kpppp tsutome--service which grants

miraculous manure; haedeno tsutome--service of germination;

amagoi zutome--service that asks for rain; ameazukeno

 

tsutome--service to grant a miraculous stop of rain when

too much rain had fallen; mushibaraino tsutome--service and

 

extirpation of worms and insects; and minorino tsutome--
service which aims at an abundant fruit-bearing.3

In present Tenrikyo most of these tsutome's have
disappeared, and the most fundamental one is performed at

the Jiba, kanrodai tsutome, which is variously called

 

kagura-zutome, because the masks used in the performance

 

generally called kagura-men, or tasuke-zutome (service for

 

salvation), or yoki zutome (service for joy).4 In performing

 

1Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 294.

2Ofudesaki, VII 83, p. 195.

3See H. Van Straelen, pp. cit., p. 120. Also H.
Thomsen, pp. cit., p. 55.

4

 

 

Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 294.

103

this service around the Kanrodai, the dancers are 10 in

number1 representing tohashira-pp kami, and they perform

 

to the music of nine musical instruments2 that accompany

the Mikagura-uta, each performer wearing his mask.3

 

On the other hand, sazuke is the divine grant by
which God the Parent works through man to "save others"
from their physical illness. They are ways of salvation
by individuals for the aim of healing all kinds of sick-

ness, and can be performed irrespective of time and place.4

Of many sazuke's practiced in the past,5 the
present Tenrikyo has retained only a few, among which are
koeno sazuke, the granting of a fertilizer of extraordinary

efficacy; and the ikino sazuke, the granting of divine

 

breath to cure diseases.
Furthermore, for the construction of the world of

yokigurashi, human materials, called yoboku (literally

 

beams) in Tenrikyo term, serve as instrument toward that
fulfillment. They serve others by nioigake (literally
sprinkling of perfume) for the saving work of God the

Parent; they must receive the sazuke and, in turn, they

 

lcr. Ofudesaki, x 38, p. 256.
2

 

Ibid., x 27, p. 253.

3T. Nishiyama,'op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 51.

 

4Ibid., pp. 70, 73, 77-80.

5 . .
H. Van Straelen Cites seven sazuke's. See 0p. c1t.,

pp. 121-127.

104

administer it and communicate the will of God the Parent
to others.1
Daily effort by which Tenrikyo anticipates to build

the world of ypkigurashi is hinokishin.2 It became the

 

 

public mark of ypkigurashi that has enabled Tenrikyo to

 

build its numerous hoSpitals, educational institutions,
orphanages, printing press, and support its many social
welfare and cultural activities. As Matsumura, lecturer
at Tenrikyo Theological Seminary, points out, it is spurred
by the express joy and gratitude with which one is willing
to offer free services for the benefits of fellowmen and
society. In fact, "it is no other than the effort itself,
which is to be exerted with the utmost sincerity, in the
hope of carrying out the will of God the Parent, in the
absence of selfish motives and the desire for gain."3
Thus, Tenrikyo demands every human effort and even

supererogation in an effort to chart a blueprint for

ypkigurashi with an emphasis for the necessity of coopera-

 

tion and altruistic collaboration. Every inch of effort

is directed towards the ultimate aim of yokigurashi.

 

1See Catechism of Tenrikyo, pp. 307-308.

2For detailed description of its meaning, see
Tenrikyo Missionaries' Association, Hinokishin: A Unique
Teaching of Tenrikyp, (Tenri, Japan, n. d.) pp. 3-5.

 

105

The world of ypkigurashi seems to be the culmination
of divine intention and human effort which will be fused in
the world of happiness and peace. Tenrikyo doctrine thus
anticipates:

When we come to live in perfect harmony with united
hearts to these hearts of consummate sincerity will
finally come a world of’ oki urashi, a world of true,
peace, which is so much wished for by Him as the final
object of His way.1

When all mankind have thoroughly purified their
minds, God the Parent will have carried out His pur-
pose of saving mankind; then the whole world will
enjoy unprecedented bliss, bathed in His boundless
grace. Indeed it will be a world full of happiness,
a world all-joyous fog both God and man and a world
of everlasting peace.

This ultimate vision of Tenrikyo soteriology is
indeed an Elysianndllenniwm,believed not remote from pos-
sible reality, but a probable actuality at hand--as a kind
of communal socialism. In that state, "man can complete
the term of life extending to one hundred and fifteen years.
Furthermore, if he wishes so, he is allowed to survive

3 With assured protection from

4

indefinitely without aging."
"falling ill, dying or becoming weak" the final phase of
Tenrikyo soteriology is at the same time its clear eschatol-

ogy, but only with no clear and in sight.

 

1The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 96.

 

2Ibid., p. 93.

3Catechism of Tenrikyo, p. 293.

4Ofudesaki, XVII 53, p. 472.

 

106

Thanatology

 

Thanatology of Tenrikyo is also closely interlinked
with its theological anthropology, hamartiology and
soteriology. The segmental aSpects of these doctrinal
loci are interwoven in shch a way it would be difficult to
extricate the independent component of its thanatology.

The word death is not a part of Tenrikyo term. It is sub-
stituted in the expression of "departure for rebirth."

Because of the emphasis on "this worldly" orienta-
tion, Tenrikyo does not believe in "other world" beyond
the grave; a grave has no significance whatever except for
a mere dumping place of old clothes.1 Nor is there any
Tenrikyo teaching concerning the world beyond death.2
There is no paradiSe to gain nor hell to shun in the post-
mortem world. There is only the state of divine dakishime
(embrace) of the soul.3 The world that exists in Tenrikyo

concept is only this world of living human beings.

Death is called denaoshi in Tenrikyo, or "passing

 

away to come again." Tenrikyo doctrine states:

For, though in passing away we return our bodies
to the Lender, we come again into this world with new
bodies lent by Him. It is much like our taking off
old clothes to put on new ones--we shall reappear in
this world, having borrowed new bodies appropriate to
our mental actions in our previous lives.

 

lSee H. Van Straelen, op. cit., p. 111.

2T. Yamochi, Tenrik ono Jinseikan: Tenrikyo View
of Life (Tenri, Japan: Tenri Doyusha, I971), pp. 136-138.

3See, e. g., Ofudesaki, III 109, p. 66, VII 68,

 

p. 191.

4The Doctrine of Tenrikyo, p. 69.

107

Thus the mind that eternally belongs to man casts off its
old clothes and returns it to God the Parent, its lender.
Yet in the cycle of life and death, man can borrow new
clothes, as many as he wishes.1

In view of the kashimono-karimono concept of

 

Tenrikyo anthropology, the existence of I, the present loan
from God the Parent, comes to an end with a particular
death. However, since the element that constitutes the
human body continues to exist in a different form accord-
ing to the law of the constancy of mass, only the old
clothes, the human body, will be buried and return to
earth.2 With death, the human body leaves life and becomes
merely a substance and with his reincarnation he emerges

3 God the Parent thus, in

as an entirely new individual.
appropriate time, lends the body to the soul and provides
rebirth into the world.

It should be noted, however, that Tenrikyo notion

of denaoshi has a special connotation. What the term

 

connotes, as Yamochi indicates, goes beyond mere returning
to the same place where man had done what he ought to have
done. Rather it connotes the return with a new determina-

tion to do the unfinished task which man intended to do

 

lT. Nishiyama, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 74.
2

 

Ibid., p. 75.

31bid., p. 76.

108

but had been unable. This phenomenon of denaoshi, at the
same time, implies the orderly process towards the ful-
fillment of manhood--human perfection.l

This phenomenon of death, Tenrikyo makes it clear,
is the separation from God the Parent and is the result of

the divine withdrawal from the human body. As Ofudesaki

 

puts it, "If you put out the words which I, Tsukini, have
once said, I will withdraw from your body at once."2
Again, "as I, Tsukini, have repeatedly tried to persuade
you to this degree; if your mind should err, I will with-
draw at once."3 As a result, the protection of fire, water
and wind is diminished: the warmth of the body, water in
the body, and breath come to a complete halt.4
The death, in Tenrikyo interpretation, is also the
severest warning which God the Parent discharges in the
hope of saving the individual. Nakajima, professor of Tenri
University, expounds it this way:
. . . death is the final result of a way of living as
opposed to belief in God the Parent or as against His
intentions. But, . . . , He does not inflict death
in retaliation for revolt against Him. Belief in God
the Parent is the only way in which people who are

ignorant of their Creator can regain their proper way
of living. . . . Out of His parental solicitude toward

 

lI. Yamochi, op. cit., pp. 152-153.

ZOfudesaki, XIII 14, p. 350.
3

 

Ibid., XIII 70, p. 365.

4T. Nishiyama, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 107.

109
ignorant children God the Parent sends out a needed
warning against this ignorance.

This notion implies a new beginning or new start
of a new life for the individual. It is God the Parent,
therefore, who causes death temporarily to a man for whom
a new life is planned. In this sense, death becomes a
necessary and yet benevolent step taken by God the Parent,
and consequently it constitutes a schematic pipp_gpp’ppp
in the broad plan of salvation in Tenrikyo.

The cause of death in Tenrikyo is ascribed to the
mental dust accumulated in the human soul. Because of the
dust man is unable to borrow the body any length of time.

As a result, death appears in the form of disease, accident,
and other manners of death. This is the interpretation of
Tenrikyo on the difference of human longevity. However,
what is not clearly explained in Tenrikyo teaching is the
how much and why mental dust causes death.2

The accumulation of the mental dust forms what
Tenrikyo calls ipppp that affects the human rebirth.3 It

constitutes the condition of denaoshi which is called in

the Ofudesaki the "uniting" of innen: "Uniting the causality

 

of your previous lives, I protect you. This is settled

 

1H. Nakajima, "The Conception of Death in Tenrikyo,"
in Tenrikyo: Its History and Teachings, p. 162.

2

 

Cf. T. Nishiyama, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 70-71.

3The Doctrine of Tenrikyp, p. 70.

 

110

firmly forever."1 The condition in the present is the
manifestation of the previous existence and the present
condition will affect the future existence. Human life
is a repeated cycle of the former, present and future.
This also explains the Tenrikyo teaching of reincarnation
of parents becoming children and children becoming parents.2
It is assumed that in that cyclical rebirth the probability
is that it would take place within the circle of one's own
family and kinships.3

According to Tenrikyo understanding, man's rebirth
(by denaoshi) with amassed mental dust will anticipate only
unfavorable condition of the body to borrow at rebirth.
Simultaneously, however, Tenrikyo maintains that through
death, the extinction of life, a "bad causation" contracted
in previous life can be changed into a "good causation" to
fashion a new life.4 Moreover, since life is neither fate-
ful beyond human power, nor predestined at birth, human life
can be prolonged by sweeping away dust. Tenrikyo clearly
affirms that human age can reach 115 years contingent upon

the cleanliness of the mind. The ultimate purge from the

 

lOfudesaki, I 74, p. 21.
2

 

Cf. T. Yamochi, op. cit., pp. 36, 44.

31bid., p. 158.

4H. Nakajima, op. cit., p. 163.

111

mental dust will result in the release from the wheel of
transmigration.
With the realization of the ultimate vision of

yokigurashi, man's life expectancy will be 115 when man

 

returns his borrowed body to God the Parent and return to

this world to live another 115 years.1 As gfudesaki

 

states, "after that [when the ultimate salvation has been
completed] you may live as long as you like, never falling

2 This eternal circle of

ill, dying or becoming weakened."
perfect happiness and perfect health is realized, not in

the world beyond the tomb but in the mundane world of

living man.

In Tenrikyo concept, death is only a temporary, not
permanent, separation from this world. It is compared to
the day changing into the night and man only knows the day.3
In the eternal cycle of day and night human life also
repeats its cycle and human death is but a comfortable
sleep linking the present and the future life in this world.4

Perhaps Tenrikyo thanatology may be better called

"nacro-Vitalogy." By eliminating the dark prOSpect of

gloomy anguish and solitude associated with human death, it

 

le. H. Thomsen, op. cit., p. 56. H. Van Straelen,
op. cit., pp. 108-109.

 

 

ZOfudesaki, IV 37, p. 88.
3

 

T. Nishiyama, op. cit., p. 77.

 

4T. Yamochi, op. cit., p. 165.

 

112

provides a complete solution to the fear of death. It is
inconceivable in Tenrikyo concept that man eternally
belongs to the charnel world of the dead. In essence,
Tenrikyo thanatology purports to the reincarnation of man
to man: death is, as Oguri puts it, "a oneway round trip

1 in Tenrikyo.

to life ever repeating the rebirth"

The gist of this chapter may be summarized as
follows:

Tenrikyo is a monotheistic religion whose deity is
Tenri-o-no-mikoto. He is the "transrational" umgreifend
god. He is the creator, sustainer, revealer and protector
of the universe who manifests himself as tohashirano kami
(Ten Pillar God), and is an ever loving deity who loves
mankind with parental heart.

Tenrikyo cosmology is a genesis account of the

creation recorded in doroumi koki, moto hajimarino hanashi,

or moto pp_ri and in part in the Ofudesaki. Among loaches

 

in the vast muddy ocean, the tsuki-hi found the promising
materials (pp and pi) to create human beings, and the pur-
pose of the creation was to Share joy with the creatures

and watch their yokigurashi. The deity did not create homo

 

sapiens but its seed and the conception for the human race
took place in Jiba. This accounts for the universal brother-

hood and sisterhood of the human race.

 

lJ. Oguri, op. cit., p. 150.

113

Anthropology of Tenrikyo is based on the concept of
universal parenthood of Tenrikyo deity and universal brother-
hood of mankind. The central theme of its anthropology is

the doctrine of kashimono-karimono (A Thing Lent, A Thing

 

Borrowed). The human body is not his own but a loan from
God the Parent, and the mind alone is man's own. The human
body is different from animals in that man alone has the
power of self-recognition of his body. The soul is differ-
entiated from the mind as the soul is a germinating seed
for life and it lives forever. Thus, Tenrikyo holds a
essentially trichotomic View of man. Moreover, the human
body is to be used not for selfish pleasure but for the
altruistic purposes.

In the hamartiology of Tenrikyo there is no concept
of sin as understood in Judaic-Christian tradition. Tenrikyo
speaks of eight kinds of dust (hokori) that is superimposed
on the human soul, and it is easy to remove it if swept away
before it accumulates. These eight mental dusts are: 22211
(miserliness), hoshii (coveteousness), pikpi (hatred),
kawaii (self-love), prppi (enmity), haradachi (anger), yp£p
(avarice), and kppgp (arrogance). Besides these eight kinds
of dust, there are numerous dusts but Tenrikyo particularly
singles out two dusts of lying and flattery.

The source of dust is human egoism, but what con-
stitutes dust for every individual is varied. Hokori is

against the divine will; it is the cause of unhappiness;

114

it afflicts pain on oneself and on others; and it can be
easily accumulated, and thus must be swept away before it
is amassed.

Tenrikyo soteriology is based on the concept of
universal salvation of the world, and the removal of dust
is a necessary condition for one's salvation. Emphasis
has been shifted from the salvation from physical illness
to a deliverance from economic, social afflictions and at
present emphasis on Spiritual dimension of salvation, along
with the idea of deliverance from physical malady, seems
prominent.

Although it is difficult to determine who is the
agent of salvation on the basis of the passages in Ofudesaki,
Tenrikyo seems to hold a synergistic View of salvation. On

the question of salvation from what, it is primarily from

 

physical illness. The more basic cause of physical illness
is found in man's ipppp, and understanding this truth makes
man seek to cleanse his mind. The result is that mental
change accompanies a change in physical life.

The ultimate meaning of salvation is the world of

ypkigurashi in which perfect happiness will reign. At

 

present, the world is undergoing various stages, ever moving

toward the final goal of yokigurashi. In the final stage

 

of yokigurashi human longevity will reach 115 years, and the

 

problems of physical sickness and pain will permanently

disappear. Tsutome and osazuke along with nioigake and

115

and hinokishin of yoboku serve as Vital instruments to

 

construct the world of yokigurashi. This ultimate vision

 

of yokigurashi is a possible reality in this world.

 

As far as thanatology of Tenrikyo is concerned, the
word "death" is not a part of Tenrikyo terminology; it is
substituted by "denaoshi" (departure for rebirth). There
is no world beyond the tomb; the world that exists for
Tenrikyo is only this world of living man.

Death is like casting off his old garment and return
it to God the Parent, its Lender, and in the cycle of life
and death, man can borrow new clothes, as many as he wishes.
God the Parent, in appropriate time, lends the body to the:
soul and provides rebirth into the world. The phenomenon
of death is the result of the divine withdrawal from the
human body, and is also the severest warning to a man in the
hope of saving the individual. Its cause is ascribed to the
mental dust accumulated in the human soul, and the accumula-
tion constitutes the condition for denaoshi.

Human age can reach 115 years contingent upon the
cleanliness of the mind. It results in the eternal cycle
of perfect happiness and perfect health possible in this
world. Moreover, death is like the day changing into the
night, and it is like a comfortable sleep. Thus, Tenrikyo
provides a complete solution to the fear of death as it

purports to the reincarnation of man to man.

116

These teachings form not only the very essence of
the Tenrikyo doctrine but also a firm foundation of all the
Tenrikyo educational institutions. The history of these
institutions indicate that from inception until the present
time, their function has been a vital instrument to train
Tenrikyo missionaries and to disseminate Tenrikyo ideas
and ideals in a concerted effort to actualize the ultimate

Vision of yokigurashi in this world.

 

CHAPTER IV

TENRIKYO EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS:

HISTORY PAST AND PRESENT

The Tenrikyo teachings expounded in the previous
chapter irrefutably constitute the mainstay of various
educational institutions which Tenrikyo presently main-
tains in Tenri City, Nara, Japan. These institutions are:
Tenri-kyoko (Tenrikyo Theological Seminary), Tenri Univer-
sity; Tenri High School; Tenri Junior High School; Tenri
Primary School; and Tenri Kindergarten.

The idea of universal salvation by God the Parent

and the ideal of yonaoshi (world reform) embodied in the

 

world of yokigurashi (jocund living) have formed its

 

pedagogis platform and have laid a foundation of these
institutions. Mono-chromatic though it may seem, the golden
thread of Tenrikyo creedal conviction and its ordinal
indoctrination seems to be interwoven into every fibre

of its pedagogic discipline and daily texture of every
activity in Tenri City, Japan, from kindergarten through

the university. Thoroughly imbued with the genius of
Tenrikyo, the present Tenrikyo educational institutions
serve as the indispensable vehicle to inspire the sense

of urgency to construct the world of yokigurashi (jocund

117

118

living) and to insure the implementation of its existential
blue-print of the world reform.

The history of Tenrikyo educational institutions,
however, has undergone protean forms of labyrinthian devel-
opment and evolvement since its embryonic stage. It depicts
a long series of formation and transformation, adaptation
and accommodation, organization and reorganization, and
continual revision but with continuous vision.

The present is impossible to understand apart from
the past which is "the present unrolled for understanding."
Since Tenrikyo adopts the counter-current and pragmatic
interpretation of history,1 a cursory historical sketch of
the present educational institutions of Tenrikyo will pro-
vide a better understanding of their pedagogic platform.
The present seems eminently illuminated by the historical

pharos from the recent and distant past.

Tenri-kyoko in Pre-World War II Period

The first Tenrikyo educational institution dates

2

back to 1900, shortly after the end of the Sino-Japanese

 

1Among the historical interpretations such as linear
and cyclical View based on from the past to the future;
counter-current view based on from the future to the past;
pragmatic View based on the present; or idealistic view
rooted in the eternal, the second and the third View appear
prominent in Tenrikyo's historical concept. See T. Hayashi,
"Tenrikyono Rekishi Kaishakuni Tsuite: On Historical Inter-
pretation in Tenrikyo," Bulletin_pvaesearch Institute of
Religious Culture, Vol. IV, No. 17 (April, 1952), p. 31.

 

2This is also the year when Konkokyo became offi-
cially recognized as an independent sect.

119

war in 1895. Thirteen years after kyppp Miki's death,
Tenri-kyoko was founded on April, 1900 which marked the
origin of the educational organ of Tenrikyo, and its
indisputable objective was the training of Tenrikyo mis-
sionaries.1 The establishment of this institution took
place amid the diplomatic, if politic, effort of Tenrikyo
to gain the legal recognition from the Meiji government as
an independent sect, and the effort was repeatedly harried
and hampered until 1908. This institution, Tenrikyo claims,
was the outcome of the original desire of the first

shinbashira2 of Tenrikyo, Shinjiro Nakayama, "to establish

 

the school" in a diametrical opposition to the anti-
intellectual proclivity prevalent then among the Tenrikyo
believers: "no schooling is needed for our faith," and
"leave the learned and rich till later on."3

Although the aim of the school was to train mis-

sionaries of Tenrikyo, the curriculum was similar to the

 

1Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (ed.), The Statisti-
cal Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 22. ’

2Its literal meaning is the main post of the central
pillar. It is the person who directs and controls Tenrikyo,
and as the head of Tenrikyo he succeeds to the name of
Nakayama.

3Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (ed.), A Short History
of Tenrikyo, 4th ed. (Tenri, Japan: Tenrikyo Church Head-
quarters, I967), p. 123.

 

120

ordinary middle school course Sprinkled with a tidbit of
Japanese classical literature and ritual ceremonies.l

In order to ameliorate this pitiful plight, in
19082 both organizational and curricular alteration
resulted in setting up the regular one-year course, pppkp,
which later extended to a two-year course, and the Special
six-month course called 295523 On March 20 of the same
year, Tenrikyo applied the petition for the fifth time for
its denominational independence. In the midst of the birth-
pangs of a sectarian denomination, the students in the
four year course of Tenri-kyoko were transferred to the
Tenri Middle School which was established and opened on
April of the same year, with Mr. Manjiro Yoshikawa as the
first principal.3 The present Tenri High School traces
its inchoation to this date.

The Tenri-kyoko, newly established to become the
Tenri Middle School on April 1, 1908, is devoted exclusively
to the training of the missionaries of Tenrikyo faith. The
established Special course, called SEEKS! held its first

entrance ceremony for the students on September 26, 1908.

 

1See Tenrikyo Church Headquarters (ed.), Tenrikyo
Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974 (Tenri, Japan: Doyusha,
1974), p. 90.

2The recognition of Tenrikyo as an independent sect
was granted on November 27 of this year.

3See T. Takano (ed.), Tenrikyo Sanko Nenhyo:
Reference Annals of Tenrikyo HiStory (Ténfi, Japan:
Yotokusha, 19717) p. 42.

121

.4

It was intended to be a special training course of Tenrikyo
missionaries. Although it was abolished in March 1941 due
to the organizational restructure of the Tenri-kyoko,
Tenrikyo boasts of an impressive, if ostensive, record of
approximately 128,000 graduates1 who had been nurtured in
SEEKS (special course) during 33 years from 1908 to 1941.
When Shozen Nakayama,2 the second shinbashira of

Tenrikyo, entered the Tenri Middle School in 1918,3 a

 

proposal was implemented to establish a preparatory course,
called yoshuka, in the Tenri-kyoko to prepare him in
Tenrikyo ideas and ideals.4 The broader application of
Tenrikyo teachings became a focal point in 1920, and the
yoshuka (preparatory course) became instrumental to give
courses in Tenrikyo doctrines to the sons of Tenrikyo
believers who were studying at the Tenri Middle School in

the area of the Tenrikyo Headquarters in Tenri City, Japan.

 

1The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 25.

2Shozen Nakayama died on November 14, 1967 and was
succeeded by the third and present shinbashira of Tenrikyo,
Zenye Nakayama, on October 25, 1968.

3The University Order and the Higher School Order
were issued in Japan that year, and universities and higher
schools were reorganized. These orders provided for the
national government's recognition of private and local
.universities and higher schools in addition to those
established by the government itself. See Agency for Cul-
tural Affairs, Outline of Education in Japan (Tokyo, Japan:
Government of Japan, 197077 pp. 40-41.

4See A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 123.

 

122

The first students were from the Tenri Middle School.
At the outset, yoshuka (preparatory course) required three
years of schooling for students to graduate, but later it
was changed to five years. With an inkling of male
chauvinism, the course was intended for male students only
and it remained mono-institutional until April 1924 when
it became co-educational, the female section of the course
being inaugurated to admit the students of the Tenri
Girls' High School that had been established and accredited
on July 8, 1922.1 In April 1930, the secondary course for
the students of the Tenri Middle Grade School (night course)
was established. The yoshuka (preparatory course) was,
along with the SEEKS (special course), abolished in March
1941 on account of the reorganization of the Tenri-kyoko.

On April 10, 1938 the pppkp (regular course) that
became the predecessor of the present Tenri-kyoko came
into existence.2 What prompted the need of its existence
was that the trends of the time made it ineluctable to
improve the quality of the missionaries.

It required two years of study and admitted grad-

uates from yoshuka (preparatory course) or those who passed

a qualification test after completing the bekka (Special

 

1T. Takano (ed.), op. cit., p. 50.

21bid., p. 60.

3Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974, p. 90.

 

123

course) of the Tenri-kyoko. For the first time since its
founding as the religious incubator of Tenrikyo, the
pppkp (regular course) transformed Tenri-kyoko into an
adequate and principal vehicle for training the main

bulk of Tenrikyo missionaries.

On March 31, 1941 when the dark,gloomy cloud of
the Second World War was beginning to hang over the Asian
continent, the change of Tenrikyo regulations led to the
abolition of the old system of ppk£p_(3pecial course) and
yoshuka (preparatory course) and the establishment of
new courses. They consisted of: ppppp (regular) which
required two years of study; senshuka (Special) which
required one year; ypkp (preparatory) which also required
one year; koa-kal which required six months; and shuyoka
(training) which required three months. They all served
the purpose of training of, and trimming for, the mis-
sionaries in the task of Tenrikyo expansion.

The new Religious Organizations Law2 that had come
into effect on April 1, 1940 prompted the addition of the
senshuka (special course) and ypkp (preparatory course)

and made it mandatory for Tenrikyo missionaries to receive

 

1This East-Asian course was established in March
1940 amid the belligerency of the so-called China Incident,
in order to train Tenrikyo missionaries to be dispatched
to the Asian continent, expecially in China. It was
abolished in March, 1946.

2Under this Law,regimentation of religious bodies
in Japan was enforced.

124

two years of theological training after completing a
middle grade school.1 The same Law also stipulated that
an accredited Tenrikyo believer must be the holder of a
certificate of sazuke (divine grant), and to obtain the
sazuke the completion of the shuyoka (training course) was
required. The stipulation, allegedly, was made with a View
to enhance the level of cultural sophistication of all
Tenrikyo believers.2

Tenri-kyoko finally ran out its course at the end
of World War II when it underwent a metamorphosis to be
rejuvenated as the Tenri Mission School. With the debacle
of the old Tenri-kyoko also came the abolition of the
Korean Institute opened in 1919, the Manchurian Institute
opened in 1942, and Formosan Institute opened also in
1942. All these institutes constituted a part of Tenri-
kyoko and seem to have been established to serve not only
Tenrikyo mission but at the same time the national interest
and ambition of the Japanese Imperialism whose colonial
policy was engulfing Asia with amazing rapidity before

1945.3

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 124.
21bid., pp. 124-125, 131.
3Cf. K. Nakanou, Kindai Nipponno Shukyoto Seiji:

Religion and Politics oflModern Japan TTokyo, Japan:
Apolon, 1968), pp. 140-154.

125

Tenri-kyoko in Post-World War II Period

With the end of the old system of Tenri-kyoko,
Tenrikyo established the new system of pppkp (regular
course), senshuka (special course) and shuyoka (training
course) in 1946.

prkp, the highest research body of Tenrikyo theol-
ogy today, intended to equip students with much advance
curriculum, and set a higher admission standard stipulating
the applicants to be graduates of a college or a university
as well as accredited preachers of Tenrikyo.

In 1950, the inauguration of the Tenri University
according to the new 6-3-3-4 educational system in Japan
made the new pppkp course partially obsolete.1 The result
was that most of the curriculum of pppkp_was absorbed into
that of the Religion Department of the Tenri University,
making a further step toward the enhancement of academic
standard and advancement of a theological research institute
of Tenrikyo.

The student body was composed of the graduates of a
college or a university either under the old system prior
to the educational reform in Japan in 1947 or under the new
system, and who were also accredited preachers of Tenrikyo.
In 1953, with modified regulations, the clientels were

composed of the students who came out of a college or a

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyp, p. 127.

126

university under the new system, and who had an accredited
preaching license of Tenrikyo.

The science of religion or Tenrikyo theology became
the major field of study with a curriculum equivalent to
that of Master's level, granted to those who had taken more
than thirty units and submitted a thesis.1 In order to
further the idea of this course as the central research
institute of Tenrikyo theology, Shozen Nakayama, the

second shinbashira of Tenrikyo, made a special effort to

 

amplify its curriculum more with a lecture on Ofudesaki
and embelished it with special lectures by visiting profes-
sors from other universities in Japan.

In 1946, senshuka (special course), Open to grad-
uates of a middle grade school requiring two years of study,
initiated the £122.92 passage as the central institution
for training the main body of Tenrikyo clergy. With the
introduction of the 6-3-3-4 educational system the stipula-
tion was made to admit graduates either of a new system
senior high school or an old system middle school or girls'
high school.2

Shuyoka (training course), when the end of World

War II made it possible to reinstate the doctrines of

 

lLoc. cit. This requirement still stands today in
the Tenri-kyoEo.

21bid., p. 129.

127

Tenrikyo, served as an "instant hatchery" to produce
full-fledged assistant preachers and accredited believers
of Tenrikyo. They constituted the major portion of Tenri-
kyoko students with three months training period, each
month being an on-going process of incoming and outgoing
students fOr the "instant butchery" of "benighted
infidels." Tenrikyo lists some 650 entrants in January
1946, and the number of the students reached as many as
one thousand in March of that same year.1
Shuyoka (training course) gradually gained the
status to grant the legal ordination for preacher's certifi-
cate of Tenrikyo. In the deplorable plight of turmoil and
insecurity in post-World War II Japan, large numbers of
debilitated soldiers, bewildered widows hopeless and help-
less, and the multitude of people with serious illness
sought admissions to shuyoka (training course). The
opportunity presented itself for Tenrikyo to meet the
need of the poor, forlorn and wretched mass with rehabili-
tation facilities for both spiritual and physical uplift.
Shuyoka (training course), however, was detached from the
Tenri-kyoko on January 1, 1953 and today it remains an
independent institute under the control of the Department

of Missionary Training of the Tenrikyo Church Headquarters.

 

1Ibid., p. 132.

21bid., p. 135. Cf. also M. Moroi, "Kyokono
Tachibato Watakushino Kimochi; The Standpoint of the Tenri-

kyoko and My Sentiment," in T. Kubo (ed.), Ybrozu o:"Throu h
Epernity--Education of Creed, Vol. 2 (Nara, Japan: Tenri
JihoSha, 1956), pp. 17-18.

 

128

As of today, pppkp (regular course) and senshuka
(special course) constitute the present Tenri-kyoko: pppgp
(Senior Theological Seminary) and senshuka (Junior Theol-
ogical Seminary).

gppkp, the highest religious institution of
Tenrikyo today, Serves as the core program of the Tenrikyo
doctrine and is equivalent to a graduate school. The admis-
sion requirement is that the applicant be a graduate of a
university and a Tenrikyo believer. The period of study is
set for two years, although a student is allowed to stay
four years.

The subjects taught are all research courses:l

Ofudesaki, Otsutome (holy service), Osashizu (divine instruc-

 

tion), Biography of Tenrikyo Kyppp, Tenrikyo Theology,
Tenrikyo Doctrine, Tenrikyo History, Science of Religion,
Literature on Religion, and Practicum. There are 22 faculty
and staff members (20 males and 2 females)2 who outnumber
the presently enrolled 8 all male students.

On the other hand, senshuka (Special course)
requires the applicant to be a graduate of a high school,
and requires two years of study. While pppkp (regular
course) is not an educational course that grants the

teacher's qualifications but aims at promoting pistic

 

le. Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974, p. 90.

21bid., p. 170.

129

content and training the best leaders in Tenrikyo, senshuka
(special course) presently is serving as an educational
course to train Tenrikyo teachers rather than that of
research. It has succeeded the previous function of the

1

Tenri—kyoko to train the Tenrikyo teachers. As the center

of prospective head priests of Tenrikyo churches, Tenrikyo
maintains that "this institution intends on fostering the
spirit of a single-hearted devotion to God the Parent
through their school lives."2 Indeed, in the tradition of
the spirit of the Tenri Middle School, the students cannot
afford the luxury of Sundays or holidays. In the morning
they attend lectures centered on Tenrikyo canons and
Tenrikyo history, while in the afternoon they engage in
practicum in various posts in the Tenri Church Headquarters.
The courses required for the two year study are as
follows:3
First Year: lecture and reading of Ofudesaki; Mikagura-
uta; lecture and reading of Osashizu;
Introduction to the Biography of K oso;
Tenrikyo canons; Tenrikyo History; efuri
(dance); Narimono (musical instrument ;
Ceremony rituaIs; Practicum; Doctrine
kyowa (addressing and instructing of the

doctrines) Practicum; Kowa (lecturing and
addressingof the Tenrikyo doctrines);

 

le. T. Yamochi, "Senshuka Kyoiku Mondai: Educa-
tional Problems of Senshuka," in N. Nagano (ed.), Yorozuyo:
Throu h Eternity::Education of Creed, Vol. 3 (Nara, Japan:
Tenr1 JihoSha, 1956), pp. 39-40.

2The StatisticalYear Book of Tenrikyp, p. 22.

3See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974, p. 91.

Second Year:

130

World Affairs (Introduction to the History
of Japanese Religions, Introduction to
Japanese History, Introduction to Buddhism,
Introduction to Christianity, Science of
Religion); and Physical Education.

Special lecture on Ofudesaki; Special
lecture on Osashizu (divine instruction);
special lecture on the Biography of Kyoso;
Tenrikyo History; History of Mission;
Introduction to Tenrikyo Doctrine; Practi-
cum of Tenrikyo Doctrine; Special Lecture I
(Evangelism, Discussion of Yoboku (mission-
aries), Ecclesiology. '

 

 

Special Lecture II (Litany, Church Order);
Practicum on Doctrinal K owa (addressing
and instructing of the oc rines); the
Essence of Mission Evangelism; Wbrld Affairs
(Medicine, Tenrikyo Way and Society, Con-
temporary Thought, Man and Society); and
Physical Education.

At present, there are 37 faculty and staff members

(32 males and 5 females) serving senshuka (Special course)

at the Tenri-kyoko. The first-year students of senshuka

number 132 (105 males and 27 females), and the second-year

students total 100 (79 males and 21 females).1

It is evident that honka (regular course) serves as

the research-oriented course, while senshuka (Special course)

as the practice or life-oriented one. In the combination

of these two courses, Tenrikyo seems to endeavor to maintain

a balanced emphasis on theory and practice of Tenrikyo

teachings.

 

1

Ibid., p. 170.

131

History of the Tenri University

 

The origin and history of the Tenri University dates
back to the Tenri Foreign Language School which was founded

1 The institution was

and approved on February 17, 1925.
initiated by then Tenrikyo Young Men's Association whose

president was the second shinbashira of Tenrikyo, Shozen

 

Nakayama. Although the purpose of the institution was to
train Tenrikyo overseas missionaries, the founding of the
institution marked a ceremonial overture to the approach-
ing commemoration of the 40th anniversary of kyppp Miki's
death in 1927.2
The Tenri Foreign Language School was established
as one of the "miscellaneous schools."3 Co-educational
system of the institution was adOpted and the requirement
for admission was that the applicant be a graduate of a
middle school or a girls' high school. As Tenrikyo assev-
erates,
. . . this was done from the point of view that the

training of women missionaries as good colleagues to
men missionaries was indispensable for overseas

 

lT. Takano (ed.), op. cit., p. 52.
2A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 229.

3Cf. In 1899 the Girls' High School Order and Voca-
tional School Order had been issued. See Outline of Educa-
tion in Jppan, pp. 5, 40. The Ordinance in 1899 pr6hibited
reIigious Education in both public and private schools in
Japan. The only way Tenrikyo could administer some reli-
gious education was under the ordinance of "miscellaneous
schools" system. As a result, the school was regarded as a
most inferior kind. See Z. Fujimoto, "Shukyo Kyoiku Joron:
An Introduction to Religious Education," in T. Kubo (ed.),

op. cit., pp. 56-57.

 

132
propagation, though basically from the idea of equality
between man and women initiated by the Foundress.1
In December 1927, the Tenri Foreign Language School
was obliged to maintain two separate institutions in com-
pliance with the College Order2 and the Various Schools Law.
As a result, the Tenri Foreign Language School restored the
identity of the mono-institution for men only, while for
women the Tenri WOmen's Academy was established in 1928, to
which a two-year Household Course was added in 1935. The
confirmed objective of this Academy was to teach not only
the Tenri doctrines but to cultivate female virtues through
instructions of science and arts fitting for women.3
On March 15, 1940 the Tenri Women's Academy was

reorganized and renamed the Tenri WOmen's College in accord-
ance with the Regulation of College Order. On April 1, 1944
the Tenri Women's College was re-named the Tenri women's
Language College. It should be noted, however, that despite
its feminine characteristics evinced in capricious and
whimsical nomenclatures, its existence was widely, and per-
haps even wildly, appreciated as a singularly unique foreign

language school for women in Japan.4

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 230.

 

2This College Order had been issued in 1903. See
Optlinepof Education in Japan, p. 40.

3

 

See Tenri Daigaku Bulletin--l973, p. 4.

4It must be mentioned that the language study here
was primarily in Oriental languages. See A Short History of

Tenrikyo, p. 230.

133 ’

Precisely on the same date, April 1, 1944, the Tenri
Foreign Language School assumed a new name--the Tenri
Language College, the penultimate institution of the present
Tenri University. Its objective primarily,
. . . aimed at the training of overseas missionaries
of Tenrikyo in order to train those persons of inter-
national and social character who are qualified with
a noble personality and rich culture, and to educate
them with religious confidence and sentiments based
on the doctrines of Tenrikyo.l
On April 1, 1949,2 due to the reform in the educa-
tional system in Japan, the Tenri Language College became
the Tenri University which opened as a four-year college
with one literary college consisting of four departments:
Religion, Japanese Language and Literature, Chinese Lan—
guage and Literature, and English Language and Literature,
with thirty students in each department.
In April 1950, the Korean Language and Literature

3

department was added with twenty students. The addition

of the College of Foreign Language with eight departments
(Chinese, English and American, German, French, Korean,
Russian, Spanish, and Indonesian) in April, 1952, together

with the establishment of the College of Physical Training

 

1Ibid., p. 229.

2The Private School Law was promulgated in Japan
that year, and education in private schools was promoted.
See Outline of Education in Japan, p. 41.

3The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 23.

134

(though with single department) in April, 1955, led to the
present academic configuration of the Tenri University.

At present, the Tenri University is composed of
three Colleges with eleven departments: College of Human-
ities with two departments, Religion and Japanese Language
and Literature; College of Foreign Languages with eight
departments of Chinese, Korean, English and American,
German, French, Russian, Spanish, and Indonesian Studies;
and College of Physical Education with one department of
Physical Education.

At present, there are 430 (368 males and 62 females)
faculty and staff members including 12 male and 9 female

1

gaijin (foreign) lecturers. The students number 2,239

including 663 female students,2 and the faculty-student

ratio is said to be the ideal one to eight ratio.3

History of the Tenri High School

The present Tenri High School, composed of the

First Course (day course) and the Second Course (night

4

course), was opened in April, 1948. The students then

 

1From the Tenrikyo statistics, it is not clear
whether gaijin lecturers are all Americans or not.

2See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974,
pp. 93, 170.

3From the interview with Mr. Sato of the Tenri
University Research Department, Tenri, Japan.

4T. Takano (ed.), op. cit., p. 66.

135

were composed of transferred students from the Tenri Middle
School (old system) and the Tenri Girls' High School (old
system) along with newly admitted first year students.‘ As

a result, this institution adopted the co-educational system
in September of the same year.1

As this school is also a result of a series of
transfer and one-step-up process, its origin and history
can be traced back to the Tenri Middle School of five years
founded in 1908 which, in turn, was a transformed institu-
tion of the Tenri-kyoko.

In 1935,2 two years prior to the 50th anniversary
of kyggg‘Miki's death, due to the increasing number of the
applicants, the Tenri Second Middle School was established
which was expanded by the addition of the night course
called the Second Course that was established in April,
1943.3

In 1947 when the revision of the educational system

called for a necessary reorganization,4 the Tenri Second

 

1The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 24.

2Cf. The Youth School Order was Issued in Japan that
year; the part-time youth schools were opened as educational
institutions for working youth. See Outline of Education in

Japan, p. 41.

3See A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 221.

4Cf. The new Constitution was adopted in Japan that
year; the Fundamental Law of Education and School Education
Law were promulgated; and the 6-3-3-4 system was established
with 9 years of elementary and lower secondary education
being made compulsory. Outline of Education in Japan, p. 41.

136

Middle School was abolished in March of that year.
Subsequently, in 1948, the First Course of the Tenri Middle
School became the First Course of the present Tenri High
School, and the Second Course of the Tenri Middle School
that of the present Tenri High School.

As if in a feminist substitute for the sanctum of
male chauvinism prior to 1948, Tenrikyo founded the Tenri
Girls' School of four years in 1920 which later developed
into the Tenri Higher Girls' School of five years in 1923.
In 1929, it saw the birth of the Shutoku Girls' School
(night course) which was transferred to the Tenrikyo
Ichiretsukai Foundation1 and became the Tenri Girls' Night
School in September, 1941. In 1944, together they formed
the twin—sisters of the Tenri Higher Girls' School--the
First and Second Courses.2

In April 1948, due to the reform of the educational
system in Japan,3 the present constitution of the Tenri

High School came about by the mass gradient transformation

 

1It is the scholarship fund organization which aids
the youth to become Tenrikyo missionaries. Begun in 1928,
since 1948 its purpose has been to give scholarship and to
train the youth of those studying at Tenri-kyoko honka or
any secondary schools or universities in Japan. This Founda-
tion also has been educating foreign students for mission
purposes. In December,l954 it built the Ichiretsu-kaikan
in Tokyo as the center for Tenrikyo students, and in December,
1965 the Ichiretsu-kaikan in Tenri Headquarters as the center
for both undergraduate and graduate students.

2See The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 28.

3See supra, p. 134, note 4.

137

and promotion of the four departmentalization: The First
Course of the Tenri Middle School proceeded to the First
Course of the Tenri High School, while the Second Course
of the Tenri Middle School proceeded to that of the Tenri
High School; and the First Course of the Tenri Girls' High
School proceeded to that of the Tenri High School, while
the Second Course of the Tenri Girls' High School proceeded
to that of the Tenri High School. This multi-fusion con-
sisted the co-educational system of the present Tenri High
School with, as yet, no further diffusion or confusion of
amalgamation.

As of today, the Tenri High School operates under
that new regimentation, consisting of the First Course
that requires three years of schooling, while the Second
Course four years. The First Course does not differ from
a high school in general in Japan, except its idiosyncracy
that constitutes in the Tenri instructions in the curriculum
as well as the religious atmOSphere that influences the
whole school life.

As far as curriculum is concerned, besides the gen-
eral course given every student is required also to take
religion course composed of subjects, such as Tenrikyo

canons, Biography of Kyoso, teodori (posture-dancing), and

 

hinokishin (sacred labor) in and out of the school, that are

 

apportioned in three years.1

 

1See Tenri High School Guide--l973.

138

Emphasis is also laid on the extra-curricular
activities that are divided into yoboku (missionary) course
and culture course. In the culture course, positive par-
ticipation in the extra-curricular activities is expected,
while yoboku course provides necessary extra-curricular
activities to foster Tenrikyo yoboku. The present yoboku
course includes the following extra-curricular activities:

Ofudesaki, Osashizu (divine instruction), Biography of

 

Shinjiro, Tenrikyo Church Order, teodori (posture-dancing),
narimono (musical instrument), ceremonial Observances, the

Way of the Predecessors, hinokishin (sacred labor), kyowa

 

(addressing and instructing of the doctrines), 53232 (moving
stories), the Primer of Tenrikyo Faith, Movement of the
Tenri way, and neriai (kneading together).l

Presently 148 (122 males and 26 females) faculty
and staff members serve in the First Course in which the
students number 1,767 including 589 female students.2

The Second Course is divided into two departments,
the General and Agriculture Department, the latter being
composed of older students as a whole. Since the Second
Course was set up for manual vocation-oriented students,
their life is comprised of school life, work life and

dormitory life. Presently, there are 915 students

 

lLoc. cit.

2See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annua1--l974,
pp. 95, 171.

139

(378 males and 537 females) enrolled in this course.
According to a school report, for over-all academic effi—
ciency, three Special courses are set up in 1974 as an
attempt to make English and mathematics comprehensible to
every student in the Second Course. Some features included
in the school programs are monthly ceremonial Observances,
kypwa (addressing and instructing of the doctrines),
teodori (posture-dancing), field trip to historic site of

kyoso Miki, and hinokishin (sacred labor) for the surrounding
1

 

community.
With the enlargement of the Tenri hospital attached
to the Yorozusodansho,2 the institution for training nurses
became necessary. In order to meet this exigent need, the
special course for educating nurses was instituted in the
Tenri High School in April 1963.3
The aim of the Tenri High School purports the edu-
cation of creed, and it is stated to offer higher ordinary
education according to the Fundamental Law of Education and
School Education Law in Japan, and its curricula and pro-
grams aim at cultivating religious conviction based on

Tenrikyo doctrines to foster useful and effective human

beings.4

 

lIbid., p. 97.

2Cf. supra, p. 25.

3See The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 24.

4See Tenri High School Guide-~1973.

 

140

History of the Tenri Junior High School

The present Tenri Junior High School is an outcome
of the amalgamated students from both the Tenri Middle
School and the Tenri Second Middle School.

Its origin can be traced back to April, 19471 when
the new three-year system for junior high schools became
effective in accordance with the educational reform in
Japan. A total of 1,093 students then were transferred
from the second and third year classes of the Tenri Middle
School and the Tenri Second Middle School. In addition,
422 students from the second and third classes of the Tenri
Higher Girls' School and 420 students who were admitted in
1947, thus 1,935 in total, constituted the student body of
the new Tenri Junior High School.2

The education policies adopted at the time of its
official inchoation read as follows:3

1. Religious education based on the doctrines of the
Tenrikyo Church.

2. Sufficient research in the new education and aiming
at the establishment of a perfect middle school
grounded on the principle of democracy.

3. Good understanding of the spirit of co-education,
and trying to realize its characteristics most
satisfactorily.

 

lT. Takano (ed.), 0 . cit., p. 64. In reality, its
inchoation can be traced back to the Tenri Middle School

founded in 1908 which, in turn, can trace its origin to the
Tenri-kyoko founded in 1900.

2A Short History of Tenrikyo, pp. 216-217.

 

3Ibid., p. 217.

141

The continued progress in research work on the new
education along with other developmental organizations
such as the P. T. A. organized in September, 1947, made
this school serve as an Experimental School approved by
the Nara Prefecture, until December of 1951.1 It was
somewhat comparable to the Laboratory School at the
University of Chicago in its intent but incomparable in
academic and physical facilities.

In 1953, when a part of the school regulations
was changed, a special emphasis on the religious educa-
tion based on Tenrikyo doctrines became a clearer guiding
philosophy of this school. Ever since, what features the
curriculum is again Tenrikyo doctrines one hour a week.

In 1974, in order to prevent the possible danger of dog-
matic intellectualization, the school is aiming at per-
petuating the practical application of the Tenrikyo
doctrines in students life. In hopeful anticipation, the
school has set up a class guidance one hour a week centered
on a special theme.2

As of the present, there are 46 teachers and the

staff member (27 males and 19 females) and the school holds

496 students including 246 female students.3

 

lIbid., p. 218.

2See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--1974, p. 97.

3Ibid., pp. 97, 171.

142

Tenrikyo punctuates a nostalgic note on the
historical development of this chool with this testimony:

When looking back on the history of this school,
it should be noticed that the educational activities
were developed without uneasiness by the protection
of God the Parent according to the preordained time,
and its progress and enrichment can clearly be traced.
While numerous young men and boys who are surrounded
by much uneasiness are being lost in the world with
unreliable vague hopes, and even those who are respon-
sible for leadership are wandering not knowing where
to harbour just as bubbles floating on a stream, here
in this school bright hopes for future are shining on
the profiles of the students who are making their
incessant efforts in a religious atmOSphere only
aiming at the cultivation of their virtues in the
fields of learning, physical training and other activ-
ities based on religious education.

History of the Tenri Primary School

This school was founded on April 25, 1925 in the
compound of the Tenri Yotokuin orphanages.2 At the time
of its founding, the pupils were the children of the Tenri
Yotokuin orphanage, and the school was called the Tenri
Ordinary Elementary School, but was renamed the Tenri
Primary School in December 1928.3

The rules and regulations were revised in December,
1953, so as to educate the children of Tenrikyo believers

as well as those of the Tenri Yotokuin orphanage with better

l 0 4
educational curriculum.

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyp, p. 220.

2T. Takano (ed.), op. cit., p. 52.

3See The Statistical Year Book of Tenrikyo, p. 24.

4A Short History of Tenrikyp, p. 213.

143

In April, 1941, with the enactment of the National
School Order,1 this school was renamed the Tenri Children's
School. The present name of the Tenri Primary School was
revived in April 1947 in compliance with the new educational
system of Japan. The school has presently seventeen classes
from first year to sixth year, and has 597 pupils (308 males
and 289 females) enrolled under the supervision and guidance
of 36 administrative staff and teachers (18 males and 18
females).2

Tenrikyo, in its calculated painstaking care, chose
the site of the school building near the main sanctuary of
Tenrikyo and the sanctuary of kyppp Miki in apparent con-
viction that the sight would provide an inspirational
visual aid to the perceptive and receptive minds of the
pupil. Moreover, the playground in front of the main sanc-
tuary, the swimming pool for children, and other facilities
seem combined to provide the pupils with quiet influence
of environment to inspire their religious aSpirations and
daily morale at school. The objective of the school also
accords with the other Tenri institutions in principle.
For the development of religious education together with
the development of mind and body of the pupils, Tenrikyo

states its objective thus:

 

1That year elementary schools in Japan were renamed
"National Schools." See Outline of Education in Japan, p. 41.

2See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annua1--l974,
pp. 98, 171.

144

Being grateful to their respective prediSposition,
ability, and body which were bestowed by God the
Parent, they extend their functions as much as pos-
sible, form their living attitude by believing in
truth, and aim at the cultivation of a pleasant life,
adaptable to their respective capacity for creating
"joyous life." For these, enlarging religious edu-
cation over the whole area of school education, and
Spreading religious activities covering the studies
and the whole faces of life on the part of children,
the curricula of education are prepared, and the
management of subjects and guidance of life of the
children are carried out so that they might acquire
"the joy of being alive."1

Based on the education of creed, the Tenri Primary
School has set the following objectives for 1974:2

1. Foster the "joy of being alive" and sense of
gratitude.

2. Make an effort to think in other's standpoint, and
to secure heightened eSprit de corps among the peers.

3. Cultivate subjective practicing power to listen
well, to think deeply, and act carefully.

Moreover, in addition to the regular curriculum,
visit and worship the sanctuary every morning, Tenrikyo
doctrine based on "Tenri Reading," shinjo (creed) life
guidance conducted by the teacher, and for the fifth and
sixth graders otefuri (dance) is also given. Class

hinokishin (sacred labor) and all school hinokishin are

 

frequently exercised to upgrade the standard of the educa-

tion of creed.3 As all the pupils of this school are the

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 214.

2Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--1974, p. 98.

3Loc. cit.

 

145

children of Tenrikyo believers, they are, in principle,
expected to enter the Tenri Junior High School upon com-

pletion of the Primary School.1

History of the Tenri Kindergarten

 

Tenri Kindergarten was opened on April 10, 1925, as
one of the charitable activities of the Tenrikyo Women's
Association.2 The pupils enrolled were the children of
either of Tenrikyo parents or "Special" Tenrikyo parents
who intended to enter the Tenrikyo shuyoka (training
course). The children of the latter were accommodated to
the Tenri Nursery from 1939. With the post-World War II
baby-boom in Japan, and due to the lack of accommodating
facility, the children were admitted by lottery in 1948
and 1949.3

Today the Tenri Kindergarten is being maintained
under the supervision of one principal and seven female
teachers who are responsible for five classes composed of
179 children in all: one class for one year nursery; two

classes of younger children for two year nursery; and two

classes of older children for two year nursery.4

 

le. Tenri Jiho, December 16, 1973.

 

2T. Takano (ed.), op. cit., p. 52.-

3A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 212.

 

4Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--1974, p. 171.

146

The objective of the Tenri Kindergarten also has
the religious overtones. As Tenrikyo holds, it consists
in "nursing the younger children until they get into pri-
mary schools in accordance with the religious creeds of
the Tenrikyo Church, providing them suitable circumstances
and thus aiming at the satisfactory development of mind and
body on the part of children in conjunction with their
domestic education."l

Its curriculum consists of play, music, observation,
conversational dialogue, handicrafts and religious observ-
ances. A special emphasis is laid upon shinjo (creed) and

in 1974, especially on hinokishin (sacred labor) in making

 

paper lanterns, Tenrikyo tales for children, mastery of

Mikagura-uta, etc.,2 in preparation for the coming 90th

 

anniversary of kyppp Miki's death in 1976.

As has been seen, the history of Tenrikyo pedagogic
institutions clearly show the simple and primary objective
of their raison d'éppg as the systematic indoctrination of
Tenrikyo doctrines in school and in life, and the propaga-
tion of their faith through the educated and trained in

their institutions. While the objective of the propagation

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 212. Cf. Educa-
tion Law in Japan in 1947, last reviSed in 1970, states the
purpose of Kindergarten as "nursing the children and pro-
moting the development of mind and body by providing them
suitable environment." Education Law, Chapter 7, Art. 77.

2See Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--1974, p. 99.

147

of Tenrikyo faith through evangelism and mission is described
as Horizontal Mission, the objective of its pedagogic insti-
tutions is summarized in the phrase, Vertical Mission.
Tenrikyo posits its meaning thus:

Our educational training is expected to be carried
out in the Jiba, "the Holy Site" so that the followers
within the churches may be able to send their children
at ease, while on the other hand the children might be
brought up systematically in accordance with the
Tenrikyo doctrines. One is to realize the intention
of God the Parent for propagation of the faith, and the
other for the benefit of the children themselves who

ought to be educated. Thus, these two are to be uni-
fied into one purpose, "Vertical Mission."

Summary

The history of Tenrikyo educational institutions
depicts a series of complicated shifts of reorganizations
and transformations over a span of decades. Tenri-kyoko,
the first educational institution of Tenrikyo, was estab-
lished in 1900 to train Tenrikyo missionaries. It became
the Tenri Middle School in 1908 which has undergone many
changes and reorganizations both prior to and after World
War II. Today, Tenri-kyoko is a theological seminary that
comprises two courses, hppkp (regular course) which is a

research-oriented course and senshuka (special course) which

 

is a life-oriented course. Senshuka has taken over the pre-

 

vious function of the Tenri-kyoko to train the Tenrikyo

teachers (head priests).

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 211.

 

148

The origin of the Tenri University dates back to
the Tenri Foreign Language School founded in 1925. The
purpose of the institution was the training of Tenrikyo
overseas missionaries. The Tenri Foreign Language School
became the Tenri Language College in 1944 which, due to
the reform in educational system in Japan, became the
Tenri University in 1949. At present, the Tenri University
has approximately 2,300 students, and it comprises three
Colleges with eleven departments. The faculty-student ratio
is about one to eight.

The Tenri High School is an outcome of a series of
transferences and promotions of the courses of the Tenri
Middle School and the Tenri Girls' High School. It was
opened in 1948 and soon adopted the co-educational system.
Today, it consists of the First Course (day course) and
the Second Course (night course) with strong emphasis of
the Tenrikyo teachings both in the curriculum and in school
life. The present Tenri High School is also an outcome of
the amalgamated students from the Tenri Middle School and
the Tenri Second Middle School. This Junior High School
served as an Experimental School approved by the Nara Pre-
fecture, Japan, until December, 1951. Presently, there are
496 students attending the school.

In 1925, the present Tenri Primary School was
founded as the Tenri Yotokuin orphanage, but was renamed the
Tenri Primary School in 1928. It has 597 pupils, and again

the importance of the Tenrikyo teachings is instilled into

149

the mind of the pupil through special curriculum and
religious atmosphere in a geographic setting. The Tenri
Kindergarten, founded in 1925 and with an enrollment of
179 children at present, is also serving to educate the
TEnrikyo children with the religious creeds of Tenrikyo
while essaying to develop their mind and body. The idea
of Vertical Mission prevails both in the curriculum,
activities and school life of Tenrikyo educational insti-
tutions.

It may well be that Tenrikyo claim on the under-
lying principle of its pedagogic aim to be consistent and
subsistent. vNevertheless, as the next chapter will show,
political, social cultural factors have invariably affected
its pedagogic thought and practice over the span of decades.
As a result, the emphasis and direction of its pedagogic
philosophy reflect the changing trends of the time to which
Tenrikyo made a necessary accommodation in its pedagogic

effort.

CHAPTER V

MAJOR TRENDS AND EMPHASES OF

TENRI PEDAGOGIC PHILOSOPHY

Despite Tenrikyo's claim that there has been
consistence in the genius of Tenrikyo pedagogic aim, its
emphasis has undergone conspicuous shifts since its earliest
founding of Tenri-kyoko until the present development of
various Tenrikyo institutions.

There appears to be, in this writer's opinion, three
major trends and emphases that seem roughly to coincide with

three periods: the outer—directed emphasis of Shintonization

 

when Tenrikyo doctrines and education were tailored to fit
the political need, from 1900 up until the end of WOrld

War II; the inner-directed emphasis of Tenrinization begirded
with the "Back to Kyp§2.Miki" movement within Tenrikyo since
the end of World War II when the emphasis was laid upon
creedal education that became the pivotal concern up until
the latter part of the 1960's; and the circum-directed

emphasis of universalization with the rising tide of "World-

 

consciousness" incited by historic events when education of
creed became increasingly inclusive of international trend
in its pedagogic emphasis for universal appeal approximately

from the latter part of the 1960's up until the present.

150

151

‘ Shintonization Period

The year of 18721 was when the political system of
the Meiji government essayed to put all religions under
national control by nationalizing Shinto under the absolu-
tistic monarch system. In 1875, however, the attempt to
restore the old ideal of a state based on the integration of
religion and politics proved to be a drastic failure in the
face of vigorous opposition of those caught up in the spirit
of modernization.2

Politically, the foundation of the absolutistic
monarch system was increasingly consolidated with the pro-
mulgation of the "Imperial Constitution of the Great Empire
of Japan" in 1889,3 modeled on the Prussian constitution,
and of the "Imperial Rescript of Education" promulgated in
1890. At the same time, economically the year of 1890 was
when Japanese capitalism, faced with an economic crisis at

home aggravated by the repeated bad harvests throughout

 

1The government Order of Education was promulgated
in Japan that year. By this Order the modern educational
system of Japan (elementary school, middle school and uni-
versity) was introduced. See Outline of Education in Japan,
p. 40.

2See K. Nakanou, op. cit., pp. 24, 34.

 

3The constitution guaranteed religious freedom but
only to the extent that religious liberty should not inter-
fere with the duties of Japanese subjects of "the sacred
and inviolable Emperor." Cf. also A Survey by the Agency
for Cultural Affairs, 9p. cit., p. 26.

 

152

Japan, alarmed the domestic tranquility. Moreover, the
problems of tenancy and the farmer was added to threaten
the security of the Meiji government.1

This turmoil in the domestic affairs had incited a
militant impulse to advance abroad to ease the paradoxical
vexation risen in the semi-feudalistic and semi-capitalistic
society of Japan, and the anxious solution to the baffling
domestic conundrum found its plausible pretext in the Sino-
Japanese War in 1894. Yet the Japanese capitalism with its
sweet taste of national victory continued to expand amid the
conflicting claims of the feudal system and new social force.
By virtue of this victory, Japan assigned itself to the role
of a "military police of the Far East"--a watchdog to check
the rising world imperialism, and Japanese capitalism was
swiftly paving the way for solidifying the Japanese imperial-
ism as a controling mechanism.2

In July 1900, the year when the Tenri-kyoko was
founded, Russia occupied Manchuria and was aiming at the
expansion of Victor's prerogatives. When the conflicting
interest of England and Russia revolving China was gradually
exacerbated, it advanced the cause for the Anglo-Japanese
alliance in January, 1902, that eventually led to the out-

break of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904.

 

1K. Nakanou, op. cit., pp. 40, 45.

 

21bid. ’ p. 142.

153

The victory in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905
secured the Japanese rights and interests of Southern
Manchuria railroad, and it had provided an opportunity to
re-enforce its colonial policy there by the issuance of an
edict to build railroads in Southern Manchuria. Keeping
pace with this colonial policy, mushroom growth of Shinto
shrines was the order of the day.

Spurred by a series of Splendid victories, all the
strata of religious bodies in Japan showed a sign of immense
and intense zeal for the submissive cooperation with the
Meiji government. This attitude was also evidenced both in
a religious and pedagogic effort of Tenrikyo.

No sooner than the Sino-Japanese War broke out in
August, 1894, Tenrikyo showed its devotion and loyalty to
the Meiji government by contributing the exorbitant amount
of 10,000 ygp as war expenditure on August 17, 1894. The
contribution was an alternative to the war labor service
abroad for which Tenrikyo had prepared to send 500 volun-
teers out of more than 3,000 applicants1 but had been

canceled due to an edict.

 

lTenrikyo claims that these contributions during the
war times were made in perfect harmony with the Spirit of
loyalty and devotion to the country in times of a crisis as
ordained in the Rescript of Education. See Kyoiku Chokugoto
Tenrikyo: The Rescri t of Education and Tenrikyo, p. 34.
Also Doyusha (ed.), Jitsen Rynri Koyo: A Compendium of
Practical Ethics (Nara, Japan: DoyuSha, 1909), pp. 25-26;
Hoyusha (ed.),PKyoiku Chokugo Nepgi: An Expatiation of the
Rescript of Education (Nara, Japan: Doyusha, 1914),
pp. 28-29.

 

 

 

154

During the Russo-Japanese War, Tenrikyo Headquarters
instructed its churches to hold a special service once a
day for the weal of the soldiers in the battlefield.1
Tenrikyo collected the scholarship fund for the children of
the dead in action, and it alone managed to purchase the
stupendous amount of the national loan bond of more than
2 million ygp.2

In 1913 Tenrikyo had set up a foothold of the
foreign mission in Manchuria, and by the year of 1925, when
the Tenri Foreign Language School was founded, Tenrikyo had

3 With the 40th

had 27 churches throughout Manchuria.
anniversary of kypgp Miki's death in the offing Tenrikyo
was being flooded with mission zeal for the "Continent
Evangelism."4 The ringing voice of urgency and cogency
echoed in Tenrikyo churches to train foreign missionaries
who have a comprehension of the foreign languages. This
need resulted in the birth of the Tenri Foreign Language
School.

In this political background in which the phenomenon

of "the rush invasion of the gods" occurred mainly in

 

1J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 219.

2See _%oiku Chokugoto Tenrikyo: The Rescript of
Education and enrikyo, p. 34.

3Cf. also on January 13, 1933 Tenri Village was
founded in Manchuria and the number of the families reached
as many as 2,000 by 1940; and Tenrikyo set up two mission
bureaus in Manchuria in 1942. See K. Nakanou, op. cit.,
p. 147.

4Ibid., pp. 142-143.

155

Manchuria and Korea, Tenrikyo pedagogic philosophy was
slavishly bound to the "religionized spirit" of the Rescript

of Education.1

In turn, this Shintonization of philosophy
that infused religion and politics served as a political
tool of the colonial policy of the Meiji government and it
signaled the evanescent spirit of kyppp Miki who had coura-
geously battled for religious independence from the politi-
cal control and supression.

Since the Ordinance of the Ministry of Education
issued on August 3, 18992 had prohibited religious education
as well as religious ceremonies in any school, private as
well as public, the loyalty and devotion to the nation of
Japan that became a passion and obsession for Tenrikyo
reflected itself in moral education as delineated in the
Rescript of Education. Their pedagogic philosophy clearly
mirrored perfect congruenCe between Tenrikyo doctrines.and
the Rescript of Education. In fact, Tenrikyo claimed no
trace of any element of antilogy whatever between them: to
be a good Japanese means to be a good Tenrikyo believer and

. 3
Vice versa.

 

1Cf. Z. Fujimoto, 0p. cit., p. 57.

 

2See M. Oshiba, Four Articles on Ja anese Education
(Kobe, Japan: Maruzen Company, 1963), p. 2'. Because of’
this Ordinance, Tenrikyo established oshuka in the Tenri
Middle School and Tenrikyo doctrines were Eaught in Spare
time. Cf. T. Nakanishi (ed.), Yorozuyo: Through Eternity--
Education of Creed, Vol. 4 (Nara, Japan: Jihosha, 1957),
pp. 15-16.

3

 

J. Oguri, op. cit., p. 214.

156

Tenrikyo insisted with vigor and conviction that
education of national morality was a necessary condition to
make a good Japanese subject, and the unique and pivotal
source of this morality was the Rescript of Education.1
"Tenrikyo Doctrines Rescripted" became the guidelines for
its pedagogic philosophy.

Tenrikyo taught,

. . . the main point of the Rescript of Education
delineates moral precepts which as Japanese peOple
must obey. In other words, the Rescript of Education

is the canon pf national education and at the same
time the canon 9: national morality.2

 

 

Therefore, the provenance of education also was found in the
Rescript of Education, and all other matters of morality in
general were simply the derivatives from this source.
Education and religion, Tenrikyo explained, were
comparable to a pair of wheels, one without the other
results in debility to unify and wholly develop national
morality. In order to achieve the maturity of national
morality, education and religion must go hand in hand.4

As for religion, however, Tenrikyo asserted,

. . . the proper religion is Tenrikyo which is Shinto
completely religionized. It is ethical, national,

 

1Jitsen Rynri Koyo: A Compendium of Practical
Ethics, pp. 6-7.

2K oiku Chokugoto Tenrikyo: The Rescript of Edu-
cation and Tenrikyo, p. 2.

3Jitsen Rynri Koyo: A Compendium of Practical
Ethics, p. 6.

 

4Kyoiku Chokugo Nengi: An Expatiation of the
Rescript of Education, pp. , 30-31.

157

world religion most suited to develop the unity of
national morality with education with educition whose
aim is the Imperial Rescript of Education.

Furthermore, Tenrikyo upheld that the achievement
of unity of national morality was dependent upon the reli-
gion best fitted for the Japanese national character, and
Tenrikyo is perfectly equipped with this condition to
cultivate national morality. In fact, Tenrikyo is the
only religion that can help achieve the perfect fulfillment
of national morality ordained in the Rescript of Education.2

Tenrikyo labored with obvious pain to Show how the
Significance of the Rescript of Education was fused with
Tenrikyo teachings. Tenrikyo maintained it is the religion
which kyppg Miki received from the ancestral gods,3 and
Tenrikyo believers are the faithful subjects who honor the
Imperial ancestors with similar respect to a god, and obey

the law of the nation with the similar Spirit to practice

Tenrikyo teachings.4 Furthermore, it is the national,

 

lIbido ’ pp. 3-40

2Kyoiku Chokugoto Tenrikyo: The Rescript of Educa-
tion and Tenrikyo, p. 5.

3See Boshin Shosho Nengi: An E atiation of the
Imperial Rescript of 1908, pp. 40, 57. is is because,
Tenrikyo maintains, that the unique character of Japan is
that the royal family is the descendents of ancestral gods,
and the royal house is like the brain while the Japanese
people are the four limbs.

4Kyoiku Chokugoto Tenrikyo: The Reggript of Educa-
tion and Tenrikyo, p. 32. Cf. also Jitsen Rynri Koyo:
A Compendium of Practical Ethics, pp. 22-23.

 

 

 

158

ethical religion based on loyalty and devotion which is the
splendid embodiment of Japan and the manifestation of

yamato damashio (Japanese Soul),1 extoling such character

 

as goodness and beauty--"its genuineness being like refined
rice without a speck of rice-bran and its splendor explosive
like a blossom."2

Moreover, the practice of the Rescript of Education
constituted in discharging one's faithful duty of national
morality by purifying the root of egoism--eight kinds of

3 The teaching of eight mental dusts and the

mental dust.
practice of the Rescript of Education formed what Tenrikyo
calls Epiyp kgppi dotoku (combined body-practice morality).4

Tenrikyo felt it was its mission to fulfill the
Spirit of the Rescript of Education, and education could
play a vital role to cultivate the principles of national
morality, the fundamental principles of nationalism and
Japanese imperialism.5

Tenrikyo claimed Tenri-kyoko train Tenrikyo teachers

while the Tenri Middle School is there to grant higher

1Boshin Shosho Nen i: An Ex atiation of the
Imperial Rescript of 1908, pp. 40, 57.

2Kyoiku Chokugoto Tenrikyo: The Rescript of Educa-
tion and Tenrikyo, p. 14.

 

 

 

 

 

3See supra, pp. 85-88.

4ibid., p. 6.

5See Kyoiku Chokugoto Tenrik o: The Rescript of
Education and Tenrikyo, pp. 20, 24, 43.

 

159

ordinary education for the middle-class.1 The teachers of
the Tenri schools, it maintained, bear the responsibility
to lead 50 million people of Japan to become mature men of
noble character by being an examplary model of the whole
world with profound virtues attainable by divine grace of
the ancestral gods,2 and the principal cause for the vic-
tories over two giant nations of China and Russia was
attributed to the "Education Power."3
The Tenri Middle School became the spokesman of
Tenri pedagogic philosophy that specifically emphasized
the principle of practical morality which characterized
"the teaching of Tenrikyo whose genius and aim is to imple-
ment the honorable main point of the Rescript of Education
on which the principle of the Tenri Middle School rests."4
Its philosophy consisted of an effort to Japanize
the pupils to become: (1) good and honest students at
school; (2) virtuous children at home; and (3) good loyal

subjects to the Imperial nation when they become independent

members of the society.5

 

1Ibid., p. 27.

2 . ' . .
Kyoiku Chokugo Nen 1: An Expatiation of the
Rescript of Education, pp. g4, 30-31.

3

 

Ibid., p. l.

4Tenri Chu aku Kygikuno Shu i: The Principles of the
Tenri Middle Schoo? Education, pp. , 29.

5Ibid., p. 1. Cf. Tenrikyo also held, "duty to him-
self and to His family is none other than the duty to his
country. . . ." and the neglect of one's duty to his country
is a retarding factor for national progress. See‘Jitsen
Rynri Koyo: A Compendium of Practical Ethics, pp. 4, 21.

 

160

The demand of obedience and loyalty was equally
made at home and in school. At home,
. . . the students must render absolute obedience,
unreserved and unselfish sacrifice to their parents
as they are the descendents in the lineage of the
divines whose origin are found in thi fundamental
reality of the universe that is god.
Needless to say, the imposition of the same obedience and
loyalty was applied to the students at school as "school
is where the responsibility of home education is shared
and extended, and the teachers are none but the parents

of the students."2

Since "education is to promote virtue through love"3
and "the conscience of a child is formed through educa-
tion,"4 the imposition of the Spirit of the Rescript of
Education was manifest in more negative than positive
moral injunctions and exhortations.

The following are some excerpts of moral guide-
lines urged to be followed by the Tenri Middle School

students:5

1. Under any circumstances, there should be no vindic-
tiveness, resentment, rudeness, idle talk much less

 

1Tenri Chu aku Kyoiku Shugi: The Principles of the
Tenri Middle Schoo? Education, p. 2.

21bido , p. 3.

3Jitsen Rynri Koyo: A Compendium of Practical
Ethics, pp 45 -46.

4Ibid., pp. 52-53.

5For the following see Tenri Chu aku Kyoiku Shugi:
The Principles of the Tenri Mid ""' "' ucation, pp.‘9,
12, 714-16.

 

161

anger and violence and all manners of imprudent
conducts and conversations and rebellion against
the teacher.

2. Do not speak falsehood.

3. Do not utter unprofitable words.

4. Never make a promise against one's conscience.

5. Never be double-faced which is merely degrading and
injurious to one's character.

6. Never be jealous of other's beautiful clothes,
watch, pen, notebooks or money. Man's worth is not
judged by his material, money or property but by
his character and disposition.

7. The weakness in character could be a human failure,
but a failure in academic life is not a failure in
life, and the shame of a bad grade and failing
should be duly compensated by daily diligent study.
On the other hand, as for the teacher, what was

expected of him was the spirit of benevolence and tolerance.
It, however, did not imply overSight of students' offenses
or faults, nor merely pleasing to them, nor easy examina-
tions or grades. Rather it implied the teacher's attitude
of unselfishness that commends his authority and students'
respect whereby the teacher's toughness on examination,
grade or discipline would never be the cause of students'
grudge or resentment.l

_. Most of all, it implied the teacher's regard for

every pupil as his own child or younger brother with the

 

lIbid., pp. 34-35, 40.

162

heart of the parent of which amaterasu-O-mikami and kyoso
Miki were among the perfect examples.1

The importance of abstemious life and self-
cultivating Spirit related to the hygienic concern of the
body as a loan from God the Parent also substantiated the
fundamental idea of character-formation derived from prac-
tical morality. As Tenrikyo clearly states:

The purpose of life is to cultivate one's virtue,
and life is virtue, and the health of the body and the
development of intellectual ability are only means to
that end. In order to fulfill the purpose of the
ultimate millennium Tenrikyo Speaks of, the health of
the body and perfection of sicence and art necessitate
the significance of Tenrikyo. The significance of
Tenrikyo is to cultivate moralists and the Tenri Middle
School endeavers to fulfill the purpose to cultivate
patriotic moralists.2

Two conditions were set for the art of self-

cultivation. The first concerned sacrifical regard for the
superior, the attitude of obedience and humbleness and
self-control in diet and sartorial habit. The second
required good health as the optimal condition to fulfill
one's vocation.3

For that reason, healthy maintenance of various

organic functions of the body depended upon proper dietary

. . . 4
habit, exerCises and recreations:

 

lIbid., pp. 35-37. Cf. also Jitsen Rynri Koyo: A
Compendium of Practical Ethics, pp. 32333.7

2Tenri Chu aku K oikuno Shugi: The Principles of
the TenriMiddIe School Education, p. 24.

3Ibid., p. 18.
4Ibid., pp. 19, 21, 23.

163

Refrain from eating between meals.
Avoid forming a habit of excess.

Temperance on base carnal desire, sexual desire
and passion.

No smoking and no drinking in principle.

Only engage in sports and recreations recommended
by the physical education instructor. In all
Sports and exercises, exercise Tenrikyo spirit.

Furthermore, the following moral and discipline

guidelines were urged to be observed and practiced:1

1.

tations

Prohibit any postcards with woman's pictures,
obscene magazines or any instrument tuned with
popular song; love song and card playing as they
deter students from diligent study. But it is
urged to listen to the classical music as it
enriches one's sentiment of goodness, beauty and
valor.

Reading is recommended on ethics, morality and
religion in addition to Tenrikyo and Shinto in
general; on foreign neWSpapers, magazines and

books to broaden the ken of knowledge. But pro-
hibit literature clearly anti-governmental, rebel-
lious against the national character, shrine system
and family system or inciting radical reform of the
present social system without discussing its merit
and demerit.

Set the study pattern like the seasonal cycle that
repeats itself without a day's rest. Out of 24
hours a day, let 8-9 or 6-7 hours be for sleep;
2-3 or 4-5 hours for exercises and rest; the rest
for study.

Rigorous study just before examination is against
Tenrikyo principle, although revival of learning
usually takes place just before examination.

It appears that those moral injunctions and exhor-

cited above rest their case on the Socratic

 

1See Ibid., pp. 22, 28, 25.

164

paradigmr-virtue is knowledge--which Tenrikyo whole-heartedly
had adopted. Making pedagOgic philosophy a philosophy of
moral living Tenrikyo possibly may have found the reversal
of Socratic dictum quite apropos: while examined life is
worth living, unlived life may not be worth examining.
During this period of Shintonization, Tenrikyo had
geared the philosophy of its institutions towards the fusion
of its doctrines and national morality delineated in the
Rescript of Education. Until the end of World War II, the
consistent emphasis of its philosophy totally adjoined with
political and national spirit of the time--mora1 education

Shiontonized and nationalized.

Tenrinization Period

 

With the end of World War II, the religious freedom
relieved political pressure under which Tenrikyo labored
for a considerable length of time. The Japanese constitu-
tion of 1946 guaranteed religious freedom to all individuals,
groups, or organizations. It also adopted the principle of
separation of religion and the state, taking as its norm
the principle of respect for religious autonomy and govern-
mental neutrality.

This religious freedom awakened the feeling of
spiritual starvation in Japanese society. Tenrikyo that
once united with national Shinto and developed into even

meta-ethnic ideology reemerged in the chaotic age of

165

spiritual vacuum. There was an increasing voice calling for
the substitute of moral education based on the Rescript of
Education. Riding on the wave-crest of this post-war

Zeitgeist, the new found freedom fostered the fetal spirit

 

of "Return to Kyoso Miki" movement called fukugen undo

 

(literally returning to the original movement) in the
social milieu where democratic atmoSphere became prevalent.1
Indeed, it aimed at promoting a pensive renaissance of the
eviscerated Spirit of kyppp Miki in peaceful post-war era
free from political intimidation.

The pivotal value criteria based on loyalty, devo-
tion, ultra-nationalism and chauvinism centered on the
emperor were replaced by those of fukugen ppdp centered on
kyppp Miki and intrinsic meaning of her teachings. As a
result, its pedagogic philosophy now was capped with a new
emphasis on kypgp Miki and original signification of
Tenrikyo, and the various institutions began to place a
particular emphasis on what is termed as shinjo kyoiku
(education of creed). Tenrikyo defines its meaning thus:

The spirit of Tenrikyo education is in accordance

with the ideal of the Foundress, and it intends to
create a true human race who can appreciate the doc-

trine of yokigurashi or the joyous life. It is not
only for the purpose of offering some qualifications,

 

 

1Tenrikyo claims that the fuku en undo is not the
same as restoration. It does not imply a return to the old
times; rather every inch it connotes an effort to define the
source, to search out the origin which is the significance
and vitality of the fukugen undo. See J. Oguri, op. cit.,
pp. 60, 238-239.

166

but it also aims at an education which initiates the
foundation of a happy life. The cultivation of a
spirit for learning with a happy and peaceful mind
in mutual co-operation through the necessary cur-
ricula of various grades from kindergarten to univer-
sity is our consistent ideal of education. we call
this "Education of Creed" in our schools.

At present, the emphasis centers on the education
of manhood a la Tenrikyo through the education of Tenrikyo
creed. According to Tenrikyo, the education of creed is
not for livelihood, nor for fame or success. Every inch
it means to cultivate human beings who are able to live
with the most fundamental significance of human existence,
under whatever adverse circumstances.2

The ambitious thrust of this new emphasis appears
to be an active pedagogic search for the origin of kyoso
Miki's teaching and at the same time a reactive pedagogic
stance against the trend of school education that regarded
education as something to teach skills for future employ-
ment rather than for teaching human character or maturity
of character-formation. Shinjo kyoiku (education of
creed) is said to imply more than mere moral education,
rather it is to be interpreted as moral education plus edu-

cation of manhood firmly based on the Tenrikyo faith.3 It

 

1A Short History of Tenrikyp, p. 211. See also
T. Kubo (ed.), Yorozgyo: Through Eternity--Education of
Creed, Vol. 1 (Nara, Japan: Tean'JihOSha,—1955), pp. 2-5.

2

 

Ibid., p. 15.

3H. Nagao (ed.), Yorozu o: Throu h Eterni:y--Edu-
cation of Creed,Vo1. 3 (Nara, Japan: Tenr1 Jihosha, 1956),
pp. 2-3.

 

167

also is to connote a kind of education carried on under
religious atmOSphere thoroughly exuded with Tenrikyo ideals
and conviction.1
Perhaps the most fundamental groundwork for the

Tenrikyo pedagogic principles had been laid down by kyppp
Miki, and Shozen Nakayam held the paragon of the education
of creed to be kypgp Miki whose educational principles
rested on three methods: Speaking of Tenrikyo teachings,
writing them, and showing the example by doing.2 Kyp§p_
Miki's pedagogic idea may be roughly summarized as follows:3

1. Teaching with the heart of the parent--kindness.

2. Step-by-step method from the lower to the higher.

3. Patient repetition for the slow learner.

4. Kyoso Miki's hinagata (model) to be emulated.

 

5. A firm religious conviction on the part of the
teacher.

Shozen Nakayam gave the following broad outline on
the meaning of education of creed, perhaps with some social

implications in mind, in one of his convocation addresses:

 

lF. Miyashita, "Tenri Shogakkoni Okeru Shinto
Kyoiku: Education of Creed in Tenri Primary School," in
T. Nakanishi (ed.), Yorozu o: Throu h Eternity--Education
of Creed, Vol. 5 (Nara, Japan: Tenr1, JihoSha, 1958), p. 11.

 

2Shozen Nakayama, "Shukyo, Kyoikuto Kyosono Kyoiku
Taido: Religion, Education and Kyoso's Attitude on Educa-
tion," in Michino Tomo: Companion of the Tenri Way, LXXV,

No. 6 (June, 1945), p. 9.

31bid., pp. 10-17.

4H. Nagao (ed.), op. cit., pp. 3-4.

168

l. Ideally speaking, our school should teach the
students the human foundations upon which the
students can build an ideal modus vivendi which
they can truly love and enjoy. The aim of the
education of creed is not simply teaching skills
or getting diplomas but building a good man, ideal
man, through the teaching of kyoso Miki savored
with her spirit.

2. The most important facet of school is teaching
and learning. The teacher must combine his skills
and ability to train the students with love and
affection and with human warmth for the growing
young life.

3. Every student must know his ability and potentials.
Every individual must grasp his innate virtue with-
in himself so that today's learning may shape the
foundation for tomorrow's service—-for the society.

Shinjo kyoiku (education of creed) thus became a new
Tenrikyo academic Spine as well as its life foundation.

‘In this respect, "shinjo is not a mere abstract concept nor
a fragmentary experience of mystery or miracle, but a funda-
mental ideal that forms the basis of life,1 a generative
power of life or unified organic Weltanschauung."2 In the

transmission of, and immersion with, the Tenrikyo doctrines,

the significance of shinjo kyoiku (education of creed)

 

.7,

1The importance of the relationship between educa-
tion and life is emphasized. In fact, school is regarded
as king-size life, and is very much influenced by home life--
home environment and the environment of church life. To that
end, Kimura even proposes an education pp roduce educational
environment (i.e., an education to emphasize the environ-
mental facilities that have educational values). See T.
Kimura, "Gakkoto Shinko: School and Faith," in T. Nakanishi
(ed.), Yorozuyo: Through Eternityr-Education of Creed,
V01. 4 (Nara, Japan: TenriEIhosha, l957), pp. 28-30.

2

 

 

Ibid., pp. 13-14.

169

seems to lie in making it Tenrikyo's student's View of life
as well as his creed of life.

In another sense, shinjo kyoiku (education of
creed) is regarded as a school mission. If Vertical
Mission of Tenrikyo is directed to the Tenrikyo children
at home and in church, shinjo kyoiku (education of creed)
is a mission directed to Tenrikyo children at school and
it aims at fostering their talents so that they can enjoy
life with creedal conviction of God the Parent and can
participate in the realization of yokigurashi.1 Being
related to the Vertical Mission of Tenrikyo, it is claimed
for eternally abiding significance. Thus it is a 5221

education to implant the joy of Tenrikyo faith in the stu-

 

dents through character and soul of those who teach, and
not merely to produce stereo-typed yoboku of Tenrikyo or
. 2
its successors.

This education of creed with a general thrust of
the Tenrikyo doctrine and the importance of religious
atmosphere to supplement Tenrikyo teachings is a prevailing

sine qua non in respective exercise-hall of all Tenri

 

institutions.
In the Tenri University it exacts a more philosophi-

cal claim. It declares that in spite of differences in

 

1Ibid., p. 14.

2T. Kubo, op.'cit., pp. 15-16.

 

170

language, custom, habit and culture, the human race is one
brother and sister who now stand mutually incompatible and
even antagonistic to each other. It is an urgent problem
to deepen and heighten the global understanding through
frequent contact and communications, and the pressing need
to understand and learn the language and culture of other
countries of the world. It is reiterated again and again
that Tenrikyo pedagogic philosophy makes it clear that the
Tenrikyo doctrines are the one and only valid and solid
foundation of the Tenri University.1 While it succeeds
the spirit and tradition of the Tenri Foreign Language
School, it also "intends to offer high culture and superior
health together with synthetic and creative instructions in
logical and practical knowledge of a high grade according
to the ideals and projects ofva new university education."2
Tenrikyo thus claims that through different aca-
demic areas the Tenri University attempts to train useful
yoboku (missionaries), particularly through direct or
indirect research and study of foreign languages. Together
with all three Colleges and eleven departments, the purpose

of universal salvation must be served, and the teacher and

the students must work hand in hand to that end.3 It is

 

1H. Okumura, "Daigaku Shinjo Kyoiku Hongi: Main
Thrust of University Education of Creed," in T. Kubo (ed.),
op. cit., p. 19.

2A Short History of Tenrikyo, p. 229.

3H. Okumura, op. cit., p. 20.

171

not without any particular surprise, that the exclusive
emphasis with excessive zeal for missionary training has
now become inclusive, and equally intensive attention is
given to the paramount importance of Tenrikyo theology
itself. As one staff member of the Tenri University put
it, just as Christians have children and their numbers grow
and it becomes a matter of necessity for Christians to
educate them, so it is with Tenrikyo, because Tenrikyo
children will become the future heirs of Tenrikyo and the
education of their "Tenrinization" also becomes of para-
mount importance.1

In educating them, Tenrikyo holds, it becomes clear
that the sincerity of the heart of God the Parent must be
experienced to convey it to the students, and acquired by

2 Tenrikyo does

way of teaching, learning and research.
forcefully, though somewhat fulsomely, assert that the
totality of education itself is the education of creed.

The faculty-student relationship is to be based on the
ideal of the universal brotherhood and sisterhood and the
university is no other than the arena to train the students

in Tenrikyo thought and life. This philoSOphy is further

to spread the eternal joy of yokigurashi not only

 

1From the interview with Mr. Sato.

2Cf. Ofudesaki, v 33, p. 123; v 62, p. 130,
where kyoso Miki's desires expressed in these passages are

further to be propagated far and wide by way of study and
research.

172

throughout Japan but every university education throughout
the world.

When the principle of education of creed is applied
in high school the concrete form of practical exercises of
worship and environmental factor seems equally stressed as
the process of becoming an ideal Tenrikyo believer. To
enumerate some of its thoughts:1

1. Rain or shine, every high school student is required
to visit and worship the shrine of Tenrikyo Church
Headquarters in Jiba every morning before school.
On festival days of Tenrikyo Church Headquarters,
the whole school is expected to visit and worship.
As worship is a daily life of Tenrikyo believers
and is a thrust of shin’o k oiku (education of
creed),2 let the studenfis exper ence the beatitude
of this worship, 'oie de vivre, and the gratitude
for daily work. It is‘the Beginning and a running
thread of shinjO‘kyoiku (education of creed).

2. As the systematic knowledge of Tenrikyo pistic
tradition is required two hours a week for every
student, the teacher, ideally should be a graduate
of a university and have mission experience because
Tenrikyo doctrines must be taught in relation to
the concrete, empirical experience of life.

3. Peaceful religious surroundings are a must for edu-
cation of creed particularly for the students of
tender and sensitive age. Tenri City provides this
necessary religious surroundings for all institu-

‘ tions.

4. Since school itself is an important environment, it
is the task of education of creed to make the whole

 

1For the following see H. Shiotani, op. cit.,
pp. 15-16; Tenri High School Guide--l973.

2As such practice of worship was prohibited in school
before the end of World War II, it appears that this reli-
gious practice also is an effort to recapitulate and com-
pensate for the spiritual loyalty to k oso Miki in bygone
days trampled down and forcibly transferred to the emperor.

173

gamut of Tenri schools a place to enhance Spiritual
sublimation for the bright and cheerful yokigurashi
based on the Tenrikyo doctrines. Not the expansion
of school facilities alone but the sense of the
communal solidarity between the teacher and the
student in one Tenri faith can bring this to the
fruition.

Similar to the principles of the education of creed
set out for the Tenri High School, the philosophical thought
of education of creed in the Tenri Junior High School is
also tinged with cultural implications, of religion and the
importance of environmental influence. Some of its thoughts
are described as follows:1

1. Religion is closely related to culture, and educa-
tion cannot exist apart from religion. Excellent
quality of life which education seeks can be
attained through religion.2 Neither naturalism
nor humanism can satisfy deep-seated human desires
and longings; education of creed alone can shape
mature personality and character and human person
of rich and mellow sociability.

2. Addition of the subject of Tenrikyo doctrines in
the curriculum is a mere religious education. Edu-
cation of creed is firmly rooted in Tenrikyo doc-
trines and education must be carried out in that
conviction.

3. Education of creed is not a mere transmission of
culture to the younger generation as the children
of God the Parent, but it is to extend them a helping
hand to lead them towards the maturity of a person
after kyoso Miki's love and sincerity.

 

1For the following see S. Hishigawa, "Honkyo
Kyoikuno Rinen: Educational Ideal of This School," in
T. Kubo (ed.), Yorozuyo: Throu h Eternity--Edpcation of
Creed, Vol. 2 (Nara, Japan: Tenri JihbSha, 1956), pp. 6-9.

2Cf. Oyasato Research Department (ed.), op. cit.,
pp. 85-89.

 

174

4. Diligent striving not for the immediate happiness
or gain but for the things eternal through educa-
tion is emphasized. Learning can take place even
by simple song of eternal value.1

5. The teacher constitutes the most important part of
environmental influence. He compensates the
imperfect conditions of environmental factors.

6. The teacher with firm conviction of Tenrikyo faith
is an older brother and older sister of the pupils,
and he is instructing the children of God the

Parent.

In the setting of the Tenri Primary School the
philosophy of the education of creed seems to take much
practical and moral overtones for its guidelines which are
used in every instance of Shinjo (creed), study and life
guidance of the teacher and the pupils. To enumerate some

of its thoughts:2

1. The teacher should be an ardent follower of the
Tenrikyo faith as well as a diligent student of
its doctrines.

2. Implant in the mind of the pupils a sense of grati-
tude for the providence, guidance and protection of
God the Parent in everyday life, and cultivate the
germination of religious sentiment in them.

3. Foster student's Spontaneity, incite their independ-
ent activity and help develOp their ability, indi-
viduality and creative activity.

4. Let the virtue of "early rise," "honesty" and
"diligence" be the motto of life for every pupil.

 

le. Ofudesaki, I 3, p. 3; x 10, p. 249; I 21-23,

 

2For the following see I. Sano, "Shogakkono Kyoiku:
Education of the Primary School," in T. Kubo (ed.),
Yorozgyo: Through Eternity--Edpgation of Creed, Vol. 2
(Nara, Japan: Tenri Jihosha, 1956), pp. 1-3; also F.
Miyashita, dp. cit., pp. 9-11.

175

5. In the area of physical hygiene, teach them to be
grateful for the body, a loan from God the Parent,
to train and protect it, and to promote its har-
monious development in order to preserve healthy
mind and body.

6. Admonish an arrogant pupil with the teachings of
the eight mental dusts.

7. Reprimand a wayward and selfish pupil with the
teachings of mutual help and cooperation.

8. Correct the pupils who are apt to treat the human
body or any property lightly with the teachings of
kashimono-karimono.
Education of creed for the Tenri Kindergarten children
takes the form of vocal and optical aid, and the emphasis
is supplemented by the parental cooperation for which
Tenrikyo holds several Special lectures and conferences
every term of the school.1

Education of creed, a relentless effort to return
to the prototype of Tenrikyo education, holds in its
pedagogic claim that education is in man, and it exists
in Tenrikyo wherein there is perfect education.2 The
teacher serves as one who teaches and edifies and as a
person of intention and ambition to become an examplary

model for the student to emulate. In this sense, the focus

of the education of creed centers much on the question of

 

le. Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual--l974, p. 99.

2M. Torimoto, "Kyoikuyo Motoni Kaere: O, Educa-
tion, Return to the Origin," in T. Nakanishi (ed.),
Yorozuyo: Throu h Eternity--Education of Creed, Vol. 4
(Nara: Japan: Tenri Jiho§ha,‘l957), p. 66.

‘i
5
1
.1

176

human relationship rather than education as a simple system

 

of learning a skill for employment. The soul communication
becomes vitally significant between the teacher and student
as the way of wisdom and understanding between them.1

While the focus of pedagogic concern seems to have.
been placed on the student in the Shintonization period,
the trend seems to have been reversed in the Tenrinization
period--the focus seems to be on the teacher.

Education of creed maygbe termed as a moral educa-
tion a la Tenrikyo. Its religious claim of Tenrikyo as the
finality of religion and its pedagogic claim as'a perfect
education were rejuvenated and revitalized by the historic
turning point in time--the bitter defeat of Japan in World
War II. Tenrikyo was awakened to the need of self-
introspection and of Tenrinization of its institutions, the
outcome of which was clearly seen in the special emphasis
on education of creed. Yet, the epoch-making events in
world history in the latter part of the 1960's into the
1970's further caused the shift of pedagogic emphasis that
called for universalization of Tenrikyo through a pedagogic

effort.

Universalization Period

In the latter part of the 1960's, the trend of the

Tenrikyo pedagogic emphasis seems to have shifted toward

 

lIbid., pp. 64-65.

177

the universalization of-the education of creed. The main
thrust of the education of creed, no doubt, is and perhaps
ever will remain the undercurrent in the streak of Tenrikyo
education. Its pedagogic emphasis, however, once centered
upon the inner-directed repletion seems to have receded
from the focus of Tenrinization of the institutions, and
turned to the broader and more international horizon with

a still more urgent sense of duty and rights to construct
the universal "Tenri Civilization."

The prime factors that have affected its philosophy
appear to be the socio-cultural changes in the global
sphere as well as changes in Japanese society. The epoch-
making event of the Apollo's journey to the moon in 1969
and the subsequent expeditions for the lunar exploration
evoked the consciousness of the global brotherhood.1 With
the successive events of shattering transformation being
underway, the world-consciousness has literally reduced
the world to a Global Village, and there was a growing
sense of becoming actually one in Space through the aboli-
tion of distance by the fantastic speed of modern communica-
tions.

Within Japanese society, along with technological

forces, this "world-consciousness" was also evident. For

 

1See Y. Kishi, Kyorino Gendaiteki Tenkai: Modern
Evolution of Tenrikyo Doctrine (Tenri, Japan: Tenr1 85050,
1971). pp. 124s125.

 

178

example, among the qualifications of the applicants for
large industrial corporations in Japan the requirements
included the following abilities: to speak more than two
languages; to operate a computer; to drive a car, etc.1

Such "world-consciousness"-engendered by future-oriented

ZeitgeisE_spurred the Tenrikyo emphasis on building a

 

future-oriented utopia through a future-oriented education.

On the educational scene, what provided the oppor-
tunity to inSpire the emphasis of universal outlook of
Tenrikyo education of creed appears to be the inauguration
of the "Law of International Education" in October, 1966,
and the decision of the United Nations to set 1970 as the
year of international education based on the United States
proposal.2 International scope of education beyond one
race or one nation was to include the global need to experi-
ence the "world-consciousness," and this trend had a notable
effect on the level of higher education of Tenri institu-
tion.

Anchored on the trend of the "world-consciousness,"
Kishi, one of the most articulate spokesmen of Tenrikyo
pedagogy today, has set for the proposal for the 32531

ichiretsu kyodai kyoiku (Education of Universal Brotherhood),

 

some excerpts of which may be stated as follows:3

 

le. Ibid., pp. 202-204.

2Ibid., p. 142.

3Ibid., pp. 145-147.

179

1. To include in the curriculum: not only Tenrikyo
doctrines but other world religions,1 and the
mastery of foreign languages in primary, junior
and senior high schools and the University to
promote international understanding.

2. Exchange and aid of foreign students: Promote
the present exchange and aid programs for Tenrikyo
foreign students onra larger scale.

3. Solution of modern problems in cooperation with
other religions: positive approach to the solu-
tion of the current problems facing the modern
world, and bear positive responsibility for world
peace and industrial development.

4. Contributions to the world culture: Make contribu-
tions to the world culture in every respect through
constructing Tenri civilization.

5. Positive cooperation with the United Nations:
Promote the proposal of a United Nations University
in Japan, and if possible in Tenri City.

6. Tenrikyo teaching of universal brotherhood compels
to promote positively the anti-war movement.

 

1Presently such courses are offered as Buddhism,
Japanese Religions, Christianity, Hinduism, Chinese Reli-
gions, etc., See Tenri'Daigaku'Bulletinb-l973, p. 6. Cf.
also Oyasato Research Department (ea.7, op. cit., p. 18.

2Cf. Time reports the following: "This month the
United Nation§_C§neral Assembly is virtually certain to
approve a plan that would expand the range of Japanese
largesse to international education. The Japanese govern-
ment wants a United Nations University to be built at the
new academic town of Tsukuba, 45 miles northeast of Tokyo.
First propsoed by U Thant in 1969, U. N. U. would have no
formal classes or degrees but would be a sort of interna-
tional think tank for the study of world problems. In addi-
tion to its main campus, it would have branches round the
globe. . . .
. . . Japan recently won the overwhelming approval of the
General Assembly's Economic Committee by pledging $100
million. It will also pay half the yearly operating
expenses and the entire cost of land and building." "Educa-
tion," Time, December 10, 1973, p. 92.

180

Some of the tangible implementations of the
proposals in line with universal emphasis are found in cur-
riculum additions and exchange programs of faculty and
students. In 1974, five more courses were added aimed at
broadening general education at the Tenri University.1

Exchange programs of faculty and students are also
being carried out between Indiana University and Tenri
University. S. A. Merill of Indiana University is currently
lecturing American Political History in English and Chinese
Political Thought in Chinese at the Tenri University. Fur-
ther, Tenrikyo reports that beginning in 1974 both under-
graduate and graduate student exchange prOgrams have
replaced the programs previously applied only to the gradu-
ate student until 1973.2

In line with this universal trend, the emphasis for
the training of students who understand the languages of the
world is in no way minimized as Tenrikyo claims to be the
world religion.3 Moreover, the students are urged to become
both specialists and generalists, in fact they must become
generalists to become genuine specialists. In this century

called the age of information, it becomes imperative that

one needs a broad knowledge not only in his special field

 

1Tenrikyo Nenkan: Tenrikyo Annual-c1974, p. 94.

2Ibid., p. 95.

3See Y. Kishi, op. cit., p. 208.

 

181

but in all areas of human knowledge.1 Furthermore, Kishi,
from a Tenrikyo frame of mind, considers that study is a

form of hinokishin, and thus it is of a voluntary nature.

 

Study is not for the mere grade, nor for the money, fame,
success or social position, but a: contribution to the

construction of a yokigurashi world.2 Consequently, life's

 

worth is not to be measured by the 3 C's (Cooler, Car,
Color television), nor will be by the life of the 3 V's
(Villa, Visit, Visa) in the future age of pleasure and
leisure soon to come.3

Tenrikyo yet seems to contend for the revival of
education for manhood, not for livelihood, in this tech-
nological age. As man was not, in Renaissance, a slave
of theology so he is not a slave of science today. What
Tenrikyo endeavors to shape is an ideal image of man for
today and tomorrow through education of creed. Man's image

was homo politicus as represented in the ancient city-state,

 

homo theologicus so regarded in relationship to God and

 

Church in the Middle Ages, hpgo_economicus since the
Industrial RevolutiOn, but Tenrikyo's ideal image of man to
which the present pedagogic effort is directed appears to be
pomp moralis plus the extended concept of 22E2.£222£ with

creativity, practicality and productivity.4

 

Ibid., pp. 207, 71.
Ibido ’ pp. 14‘160
Oyasato Research Department (ed.), op. cit., p. 64.

waH

Cf. Y. Kishi, op. cit., p. 178.

 

182

This effort also seems to find a close affinity
with Tenrikyo's realization that this is the age of life-
long education and adult education and since Jiba is the
seat for life-long education, Tenrikyo feels obliged to
take the initiative in developing this area of education.
Some of the pedagogic thoughts in this area are propounded

1

as:

1. Creativity in education to eliminate the traditional
pattern of educational mannerism.

2. To reach the society and the world with universali-
zation of Tenrikyo and Tenrinization of the world.

3. Effort to develop to the fullest extent individuality
and personality.

&

4. Enhance dialogue in the classroom.

5. Study of the Tenrikyo original canons. The import
of the world-oriented research is necessary to
disperse educational mannerism. -

It seems to be Tenrikyo's conviction that the
twenty-first century will be the age of religion, the age
of Japan and the age of Tenrikyo2 in which Tenrikyo would
hope to take both religious and educational hegemony.
Tenrikyo holds that the world cannot provide absolute objec-
tives but only relative and capricious goals, and Tenrikyo
faith alone can give immutable, absolute objectives in life.
Tenrikyo considers it a divine opportunity for Spiritual

pertinacity to witness the amazing growth of Soka Gakkai in

 

lSee Ibid., pp. 149-150, 195-196, 198.

2Ibid., p. 203.

183

this century, and it appears to be Tenrikyo's desire to
take over a leadership in all areas of human endeavor in
the coming century.

As Kishi put it, "future is something to wait,
something to create."1 How Tenrikyo would succeed in the
twenty-first century remains yet to be seen. To be fair
with Tenrikyo, however, it must be said that it is putting
forth a herculean effort to universalize its ideals, and
though in a limited degree, it is making admirable progress
and has come a long way in the pedagogic march towards the

ultimate fulfillment of the Tenrikyo vision.

Summary

During the Shintonization period prior to the end
of World War II, the emphasis of pedagogic philos0phy was
laid on moral education in perfect congruence with the
Rescript of Education issued in 1890. "Tenrikyo Doctrines
Rescripted" became the guideline of pedagogic philosophy
during this period. With the end of World War II, the
"Back To Kyppo Miki" movement engendered a new emphasis on
education of creed which sought the original signification
of Tenrikyo and the teachings of kypgo Miki. During this
period of "Tenrinization" the focus of emphasis was on

moral education and the education of manhood, rather than

 

1Ibid., p. 154.

184

livelihood, a la Tenrikyo. In the latter part of the
1960's, the emphasis of pedagogic philoSOphy was more on

the universal and international dimension. Being incited
by the interest in international education around the world,
and inSpired by the Apollo's journey to the moon, the
"world-consciousness" became the thematic basis for the
international programs and exchange programs abroad. Today,
Tenrikyo carries international exchange programs both on

the graduate and undergraduate level.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND EVALUATION

Tenrikyo is a religion that saw its birth in Japan
on October 26, 1838. Today it is indisputable that Tenrikyo
is a firmly established religion. It claims the loyalty of
as many as three million followers both in and outside
Japan. Next to Soka Gakkai, Tenrikyo as an old New Religion
is considered as the second largest among the New Religions
to date.

There is a scholarly devarication as to the classi-
fication of Tenrikyo as a New Religion. It, however, can
be classified as a New Religion as it shares more similar-
ities than disparities with other New Religions in Japan.
Its foundress, Miki Nakayama, was a woman of charismatic
personality and of the Shamanistic type. She has been suc-

ceeded by the Tenrikyo shinbashira (Main Pillars) in

 

hereditary succession, and the third and present shinbashira
of Tenrikyo, Zenye Nakayama, as the head of Tenrikyo,
directs and controls Tenrikyo today.

The doctrinal system of Tenrikyo appears to be
syncretistic and eclectic of Shinto, Buddhism, and Chris-
tianity. Yet Tenrikyo proclaims a universal message of

happiness, health and joyous living for all, not in the

185

186

world beyond the tomb but in the mundane world of living.
man. The focus of concern on the immediate problems of
this world is of central importance for Tenrikyo. The
organizational structure of Tenrikyo is based on the
vertical network of quasi-familial relations called
oyakono pi (the parent-child relationship) which is
applied not only at the congregational but every adminis-
trative level of Tenrikyo.

The social, political, religious factors have
been directly or indirectly tributary to the rise and
development of Tenrikyo. It arose on the foothold of
praedial mass, as a social and religious movement of pro-
test calling for the world reform against the moral,
spiritual corruption cf the established Buddhisms, and
feudal exploitation of the Tokugawa government. Yonaoshi
(world reform) became the thematic syzygy of Tenrikyo and
its pedagogic platform.

Tenrikyo developed within the framework of Shinto
and has been assigned to the Shinto category for many
years. It was a member of the Kyppg Shinto Rengokai
(Federation of Shinto Denomination) which was organized
after World War II. In token of its universal ideological
orientation, however, Tenrikyo had withdrawn its member-
ship from the Federation of April 30, 1970. At present,
Tenrikyo has its classification changed to that of Other
Religions, and does not maintain any official affiliation

with other religious organizations.

187

The principal sources of the Tenrikyo doctrine are

three canonical writings: the Ofudesaki, the Mikagura-uta,

 

 

and the Osashizu. The Ofudesaki (the Tip of the Divine

 

 

Writing Brush) was written by E1222 Miki (the foundress of
Tenrikyo) between 1869 and 1882. The Mikagura-uta (the
Song of the Sacred Dance), the major part of which was
written between 1866 and 1880, is in the format of

kazoe-uta (counting song). It is the most important text

 

in Tenrikyo worship and thus most popular and practical
device for Tenrikyo's pistic expression. The Osashizu
(Revealed Directions of God, or Divine Instructions), the
greatest part of which was written between 1887 and 1907,
is the most voluminous of the three canonical writings.
It serves philOSOphically as the terminus g’gpo for
Tenrikyo polemics as well as apologetics.

Tenrikyo punctuates a monotheistic belief in
Tenri-o-no-mikoto who is oyagamisama, God the Parent. This

deity is umgreifend, transrational and He is the creator,

 

sustainer and protector of the universe. Tohashirano kami
(Ten Pillar Gods) are none other than the differentiated
manifestations of God the Parent by whom the universe is
maintained and protected. The cosmology of Tenrikyo
accounts for the creation of the universe which is a highly
complicated narrative full of allegorical and mythical
symbols and meanings. It describes the creation of the

seeds of mankind from the loaches and the seat of conception

188

as the womb of Izanamino-mikoto from whom the whole human
race was born. This cosmology also serves as the Tenrikyo
anthropological basis for the universal brotherhood and
sisterhood of mankind.

What constitutes a unique part of Tenrikyo anthro-
pology is the doctrine of‘kashimono-karimono (A Thing Lent,
A Thing Borrowed) in which Tenrikyo claims the human body
to be a loan from God the Parent, while the human mind alone
to be his; and the human body to be returned to God the
Parent at death. The concept of mind, soul, and body in
the fundamental constitutionality of man makes Tenrikyo
anthropology essentially a trichotomic view of man.

The concept of the original sin or evil is alien to
Tenrikyo thought, as human nature is regarded as essentially
good. Thus, hamartiology of Tenrikyo consists of eight
kinds of mental dust: oppii (miserliness), hoshii (covetous-
ness), 21521 (hatred), kawaii (self-love), ppgmi (enmity),

haradachi (anger), yoku (avarice), and koman.(arrogance).

 

In addition, there are numerous dusts but Tenrikyo singles
out two particular dusts of falsehood and flattery. These
mental dusts obstruct the realization of yokigurashi
(jocund living) which is the chief end of man. The dust
can be easily removed, if swept before it accumulates.

The soteriology of Tenrikyo provides a message of
universal salvation for all, and it culminates in the‘

reality of yokigurashi (jocund living). Although the

189

emphasis of Tenrikyo soteriology has undergone some changes
over the period of time, the emphasis appears to be on the
Spiritual dimension at present. Yet to the question of

salvation from what? Tenrikyo appears to suggest that it

 

is from the physical illness and unhappiness in general, as
Tenrikyo believes that physical conditions and mental
attitudes are closely interlinked and the former inevitably

affects the latter. To the question of salvation for what?

 

Tenrikyo claims that the final vision and the ultimate
meaning of salvation is the ideal world of yokigurashi
(jocund living) which is possible in the present world.

The concrete means to achieve this universal salvation is
through various works of tsutome (holy service) and osazuke
(divine grant), and of yoboku (missionaries) by nioigake
(sprinkling of perfume of faith) and hinokishin (sacred
labor).

The word death is not a part of Tenrikyo terminology;

 

the expression denaoshi (departure for rebirth) substitutes
the term death. As a religion of "this-wordly" orientation,
it negates "the other world" beyond the grave; there is no
heaven to gain, no hell to Shun, but what exists for
Tenrikyo is the mundane world of living man. For Tenrikyo,
the phenomenon of death is a temporary separation from God
the Parent and is the result of the divine withdrawal from
the human body, and the cause of death is ascribed to the

accumulation of the mental dust on the human soul. The

190

ultimate purge from the mental dust is believed to result in
the longevity of 115 years, the length of which will become
cyclical through reincarnation from man to man--an eternal

cycle of perfect happiness and perfect health here on earth.

The passion for the foreign mission led Tenrikyo to
the establishment of its churches outside Japan. Not to be
outdone by the extraordinary zeal for the foreign mission,
Tenrikyo has also shown active interest at home in cultural,
social welfare institutions such as orphanages, hospitals,
printing press and educational institutions ranging from
the kindergarten through the university. Perhaps the most
outstanding social welfare institution is the Tenri Yorozu-
Sodansho which Tenrikyo has established, based on the
Tenrikyo doctrine, to extend helping hands to those who
experience mental and physical suffering and anguish. The
institution aims at alleviating the human suffering from
mental and physical disorder, and three departments (wel-
fare, counseling, and medical treatment) of the Yorozu-
sodansho reflect the Tenrikyo's approach to the realiza-

tion of yokigurashi (jocund living) with three interlinked

 

dimensions of care.

Included among the social welfare institutions
are hOSpitals, infirmaries, sanatoria, home for the aged,
etc., that are being operated under the auspecies of

Tenrikyo.

191

The Tenrikyo Central Library is part of the unique
features of Tenrikyo. At present it has 1,123,647 volumes,
including many rare and ancient books, more than two-
thirds of which are Japanese books. Although many of the
volumes are on religion, literature, philology, Oriental
culture, archaeology, the library also has books that
cover a wide range of the social sciences as well as the
natural sciences. The original purpose of this library
was to equip Tenrikyo missionaries for the propagation of
the Tenri faith and the research projects of the Tenri
University. The present facilities of the library are
also open to the general use of the public. The Tenri
Sankokan Museum, begun as a means to promote a concrete
understanding of cultural patterns, customs and habits,
and mores of neighboring countries of Japan such as Korea,
Formosa, China, India, Burma, the Pacific Isles, and also
South America, contains approximately 100,000 exhibitions
and is considered today as one of the most outstanding

museums of archaeology and folk-lore in the East.

In all of the Tenrikyo educational institutions,
the teachings of the Tenrikyo doctrine and its related
religious paraphernalia are taught along with the pre-
scribed curriculum by the Japanese government. In the

Tenri kindergarten, play, music, observation, conversational

192

dialogue, handicrafts and religious observances constitute
the curriculum with special emphasis being laid on Shinjo

(creed), hinokishin (sacred labor), mastery of Mikagura—uta,

 

etc. The Tenri primary school includes in the curriculum
visiting and worshipping the sanctuary every morning,
Tenrikyo doctrine based on "Tenri Reading," otefuri (dance),
class hinokishin (sacred labor), and school hinokishin
(sacred labor).

Tenrikyo has galvanized the Tenri junior high
school curriculum into action by setting up 27 club activ-
ities (12 of them being related to science and art, and
15 to physical education), in addition to a one hour a week
lecture on the Tenrikyo doctrine and a one hour a week
class guidance hinged on a Special Tenrikyo theme. The
arrangement aims at preventing the danger of fossilization
of the Tenrikyo teaching and making them a living reality
in students' lives. Included in the curriculum are Tenrikyo
canons, biography of kyppo, teodori (posture-dancing),

Tenrikyo church order, hinokishin (sacred labor) in and out

 

of School, narimono (musical instrument), kyowa (addressing

 

and instructing of the Tenrikyo doctrine), field trip to the
historic site, the primer of Tenrikyo faith, movement of
the Tenri Way, etc.

The present academic configuration of the Tenri
University consists of three Colleges: of Humanities with

two departments of Religion and Japanese Language and

193

Literature; of Foreign Languages with eight departments of
Korean, Chinese, English and American, German, French,
Russian, Spanish, and Indonesian languages; and of Physical
Education with one department. Of them all, the department
of religion is regarded as the pivotal department in the
Tenri University that studies not only Tenrikyo but other
religions as well. In addition to the subjects related to
Tenrikyo, the curriculum also includes the study of Japanese
religions, world religions, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism,
Missions, sociology of religion, psychology of religion,
etc. The curriculum in Japanese literature includes ancient
and modern literature, history of Japan, phonetic languages,
caliography, etc.

Eight departments of Foreigananguages carry the
curriculum related to the study of language, culture,
history, and the study of political, economic theories of
respective countries. An interesting feature in the depart-
ment of Indonesian language includes social anthropology
and the present status of Hinduism in Indonesia. The cur-
riculum of the College of Physical Education, besides the
courses related to physical education, such as history of
physical education, psychology of physical education,
sociology of physical education, etc., incorporates many
subjects of natural science, such as anatomy, physiology,
hygienics, dietetics, biochemistry, etc. All three Col-
leges require a graduation thesis as a partial requirement

for graduation.

194

The department of culture at the Tenri University
also provides courses for a general education that comprises
three areas: Humanities, Social Science and Natural Science.
Humanities include the science of religion, literature,
philosophy, logic, psychology, ethics, music, aesthetics,
Japanese language, and the science of history; Social
Science--descriptive geography, anthropology, sociology,
law, economics, politics, education; and Natural Science-- f
mathematics, statistics, physics, chemistry, biology, E

geology, and science of living, etc.

As for methodology, at the elementary level, visual
aids are the chief devices used as an aid to education.
The Tenri junior high School conducts a Special mathematics
class to give special attention to the less bright students.
Class guidance is another method used once a week to pro-
mote Tenrikyo understanding and its significance and
relevance for life among the students. In the Tenri high
school, extra-curricular lectures, scholastic tests, and
sham examinations are used to enhance academic ability and
interest of the students. An interesting method developed
in the Tenri University is a student independent research
activity called pipko (round or cycle lecture) that came
out as a result of close faculty-student relationships.

The use of the language laboratory for proficient

195

learning of the foreign languages is a supplemented method
to the teaching of foreign languages. Perhaps the most
practical and useful method used in the area of the foreign
languages is the addition of "foreign" lecturers. All in
all, the most prevalent seems to be the unilateral lecture
method of the instructor--understandably in the long wake
of the Japanese pedagogic tradition.

What constitutes a unique characteristic of the
Tenrikyo educational institutions is the philOSOphy of
education of creed based on the.Tenrikyo doctrine. In
other words, these educational institutions serve the
Vertical Mission of Tenrikyo that connotes the transmission
of Tenrikyo faith from the parents to the children on the
basis of the principle of parent-child relationship. The
two main pillars that support the Tenrikyo educational
institutions are the Tenrikyo doctrinal conviction of the
teacher and its dissemination to the children of Tenrikyo,
and the ordinal indoctrination of Tenrikyo from the kinder-
garten through the university to bring about the world of

yokigurashi (jocund living). The emphasis of education

 

of creed falls on the character formation, affirmation of
moral maturity, cultivation of manhood, rather than mere
transmission of knowledge or acquisition of diplomas, certi-
ficates, or means of livelihood. This education of creed
purports to extend to the fullest the.inborn.quality of

virtue, potential capacity and talent of the student, and

196

it is to attain the ultimate goal for them to lead a life

of yokigurashi (jocund living).and to make this world a

 

place of yokigurashi (jocundliving) for all. In line with
the action oriented stance of Tenrikyo, extra-curricular

activities, e.g., furusato kg (home lecture), are emphasized

 

and the instructors and the students are expected to attend
these activities in which "learning by participating" takes
place. Furthermore, physical education is considered a
highly important part of Tenrikyo pedagogic philosophy.

The importance of sports has a special meaning for Tenrikyo
aS its doctrine teaches the human body as a loan from God
the Parent which must be cultivated with uttermost care and
to the fullest capacity. Many Sports facilities are seen
on the site of the Tenrikyo Church Headquarters to promote
physical fitness of the students. They include the gym-
nasium built in ferro-concrete, two houses for ipgp with
rooms of 200 sheets of tatami (Japanese straw mattress),
and the Swimming pool with grandstands of 7,000 seating
capacity, officially approved for the use of swimming com-
petitions, 50 meters in length with nine lanes and attached
with four diving boards. Judo, rugby, gymnastics, baseball,
and swimming are the more popular sports at all levels of
the Tenrikyo institutions. In fact, Tenrikyo schools have
impressive records for capturing many national and inter-
national awards including.Olympic championships. .Physical

education programs have served as vehicles to promote

197

cultural exchange and international good will and at the
same time to introduce Tenrikyo to others.

Although the Tenri University is an accredited
institution, it receives no governmental subsidy. The Tenri
educational system is supported.and maintained largely by
the Tenri University Corporation which was incorporated
from the Tenrikyo Ichiretsukai Foundation in compliance with
the School Education Law and Private School Law of Japan.
The fund of the Foundation, the source of whiCh comes from
the contributions of the Tenrikyo churches, is presently
estimated at 460 million ypp.. There are tuitions and fees
that in part help defray the school expenditures. For

example, the 1974 Tenri University School Guide lists the

following:
Entrance fee 30,000 yen
School fee 16,000 yen
First semester tuition 30,000 yen
Second semester tuition 20,000 yen
For the Tenri High School:
Entrance fee 30,000 yen
Dues for library, club, etc. 3,000 yen
School fee 13,000 yen,
Tuition for a year 25,000 yen
Text books 2,500 yen

Tenrikyo is basically an action-oriented religion
rather than a religion of intellectualized propositions.
In the process of its creedal formalization, it has suc-

cessfully transferred the danger of dogmatization and

198

intellectualization of religious propositions to a viable
philosophy of daily moral, if jocund, living. As a religion
of action, Tenrikyo has exerted a considerable influence on
the lives of the people of Japan. It has affected the
peOple as a unique ideological as well as a social movement
that appeals to the masses. In fact, the social influence
of Tenrikyo may even surpass in effectiveness of activities
and solidarity of a bureaucratic system, that of established
religions marked with a long tradition of history and dis-
tinct with social impact. Today, Tenrikyo is among the New
Religions that form the main current of a religious stream
in Japan, and it has played a significant role in the process
of Japan's political and economic rationalization.

Yet the broad involvement of Tenrikyo in social
welfare activities and institutes signals a loss of the
primary function of a religion traditionally considered to
be much broader when religion was thought to be the unique
source of betterment of the society and improvement in the
whole realms of human affairs.. The advancement of modern
science, natural, social and-human, tends to disclaim that
a former function of a religion confines it to a much
narrower area of spiritual dimension., Tenrikyo has faced
this ironic dilemma of a modern religion for its survival
in the world of modern science and enlightenment. Despite
its transcendental and meta-eonic.c1aim,.the history of

Tenrikyo and its present status reveal the tragic dilemma

199

of a religion that Bellah so aptly describes with poetic
eloquence:

Every religion seeks to proclaim a truth which
transcends the world, but is enmeshed in the very
world it desires to transcend. Every religion seeks
to remake the world in its own image, but is always
to some extent remade in the image of the world.

This is the tragedy of religion. It seeks to tran-
scend the human but it is human, all too human.

This tragic dilemma, however, may well be at the
same time the forte of Tenrikyo as it purports to the
world of living man here and now. Apart from the question
of heretical or orthodox character of the Tenrikyo doctrine,
Tenrikyo as a part of a culture seems to possess value and
validity for licit survival. It has helped to alleviate
stress and distress of the great mass of the peOple of
Japan, and has provided functionally significant hope and
solace to the restless political, social ethos of Japanese
society. The strength of Tenrikyo may lie in its distinc-
tive social function and action through secular means of
alleviation and amelioration of the human condition. From
the perspective of action orientation, even the Tenrikyo
educational institutions appear to be the combined product

of Tenrikyo creedal conviction and its necessity for social

action and interaction both at home and abroad.

 

1R. N. Bellah,'op;‘cit., p. 196.

 

200

From a personal frame of reference of this writer,

the strengths and weaknesses of the Tenrikyo educational

institutions may be cited as follows:

A. Positive assessment:

1.

Concern for, and interest in, the education for
women as evidenced in co-educational institutions
and systems. Although a woman is expected to be
passive by nature and being mild, and kind-hearted,
Tenrikyo regards woman as "the foundation of the
faith," and as equally important, free and emanci-
pated as man. Tenrikyo holds against the notion
of male supremacy.

Emphasis on the importance of physical education.
Against the tendency of minimizing the physical
development at the expense of intellectual develop-
ment, an equal emphasis, if not over-emphasis, is
placed on the aSpect of physical fitness.
Recognition of the merit of field-trips as an
important educational aid.

"Learning-living by serving-participating." The
value of school learning is supplemented and
enhanced through a practical experience of social
action manifest in ecological concern (cleaning
the train station, streets, etc.).

A projected interest in the international exchange

programs. It has helped the students broaden

201

their cultural vistas and promote international

understanding.

B. Negative assessment:

1.

Extreme bureaucratic centralization of the educa-
tional system. The principle of academic freedom
necessitates the principle of sphere-sovereignty
(or "territorial imperative") of the state, reli-
gion, or education to maintain a separate inde-
pendence. Under the present circumstances,
hierarchically Tenrikyo church is in absolute
control of the Sphere of education.

Undemocratic guidance of the students by indoctrina-
tion. From a democratic frame of reference, the
method of indoctrination seems to run counter to
the principle of democracy.

Emphasis on the education for manhood alone is
nobly idealistic but not sufficiently realistic.
In order to bring an ever closer relationship
between the school and society, it seems desirable
to advance the emphasis on the acquisition of both
professional and general education. The process
of education Should include the preparation for a
profession or even a social position, because it
would be futile to receive an education for which
the society has no fitting niche. If human life

involves action, reaction and interaction with the

202

environment and society, the benefit of education
can be best served not on the fringe of the

society but within the society with Specific pro-
fessions.

Unilateral lecture method with no dialogue in the
classroom. The sole lecture method may be a long
standing trademark of the Japanese pedagogic
tradition. Yet the instruction should strike a
reasonable balance between the lecture and class
discussions, if an atmosphere of creative intelli-
gence and fraternal interaction is to be cultivated
in the classroom situation.~ The methodology of

the Tenrikyo schools, especially at the university
level, is yet to break the—traditional pattern of
monologue-method, and take a step to introduce a
multilogue-method to make a classroom experience
one of effectual and beneficial multi-communication

for both the instructor and the students.

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Report

Agency for Cultural Affairs, Outline of Education in Ja an.
A report prepared by the Sovernment of 3apan. Tokyo,

Japan, 1970.

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