‘ x

L.
.

. . .
5....
I .

m
m
m
M
.
u
w
n
w
a
a.
.
u
M

 

llllllllllUllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll

3 1293 017711

 

LIBRARY
Mlchlgan State
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled
The Effect of National Interest

on Coverage of U.S.-China Relations

presented by

Xigen Li

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. . Mass Media
degree 1n

 

 

We”???

 

Major professor

DateMay 7, 1999

 

MS U i: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771

 

 

 

PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record.
To AVOID FINE return on or before date due.
MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested.

 

DATE DUE

DATE DUE

DATE DUE

 

7835.3” 19 2000 1

 

“‘23 i) 4 M

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1’” COMM

 

THE EFFECT OF NATIONAL INTEREST
ON COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE’S DAILY
1987-1996

By

Xigen Li

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Mass Media Ph.D. Program
College of Communication

1999

ABSTRACT

THE EFFECT OF NATIONAL INTEREST
ON COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF
THE NEW YORK TIMES & PEOPLE ’5 DAILY
1987-1996

By

Xigen Li

This international comparative study tested the factors that influence media
coverage of international news. It applied Shoemaker and Reese’s theories of influence on
news content. The particular focus was how national interest affected coverage of U.S.-
China relations in The New York Times and People ’s Daily over a ten-year period, 1987 to
1996. A total of 225 stories from The New York Times and 230 stories from People ’s
Daily was selected for analysis.

Two groups of hypotheses were tested: the relationship between extramedia
variables and news coverage, and the relationship between media emphasis on national
interest and other aspects of news coverage, e. g., source attitude and fairness and balance.
Six research questions were also investigated.

The notion that the newspaper speaks for the nation was supported. National
interest was found to have some impact on the coverage of U.S.-China relations both in
The New York Times and People '3 Daily between 1987 to 1996. However, neither
extramedia variables nor intramedia variables were strong predictors of the news content in

both newspapers. The notion that more emphasis on trade interest will suppress emphasis

on non-trade interest and reference to non-trade political issues found no support from both
newspapers.

Overall, the four extramedia variables, US. investment growth in China, U.S.-
China trade, US. and Chinese government concerns on trade, and US. and Chinese
government concerns on non-trade issues were weak predictors of news content. The
findings indicate that there was almost no combined effect of the extramedia variables on
newspaper coverage of U.S.—China relations both in The New York Times and People’s
Daily. Comparing to previous studies, U.S.—China trade was found to have a weaker
influence on The New York Times and People ’s Daily’s coverage of U.S.-China relations.
US. presidential concerns on trade had a clear impact on references to trade in The New
York Times, while Chinese government concerns on non-trade political issues had an
evident effect on references to non-trade political issues in People 's Daily.

Intramedia variables such as emphasis on national interest and reference to trade in
the coverage were weak indicators of news content in both newspapers. For The New York
Times, emphasis on national interest was only associated with references to trade, while in
People ’s Daily, emphasis on national interest was only associated with references to non-
trade political issues.

The findings suggest that fairness and balance were basically unaffected by the
extramedia and intramedia variables in both The New York Times and People ’3 Daily.

U.S.-China trade was the most frequently covered single topic in both newspapers.
Government officials were found to be the most frequently cited sources in both
newspapers. While The New York Times tended to be negative and People ’3 Daily tended
to be positive in their coverage, government leaders of both countries tended to be positive

towards U.S.-China relations.

Copyright by
Xigen Li
1999

To my parents, Li Caoyu and Wang Ping
For their love and sacrifice
Throughout the years

 

 

 

rel

SU

Vi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I made up my mind to do a dissertation on the news coverage of U.S.-China
relations in 1995. Throughout the preparation of this dissertation, many researchers and
scholars helped shape the course of my work. Without the guidance, friendship and
support of many people this dissertation would have been more difficult to complete.
There are too many of them to be named here.

I am greatly indebted to Professors Bella Mody, Stephen Lacy, Todd Simon,
Charles Salmon, James Dearing, Fred Fico and Folu Ogundimu, who offered the most
valuable counsel, criticism, and support to my research.

Professor Bella Mody, the Chair of the dissertation guidance committee, always
stood by with support and encouragement. She spent much of her valuable time in helping
me frame the research questions, and revise and sharpen the manuscript.

Professor Steven Lacy provided timely guidance in the research direction and
research method which enabled me to smoothly proceed with the study.

Professor Fred Fico provided detailed instruction in using Fico’s scale to measure
fairness and balance. He guided me through the process of analyzing fairness and balance
of the news coverage.

Professors Charles Salmon, Todd Simon, James Dearing, and Folu Ogundimu
provided broader perspective, theory and suggestions on research direction as well as their
rigorous comment and criticism. They forced me to rethink some of the critical issues of

this study, and led me made intelligent moves to improve this project.

vi

I was fortunate to have two bright bilingual friends, Chen Hao and Luo Yiling who
participated in the tedious task of content analysis. Their patience in listening to my
repeated explanation of the coding protocol, and their carefulness in coding each news story
helped me successfully meet the rigorous requirement of intercoder reliability.

My young friend Fu Xiannong in Beijing spent time helping me to identify the
relevant news content of People 's Daily.

My beloved mother, with her deep understanding and profound love, provided the
most precious support. Without the love and sacrifice of my parents ever since I went to
school as a child, I would not have gone so far as to complete my Ph.D. program.

Finally, without the unflagging efforts of the staff at Document Delivery Service of
the Michigan State University Library, who managed to acquired the People ’5 Daily and
Gazette of State Council of The People Republic of China from the universities around the

US, this project would never have materialized.

vii

 

L15
L15
L15
I.\'

Cl

Cl

C]

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

LIST OF TABLES---“ A - - - X
LIST OF FIGURES XII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS - XIII
INTRODUCTION ...... - ..... - -- - -- - 1
CHAPTER 1 - - - -- - - 4
LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................ 4
Factors that influence news content ............................................................................. 4
Ideological Factor ..................................................................................................... 7
Extramedia Factor .................................................................................................... 8
Organizational Factor........... .................................................................................. 11

Media Routine Factor ............................................................................................. 13

The National Interest-Foreign News Coverage Relationship .................................... 16
National Interest and U.S.-China Relations ............................................................ 17
National Interest and Foreign News Coverage ....................................................... 22
CHAPTER 2 26
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE AND HYPOTHESES ................................................ 26
Research Objective .................................................................................................... 26
Hypotheses ................................................................................................................. 30
HGl. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables ....................... 31

HG2. Relationship between Intramedia Variables ................................................. 32
Research Questions ................................................................................................... 35
CHAPTER 3 - 37
METHOD .................................................................................................................... 37
Definitions .................................................................................................................. 38

The Study Period ....................................................................................................... 42
Sources of Data ......................................................................................................... 43

The Newspapers .................................................................................................... 43
Government Documents ........................................................................................ 46

Data from US. Department of Commerce ............................................................ 47
Sampling Procedures ................................................................................................ 47
Population of newspaper content ........................................................................... 48
Sampling method ................................................................................................... 52
Sample size ............................................................................................................ 52
Coding of Media Content ........................................................................................... 54
Measurement ............................................................................................................. 56
Data Processing and Use of Statistics for Analysis ................................................... 63

viii

 

CHAPTER 4 65

 

 

 

 

 

FINDINGS .................................................................................................................. 65
HO]. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables .......................... 65
HGZ. Relationship between Intramedia Variables .................................................... 82
Research Questions ................................................................................................... 95

CHAPTER 5 - - 114

DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................... 1 14
HO]. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables ........................ 114
HGZ. Relationship between Intramedia Variables .................................................. 123
Research Questions ................................................................................................. 135

CHAPTER 6 144

CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................... 144
Limitation of the Study ............................................................................................. 145
Suggestions for Further Research ........................................................................... 147
Summary .................................................................................................................. 149

APPENDIX A 152
CODING PROTOCOL ............................................................................................... 152
APPENDIX B 161
THE NEW YORK TIMES CODING SHEET ..................................................................... 161
APPENDIX C 163
PEOPLE ’s DAILY CODING SHEET .............................................................................. 163
REFERENCES 166

 

 

 

TABL

TABL

TABI

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL

TABL;

TABL]

TABLI

TABL]

TABLI

TABLE 1.1

LIST OF TABLES

REFERENCES To U .3. AND CHINA NATIONAL INTEREST IN ........................................
THE NEW YORK TIMES’ COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ....... 66

TABLE 1.2 MULTIVARIATE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EXTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND ................

THE NEW YORK TIMES’ COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ....... 67

TABLE 1.3 PARTIAL CORRELATION BETWEEN EXTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND ...........................

TABLE 2.1

THE NEW YORK TIMES’ COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ....... 68

REFERENCES To CHINA AND U .5. NATIONAL INTEREST IN ........................................
PEOPLE ’3 DAILY ’S COVERAGE OF u.s.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987- 1996) ............. 73

TABLE 2.2 MULTIVARIATE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE EXTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND ..........

TABLE 2.3

TABLE 3.1

TABLE 3.2

TABLE 4.1

TABLE 4.2

TABLE 5.1

TABLE 5.2

TABLE 6

TABLE 7

TABLE 8

TABLE 9

PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ’s COVERAGE OF U.s.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ............. 75

PARTIAL CORRELATION BETWEEN THE EXTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND ....................
PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ’s COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ............. 76

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INTRAMEDIA VARIABLES (ISSUEs) IN ........................
THE NEW YORK TIMEs’ COVERAGE OF U.S.—CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ....... 83

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INTRAMEDIA VARIABLES (ISSUES) IN ........................
PEOPLE’S DAILY ’s COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ............. 85

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INTRAMEDIA VARIABLES (ISSUES AND SOURCEs) .......
IN THE NEW YORK TIMEs’ COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987- I996) 87

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INTRAMEDIA VARIABLES (ISSUES AND SOURCEs) .......
IN PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ’S COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS (1987-1996) ......... 89

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EXTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND .........................................
FAIRNEss AND BALANCE IN THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS BY ..............
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE ’3 DAILY ( 1987- 1996) ................................. 91

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INTRAMEDIA VARIABLES AND .........................................
FAIRNESS AND BALANCE IN THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS ..................
BY THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE '5 DAILY ( 1987- l 996) ............................ 94

THE TOPICS OF THE COVERAGE OF U .s.-CHINA RELATIONS BY .................................
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE ’3 DAILY ( 1987- 1996) ................................. 97

COMPARISON OF OFFICIAL SOURCES IN THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA ....................
RELATIONS BY THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE’S DAILY (1987- 1996) .......... 99

COMPARISON OF SOURCE USE IN THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS BY .......
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ( 1987-1996) ............................... 100

SOURCE ATTITUDE TOWARDS U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS PRESENTED ...........................
IN THE COVERAGE OF U .s.-CHINA RELATIONS BY ....................................................
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ( 1987- 1996) ............................... 102

TABLE 10 COMPARISON OF MEANS OF REFERENCES To NATIONAL INTEREST AND ...................
MAJOR INDICATORS OF THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS BY ....................
THE NEW YORK TIMES AND PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ( 1987- 1996) ............................... 107

 

 

HGLRE

FIGI'RE Z

HGYRE:

HGYRE

HGIRE

HGURE

HGYRE

HGKRE

HGERI

HGLRI

HGLR

HGLR

HGI'R

FIGL‘I

FIGURE 1
FIGURE 2.]

FIGURE 2.2
FIGURE 3.1

FIGURE 3.2

FIGURE 4.1

FIGURE 4.2

FIGURE 5.1

FIGURE 5.2

FIGURE 6.1

FIGURE 6.2

FIGURE 7.1

FIGURE 7.2

FIGURE 8.1

LIST OF FIGURES

INFLUENCE OF HIERARCHICAL FACTORS ON MEDIA CONTENT .............................. 6

POPULATION OF NEWS CONTENT OF THE COVERAGE OF ........................................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................... 49

SAMPLE OF NEWS CONTENT OF THE COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS ........ 53

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN U.S. INVESTMENT IN CHINA AND REFERENCES .................
To U .3 TRADE INTEREST IN THE NEW YORK TIME’S COVERAGE ...............................
OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS ............................................................................... 69

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN U.S. PRESIDENT CONCERNS ON TRADE AND .....................
REFERENCES To U .5 TRADE INTEREST IN THE NEW YORK TIME’S ............................
COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .............................................................. 71

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN U.s. INVESTMENT IN CHINA AND REFERENCES ..................
To CHINA TRADE INTEREST IN PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ’s COVERAGE OF ..........................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................... 77

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHINESE GOVERNMENT CONCERNS ON TRADE ................
AND REFERENCES To CHINA TRADE INTEREST IN PEOPLE ’s DAILY ’S ......................
COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .............................................................. 79

US. AND CHINA LEADERS’ ATTITUDE TOWARDS U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS ..............
WHEN USED As SOURCES IN THE NEW YORK TIME’S COVERAGE OF ..........................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................. 103

US. AND CHINA LEADERS’ ATTITUDE TOWARDS U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS ..............
WHEN USED As SOURCES IN PEOPLE’ DAILY’S COVERAGE OF ...................................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................. 105

COMPARISON OF REFERENCES To US. NATIONAL INTEREST AND ...........................
CHINA NATIONAL INTEREST IN THE NEW YORK TIME’S COVERAGE OF ....................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................. 108

COMPARISON OF REFERENCES To US. NATIONAL INTEREST AND ...........................
CHINA NATIONAL INTEREST IN PEOPLE ’5 DAILY ’s COVERAGE OF .........................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................. 110

FAIRNESS AND BALANCE OF COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS BY ..................
THE NEW YORK TIMES .................................................................................... 1 15

FAIRNESS AND BALANCE OF COVERAGE OF U .s.-CHINA RELATIONS BY ..................
PEOPLE ’5 DAILY .......................................................... - .................................. 1 13

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN U.S. INVESTMENT IN CHINA AND REFERENCES ..................
To US. NATIONAL INTEREST IN THE NEW YORK TIME’S COVERAGE OF ..................
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS .................................................................................. 1 19

xii

 

 

NYI
PD..
VAI
REF

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

NYT ...................................................................................................... The New York Times
PD ................................................................................................................... People ’s Daily
VAR ......................................................................................................................... Variable
REF ........................................................................................................................ Reference
NAT’L ...................................................................................................................... National
GOVNMT ......................................................................................................... Government
CONCN .................................................................................................................... Concern
PRES ....................................................................................................................... President
SIG ..................................................................................................................... Significance
NEG ........................................................................................................................ Negative
POS ........................................................................................................................... Positive
ECON .................................................................................................................... Economic
SCI ........................................................................................................................... Scientific
S (Used with Hypotheses in Findings) ............................................... Hypothesis Supported
R (Used with Hypotheses in Findings) .................................................. Hypothesis Rejected
HGx (x refers to a number) ...................................................................... Hypothesis Group
Hx (x refers to a number) .................................................................................... Hypothesis

 

 

influenc.
and Ree:
inuoduc
COVCIiIg-i
not 50 c1
Investig;
though
the cove
Young r
Coverag:
that mail.

SOIII€ p6

respecu.
1987-19
IhIOUgh
lnflu<tno
be the p]
inveqm‘
[Fade p0

lm'estmi

INTRODUCTION

Research on international news examines who controls the news,l what factors
influence news selection,2 and the attributes which affect news content.3 In the Shoemaker
and Reese model of influence on media content, several hierarchical concentric circles are
introduced. Any one of the circle could contribute to variation in news content. In the
coverage of international news, although study shows that media speak for the nation,4 it is
not so clear to what degree that national interest affects news content. Few studies have
investigated the influence of national interest on news content, whether demonstrated
through political and economic environment and events as extramedia variables, or through
the coverage of news events involving national interest as intramedia variables. Lee and
Young related the concept national interest to the news content in their study of the
coverage of the Chinese student movement by US. and Japanese press in 1989, and found
that national interest was a useful predictor of the news content when the coverage involved
some perceived benefit or loss of a country in foreign relations.5

This study compares national media coverage of U.S.-China relations in their
respective elite newspapers of record, The New York Times and People ’s Daily for the
1987-1996 period. It then investigates correlates between national interest demonstrated
through political and economic events and the emphasis in the news coverage. The
influence of national interest (political and economic) on news coverage is hypothesized to
be the primary correlate. The US. national interest during this period is measured by US.
investment in China, U.S.-China trade, and US. presidential concerns on trade and non-
trade political issues. The Chinese national interest during this period is measured by U. S

investment in China, U.S.—China trade, and Chinese government concerns on trade and

 

 

IIOII'

USCI

ext:
IICV

met

II€V

IC SI

int

sta

Sit

ad

h\

It?

non-trade political issues. Shoemaker and Reese model of influence on news content is
used as the theoretical framework.

This dissertation is organized into the following chapters:

Chapter one discusses the theoretical framework of this study. It provides an
extensive literature review of different perspectives about factors that influence international
news coverage, including ideological factor, extramedia factor, organizational factor, and
media routine factor. It also reviews the literature of political science on national interest
and U.S.-China relations, and that of media studies regarding the national interest-foreign
news coverage relationship. The chapter outlines the findings of important previous
research.

Chapter two Specifies the research objectives of this study and introduces two
groups of hypotheses. It then presents six research questions in addition to the hypotheses.

Chapter three discusses the method of the study. It describes sources of data,
introduces the two newspapers under study: The New York Times and People ’s Daily, their
status as elite newspapers in their respective societies, and their different organizational
goals and operating environment. It then explains sampling procedures and the coding
scheme, lists all major variables with their operational definitions, and specifies the
statistics to be used for data analysis.

Chapter four presents the findings of the study.

Chapter five discusses the implications of the findings of the study. The first part
addresses the significance and implications of the test results of the two groups of
hypotheses. The second part discusses the implications of the findings relating to the six

research questions.

 

 

 

find

the ‘.

cod

refc

Chapter six summarizes the findings and implications of this study and relates the
findings to the Shoemaker and Reese model and the literature. This chapter also addresses
the limitation of the study and offers suggestions for further research.

The appendices contain sample coding sheets used in the content analysis, the
coding protocol, and a bibliography of books, articles, documents and other materials

referred to in the research.

 

 

Fae

Shoe
hiera
Work
ideoh
HUCIC
Circle
COIPOI

enVito

CHAPTER 1

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter reviews the literature which provides the theoretical framework for this
study.

This study is framed by two sets of literature:
A. The literature on factors that influence news content in general, and
B. The literature on national interest and U.S.—China relations and how national interest

affects foreign news coverage in particular.

Factors that influence news content

The general theoretical framework for the study draws from the work of
Shoemaker and Reese (1991). They observed that news content is influenced by several
hierarchical factors. These factors range from the micro level (e.g. the individual media
worker, media routine, and media organization) to the macro level (e. g. extramedia and
ideology), graphically illustrated through concentric circles of influences.6 The innermost
micro-level circle represents personal attitudes and orientations of media workers. The next
circle of influence represents the organization level: professionalism; corporate policies; and
corporate ownership. The extramedia circle refers to the political and economic

environment; advertisers. The largest outer circle refers to ideological influences. The

hierarchical circles illustrate that news content is produced by individual media workers but
it is influenced by the nature of the particular news organization and the national economic
and ideological environment. Media routine that the news organization follows to produce
news content reflects the organizational goal, external environment and dominant ideology7
Other relevant literature from Altschull (1984), Dreier (1982), Herman and
Chomsky (1988), Gitlin (1980), Raymond William (1977), Galtung and Ruge (1970),
Ahem (1984), Rosengren and Rikardsson (1974), Dennis Wu (1997), Lacy et a1 (1989),
Chang and Lee (1990), Cassara (1992), Zeidenstein (1984), Parenti (1986), Welch (1972),
Sigal (1973), Berry (1990), Tuchman (1974), Hallin (1989), Hirsh, (1977), and Rachlin

(1988) is presented under the appropriate Shoemaker and Reese level of influence.

Figure 1

Influence Of Hierarchical Factors on Media Content
in Hierarchical Model

Shoemaker and Reese observed that news content is influenced by several
hierarchical factors. The hierarchical circles illustrate that news content is produced by
individual media workers but it is influenced by the nature of the particular news
organization and the national economic and ideological environment. Media routine that
the news organization follows to produce news content reflects the organizational goal,
external environment and dominant ideology.

 

ideological level

 

 

 

 

 

/ \
extramedia level

 

 

 

 

organizational level

 

 

 

 

 

media routine level

 

 

 

 

\J
\___./
\

individual level

 

 

 

Source: Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of Influences
on Mass Media Content, Longman, New York, 1991.

Ideological Factor

Shoemaker and Reese note that because media have relative autonomy, the ruling
powers cannot directly supervise this important cultural apparatus. Thus, ideology serves
as a unifying force situated in the outermost circle in their model. Hegemony refers to the
means by which the ruling order maintains its dominance. Media institutions serve a
hegemonic function by continually producing a cohesive ideology, a set of
commonsensical values and norms, that serves to reproduce and legitimate the social
structure through which the subordinate classes participate in their own domination.
Neither paradigms nor ideologies are imposed directly, but are constituted by the
institutional, occupational, and cultural practices that make up the mass media. Ideology is
not directed behind the scenes by a top television anchor, a publisher, or a board of director.
Rather, ideology happens as a natural outgrowth of the way the system operates, making it
an overarching societal macro level phenomenon.8

Gitlin (1980) defines hegemony as the “systematic engineering of mass consent to
the established order.” Control must be maintained without sacrificing legitimacy, which
ruling power seeks in order to maintain authority. Under hegemony, ideology is regarded
as an essentially conflicted and dynamic process, which must continually absorb and
incorporate disparate values. By not appearing openly coercive, this control is all the more
effective. The media “certify the limits within which all competing definitions of reality
will contend”. They do this largely by accepting the frames imposed on events by officials
and by marginalizing and delegitimating voices that fall outside the dominant elite circles. 9

In Raymond Williams’(l977) words, hegemony does not passively exist as a form of

dominance. It has continually to be renewed, recreated, defended, and modified. '0 Existing
cultural values are structured and interpreted to best serve the interests of the dominant
groups.

Galtung and Ruge (1970) suggest news is an ideological product in both
Communist and free market countries. The ideal-typical news for Western capitalist
societies is elite centered, focuses on powerful people and nations; and is negative, and
personalized. News in the Communist countries is elite centered as well. Communist
media Should differ from Western media in focusing on positive events and on structures
instead of persons."

The ideological perspective specifies the frame that the news media define
themselves. The media serve as means of the ruling power to produce and maintain the
dominant ideology by accepting the frames imposed by the powerful groups. News as an
ideological product, reflects the interest of the powerful in both Western capitalist and

Communist societies.

Extramedia Factor

Extramedia perspective suggests that factors external to the communicator and the
media organization 2e economic and cultural forces, social institutions and audience a:
determine content. A wide variety of influences on media content that Operate outside of the
media organization includes sources of the information, such as special interest groups,

public relations campaigns and even the media organizations themselves; revenue sources,

suel

gOV

'IF

 

 

such as advertisers and audiences; other social institutions, such as business, and

government policies and actions; the economic environment; and technology.‘2

Trade

Analyzing data from the American component of the UNESCO study, Ahem
(1984) found that, among extrinsic variables, GNP, trade, and political relations exerted the
most powerful influence on coverage. Trade was second in importance after GNP,
followed closely by political relations. Together the three variables accounted for 59% of
the variance in foreign coverage.l3

Rosengren and Rikardsson (1974) found a relationship between trade and foreign
news coverage in their study of Mideast news in Swedish press.” Wu (1997) discovered
that trade played a key role in shaping foreign coverage in some countries, but was not a
significant detemrinant in the US.”

However, Lacy, Chang and Lau ‘s (1989) study of American newspaper content
found no relationship between economic factors and the news content, and they argued that
economic factors may not be strong predictors of coverage patterns.‘6

Chang and Lee’s (1990) survey suggested that economic factors—operationalized
as US. trade relations and a country’s level of economic development—were of little
importance in the editors’ news selection decisions.l7

Following Lacy et al’s and Chang and Lee’s study, Cassara’s (1992) study found
that economic connections such as export relationships did not influence the character of

international news content in the newspaper which serves that area.'8 The findings suggest

 

 

that t'

COW?

dtft'e

aspe

Tm

mm

the

trad

.\'o

fac

(16:

int

I16

mt

pr

that there is no relationship between the extramedia variables and international news
coverage patterns.

The influence of trade on news content is found at odds in the above studies. The
difference could be caused largely by the operational definition of dependent variables. One
aspect that most studies missed is the time associated with the independent variable trade.
Trade relations are changing with the bilateral and multilateral relations. A study will shed
more light on the relationship between trade and international news coverage if it integrates
the change of trade relationship across a period of time into the inquiry of the impact of

trade.

Non-trade

Government Views are the extramedia variable closer to media than economic
factors, and are considered a strong factor influencing media content. Zeidenstein (1984)
described the govemment’s influence on the media succinctly: “The White House can
influence - if not completely control - the content, timing, and methods of publicizing the
news”.‘9

Graber (1993) has observed that the bulk of foreign affairs news for American
media actually originates in Washington. She found foreign news tends to emanate
primarily from various beats in the executive branch, especially the White House, the State
Department, and the Pentagon. The president's views tend to dominate whenever situations
are controversial.”

According to Parenti (1986), the government influences the media substantially by

providing information and misinformation designed deliberately to present a specific point

10

of View. Parenti argued that the White House in particular controls the media tightly 2e
with corespondents having access to information from the White House only through
scheduled meetings, briefings, and press conferences. Additionally, Parenti described the
White House as having capacity to discreetly kill media coverage of controversial issues,
deny interviews, withhold information, and give misleading information.2|

In her study of media coverage of Indochina from 1950 to 1956, Welch (1977)
found that the press response mirrored administration perceptions of the struggle. She
found the American media were incapable of perceiving the Indochina case any differently
than did the administration because the media did not have an independent frame of
reference. The problem with this mirroring is that the only information given to the public
by the media represents the position of the government.”

While government was unanimously considered to be a strong factor influencing
news coverage, to what degree that the major decision makers of a govemment such as the
president of the United States can affect news coverage on specific issues in foreign

relations remains a question largely unsolved.

Organizational Factor

Organizational perspective looks at how media ownership and the organizational
goal of the media might affect news content. It features with the political economy view of
media. The factors of influence may include micro level of extramedia variables such as

financing groups and advertisers.

ll

Altschull (1984) has proposed a framework for studying variations within owner
control of the media. He starts with the assumption that media reflect the ideology of those
who finance them, i.e., whoever pay the piper calls the tune. He outlines four patterns of
ownership content relationships: 1) under the “official” pattern, media are controlled by the
state (such as in communist countries) and hence media content reflect their perspectives;
2) in the “commercial” pattern, media reflect the ideology of advertisers and their media-
owning allies, 3) under the “interest” pattern, media content reflects the ideology of the
financing group, such as a political party or religious group, and 4) in the “informal”
pattern, content reflects the goals of individual contributors who want to promote their
views.”

Dreier (1982) examines the interlocks between media boards of directors and
Others, finding that the most prominent elite media companies (publishers of The New
York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post) were the most strongly
interconnected with other power centers (elite universities, Fortune 500 corporations, etc.).
This commanding vantage point within the inner circle of the capitalist structure leads these
media, according to Dreier, to adopt a corporate liberal philosophy. Thus, they may adopt
an adversarial tone on occasion (Pentagon papers, Watergate), but only as a corrective
action, in the best long-term interests of preserving the capitalist system.”

Herman and Chomsky ( 1988) assume that media serve the dominant elite. They
argue that this is just as true when the media are privately owned without formal
censorship, as when they are directly controlled by the state. Their propaganda model,
combining elements of political economy and instrumental influence, includes five news

filters: 1) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and profit orientation of the

12

dominant mass media firms; 2) Advertising as the primary income source of the mass
media; 3) the reliance of the media on information provided by government, business, and
“experts” funded and approved by these primary sources and agents of power; 4) flak as a
means of disciplining the media; and 5) anticommunism as a national religion and control
mechanism.”

It is easy to perceive that the media speak for the group who finances them. Here
the organizational perspective reveals some hidden fact: even though the media are not
financed by the government, they are in many ways controlled by the state. On the national
level, the private newspaper such as The New York Times serves the dominant elite and

preserves the best long-term interest of the capitalist system.

Media Routine Factor

The Study of media routine is linked to an organizational perspective on the mass
media. It looks at the factors of influence on media content from a more micro level. In
recommending that approach, Paul Hirsh ( 1977) says that the mass media may serve
different functions, but they share many organizational similarities that outweigh many of
the differences.”

The term "gatekeeping" has been widely used to describe the process by which
selections are made in media work, especially decision whether or not to admit a particular

news story to pass through the gate of a news medium into the news channels.27

13

 

 

 

reci

pets
get:

thei

w]

dI

Shoemaker and Reese (1991) note, news organizations are not just passive
recipients of a continuous stream of events lapping at the gate. News routines provide a
perspective that often explains what are defined as news in the first place. Before it even
gets to the first gate, newsworkers “see” some things as news and not others. Through
their routines, they actively construct reality.

These gatekeepers, represent their respective professions and organizations. As
such, the occupational setting limits their decisions. The limits are imposed by the media
system within which people work, including the routines and craft norms that are so much
a part of systematic information-gathering. The standardized, recurring patterns of news
content result in large part from these routine practices. These routines ensure that the
media system will respond in predictable way and cannot be easily violated.28

The news stories are judged by the gatekeepers based on agree-on news values,
which provide yardsticks of newsworthiness and constitute an audience—oriented routine.
That is, they predict what an audience will find appealing and important, and in practice,
direct gatekeepers to make consistent story selections.

Galtung and Ruge (1970) have hypothesized that events would become news the
more they fit certain organizational and cultural, or "ideological" criteria. The "ideological"
news factors described by Galtung and Ruge refer mainly to values which are embedded in
Western society -- especially those which stem from an individualist and materialist
philosophy.”

Galtung and Ruge posit that information about foreign countries becomes news

based on how many of 12 criteria media gatekeepers identify in information about those

14

countries. Consonance, negativity, and sociocultural values of the receiving society, or
gatekeepers, are among the major criteria for selecting foreign news.

Rachlin (1988) argues that the meaning of an international event is often created
more by the image and understanding that originate in the host country's cultural and
political ecology than by the event itself.30

Shoemaker and others (1987) studied determinants of international news coverage
in the US. media and concluded that four variables contribute significantly to
distinguishng between events that are covered in US. media and those that are not. They
are the normative deviance of an event, its relevance to the United States, the potential for
social change embedded in the event, and geographical distance.3|

Chang’s survey of American newspaper editors suggested that their primary
concerns centered on coverage of US. interests and involvements abroad and threats to
world peace.32

All media content originated from external suppliers. These suppliers, or sources,
have a major influence on media content. These routines can be viewed as an adaptation by
media to the constraints imposed by their sources.

News content consists of largely statements from official sources.33 By relying on
these official sources, reporters receive most of their information through routine channels.
Official sources prefer to release information through these channels. Doing so allows
them to set the rules and exert greater control over the information. The press release and
press conference allow them to regulate the release of information and do so more

efficiently than speaking to everyone in turn. Berry (1990) supported the notion, asserting

15

that the media are “dependent on governmental sources to provide focus for and
information about world events.”

Tuchman (1974) pointed out as well that the routine of gathering news is parallel to
the release of official news primarily because a majority of news stories relate to pre-
scheduled government events and issues.35

Furthermore, Daniel Hallin argues that professionalization has strengthened the
connection between press and state. Given an objective and disinterested stance on the part
of the journalist, government officials provide authoritative validation of the news
product.36

Media routine perspective suggests that news information enters the media through
gatekeepers, who select the news items according to their perceived news value. To gather
the news, media rely on sources, among them, government officials are one of the major
factors shaping the news content. However, few studies address the issue of source attitude
in the coverage of international relations, and how attitude change on major issues in

international relations affects other aspects of the news content.

The National Interest-Foreign News Coverage Relationship

The framework for the inquiry of how national interest affects the news coverage is
drawn from two parts of literature:
1. The literature of political science on national interest and U.S.—China relations

2. The literature of media Studies regarding national interest and news coverage.

16

National Interest and U.S.-China Relations

The works by Allison (1971), Krasner (1978), Huntington (1997), Tan (1992),
Tow (1991), Gregor (1986), Ben Wildavsky (1996), Zweig (1991), Mower, Jr. (1987)
and Bernstein and Munro (1997) contribute to the understanding of US. and China’s
national interests and how they affect US. and China foreign policy and U.S.-China
relations.

Allison (1971) proposes rational actor model for explaining and predicting a
nation’s foreign policy. This model essentially assumes that a nation is a rational, goal-
seeking, and unitary decisionmaker. It assumes there is some shared goal or national
interest for the decisionmaker to obtain. The rational actor will develop alternatives from
which the most effective means will be selected to maximize the goal.37

The rational actor can be defined here as those key politicians and bureaucrats in the
executive branch, including the president, who, on the whole, are more likely to make a
national View as they respond to the parochial concerns of either social groups or particular
governmental institutions. Krasner (1978) maintains that because high-level
decisionmakers perceive their roles as protecting and promoting national security interest,
they act upon their autonomous set of preferences. 3"

Huntington (1997) asserts that US. national interest is a public good of concern to
all or most Americans; a vital national interest is one which they are willing to expend
blood and treasure to defend. National interests usually combine security and material

concerns, on the one hand, and moral and ethical concerns, on the other.”

17

In summer of 1996, a commission composed of twenty-four American strategic
thinkers and political leaders issued a report titled America ’s National Interests. The
commission concluded that of the large number of supposed American interests in the
world, only five could be deemed vital, that designation given only when commission
members responded yes to the following questions: “Is the preservation of this interest,
value, or condition strictly necessary for the United States to safeguard and enhance the
well-being of Americans in a free and secure nation?” 4°

The commission identified five vital national interests: 1) prevent attacks on the
United States with weapons of mass destruction; 2) prevent the emergence of hostile
hegemons in Europe or Asia; 3) prevent the emergence of hostile powers on US. borders
or in control of the seas; 4) prevent the collapse of the global systems for trade, financial
markets, energy supplies, and the environment; 5) ensure the survival of US. allies."

Bernstein and Munro argued, the primary American objective in Asia is to prevent
China from becoming the hostile hegemon that could interfere with the American pursuit
of its interests in Asia.42

Tan (1992) noted that there were three broadly shared US. China policy objectives
before the Cold War ended. The first objective was to develop strategic cooperation against
Soviet global expansion. The second was to stabilize Asian affairs. The last was to gain
political and economic benefits."3

China’s US. policy objectives can be summarized as follows: first, to counter
Soviet expansion in Asia and the world; second, to obtain US. investment and technology
and to benefit from educational, touristic, and other exchanges; and third, to help resolve

the Taiwan issue and achieve its national reunification goal. ’4

18

Tan observed that the United States would define US. China policies primarily
according to shifting strategic balance of power while maximizing other foreign policy
interests. Policymakers have certain parameters identifying policy objectives. In the
conduct of national foreign policy, national survival and strategic interests, either military or
economic, preempt other policy objectives. ‘5

William T. Tow (1991) noted that the United States and China are pursing relations
with each other along “dualistic” lines: a determination to preserve their state-to-state
relations to the extent that collaboration is possible on issues where mutual security interest
are involved, but Simultaneously resisting important components of each other’s cultural
and ideological identity."‘5

Gregor (1986) noted that national interests of China are not often comparable with
the national and foreign policy interests of the United States, and many of the interests
China shares with the big powers are transient. Consequently, relations between the two
nations should be conducted on the basis of cautious cost accounting. A reasonable
assessment should be made of both potential benefits and anticipated cost. Principles of
strict reciprocity should govern bilateral trade, and the US. national interest should
determine whether technology transfer to China should continue.”

Gregor asserted that the entire issue of China’s exports to US. would continue to
be a source of conflict. China’s foreign trade will be restricted largely to the import of
technology and capital goods. Political considerations and effective demand will severely
limit the importation of commodity goods for the domestic market. Even if U.S.-China
trade should triple by the turn of the century, it would still constitute only approximately 2

percent of total US. foreign trade. ’8

l9

In the early 19805, China increased its purchases in Western Europe by almost 40
percent. One reason for doing so was to force the United States to reconsider the
restrictions that had been imposed on China’s textile imports as part of Washington’s
effort to avoid market disruption and to reduce high unemployment in the textile-producing
regions of the US. China diversified its export markets and utilizes various suppliers;
consequently, Gregor argued, US. trade, technology, investments, and loans—although
convenient and useful—are not essential to China’s ongoing development. US. trade with,
and investment in China will remain marginal. ’9

China’s Most Favorite Nation status has been a topic for debate for several years.
Ben Wildavsky (1996) observed, business organizations with a stake in Chinese trade
made the rounds on Capitol Hill to press their case for extending normal trade relations
with China. Liberal and conservative groups critical of China's record on human rights,
trade and weapons proliferation called for MFN to be revoked outright -- or for stringent
conditions to be attached to its renewal. For its part, the Clinton Administration was trying
to strike a delicate balance. To some veteran trade analysts, the entire MFN exercise is good
for little beyond scoring debating points. 5°

Human rights in China is another issue which has shadowed U.S.-China relations
since the crackdown of pro-democracy movement in China in 1989. However for many
years, Zweig (1991) observed, the strategic imperative protected Sino-American relations.
The positive images of China after 1978 pushed human rights far down the list of issues in
Sino-American relations. Even the Carter administration, which institutionalized human
rights in American foreign policy, never let this issue overshadow the strategic

partnership}l

20

Mower, Jr. (1987) noted that Both Carter and Reagan subordinated human rights to
national security and national interest and demonstrated “a readiness to take advantage of
loopholes in national human rights laws in order to extend aid to countries with poor
human rights records for political and security reasons.”52

Bernstein and Munro (1997) argued that United States must achieve a balance of
often-inconsistent goals, encouragement of human rights and economic interchange being
the most conspicuous. As such, American policy gets pulled from one extreme to other
and appears inconsistent and detached from underlying goals. When China cracks down on
human rights, as it did in 1989, the human rights component of American policy moves to
the fore, and US. forgets that the too-ardent pursuit of that policy will sacrifice other
interest. A few months later, when United States lost a couple of key contracts to Japanese
or European competitors, the economic interests came to the fore, and human rights was
jettisoned as naively idealistic. 5’

Bernstein and Munro contended that American policy on human rights in China is
currently inconsistent, even hypocritical. It consists of making a rhetorical fuss about
China’s violation and threatening reprisals but then failing to take meaningful action. The
reason for this has to do in part with the ebb and flow of the pressure of public opinion on
this question, but the American failure to induce China to change is also a measure of
China’s growing international strength and influence, one of whose consequences is its
ability to ignore demands and threats that come from abroad.“

Bernstein and Munro asserted that US. economic relationship with China is

fundamentally against the national interests of the Unites States. To remedy this, US must

start by taking steps that will reduce the trade deficit with China. The goal should not be

21

 

 

 

COI
(19

{19!

He n
Press

$011;

reducing sales of Chinese goods in the United States but increasing American exports to
China, something that will happen once China drops its various barriers to imported
goods.”

The literature on national interest and U.S.—China relations asserts that both United
States and China pursuit their respective national interest in the bilateral relationship, and
national interest shifts as their strategic partnership changes. U.S.—China trade and human
rights in China remain to be the major source of conflict in U.S.-China relations. While
advocating human rights is the ultimate goal of the United States, American policy on
human rights in China has been inconsistent, and has been altered either by the strategic

imperative and the pulse of economic gain in trade with China.

National Interest and Foreign News Coverage

The framework for the inquiry into how national interest affects foreign news
coverage in particular is informed by the work of Chang (1993), Gans (1979), Graber
(1993), Lee and Yang (1995), Paletz and Entman (1981), Kern et al.(1983), Goodman
(1996), and De Sola Pool (1952).

Chang (1993) explored the role of press in the foreign policy formulation process.
He notes that the press plays for the most part a mediating, not a determining role. The
press reports, rather than creates, decisions and actions of powerful political actors and

groups. For implementation of foreign policy decisions, the press may become part of the

22

central players' action channels through which they could determine the public's point of
entry into the game and the degree of its involvement. ’6

Whether government behaves as a monolith actor or government policy is the
result of the bargaining game of multiple players, the action taken will be based on what
governments or the actors involved perceive to be the best-interest of the state, the national
interest. If the press is one of the actors involved in the foreign policy process, national
interest will be a vital influence in press coverage of foreign news.

While there is an argument about whether media play an active role in foreign
policy process, researchers tend to agree that in international news coverage, media focus
more on the events and issues that represent the national interest,” especially the elite
newspapers that are read by policy makers.

According to Herbert Gans (1979), foreign news in the US. media covers stories
relevant to Americans and American interests. Gans found that international news
concentrates on American activities in a foreign country, foreign activities affecting
Americans and American policy, Communist-bloc country activities, changes in foreign
govemment personnel, and political conflict and protest. He noted that US. coverage of
foreign counties contains more value judgments than would be justifiable in domestic
coverage?8

Paletz and Entman (1981) argued that international reporting tends to be monolithic
and consistent with US foreign policy - not just because the correspondents report from a
vantage point that is slanted on the side of the official American viewpoint or because of
the words and language they employ to describe the situations, but because they rely

almost exclusively on sources sympathetic to representing the American interest.

23

America’s diplomatic aims are honorable: American corporate profits and investments
must be protected when threatened. 5’

Kern et a1. (1983)60 and Goodman (1996)“ found that The New York Times is
among the media that are most independent of government. When the government gave
limited to great attention to specific China policy issues, the press did not follow suit.

It is necessary to distinguish between the press independent from government
concerns and that deviated from what is perceived as an American interest. U.S. press
headlines may deviate from what government focuses on in terms of issues and topics at
certain points in time, especially in the elite newspaper like The New York Times. Lee and
Young maintain that when US. media criticize US. foreign policy, it is mostly at the
implementation level (how well the policy is carried out abroad), rather than at the level of
basic assumptions that maintain US. policy is honorable and its opponents’ policy is
dishonorable."2

If it is true that media tend to focus more on the events and issues that involve
national interest, there must be some perceived national interest which determines what will
be selected and covered as international news. Lee and Yang (1995) used national interest
as a predictor of coverage of the Chinese student movement by the US. and Japanese
press from April to June in 1989. They argued that the vital interest of the United States
was winning ideological victories in the Cold War, whereas Japan’s paramount concern
was economic gain. These distinctive national interests led to different treatments of the
Chinese student movement in the Japanese and US. press coverage.“

De Sola Pool (1952) points out that the elite press speaks for the interests of its

own country, regardless of the nature of the political system. The “prestige paper” is

24

always in some way tied to the government, the degree of intimacy being a function of the
politization of the particular elite. The prestige paper gives an Opportunity for semiofficial
expressions of elite opinion and assures widespread dissemination to the elite of policy-
relevant information and attitudes"4

Although few studies looked at the effect of national interest on the coverage of
international news, the scholars agreed upon that national interest is one of the factors that
guides media in their news coverage, and the vital national interest may distinguish the
media in their coverage of international events, which explains the phenomenon in

international reporting: elite press speaks for the nation.

25

CHAPTER 2

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE AND HYPOTHESES

This Chapter is organized into two parts. First, it discusses the key concepts of the
study, the aspects that this study will explore, and to what degree this study will go beyond
previous studies.

Second, this chapter introduces the hypotheses that the researcher proposes based
on theoretical framework and previous studies. It also raises Six questions regarding the
news coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily, and

emphasis on national interest in the news coverage.

Research Objective

The literature review on factors that influence news content suggests that factors
outside and inside media influence news content in a hierarchical order. The literature on
national interest and U.S.-China relations reveals that the decision-makers act upon
situations in international relations according to their perceived national interest. Despite
that many studies found that government is one of the most powerful factors in influencing
the coverage of international news, few studies have looked at how national interest
perceived by the key players in international relations and represented through political and

economic events affects news coverage.

26

The purpose of this study is to investigate the influence of factors associated with
national interest on the news content. This study uses a content analysis to provide
systematic assessment of the contributing effect of national interest on the coverage of
U.S.—China relations by The New York Times and People’s Daily from 1987 to 1996.
Coverage of U.S.—China relations by the two newspapers is related to measures of national
interest at two levels of influence: extra-media and intra-media.

(a) Extramedia: intensity of U.S.-China relations at a particular point in time measured in
terms of US. investment in China, US. trade with China, US. govemment concerns
on U.S.-China relations raised in US. presidential documents and Chinese government
concerns on U.S.-China relations addressed in Gazette of the State Council of the
People ’S Republic of China.

The extramedia variables are the real life indicators of how much national interest is
involved when US. and China are dealing with the issues which may affect their vital
interest. The amount of US. investment in China and U.S.-China trade reflected the
immediate interest of both sides. US. presidential concerns and Chinese government
concerns on trade and non-trade political issues illustrated the focus on national interest
when US. and China perceived their respective interest based on their national policy. All
these extramedia variables were visible and were likely to be the focus of newspaper
coverage at different times. To what degree that the two newspapers responded to the
Change of these extramedia variables testifies whether these variables are strong
contributing factors to the changes of the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New

York Times and People ’s Daily.

27

(b) Intramedia: Intensity of U.S.-China relations measured in terms of emphasis on
national interest, references to trade and non-trade issues, the news source’s attitude
toward U.S.-China relations, and the Fico scale of fairness and balance in news
coverage.

As emphasis on national interest, trade related issues and non-trade political issues
are the key components of the coverage of U.S.-China relations, how these components are
presented in the news content will have immediate impact on other aspects of the coverage,
such as source attitude towards U.S.—China relations, and fairness and balance of the
coverage. The relationship between the national interest components and other aspects of
the coverage to be revealed by the study will further validate whether national interest is a
good predictor of coverage of international news.

Lee and Yang’s (1995) study explored for the first time the effect of national
interest on news content. This study will take off from where Lee and Yang’s study left
off. First, this study will extend the time span from three months to ten years, from 1987
to 1996. During this ten-year period, the national interest changes as the world situation
and international relations changes. U.S.-China relations encountered various problems at
different point in time. As US. and China’s national interest shifted with the development
of U.S.—China relations, we would expect that coverage of U.S.—China relations would
reflect such a shift. A longitudinal study of ten-years’ coverage of U.S.-China relations
might provide a better explanation on whether and how national interest is a predictor of
news coverage. National interest is categorized into a) trade and b) non-trade (e. g. human
rights) issues. Trade-related economic issues and human rights-related political issues are

two key components of the press coverage of US. China relations.

28

This study goes beyond Lee and Yang’s study in a second way. We propose use
real-time indictors of the national interest in U.S.-China relations, namely, US. investment
in China, U.S.-China trade status, and related concerns raised by the US. president and
Chinese government on U.S.-China trade and non-trade political issues, to test the notion
that news content has been driven by national interest.

The selection of national interest as an indicator of news coverage of U.S.-China
relations serves a second purpose: to test whether the priority national interest in trade
related issues will transcend the interest contained in the dominant ideology as indicated in
Lee and Young’s study. Ideological issues such as advocacy of democracy and human
rights in China could be the focus of US. national interest identified by US. media as in
the coverage of Chinese student movement in 1989. It can also be a factor that interacts
with other concerns of national interest with the changing situation in U.S.-China relations.
US. media are assumed to maintain a clear ideological stand in their coverage of the
political problems in China such as human rights abuse and suppression of Tibetans to
reflect the dominant views of the most powerful in the United States. However, when
economic gain becomes a more focused concern of United States in its relationship with
China, if the ideological concerns on China’s human right would hamper US. to gain
more economic benefit in U.S.-China trade, would the dominant ideology give way to the
current concerns of national interest? The underlying assumption would be: the national
interest embedded in U.S.-China trade could surpass the dominant ideology in directing the
news coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times at the time when trade

interest was dominant.

29

United States and China have competing ideology."" When dealing with non-trade
political issues, The New York Times and People ’3 Daily are likely to hold contending
positions as each will reflect the dominant ideology of the respective society. The concerns
of national interest of United States and China are more likely to differ in both trade related
issues and non-trade political issues. We will expect that The New York Times and
People ’3 Daily reflect different positions in their respective coverage of U.S.-China
relations. However, there might be time when the concerns of national interest of the two
countries were very close, and similar positions on issues at stance could produce similar
effect on news coverage of the two newspapers.

In the case of People ’3 Daily, it could also be true that national interest in U.S.-
China trade could surpass the importance of adhering to the Marxist ideological position as
what has already been observed in the process of China’s economic development in recent
years. It has been a broadly accepted fact that China emphasizes more on economic
development than upholding the Marxist theory and ideology,“ although it still needs the
latter to maintain its legitimacy. As China’s national interest becomes more embedded in
its economic activity, such as U.S.-China trade, it could also downplay the dominant
ideology, and give away its stress of ideological stand to the interest contained in U.S.-
China economic exchange. The press coverage is expected to be an exact exhibition of

such policy flexibility of China’s Communist Party and the government.

30

Hypotheses

By looking at the coverage of U.S.-China relations in the two newspapers, this

study tests the usefulness of national interest as a predictor of international news content,

using both extramedia and intramedia indicators of national interest. Based on the

theoretical framework, two groups of hypotheses are derived. Each group contains several

hypotheses which apply to both newspapers. The hypotheses for each newspaper in the

same group are put together for the purpose of comparison. The following hypotheses

groups corresponding respectively to The New York Times and People’s Daily are tested.

HG]. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables

 

The New York Times

People '5 Daily

 

Independent var

Dependent var

Independent var

Dependent var

 

1) US. investment in
China increases

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

1) US. investment in
China increases

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

 

2a) U.S.- China trade
increases

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

2a) U.S.- China trade
increases

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

 

2b) U.S.— China trade
increases

Reference to trade
increases

2b) U.S.- China trade
increases

Reference to trade
increases

 

3a) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

More emphasis on
national trade interest
in coverage

3a) More U.S.—China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

More emphasis on
national trade interest
in coverage

 

3b) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

Less reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

3b) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

Less reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

 

 

4) More non-trade
political issue in
Presidential Papers

 

More reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

4) More non-trade
political issue in
Presidential Papers

 

 

More reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

 

31

 

Hypothesis group 1 tests the relationship between the real life indicators of US.
and China’s national interests and the emphasis on national interest in the news coverage.
They also explore to what degree respective government concerns on U.S.-China relations
were reflected in the coverage by the two newspapers. The hypotheses are based on the
assumptions: 1) the elite press speaks for the interests of its own country, regardless of the
nature of the political system; 2) U.S.-China trade is considered an important issue in U.S.—
China relations, involving national interest of both countries. The common interest
involved in U.S.-China trade is likely to generate similar patterns in dealing with the issues

relating to trade in the coverage of U.S.-China relations by the two newspapers.

H62. Relationship between Intramedia Variables

 

 

 

 

 

 

A. Issues
The New York Times People ’3 Daily
Independent var Dependent var Independent var Dependent var
5) More emphasis on More reference to 5) More emphasis on More reference to
national interest trade national interest trade
6) More reference to Fewer reference to 6) More reference to Fewer reference to
trade non~trade political trade non-trade political
issue issue
7) More US. trade Fewer reference to 7) More China Trade More reference to non-
interest emphasis non-trade political Interest Emphasis trade political issues
issues

 

 

 

 

 

Hypothesis group 2 (A) examines the relationship between the issues involving

national interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations, including emphasis on national

32

interest, and reference to trade and non-trade political issues. It is expected that emphasis
on national interest is associated with references to trade and non-trade political issues. The

issues relating to trade are entwined with non-trade political issues.

 

 

 

B. Sources
The New York Times People ’5 Daily
Independent var Dependent var Independent var Dependent var
8a) More positive More use of positive 8a) More positive More use of positive
reference to trade sources reference to trade sources

 

 

8b) More reference to More use of negative 8b) More reference to More use of negative
non-trade political sources non-trade political sources
issues issues

 

 

 

 

 

Hypothesis group 2 (B) attempts to address the linkage between source use and the
issues involved in the news coverage. The issues regarding trade could be covered in both
positive and negative directions. It is likely that positive sources will be used when the trade
issues are positively referred. The issues regarding non-trade political issues are more
likely to be treated as negative topics. When non-trade political issues are referred in the

news coverage, it is expected to involve use of more negative sources.

33

C. Fairness and Balance

By Extramedia Variables:

 

The New York Times

People’s Daily

 

Independent var

Dependent var

Independent var

Dependent var

 

 

9a) US. trade deficit
with China increases

9b) More non-trade
political issue in
Presidential Papers

 

Fairness and balance
in coverage decrease

 

9a) China trade
surplus with US.
increases

9b) More non-trade
political issue in
government papers

 

Fairness and balanced
in coverage decrease

 

By Intramedia Variables:

 

10a) More emphasis
on national interest

10b) More reference to
trade

10c) More reference to
non-trade political
issues

 

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

10a) More emphasis
on national interest

10b) More reference to
trade

10c) More reference to
non-trade political
issues

 

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

 

Hypothesis group 2 (C) tests how fairness and balance of news coverage are

affected by the real time indicators of national interest, emphasis on national interest in the

news stories and the issues involved in the coverage. The hypotheses are based on the

assumption that when national interest is the focus of both government agenda and media

emphasis, it is unlikely that a newspaper will maintain its fairness and balance in its news

coverage relating to U.S.-China relations.

34

 

 

Research Questions

In addition to the two groups of hypotheses, this study also tries to answer the
following research questions. These questions inquire about the topics of the coverage, the
way that national leaders and government officials were presented as sources, the source
attitude towards U.S.-China relations, the difference in the treatment of issues involving
national interest, the portrayal of U.S.-China relations, and fairness and balance of the

coverage of U.S.—China relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily.

1. What were the major topics in the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York
Times and People ’s Daily during 1987 to 1996?

2. Who were the dominant sources in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times and People 's Daily during 1987 to 1996?

3. What were the respective attitudes of the US. and Chinese government officials
towards U.S.-China relations when they were cited as sources by The New York Times
and People ’s Daily during 1987 to 1996?

4. Did the two newspapers emphasize national interest and treat the issues involving
national interest differently in their coverage of U.S.—China relations during the ten-year
period?

5. How differently did the two newspapers portray U.S.-China relations in general in their

coverage during the ten-year period?

35

6. To what degree did the two newspapers differ in fairness and balance in their coverage

of U.S.-China relations during the ten-year period?

36

CHAPTER 3

METHOD

This chapter defines the subject of study, discusses the study period and sources of
data, describes sampling procedures and the coding scheme, lists all major variables with

their operational definitions, and outlines the statistics used for data analysis.

This study is conducted through a content analysis. A ten-year period (1987-1996)
coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily is selected
for analysis. The coverage of U.S.-China relations is defined as hard news and feature
stories reporting the current events, institutional and personal experience relating to U.S.-
China relations, such as govemment actions, business activities, and personal adventures,
e.g., stories in The New York Times, “Chinese Trade Practices Raising Concern in US.”
(12/26/90), “Baker’s China Trip Fails to Produce Pledge on Rights” (1 1/ 18/91), “The
U.S.-China Slide: A Relationship Strained by Trade Tension Could Worsen Further over
Taiwan Flap” (5/23/95); Stories in People ’s Daily, “US. Congressmen Continue to
Advocate Tibet Independence” (10/24/87), “US. Human Rights Report Distorts China’s
Reality and Interferes with China’s Internal Affairs”(2/22/90), “J iang Zemin Welcomes

U.S.-China Copyright Agreement” (2/24/95).

37

Definitions

China and Foreign Policy News

China in this study refers to the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China for
simplicity).

Since distinction between foreign news and foreign policy news has raised
construct validity concern in the study of press coverage relating to another country,67 this
study limits itself to foreign policy news. According to Trattemer, foreign policy news is
“distinct from general foreign news” and ‘involves the relationships among nations and
their efforts to make their way in the world and manage the problems this presents.68
Foreign news reflects the perception of the press towards a foreign country without
involvement of its own country, while foreign policy news reflects the perception of press
towards a foreign country in association with discrete governmental actions “intended by
the decision makers to influence the behavior of international actors external to their own
polity”."9 U.S.-China relations is a foreign policy issue for both United States and China;

newspaper content selected for study therefore only includes foreign policy news.

U.S. investment in China
U.S. investment in China refers to the monetary funds in U.S. dollar amount
transferred from the United States to China by the corporations based and registered in the

United States to establish and engage in business in China.

38

U.S.-China Trade Status.
U.S.-China trade status refers to the amount of goods traded between U.S. and

China in U.S. dollar amount. The status of trade balance results in trade surplus or deficit.

U. S. Presidential Concerns on U.S.-China Relations
U.S. presidential concerns on U.S.-China relations refer to what issues regarding

U.S.-China relations were raised by the U.S. president during the ten-year period.

Chinese Government Concerns on U.S.-China Relations
Chinese Government concerns on U.S.-China relations refer to what issues
regarding U.S.-China relations were raised by Chinese government during the ten-year

period.

Conflict-Cooperation Orientation
Conflict-cooperation orientation classifies news coverage of U.S.-China relations
into three categories: conflict between U.S. and China, cooperation between U.S. and

China, and conflict within the U.S. on China-related issues.

Portrayal of U. S.-China Relations
Portrayal of U.S.-China relations refers to positive, neutral and negative tone of
coverage of U.S.-China relations reflected in the news stories by each newspaper. For The

New York Times, portrayal of U.S.-China relations may imply positive or negative role of

39

China; For People ’3 Daily, portrayal of U.S.-China relations may suggest positive or

negative role of the United States. Portrayal is categorized as positive, negative and neutral.

Topics in U. S.-China Relations

Major issues in U.S.-China relations are coded by identifying topics covered. The
topics include 12 mutually exclusive categories. Only the dominant theme identified in the
first five paragraphs is selected as the tOpic of the news story. The category general is used

to classify stories with multiple issues.

References to National Interest

National Interest is defined as the basis upon which a country makes its decision in
international relations to minimize the cost and maximize the benefit. Interest refers to an
expectation of reward. To get a reward is to get more of something we value, or else to
avoid an otherwise imminent loss of some of it.70 Interests can be seen as applications of
values in context: values applied in the light of situations as they appear to people involved
in them. As used by the policy-makers, the phrase “national interest” implied a choice
among values standing behind these interests." Reference to National Interest in the '
context of news coverage of U.S.-China relations refers to the verbal denotations of a
concern or a stand regarding a nation’s benefit or loss in its relationship with the other
country. Reference to National Interest is categorized into Trade interest and Non-Trade

interest.

40

Reference to Trade
Reference to Trade relates to verbal denotations of issues regarding U.S.-China

trade. These references to trade are divided into positive and negative categories.

Reference to Non-Trade Political Issues

Non-Trade Political Issues are a major part in U.S.-China relations. This variable
refers to verbal denotations of political issues occuning in areas other than trade and
business with both U.S. and China involved, such as human rights, Tibet and Taiwan
issues. These references to non-trade political issues are divided into positive and negative

categories.

Source of Stories

The identification of the source(s) of coverage of U.S.-China relations answers the
question, who are the most active in the process of shaping U.S.-China relations as
presented by news coverage as sources during the ten-year period, and what is their
respective attitude towards U.S.-China relations? Eleven categories of source were
identified through an earlier study of The New York Times72 and the examination of the

headlines of the stories under study.

Source’s Attitude towards U. S.-China Relations
Source’s attitude towards U.S.-China relations identifies the tone of individual,
organization or documentation used as a source. The attitude is categorized into positive,

negative, and neutral.

41

Fairness and Balance

Following Fred Fico’s instrument (1995),73 fairness and balance are designed as an
integrated variable measuring how the particular news medium maintains its impartiality
when it covers news events involving two conflicting parties. It measures Pro and Con

sources and assertions of both sides of a controversial issue.

The Study Period

The study period covers ten-years, from 1987 to 1996. The period is selected for
the following reasons: U.S. and China went through both a relatively stable relationship
and turbulent relationship in this period. On the U.S. Side, 1) It covers three U.S.
presidencies, whose concerns relating to U.S.-China relations varied; 2) Some major issues
concerning U.S.-China relations arose during this period, such as Human Rights in China
and annual renewal of Most Favorite Nation status. On the China’s side, 1) Transition of
government leaders led to the changes in China’s U.S. policy; 2) The major events such as
Tiananmen Incident and Taiwanese President’s visit to U.S. drastically affected U.S.-China
relations. The ten-year period also saw a steady increase in U.S. investment in China,
U.S.-China trade and the trade deficit on the U.S. Side. These are major influencing factors

on U.S.-China relations.

42

Sources of Data

The Newspapers

The New York Times is chosen because of its extensive coverage of foreign policy
news, and its prominence and influence on decision making." It is Widely read by policy
makers, journalists, and diplomatic community in and out of Washington.” The content of
The New York Times during 1987 to 1996 is retrievable through Lexis-Nexis database.

People’s Daily is chosen for its eminent status in China and its role as a
spokesperson for China’s foreign policies.” People’s Daily during 1987 to 1996 is
obtained from Inter library loan through Michigan State Library. Part of the content is also

available through the World Wide Web database of People’ Daily.

Newspapers of Elite Communication

Edelstein (1982) noted that there is a world system of elite communication as
expressed by an “elite” or “prestige” press that Speaks for these nations and to elites in
other nations. These communication systems have the same properties as other social
systems; there is input and output to the system, boundaries are defined, and system
maintenance and growth occur."

The New York Times and People ’3 Daily are outstanding members of the world
system of elite communication. While they have strikingly different goals and operating

environment, The New York Times and People ’s Daily are considered the newspapers of

43

record of their respective counties. Both newspapers have national influence and carry a
relatively large portion of international news. They are both widely read by leaders and
influentials in their own countries and elsewhere. Both are widely quoted and their
viewpoints enter into important decisions.

The New York Times is generally regarded as the most respected U.S. news
medium. It has acquired prestige by the excellence of its news coverage.78 When the Times
indicates that an issue is newsworthy, other U.S. news organizations take note. The New
York Times news service conveys the next day’s front-page stories to thousands of other
newspapers, broadcasting stations, and other media institutions late each day, thus
influencing the next moming’s headlines and news priorities. 79

People ’s Daily is an official paper published by the Central Committee of the
Chinese Communist Party. Among the various media channels, People ’s Daily is often
regarded as the most important.” Although other mass media in China may take slightly
different viewpoints on some domestic issues, on important matters, and almost always on
foreign affairs, they generally turn to the People ’s Daily for guidance and direction. It can
be said that People ’s Daily by itself sets the agenda and reporting style for the rest of the
mass media in China.8| In China, what is perceived to be the national interest by the
Communist Party of China and Chinese government is expected to be taken as the guiding

perspective by People ’3 Daily.

44

Organizational Goal

In spite of their similar status in their own societies, The New York Times and
People ’3 Daily are structurally and functionally different. Their role and goals in their
respective societies are Opposed, although both of them serve as sources of information for
policy makers and the public.

The New York Times is a private, independent newspaper. Since its publication in
1851, it claims it carries “all the news that’s fit to print.”

People ’s Daily, established with the Communist regime in 1948, is the mouthpiece
of the Chinese Communist Party. Its official duty is to propagate the Party’s political line,

policies, and tasks among the one billion Chinese.82

Operating Environment

The New York Times operates in a society of electoral democracy. The press ideal
in the U.S. is that of adversary and watchdog of the government. The news media are the
major source of news and information, a major forum for national debate, and an
important link between the public and policy makers at the national and international level.
With the guarantee and protection of the First Amendment, the news media have the right
to report nearly on anything.” However, objective, truthful and comprehensive coverage
of news is constrained by market forces.“

People ’s Daily operates in a Communist society, albeit a changing one. In China,
the press is a branch of the government charged with the role of “collective propagandist,
collective agitator, collective organizer” as stipulated by Lenin.85 Objective, truthful, and

comprehensive coverage of news is difficult to achieve because the journalistic profession

45

is the extension - communication function of government. A joumalist’s efforts to write
accurate and independent accounts of events would come into direct conflict with the
govemment leadership.86

Although different in organizational goal and operating environment, both
newspapers are the newspapers within their societies - hence their selection. We
hypothesize that 1) both newspapers reflects their own national interests in the stance they
talk on U.S.-China relations; 2) the coverage of U.S.-China relations in each newspaper has
its own ways of expressing its national stance, due to differences in the media system, and

the extramedia social, political and economic systems.

Government Documents

Presidential documents on U.S.-China relations during the ten-year period are used
to measure U.S. government concerns on U.S.-China relations. The U.S. president is the
ultimate decision maker in foreign policy. Whatever the president says and does, whether
formal or informal, can have far-reaching implications in international relations.”

The presidential documents include all the nonduplicate items listed in the Public
Papers of the Presidents of the United States and the Weekly Compilation Of Presidential
Documents. These two sources cover all contemporary documents on U.S.-China
relations released by the White House, including announcements, public speeches,
agreements, news conferences, messages to the Congress, and other materials. They are

available for analysis in Michigan State University Library.

46

For Chinese government concerns on U.S.-China relations, Chinese government
documents on U.S.-China relations during the ten-year period are used. The government
documents reflect the views of the Chinese government precisely, and are the written
records of all government decisions regarding domestic and international issues.

The Chinese government documents selected include all the nonduplicate items
listed in the Gazette of The State Council of The People ’3 Republic of China. This source
covers all contemporary documents on domestic and international issues released by the
State Council of China, including issues regarding U.S.-China relations. This source is

obtained through inter-library loan by Michigan State University.

Data from U.S. Department of Commerce

The data regarding U.S. investment in China and U.S.—China trade during 1987-
1996 ten-year period are obtained from Survey of Current Business published by the U.S.
Bureau of Economic Analysis. The periodical carries the data on U.S. direct investment
positions abroad and U.S. export, import and merchandise trade balance by country. The
periodicals published from 1986 to 1997 are used to collect the data. They are available in

Michigan State University library.

47

Sampling Procedures

Population of newspaper content

To get a complete list of news stories on U.S.-China relations by The New York
Times and People ’s Daily during 1987 to 1996, several sources were used to complement
each other. For The New York Time, Lexis-Nexis database and The New York Times Index
were used. For People ’s Daily, People ’3 Daily Index, People ’s Daily database on the

World Wide Web, and People ’s Daily on microfilm were consulted.

The New York Times

1) The New York Times Index. All news items classified under the category "United
States International Relations - China" In The New York Times Index, beginning
January 1, 1987, ending December 31, 1996 are included. There are 649 days that The
New York Times carried news items on this topic. Using the news digest under the
category “China”, the days that carried the stories on U.S.-China relations were
checked for number of related stories. After carefully examining the news digest of
each story, excluding editorials and opinion pieces, 427 stories were identified with a
clear theme of U.S.-China relations.

2) Lexis-Nexis database Search. Using “U.S. within 5 words China” and “U.S.—China”
as the key words, 837 stories, including editorials, were found during the ten-year

period. The headline of each story was carefully examined according to the criteria, and

48

the Stories without a clear theme on U.S.—China relations and the editorials were

excluded. A total of 302 stories was identified.

3) Combining the two lists of stories, and eliminating those that appeared on both lists, we

were left with 512 stories. These articles comprise the population of The New York

Times’ coverage of U.S.-China relations for this study.

People ’s Daily

1) People ’s Daily Index. All news items classified under the category "China — United

2)

3)

States" In The People ’s Daily Index, beginning January 1, 1987, ending December 31,
1996 are included. About 900 items were identified from People’s Daily under the
category “China-United States” during the ten—year period. These items were double
checked with People ’s Daily on the Microfilm and People’s Daily Database on the
Web.

People ’s Daily Database Search. The database of People ’s Daily on the World Wide
Web does not contain the news content of the entire ten-year period. The searchable
database covers the period from 1995 to 1996. Using the Key word “Sim-U.S.
relations”, a total of 192 stories were found in this two-year period. After examination
of the headlines of all stories for 1995 and 1996, 115 stories were identified.

People ’s Daily on the microfilm. The search result from People ’s Daily Index and
database on the Web were double checked against People ’s Daily on the microfilm to
determine whether the news items matched the study purpose. Those stories which
met the criteria of the study were reproduced from People ’s Daily on the microfilm

and database of People’s Daily on the Web. News items which appeared in People ’s

49

Daily from 1987 to 1994 were copied from People’s Daily on the microfilm. Those
items which appeared from 1995 to 1996 were printed from the database of People ’3
Daily on the Web. A complete list of the coverage of U.S.-China relations by People ’5
Daily consists of 528 news stories. This comprises the population of People ’3 Daily

for this study.

50

Figure 2.1

Population of News Content of the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations
by The New York Times and People’s Daily (1987—1996)
(NYT, N =512; PD, N =528)

 

 

904- lPeoMeE paw

80--
70--
60--
50--
40--
30--
20--
10-

 

 

 

 

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

51

 

Sampling method

Forty percent of articles were selected for analysis annually from the sampling
frame, using systematic stratified sampling procedures. To offset the imbalance that the
days with news on the topic differ across the years, the years with fewer than minimum

stories were over sampled.

Sample size

By sampling forty percent of the population, two years of The New York Times
were left with less than ten Stories. It was then decided that a minimum of ten stories each
year was needed to examine the yearly content. With the adjustment to include at least ten
stories for each year, 225 stories were picked from The New York Times, and 230 stories

were chosen from People ’3 Daily for content analysis.

52

Figure 2.2

Sample of News Content of the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations
by The New York Times and People ’s Daily (1987-1 996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

 

 

40-
nNew York Times
35 ‘ I People's Daily
30-
25~

20‘

 

 

 

 

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

53

 

Coding of Media Content

The coding of news content was conducted according to the prescribed procedures
by Daniel Riffe et al. (1998), 88 including coder training and reliability checks before coding
starts. To achieve consistent understanding of the news content and the issues involved in
the news coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and People’s Daily,
three bilingual Chinese coders with interest in U.S.-China relations participated in the
coding. The coders were divided into two groups. One group of two coders with highly
proficient command of English coded items from The New York Times. The other group
with all three coders coded items from People’s Daily.

Before the coder training started, the researcher explained to the participating coders
the research purpose of the project, spelled out the key issues in U.S.-China relations and
clarified the key concepts and variables that were of interest to the project. The researcher
then worked together with the participating coders on sample articles for identifying key
variables that require coder judgement until satisfactory intercoder reliability was reached.

Among the 36 variables coded, 8 key variables needed relatively high level of coder
judgment, they are reference to national interest (trade), reference to national interest
(other), reference to trade, reference to non-trade issues, pro assertion length, con assertion
length, lead assertion balance, and assertion in paragraph 2-5. Most of the other variables
require little coder judgment.

For the first four variables, the coders first identified related key words, for

example, “U.S. interest” and “China’s sovereignty” are key words for reference to national

54

interest (other) unless the interest is specified as relating to trade. Then the coder located the
unit of reference by grouping the related words around the key words or identifying the
sentence which expressed the concern on national interest. Finally, the coder recorded the
unit of reference.

For the four variables measuring fairness and balance, the coder first looked for
sentences clearly expressing the opinion or stand of one side in the first five paragraphs of
a news story according to the protocol. For example, if the lead contains two statements
that represent the views of each side, the assertion for the paragraph will be coded as O. The
coder looked for such one-sided sentences throughout the story. After successfully
identifying the sentences that expressed the explicit views of one side for each paragraph in
a story, the paragraph was marked with a Pro or Con assertion. The value for the variables
assertion for paragraph 2-5, pro assertion length, and con assertion length were calculated,
and the result was recorded accordingly.

Scott's Pi was used to test the intercoder reliability for nominal variables; Pearson's
correlation coefficient was used to test the intercoder reliability for ratio variables. An
intercoder reliability test result greater than .75 was deemed satisfactory. For a 95 percent
level of probability and an assumed 90 percent agreement between the coders, 90 stories
were selected for intercoder reliability testing.89 To efficiently use the 90 stories for a
reliability test, the intercoder reliability test was carried out in two stages, which offered the
chances to improve the intercoder reliability as the tests proceeded. In the first test, 22
stories (10 percent of the sample units) were randomly selected, and a total average of .82
intercoder reliability was achieved, with reliability of nominal variables ranging from .72 to

1.0, and that of ratio variables ranging from .79 to .99. In the second stage, 68 stories (30

55

percent of the sample units) were randomly selected, and a total average of .86 was
achieved, with reliability of nominal variables ranging from .76 to 1.0, and that of ratio
variables ranging from .76 to .98.90 Each coder in the two groups was assigned
respectively a portion of The New York Times and People ’s Daily items of the remaining

news stories after satisfactory intercoder reliability was established.

Measurement

1. Time. Time refers to the period (1987-1996) that news coverage of U.S.-China
relations by The New York Times and People ’3 Daily was selected for study. Time
serves as a benchmark to examine the changes in the relationship between and among
the variables under study over the ten-year period.

2. U. S. investment in China. The data drawn from Survey of Current Business published
by U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis were used to measure the U.S. investment in
China during 1987 to 1996.

3. U.S.-China Trade Status. The data drawn from Survey of Current Business published
by U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis were used to measure the U.S.-China trade
Status.

4. U.S. Presidential Concems on U.S.-China Relations. These issues are identified by
looking up the Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States and the Weekly
Compilation of Presidential Documents. These two sources cover all contemporary

documents on U.S.-China relations released by the White House, including

56

announcements, public speeches, agreements, news conferences, messages to the
Congress, and other materials. U.S. Presidential concerns on U.S.-China relations
were measured according to how many times that issues were raised in the presidential
documents based on several identical categories used for coding news content. The
topics used to code news stories of U.S.-China relations were also used to categorized
the topics of presidential concerns on U.S.-China relations. The unit of analysis is
document. A document dealing with one issue was counted as 1 unit under the
relevant topic; A document dealing with clearly identifiable multiple issues was
assigned 1 unit for each issue. A document dealing with U.S.-China relations in
general was classified in the category general.

Chinese Government Concerns on U.S.-China Relations. This variable was measured
by frequency of issues mentioned in Gazette of The State Council of The People ’s
Republic of China. This source covers all contemporary documents on domestic and
international issues, including issues regarding U.S.—China relations. Chinese
government concerns on U.S.-China relations were measured according to how many
times these issues were raised in government documents. This practice follows Lau’s
study of China’s press role.”1 The topics used to code news stories of U.S.-China
relations were also used to categorize topics of government concerns on U.S.-China
relations. The unit of analysis is document. A document dealing with one issue was
counted as 1 unit under the relevant topic; a document dealing with multiple issues was
assigned 1 unit for each issue. A document dealing with U.S.-China relations in general

was classified in the category general.

57

6.

1)

2)

3)

Conflict-Cooperation Orientation. Stories with a conflict orientation refer to those
stories regarding bilateral dispute between U.S. and China. Stories with cooperation
orientation refer to those stories dealing with bilateral agreement and reciprocal action
between U.S. and China; Stories of U.S. political debate refers to the coverage of U.S.
political debate over U.S. China policy. The theme was identified through the lead
paragraph or the first five paragraphs in case no clear theme can be identified in the lead
paragraph.

Portrayal of U. S.-China Relations. This variable was coded into three categories:
Positive, Neutral or Negative. Positive portrayal in The New York Times suggests U.S.-
China relations are in good Shape, China is a good partner of U.S., and China does not
have other problems which may affect U.S.-China relations. Negative portrayal of
U.S.-China relations in The New York Times suggests there are problems in U.S.-
China relations, and the problems lie more on the part of China, which impair U.S.-
China relations. Neutral portrayal gives no clear direction in portrayal.

Topics in U.S.-China Relations. Topics were coded into the following categories:
General (U.S.-China relations in general, or multiple topics)

U.S.-China Trade (trade between U.S. and China, including Most Favorite Nation,
Sanctions, Trade Deficit)

U.S.-China Business Exchange (doing business in the other’s country)

4) Copyright Piracy (piracy on U.S. intellectual property, such as CD, books)

5) Arms Control (arms proliferation from China to other countries)

6) Human Rights (human rights abuse, human rights debate)

7) U.S.-China interaction on international issues (e. g. North Korea)

58

8) U.S.—China relations in other economic, scientific and cultural areas

9) Tibet (issues relating to Tibet in which the U.S. is involved)

10) Taiwan (issues relating to Taiwan in which the U.S. is involved)

11) Hong Kong (issues relating to Hong Kong in which the U.S. is involved)

12) Other (all other topics that do not fit into the previous categories)

9. References to National Interest. References to National Interest were categorized into
National Trade Interest and N on-Trade Interest.

References to National Trade Interests were measured by counting the words
and sentences which express the concerns or stands of a nation with regard to benefit or
loss in U.S.-China trade. It appears in news stories in the words like “U.S. trade deficit
with China”, “U.S. market share in China”, and the sentences like “China should be
granted permanent Most Favorite Nation status”, “Engaging in a trade war with China
hurts U.S. business.”

References to Non-Trade National Interests were measured by counting the
words and sentences which express the concerns or stands of a nation with regard to
benefit or loss in issues other than U.S.-China trade, such as human rights, Tibet, and
Taiwan. These references appear in news stories with phrases and sentences like
“China’s sovereignty over Tibet”, “Taiwan Issue is China’s domestic affair”, “Keep
Taiwan Straight in peace serves America’s interest”, “China sees risk to its stability in
U.S. demands.”

References to National Interest (both Trade and Non-Trade) were identified

according to the nation that they sided, i.e., both national interests of the United States

59

and China were identified in news item. The expressed interest about U.S.-China trade
to the advantage of United States in The New York Times was coded as reference to
U.S. trade interest; The explicit interest about China’s sovereignty over Tibet in

People ’s Daily was coded as reference to China non-trade interest. Each group of
words or sentences identified as a reference to National Interest (Trade or Non-Trade)
was coded as one unit.

10. Reference to Trade. Reference to Trade was classified into positive and negative
categories. Reference to “Trade” (positive) includes words and expressions denoting
the meaning of ”Trade” in affirmative form. Such reference may include but is not
limited to words or phrases like renew (MFN), engage in trade relations, encourage
(trade), building bridge, lower tariff, etc. Reference to “Trade” (negative) includes
words and expressions denoting the meaning of “Trade” in disapproving form. Such
references may include but are not limited to words or phrases like revoke (Most
Favorite Nation Status), cutoff trade relations, restrict (trade), trade sanction, establish
barrier, increase tariff, prison labor, etc. For both positive and negative references, each
reference consisted of one or more words was counted as one unit.

11. Reference to Non-Trade Political Issues. Reference to Non-Trade Political Issues was
classified into positive and negative categories.

The positive reference to “non-trade political issues” includes words and
phrases that describe the agreement, cooperation and compromise in the existing
bilateral conflicting areas such as human rights, Taiwan and Tibet issues. Such

references may include but are not limited to the words or phrases like improvement of

60

12.

13.

human rights, progress made in talks across the Taiwan Straight, freedom of press
expanded.

The negative references to “non-trade political issues” includes words and
phrases that describe the existing bilateral conflicts in the areas such as human rights,
Taiwan and Tibet issues. Such references may include but are not limited to the words
or phrases like human rights abuse, threat to Taiwan, invasion of Tibet, and deprive
freedom of press.

For both positive and negative references, each reference consisted of one or
more words was counted as one unit.

Source of Stories. The following categories were coded: U.S. Chief Officer Source,
Including U.S. President, Secretary of State, Congress leaders. Chinese Chief Officer
Source, including China’s President, Premier, Foreign Minister. White House Source,
sources from White House, except the President. Congress Source, Source from the
Congress, except the Congress leaders. State Department Source, Source from the
State Department, except the Secretary. U.S. Officials Source, U.S. officials source
other than those specified above. U.S. businessman, source engaged in business with
China. Chinese Officials Source, sources affiliated with Chinese government or other
organizations. Chinese Businessman, source engaged in business with U.S. Other
Chinese Source, Chinese sources other than the Chinese officials and businessman.
Source ’s Attitude towards U.S.-China Relations. The attitude is categorized into
positive, negative, and neutral. Positive sources are those presented with a positive

attitude towards U.S.-China relations. Negative sources are those presented with a

61

negative attitude towards U.S.-China relations. A category of neutral is assigned to a
source that shows no directional inclination towards U.S.-China relations.

14. Fairness and Balance. This variable measures Pro and Con sources and assertions of
both sides of a controversial issue.

Pro and Con refer to the positive or negative assertion or description by the
sources towards issues relating to U.S.-China relations or towards the other country
involved in bilateral controversial issues, such as that presented in a story in The New
York Times addressing improving or downgrading U.S.-China relations. The source
that suggests that U.S.-China relations should be improved is coded as Pro source;
otherwise, Con source. Pro and Con source number counts the sources from persons,
organizations, and documents.

Assertions are the information that sources provide about their thoughts,
feelings or self described actions. A statement by U.S. official such as “U.S. needs to
keep in touch with China in order to advance democracy in China” is coded as a Pro
assertion. A statement by a U.S. congressman such as “It is important for us to have
sanctions that are real and that pressure the Chinese” is coded as a Con assertion.
Unattributed assertions are considered the reporter's. A source must be lined to
assertions by verbs denoting: speaking, such as "said", "argued"; state of mind, Such
as "thinks," "feels."

Fairness and balance were measured through a combination of the following
indicators.

1) Pro sources number, number of Pro sources

2) Con source number, number of Con sources

62

3)
4)
5)
6)

7)

8)

Pro assertion length, paragraphs, excluding 1-5 paragraphs
Con assertion length, paragraphs, excluding 1-5 paragraphs
Favor in number of sources, Pro source number minus Con source number
Favor in number of paragraphs, Pro assertion length minus Con assertion length
Lead assertion balance, whether Pro or Con assertions appear in the first paragraph in
the story. If no assertions appear in the lead of the story, code as '0
Assertion in paragraph 25 of story, whether Pro or Con assertions appear within 2
through 5 paragraphs of the story. If no assertions appear within paragraphs 2-5 of the
story, code as '0".

An aggregate score measuring fairness and balance was generated by summing
up items 5 through 8. The higher the number is, the more skewed the coverage toward

one side, and thus the less fair and balanced the coverage.

Data Processing and Use of Statistics for Analysis

The data collected were entered into a computer by the author and compiled into a

data file suitable for statistical analysis. SPSS was used for checking error against the

original coding sheet and news articles, describing data, testing the research hypotheses and

exploring the data pattern to answer the research questions.

Both descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze the data. Descriptive

statistics used in the study include frequency distribution and proportion. The topics of the

news stories, sources, reference to national interest, reference to trade, and reference to non-

63

trade political issues were examined according to their frequency distribution. Inferential
statistics used included partial correlation, multiple regression, comparison of means, and
proportion test. The partial correlation analysis examined the relationship between
extramedia variables and emphasis on national interest, reference to trade, and reference to
non-trade political issues in the news coverage, the relationship between intramedia
variables, and the relationship between both extramedia and intramedia variables and
fairness and balance of the news coverage. The regression analysis explored the combined
effect of extramedia variables on emphasis on national interest in the news coverage.
Comparison of means was used to analyze the differences of references to national interest,
the attitude of sources, portrayal direction of U.S.-China relations and fairness and balance
between The New York Times and People ’s Daily. Proportion test was employed to

examine the difference of the source attitude towards U.S.-China relations.

CHAPTER 4

FINDINGS

This chapter presents the findings of the study. The findings are presented in two
parts. The first part presents the test result of two groups of hypotheses on the association

of national interests with news coverage. The second part compares the coverage of U.S.-

China relations by the two newspapers during 1987 to 1996 based on six research

questions.

HG]. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables

 

The New York Times

People ’s Daily

 

Independent variable

Dependent variable

Independent variable

Dependent variable

 

1) U.S. investment in
China increases (R)

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

1) U.S. investment in
China increases (R)

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

 

2a) U.S.— China trade
increases (R)

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

2a) U.S.- China trade
increases (R)

Emphasis on national
trade interest increases

 

2b) U.S.- China trade
increases (8)

Reference to trade
increases

2b) U.S.— China trade
increases (R)

Reference to trade
increases

 

3a) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

(R)

More emphasis on
national trade interest
in coverage

3a) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

(5)

More emphasis on
national trade interest
in coverage

 

3b) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

(R)

Less reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

3b) More U.S.-China
trade issues in
Presidential Papers

(R)

Less reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

 

 

4) More non-trade
political issue in
Presidential Papers

(R)

 

More reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

4) More non-trade
political issue in
Presidential Papers

 

(S)

 

More reference to non-
trade political issue in
coverage

 

65

 

 

 

Tint

kc;

 

The New York Times (Table 1.1 to Table 1.3)
Emphasis on national interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations is one of the
key measures of this study. The frequencies of emphasis on national interest in The New

York Times during the ten-year period are as follows:

Table 1.1
References to U.S. and China National Interest in

The New York Times’ Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)
(N=512, n=225)

. U.S. Trade U.S.Non- U.S. National China Trade China Non- China Nat'l
Variable

 

 

Interest Trade Interest Interest Trade Interest
Interest Interest
1987 1 2 3 0 6 6
1988 7 0 7 l 3 4
1989 6 8 l4 1 l7 1 8
1990 6 l 7 0 0 0
1991 3 5 8 0 9 9
1992 5 5 10 1 5 6
1993 2 2 4 0 4 4
1994 19 l 1 30 3 12 15
1995 4 2 6 3 8 1 1
1996 7 7 14 2 13 15
Total 60 43 103 l 1 77 88

H1. The hypothesis that as U.S. investment in China increases, emphasis on
national trade interest increases is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient
between U.S. investment growth in China and the emphasis on national trade interest in
The New York Times is .06, and the partial correlation between U.S. investment growth in

China and the emphasis on national interest (trade) is .02. (Figure 3.1)

66

Multivariate Relationship between Extramedia Variables and

Table 1.2

The New York Times’ coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

U. S. Trade

Pres Trade

 

V . bl I U.S. Invest Pres non- Adjusted R ,7 Si

aria es in China with China Concernsz trade Concn Square g
E'ti'rxmna' .03 .00 .14 -.07 .00 1.1 I .36
US Trade .06 -05 .07 -.06 -.01 0.39 .82
Interest
U-S- Non-Trade -04 .07 .14 —.04 .00 0.97 .42
Interest
Reference to -.53* .57** .40** -.29** .I6 I 1.42 .00
Trade
:fif‘lfggggve -.68** .67** .37** -.26** .13 9.20 .00
fiffiffieflfve -.09 .19 .22** -.I9* .06 4.79 .00
.. e -°°
1131;285:3ch ‘° -35 .60 .03 -.02 .07 5.14 .00
Negative
gzie¥ratife to .10 .04 20* -.13 .06 4.47 .00
positive

I. The variables in the top row are independent variables, N=10 (Years). The variables in the first

columns are dependent variables, N=225 (Articles). All data shown in the second to fifth

columns are the standardized regression coefficient corresponding to the independent variables
listed in the top row.

2. U.S. trade concerns refer to the presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade documented in the

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. U.S. non-trade concerns refer to the
presidential concerns on other political issues documented in the Public Papers of the Presidents
of the United States.

** = p< 0.01
* = p< 0.05

67

Table 1.3
Partial Correlation between Extramedia Variables and
The New York Times’ coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-1996)

Variables U.S. Invest U.S. Trade with Pres Trade Pres non-trade

 

in China China Concerns Concerns
U.S. Trade Interest .02 -.01 .06 -.05
U.S. Non-Trade Interest -.01 .02 .11 -.03
Reference to Trade -.17** .18" .34** -.25**
Reference to Non-Trade .08 .1 6* .09 -.07
ssues
** = p< 0.01
* = p< 0.05

68

Figure 3.1
Relationship between U.S. Investment in China
and References to U.S. Trade Interest in

The New York Time ’3 Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

2500 -t

2000 -

1500 -

3000 ..

1000 ..

500 --

U

 

O-I

 

 

IU.S. Investment in China
VINYT U.S. Trade Interest

..............
...........

. ...............
............................

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

U.S. investment is in U.S. millions. The numbers of The New York Times’ reference to U.S. trade
interest are inflated by 100 times to match the scale of the numbers of U.S. investment in China when
creating the graph.

69

 

H2a. The hypothesis that as U.S.-China trade increases, emphasis on national trade
interest increases is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.
trade with China and national trade interest in The New York Times is -.05, and the partial
correlation between U.S.-China trade and the emphasis on national trade interest is -.01.

H2b. The hypothesis that as U.S.-China trade increase, reference to trade increases
is partly supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S. trade with China
and references to trade is .57, and the partial correlation between U.S. trade with China and
references to trade is .18, both are statistically significant. It is also found that the
relationship between U.S.-China trade and reference to non-trade political issues is
statistically significant. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S. trade with
China and reference to non-trade political issues is .52, and the partial correlation between
U.S. trade with China and references to non-trade political issues is .16, both are
statistically significant.

H3a. The hypothesis that more U.S.-China trade issues in presidential papers, more
emphasis on national trade interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.
presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade and emphasis on national trade interest is .07,
and the partial correlation between U.S. presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade and

emphasis on national trade interest is .06, neither is statistically insignificant. (Figure 3.2)

70

Figure 3.2
Relationship between U.S. President Concerns on Trade
and References to U. S. Trade Interest in

The New York Time’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-1996)

(N =225)

 

 

20-
18‘
16--
14-
12-
10-

3.

6-

44
2;,
0.1

 

 

lPresident-Trade ‘
INYT Trade Interest

 

  

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

71

 

However, relationship is found between U.S. presidential concerns on trade and
reference to trade in the coverage of U.S.-China relations. The standardized regression
coefficient between U.S. presidential concerns on trade and reference to trade is .40. The
regression coefficient was contributed more from negative reference to trade (.37) than
from positive reference to trade (.22). The partial correlation between U.S. presidential
concerns on trade and reference to trade is .34, which is statistically significant.

H3b. The hypothesis that more U.S.-China trade issues in presidential papers, less
reference to non-trade political issues in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.
presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade and reference to non-trade political issues is .10,
and the partial correlation between U.S. presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade and
reference to non-trade political issues is .09, neither is statistically insignificant.

H4. The hypothesis that more non-trade political issues in presidential papers, more
reference to non-trade political issues in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.
presidential concerns on non-trade political issues and references to non-trade political
issues is -.08, and the partial correlation between U.S. presidential concerns on non-trade
political issues and references to non-trade political issues is -.07, neither is statistically

insignificant.

72

People ’s Daily (Table 2.1 to Table 2.3)
The frequencies of emphasis on national interest in People’s Daily during the ten-
year period are as follows:
Table 2.1

References to China and U.S. National Interest in
People’s Daily ’3 Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

 

(N=230)
Variable China Trade China Non- China Nat'l U.S. Trade U.S. Non- U.S. National
Interest Trade Interest Interest Trade Interest
Interest Interest
1987 1 12 13 l 2 3
1988 2 9 ll 7 0 7
1989 3 23 26 6 8 14
1990 3 15 18 6 1 7
1991 13 ll 24 3 5 8
1992 4 1 l 15 5 5 10
1993 12 10 22 2 2 4
1994 13 15 28 19 1 l 30
1995 5 34 39 4 2 6
1996 3 25 28 7 5 12
Total 61 161 222 60 41 101

73

H1. The hypothesis that as U.S. investment in China increases, emphasis on
national trade interest increases is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient
between U.S. investment growth in China and the emphasis on national trade interest in
People ’s Daily is .-.30, which is statistically insignificant. The partial correlation between
U.S. investment growth in China and the emphasis on national trade interest is .08. (Figure

4.1)

74

Table 2.2
Multivariate Relationship between the Extramedia Variables and
People ’3 Daily ’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-1996)

U.S. Invest U.S. Trade China Trade China non- AdjustedR

 

. l .

Var 'ab les in China with China Concernsz trade Concn Square F 5’3
China National
Interest .22 -. I4 .04 .12 .02 1.87 . 12
China Trade
Interest -.30 .36 . 17* -.07 .04 3.36 .01
China Non-Trade .41 -.36 -.06 .18* .04 3.25 .01
nmma
Reference to
Trade .38 -.30 .35“ -.l6* .08 5.75 .00
Reference to 40 36 31" 14 06 4 31 00
Trade Negative ‘ " - -- . . .
Reference to
Trade Positive '23 "16 24" '-1' ~03 2-82 .03
Reference to
Non-Trade Issues '20 "3 I “14 ~30" 06 4.39 .00
Reference to
Non-Trade -.02 -.25 -.18* .28** .08 5.72 .00
Negative
Reference to
Non-Trade .32 -.19 .00 .15 .04 3.58 .01
positive

1. The variables in the top row are independent variables, N=10 (Years). The variables in the first
column are dependent variables, N=230 (Articles). All data shown in the second to fourth
columns are the Standardized coefficient beta corresponding to the independent variables listed in
the top row.

2. China trade concerns refer to government concerns on U.S.-China trade documented in the
Gazette of the State Council of the People ’s Republic of China. China non-trade concerns refer to
government concerns on other political issues documented in the Gazette of the State Council of
the People ’s Republic of China.

** = p< 0.01
*=m0m

75

Table 2.3

Partial Correlation between the Extramedia Variables and
People’s Daily ’s coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

Variables U.S. Invest U.S. Trade with China Trade China non-trade
in China China Concerns Concerns
China Trade Interest .08 .09 .I4* -.06
China Non-Trade Interest .11 .09 .05 .16*
Reference to Trade .10 .08 .28" -.14*
Reference to Non-Trade .05 .08 ‘12 .25“

Issues

** = p< 0.01
* = p< 0.05

76

Figure 4.1
Relationship between U.S. Investment in China
and References to China Trade Interest in
People’s Daily ’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-1996)

 

 

 

(N=230)
3000" A
I U.S. Investment in Chij
2500j_ l PD China Trade Intere
20007-

1500'

1000‘

500-

 

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

 

 

U.S. investment is in U.S. millions. The numbers of People’s Daily ’5 reference to China trade interest
are inflated by 100 times to match the scale of the numbers of U.S. investment in China when creating

the graph.

77

H2a. The hypothesis that as U.S.-China trade increases, emphasis on national trade
interest increases is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.-
China trade and emphasis on national trade interest in People ’s Daily is .36, but statistically
insignificant. The partial correlation between U.S.-China trade and emphasis on national
trade interest is .09, which is statistically insignificant.

H2b. The hypothesis that as U.S.—China trade increases, reference to trade increases
is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S.-China trade and
reference to trade in People ’5 Daily is -.30. The partial correlation between U.S.-China
trade and reference to trade is .08. Neither is statistically insignificant.

H3a. The hypothesis that more U.S.-China trade issues in Chinese govemment
document, more emphasis on national trade interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations
in People ’s Daily is weakly supported. The standardized regression coefficient between
Chinese government concerns on U.S.-China trade and emphasis on national trade interest
is .17. The partial correlation between Chinese government concerns on U.S.-China trade
and emphasis on national trade interest is .14, both are statistically significant.

Relationship is also found between Chinese government concems on U.S.-China
trade and reference to trade. The standardized regression coefficient between Chinese
government concern on U.S.-China trade and reference to trade is .35. The partial
correlation between Chinese government concern on U.S.-China trade and reference to

trade is .28. both are statistically significant. (Figure 4.2)

78

Figure 4.2
Relationship between Chinese Government Concerns on Trade
and References to China Trade Interest in

People’s Daily ’5 Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-1996)
(N=230)

 

 

14-

 

' iChina Govemm't Trade i

12 I I PD China Trade Interest}
'r

 

10 4t-

.'. .........

 

 

 

. ’ ......
T

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

79

 

H3b. The hypothesis that more U.S.-China trade issues in Chinese govemment
document, less reference to non-trade political issue in the coverage of U.S.-China relations
in People ’s Daily is not supported. The standardized regression coefficient between
Chinese government concerns on U.S.-China trade and reference to non-trade political
issue is -. l4, and the partial correlation between Chinese government concerns on U.S.-
China trade and reference to non-trade political issue is -. 12, neither is statistically
significant.

H4. The hypothesis that more non-trade political issues in Chinese government
document, more reference to non-trade political issues in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations in People ’s Daily is supported. The standardized regression coefficient between
Chinese government concerns on non-trade political issues and references to non-trade
political issues is .30. The partial correlation between Chinese government concerns on
non-trade political issues and references to non-trade political issues is .25. both are
statistically Significant.

The relatively weak relationship is also found between Chinese government non-
trade concerns and emphasis on China's non-trade interest. The standardized regression
coefficient between Chinese government non-trade concerns and emphasis on China non—
trade interest is .18, and the partial correlation is .16, both are statistically significant.

The multiple regression analysis of the effect of extramedia variables on emphasis
on national interest and reference to trade and non-trade political issues in the news
coverage of The New York Time and People ’3 Daily reveals that there is scarcely
combined effect of real time indicators of national interest on news content.

Weak combined effect of the real life indicators of national interest was found on
the increase of reference to trade in the news coverage of The New York Times. The adjust

R Square is .16. The standardized regression coefficient between U.S. investment in China

80

and reference to trade is -.53, the coefficient between U.S. trade with China and reference to
trade is .57, the coefficient between U.S. presidential concerns on trade and reference to
trade is .40, and the coefficient between U.S. presidential concerns on non-trade political
issues and reference to trade is -.29, all four standardized regression coefficients are
statistically significant.

No combined effect of real life indicators of national interest was found on
emphasis on national interest and reference to trade and non-trade political issues in the

news coverage of People ’s Daily.

81

HG2. Relationship between Intramedia Variables

A. Issues

 

The New York Times

People ’s Daily

 

Independent var

Dependent var

Independent var

Dependent var

 

5) More emphasis on
national interest (8)

More reference to
trade

5) More emphasis on
national interest (R)

More reference to
trade

 

6) More reference to
trade (R)

Fewer reference to
non-trade political
issue

6) More reference to
trade (S)

Fewer reference to
non-trade political
issue

 

7) More U.S. trade
interest emphasis (R)

Fewer reference to
non-trade political

7) More China Trade
Interest Emphasis (R)

More reference to non-
trade political issues

 

issues

 

 

 

 

 

The New York Times (Table 3.1)

H5. The hypothesis that the more emphasis on national interest in the news
coverage, the more reference to trade is supported. The correlation between emphasis on
national interest and reference to trade is .40. Controlling for all four extramedia variables,
the partial correlation between emphasis on national interest and reference to trade is .38,
which is statistically Significant.

H6. The hypothesis that the more reference to trade, fewer references to non-trade
political issues is not supported. The correlation between reference to trade and reference to
non-trade political issues is .13. Controlling for U.S. non-trade interest, the partial
correlation between reference to trade and reference to non-trade political issues is .12,
neither is statistically insignificant.

H7. The hypothesis that the more emphasis on U.S. trade interest, the fewer
references to non-trade political issues is not supported. The correlation between emphasis

on U.S. trade interest and reference to non-trade political issues is -.03. Controlling for

82

U.S. non-trade interest, the partial correlation between U.S. trade interest and reference to

non-trade political issues is -.03, neither is Statistically insignificant.

Table 3.1
Relationship between the Intramedia Variables (Issues) in
The New York Times’ coverage of U.S.—China Relations (1987-I996)

 

(N=225)

Variables Reference to Reference to U.S. National U.S. Interest U.S. Interest

Trade Non-Trade Interest Trade Non—Trade

fi'ti'rgf’mal .40** .08 1.00 .80** .60“
ir’éagn’e’es’ .43** -.03 .80“ 1.00 .00
3686;113:112“ 98 17* .60" .00 1.00
fifigf'm" ’0 1.00 .13 .40** .43** .08
iffii’i‘é’ga’ive 39" .08 .28" .33" .03
fifjfggzit’ize .69** .15 .39** .38** .14*
522?;ch ’° .13 1.00 .08 -03 .17*
5:533:22 .12 .92** .03 -.06 .15*
Refmm ’° .07 .58** .12 .06 .11

non-trade pos

** = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

83

People ’s Daily (Table 3.2)

H5. The hypothesis that the more emphasis on China national interest in the news
coverage, the more reference to trade is not supported. The correlation between emphasis
on national interest and reference to trade is .02, which is statistically insignificant.
Controlling for all four extramedia variables, the partial correlation between emphasis on
national interest and reference to trade is .02.

H6. The hypothesis that the more reference to trade, fewer references to non-trade
political issues is weakly supported. The correlation between reference to trade and
reference to non-trade political issues is -. 15. Controlling for U.S. non-trade interest, the
partial correlation between reference to trade and reference to non-trade political issues is -
.15, both are statistically significant at the 95% level.

H7. The hypothesis that the more emphasis on China trade interest, the fewer
references to non-trade political issues is not supported. The correlation between emphasis
on China trade interest and reference to non-trade political issues is .01. Controlling for
China non-trade interest, the partial correlation between China trade interest and reference to

non-trade political issues is .03.

84

Table 3.2
Relationship between the Intramedia Variables (Issues) in
People ’s Daily ’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

(N=230)
V . bl Reference to Reference to China. National China. Interest China Interest
aria es Trade Non-Trade Interest Trade Non-Trade
[Chm Namnal .02 .25** 1.00 .44** .85“
nterest
China Interest
Trade ,23** .00 .44" 1.00 -.09
China Interest
Non-Trade -.12 .27** .85" -.09 1.00
Reference to
Trade 1.00 -.15* .02 .23** -.12
Reference to
Trade negative .61" -.O8 .12 .22** .01
Reference to
Trade positive .8?" -.l4* -.05 .16* -.15*
Reference to 15* I m 25** 0] 2713*
Non-Trade " ' ° ' '
Reference to 19” 77“, 24*... 03 29*...
non-trade neg " ' ' F '
Reference to -.02 .66** .11 .05 .09

non-trade pos

** = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

85

A. Sources

 

The New York Times

People ’s Daily

 

Independent var

Dependent var

Independent var

Dependent var

 

8a) More positive
reference to trade (S)

More use of positive
sources

8a) More positive
reference to trade (S)

More use of positive
sources

 

 

8b) More reference to
non-trade political
issues (R)

 

More use of negative
sources

8b) More reference to
non-trade political
issues (S)

 

 

More use of negative
sources

 

The New York Times (Table 4.1)

H83. The hypothesis that the more positive reference to trade, the more use of

positive sources is partly supported. The correlation between positive reference to trade

and use of positive sources is .25. Controlling for variable positive reference to non-trade

political issues, the partial correlation is .22, which is statistically significant.

H8b. The hypothesis that the more reference to non-trade political issues, the more

use of negative sources is not supported. The correlation between reference to non-trade

political issues and use of negative sources is .05, which is statistically insignificant.

However, relationship is found between reference to trade and use of negative

sources. The correlation between reference to trade and use of negative sources is .24, with

negative reference to trade contributing more to the relationship (.30) than the positive

reference to trade (.04). Controlling for reference to non-trade political issues, the partial

correlation is .24, which is statistically significant.

86

 

Table 4.1
Relationship between the Intramedia Variables (Issues and Sources) in

The New York Times’ coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

(N=225)
Variables Positive Sources Negative Sources

U.S. National Interest .11 .01
U.S. Interest Trade .14* .06
U.S. Interest Non-Trade -.01 -.06
Reference to Trade .18** .24M
Reference to Trade Negative .07 .30"
Reference to Trade Positive .25“ .04
Reference to Non-Trade Issues .12 .05
Reference to Non-Trade .06 .08
Negative

Reference to Non-Trade positive .18** -.01

** = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

87

People ’s Daily (Table 4.2)

H8a. The hypothesis that the more positive reference to trade, the more use of
positive sources is partly supported. The correlation between positive reference to trade
and use of positive sources is .18. Controlling for variable for positive reference to non-

trade political issues, the partial correlation is .18, which is statistically significant.

H8b. The hypothesis that the more reference to non-trade political issues, the more
use of negative sources is supported. The correlation between reference to non-trade
political issues and use of negative sources is .48. Controlling for variable positive

reference to trade, the partial correlation is .48, which is statistically significant.

88

Table 4.2
Relationship between the Intramedia Variables (Issues and Sources) in
People’s Daily ’5 Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

(N=230)
Variables Positive Sources Negative Sources

China National Interest -.04 .09
China Interest Trade -.01 -.03
China Interest Non-Trade -.06 .12
Reference to Trade .10 -.07
Reference to Trade Negative -.08 .07
Reference to Trade Positive .18** -.13
Reference to Non-Trade Issues -.21 ** .48"
Reference to Non-Trade -.28** .58”
Negative

Reference to Non-Trade positive -.00 .07

The correlation between Portrayal of U.S.-China Relations and Trade and Non-Trade Issues is
calculated with Spearman, and the correlations between the positive and negative sources are
calculated with Pearson.

** = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

89

C. Fairness and Balance

By Extramedia Variables:

 

The New York Times

People ’s Daily

 

9a) U.S. trade deficit
with China increases

(R)
9b) Non-trade political
issues in Presidential

Fairness and balance
in coverage decrease

9a) China trade
surplus with U.S.
increases (R)

9b) Non-trade political
issues in government

Fairness and balance
in coverage decrease

 

Papers increase (R) papers increase (R)

 

 

 

 

 

The New York Times (Table 5.1)

H9a. The hypothesis that as U.S. trade deficit with China increases, fairness and
balance in coverage decrease is not supported. The correlation between U.S. trade deficit

and fairness and balance is .07, which is statistically insignificant.

H9b. The hypothesis that as non-trade political issues in Presidential Papers
increase, fairness and balance in news coverage decrease is not supported. The correlation
between U.S. presidential concerns on non-trade political issues and fairness and balance is

.07, which is statistically insignificant.

People’s Daily (Table 5.1)

H13a. The hypothesis that as China trade surplus with U.S. increases, fairness and
balance in news coverage decreases is not supported. The correlation between China trade

surplus with U.S. and fairness and balance is -.08, which is statistically insignificant.

Hl3b. The hypothesis that as non-trade political issues in government papers

increase, fairness and balance in news coverage decrease is not supported. The correlation

90

between Chinese government concerns on non-trade political issues and fairness and

balance is .06, which is statistically insignificant.

Table 5.1
Relationship between Extramedia Variables and

Fairness and Balance in the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People ’s Daily (1987-1996)
(NYT, N :25; PD, N =230)

Fairness & Balance Fairness & Balance

Variables New York Times People '5 Daily

 

By Trade Status & Government Concerns (Extramedia)

Trade deficit or surplusl .07 -.08
Official trade concerns2 .01 .06
Official nonctrade concerns2 .07 .06

.. = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

1. Trade deficit or surplus was calculated from U.S.-China trade balance. During the 1987 to 1996
period, there occurred continuous trade deficit for U.S. and trade surplus for China.

2. Official trade and non-trade concerns refer to U.S. Presidential concerns and China’s State
Council’s concerns on trade and non-trade issues, which are examined for correlation respectively
with fairness and balance of The New York Times and People Daily .

91

By Intramedia Variables:

 

The New York Times

People ’3 Daily

 

Independent var

Dependent var

Independent var

Dependent var

 

10a) More emphasis
on national interest

nx

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

10a) More emphasis
on national interest

znx

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

136) More reference to
trade (R)

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

136) More reference to
trade (8)

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

 

10c) More reference to
non-trade political
issues (R)

 

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

10c) More reference to
non-trade political
issues (S)

 

Less likely to be fair
and balanced

 

The New York Times (Table 5.2)

H 10a. The hypothesis that more emphasis on national interest, the less likely to be

fair and balance is not supported. The higher absolute value of fairness and balance

indicates less fair and balanced. The correlation between emphasis on U.S. national interest

and fairness and balance is -.07, which is statistically insignificant.

H 10b. The hypothesis that the more reference to trade, the less likely to be fair and

balanced is not supported. The correlation between reference to trade and fairness and

balance is .10, which is statistically insignificant.

H 10c. The hypothesis that the more reference to non-trade political issues, the less

likely to be fair and balanced is not supported. The correlation between reference to non-

trade political issues and fairness and balance is .13, which is statistically significant.

Controlling for variable reference to trade, the partial correlation falls to .12, which is

statistically insignificant.

92

 

People ’s Daily (Table 5.2)

H 10a. The hypothesis that more emphasis on national interest, the less likely to be
fair and balance is not supported. The higher absolute value of fairness and balance
indicates less fair and balanced. The correlation between emphasis on China national
interest and fairness and balance is .16, which is statistically significant. Controlling for
reference to trade and reference to non-trade political issues, the partial correlation between
emphasis on China national interest and fairness and balance is .08, which is statistically

insignificant.

H 10b. The hypothesis that the more reference to trade, the less likely to be fair and
balanced is weakly supported. The correlation between reference to trade and fairness and
balance is .11, which is statistically insignificant. Controlling for reference to non-trade
political issues, the partial correlation between reference to trade and fairness and balance is

.17, which is statistically significant at 99% level.

H10c. The hypothesis that the more reference to non-trade political issues, the less
likely to be fair and balanced is partly supported. The correlation between reference to non-
trade political issues and fairness and balance is .30, which is statistically significant.
Controlling for variable reference to trade, the partial correlation is .33, which is statistically

significant.

93

Table 5.2
Relationship between Intramedia Variables and
Fairness and Balance in the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People’s Daily (1 987-1996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

Fairness & Balance Fairness & Balance

Variables New York Times P801118 '5 Daily

 

By References to National Interests (Intramedia)

China national interest .14* .16*
China interest trade .05 .04
China interest non-trade .13* .15*
U.S. national interest -.07 .08
U.S. interest trade -.04 .09
U.S. interest non-trade -.06 .02

By References to Issues (Intramedia)

Reference to trade .10 .11
Reference trade negative .10 .09
Reference trade positive .06 .08
Reference to non-trade issues .13* .30**
Reference non-trade negative .07 .30"
Reference non-trade positive .18** .12

** = p< 0.01 (2-tailed).
* = p< 0.05 (2-tailed).

94

Research Questions

The data analysis and findings also provide answers to the research questions
regarding national leaders used as sources, source attitude toward U.S.-China relations, and
topics of news coverage. It also reveals the distinguished characteristics of the two
newspapers about emphasis on national interest, portrayal of U.S.-China relations, and

faimess and balance in their coverage of U.S.-China relations.

1. What were the major topics of the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York

Times and People ’s Daily during 1987 to 1996? (Table 6)

The major topics of the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times
and People ’3 Daily were U.S.-China relations in general, U.S.-China trade and Human
Rights. Both The New York Times and People ’s Daily devoted most of their attention to
the coverage of U.S.-China relations in general. People ’3 Daily (52%) covered U.S.-China
relations in general more than The New York Times (29%). The next most important topic
was U.S.-China trade. The New York Times’ coverage of U.S.-China trade comprised 26%
of the stories, While People ’s Daily ’3 coverage comprised 22%. The proportion test
indicated that there was no difference between the two proportions. When the topic of
copyright issues was included in the U.S.-China trade, U.S.-China trade made 30% in The

New York Times, and 26% in People ’s Daily.

All other topics received less than 10% of the coverage except the category other.
The topic next to U.S.-China trade was human rights. But it attracted far less coverage than

U.S.-China trade. The New York Times’ coverage of human rights comprised 6% of the

95

stories, while People ’s Daily had 2%. The proportion test indicated that there was no
difference in the proportion devoted to the coverage of human rights by the two
newspapers. Non-trade political issues, which include human rights, issues relating to
Tibet, Taiwan and Hong Kong, attracted less coverage than trade related issues. The New
York Times’ coverage of non-trade political issues comprised 11% of the stories, while
People ’s Daily coverage comprised 10% of the stories. The proportion test showed that
there was no difference between the percentage devoting to non—trade political issues by the

two newspapers.

96

The Topics of the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People ’S Daily (1987-1996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

Sources

Table 6

New York Times

People 's Daily

 

 

U.S.-China Relations General 66 29% 119 52%
U.S.-China Trade 58 26% 51 22%
Business Exchange 6 3% 11 5%
Copyright Piracy 7 3% 9 4%
Arm Control 9 4% 1 0%
Human Rights 14 6% 4 2%
Econ, Sci & Cultural Exchange 6 3% 4 2%
Tibet 2 1% 7 3%
Taiwan 9 4% 12 5%
Hong Kong 0 0% l 0%
Other 48 21% 11 5%
Total 225 100% 230 I 00%

97

2. Who were the dominant sources in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times and People 's Daily during 1987 to 1996? (Table 7)

In both The New York Times and People ’3 Daily, the leaders of the respective
country were not the dominant sources in the coverage of U.S.-China relations. For The
New York Times, the U.S. leaders, including the president, Secretary of State, and
Congress leaders comprised 9% of the source used, while the Chinese leaders only
comprised 4%. In People ’s Daily, the national leaders were cited more than in The New
York Times. The Chinese leaders, including the president, the premier, and the Foreign

Minister comprised 21% of the sources used, while the U.S. leaders comprised 9%.

In both The New York Times and People’s Daily, the govemment officials were the
most active in shaping U.S.-China relations as presented as sources in the news coverage
during the ten-year period. In The New York Times, 48% who were cited were U.S.
officials, including U.S. officials from different government departments. Plus the 9%

U.S. government leader sources, the total U.S. officials used as sources was 57%. Chinese
officials comprised 13% of sources used in The New York Times. Plus the 4% Chinese

leaders, the total Chinese officials used as sources was 17%.

In People ’3 Daily, 26% Chinese officials were used as sources. They were mostly
the government officials in various departments. Plus the 21% Chinese government
leaders used as sources, the total Chinese officials used as sources comprised 47%. U.S.
officials comprised 18% of the sources used in People ’s Daily. Plus the 9% U.S. leaders,

the total U.S. officials used as sources were 27%.

98

Table 7
Comparison of Official Sources in the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People’s Daily (1987-1996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

Sources New York Times People 's Daily
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage

 

National Leaders as Sources

U.S. Leaders 84 9% 37 9%

China’s Leaders 41 4% 82 21 %

Officials as Sources

U.S. Officials 435 48% 69 18%

China’s Officials l 18 13% 103 26%

99

Table 8

Comparison of Source Use in the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People ’s Daily (1987-1996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

 

 

Sources New York Times People ’5 Daily
Frequency Percentage Frequency Percentage
U.S. President 50 6% 24 6%
U.S. Secretary 30 3% 12 3%
U.S. Congress Leaders 4 0% 1 0%
Chinese President 12 1% 34 9%
Chinese Premier 8 1% 23 6%
Chinese Foreign Minister 21 2% 25 6%
White House 70 8% 3 1%
Congress 110 12% 20 5%
State Department 65 7% 6 2%
U.S. Officials 190 21% 40 10%
Chinese Officials 118 13% 103 26%
Others 228 25% 99 25%
Total 906 100% 390 100%

100

3. What were the respective attitudes of the U.S. and Chinese government officials
towards U.S.-China when they were cited as sources by The New York Times and

People ’3 Daily during 1987 to 1996? (Table 8)

The New York Times

The U.S. leaders were more positive than negative towards U.S.-China relations.
Chinese leaders were also presented as more positive than negative. The positive sources
cited from U.S. leaders were 14%, while negative sources from U.S. leaders were 7%.

The Z score for the proportion test is 25.92, which is statistically significant at the 99%
level. The positive sources cited from Chinese leaders were 6%, while the negative sources
cited from the Chinese leaders were 4%, the Z score for the proportion test is 10.53, which

is statistically significant at the 99% level.

48% U.S. officials other than U.S. leaders were cited as positive sources, and U.S.
officials cited as negative sources were also 48%. The Chinese officials cited as positive
sources were 12%, and the Chinese officials cited as negative sources were 15%. The Z

score for the proportion test is 10.00, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

The result indicated that in The New York Times, both the U.S. and Chinese leaders
were cited as positive sources more than negative sources. More U.S. leaders were cited as
positive sources than the Chinese leaders. U.S. officials other than U.S. leaders were cited
equally as positive sources and negative sources, while the Chinese officials other than the

Chinese leaders were cited more as negative sources than positive sources. (Figure 5.1)

101

Table 9
Source Attitude towards U.S.-China Relations
Presented in the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by
The New York Times and People’s Daily (1987-1996)

(NYT, N =225: PD, N =230)

New York Times

People ’s Daily

 

Variables

Positive Negative Neutral Positive Negative Neutral
By National Leaders
U.S. Leaders 14%* 7%* 8% 13% 3% 5%
Chinese Leaders 6%* 4%* 4% 26% 5% 25%
By Officials
U.S. Officials 48% 48% 50% 17%* 26%* 13%
Chinese Officials 12%* 15%* 11% 17% 45% 42%
By Source Type
U.S. President 10% 5% 4% 9% 1% 2%
U.S. Congress Leader 0% 1% 0% 0% 0% 2%
Secretary of State 4% 2% 4% 4% 1% 2%
China President 2% 1% 1% 11% 0% 10%
China Premier 2% 1% 1% 7% 1% 8%
China Foreign Minister 2% 2% 2% 7% 4% 7%
White House 11% 4% 9% 1% 0% 0%
U.S. Congress 9% 18% 8% 2% 15% 5%
State Department 4% 5% 11% 2% 3% 0%
U.S. Officials 23% 21% 23% 12% 8% 8%
Chinese Officials 12% 15% 11% 17% 45% 42%
Other 20% 25% 26% 28% 21% 16%

* Proportion Test result (Positive vs. Negative)
The New York Times, U.S. Leaders, Z=25.92, p<.00; Chinese Leaders, 2:10.53, p<.00; Chinese
Officials, Z=10.00, p<.00. People ’s Daily, U.S. Officials, 2:25.00, p<.00.

102

Figure 5.1
U. S. and China Leaders’ Attitude towards U.S.-China Relations
When Used as Sources in

The New York Time ’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)
(N=225)

 

 

18¢

I Positive
I Negative
D Neutral

113--

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

U.S. U.S. Secretary China China China
President Congress of State President Premier Foreign
Leader Minister

 

103

 

People '3 Daily

Both the Chinese leaders and the U.S. leaders were more positive than negative
when they were presented as sources in the news coverage of U.S.-China relations. The
positive sources cited from U.S. leaders were 13%, while negative sources from U.S.
leaders were 3%. The positive sources cited from Chinese leaders were 26%, while the

negative sources cited from the Chinese leaders were 5%.

U.S. officials other than U.S. leaders cited as positive sources were 17%, and U.S.
officials cited as negative sources were 26%. The 2 score of the proportion test is 25,
which is statistically significant at the 99% level. The Chinese officials cited as positive

sources were 17%, and the Chinese officials cited as negative sources were 45%.

The result indicated that in People ’s Daily, both the U.S. and Chinese leaders were
cited as positive sources more than negative sources, and more Chines leaders were cited
as positive sources than the U.S. leaders. U.S. officials other than U.S. leaders were cited
more as negative sources than positive sources, while the Chinese officials other than
Chinese leaders were cited more as negative sources than positive sources. The Chinese

officials were cited as negative sources more than U.S. Officials. (Figure 5.2)

104

 

Figure 5.2
U. S. and China Leaders’ Attitude towards U.S.-China Relations
When Used as Sources in

People’ Daily ’3 Coverage of U.S.—China Relations (1987-I996)
(N=230)

 

 

30..

sz

 

 

IPositive
lNegative
uNeutraI

   

 

 

U.S. U.S. Secretary China China China
President Congress of State President Premier Foreign
Leader Minister

 

105

 

 

4. Did the two newspapers emphasize national interest and treat the issues involving
national interest differently in their coverage of U.S.-China relations during the ten-year

period? (Table 10)

The New York Times

The New York Times emphasized U.S. trade interest more than China trade interest.
The mean of emphasis on U.S. trade interest is 6.0, while the mean of emphasis on China
trade interest is 1.10. The t value of the comparison of the means is —2.58, which is
statistically significant at the 99% level.

The New York Times emphasized China non-trade interest more than U.S. non-
trade interest. The mean of reference to China non-trade interest is 7.70, while the mean of
reference to U.S. non-trade interest is 4.40. The t value of the comparison of the means is
3.26, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

No difference was found in the emphasis on U.S. national interest and China
national interest as a whole. The mean of reference to U.S. national interest is 10.40, while
the mean of reference to China national interest is 8.30. The t value of the comparison of

the means is —1.15, which is statistically insignificant. (Figure 6.1)

106

Table 10
Comparison of Means of References to National Interest and
Major Indicators of the Coverage of U.S.-China Relations by

The New York Times and People’s Daily (1 987-1996)
(NYT, N =225; PD, N =230)

Variables New York Times People ’3 Daily
Mean t Sig Mean 1

 

By References to National Interest

U.S. trade interest vs. China

trade interest 6.00 1.10 -3.58 .01 6.00 6.10 0.06

U.S. non-trade interest vs.

China non-trade interest 4.40 7.70 3.26 .01 4.10 16.10 5.56

U-S-NafionalinterestVS-China 10.40 8.30 -115 .28 10.10 22.20 4.55
national interest

By Attitude of Sources

Positive vs. negative sources 0.80 1.62 6.60 .00 1.07 0.34 -8.10

By Portrayal Direction

Positive vs. negative portrayal 2.70 8.10 5.90 .00 12.2 5.60 -3.37

By Fairness and Balance

Pro vs. Con 5.24 5.49 .49 .62 6.57 1.40 16.09

107

Figure 6.1
Comparison of References to
U.S. National Interest and China National Interest in

The New York Time ’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1 987-1996)

(N=225)

 

 

30 u

25.-

15v

10JL

 

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

IU.S. National Interest
.' China National Interest

 

 

 

108

 

People '3 Daily

No difference was found between People’ Daily emphasis on U.S. trade interest
and China trade interest. The mean of reference to U.S. trade interest is 6.0, while the
mean of reference to China trade interest is 6.10. The t value of the comparison of the
means is .06, which is statistically insignificant.

People ’5 Daily emphasized China non-trade interest more than U.S. non-trade
interest. The mean of reference to U.S. non-trade interest is 4.10, while the mean of
reference to China non-trade interest is 16.10. The t value of the comparison of the means
is 5.56, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

People ’3 Daily emphasized more China national interest than U.S. national interest
as a whole. The mean of reference to U.S. national interest is 10.10, while the mean of
reference to China national interest is 22.20. The t value of the comparison of the means is
4.55, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

While both The New York Times and People ’s Daily tended to emphasize national
interest of their respective country, there were some similarities in the pattern of emphasis
on national interest in the two newspapers. There was almost no difference in the
emphasis on U.S. trade interest and U.S. non-trade interest between The New York Times
and People ’s Daily. The means of emphasis on U.S. trade interest in The New York Times
is 6.00, while the mean of U.S. trade interest in People 's Daily is also 6.00. The mean of
U.S. non-trade interest in The New York Times is 4.40, while the mean of U.S. non-trade

interest in People ’s Daily is 4.10. (Figure 6.2)

109

Figure 6.2
Comparison of References to

U.S. National Interest and China National Interest in
People’s Daily ’s Coverage of U.S.—China Relations (1987-1996)

(N=230)

 

 

4o-—

35--

 

1987

HUS. National Interest
lChina National Interest

 

1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

110

 

5. How differently did the two newspapers portray U.S.-China relations in general in their

coverage during the ten-year period? (Table 10)

The New York Times
U.S.-China relations was portrayed as more negative than positive during the 1987-
1996 period. The mean of positive portrayal of U.S.-China relations during the ten-year
period is 2.70, while the mean of negative portrayal is 8.10. The t value of the comparison

of means is 5.90, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

People ’s Daily
U.S.-China relations was portrayed as more positive than negative during the 1987-
1996 period. The mean of positive portrayal of U.S.-China relations during the ten-year
period is 12.20, while the mean of negative portrayal is 5.60. The t value of the comparison

of means is -3.71, which is statistically significant at the 99% level.

6. To what degree did the two newspapers differ in fairness and balance in their coverage

of U.S.-China relations during the ten-year period? (Table 10)

The New York Times

The aggregate scores of fairness and balance in The New York Times’ coverage of
U.S.-China relations ranged from plus 14 to minus 18. The higher absolute value, the less
fair and balanced the coverage, with a score of zero as neutral, or perfectly fair and

balanced. 5.8% of the news items had a score of zero. 51.8% fell in the range of :L-4, and

111

80.2% fell in the range of :8. The plus side is identified as Pro, and the minus side is
classified as Con. The mean for Pro is 5.24, and the mean for Con is 5.49. The t value of

the comparison of means is .49, which is statistically insignificant. (Figure 7.1)

Figure 7.1
Fairness and Balance of coverage of U.S.-China Relations

by The New York Times (1987-1996)
(N=225)

 

 

0|

10-

 

 

0

 

-17.5 -12.5 -7.5 -2.5 2.5 7.5 12.5
-1 5.0 -10.0 -5.0 0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0

The New York Times Fairness and Balance

 

 

 

* Mean = -.40, Median = .00, Skewness = -.15

112

People ’s Daily

The aggregate scores of fairness and balance in People’s Daily’s coverage of U.S.-
China relations ranged from plus 16 to minus 2, with a score of zero as neutral, or perfectly
fair and balanced. 1.3% of the news items had a score of zero. 27.4% fell in the range
from plus 4 to minus 2, and 73.1% fell in the range from plus 8 to minus 2. The plus side
is identified as Pro, and the minus side is classified as Con. The mean for Pro is 6.57, and
the mean for Con is 1.40. The t value of the comparison of means is 16.09, which is

statistically significant at the 99% level. (Figure 7.2)

Figure 7.2
Fairness and Balance of coverage of U.S.-China Relations
by People ’s Daily (1987-I996)
(N=230)

 

 

 

 

 

-2.5 0.0 2.5 5.0 7.5 10.0 12.5 15.0

People's Daily Fairness and Balance

 

 

 

* Mean = 6.31, Median = 6.00. Skewness = .12

113

CHAPTER 5

DISCUSSION

This chapter reviews the findings corresponding to the hypotheses and research
questions, and discusses the implications of these findings. The discussion is organized
into two parts. The first part addresses the significance and implications of the test results
of two groups of hypotheses. The second part discusses the implications of the findings

relating to six research questions.

HG 1. Relationship between Extramedia and Intramedia Variables

The hypothesis group one examined the relationship between the extramedia
variables and the emphasis on national interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations. The
emphasis on national interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations contained four
aspects: the verbal stress of national trade interest, the verbal stress of national interest on
non-trade issues, reference to trade, and reference to non-trade political issues. The findings
for hypothesis group one for both The New York Times and People 's Daily indicate that
the effect of the extramedia variables on the four aspects of emphasis on national interest in
the coverage of U.S.-China relations varied. Overall, the four major extramedia variables,

U.S. investment growth in China, U.S.-China trade, and government concerns on trade and

114

government concerns on non-trade issues were weak predictors of news content, but each

variable had its specific influence under certain circumstances.

The New York Times.

The rejection of H1 indicates that U.S. investment growth is not a good predictor of
emphasis on national interest in the news coverage. U.S. investment in China continued to
grow during 1987 to 1996 at an average annual rate 35% a year. The emphasis on national
interest in The New York Times varied according to the news events covered. News events
involving more concerns on national interest occurred in 1989, when the United States
considered that advancing democracy in China was in U.S.’ interest, and in 1994, when
heated debate went on as whether to delink the human rights in China from renewal of
China’s Most Favorite Nation status. During the remaining years, verbal emphasis on
national interest was not a regular occurrence in the news coverage. It becomes unrealistic
to anticipate that the verbal emphasis on national interest in the news coverage would

increase at a similar rate as U.S. investment growth in China. (Figure 8.1)

115

Figure 8.1
Relationship between U.S. Investment in China
and References to U.S. National Interest in
The New York Time’s Coverage of U.S.-China Relations (1987-I996)

 

 

(N =225)
3000 ..
lU.S. Investment in China
2500 ._ INYT National Interest

 

 

 

2000. ii;

1500 ~1-

1000 -

I

I

500 l gégigigigigi

.......

 

 

1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996

 

 

 

U.S. investment is in U.S. millions. The numbers of The New York Times’ reference to U.S. national
interest are inflated by 100 times to match the scale of the numbers of U.S. investment in China when
creating the graph.

116

The rejection of H23 is consistent with the result of H1. U.S.-China trade continued
to grow at an average annual rate 23% from 1987 to 1996, although the percentage of
growth slowed down in the later years during the ten-year period. The emphasis on
national interest varied according to the news events covered, and it did not appear so often
in the coverage of U.S.-China relations. The relatively few occurrences of verbal emphasis
on national interest would not produce enough variance to be explained by the extramedia
variable U.S.-China trade.

The weak support of H2b indicates that U.S.-China trade, an extramedia indicator
concerning national interest, had some impact on the news coverage. The finding is one of
the positive results which support the notion that real life indicator of national interest such
as U.S.-China trade could affect the news content.

The rejection of H3 and H4 cast some doubt on the impact of presidential concerns
of national interest and reference to non-trade political issues in the news coverage. The
result partly confirms the findings of Goodman92 and Li and St. Cyr93 on presidential
agenda vs. The New York Times’ agenda. The presidential concerns of national interest
may not be the focus of The New York Time in reporting events involving national interest.
Even The New York Times might report the same issue as concerned by the president, the
involving national interest might not be identified as such a compelling issue by The New
York Times.

However, the findings could not totally reject the relationship between presidential
concerns on national interest and related issues and emphasis on national interest in the
coverage of U.S.-China relations. The study found relationship between Presidential

concerns on trade and reference to trade in the news coverage, although relatively weak

117

(.25). The relationship appears stronger between presidential concerns on trade and
negative reference to trade (.22) than presidential concerns on trade and positive reference
to trade (.15), and both are statistically significant.

The rejection of H3b fail to support the notion that for the purpose of national
interest, the presidential concerns on U.S.-China trade issues and the possible benefit
generated from U.S.-China trade will reduce media’s attention to non-trade political issues
in U.S.-China relations. The New York Time set its own agenda in reporting U.S.-China
relations, and what the government considered important such as U.S.-China trade had no
suppressing effect on The New York Times’ attention to issues such as human rights in
China.

Even though the findings indicate that there was almost no combined effect of
extramedia variables on news content, the result of the combined effect on reference to
trade suggests that extramedia variables have some predicting value for the news content.
Controlling for each extramedia variable in the equation, the partial correlations between
each extramedia variable and reference to trade is statistically significant. Although the
combined effect is relatively weak (Adjust R Square .16), the result reconfirms the notion
that the real life indicators of national interest have some combining explaining power on
reference to trade in the news content.

All four extramedia variables, U.S. investment growth in China, U.S.-China trade,
presidential concerns on trade, and presidential concerns on non-trade issues were found to
some degree associated with reference to trade in the news coverage. The findings confirm
Shoemaker and Reese’s model of news content influenced by extramedia factors.“ The

extramedia variables affect news content together with variables at all other levels. The

118

relatively weak influence of extramedia variables on the news content may be explained by
the proportion that extramedia level situated in the hierarchical circle, which is in line with
the proportional relationship between the extramedia variables and reference to trade

explained by Adjust R Square.

People ’s Daily

U.S. investment in China is important for China’s economic boost, and foreign
capital is an indispensable resource for China’s continuous economic growth. To attract
more foreign investment is in China’s best interest. This is why U.S. investment in China
was selected as a real life indicator associated with China’s national interest. However,
while U.S. investment increase in China might indicate that more U.S. national interest was
at stake, U.S. investment increase in China did not necessarily bring respectively more
China’s national interest at stake. This was partly due to the proportion of U.S. investment
in China’s total foreign direct investment. U.S. investment in China was weighted against
the investment from other parts of the world. For many years since China opened its door
for foreign investment, most of the investment in China has come from the Asia-Pacific
region. The overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Singapore and Southeast Asia have taken the
lead as the major investors in China.95 Early in 1993, Hong Kong (and Macau) invested
US$ 17.2 billion in China, accounting for 62.8 percent of the total foreign direct
investment?" China attracted $42 billion foreign investments in 1996, according to a study
of global investment trends by the World Bank.“7 The direct investment in China from the
U.S. in the same year was 1.64 billion after a stunning 79% increase from the previous

year?"3 However, it was only 4% of the total foreign investment in China.

119

The rejection of H1 indicates that U.S. investment growth in China is not a good
indicator of emphasis on national interest in People’s Daily. Although national interest
was involved as China attracted more investment from the U.S., when comparing to the
investment from other parts of the world, investment from the U.S. weighted less, as the
national newspaper People’s Daily could view China’s national interest from a broader
perspective regarding foreign investment. Secondly, as in The New York Times, the verbal
emphasis on national interest was not a regular occurrence in People ’s Daily. Even though
U.S. investment in China was regarded as an aspect involving high national interest in U-
S.-China relations, as U.S. investment in China increased at an average 35% a year, it is
unrealistic to expect that the emphasis on national trade interest in People Daily would
increase at a corresponding rate.

The rejection of H2a is consistent with the result of H1. U.S.-China trade continued
to grow during 1987 to 1996. The emphasis on national interest varied according to
China’s focus in U.S.-China relations, and did not appear so often in the coverage of U.S.-
China relations. The relatively few occurrences of emphasis on national interest in the
coverage would never match the pattern that U.S.-China trade grew during the same ten-
year period.

The rejection of H2b implies that U.S.-China trade is not a good indicator of the
trade-related issues for People Daily in its coverage of U.S.-China relations. U.S.-China
trade was the most important topic that People ’s Daily covered (22%), but People Daily
basically chose to cover the topic at its own pace, not corresponding to U.S.-China trade.
The findings suggest that as U.S.-China trade continued to grow during the ten years,

People’s Daily covered trade issues only when trade became an issue in U.S.-China

120

relations, and only when it needed to advance China’s national interest through news
content.

The partly support of H3a (.14) and H4 (.25) is consistent with what we know as
the organizational goal of People ’s Daily. The results have two aspects of implications.
First, it confirms the notion that People’s Daily performs as the government organ, and it
follows what the government identified as important in U.S.-China relations concerning
trade and non-trade political issues. Chinese government successfully set the media
agenda. Second, Chinese government concerns on trade and non-trade issues were fairly
good indicators of news coverage of important issues in U.S.-China relations involving
national interest in People Daily.

The rejection of H3b indicates that balance between economic gain and concerns on
non-trade political issues is not a primary concern of People’s Daily. People ’3 Daily would
not raise issues like human rights in China unless the issues were raised by the United
States. When Chinese government considered trade related issues its primary concern,
People ’s Daily found no compelling reason to take it as a sign to suppress attention to non-
trade political issues.

The rejection of combined effect of U.S. investment in China, U.S.—China trade
Chinese government concerns on trade, and Chinese government concerns on non-trade
political issues on emphasis on national interest and reference to trade and non-trade
political issues suggests that all four extramedia variables together could not predict how
the People ’s Daily will emphasize national interest in its coverage of U.S.-China relations.
U.S. investment in China and U.S.-China trade were not the issues that would initiate

attention on national interest in People’s Daily’s news coverage. The finding reconfirms

121

that People’s Daily speaks for its national interest in accordance with government concerns
on trade and non-trade political issues, even though the relationship was relatively weak.

Shoemaker and Reese model again helps illustrate the relatively weak association
between government concerns on trade and national trade interest, and between
government concerns on non-trade issues and reference to non-trade issues in the news
content of People ’s Daily. The extramedia variable Chinese government concerns played
its roles in affecting the news content together with other variables in the hierarchical
model.

The findings of the impact of four extramedia variables from both The New York
Times and People’s Daily support Ahem’s findings that trade exerted influence on
coverage of international news, although this study indicates that the impact, whenever
found, was less strong as what was indicated in Ahem’s study. The difference could be
due to the different dependent variables that each study looked at and the way that the
independent variables were operationlized. In Ahem’s and other studies examining the
effect of trade on news content, trade relation was used as a reference to see how much a
country was covered in the newspaper of another country. In this study, real life trade
amount was selected as a symbol representing national interest. This study looked at how
much trade and non-trade political issues were covered in the international news, and how
the coverage of trade and non-trade political issues were affected by the trade activity in real
life. So the difference in the strength of effect of trade in these studies is not really a
surprise.

The findings also suggest various impacts of four extramedia variables on the

coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily. For The

122

New York Times, the extramedia variables showed no impact on emphasis on national
interest, but showed some weak association with reference to trade. In People ’5 Daily,
U.S. investment growth in China and U.S.-China trade exhibited no impact on emphasis
on national interest, while government concerns on trade and non-trade political issues
showed more evident effect on news content.

The findings for HGl suggest that there was almost no combined effect of
extramedia variables on emphasis on national interest in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily. However, rejection of combined
effect of extramedia variables on emphasis on national interest does not exclude partly
association between the extramedia variables and the emphasis on national interest in The
New York Times and People ’s Daily. The examination of combined effect of the four
extramedia variables on emphasis on national interest reconfirms the linkage between the

extramedia variables and news content, even though such linkage appeared to be weak.

HG2. Relationship between Intramedia Variables

A. Issues

Hypothesis group 2 (A) examined the relationship between the issues involved in
the coverage of U.S.-China relations and how the newspaper coverage reflected the
relationship between emphasis on national interest and other aspects of U.S.-China

relations involving national interest. It was found that for both The New York Times and

123

People’s Daily emphasis on national interest and reference to trade in the coverage were
weak indicators of other aspects of news content. The findings show that the issues relating

to trade were to some degree entwined with non-trade political issues.

The New York Times

The support of H5 provides the evidence that emphasis on national interest in the
news coverage was connected with trade related issues and confirms the notion that
emphasis on national interest is associated with reference to trade (.40). However, no
relationship was found between emphasis on national interest and reference to non-trade
political issues (.08), which indicates that the coverage of trade related issue were presented
as the area involving more national interest than the coverage of non-trade political issues in
The New York Times.

The rejection of H6 implies that in the news coverage of The New York Times, the
increase of reference to trade did not have the effect to suppress reference to non-trade
political issues. The finding fails to support the notion that the national interest embedded
in trade related issues will override the concerns on non-trade political issues in the news
coverage. In the news coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times, trade
related issues were often found linked to non-trade political issues. Under those situations,

more reference to trade was not likely to suppress reference to non-trade political issues.

The rejection of H7 answers the question related to H6 more clearly. When
national interest was emphasized in the coverage of U.S.—China relations, it did not lead to

fewer references to non-trade political issues. In other words, the emphasis on national

124

trade interest was not related to decrease of non-trade political issues. The New York Times
failed to meet the expectation that it would put less attention to non-trade political issues

when it perceived national trade interest.

People ’3 Daily

The rejection of H5 fails to support the notion that emphasis on national interest is
associated with reference to trade (.02). Whenever People ’s Daily considered that national
interest was at stake, it did not refer more to trade issues. Instead, it did refer to non-trade
political issues (.25). To People’s Daily, emphasis on national interest in the news
coverage was implemented only non-trade political issues were referred. Although U.S.-
China trade was an area that China had high interest in it, People ’s Daily did not make it an
area in its coverage of U.S.-China relations involving high national interest.

The weak support of H6 provides some directional indication of the relationship
between reference to trade and reference to non-trade political issues in the news coverage
(-.15). However, with the weak correlation between reference to trade and non-trade
political issues in People ’s Daily, the findings provide little confidence to support the
notion that the more concerns on trade related issues will restrain the concerns on non-trade
political issues in the coverage of U.S.-China relations by People ’3 Daily.

The rejection of H7 is a complement to the result of H6. The finding fails to
support the assumption that when national trade interest is identified by People’s Daily, as
such trade interest is always linked to non-trade political issues in U.S. political debate,
People’s Daily will also reflect its concerns on non-trade political issues when covering

issues involving national trade interest. Only national interest on non-trade political issues

125

was found associated with reference to non-trade political issues (.27), which indicates that
relationship found between emphasis on national interest and reference to non-trade
political issues excludes the effect from emphasis on national trade interest.

The distinction is clear in the relationship between emphasis on national interest and
reference to trade and non-trade political issues in the coverage of U.S.-China relations by
The New York Times and People’s Daily. For The New York Times, emphasis on national
interest is only associated with reference to trade, while in People ’s Daily, emphasis on
national interest is only associated with reference to non-trade political issues. The different
focus of national interest in the two newspapers suggests that the effect of emphasis on
national interest on news content depended on which area that the newspaper identified to
have the highest national interest at stake. For The New York Times, trade related issues
implied more national interest, while for People ’s Daily, non-trade political issues involved
utmost national interest.

The notion that more reference to trade will suppress reference to non-trade political
issues found no support from the findings of The New York Times. While the findings of
People’s Daily rendered some weak support to the notion, the marginal level of association
between the increase of reference to trade and the decrease of reference to non-trade
political issues failed to provide strong evidence that in People ’s Daily the relationship
between reference to trade and reference to non-trade political issues stood totally against

that of The New York Times.

126

B. Sources

Hypothesis group 2 (B) explored the linkage between source use and the issues
involved in the news coverage. Support was found for the notion that directional references
to trade and non-trade political issues were associated with the use of directional sources
under some circumstances, which means when trade or non-trade political issues were
positively referred, the positive sources were likely to be used and vice versa. For The New
York Times, it was true when trade (.25) and non-trade political issues (. 18) were positively
referred, and when trade was negatively referred (.30), while for People ’s Daily, it was true
when trade was positively referred (.18), and when non-trade political issues were

negatively referred (.58).

The New York Times

The support of H8a indicates that use of positive sources was associated with
positive reference to trade (.25). The finding endorses the notion that positive sources will
be used when the trade issues are positively referred. However, the finding does not
support that the issues regarding non-trade political issues are more likely to be associated
with negative sources. It was found that use of positive sources was also associated with
positive reference to non-trade political issues (.18), although at a lower level than the
association between positive sources and positive reference to trade (.25).

The rejection of H8b further clarifies the relationship between source use and
reference to non-trade political issues. The finding denies the notion that issues regarding

non-trade political issues are more likely to be treated as negative topics, and when the non-

127

trade political issues are referred in the news coverage, it is expected to involve use of more
negative sources. The use of negative sources was found associated only with negative
reference to trade (.30), but not associated with negative reference to non-trade political
issues. The finding suggests that when non-trade political issues were negatively refereed,
it was not necessarily that negative sources were used in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations by The New York Times. The situation occurred when some U.S. officials with

neutral attitude discussed the issues that were negatively referred by the Congress.

People ’3 Daily

Although H8a is supported, the association between use of positive sources and
positive reference to trade is weak (.18). When trade issues were positively referred, a
relatively low percentage of positive sources would be used. What was found clearer is
that when non-trade political issues were negatively referred, less positive sources would
be used. (-.28). Positive reference to non-trade political issues were found not associated
with use of positive sources. The situation could occur when Chinese officials with a
negative attitude towards U.S. Congress actions at a certain time positively refer to U.S.-
China trade and non-trade political issues.

The support of H8b suggests a relatively strong relationship between negative
reference to non-trade political issues and use of negative sources in People ’s Daily (.58).
The finding confirms the notion that issues regarding non-trade political issues are more
likely to be treated as negative topics in People ’s Daily, and when the non-trade political
issues are negatively referred in the news coverage, it is expected to involve use of more

negative sources. However, the negative reference to trade was found not associated with

128

 

use of negative sources (.07). When trade related issues were negatively referred, it was
not necessarily that negative sources were used in the coverage of U.S.-China relations by
People ’s Daily. More negative sources were used only when the non-trade political issues
were negatively referred.

The findings indicate that the directional references to trade and non-trade political

issues had some prediction value of the direction of the source attitude towards U.S.-China

 

b
relations both in The New York Times and People’s Daily, but the direction of reference to
trade and non-trade political issues and source attitude did not always go together. The
relationship between the direction of reference and the direction of source attitudes i‘

depended on the focus of national interest identified by the newspapers. The direction that
a newspaper took in an issue involving national interest determined if such association
could be found between the direction of reference to trade and non-trade political issues and
the direction of source attitude towards U.S.-China relations. For The New York Times,
both positive reference to trade and non-trade political issues had the prediction value of use
of positive source, while only negative reference to trade had the prediction value of use of
negative source. In People ’s Daily, both positive reference to trade and negative reference
to non-trade political issues had the effect on positive source, while only negative reference

to non-trade political issues had the effect on negative source.

 

129

Fairness and Balance

Hypothesis group 2 (C) tested how fairness and balance of news coverage were
affected by the extramedia variables, the real time indicators of national interest; and the
intramedia variables, emphasis on national interest in the news stories and the issues
involved in the coverage. The findings suggest that fairness of balance was basically
unaffected by the extramedia and intramedia variables in both The New York Times and
People ’s Daily. The exceptions were the relationship between emphasis on China national
interest and fairness and balance, and reference to non-trade political issues and fairness
and balance. Similar patterns of fairness and balance were found in both The New York
Times and People ’s Daily, except the relationship between reference to non-trade political

issues and fairness and balance.

The Effect of Extramedia Variables

The New York Times

The rejection of H9a and H9b suggests that there was no effect of real time
indicators of national interest on fairness and Balance in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations. When the real life indicators suggested that national interest was high at stake,
The New York Times maintained its own way in keeping its coverage fair and balanced.
The finding rejects the notion that national interest reflected in the real life indicators will

alter the way that The New York Times covers the issues relating to U.S.-China relations.

130

 

 

People 's Daily

The rejection of H9a and H9b indicates that fairness and balance in People Daily
was not affected by the real life indicators of national interest. Even the coverage of U.S.-
China relations in People ’s Daily followed government concerned on trade and non-trade
political issues, such linkage did not alter the way that People ’s Daily covered these issues
in terms of fairness and balance. The finding rejects the notion that fairness and balance of

news coverage are likely to be affected by the real time indicators of national interest in

 

People ’s Daily. -
Overall, as indicated in the findings regarding to fairness and balance of the two i

newspapers, The New York Times was relatively fair and balanced in its coverage of U.S.-

China relations, while People ’s Daily’s coverage was more slanted. But neither of the

newspapers were affected by the real time indicators of national interest. The findings

suggest, as the extramedia variables were macro indicators of national interest, and they did

not emerge as a focus of national interest in the news coverage on a regular basis, they had

few chances in affecting fairness and balance of the coverage. Instead, the issues emerged

on a daily basis in U.S.-China relations, such as specific trade related issues and human

rights, were more likely to affect the ways that the two newspapers covered U.S.-China

relations.

131

 

The Effect of Intramedia Variables

The New York Times

The rejection of H10a indicates that emphasis on national interest in the coverage of
U.S.-China relations is not a good predictor of fairness and balance. When U.S. interest
was referred, no effect on fairness and balance was observed. However, when China’s
interest was referred, weak association was found between emphasis on China’s interest
and fairness and balance (. 14), which suggests that fairness and balance problem might
only occur in The New York Times when the coverage dealt with China’s national interest,
especially China’s non-trade interest (. 13).

The rejection of H 10b implies that reference to trade is not a good predictor of
fairness and balance in the coverage of U.S.-China relations in The New York Times. Even
though trade was the most covered topic except U.S.-China relations in general, the
fairness and balance of the coverage by The New York Times were not affected by how
many times that trade was referred. The findings fail to support the notion that when trade
is the focus of media emphasis, it is unlikely that a newspaper will maintain its fairness and
balance in its news coverage of U.S.-China relations.

The rejection of H10c indicates that reference to non-trade political issues is not a
good predictor of fairness and balance in the coverage. Even though the non-trade political
issues were more likely to receive biased coverage than the trade related issues due to the
ideological effect, the fairness and balance of The New York Times were basically not
affected when non-trade political issues were referred. However, it is worth noting that

when non-trade political issues were positively referred, weak association was found

132

 

 

between reference to non-trade political issues and fairness and balance. The findings
suggest that The New York Times could be less fair and balanced when more non-trade

political issues were positively referred.

People ’s Daily

The weak support of H103 suggests that fairness and balance of People ’3 Daily
could be weakly affected by the emphasis on national interest in its coverage of U.S.-China
relations (.16). The way that People’s Daily covered issues with China’s national interest
involved was mostly not affected by the emphasis on national interest. A close look at the
association between emphasis on national interest and fairness and balance found that
fairness and balance of People ’s Daily was weakly affected only when China non-trade
interest was emphasized (. 15). The finding indicates that even though People ’s Daily was
more sensitive to non-trade political interest than trade interest, the emphasis on non-trade
political issues was not likely to produce much effect on fairness and balance.

The rejection of HIOb implies that reference to trade is not a good predictor of
fairness and balance of the coverage of U.S.-China relations by People ’s Daily. Even
though trade was the topic covered most frequently by People ’s Daily, the relatively high
rate of reference to trade exhibited no effect on the way that People’s Daily covered U.S.-
China relations. The finding suggests that trade related issues, although involved high level
of national interest, and received much of the attention in People’s Daily’s coverage of
U.S.-China relations, did not necessarily produce noticeable effect on fairness and balance

of the coverage.

133

 

The support of H10c reconfirms the finding that People ’3 Daily was more sensitive
to non-trade political issues than trade related issues. The fairness and balance were
affected by reference to non-trade political issues (.30). The finding also indicates that
fairness and balance was affected when non-trade political issues were negatively referred
(.30). The finding clarifies the assumption on the effect of issues involving national
interest on fairness and balance in the coverage of People ’5 Daily. The fairness and
balance would not be affected unless non-trade political issues were negatively referred in
the coverage.

The findings from The New York Times and People ’s Daily suggest that fairness
and balance of the coverage of U.S.-China relations was not likely to be affected by
intramedia variables. The emphasis on national interest and reference to trade and non-
trade political issues in the news content almost produced no effect on fairness and balance
both in The New York Times and People ’s Daily. The New York Times and People ’s
Daily were not deviated much from each other in terms of fairness and balanced being
affected by the extramedia variables and intramedia variables.

The amount of coverage of trade or non-trade political issues received, hence how
many times that trade and non-trade political issues were referred were not the factors that
will affect fairness and balance. In the case of People ’s Daily, the only factor that led to
some noticeable change in fairness and balance was negative reference to non-trade political
issues, which were likely to be linked to the sensitive issues in U.S.-China relations

involving national interest, and bore clear ideological characteristics.

134

 

Research Questions

This section analyzes the findings relating to six research questions and discusses
the implications of the findings. The answers to the research questions and the discussion
on the implication of the findings regarding research questions add some insight to the
understanding of the effect of emphasis on national interest and reference to trade and non-
trade political issues on the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and

People ’s Daily.

Question 1. Topics of Coverage

Not much great difference was found on the topics covered by The New York
Times and People ’s Daily. The two major topics in the coverage of U.S.-China relations:
U.S.-China trade and non-trade political issues, received similar proportion of coverage in
two newspapers. Both newspapers put U.S.-China trade on the top of all the single topics
covered, which is consistent with what political science literature identified as the key
issues in U.S.-China relations. The issues involving high national interest is expected to
receive the highest priority in the news coverage. Thus, to put U.S.-China trade on the top
of the coverage indicates that both newspapers considered that U.S.-China trade involved
higher national interest than other specific issues.

It is worth noting that both newspapers paid more attention to U.S.-China trade
than other issues that may also involve high national interest such as human rights, which
comprised a very small proportion of the coverage. U.S. continued to push China with the

issues on human rights during the ten-year period, but the reality was that The New York

135

Times did not make it an issue far more noticeable than U.S.-China trade. China would try
to avoid dealing with human rights issues, but it had to respond to the criticism on human
rights in China through People ’s Daily, which explains the similar proportion of the
coverage of the two newspapers. The identification of the similar important issues by the
two newspapers suggests that The New York Times and People ’s Daily had similar view
on which areas in U.S.-China relations had the highest national interest at stake, although

each covered the issues from their own perspectives.

Question 2. Dominant Sources

Neither The U.S. (9%) nor China’s leaders (4%) were found to be the dominant
sources in the coverage in The New York Times, but the China’s leaders appeared to be the
dominant sources (21%) in People ’s Daily. The New York Times relied on U.S. leaders as
well as U.S. officials as the major sources, while The People ’s Daily gave more priority to
the China’s leaders when they were quoted as sources in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations. Two factors make Chinese leaders as the dominant sources in People ’s Daily: 1)
People ’s Daily reflects any concerns of the government leaders if they make their concerns
public, including their comments on U.S.-China relations; 2) The government departments
other than those involving foreign affairs are not authorized to comment on any issues on
U.S.-China relations without the permission from the government leaders. The prevalence
of China’s leaders presented as sources in People’s Daily displayed its fundamental
difference from The New York Times. U.S. leaders were quoted as sources when they

made themselves available to the media or when The New York Times considered it

136

appropriate, while China’s leaders were quoted as sources whenever they made any public
speech and whenever the leaders considered it appropriate.

The finding is consistent with the previous research that government officials are
the most active sources in the coverage of U.S.-China relations. The New York Times cited
U.S. officials (48%) more than the government leaders (9%), which reflects the
relationship between the government and the media. The media needs the cooperation of
the government to report on the major issues in the international relations. The government
leaders are not necessarily available to media at the time when media make request, while
U.S. officials are more accessible than the U.S. leaders. People ’s Daily cited Chinese
officials (26%) almost as often as Chinese leaders (21%), which reflects a different type of
the relationship between the government and the media. The Chinese government instructs
the media what to report on the key issues in the international relations. People ’s Daily
serves as the spokesperson of the government. The information released by either
government leaders or Chinese officials reflects the official stand of the Chinese
government, and it only leaves the government to decide who will speak on behalf of the
nation, the Chinese leaders or the Chinese officials.

Although U.S. officials were cited strikingly more (48%) in The New York Times
than the Chinese officials (26%) in People ’s Daily, relying on government officials as
sources in the coverage of U.S.—China relations was similar for both The New York Times
and People’s Daily. The total sources cited from U.S. officials, including U.S. leaders was
57% in The New York Times, while in People ’5 Daily, the total sources cited from Chinese

officials, including Chinese leaders, was 47%. The finding confirms the notion that

137

government officials in the U.S. and China alike were shaping the U.S.-China relations as
presented as sources in the news coverage by The New York Times and People’s Daily.
The findings also reveal the different patterns in using the source by The New York
Times and People ’s Daily. While the use of government officials as sources took up the
similar proportion in The New York Times and People ’3 Daily, the actual number that the
government officials were quoted as sources in The New York Times far exceeded that in
People ’s Daily, 519 vs. 159. The difference demonstrates different patterns of practice of

journalists in the two countries. It is almost unquestionable that a U.S. reporter needs to cite

 

someone as a source when he uses quotes or makes attributions in his story. It is less often
that Chinese journalists use quotes with clearly identified sources. A Chinese reporter cites
someone as a source if the source is really important or authoritative, and if the reporter
considers that the cited source will add appeal and weight to the story, or clarify the

reliability of the quote.

Question 3. Source Attitudes towards U.S.-China Relations

The finding about the source attitudes towards U.S.-China relations in The New
York Times partly supports the notion that the western media tend to be negative. The
means of positive vs. negative sources (.80 vs. 1.62) (Table 9) indicates a strong tendency
of use of negative sources. However, the attitudes of government officials towards U.S.-
China relations were relatively balanced, both for U.S. officials and Chinese officials. The
proportion for the three categories, positive, negative and neutral, of U.S. and Chinese
officials were almost equal, except that U.S. leaders were more positive than negative. The

finding cautions for the distinction between the attitude of sources in general and

138

 

government officials’ attitudes toward U.S.-China relations, which are more important in
shaping U.S.-China relations. The finding also indicates that for The New York Times, the
coverage of the areas and issues involving high national interest was not necessarily
characterized with skewed or extreme attitudes from government officials towards U.S.-
China relations.

The finding about the source attitudes towards U.S.-China relations in People ’s
Daily partly supports the notion that media in the Communist world tend to be positive.
The means of positive vs. negative sources (1.07 vs. 0.34) (T able 9) indicates a strong
tendency of use of positive sources. The tendency was also seen from the government
leaders used as sources. Both China’s and U.S. leaders were more positive than negative,
but the assumption was not supported by the attitudes of government officials. While U.S.
officials' attitudes did not change from one extreme to the other dramatically, the Chinese
officials other than the China’s leaders were noticeably negative towards U.S.-China
relations. The finding suggests that coverage of the issues involving national interest could
produce more extreme attitudes from Chinese officials towards U.S.-China relations in
People’s Daily. The Chinese leaders tended to be mild and constructive towards U.S.-
China relations as presented by People’s Daily, while the Chinese officials had more
freedom in expressing their negative attitudes towards U.S.-China relations. Moreover, the
result also shows that there was little difference between the positive and negative attitudes
of the total U.S. officials including U.S. leaders (30% vs. 29%) and the total Chinese
officials including China’s leaders (43% vs. 50%), which implies that in People ’s Daily,
the Chinese government officials on the aggregate presented relatively mild attitudes

towards U.S.-China relations.

139

_ I__‘T

 

 

Question 4. Emphasis on National Interest

The findings confirm De Sola Pool’s (1952) notion that newspaper speaks for the
nation. The means of U.S. trade interest vs. China trade interest (6.0 vs. 1.1) indicates that
The New York Times exhibited a strong inclination on U.S. interest. The means of U.S.
non-trade interest vs. China non-trade interest (4.4 vs. 7.7) could be a sign that U.S. non-
trade interest was not a prevailing interest in the coverage of U.S.-China relations, at least
identified by The New York Times. The means of total reference to U.S. national interest
vs. China national interest (10.4 vs. 8.3) again confirms The New York Times’ slant
towards U.S. interest in the coverage.

The findings from People ’s Daily’s coverage reconfirm the notion that newspaper
speaks for the nation. No difference was found between the means of U.S. trade interest
vs. China trade interest (6.0 vs. 6.1), which indicates that People ’s Daily did not
concentrate more on China’s trade interest than U.S. trade interest. When China’s interest
involved non-trade political issues, the means difference between U.S. non-trade interest
vs. China non-trade (4.1 vs. 16.1) interest dramatically increased. The means of total
reference to U.S. national interest vs. China national interest (10.1 vs. 22.2) again confirms
that People ’5 Daily leaned towards China’s interest in the coverage.

It is worth noticing the different focuses of national interest in The New York Times
and People’s Daily. The New York Times cared more about U.S. trade interest, and did not
pay much more attention to U.S. non-trade interest than China non-trade interest, which
explains what weights more in the coverage by The New York Times. When dealing with
non-trade issues like human rights, China’s non-trade interest became more evident in The

New York Times.

140

People ’s Daily’s focus on non-trade interest is consistent with its ideological
characteristics. Trade was important to China. The balanced focus on both U.S. trade
interest and China trade interest represented the mildly positive tone of People ’s Daily on
U.S.-China trade issues. However, People ’s Daily ’5 weighted emphasis on China non-
trade interest indicates that China had no attempt to compromise on the issues relating to
non-trade political issues, such as human rights, Tibet or Taiwan issues. Both directions
that People ’s Daily took represented its centered concerns on national interest in its

coverage of U.S.-China relations.

Question 5. Portrayal of U.S.-China Relations

The findings on portrayal direction of U.S.-China relations strongly support the
notion that western media tend to be negative, while Communist media tend to be positive.
The result suggests that the coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times
overall presented a picture of problematic U.S.-China relations, even though the U.S.
leaders tended to have a balanced view on U.S.-China relations when they were cited as
sources.

The portrayal direction of People ’3 Daily supports the notion that communist
media tend to be positive. Even though there were continuous problems that cast clouds
over U.S.-China relations, People’s Daily tended to dig up the stories with a positive bias.
Human rights in China was a problem which continuously drew criticism from U.S.
politicians and media. But when People ’s Daily dealt with human rights in China, the
coverage would usually focus on the improvement of human rights in China, which turned

a negative topic in Western media into something positive. People ’s Daily handled other

141

problematic issues in U.S.-China relations in the similar way, which is characterized as

constructive reporting and results in a positive tendency.

Question 6. Fairness and Balance

The finding provides the empirical evidence of the fairness and balance in the
coverage of U.S.-China relations by The New York Times and People’s Daily. Because
national interest was highly involved in the coverage of U.S.-China relations, it is assumed
that The New York Times would deviate from a fair and balanced position in its coverage of
the sensitive U.S.—China trade issues and the non-trade political issues such as human
rights. The findings fail to support the notion that in the coverage of the areas and issues
involving high national interest, The New York Times is unlikely to maintain fairness and
balance. Instead, the fairness and balance were unaffected even though national interest
was high at stake in its coverage of U.S.-China relations (5.24 vs. 5.29).

Although the emphasis on national interest and reference to trade were found
scarcely associated with the change of fairness and balance in the coverage of U.S.-China
relations by People ’3 Daily, the overall fairness and balance picture did support the notion
that People’s Daily is unlikely to maintain fairness and balance in the coverage of U.S.-
China relations when high national interest is at stake. The support was rendered mostly
from the effect of negative reference to non-trade political issues. The overall coverage was
skewed on the pro side (6.57 vs. 1.40). The finding is consistent with the characteristics of
People ’s Daily as a government organ, and reconfirms the notion that newspaper speaks
for the nation. In the case of People ’3 Daily, it never claimed to be impartial in its coverage

of both domestic and international issues, and it was created to provide favorable

142

information for the Party and the government. The finding provides empirical evidence to

demonstrate such characteristics.

 

143

 

CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

This chapter reviews the findings and implications of the study. It discusses the
limitations inherent in the research. It also provides suggestions on how further research
might address some of the issues raised by this study.

This international comparative study applied the theories of influences on news
content developed by Shoemaker and Reese (1991) to international news. The findings
provide some support. Extramedia variables were found to be associated with some
aspects of news content in both The New York Times and People ’s Daily, although the
relationship was at a relatively low level.

The findings also supported Lee and Young’s notion that national interest had some
impact on news content. The impact was either demonstrated through extramedia variables
such as U.S. investment in China, U.S.-China trade, and U.S. and Chinese government
concerns on trade and non—trade political issues or as intramedia media variables such as
emphasis on national interest in the news converge.

Shoemaker and Reese’s model of influence of factors on media content suggests
that factors at the ideological, extramedia, organizational and media routine levels affect
news content. This study tested the effect of national interest at the extramedia,
organizational levels on coverage of U.S.-China relations. Neither extramedia variables nor

intramedia variables were strong predictors of news content. Nevertheless, the model was

144

supported in part by: 1) combined effect of extramedia variables on references to trade in
The New York Times; 2) relationship between extramedia variables and news content; 3)
relationship between intramedia variables.

The findings of the impact of four extramedia variables from both The New York
Times and People’s Daily also supported Ahem’s (1984) findings that trade exerted
influence on coverage of international news, although the effect of trade on news content
appeared to be marginal. This is in line with Wu’s (1997) finding that trade played a key
role in shaping foreign coverage in some countries, but was not a significant determinant in
the U.S.

The findings on emphasis on national interest from both The New York Times and
People’s Daily confirm De Sola Pool’s (1952) notion that the newspaper speaks for the
nation. The New York Times exhibited an evident preference to U.S. trade interest.
Although People ’s Daily did not emphasize more on China’s trade interest over U.S. trade
interest, when China’s interest involved non-trade political issues, People ’s Daily’s

preference was strikingly evident.

Limitations of the Study

This study looked at how national interest affected coverage of U.S.-China relations
by the two newspapers. How to define national interest and select the indicators of national
interest are debatable. This study chose U.S. investment in China, U.S.-China trade and

U.S. and Chinese government concerns on trade and non-trade political issues as real life

145

indicators of national interest. Others may suggest that national interest should include
other important indicators, such as U.S. congressional concerns on trade and non-trade
political issues. On China’s side, as the representatives of the China’s National People’s
Congress become bolder in airing their opinions, the concerns of National People’s
Congress on trade and non-trade political issues could also deviate from those of the State
Council. China claims its own way to calculate the U.S.-China trade figures. U.S. trade
statistics have shown a large trade deficit with China, whereas Chinese statistics have
claimed a smaller trade deficit with the U.S.99 The difference reflects a contrasting
perspective on key issues in U.S.-China relations. Using China’s trade figures as a real life
indicator of national interest may generate different result.

This study only used figures on U.S.-China trade compiled by a U.S. institution,
U.S. presidential documents and China’s documents from State Council as part of the real
life indicators of national interest. The significance of the findings is thus limited within the
range that the selected real life indicators cover.

This study looked at two elite newspapers of the U.S. and China. Even though
these two newspapers are considered the newspaper of record of their respective countries,
they are different from other newspapers both in the U.S. and China. They are not really
representative of the media of their respective societies. They have specific ways of
identifying national interest and their organizational goals. The findings provide some
understanding of how these two newspapers were affected by national interest. The
generalizability of the findings about the effect of national interest on international news is

limited without looking at a broader range of media in the U.S. and China and without a

146

more comprehensive comparison of how news media in the two countries are affected by
national interest.

Finally, the data for U.S. investment in China and U.S.-China trade collected from
Survey of Current Business published by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis are
limited in their intensity. The data analysis was therefore restricted to some extent. These
data were published annually, and no monthly data were obtainable at the time of study.
The annual data provided enough information about the relevant extramedia variables. Both
U.S. and China’s media were more likely to pay attention to the related issues when annual
figures of U.S. investment in China and U.S.-China trade were released. But the lack of
monthly figures prevented the researcher from producing a more precise picture of how
these two real life indicators affected the coverage of U.S.-China relations by the two

newspapers.

Suggestions for Further Research

To assess the effect of national interest, a broader scope of national interest than
what this study looked at might be considered, which translates to the need of inclusion of
the variables not included in this study, such as U.S. Congress concerns on national interest
regarding trade and non-trade political issues. Besides looking at the congressional
document as an extramedia variable demonstrating U.S. national interest, the concerns of
other major players in the field such as U.S.-China trade promotion organization, may also

be considered as extramedia variables in the future studies. On China’s side, the views of

147

National People’s Congress demonstrated increasing deviation from those of the State
Council in recent years. Other high level consultative institutions in China may also render
influence on Chinese government policy and hence the media coverage of U.S.-China
relations. If the documents other than Gazette of State Council of People ’s Republic of
China are available, the inclusion of these documents and China’s official figures on U.S.-
China trade will provide a better explanation on how real life indicators of national interest
affect coverage of U.S.-China relations by the China’s newspapers.

To further test theory of influence of news content and the effect of national interest
as extramedia variable on coverage of international news, more newspapers need to be
examined in order to reach a more solid conclusion. The New York Times was found to
have an independent agenda in covering U.S.-China relations from the government agenda.
Other U.S. newspaper may have different personalities, and may interact with extramedia
variables differently. Although China’s newspapers other than People 's Daily are
homogeneous in observing the guidelines for publication, their coverage of international
news does not necessarily follow People ’s Daily, and may depart from what is covered in
People ’s Daily. Including other elite U.S. newspapers which cover international news
regularly and other Chinese national newspapers which are active in covering international
relations in future studies is likely to offer a better understanding of how national interest
affect news content of international relations.

Other research questions regarding effect of national interest on coverage of
international news in future research may include: What are the common issues and
aspects of the coverage of international news that are most likely to be identified by the

media as the key components of national interest? That is, what are the best indicators of

148

national interest in the coverage of international news? If the real life indicators of national
interest were found to have effect on the news content, does such effect remain active
across the time? To what extend do shifts of national interest influence the emphasis on
national interest in the news content? Although this study shows no suppression effect of
trade related interest on non—trade political interest overall, it will provide more convincing
evidence if further studies explore whether the more visible trade interest has a more
powerful impact on coverage of international news than the relatively soft interest such as
the demand for improving human rights. Government officials were found to be the major
sources used in the coverage: To what extent does the dominance of government officials
as sources affect the emphasis on national interest in the coverage?

As for the theory of influence of news content, other circles in the hierarchical
model developed by Shoemaker and Reese need to be carefully examined to see how each
level can affect news content regarding emphasis on national interest in the coverage.
National interest is related to the components of each circle. From organizational level of
influence, the question could be: how do media ownership, media resources, media
location and community features affect the emphasis on national interest in their coverage
of international news? From the media routine level, to what extent does the use of wire

service affect emphasis on national interest in the news content?

149

Summary

This study investigated the impact of national interest on international news in the
newspapers of record in the U.S. and China. The usefulness of national interest as a
construct was reconfirmed by this study. As extramedia variables, the effect of national
interest was found present and its impact was not negligibly trivial. As intramedia
variables, the indicators of national interest served both as references that demonstrated the
effect of extramedia variables as well as the factors that affected other issues and aspects of
the coverage of international news.

The coverage of People ’s Daily did not demonstrate strong effect of national
interest as its ideological perspective and working environment might suggest. The
findings regarding People’s Daily have some merit since few studies have been done to
examine this dominant newspaper in China. Little empirical evidence is available to
demonstrate the characteristics of People ’s Daily, which is considered ideologically biased.
What this study found is: it was true that People’s Daily remained slant in its coverage of
U.S.-China relations during the ten-year period, but there was not much difference between
The New York Times and People ’s Daily that their coverage of U.S.-China relations was
affected by national interest. More specifically, the extramedia variables were found to be
weak predictors of the news content for both newspapers, and intramedia variables were
found to have similar weak effect, if there was any, on both newspapers. The findings of
this study suggest, to eliminate the bias in understanding a newspaper like People’s Daily,

more studies regarding its news content and factors that affect its content are warranted.

150

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

THE EFFECT OF NATIONAL INTEREST
ON COVERAGE OF U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF
THE NEW YORK TIME AND PEOPLE’S DAILY
CODING PROTOCOL

Introduction

This study analyzes the effect of national interest on the newspaper coverage of
U.S.-China Relations by The New York Times and People ’s Daily. The emphasis on
national interest of the United States and China in U.S.-China relations was measured by
counting the verbal denotations of national interest. The specific issues in the news
coverage were measured by counting the references to the issues. Fairness and balance of
the news coverage were measured with the corresponding indicators.

A news story of U.S.—China relations is a non-advertising item composed with
verbal elements, appeared in the news pages of The New York Times and People ’s Daily.
The coverage of U.S.-China relations is defined as hard news and feature stories reporting
the current events, institutional and personal experience relating to U.S.-China relations,
such as government actions, business activities, and personal adventures, e.g., stories in
The New York Times, “Chinese Trade Practices Raising Concern in U.S.” (12/26/90),
“Baker’s China Trip Fails to Produce Pledge on Rights” (1 1/18/91), “The U.S.-China

Slide: A Relationship Strained by Trade Tension Could Worsen Further over Taiwan Flap”

152

(5/23/95); Stories in People ’3 Daily, ““U.S. Congressmen Continue to Advocate Tibet
Independence” (lO/24l87), “U.S. Human Rights Report Distorts China’s Reality and
Interferes with China’s Internal Affairs” (2/22/90), “Jiang Zemin Welcomes U.S.-China
Copyright Agreement” (2/24/95).

The unit of analysis is the news story. The recording unit includes the number of
references composed of words, phrases, and sentences, paragraphs containing assertions,
and people, organization and document used as sources. Only the news stories carried on
the news pages of The New York Times and People ’s Daily were included. The editorials
and the items labeled as news summaries are excluded from the list.

The information that is of interest to this study and important for coding is the
information regarding U.S.-China relations, especially on the issues concerning trade and
non-trade issues. If a story contains the paragraphs that are not related to the topic and

issues, the paragraphs need not be coded.

153

 

Coding Instruction

 

V1.Date / / (Month/Day/Y ear)

V2.1.ength ‘ Words

V3.Placement (N YT) (1) Front (2) Inner A (3) Other
(PD) (1) Front (2) International (3) Other

V4. Dateline

(1)Washington (Stories filed from Washington)

(2) Other U.S. cities (Stories filed from other U.S. cities)

(3) Europe (Stories filed from Europe)

(4) Beijing (Stories filed from Beijing)

(5) Other cities in China (Stories filed from other cities in China)
(6) Other (Stories filed from all other places)

V5.News Peg

(1)News event (News event of U.S. China relations, such as U.S. and China’s leaders
discuss bilateral relations, U.S.-China reach Pact on Hi-tech trade.)

(2)Feature (Feature story relating to U.S.-China relations, such as a story about the
progress of negotiation between U.S.-China on nuclear power deal.)

(3)0ther (All other stories that do not fit the above categories.)

V6. Newsspot (The places where the news stories take place)
(1) China (2) U.S. (3) Other country
V7. Conflict-Cooperation Orientation

(1) Conflict Between U.S. and China (Stories regarding conflict between U.S. and China in
various areas, referring to bilateral dispute, identified through the dominant theme
presented in the headline and the first five paragraphs. )

(2) Cooperation Between U.S. and China (Stories regarding cooperation between U.S. and
China, referring to bilateral agreement and reciprocal action, identified through the
dominant theme presented in the headline and the first five paragraphs.)

(3) Reaction to Other Side (Stories regarding how one side reacts to the policy decision and
the action of the other side concerning U.S.-China relations, such as how China
responded to U.S. President Clinton’s decision to renew China’s Most Favorable
Nation status.)

(3) Conflict within U.S. on China-related issues (Stories regarding debate and contest
among the U.S. officials and other people on U.S.-China relations and the concerning
policy.)

(4) Other (Stories with other orientations, which do not fit the above categories.)

154

 

V8. Portrayal Direction (Portrayal direction of the United—China relations)

Portrayal of U.S.-China relations refers to positive, neutral and negative tone of
coverage of U.S.-China relations reflected in the news stories by each newspaper
including the portrayal of the other side. For The New York Times, portrayal of U.S.-
China relations may imply positive or negative role of China; For People ’5 Daily,
portrayal of U.S.-China relations may suggest positive or negative role of the United
States. Portrayal is categorized as positive, negative and neutral.

(1) Positive portrayal in The New York Times suggests U.S.-China relations are in good
shape, China is a good partner of U.S., and China does not have other problems which
may affect U.S.-China relations.

(2) Negative portrayal of U.S.-China relations in The New York Times suggests there are
problems in U.S.-China relations, and the problems lie more on the part of China,
which impair U.S.-China relations.

(3) Neutral portrayal gives no clear direction in portrayal.

V9. Topic (Select a number from the Topic List)

General (U.S.-China relations in general, or covers multiple topics)

U.S.-China Trade (Trade between U.S. and China, MFN, Sanction, Trade Deficit)
U.S.-China Business Exchange (Doing business in each other’s country)
Copyright Piracy (Piracy on U.S. cultural products, CD, books)

Arm Control (Arm Proliferation from China to other countries)

Human Rights (Human Rights abuse, Human Rights Debate)

U.S.-China interaction on International issues (such as North Korea issue lately)
U. S. -China relations in other economic, scientific and cultural areas

Tibet (U. S. -China relations relating to Tibet)

10. Taiwan (U. S. -China relations relating to Taiwan)

11. Hong Kong (U. S. -China relations relating to Hong Kong)

12. Other (All other topics that do not fit the above categories)

>0?°>'P‘S":‘>I~”!°:"

V10-Vl3

1. National Interest is defined as the basis upon which a country makes its decision in
international relations to minimize the cost and maximize the benefit. Reference to
National Interest in the context of news coverage of U.S.-China relations refers to the
verbal denotations of a concern or a stand regarding a nation’s benefit or loss in its
relationship with the other country.

2. Trade issues regarding coding items 10, 12. Reference to National Interest (Trade), and
Reference to Trade (positive and negative).

An issue or topic which is related to trade only if it deals with U.S.-China trade,
such as Most Favorite Nations, Import and export, Textile goods trade, technology

155

transfer, and Copyright piracy. If the topic or the sentence does not deal with these
aspects, then they are not trade-related stories.

3. Non-trade issues regarding coding item 11, 13 Reference to National Interest (Non-
trade) and Reference to Non-trade Political Issues (positive and negative).

Any issue or topic which is related to human rights, Tibet, Taiwan, Hong
Kong, or state sovereignty is a non-trade issue. If an item does not deal with these
aspects, it is not a non-trade issue related story.

V10. Reference to National Interest (Trade) (Count the reference to “National Interest”)

References to National Interest (Trade) include words, phrases, and sentences
that suggest national interest is involved with regard to U.S.-China trade. It appears in
news stories in the words like “U.S. trade deficit with China”, “U.S. market share in
China”, and the sentences like “China should be granted permanent Most Favorite
Nation status”, “Engaging in a trade war with China hurts U.S. business.” The
reference to National Interest (Trade) is coded according to its alliance with the country.
In the above examples, the first two references should be coded as U.S. interest, and
the third reference should be coded as China’s interest. Each group of words or
sentences identified as a reference to National Interest (Trade) is coded as one unit.

V11. Reference to National Interest (Other) (Count the reference to “National Interest”)

Reference to National Interest (Other) refers to the words, phrases, sentences
that suggest national interest is involved in Non-Trade issues, such as human rights,
issue relating to Tibet and Taiwan. It appears in news stories in the words and
sentences like “China’s sovereignty over Tibet”, “Taiwan Issue is China’s domestic
affair”, “China sees risk to its stability in U.S. demands”, “Keep Taiwan Straight in
peace serves America’s Interest.” The reference to National Interest (Trade) is coded
according to its alliance with the country. In the above examples, the first three
references should be coded as China’s interest, and the fourth reference should be
coded as U.S. interest. Each group of words or sentences identified as a reference to
National Interest (Other) is coded as one unit.

V12. Reference to Trade (Positive) Count the Reference to “Trade” on the
positive side, its synonyms and other expressions denoting the meaning of “Trade”, in
affirmative form. Such reference may include but not limited to the words or phrases
like renew (Most Favorite Nation), engage in trade relations, encourage (trade),
building bridge, lower tariff, etc. Each reference consisted of one or more words is
counted as one unit. The reference counted as V12 or V13 can be counted as V14
again.

Reference to Trade (Negative) Count the Reference to “Trade” on the
negative side, its synonyms and other expressions denoting the meaning of “Trade”, in
affirmative form. Such reference may include but not limited to the words or phrases

156

like revoke (Most Favorite Nation), cut off trade relations, restrict (trade), trade
sanction, establish barrier, increase tariff, prison labor, etc. Each reference consisted of
one or more words is counted as one unit. The reference counted as V12 or V13 can
be counted as V14 again.

V13. Reference to N on-Trade Political Issues (Positive) Count the Reference to
"Non-Trade Political Issues" in the stories in the positive form. The reference to
“Political Conflict” includes words and phrases that describe the existing bilateral
conflicts in the political areas, such as Human Rights, issues relating to Tibet and
Taiwan. The positive reference to these issues includes “China makes efforts in
improving its human rights record”, “Let the people across the Taiwan Straight to
solve the issue regarding Taiwan”, “U.S. and China should resolve their disputes by
engaging in talks”.

Reference to Non-Trade Political Issues (Negative) Count the Reference to
"Non-Trade Political Issues" in the stories. The reference to “Political Conflict”
includes words and phrases that describe the existing bilateral conflicts in the political
areas, such as Human Rights, issues relating to Tibet and Taiwan. Such reference may
include but not limited to the words or phrases like Human Rights abuse, threat to
Taiwan, invasion of Tibet, and deprive freedom of press.

National interest is coded only when it is clearly specified, such as in the word
“Interest”. It should also be coded when the words and sentences without “interest”
also indicate that national interest is involved. Assume there is none unless the
meaning “national interest” is clearly specified. In a sentence like this: “U.S. sells
arms to Taiwan interferes with China’s internal affairs.” Should be coded as 11
(national interest, China), and it should also be coded as 13 (reference to non-trade
issue, negative), although the sentence does not contain the word “interest.”

A source says something on behalf of one country does not mean national
interest is naturally involved. Code National Interest only when it is clearly specified.
“Discontinuing China’s Most Favorite Nation status will create unemployment,
increase the price in the U.S.” should be coded as 10 (national interest, U.S.). It should
also be coded as 13 (reference to trade, negative)

If a story clearly specifies that national interest is involved, either 10 or 11
should be coded. If it is also related to trade, 12 should also be coded; if it is related to
non-trade, 13 should be coded. It is usually the case, when national interest is
mentioned, it will also fit the reference to trade or non-trade issues (12, 13), but not the
vice versa. When references to trade or non-trade issues are identified, and 12 (trade),
13 (non-trade) are coded, national interest might not be involved, or clearly specified.
Such as “U.S. sells arm to Taiwan violates the U.S.-China communique.” Should be
coded as 13 (non-trade, negative), but not 11 (interest, China). When the story says “it
interferes with China’s internal affairs”, it should be coded as 13 (non-trade, negative)
too.

V 14-V28. Source
(Count times that sources were used, identify their tone as presented in the story)

157

(1) Positive. Source presented as positive towards U.S.-China relations or the other side,
e.g., “U.S. President Welcomes China’s progress in protecting copyright” will be
coded as positive.

(2) Negative. Source presented as negative towards U.S.-China relations or the other side,
e.g., “China’s President says China will not subdue to U.S. containment” will be coded
as negative.

(3) Neutral. Source presented as neutral towards U.S.-China relations or the other side

V14. U.S. President Source
(Count Times that U.S. President and Vice-President were used as sources. Identify the
source’s tone towards U.S.-China relations presented in the story)

V15. U.S. Secretary of State Source
(Count Times that U.S. Secretary of State was used as sources)

V16. U.S. Congress Leader Source
(Count Times that U.S. Speaker of House, Minority Leader of House, Majority leader
of Senate, and Minority Leader of Senate were used as sources)

V17. Chinese President Source
(Count Times that China’s President was used as sources. Identify the source’s tone

towards U.S.-China relations presented in the story)

V18. Chinese Premier Source
(Count Times that Chinese Premier was used as sources)

V19. Chinese Foreign Minister Source
(Count Times that Chinese Foreign Minister was used as sources)

V20. White House Source (Source from the White House, except the President)

V21. Congress Source (Source from the Congress, except the Congress Leaders)

V22. State Department Source (Source from the State Department, except the Secretary)
V23. U.S. Officials Source (Other U.S. officials source)

V24. U.S. Businessman Source (Source from U.S. engaging in business with China)
V25. Chinese Officials Source (Chinese officials source)

V26. Chinese Businessman Source (Source from China engaging in business with U.S.)
V27. Other Chinese Source (Sources other than Chinese officials and Businessman)

V28. Other Source (Sources that do not fit the above category)

158

 

V29 - V36. Fairness and Balance

Pro and Con refer to the positive or negative assertion or description by the
sources towards the other country or issues regarding U.S.-China relations. A source
addressed the need to improve U.S.-China relations in a story in The New York Times
will be coded as Pro; otherwise, Con.

Pro or Con usually is coded when there are two sides of point of view or when
there is a dispute, promotion of one side’s view, or when the statement is regarding to
the policy and stand which will affect U.S.-China relations. If a U.S. official says
something which is just facts, or statements not relating to the above aspects, it should
not be coded as pro or con paragraph. When one paragraph contains both pro and con
statements, code as 0. When a paragraph simply presents a fact or facts, code as 0.

Pro and Con sources to be counted: persons, organizations, and documents.
Persons must be named to be counted. Anonymous sources are counted provided
anonymity is explicitly granted in the story. Unnamed spokespersons are counted if
speaking on behalf of a named source.

Organizations are counted if assertions are made in their names. An
organization and a member speaking for it are counted as one source; any additional
cited persons from that group are counted separately as sources.

Documents such as statements, reports, letter, memos, polls, etc. produced by
Pro or Con sides will be counted if cited as such by a reporter. However, a document
released by a cited person or organization is not counted; only the person or
organization is. People quoted or paraphrased in document source are not counted
separately; only the document is. Legal or legislative documents are not counted even
if generated by Pro or Con sides.

Assertions are the information that sources provide about their thoughts,
feelings or self described actions. Unattributed assertions are considered the reporter's.
A source must be lined to assertions by verbs denoting: Speaking, such as "said",
"argued"; State of mid, Such as "thinks," "feels."

For both The New York Times and People ’3 Daily, there are three situations to
be considered when coding Pro and Con:

1. Dispute between U.S. and China, Pro-China is pro, anti-China is con. Propose a policy
or stand which will improve U.S.-China relations, pro; propose a policy or stand which
will damage U.S.-China relations, con. When both conditions appear, the first
condition overwrites the second condition, i.e., if a policy or stand is pro-China, but
such policy or stand is likely to damage U.S.-China relations, it is still coded as Pro in
People ’s Daily.

2. Dispute within U.S., pro-China is pro, anti-China is con. Propose a policy or stand
which will improve U.S.-China relations, pro; propose a policy or stand which will
damage U.S.-China relations, con.

3. General, propose a policy or stand which will improve U.S.-China relations, pro;
Propose a policy or stand which will damage U.S.-China relations, con.

159

V29. Pro sources number (Count number of sources)

V30. Con source number (Count number of sources)

V31. Pro assertion length (Count paragraphs, excluding 1-5 paragraphs)

V32. Con assertion length (Count paragraphs, excluding 1-5 paragraphs)

V33. Favor in number of sources (Pro source number minus Con source number)

V34. Favor in number of paragraphs (Pro assertion length minus Con assertion length)
V35. Lead assertion balance

(Whether Pro or Con assertions appear in the first paragraph in the story. If no assertions
appear in the lead of the story, code as "0".)

V36. Assertion in paragraph 25 of story

(Whether Pro or Con assertions appear within 2 through 5 paragraph of the story. If no
assertions appear within paragraphs 2-5 of the story, code as "0".)

160

 

APPENDIX B

The Effect of National Interest on Coverage of U.S.-China Relations
The New York Times Coding Sheet

161

PPN?‘

The New York Times Coding Sheet

Date (A)
Length (B)
Placement (C)
Dateline (D)

News Peg (E)
Newsspot (F)

Content Orientation (G)
Portrayal Direction (H)
Topic (1)

Ref. to National Interest (Trade) (J-K)

. Ref. to National Interest (Other) (L-M)
. Reference to Trade (N-O)
. Reference to Non-Trade Issues (P-Q)
. U.S. President Source (R-T)

. U.S. Secretary of State Source(U-W)
U.S. Congress Leader Source (X-Z)

. Chinese President Sources (AA-AC)
. Chinese Premier Source (AD-AF)

. Chinese Foreign Minister (AG-AI)
White House Source (Al-AL)

. Congress Source (AM-A0)
. State Department Source (AP-AR)
. U.S. Officials Source (AS-AU)

. U.S. Businessman Source (AV-AX)
. Chinese Officials Source (AY-BA)
. Chinese Businessman Source (BB-BD)Positive _
. Other Chinese Source (BE-BG)
. Other Source (BH-BJ)

. Pro source number (BK)

. Con source number (BL)

. Pro assertion length (BM)
. Con assertion length ‘(BN)
. Favor in number of sources (BO)

. Favor in number of paragraphs (BP)
. Lead assertion balance (BQ)

. Assertion in paragraph 2-5 (BR)

/

Words

(1) Front

(1) Washington (2) Other U.S. Cities

(4) Beijing
(1) News event (2) Feature
(1) China
(1) Conflict BE (2) Co-op BE
(1) Positive

Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive
Positive

Positive

Positive

Positive

(2) Inner A

(Month/Day/Year)

(3) Other
(3) Europe

(5) Other Cities in China (6) Other

(2) U.S.

(2) Negative

(3) Other

(3) Other country

(3) Conflict US (4) Other
(3) Neutral

(Select a number from the attached List)

(U.S. interest)

(U.S. interest)

(Positive)

(Positive)

 

 

Negative _
Negative _
Negative __
Negative _
Negative __
Negative _
Negative __
Negative _
Negative _
Negative _
Negative __
Negative _
Negative _
Negative _

Negative

(China’s Interest)
(China’s Interest)
(Negative)
(Negative)
Neutral___
Neutral—
Neutral—
Neutral—
Neutral—
Neutral—
Neutral—
Neutral—
N eutral_
Neutral___
Neutral____,
Neutral—
Neutral_
Neutral___
Neutral_____

(Count number of Pro sources)

(Count number of Con sources)

(Count Pro paragraphs)

(Count Con paragraphs)

(Pro source number minus Con source number)

(Pro assertion length minus Con assertion length)

(Pro or Con assertions in the first paragraph)

(Pro or Con assertions within 2- 5 paragraph)

162

APPENDIX C

The Effect of National Interest on Coverage of U.S.-China Relations
People’s Daily Coding Sheet

163

PPPOr

M

flfififlfikfiflfiféihfiififibfi

a #101)
are (B)
Iii (C)
sites. (0)

Sir til £1103)
Wives“)
anaem)

sauna)

9- iiiifi 51(1)

m
u
m
u
M
u
m
n
m
H

H.
n.
B.
H.
fi.
%.
W.
R.
3.
m.
M.
fl.
3.
M.
fi.
%.

extaaaasaaur)
fiiitfihtfliamamL—u)
fiifihflfiaem)
wasrraaaaaaw)
sasaassams)
atwlfiwz‘ttafiz‘MT-V)
£BQafifimstfiaw)
reesirassmzn)
+51%}: filtehfimc-AE)
tariaatkatehmAF-AH)
airfiekfim-m
afilill'éléi‘iiéwltfiML-AN)
imssaassatmm)
%Q?fiifi.&*ifi(AR-AT)
icmfi/xrfieaatuu-m
‘PQ'B‘fiiii.§*tH(AX-AZ)
TEE/siliérlltfimA-BC)
‘PQJI—‘E’fiérlttliwD-BF)
fietfiehfi (BO-BI)
aaraassamn
steamer-3am“)
{satellite (BL)
neaaae(w)
seesaw: (BN)
amnesia; (30)
tfilfléiéfita (BP)
Lsaaaemm

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

fififi£10¥
/ / (fl/Ewe)
$
(UHtr (been (3)“:
(new mamas mat-2+1
(4)412? (swam; (out?
(1)313: (2)iiirt. (mt-11:
urflfl (use (mass:
(names (unmefi
(”grammar (4)}?
(1)75“)? (2)352 (3):?»
(samaareaea)
(émflfi) (reas)
(sans) (rear)
(amaa) (fines)
(ease) (muse)
inta— fllfl____ +4»—
rxa_ srn_ ria—
mr__ rm__ +r»_
aa__ 5Mk__ +s__
tara— mn_ +e_
aa__ smc__ +a__
an__ mn__ tw;_
aa__ :ma__ +a__
tan__ mn— ria—
aa__ sma__ +a__
an__ smx__ re__
aa__ smc__ +a__
an__ rmr__ +s__
aa__ aa__ rw;_
au__ ma__ t%;_
(reasseamaa)
(fififi&*fififl&fi)
___4raee+aas)
(recesses)
____4fieraasaaaaaeaasa)
___Juersnaaaneaaae)
(sesame)
(Liififim)

 

164

 

REFERENCES

 

REFERENCES

 

’ Tsan-Kuo Chang, The press and China policy: the illusion of Sino-American relations,
1950-1984, Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub. Corp., 1993.

2 Johan Galtung & Mari Holmboe Ruge, The Structure of Foreign News, in Jeremy
Tunstall (ed.) Media Sociology, London, Constable, 1970.

3 Meiling Wang, (1991) Who is Dominating Whose Ideology? New York Times Reporting
on China, Asian Journal of Communication, 2(1), 53.

4 De Sola Pool, et a1, Symbols of Democracy, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1952;
The “Prestige Papers”, A Survey of Their Editorials, Stanford University Press, Stanford,
1952.

5 Chin-Chuan Lee and J unghye Yang, Foreign News and national Interest: Comparing
U.S. and Japanese coverage of a Chinese Student Movement, Gazette 56: 1-8, 1995.

6 Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, Longman, New York, 1991, p. 183.

7 Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, 1991, p. 183.

8 Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, 1991, p. 204.

9 T. Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980,
p. 5 1.

‘0 Raymond Williams, Marxism and Literature, New York, Oxford University Press,
1977.

" Johan Galtung & Mari Holmboe Ruge, The Structure of Foreign News, in Jeremy
Tunstall (ed.) Media Sociology, London, Constable, 1970.

'2 Pamela J. Shoemaker, Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of Influences
on Mass Media Content, Longman, New York, 1991, pp. 147-177.

'3 Thomas Ahem, Determinants of Foreign Coverage in U.S. Newspapers, in Robert L.
Stevenson and Donald Lewis Shaw, eds., Foreign News and the News World Information
Order, The Iowa State University Press, Ames, Iowa, 1984.

166

 

 

'4 Karl E, Rosengren and Gunnel Rikardsson, Middle East News in Sweden, Gazette, 20
1974, 99-116.

'5 Dennis Wu, systemic Determinants of International News Coverage in Four Developed
Nations: Germany, Japan, New Zealand, and the U.S., paper presented to the Association
for Education in Journalism and mass Communication, Chicago, August, 1997.

'6 Steve Lacy, Tsan-Kuo Chang and T. Y. Lau, Impact of Allocation Decisions and Market
Factors on Foreign News Coverage, Newspaper Research Journal, 10, Spring 1989, 23-
32.

‘7 Tsan-Kuo Chang and Jae-Won Lee, Factors Affecting Gatekeepers, Selection of Foreign
News: A National Survey of Newspaper Editors, paper presented to the Annual Meeting of
the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Minneapolis,
August 1990.

'8 Catherine Cassara, International News in American Newspapers: Testing International
News F low Theories, unpublished dissertation, Michigan State University, 1992, 118-124.

'9 Harvey G. Zeidenstein, News Media Perceptions of White House News Management,
Presidential Quarterly, Vol. 14, 1984.

2"Doris A. Graber, Mass Media and American Politics (Fourth Edition), Washington,
DC; Congressional Quarterly Press, 1993, 374.

2' Michael Parenti, Inventing Reality: The Politics of the mass Media, New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1986, p. 230.

22 Susan Welch, The American Press and Indochina, 1950-1956, in Richard, L. Merritt
(ed.) Communication in International Politics, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, IL,
1972.

7" J. Altschull, Agents of Power, New York: Longman, 1984.

2” P. Dreier, the Position of the Press in the U.S. Power Structure, Social Problems, 29,
1982, PP. 298-319.

3 Edward Herman & Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy
of the mass Media, New York: Pantheon, 1988, p. 2.

2" Paul Hirsh, Occupational, Organizational and Institutional Models in mass media
Research: Toward an Integrated Framework, In P. M. Hirsch, P. V. Miller, & F. G. Kline
(Eds), Strategies for Communication Research, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1977, pp. 13-
40.

167

 

 

27David M. White, the Gatekeeper: A Case Study in the Selection of news, Journalism
Quarterly, 27, 1950, pp. 383-390.

28 Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, 1991, pp. 85-1 14.

2’ Johan Galtung & Mari Holmboe Ruge, "The structure of Foreign News", Journal of
Peace Research, 1: 64-90, 1965. Also in J. Tunstall (ed.), Media Sociology, 259-298,
London: Constable.

3" A Rachlin, News as Hegemonic Reality: American Political Culture and the Framing of
News Accounts, Praeger, New York, 1988.

3' Tsan-Kuo Chang, Pamela J. Shoemaker, Nancy Brendlinger, Determinants of
International News Coverage in the U.S. Media, Communication Research, Vol. 14, 1987,
396-414; Pamela J. Shoemaker, Lucig H. Danielian, Nancy Brendlinger, Deviant acts,
risky business and U.S. interests: the newsworthiness of world events, Journalism
Quarterly, Winter 1991, v68, n4, 781.

3’ Tsan-Kuo Chang and Jae-Won Lee, Factors Affecting Gatekeepers, Selection of Foreign
News: A National Survey of Newspaper Editors, paper presented to the Annual Meeting of
the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Minneapolis,
August 1990.

33 L. V. Sigal, Reporters and Officials, Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1973.

3" Nicholas 0. Berry, Foreign Policy and the Press: An Analysis of The New York Times’
Coverage of U.S. Foreign Policy, New York: Greenwood Press, 1990.

’5 Gaye Tuchman, The TV Establishment: Programming for Power, Englewood Cliffs,
NJ: Prentice Hall, 1974.

36 D. Hallin, The Uncensored War, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.

37 Graham T. Allison, Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, Little
Brown, Boston, 1971.

38 Stephen D. Krasner, Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials, Investment, and
United States Foreign Policy, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978.

39 Samuel P Huntington, The Erosion of American National Interests, Foreign Affairs;
New York; Sep/Oct 1997

168

 

 

”America ’s National Interests, A Report from the Commission on America's National
Interests, Cambridge: Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University, 1996.

4' America ’s National Interests, 1996.

42 Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro, The Coming Conflict with China, Alfred A.
Knopf, New York, 1997, 218.

’3 Qingshan Tan, The Making of U.S. China Policy, from Normalization to the Post-Cold
War Era, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, Colorado, 1992, 13-14.

‘4 Qingshan Tan, The Making of U.S. China Policy, from Normalization to the Post-Cold
War Era, 1992.

45 Qingshan Tan, The Making of U.S. China Policy, from Normalization to the Post-Cold
War Era, 1992.

‘5 William T. Tow (ed.), Building S ino-American Relations: an Analysis for the I990s,
Paragon House, New York, 1991, 10-11.

’7 A James Gregor, The China Connection, U.S. Policy and the People ’3 Republic of
China, Hoover Institutions Press, Stanford University, Stanford, California, 1986, pp. 187-
193.

48 A James Gregor, 1986, pp. 204-205.
49 A James Gregor, 1986, pp. 205-206.
5° Ben Wildavsky, Beyond MFN, National Journal, Washington; Jun 1, 1996;

5' David Zweig, Sino-American Relations and Human Rights, June 4 and the Changing
Nature of a Bilateral Relationship, in William T. Tow (ed.), Building Sino-American
Relations: an Analysis for the 1990s, Paragon House, New York, 1991, 57-86.

52 A Glenn Mower, Jr., Human Rights and American Foreign Policy: The Carter and
Reagan Experiences, Greenwood Press, New York, 1987, p. 153.

53 Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro, The Coming Conflict with China, Alfred A.
Knopf, New York, 1997, 203-205.
5" Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro, The Coming Conflict with China, 1997, 211-212.

55 Richard Bernstein and Ross H. Munro, The Coming Conflict with China, 1997, 208

169

 

 

5" Tsan-Kuo Chang, The press and China policy: the illusion of Sino-American relations,
1950-1984, Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub. Corp., 1993, p.36.

57 Pamela J. Shoemaker, Lucig H. Danielian and Nancy Brendlinger, Deviant Acts, Risky
Business and U.S. Interest: The Newsworthiness of World Events, Journalism Quarterly,
68 (4), 1991, pp. 781-795; Herbert Gans, Decoding What’s News, New York: Random
House, 1979.

5" Herbert Gans, Decoding What ’s News, New York: Random House, 1979.

’9 D. L. Paletz, and R. M. Entman, Media, Power, Politics, New York: The Free Press,
1981, p. 215.

6° M. Kern, P. W. Levering, and R. B. Levering, The Kennedy Crisis: The Press, The
Presidency, and Foreign Policy, Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press,
1983.

“Robyn Goodman, Prestige Press Coverage of Sino-American Relations from the Cold
War's Demise to the Post Cold War Period, Reagan '3 Final years to the Clinton
Administration, 1985 to 1993, unpublished dissertation.

62 Chin-Chuan Lee and J unghye Yang, Foreign News and national Interest: Comparing
U.S. and Japanese coverage of a Chinese Student Movement, Gazette 56: 1-8, 1995.

5’ Chin-Chuan Lee and Junghye Yang, Foreign News and national Interest: Comparing
U.S. and Japanese coverage of a Chinese Student Movement, Gazette, 56: 1-8, 1995.

6’ De Sola Pool, et a1, Symbols of Democracy, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1952;
The “Prestige Papers”, A Survey of Their Editorials, Stanford University Press, Stanford,
1952.

6’ Jie Chen, Ideology in U.S. Foreign Policy, Case Studies in U.S. China Policy, Praeger,
Westport, CT, 1992.

6" Warren Christopher, Shift from Communist Ideological orthodoxy to Pragmatism, The
New York Times, August 14, 1988, VI, 22:1.

67 Tsan-Kuo Chang, The Press and China Policy, The Illusion of Sino-America Relations,
1 950-1984, 1993, p. 88.

68.1. H. Trattner, Reporting Foreign Afiairs, Washington Quarterly, 5, 1982, pp. 103-111.

69 C. F. Herman, Policy classification: A key to the comparative study of foreign policy, in
J. N. Rosenau, V. Davis, & M. A. East (Eds), The Analysis of International Politics,
New York, The Free Press, 1972, p. 72.

170

 

 

7° Karl Deutsch, The Analysis of International Relations, Third edition, Prentice hall,
Englewood Cliff, New Jersey, 1988, p. 54.

7' Alxander L. George, Presidential Decision Making in Foreign Policy: The Efiective use
of Information and Advice, Boulder, Colo, 1980, p. 221.

7’ Xigen Li and Charles St. Cyr, Human Rights in China, A Pawn of a Political Agenda, A
Content Analysis of The New York Times (1987-1996), Gazette, Vol. 60, No. 6,
December 1998.

73 Frederick Fico and Stan Soffin, Fairness and Balance of Selected Newspaper Coverage
of Controversial National, State, and Local Issues, Journalism & Mass Communication
Quarterly, Autumn 1995, 72(3), p. 621. The detailed instrument measuring fairness and
balance has been adapted for this study based on personal discussion with Fred Fico.

7’ Modern Media Institute, The Adversary Press, St. Peterberg, FL, Modern Media
Institute, 1983, p. xi.

7’ B. C. Cohen, The Press and Foreign Policy, Princeton, NJ: Princeton, University Press,
1963; Davision, W. P. M., Mass Communication and Diplomacy, in J. N. Rosenau, K. W.
Thompson, & G. Boyd (Eds), World Politics, New York: The Free Press, pp. 388-403;
Rubin B., The Press in Its Own Image, Washington Quarterly, 2, 1979, pp. 44-53.

7" Geogette Wang, The People ’s Daily and Nixon’s Visit to China, in A. Armo & W.
Dissanayake (Eds), The News Media in National and International Conflict, New York,
1986,p.144.

7’ Alex S. Edelstein, Comparative Communication Research, Sage Publications, Beverly
Hills, CA, 1982, p. 126.

78 W. Schramm, One Day in the World ’s Press: Fourteen Great Newspapers on a Day of
Crisis, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959.

79 James W. Dearing and Everett M. Rogers, Agenda-Setting, Sage Publications, Thousand
Oaks, CA, 1996, p. 31.

8° People ’s Daily, Most Important Newspaper Published in China, The New York Times,
August 23, 1990, A, 4:3.

3‘ Geogette Wang, The People ’s Daily and Nixon’s Visit to China, in A. Armo & W.
Dissanayake (Eds), The News Media in National and International Conflict, New York,
1986,p.136.

171

 

 

82 Won Ho Chang, Mass Media in China, The History and the Future, Iowa State
University Press, 1989, pp. 93-94.

83 Tsan-Kuo Chang, The press and China policy: the illusion of Sino-American relations,
[950-1984, 1993, p. 5.

84 John H. McManus, Market-driven joumalism: let the citizen beware? Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage Publications, 1994.

85 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Collective Works, New York: International Publishers, 1927.

3" L. John Martin and Anju Grover Chaudhary, Comparative Mass Media Systems,
Longman, New York, 1983, p. 9.

8” Tsan-Kuo Chang, The Press and China Policy, The Illusion of Sino-America Relations,
[950-1984, Ablex Publishing Corporation, Norwood, New Jersey, 1993, p. 92.

88 Daniel Riffe, Stephen Lacy and Fred Fico, Analyzing Media Messages: Using
Quantitative Content Analysis in Research, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ,
1998.

89Steven Lacy and Denial Riffe, Sampling Error and Selecting Intercoder Reliability
Samples for Nominal Content Categories, Journalism and Mass Communication
Quarterly, 73(4), Winter 1996, 963- 973. The formula for estimating simple random
sample sizes for reliability test is n=(N-1) (SE)2 + PQN/(N-l) (SE)2 + PQ. n- — sample
size for reliability check, N: the population size (number of content unites in the study, P
= the population level of agreement, and Q = (l-P).

”Intercoder reliability for nominal variables at assumed 90 percent agreement (using Lacy
and Riffe’s formula and Scott’s Pi), P < .05, Dateline, 1.0; newspot, 1.0; newspeg, .87;
content orientation, .80; portrayal direction, .77; topic, .82; Ratio variables (using Pearson’s
correlation coefficient), P < .01, reference to national interest (trade), .83 :1: .02, reference to
non-trade interest, .81 :1: .02, reference to trade, .79 :1: .02, reference to non-trade issues, .77
:1: .02, source, .79 ~ .84 :1: .02, fairness and balance, .76 ~ .88 :1: .02.

9' T. Y. Lau, Press Role in China, unpublished dissertation, Michigan State University,
1992.

92 Robyn Goodman, Prestige Press Coverage of Sino-American Relations from the Cold
War's Demise to the Post Cold War Period, Reagan 's Final years to the Clinton
Administration, 1985 to 1993, unpublished dissertation, Michigan State University, 1996.

93Xigen Li and Charles St. Cyr, Human Rights in China, A Pawn of a Political Agenda, A
Content Analysis of The New York Times (1987-1996), Gazette, Vol. 60, No. 6,
December 1998, 531-547.

172

 

 

9" Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Message, Theories of
Influences on Mass Media Content, Longman, New York, 1991.

95 Trends in Foreign Direct Investment, The F riedland Asia Report, Friedland Associates,
Ltd, http://www.friedland-fin.com/asiapac/asiart/ar950422.htm, Dec. 29, 1998.

”Chi Hung Kwan, Asia's New Wave of Foreign Direct Investment, NRI Quarterly, Vol.
3., No.4, Winter, 1994, httpzllwww.nri.co.jp/nri/publications/nrin/94winter/txt03-
03.html, Dec. 29, 1998.

97 David E. Sanger, Study Shows Jump in Investing in China and Revival in Mexico, The
New York Times, March 24, 1997, Monday, Late Edition - Final, Section D; Page 2;
Column 1.

98 Survey of Current Business, U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 1997.

99 Wayne M. Morrison, China-U.S. Trade Issues, Congressional Research Service,
Washington, DC, 1991.

173