~\r'Q-V.~r‘- .. willlllllllllflllm 1 93 01774 3901 r ' LIBRARY Mlchigan State ; University This is to certify that the thesis entitled UNDERSTANDING THE FAILURE OF PHILIPPINES REFORESTATION: A CASE STUDY IN DIVERGENT LAND USE PRACTICES AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERCEPTIONS presented by Jay H. Samek has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M. A. degree in Geography Wat. 0W Major professor Date Q7gMI/é /9?8 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution PLACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINE return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE I I ‘04: 0‘ 7; 0 '1‘ OCT 0 1 2001. v 1M WM“ UNDERSTANDING THE FAILURE OF PHILIPPINE REFORESTATION: A CASE STUDY IN DIVERGENT LAND USE PRACTICES AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERCEPTIONS By Jay H. Samek A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1998 ofl 1W:- SOU Site 80. am Of: ma do En im] ABSTRACT UNDERSTANDING THE FAILURE OF PHILIPPINE REF ORESTATION: A CASE STUDY IN DIVERGENT LAND USE PRACTICES AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERCEPTIONS By Jay H. Samek Philippine reforestation efforts have achieved limited success in establishing tree cover. Current explanations do not include environmental perceptions as factors in understanding why reforestation projects have been unsuccessful. This study explores the potential of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions between the Philippine Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and a group of local people. Both quantitative and qualitative data were used. Interview data from twenty-one households, data from government documents and archival sources were used to analyze land cover and land cover change in the study site and to analyze the land use practices and environmental perceptions. My findings show that Carranglan is dominated by grassland, while 80.03 % is officially classified as Forest land. Divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions exist between the DENR and the local people of Calo. Differences in the ways these two groups perceive the environment may impact the social forestry efforts in Carranglan. These alone, however, do not explain the marginal success of tree planting activities in Carranglan. Environmental, political, economic and other social/cultural constraints also impact these tree-planting efforts. guic adV pUI": Dr. for COR 1 th for {I'll ‘Illl Phi to I' the: My COD per] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A manuscript such as this is not possible without the support and guidance of many individuals. I thank Dr. Edward Whitesell, my faculty advisor, for his patience, understanding and critical commentary. His pursuit of clarity and quality has greatly influenced this thesis. I thank, too, Dr. Anne Ferguson for her expertise in ethnography and Dr. Jeff Reidinger for his vast knowledge of the Philippines. My three months of research in the Philippines could not have been completed without the financial support from the Department of Geography. I thank Dr. Rene Hinojosa, Chair of the Department, for recommending me for a graduate office fellowship. The generosity and hospitality of many families and individuals in the Philippines contributed greatly to this project. I will forever remain indebted to the Cornejo family, our gracious hosts in San Jose, Nueva Ecija. This thesis, however, is the story of the families of sitio Calo. It is their story! My relationship to them spans ten years, and I hope I have been able to contribute a fraction of the joy that I have gained from knowing them. I thank, too, my wife, Manila, and daughter, Rachiny, for being the perfect traveling companions. They helped refine my research by iii contini suppOI connil inSUUi llerin not to resear peoph Sheis “tnki continually asking questions and offering suggestions. Their patience and support are as much responsible for this thesis as any other single contribution. Finally, I thank Adelwisa Weller, who began as my language instructor and quickly became my mentor and most respected collaborator. Her insights regarding Filipino culture, her assistance with my questionnaire, not to mention my Ilokano language skills and her genuine interest in my research were by far my greatest sources of motivation. Her concern for the people of the Philippines, for the environment, and for justice is unmatched. She is a true inspiration, and I feel most lucky to have had the experience of working with her. iv LIST LIST GLC CHA CH! CH; TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES GLOSSARY OF TERMS, ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Problem Statement Review of Philippine Reforestation Approach of the Study Organization of the Study Limitations of the Study CHAPTER TWO: THE STUDY SITE The Community - sitio Calo, Barangay Bunga, Carranglan Nueva Ecija Geographic Location and Infrastructure Demographic and Socio-Cultural Context Historical Context Political Geography The Pantabangan Watershed Forest Management Programs in Carranglan and the Pantabangan Watershed Assessment of Reforestation and Tree Planting Projects in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW Introduction Political Ecology Philippine Forests viii ix 12 15 25 31 31 37 48 51 59 62 68 71 72 76 CHAI C HA CH, CH Social Forestry & Participatory Natural Resources Management 91 Environmental Perception & The Social Construction of Nature 104 CHAPTER FOUR: OBJECTIVES AND METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSES Objectives 121 Data Collection 123 Primary Data 123 Secondary Data 124 Data Analyses 127 CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS: LAND COVER, LAND USE PRACTICES, AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERCEPTIONS Land Cover in Carranglan 132 DENR Land Use Concepts/Practices and Environmental Perceptions in Carranglan 151 Land Use Concepts/Practices and Environmental Perceptions of the People in Calo 165 CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS Effects of Divergent Land Use Practices and Environmental Perceptions on Social Forestry 183 Constraints to Social Forestry in Carranglan 189 The Convergence of Political Ecology and Environmental Perception 201 CHAPTER SEVEN: IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE PHILIPPINE FOREST MANAGEMENT PROGRAMS The Practice of Participation in Philippine Social Forestry 204 The Quest for Common Ground 210 Political Impediments to Social Forestry in Carranglan 212 vi API Conclusion 216 APPENDICES 218 BIBLIOGRAPHY 228 vii p. 40 p. 43 LIST OF TABLES p. 40 Table 1 - Demographic Statistics of 21 Households in Calo p. 43 Table 2 — Animals of 21 Households in Calo viii p. 45 p. 46 p. 49 D61 p. 134 13.135 13.136 13-137 P. 149 13.154 p. 32 p. 36 p. 45 p. 45 p. 45 p. 46 p. 49 .61 .134 .135 .136 "U'U'U'U p. 137 p. 149 p. 152 p. 154 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 - Four Points of the KITE (Campbell and Olson, 1993) Figure 2 — Political Geography of Study Site Figure 3 - Land Use Cover of Calo and Distribution of Structures Figure 4 - House: One Story, Sawalz' Walls & Cogon Roof Figure 5 - House: One Story, Sawali Walls & Corrugated Iron Roof Figure 6 - House: One Story, Cinder Block Walls, Cement Floor & Corrugated Iron Roof Figure 7 - Wealth-ranking by House Type Figure 8- Map of Carranglan Showing DENR Land Classifications Figure 9 - Hydrology of the Pantabangan Watershed Figure 10 - Land Cover Percentages in Carranglan Figure 11 - Map of Land Cover in Carranglan Figure 12 - Land Cover Percentages in Region Surrounding Carranglan (3.6 x) Figure 13 - Map of Land Cover in Region Surrounding Carranglan (3.6 x) Figure 14 - Photo of Slumping in the Hills of Karamramutan Figure 15 - Land Cover Percentages for Official Forest land in Carranglan Figure 16 - Land Cover Map of Official Forest land in Carranglan ix GLOSSARY OF TERMS, ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS A & D Land - Alienable and Disposable Land. One of two major sub- divisions of public domain lands, the other being Forest Lands. Public domain lands and those not deemed necessary for forest purposes are classified as A & D Land. Distinguished from Forest Land, A & D Lands may be titled to citizens of the State. A & D lands comprise approximately 14.12 million hectares (47.05 %) of the county's total land area. ADB - Asian Development Bank. An international donor institution operating primarily at the regional scale of Asia. ADB was a major lender in the five year Forestry Sector Loan Program (1988 - 92). barangay - The smallest recognizable socio-political unit prior to Spanish conquest. The barangay remains a viable political sub-unit of municipalities. The barangay is similar to a village. BFD - The Bureau of Forest Development. Prior to 1987, the BFD was known as a very powerful and corrupt bureau under the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (Vitug, 1993). In 1987, Fulgencio Factoran, appointed by President Aquino as director of the DENR, overhauled the DENR and downgraded the BF D to a staff— bureau, in the process renaming it the Forest Management Bureau (FMB). CARP — Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, signed by President Corazon Aquino in 1989. CBFM - Community-Based Forest Management. The most recent people- centered, social forestry program in the Philippines. CBFM is the current "primary strategy for achieving sustainable forestry and social justice in the uplands" (Borlagdan, 1997: 17). All previous people- centered forestry programs are being integrated under CBFM, as per Executive Order No. 263, issued by President Ramos in 1995. CENRO - Community Environment and Natural Resources Office of the DENR. There are 147 DENR community offices throughout the X country, each headed by a CENRO officer "who is responsible for the implementation of all laws and regulations involving the environment and natural resources in his/her areas. He/ She is also mandated to implement at the grass roots level all DENR programs and projects" (Gacoscosim 1995: 81). CF P - Community Forestry Program. A DENR program, launched through DENR Administrative Order No 123, series of 1989, which allows organized rural communities to manage and develop tracts of forest land and utilize products harvested from these lands. contract reforestation - The colloquial name for the Community Forestry Program or CF P, which focused primarily on reforestation and tree planting contracts. CSC - Certificate of Stewardship Contract. The tenure instrument issued to forest occupants who participate in the Integrated Social Forestry program. The CSC gives 25-year tenure to farms in the forest lands and is renewable for another 25 years. DENR - Department of Environment and Natural Resources. The DENR was created in a reorganization of the Ministry of Natural Resources in 1987 through Presidential Order No. 192. The DENR has six staff bureaus: 1) the Forest Management Bureau (FMB), 2) the Land Management Bureau (LMB), 3) the Mines and Geo-Sciences Bureau, 4) the Environmental Management Bureau (EMB), 5) the Ecosystems Research and Development Bureau (ERDB), and 6) the Protected Areas and Wildlife Bureau (PAWB). environmental perception - The concept refers to people's culturally and socially constructed images of their surrounding environment. Images and understandings of any environment, are filtered through a "lens" trough which people interpret, comprehend, understand, and relate to their surrounding environment. These filters may be influenced by many factors: education, culture, ethnicity, gender, age, experience, social status, economic status, employment, and so on. Inherent in this idea is the plurality of perceptions expressed by individuals, groups, communities, and institutions. xi F LMA - Forest Land Management Agreement. The tenure instrument issued to organized residents of a community who have established a reforestation project (usually under the CF P or CBF M programs) and are residing near the project area. F LMA tenure is given for 25 years, renewable for another 25 years. FMB - Forest Management Bureau. The FMB was created in the reorganization of the several ministries in 1987. It is comprised of the former Bureau of Forest Development (BF D) and the Wood Industry Development Authority (WIDA). The F MB is responsible for forest land use, forest management, reforestation and social forestry. forest - An area with a minimum size of one hectare on which there is a stand of trees covering at least 10 percent of the area. These can include seedlings, saplings, wild palms and bamboo (U SAID 1989: A- 93). Forest land - "Public domain land which has not been declared alienable and disposable and presumed needed for forest uses; in common usage the definition applies to all land within or above the so-called 18 percent slope line, the forest reserves, forest reservations, timber lands, grazing lands, and game refuges and bird sanctuaries" (USAID 1989: A-93). grassland - "Land covered with indigenous species with less than 10 percent tree cover" (USAID 1989: A-93). ha - hectare(s). Unit of measurement equal to 10,000 square meters or 2.471 acres Ibaloi - One of the major ethnolinguistic groups found primarily in the Cordillera Region (the highlands) of Luzon. Igorot - An indigenous Filipino (Tagalog) word meaning "mountaineer" or "hill people", used to describe the various peoples inhabiting the highlands of the Philippines. The term as generally used by lowlanders has derogatory connotations such as "unchristian" and "uncivilized," however, it receives a mixed approval among "highlanders" themselves (Scott 1993: 69-70). xii Ilokano - A major ethnolinguistic group on Luzon whose inhabitants originated in the Ilokos region, but who have become widespread throughout the lowlands and highlands of Luzon. ISF - Integrated Social Forestry Program. A national inter-agency program created by Letter of Instruction No. 1260, in July 1982. The ISF aims to promote the "socio-economic conditions of forest occupants and communities dependent on forest land for their livelihood, providing land tenure and, at the same time, protecting and improving the quality of the environment" (DENR, 1997: 8). kaingin - Most define kaingin as slash-and-burn or swidden agriculture. NGO - Non-govemmental Organization. PENRO - Provincial Environment and Natural Resources Office. DENR provincial offices headed by an appointed officer, "responsible for the implementation of DENR policies, regulations, programs, projects and activities in the province" (DENR, 199?: 8) sitio - A Spanish term for a small cluster of houses or a hamlet. The term is still used today. social forestry - An alternative to traditional western (US and European) forestry practices (characterized by a scientific, industrial, "expert" management bias), social forestry aims to incorporate local people in forest management activities and to integrate socio-economic goals with environmental goals. SPOT - System Pour l'Observation de la T erre. A French government sponsored earth observation system providing satellite imagery of the earth. xiii CHAPTER ONE Problem Statement Reforestation and tree planting efforts in the Philippines, as a response to forest cover decline, have achieved limited success at best, and, at worse, been complete failures. Why these programs have not been more successfiil is not completely understood. Current theory regarding Philippine forest management programs cite multiple factors adversely affecting reforestation and tree planting efforts. Largely overlooked, however, is the possibility that divergent land use practices or environmental perceptions could help explain why tree planting efforts have not been more successful. Land use practices refer to the ways people use specific areas in the natural environment for specific functions, such as paddy rice fields, plantation forestry, grazing lands, and irrigation canals. Environmental perceptions refer to people’s culturally and socially constructed images of their surrounding environment. In other words, how people relate to, understand, and conceptualize the environment around them and their place within that environment. Divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions may actually underpin many of the factors cited in the literature. Slash and burn l b ."|V.' V R 1 ’7 agriculture. km pasture grasses destruction of particular land environment; behavioral ch or raise local forests throu Consciousnc Effective du PCtCeption . that are. b\ This SignifiCam perception ResourCCS and a x-ttt. (2) 10 “It: Perceptim helps flllz agriculture, known as kaingin fanning in the Philippines, and the burning of pasture grasses, resulting in wildfires, are cited as being responsible for the destruction of newly planted seedlings. Rather than understanding this as a particular land use activity practiced by people with a particular environmental perception, program strategies have tended to focus on behavioral change and participation methods. These are intended to educate or raise local peoples’ consciousness and increase their vested interest in forests through project participation. Unfortunately, environmental consciousness-raising and participatory approaches may not be any more effective due to fundamental land/resource use and environmental perception differences between local people and the government institutions that are, by law, responsible for managing the country’s forests. This thesis uses a case study approach to assess (1) whether or not significant differences exist in land use practices and environmental perceptions between the Philippine Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), which is responsible for forest management programs, and a village of local people who are considered to be forest occupants; and, (2) to what extent divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions might explain the failures of tree planting programs. This study helps fill a void in the current literature regarding our understanding of 2 factors affecting reforestation programs in the Philippines. It also adds greater depth to our understanding of constraints already identified through previous work. Review of Philippine Reforestation Forest cover decline in the Philippines is a well-documented phenomenon (Anderson 1987; Boado 1988; Boyce 1993; FAO 1993a; FAO 1993b; Hurst 1990; Kummer 1991; LRC-KSK/FOE - Philippines 1992; Porter and Ganapin 1988; Rainforest Action Network 1993; Repetto 1988; Thapa and Weber 1990; Vitug 1993; World Bank 1989). The Philippine forests today cover approximately 23 to 26 % of the total land area, a drastic decline from some researchers’ estimates of between 65 and 80 % of the country’s total area in 1900. With exploitable forest nearly gone, recent literature and government policy are now concerned with conservation and rehabilitation of degraded lands (Peluso, et al. 1995). Recently, the primary response to deforestation by the Philippine government, NGOs, and international donor agencies has been the implementation of new forest management programs, many of which target local residents as partners or stakeholders. These include the Forest Occupancy Management Program (F OM), the Communal Tree Farming Program (CTF), the Family Approach 3 ‘1‘ to Reforestation (FAR), the Agro-Forestry Contract Program (AFC), the Integrated Social Forestry Program (ISF), the Community Forestry Program (CF P), and most recently the Community-Based Forest Management Program (CBF M). In theory, the Philippine social forestry programs attempt to integrate rural economic development with conservation, and incorporate local people as users and producers in reforestation and forest management practices (Aguilar, Jr. 1982; Braganza 1996; FAO 1993b; Gacoscosim 1995; Ganguli 1995; Gaspar, et al. 1994; Gibbs, Payuan, and del Castillo 1990; Korten 1994; World Bank 1989). Social forestry programs, in general, are intended to “slow down deforestation and to intensify tree planting inside and outside forests” (Cemea 1991: 302). Unfortunately, the Philippine forest management programs aimed at planting trees and establishing forest cover have achieved little. According to a 1989 World Bank report, “Reforestation in the past has been at rates too low to match the rate of degradation, much less make a dent in the over five million hectares of deforested areas which have deteriorated into fire-prone grasslands, of which some 1.3 million hectares lie in ‘critical watersheds’” (pp. 20-21). According to Korten (1994: 974): “Government records showed [reforestation] projects from 1916, when the US colonial administration introduced the concept of reforestation. From that time until 4 1987, the Bureau of Forest Development had undertaken 184 reforestation projects targeting about one million hectares. Of that target, the Bureau had actually planted trees in an area covering 272,000 hectares. A 1988 German-sponsored study sampled the area planted, finding that 26 %, or 70,000 hectares of the total area planted, could be considered actually reforested at the time of their surveys (Philippine German Forest Resource Inventory Project, 1988).” Korten refers to this as “the dismal history of reforestation in the country,” (1994: 974). Citing a slightly more optimistic figure, the June 30, 1988 Philippine Daily Inquirer remarked, “the government cannot claim any credit of success only a minimal 33.2 % of the total reforestation objective of the government has been obtained,” (in Gaspar, et a1. 1994: v). These figures reflect the efforts of what are referred to as ‘regular reforestation’ projects. These are characterized by top-down, centrally designed programs which targeted specific areas for tree planting activities and included local people as hired laborers. Reforestation activities became more people-centered in the late 19803 with the implementation of the Community Forestry Program (CFP), also known as Contract Reforestation. This program, too, met with little success. While initial results seemed promising, with reports of 80 % survival rates within the first three months of planting, survival rates three 5 months to one Mindanao. at planting. sun 1994:9761. taking (191,- community 1994: t), 7 Survival tn 0H as longer. Planted a War 0T1 l9909p‘ Matteo 40 9/0 f‘ litem 1993; Bank peI‘Sp‘ months to one year after planting declined to 50 - 76 %. On the island of Mindanao, a project which boasted 83 % survival rate one year after planting, saw only 42 % at the end of three years (UNAC 1992, in Korten 1994: 976). In a project located in Davao Oriental Province on Mindanao, Laking (1994: 4), notes that “of the 19,679 [hectares] covered by forestry community projects ..., not one hectare is successful” (in Gaspar, et al. 1994: v). The goal of the DENR in these tree planting attempts is an 80 % survival rate three years after seedlings have been out-planted. Overestimates of survival rates have been common in these contracts, as longer-term tenure rights to project areas depend on 80 % survival of trees planted after three years. These high rates, particularly ones sighted one year or less after planting, have blurred official forest cover statistics. In 1990, Peter Walpole, director of the Environmental Research Division of Ataneo de Manila University, estimated an accomplishment rate of less than 40 % for all CFP areas (Korten 1994: 976). Why have these tree planting programs been so unsuccessful? The literature suggests multiple factors adversely affecting these programs (F A0 1993; Galvez 1984; Gaspar, et a1. 1994; IPC 1982; Korten 1994; World Bank 1989). Accompanying the various explanations are multiple perspectives. Foresters cite infrastructural and environmental constraints 6 (Galvez 1984). The politically active cite government corruption (Gaspar, et al. 1994). Though each piece of literature may not cite the same specific constraints, most imply a complex set of factors that impact the outcome of the tree planting programs. SOCIAL/CULTURAL A\ ECONOMIC < 7‘ POLITICAL \i/ ENVIRONMENTAL Figure l - Four Points of the KITE (Campbell and Olson, 1993) A heuristic diagram borrowed and slightly modified from the environment-development framework known as the KITE (Campbell and Olson 1993: 14-15) provides a schemata to categorize the cited constraints to tree planting. The framework includes four points referred to as “categorical variables.” Three of the points are the “societal elements of economic, political and social/cultural factors,” the fourth is the physical environment (Campbell and Olson 1993: 15). These represent four discrete systems - 7 social/cultural, ecological, political and economic - Open to analysis in and of themselves, which are nevertheless interrelated (figure 1). The following is a list of factors affecting tree planting and social forestry activities found in the literature. The list is generated from nine articles all regarding the Philippines; five deal with specific projects, four with general country-wide programs. Their range in publication dates reflect, to some extent, the recent historical changes in forest policies and programs. The list is organized using the four categories borrowed from the KITE model, and includes citations. Social/Cultural: Fires (Galvez 1984; Gaspar, et al. 1994) Uncontrolled exploitation of watershed resources (Galvez 1994; Korten 1994) Poor relations (i.e., skepticism, distrust, resentment) between local people and government personnel (Cernea, et al. 1991; FAO 1993) Inadequate assessment of land capability (Korten 1994) Poor adaptation to local social, economic, and silvicultural conditions (Gaspar, et al. 1994; Korten 1994) Poor monitoring and evaluation (Dizon 1986; Gaspar, et al. 1994; Korten 1994) Poor implementation of projects by government employees (Dizon 1986; Gaspar, et al. 1994; Korten 1994) Lack of, or poorly implemented, education component/consciousness raising (AGNOC 1991b; Cernea, et al. 1991; Gaspar, et al. 1994) Participation not maximized (AGNOC 1991b; Gaspar, et a1. 1994) Lack of competent government leadership (Dizon 1986) Poor incorporation of a community’s perceived needs (AGNOC 1991b; Aguilar 1982; Cernea, et al. 1991; Dizon 1986) 8 Political: Graft and corruption (Gaspar, et al. 1994) NO or insufficient participation by local people in planning and decision-making processes (AGNOC 1991b; Dizon 1986; Gaspar, et al. 1994; World Bank 1989) Insufficient privatization of reforestation projects (FAO 1993; Korten 1994) Insecure tree and land tenure (AGNOC 1991b; Aguilar 1982; Cernea, et al. 1991; World Bank 1989) Ecological: Fires attributed to lengthy dry season and land cover dominated by grasslands (AGNOC 1991b; Reyes and Mendoza 1983; Gaspar, et al. 1994) Droughts and typhoons (AGNOC 1991b; Cernea, et al. 1991) Poor soil conditions (AGNOC 1991b; Cernea, et al. 1991) Poor tree species selection (Galvez 1984; Gaspar, et a1. 1994) Weeds, pests and disease infestation (Galvez 1984) Economic: Poor access to roads and poor transport facilities (Galvez 1984) Insufficient fire prevention and protection (Galvez 1984) Slow and/or expensive procurement of seeds and propagation of planting materials (AGNOC 1991b; Galvez 1984) Tardy budgetary releases (Cernea, et al. 1991; World Bank 1989) Inadequate budgets (Korten 1994) The list may not be exhaustive, but it does point to the complexity of tree planting programs in the Philippines. Besides the overall complexity, some factors are simply difficult to place in the general KITE categories. I have separated them according to the emphases placed on them by their respective authors, g1 have interpreted them. “Fires” falls within two categories. Some see the problem as an ecological one associated with lengthy dry seasons and an abundance of grassland providing tinder for fires. Others argue that fires are a destructive act caused by farmers or careless workers. A more complete understanding, even of this one factor, lies in the consideration of its multiple aspects. The KITE framework, applied as a heuristic device, portrays the complexity of each particular factor as it is linked to one or more of the three “systems” in the framework. The KITE also calls our attention to the multiple factors as a whole and their multiple linkages to one another. This is a move away from simple cause and effect analysis to a more holistic interpretation of the underlying processes. Attention should be paid to the historical context of the literature as it pertains to the changes in forest policies, as well as to the particular worldview(s) of the author(s). Participation is cited, using a variety of terminology, as a factor affecting tree planting programs. The programs in the late 1970S and early 19803 incorporated local people as hired laborers, but as social forestry or people-centered ideas became more dominant, particularly after 1986, writers expressed the need for local participation beyond their use as laborers. The need for full and equal participation by local people, from project design and implementation through monitoring and evaluation, was identified as a key component of successful forestry lO programs. Tree and land tenure were also noted as important issues. As new programs were created (ISF and CF P), they began to include these ideas. Failures associated with these programs led to the identification of other problems (the rhetoric of participation in project profiles was not being practiced in reality; local people were not being educated as to the economic and environmental benefits; there wasn’t enough emphasis on consciousness raising or community organizing activities). The latest initiative, the Community-Based Forest Management Program or CBF M, is an outgrowth of the failures associated with CFP. Along with community participation and tenure agreements, a third component has been added. The dispersal of funds includes monies earmarked for community development. A third party, usually a local NGO, is contracted to spend anywhere from a few weeks to a few months conducting community organizing and environmental “awareness” workshops. The program is too new at this point to find any published literature regarding how successful CBF M has been in establishing permanent forest cover. In summary, forestry management programs have become more participatory and centered on tree planting activities since the mid 1980’s. Unfortunately, they have achieved little with respect to survival rates of trees 11 planted. Current literature cites multiple factors including economic, political, socio/cultural and environmental factors affecting tree planting programs. A more detailed discussion of forestry management programs for the country, specific tree planting programs and an assessment of their successes are given in chapter three. Overlooked in the literature, however, is the existence of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions. These may underpin other factors already cited and also be a factor in and of themselves affecting the success of tree planting programs. Approach of the Study This thesis uses a case study approach to investigate the possible existence of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions, and the implications Of such a divergence. The study focuses on a small community of “forest occupants” who have been participants in the ISF program since 1988, and who live in an area where reforestation and tree planting projects have been on-going since 1938. The study compares the land use practices and environmental perceptions of the people in this community with those of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and one of its staff-bureaus, the Forest Management Bureau (F MB), whose jurisdiction includes Philippine Forest Lands. 12 The study uses a combination of empirical, anecdotal, and qualitative information derived from interviews, survey questionnaires, government documents, maps and archival sources. The data is used to answer four research questions. The overarching question in this study is whether or not divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions exist between the people of one community on one hand and the DENR/F MB on the other, and the implications of such divergence on tree planting programs in the area. The study draws on a social constructionist perspective (Cosgrove 1984; Davis 1993; Evemden 1981; Greider and Garkovich 1994; Hannigan 1995; Nabhan 1995) closely linked with the pluralist and dialectical approach to human and environment interactions as put forth by political ecology (Blaikie 1994, 1995; Campbell and Olson 1993). A number of fundamental concepts underpin this research. Human activities, at many scales and over time, can and do shape biophysical environments. The results range from the creation of largely human-made environments, as we see in urban areas, to virtually unnoticeable impacts, as in the braids of now-overgrown paths once used by native Americans in the Southeastern United States. Human impacts are not independent from other biophysical forces, but instead may work to complement or contradict them. 13 Underlying environment-sculpting human activities are peoples’ environmental perceptions shaped by a multitude of possible factors: culture, socio-economic status, historical and political antecedents and contexts, education, gender, age, experiences, and so on. The result of these multiple factors which affect peoples’ environmental perceptions is a filter or lens through which humans perceive, understand, and interact with the surrounding physical environment. A physical environment may be a product of purely non- anthropogenic forces, though with global processes such as acid rain, greenhouse gases and the growing mobility of humankind, these are becoming less and less common. Scale, which once could obscure much of the human imprint on the landscape, is also becoming less and less a factor. Where once we could see few human-created patterns on the earth’s surface, now we can distinguish many patterns, day or night. A composite of satellite images of the Amazon Basin reveals a pattern of forest fragmentation, that is human induced. When darkness casts its shadow over North America, the eastern seaboard twinkles with a megalopolis of light. At the local scale, an inquisitive mind can Often perceive a past “imprint” still visible, in aplace that, to an unsuspecting observer, appears to be “pristine wilderness.” l4 Where multiple human activities occur directly and immediately on the physical environment, so too exists the potential for multiple environmental perceptions. This may occur at local, regional or global scales, and even across scales. This study centers on two groups, a local community and the DENR/FMB, that impact and try to shape a particular local environment. The DENR/F MB has attempted, and continues to attempt, to transform a grassland-dominated environment into one with forest cover. Their most recent approaches to transforming this environment include participatory and social forestry practices. To date, their attempts have mostly been unsuccessful. Explanations for their failure have ignored the potential divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions between the DENR/FMB, as an institution, and the local people. Organization of the Study My thesis is organized into seven chapters, including this introductory chapter. The Study Site Chapter two is a comprehensive site description. The community I focused on is sitio Calo, a relatively young settlement in Carranglan, Nueva 15 Ecija located on Luzon Island. The necessary contextual information regarding Calo is the focus of this chapter. These contexts include the geographic, environmental, demographic, sociO-cultural, historical, and political realms. Descriptions of these contexts allow a more holistic understanding for the comparison of land use practices and environmental perceptions. These contexts anchor the study to the unique place- and time- specific features of the research site at the time field work was accomplished. The Pantabangan watershed, where Calo is located, is also the location of the Pantabangan Multi-Purpose Dam. Chapter two includes a brief account of the Pantabangan Dam project, a history of reforestation and tree planting projects in Carranglan and the Pantabangan watershed, and conclusions regarding the success of these programs to establish forest COVCI‘. Literature Review Chapter three is a literature review. It provides a general understanding of the state of Philippine forests, the concept of social forestry, and the theoretical foundation for the research. The chapter is divided into four sections: (1) Political Ecology, (2) Philippine Forests, (3) l6 Social Forestry and Participatory Natural Resource Management, and (4) Environmental Perception and the Social Construction of Nature. The political ecology section is a brief account of the origins of political ecology and its contribution as a method to understanding human-environment interactions. It offers a holistic approach to the nexus of factors regarding any specific study centered on human-environment interactions. As a heuristic device it models multiple factors and linkages across scales and over time. Section two of this chapter is a review of Philippine forests and forest issues, including sub—sections on forest types, forest decline, and the causes of forest decline (as they are presented in the literature). The framework of political ecology is used in the sub-section regarding the causes Of forest decline. Section three is a review of social forestry and the concepts and practices of participation in natural resource management. Social forestry in developing countries arose as a response to traditional western (US and European) methods of forest management. It attempts to employ various forms of participation and collaboration with local people, who were once perceived simply as squatters on forest land and the enemies of forestry departments. 17 The final section of this chapter establishes the theoretical underpinnings for my research regarding environmental perception. The section describes the origins of the environmental perception literature and its associations with certain geographic perspectives. It also addresses some of the recent theoretical perspectives regarding environmental perception, and concludes with reviews of four specific pieces of literature that illustrate environmental perception as a research focus. Objectives and Methods of Data Collection and Analysis Chapter four concerns the methods and objectives of my research including a brief epistemology, and information specific to my data collection and analysis. The bulk of the data was collected over a period of three months, from May 15 to August 15, 1997. The research itself, however, builds on my previous experiences in the Philippines in 1987—89, 1992, and 1994. Data was collected in Calo using a survey questionnaire, key informant interviews, focus group sessions, and field observations. Other data was collected at the district DENR Office in Munoz, Nueva Ecija, the national DENR office in Quezon City, and archival sources acquired at various universities and research centers in the Philippines. 18 Analysis of the data combines qualitative and quantitative methods to depict: (1) land use and vegetative cover at the study site, (2) land use practices and environmental perceptions of the DENR/FMB, and (3) land use practices and environmental perceptions of the people of Calo. The study focuses on several scales of analysis, from the local to the national levels. Though the people of Calo operate primarily at the local level, the DENR/FMB operates at local, district, regional, and national levels in their projects and their policies. The actions of the DENR/FMB, in turn, are influenced by policies enacted by the federal government, which, in turn, are influenced by lending institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) which operate at international scales. Findings: Land Cover, Land Use Practices and Environmental Perceptions Chapter five is a synthesis Of my research findings. These are grouped around the first three objectives: (1) the assessment of land cover in Carranglan, (2) the assessment of the DENR/FMB’s land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija, and (3) the assessment of the land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions of the people of Calo. The fourth objective, an 19 examination of the impact of divergent environmental perceptions on social forestry efforts of the DENR/F MB in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija, is addressed in the sixth chapter. The findings indicate that land cover in Carranglan is dominated by grass-covered areas, areas with a mix of grassland and cultivated land, and areas under cultivation. Land cover patterns show a relationship between land cover types and topography, and between land cover types and proximity to road networks and settlements. My findings regarding land cover change are conclusive. The literature indicates forest decline and implies land cover change, however, it lacks the support of empirical data at the municipal or watershed scale. According to the people in Calo, land cover surrounding the sitio has changed little in the past twenty-five years. Grasslands still dominate the rolling hills, and dense forested areas are only found along stream banks, in steep ravines and in more remote and rugged territory. However, areas have been transformed through the farming practices of these local people. Low-lying grassy areas are now irrigated rice fields. In the hills, old and new kaingin can be found. The attempts by the DENR to transform a major portion of the landscape into forest cover of plantation species have had little impact, though. 20 DENR/F MB land use classifications delineate 80.03 % the area of Carranglan as Forest Land, even though only 18.15 % of the area is actually forested. Of lands classified as forest land, 43.01 % have undergone tree planting activities. Species choices for these programs emphasize wood industry species over existing, indigenous species presently in the region. The environmental perception of the DENR/F MB is characterized by its View of grassland as a “denuded” land cover type and its emphasis on the “rehabilitation” of the environment through the establishment of forest cover, primarily the growing of plantation species. The land use practices of the people of Calo are dominated by paddy rice cultivation. They also engage in swidden farming and, to a limited extent, the grazing of cattle. These are also the traditional land use practices of the Ibaloi (76 % of my respondents are Ibaloi). Trees are used as a resource by the people in Calo, primarily for fuel and for construction. The perception of people living in Calo regarding the amount of trees in the environment is that of relative abundance. They perceive more trees in their surrounding environment, overall, than when the first settlers arrived, twenty-five years ago. People in Calo do not perceive the environment as a degraded one, in need of “rehabilitation.” They view it as a source of abundant resources. Some, however, expressed the view that while many of 21 q: .'2, (D these resources are presently abundant, they are not inexhaustable. Trees are only one type of resource, occupying only certain niches in the environment. Discussion of Findings Chapter six presents a discussion of my research findings. The chapter is divided into three sections: (1) the effects Of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions on social forestry in Carranglan, (2) environmental, political and social factors (beyond divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions) which impact social forestry outcomes, and (3) a brief discussion regarding the convergence of political ecology with environmental perception studies in the analysis of human- environment phenomena. The first section explores the impact of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions on social forestry by posing two questions: to what extent do the people of Calo share the same problem definitions as the DENR/FMB and to what extent do the people of Calo benefit from the tree planting activities of the social forestry projects? For the most part the people in Calo do not share the same problems or problem definitions with the DENR/FMB, and they benefit very little from the tree planting programs. Underlying these generalizations are divergent environmental perceptions. 22 b. A45 . . . , V’ 3" ‘..' -¥~§it‘\a I L. .,_J\‘ ”Vt 5- x \A- ‘;"“vfi.-‘_Q. "'-3- “st ' I V‘QD" ,Y .5.‘ 5\“' - ~ :1 ._ (11 h' ipA but .‘EIT‘T‘W .. ‘r I ..‘_\ '3‘». _ 1 , o‘\ “.1 .h ‘ i“‘\‘ u I'D-t. 51-. sl'w‘mh ...Ah.“.‘ Conclusions: Implications for Future Philippine Forest Management Programs Chapter seven explores the impact of divergent environmental perceptions and government corruption on Philippine social forestry. I address three specific topics: (1) the conceptualization and role of participation in Philippine social forestry, (2) the search for commonalties between government agencies and local people, and (3) the political impediments to social forestry beyond corruption. The current conceptions of participation by the DENR in their forest management programs, do not consider divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions as important factors. The present emphasis, pursued through the Community-Based Forest Management Program, is limited to projects in Officially organized communities. And, while communities do participate in these programs, this does not necessarily mean they do so for reasons presumed in the conceptions of participation by the DENR. The Piut Watershed Rehabilitation Project is discussed in chapter seven as an example of a community that may perceive social forestry projects as simply lucrative, short-term, money-making ventures, 23 mun“?— 313.301 35 IOE: . c t‘*~" ' T ‘ 5\:....I.unnit\ 5 c . u”Sent ent‘l and not as long—term environmental “improvements” needed for the community’s economic welfare. Government corruption, greed, and favoritism significantly undermine the objectives of social forestry. As public servants, in a democtratic system of government, DENR professionals are held responsible to the Filipino people. Unfortunately, many seek personal gains as reforestation has become a lucrative profession. Assuming corruption is addressed, and the practice of participation meets the ideals proposed in the Philippine social forestry literature, divergent environmental perceptions, problem definitions, and land use practices remain problematic factors. Divergence must be acknowledged and made explicit. Where common ground is discovered between local people and the DENR, project plans can find a foundation. It is likely, however, that divergence will exist between local people and the DENR. This divergence should be acknowledged. Without understanding it, divergence may undermine the common ground upon which projects should be built. Dialogue and interaction provide a medium through which learning and understanding can take place. In places and projects where only divergence exists, the course of action is unclear. Options include draconian measures to ensure one side’s Objectives are met (this is wholly in 24 rotation to p s‘z‘r. for com *1. period 11:} question :2: its impact t Limitatit' ,. a ' \ Isetteptton. . teaiized. These It: confident rr. $..3 to collect. I eat - ...er research Ffftftttions \VIII FOur fficlr 1;... ..,_ N Han OVer it. Opposition to participatory, “bottom up” development) and the continued search for common ground through dialogue and interaction which, over a lengthy period of time, could incur great social and environmental costs. Many questions remain regarding the study of environmental perceptions and its impact on natural resources management. Limitations of the Study Limitations are an unavoidable part of all research, and this study is no exception. Not every goal established at the outset of my fieldwork was realized. These shortcomings, in turn, impact my research findings. While I am confident my findings and conclusions are supported by what data I was able to collect, I recognize that this study is merely a beginning, a hint of fiIrther research in the area of land use practices and environmental perceptions within the context of forest management practices. Four factors adversely affected my data collection during the three months of fieldwork: (1) inadequate access to government documents and data, (2) an overly ambitious survey questionnaire, (3) cursory knowledge of Ibaloy, the native language of the majority of people living in Calo, and (4) insufficient funds. Each of these factors is addressed in turn. 25 The history of central control over natural resources in the Philippines, particularly the forest resource, is one stigmatized by political corruption and favoritism, which many would argue still exists today. Individuals and families, often politically or militarily connected, have benefited greatly from large forestry concessions (Caufield 1985; Kummer 1991; Multinational Monitor 1994; Porter 1994; Rainforest Action Network 1993; Vitug 1993.). Furthermore, those charged with the responsibility of protecting and managing the forest resources and the forest lands, through the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), have also been implicated in forestry scandals, kickbacks, illegal logging activity, cronyism and favoritism (Boado 1988; Boyce 1993; Multinational Monitor 1994; Porter and Ganapin 1988; Vitug 1993). The nature of my fieldwork inquiries (specifically regarding DENR/FMB activities with the ISF participants at my study site, contract reforestation in Northern Nueva Ecija, survival of trees in planting projects, perceived beneficiaries, and perceived success of projects) were evidently sensitive subjects, not only at the local DENR office in Munoz, Nueva Ecij a, but also at the national office in Quezon City. Empirical data regarding projects was almost non-existent in these offices. The local DENR Office in Munoz did provide me with three maps of northern Nueva Ecija showing 26 land use classifications, soils, and flood areas. They were unable to prepare any other maps for me. They were also unable, or unwilling, to provide me with information regarding project support for the ISF participants in Calo or CF P information, beyond a simple list of projects in Northern Nueva Ecija. At the central DENR office in Quezon City, my inquiries made before the Social Forestry Bureau Chief, Ray Bayabas, regarding the ISF projects in the Pantabangan Watershed invoked a very curious response. According to Mr. Bayabas, there are no ISF project areas in the Carranglan- Pantabangan watershed, and no tenure has been allowed for people living within the watershed zone. He claimed only reforestation projects had been attempted in this region, projects under the directive of another DENR department. In truth, there are ISF participants within the watershed who have tenure rights. There have also been CF P contracts for lands within the watershed, as well as regular reforestation attempts. I cannot give definitive explanations for my difficulty in obtaining data from the DENR offices. 1 can only speculate. Possibly being a foreigner asking questions was a factor. I had taken steps to minimize this, however, in Obtaining research affiliations with the Local Government Center of Ataneo University, and the Institute of Philippine Culture at the University of the Philippines (see appendix). 1 also had working 27 :3.3::O"C>. l1 gxmflaelm xuaunhas ‘0 (b - 'n h) A. (T) 1'!) "i ( 1 I" :1" ran“ story houses; floors above ground made of wood or bamboo and floors at ground level made of cement; houses with a kitchen inside or attached and houses with a separate cooking building. F r 1.‘ ‘,i..‘,,l.,$.““ e “ . q W I , 1M 1 :1 Gradient of Scores - 1 - Poorest C] 2 3 . 4 5 f 6 - Wealthiest Figure 7 - Wealth-ranking by House Type Houses were ranked based upon the materials used for roofs and walls and whether or not the structure had one or two stories. Each house received a score, based upon the expense of these features. The range of scores varied from a low of four for a single story house with sawalz' walls and a cogan grass roof, to a high of nine for a two-story structure made primarily with concrete blocks and having a corrugated iron roof. Counts were made for the number of structures having each score. Figure 7 shows the results of this ranking. The majority of houses are made from the less-expensive 46 - I l 91’3"}11; }l “-.5. .u , . ”'1 tfi.V 'F‘ I nun “a... t“ 5 .11 bl .r..-.-‘91 LY a nil-“tutu h b ((3.1. tdlt 1 I JV." l’lwi‘h b'hus4 l. L J.\.. 3:23;". of it .‘F'!. .L - _ ' .44. “Is fiL‘k‘l 3‘-”-'“'L 1 "“\CL C) :.‘ JL> ‘. to C, i, . , ‘“‘i"i . . 1" “kL‘;~e~) :\ C 7 he “(a M‘ - \ kttlp’w e A... t C “.~l ,,‘ y ‘ 1 ‘1 “x Q~ *\\ ' ~ dh materials. However, seven houses scored either an five or a six. From this ranking, there appears to be concentrations at both ends of this spectrum, indicating a rather small “middle class.” Wealth-ranking by house type does not provide empirical evidence for each household’s wealth . However, it serves as a guide to the relative wealth of the community as a whole. This type of wealth-ranking assumes that the socio-economic status of a household can be equated with the material used for its housing structure, an assumption which rests in the idea that families will invest in their houses relative to their disposable income. At the very least, the reader gains an appreciation for the diversity of house- types and the complexity of a community whose people live side by side in what many Westerners would describe as “grass huts” and “modern” houses. Though I cannot corroborate each house with the relative economic ranking of its owner, based upon qualitative information, the house-types with the greatest scores are owned by the wealthiest families. Three of these households have relatives who work overseas and send remittances back in the form of stronger foreign currencies. One household was able to take advantage of high market prices when they planted green peppers, harvesting at a time of high demand and low supply. Another household includes an individual who married into a wealthy family. The family owns 47 W Presldc mars. F 1113!! my tram his 0 :l'“ _, .1.) dollars. This bri. .ntsn'ieu's \\ it? shipping tankers, and I was told the tankers have shipped molasses for former President Corazon Aquino’s family, who are sugar plantation owners. Finally, in one household, the husband is a pensioner of the US army from his involvement in W.W.II, and receives a regular pension salary of US dollars. Historical Context This brief history of Calo is based upon formal and informal interviews with community residents of Calo. My knowledge of Calo’s history goes back only as far as the period of American occupation (1898 - 1946). In the 1920s, the area now known as Calo was part of a 1000 hectare hacienda, or ranch, owned by an American. People in Calo believe he was somehow linked with the American government at the time. When the Philippines gained its independence, the hacienda was given to a Filipino friend of the American, Mr. Ernesto Bueno, who hails from the Ilokos region of Luzon. Mr. Bueno owned the hacienda, which included the area now known as Calo, from 1946 until 1972. In 1972, then President Ferdinand Marcos targeted Mr. Bueno’s hacienda, among others, as one for land reform. Mr. Bueno’s 1000 hectare 48 LII-(San Jose Pantabangan y \ ; . . . \ / Forest Land 0 Towns ,I'x/Roads [3 Alien able and Disposable Land /\/ Provunclal&MunlcipalBoundry Pantabangan Reservolr gig; Kilometers Figure 8 - Map of Carranglan Showing DENR Land Classifications 49 imhwfic 3313.11 masses “are residing 11' ’7’;E'»\'3)'. The} )65a1meeg C130. Other 11m 5.. {8.}, ~s41‘ 2 f: tx’ ‘1. 2?} 3“”-4‘) d; l :73 “I ._ ~ 3...; S ‘k;‘i- hacienda was dismantled. Its lands were opened to settlement by “the peasant masses”. In 1972 a few of the Ibaloi families now living in Calo were residing in the nearby town of Putlan, east of Calo, along the Maharlika Highway. They learned of the land reform and moved to Calo in 1973. That year saw the establishment of the first three households of the community of Calo. Other families followed, most of them related in some way to the original three families. However, a few Ilokano families settled in Calo, as well. Though the Bueno hacienda was opened up to settlement, a portion of these lands were classified by the Philippine government as forest land (figure 8). This classification restricted the tenure rights of the residents. At the time the first people settled in the area, the vegetative cover was grassland sparsely dotted with indigenous trees and a few patches of forest cover along the stream banks and in the steeper-sloped ravines. This was pasture land under Mr. Bueno and the American owners. The last twenty-five years have seen the transformation of the landscape in and around Calo. The neighboring sitios of Saba, Butaling, and Manbeha were established during the same period as when Calo was established. Pioneer farming families carved up the flatlands into rice fields, constructed irrigation ditches, and began farming this land. They established gardens and planted trees around their houses. They farmed swidden plots and 50 l 5:.- ~ 1" \ \ 1 .‘ .‘ Lk‘l. ' n ‘1 H; J. 1. . . .‘ a. ‘ 1 .5 “*eA~L L .’ 10"! .r 35‘ L’s” U 35-1."? ~ -I e H. Lg; v h. vs. 5.“; r 1.53;." - -"~‘. ‘1‘“ ’3»._ ”..Lblc (“I hunted in the remote hills north of the sitios. When Corazon Aquino was sworn into office in 1987, the people in Calo wrote to her administration asking that the lands they occupied and used be titled to them. The administration responded by directing them to the Forest Management Bureau, who in turn included Calo and its people in the Integrated Social Forestry program. Under the ISF program, the people’s rice fields were surveyed, mapped and parceled out to them with tenure rights using Certificates of Stewardship Contracts (CSCs). In January 1988, the people of Calo, Saba, Manbeha and Butaling received their CSCs, giving them twenty-five year stewardship rights, but not title of ownership to the land. Political Geography I identify Calo’s political geography in reference to its location within lands classified as Forest Lands and its position on the edge of remote areas known for the presence of the New People’s Army (the militant wing of the Philippine communist party) and subsequent surveillance by the Philippine military. These two realms are not mutually exclusive, but are, in fact, intricately related. Forest land and alienable and disposable (A & D) land comprise the most important government classifications of public lands in the Philippines. 51 Tress Eu 0 ' I *7" touts Idiot I ...,. .i_ .J “A: 10‘» q 3:17.151: cu [fl ‘ 0 -.v- ~e.¢‘|,_‘ 1- . ’y.L)..g““l I..:'3-4 <._ LNWU use. 0 ”1‘21“ ‘- .r . ‘ , ..““ Ihl.\ .11., _' I ‘ H x “‘W El“; '3 ‘ .1”. 3‘ “7* “5.3;. .K’n-‘h‘t K' tub. I s. ‘ 3:; ”MS 5 \"IC r- I,"‘ “.K M. ~'“,‘ “9'u A. I . ~‘. These two land classifications are enshrined in the 1987 Constitution, but their roots lie in the long history of a nation dominated by colonialism. State control over forest resources began under the Regalian Doctrine5 during the Spanish colonial period, and continued at the turn of the century with the US regime under the concept of Public Domain (F A0 1993). The first Constitution of the Philippine Republic, established July 4, 1946, after the United States recognized Philippine independence, officially designated all forest land as state owned. State ownership of forest lands has remained in place since then. Forest management systems, therefore, “have evolved in the context of national government ownership of the resource, with utilization perceived as a ‘privilege’ granted by the state” (FAO 1993: 122). Past public land policies in the Philippines are “directed toward promoting the exploitation of natural resources for agricultural development to serve national economic goals” (Anderson 1987: 256). Forest lands differ from A & D lands in the Philippines in one very important aspect. Only A & D lands may be legally transferred to private 5 The Regalian Doctrine dates to the period of Spanish colonialism. By royal decree all lands "discovered" by the Spanish (as the Philippines were in 1521 by Ferdinand Magellan) belonged to the Spanish Crown. Lands could only be privatized by a royal grant recognizing such a contract. It is from this legal theory that state control over national lands rests (Lynch 1986; Prill-Brett 1997). 52 , . Tvqar“.""' 1" u’fit-&AJ: v" P.) 531' 51.1.. ns\ 5A ‘4'. ‘.0~7'),1" ck \uluLBAl- ‘. ’13"? ' ,‘JY‘ Lbiui A1\\A P~l so . L065 01 . ’ ‘l' " 111“" m\.J\‘U‘_ ¥ 0 Cs.) 5. . ‘1 \ H. 'N. «’1 1', o x. .. t. l . \ fi.‘ afi." -‘ "fi _ is; I ownership with the acquisition of a Torrens Title6 (F A0 1993). Forest lands can never be privately owned, though the government may grant permission to citizens and entities to use forest lands, under short-term leases and long- term licenses. Forest lands, however, may also be reclassified as A & D lands (F A0 1993). The ratio of Forest Land to A & D Land was initially set in the early 19708 at 40:60. Presidential Decree 705, the “Revised Forestry Code” of 1975, “claimed all lands with a slope of 18 % [~ 10°] or more, including mountainous lands above 600 meters, as part of the public domain and placed it under Forest Management Bureau jurisdiction,” in effect classifying these areas as forest land(Gibbs, et al. 1990: 253). Today, approximately 15 million hectares (50.03 %) of the entire country are classified as forest land, and 14.12 million hectares (47.05 %) of the country as A & D land (DENR “1987 Forestry Statistics”, in Gacoscosim 1995). Calo, with its predominantly hilly landscape, falls within lands classified as forest lands (see figure 12). Without the legal capacity granted to titled land holders, the people are inextricably linked to the DENR. The freedoms and security of titled land holders are not entirely available under 6 A Torrens Title is a certificate of ownership for real property. Established by Sir Robert Torrens, an Australian, the Torrens system acted as an instrument of real property ownership to protect against fraudulent claims on land. 53 :EBFCSCS kidnaps b «‘1': Y] at;nz.and . U ‘1 ..I - astrnons ur b texttauzol I. l ! 1.x ..‘3 ‘ ‘ ‘ 311.36. ll); 1U "lhc ( enxiro: Slldll finest; OlFOI': 1131er least f food 1 110m; than c ac01111: the ISF/CSC system. Though the CSC indicates that the holder “shall have the right to peaceful possession, cultivation and enjoyment of his forest land holding, and the fruits thereof . .. He shall also faithfully comply with all his obligations under the Stewardship Agreement” (Republic of the Philippines, Certificate of Stewardship, Sections K and D, Dec. 1987). These obligations include the following: “The GRANTEE shall strictly observe and/or implement environmental and conservation measures. The GRANTEE shall be responsible for the protection and conservation of forest growth on the land and shall cooperate with the Bureau of Forest Development7 in the protection of areas adjacent hereto... The GRANTOR reserves the right to regulate the cutting or harvesting of the timber crops to insure normal balance of forest cover on the land. The Bureau of Forest Development shall regulate the cutting or gathering of trees naturally growing on the land. The GRANTEE shall plant at least five (5) edible fruit trees per hectare of the land to provide food for wildlife species This Stewardship Agreement is non-transferable. No GRANTEE shall be allowed to hold more than one Stewardship Agreement at any one time. The acquisition of additional areas other than that granted shall also be prohibited except for meritorious circumstances determined by the GRANTOR. The GRANTEE shall not use tenant labor 7 Prior to 1988 the Forest Management Bureau was known as the Bureau of Forest Development under the Ministry of Natural Resources. In 1988, the Ministry of Natural Resources was dissolved and its functions transferred to the newly created Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) whose "jurisdiction, authority and responsibilities are defined and provided for in Presidential Executive Order No 192” (Gacoscosim 1995: 80). The Forest Management Bureau is one of six staff bureaus under the DENR. 54 but mt $§>U the la: Cert}? OlCOl ”JJ'T“ ,1“ \ m~\.rr\.l _ s The 1 ”j 51 "JFV‘QL .. n.\ u‘ ‘ . TJ' Arm. - :‘..b¢u(jk-ln: 91.; ‘2'. N» do” ‘ but must till the land himself without prejudice however to assistance from his family. The GRANTEE shall not sublease the land or any portion thereof” (Republic of the Philippines, Certificate of Stewardship, Sections K and D, Dec. 1987). Of course the most limiting factor is the period of tenure. “The Agreement shall become effective upon execution by the two parties and shall continue for the period of TWENTY-FIVE (25) years to expire on [date] renewable for another period of TWENTY-F IVE (25 ) years” (Republic of the Philippines, Certificate of Stewardship, Section A, Dec. 1987). The people’s sense of legal security, their power as full owners of property that can be sold, traded, purchased and handed down through generations beyond fifty years, is undermined by the legal classification of the land. People’s tenure is subject to the rules and regulations established by the Philippine ministry that is given jurisdiction over forest lands. The fimdamental belief underpinning this jurisdiction is that the forest lands are best “administered by the government primarily to protect public welfare and interests, [that] when administered properly [by the state] and used with prudence and care, the forests can contribute immensely to the economic, social, and cultural development of the people, [and that] the 55 my JF‘MDT” LL ‘hluhlt¥-ll ' The 51 911;“... ..-,”.ne ll :5.) C ‘an1 1. wk U1...:l'.i. H- l- ' _ Ail-3.9. lelCU .' I '1 "u t. h I b ‘ t . .V‘go . .,‘ - . 1n\ ‘4‘ h 4 . ‘1 -l..‘] 73>: “531% 10 1,1, .:1 1Q fro”: m .., he" '7 ' . P .‘l‘lnwr .' 1"}! 1"-’.—.[ .V’u;"=‘\"‘ . wed 'l. “0,, e. l‘ “\A)’ .3 . - MK 7 :1, 1‘I in. - " .1 \‘h _ "‘v‘ V‘ ‘7;.\ it. “ y u.“ yuan 3‘ WM - o . n . . "n. " he‘s- ‘ll l f I‘ \ 1'. ' U l‘:\,“ ‘ "3.“ government has to insure the continuous existence of [Philippine] forests for the benefits of the greatest number of people” (Gacoscosim 1995: 78). The second position, politically, for Calo places it between the Philippine military and the New People’s Army (NPA), the militant wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CCP). Though founded in 1968 on Maoist ideology, with “Mao’s eight principles of guerrilla war” as the NPA’s guide, the average member of the NPA is most likely an individual fighting simply for a fairer life in which political corruption is replaced by a more basic civic integrity, and in which the nation’s wealth is shared more equitably throughout the population. Fear of a strong, peasant-based, radical and militant communist group, is thought to have been used by the Marcos regime to justify declaring Martial Law, and to gain political and economic favors from the United States, playing on its fears of communism in the developing countries8 (Bonner 1987). 8 According to Raymond Bonner (1987: 90) "[i]n the summer of 1972 the Philippines was a nation under siege a boat had been found on an abandoned shoal; the government said it had been loaded with weapons for the Communist New People's Army... Manila was racked by bombings every few days, in public and private buildings; the government blamed 'subversives' some thought Marcos might be responsible for [the bombings] in order to create the conditions that would justify some emergency measures. It did seem, at least on the surface, that the Philippines needed some strong governmental action to restore order and discipline." Bonner continues, "Marcos, as part of his justification for 56 Besides 21m has be :zp’icatcd in i sensuous pr 5 e ‘1 atch tor expound u.~ ~_ . w:s‘ral ‘ ‘-.‘. n . P ‘ AG“ 99?“ \‘5’ \R< Besides “fighting the red scare” in the remote regions, the Philippine military has been connected in the past with logging concessionaires and implicated in illegal logging activities throughout the nation, particularly during the Marcos regime, but certainly not limited to this time period (Vitug 1993). In 1988, many forest-related activities were being implemented in Carranglan and Pantabangan, and the military maintained a continuous presence in the area. The military, at one time, manned a forest fire watch tower overlooking plantation areas during the dry season. The compound used by the F MB staff also housed. the military regiments dispatched to the region. The military, together with the F MB, also manned two checkpoints along the Maharlika Highway (one in Dig Dig, the other in Tayabo, which were still in use as of 1997). These check points are designed to stop the illegal trafficking of logs coming from Isabella, Quirino and other provinces north of Nueva Ecija, some of the few remaining provinces in northern Luzon where large numbers of dipterocarp trees can still be found. martial law, came up with all kinds of exaggerated numbers for the Communist strength. There were at least 8,000 NPA guerrillas, he claimed, supported by 10,000 active cadres and maybe 100,000 sympathizers. The numbers were hyperbole (1987: 118). 57 Emmi leiflopping whensofCI Flumny lEfiCflou methP. ziemteer. I lager group 51 L ed on. 1‘. WfimCuo ‘1‘“)? 3......hize 11 1* ,a' _ “Luilslfimd t) \l "C“‘ll’O/l [L The military presence in Carranglan, however, was there for more than stopping fires and checking trucks for contraband. The northern portions of Carranglan, bordering Nueva Viscaya, were known to be sites of NPA activity. On two occasions that I am aware of, members of the NPA visited Calo while I was a Peace Corps volunteer (from 1987-89). The first time, four NPA members made a visit shortly after my arrival in the sitio as a volunteer. They came to inquire about my activities. The second time, a larger group stopped in the village, ate a meal with a few of the families, and moved on. Though I cannot say for sure, it is my belief that no individual living in Calo is a member of the NPA. The people living there do not sympathize with the NPA’s communist ideology, though they certainly understand their struggles against a democracy steeped in corruption, nepotism, and greed. People in Calo feel “caught in the middle” (to borrow a phrase one individual used) physically and emotionally. In carrying out its duties in December 1989, the military came to Calo, with a woman who was accused of being a member of the NPA, and whose face was masked. According to her, some people in Calo were also NPA members and they had hidden caches of arms. She implicated a handful of residents who were then interrogated by the military. The interrogation techniques included public harassment, striking a man in the 58 {1.3 “ivl‘ (1‘: a... .u. . _ 2:232:25 b; 53".: of their gilt; to bein fired the} 11'! 211:. names s’lffiiment. 5121.11 Step; lllt p: l\ uiL 'fi -._ m; .- ..1 new . C face with fists, pointing a loaded gun at a man’s head, and searching for armaments by digging up the earthen mounds people build in the kitchen areas of their homes. No weapons were found. No person in Calo pleaded guilty to being a member of the NPA, as the alleged NPA captive had claimed they were. The military succeeded only in violating these people’s civil liberties, and in strengthening the people’s distrust of their own government, which was already firmly in place from their knowledge of similar events throughout the nation. The people of Calo occupy unstable ground, politically. As ISF participants, their tilled and occupied lands are under the jurisdiction of the DENR, which maintains a strong partnership with the Philippine military. The military and the DENR share common goals. These goals implicate the people of Calo because they live on forest land and in an area which borders NPA territory. The Pantabangan Watershed The Pantabangan watershed is situated in the northern part of the province of Nueva Ecija, though its headwater areas are found primarily in the neighboring province of Nueva Viscaya located to the north and east of 59 Vera Ecija Ecija: an east: Pa::::a:;3n l I... .6003 n. 111:: in: ?‘f\|"l fi‘n.'.1 ’7“ mu 5 meted 11 tom ide in :CWO’ {0 ar 72".] 19805 1 laxatie dec .1193 . ‘4 “W “.74? 0,3: Nueva Ecija The bulk of the watershed spans two municipalities in Nueva Ecija: an eastern portion of Carranglan, and a northern portion of Pantabangan (figure 9). The watershed is situated between latitudes 15053’ and 16008’ north and longitudes 120059” and 121022’ east. The importance of this watershed to the study is its relationship to the Pantabangan dam and reservoir, financed by the World Bank and constructed in 1973. This watershed feeds the multi-purpose dam designed to provide irrigation, power-generation, domestic water supply and flood control to areas of central Luzon (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). Reports in the early 19808 on the siltation of the reservoir due to erosion suggested a dramatic decrease in the expected lifespan of the dam. A 1989 World Bank report estimated that the operational lifespan of the Pantabangan Reservoir had been reduced from 100 years to 40 years due to “siltation beyond estimable rates” (1989: 28). Similar concern was voiced by Reyes and Mendoza as early as 1983 and by Galvez in 1984. Forest management practices in the Pantabangan watershed, prior to completion of the dam and subsequently because of the concern regarding its operational lifespan, have centered primarily on establishing and expanding forest cover in the watershed. The Philippine Forest Management Bureau 60 Nueva Viscaya I ‘II‘ I. I \ _, 3, ~‘ ’. I s ‘ . I ,A f \.\."‘ e I i ' '. I I i I l I I. .I' ’ '1 I. .‘ _ I \. \. I. ,\ '-8- .‘~ ”5 .' '\ ‘. ’ ‘ .' 2’. ’0 \ ’ I. I. . .I. 'I I. '\ 1 I ’ ,' ‘s..-...' 1 \u e Towns , /\/Watershed Streams 3 0 3 6 Kilometers N N Provincial Boundary E A Road Network E Pantabangan Reservoir Figure 9 - Hydrology of the Pantabangan Watershed 61 £113.: under DE\R1 has i ratershed for recites can :10 includ 1.:se social tier nation- :orcem sum (F MB) under the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) has included local communities, to varying degrees, in its watershed forest management activities. A number of the DENR/F MB practices can be included under the rubric of “social forestry,” that is they aim to include local people in the management of their forest resources. These social forestry efforts regarding tree planting activities have been driven nationally by a declining forest resource base and locally by the concern surrounding the Pantabangan dam. Forest Management Programs in Carranglan and the Pantabangan Watershed Tree planting programs in the Carranglan and Pantabangan municipalities pre-date the construction of the dam. A DENR report, “Status of Regular Reforestation Projects as of December 1991” indicates that a project covering 54,090 hectares in Carranglan was established in 193 8, and another one covering 6,250 hectares in Pantabangan was begun in 1978. I am uncertain about the exact location of these projects in their respective municipalities, but I assume that some, if not all of the region defined by the watershed which now empties into the Pantabangan Reservoir, is included in these project areas. Carranglan is approximately 78,364 hectares in area, 62 ...l .‘~~~~§l',1 Lusunhils r .4. C.“ 2.2.111 .121 ,. . 1.1., 3......»0 um ’ 's- ‘ #1!) Rgnrr‘ 5’.“ \_9a b I '2‘ Mr.“ . mum‘s.) C O 1 sun um .1. 1;)? IL: ,3 p Tree “HA b ."'.\.«e“ . “..\5‘ b \ h.l "u." ‘JIQ... s .“\K 1 I . . sq" .‘m, f ' Neill 2390..-]? \‘ o ‘ Ih‘L‘ . s k ‘4‘.“ ‘ ‘.\l’fi. l‘~ . .,:‘M. and classified forest land covers 49,492 hectares. It seems likely that, at least in Carranglan, the original project area established in 1938 would have included the portion of the watershed which falls within this municipality. The “Regular Reforestation Projects” operated until 1991, at which time it and many of the DENR/FMB functions were devolved to local governments after the passage of the Local Government Code of 1991 . Tree planting projects in the watershed gained momentum a number of years after the completion of the dam, when concern rose over its operational lifespan. In 1980 a five-year “Pantabangan Watershed and Erosion Control Project” began with funding from the World Bank. The project covered the water catchment area of the Upper Pampanga River and the Canili-Diayo watershed and included a total of 91,650 hectares. The project’s long-term objective was to “rehabilitate the watershed for multiple uses geared to, and harmonized with, water-production, conservation, and regulation” (Reyes and Mendoza 1983: 487). The immediate objectives stipulated by the World Bank were: (1) to establish 11,500 hectares of tree plantations for the production of short- and long- fiber pulpwood and specialty saw-timber; and (2) to develop 13,500 hectares for leafrneal, charcoal, mango, and cashew nuts, of which 8000 hectares would be interplanted with timber species that would eventually take over the area. 63 ”I. .- 11213023 I“ :3 PPOISC1 ‘4 . f I232C\ O. u a :Ci3$€T\t 7,) . a::.\\e, I Th; ESXEUU} 2%,,“ q ‘- H: \KI” 7J~ l. l~~ 11:“ . 'Q-. “L‘\\ \l“ .4‘ k. Writing only eleven years after the completion of the dam, Reyes and Mendoza (1983: 494) claim, “Reforestation is the major forestry activity in the project area at the moment. This has become so because of the great urgency of reestablishing a protective forest cover over the vast (some 31,600 hectares ) open lands that are most susceptible to erosion, closest to the reservoir and, therefore, have the greatest potential to inflict damage on the reservoir and dam facility.” The project area was administered cooperatively by three agencies: the National Irrigation Administration 01 IA), the Bureau of Forest Development (BF D, which later became the Forest Management Bureau), and the Philippine-Japan technical cooperation program (RP-Japan). Japan, along with the World Bank, was the other major outside donor for the project. NIA, working cooperatively with the BF D, administered 24,000 hectares of the project. The RP-Japan area covered 8,100 hectares . Remaining degraded lands were covered under the “reforestation districts of the BFD” (Reyes and Mendoza 1983: 552). In addition to the more top-down approach to forest management programs, people-centered, or social forestry approaches, also became prevalent in the watershed area. A few communities located on classified forest lands entered into stewardship agreements under the country’s 64 V b J 1".) 'T'" J Ln‘ g; I155“ . : VIA“)? ‘Ofi blbbl . .1 :T3]‘ r '““'E :0: A- , um ‘11 "a ‘9 Integrated Social Forestry (ISF) program. The ISF program was initiated under former President Marcos in 1982 and was an extension of two earlier people-centered programs: Forest Occupancy Management and Community Tree Farm programs (World Bank 1989). Though the ISF program began in the early 19808, the four ISF communities with which I am familiar (Calo, Manbeha, Saba and Butaling) did not receive their CSCs until January 1988. In comparison to the “regular reforestation” areas mentioned above, ISF areas constitute a rather small fraction of the watershed. I do not possess data regarding the total ISF area within the watershed, however, the municipality of Carranglan contains 1,388.97 hectares of area under ISF contract, mostly located outside of the Pantabangan watershed. (DENR Land Use Map for CENRO Munoz, Nueva Ecija, 1997; DENR Report “Status of Projects Within CENRO Munoz, Nueva Ecija,” 1997). Other areas within the watershed were parceled out under the Community Forestry Program (CFP), also known as Contract Reforestation. CFP came to life in 1988 with the Asian Development Bank’s (ADB) approval of the Forestry Sector Program Loan, part of five forestry-related loans approved between 1988-92 which totaled $731 million dollars9 9 The loans included: $277 million from ADB, $234 million from the World Bank, and a $220 million supplement provided by the Japanese Government. 65 r 4 1.137.521 19% ." o; o‘~ 24.12.1400 Ll memo-ale 1’ t wresults ”1’1‘m1pd r‘m ..b 1.9.5 “2".3'"lnfl uninuuuu‘nj; 5 (Korten 1994). CFP grew out of the country’s continued and growing realization that forest management, particularly tree planting, must involve local people as stakeholders. It was conceived as a way to counteract the poor results of “reforestation” undertaken by the BF D, in which local people participated merely as hired laborers managing nurseries, planting seedlings, maintaining planted areas and acting as fire guards. The concept of the CF P was to privatize “reforestation.” Ownership of the benefits of reforestation, in the form of usufruct rights (though limited), would theoretically create incentives for sustainable forest management (Korten 1994, FAO 1993). Three types of contracts were available: family, community and corporate. Estimates of the number of CF P contracts and their total extent in Carranglan vary depending on the source. A document from the local DENR field office in Munoz, “Status of Projects Within CENRO’OMunoz, Nueva Ecija,” compiled in 1997, lists 129 contract areas for Carranglan covering a total of 5,972 hectares. Fourteen of these contracts are located in Calo, and cover 673 hectares. The DENR Land Use Map for CENRO Munoz, Nueva Ecija, 1997, from the same field office, shows 125 contract areas within the municipal boundary, covering 5,888 hectares. '0 CENRO is the acronym for the Community Environment and Natural Resources Office. 66 - 4 l“0w 9;}: . . ‘1‘ men. 11:. .;. ' w '. DJIHCI .Q ¢\l ' ‘ fist-“um: Tp .h\~nb.. J Sfiilmil‘tl: 5 0.ch "nPin ll: 390111;. 3:33:13. T Cilmuilh "\ l ; .g.“l¥l: 1151!“ 1“ Two documents from the DENR national office in Quezon City give different figures. The document “1990 Contract Reforestation, Region 03, District 2, Nueva Ecija,” lists 109 contracts in Carranglan, covering 2190 hectares. Thirteen of these are in Calo, and cover 481 hectares. This documents shows the types of contracts as well. Of the 109 contracts shown for Carranglan, 46 of these are community/NGO contracts, and 63 are family contracts. The family contracts are each for two hectares, while the community/NGO contracts cover as much as 100 hectares each. An updated report listing “On-Going Contract Reforestation Projects in Nueva Ecija as 0f June 1996,” indicates 107 contracts in Carranglan covering 2424 hectares. Only two of these are in Calo, and they cover a total of 90 hectares. The most recent people-centered forestry program implemented in Carranglan, is the Community-Based Forest Management Program (CBFM). CBFM is an extension of the CFP, and builds upon the successes and failures of previous people-centered forestry programs. CBFM is also the clll‘rent “primary strategy for achieving sustainable forestry and social justice in the uplands” (Borlagdan 1997: 17). All previous people-centered forestry programs are being integrated under CBFM, as per Executive Order No. 263, issued by President Ramos in 1995. The focus and expectation of CBF M is the establishment of people’s organizations, which when given 67 tenure 11 ill t 191111.11 . - .l ‘ 'l'lfb >018 b $21? 1133 5! ..dl 01") ‘ _ r link “15 \,(}l 1" . L56 1‘51}ch e . '. fl "J'§n"tj ...,“wu‘ 12M” 1 a I. ~k‘.‘At\I \ ‘2 . V .‘ u' “My.“ AL .__. "1‘ t. ‘u: --r; H“ tenure will transform themselves into rural-based enterprises (Borlagdan 1997). Unlike CF P, which allowed individual and family contracts, CBFM targets solely communities. One such community in Carranglan has had their area surveyed and mapped, an appraisal report written and approved, and the community has participated in a community organizing component. The project falls within the Talavera watershed, and not the Pantabangan watershed. It is, however, only a few kilometers northeast of Calo. According to the national DENR office in Quezon City, there are no other CBF M projects in Carranglan or within the Pantabangan watershed. Assessment of Reforestation and Tree Planting Projects in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija In gauging the success of regular reforestation and CFP projects in Carranglan, I use two indicators: (1) the percentage of the target area actually planted, and (2) the percent survival of trees planted. I am Somewhat restricted in that I do not possess percent survival statistics for aI'eas under the FMB Reforestation Sector, (i.e. the regular reforestation aI”eas). Furthermore, the only document regarding CF P areas which shows Percent survival as well as net area planted, is the “1990 Contract Reforestation, Region 03, District 2, Nueva Ecija,” the oldest of the three 68 'A‘ngm.)h Juneau. ‘ 1 ..., ~ not-n Q» \Ollutl ! n'fi'hd ( ..bA.L\ . V"J"l $1 -\-\\.|\ . 1 T11: '1""-3" , r“ - ’¥\X\ Lu I '1 1r”; b-‘uuy ‘ l m-nt. - ..o "Mtwd. :1" . . .\ IL... I'M- L‘H-E as V 11“"1.) 9,. ~45 t‘ L V .‘ . \ , w.“ "I. . - .v“k‘ documents I possess. In addition to the age of the document, only some of the contract areas listed contain data on percent survival and net area planted. Of the 109 areas listed for Carranglan, only forty-one (38 %) show percent survival statistics. The regular reforestation efforts in Carranglan began in 1938. The project area covers 54,000 hectares. By 1986, 5,543 hectares had been planted. Between 1987 and 1991 an additional 1,107 hectares had been planted. In 1991, regular reforestation projects, along with many other DENR/FMB responsibilities were transferred to the Local Government Units as per the passage of the Local Government Code of1991. At the time of the transfer, a total of 6,650 hectares had been planted in Carranglan, only 12 0/0 of the original target area set in 1938. The CFP projects in Carranglan reveal somewhat different results. The forty-one contract areas, in which net area planted and percent survival Statistics were reported, covered 1,380 hectares. The net area planted was 1,263.92 hectares, an impressive 92 %. Unfortunately, the average survival rate for these forty-one contract areas was 50.03 % (with a range of 9.65 % to 83.52 %). Of the forty-one contracts, seven were located in Calo. The tar get area for these seven contracts covered 260 hectares. The net area Planted was 244.53 hectares, or 94 % of the target area. The average 69 rmxal rate. teens m C ”'M‘N Q untulk ‘hOS‘ "An‘.')' “.3.“ .u on: survival rate, however, was even lower than that of the forty-one. The seven projects in Calo achieved only a 30.59 % average survival rate (with a range of 14.61 % to 41.76 %). The results of reforestation and tree planting activities in Carranglan mimic those for the rest of the nation (as reported in the introduction to chapter one). With only 12 % of the target area planted under the regular reforestation program, and a 30 to 50 % average survival rate for trees planted under the CFP in Carranglan, it appears that little has been accomplished regarding the establishment of forest cover to arrest soil erosion and siltation of the Pantabangan and associated waterways. 70 CHAPTER THREE Introduction This chapter is a literature review of four topics relevant to my research: 1) political ecology, 2) Philippine forests, 3) social forestry and participatory natural resources management, and 4) environmental perception and the social construction of nature. Information regarding these four broad topics provides a theoretical and philosophical context for this study and establishes a historical perspective on the management of Philippine forests. The historical perspective is, of course, a central part of political ecology. Political ecology provides a particular view on human- environment interaction that in theory includes multiple environmental Perceptions as factors in understanding human-environment issues. The approach I take in understanding the failures of social forestry in the Philippines uses political ecology’s historical perspective, holism and frElrnework of multiple scales of analysis in conjunction with land use and environmental perception. 71 t " ."m't \ao~1 u U , . 9.} than. thuoo.vnn. . "3”“I3 ‘k'A‘n‘ 1“ fi‘fl “ 1‘ hc‘.‘,_\ ‘- 15' ' Yr 1455 .r: LI {llqiarfi ““5-nu ~ 1 4". ~\‘11[l.“ 50 If: u. ““CF‘ ‘9. in“ . u,\" ‘h Political Ecology Political ecology, according to Greenberg and Park, "is a historical outgrth of the central questions asked by the social sciences about the relations between human society, viewed in its bio-cultural-political complexity, and a significantly humanized nature" (1994: 1). Political ecology encompasses a broad disciplinary spectrum, though its formation lies in two foundations: a broadly defined political economy, with its concern for the distribution of power and productive activity, and cultural ecology (Blaikie 1994; Greenberg and Park 1994; Peluso, et al. 1995; Pickles and Watts 1992). The combination offers a dialectic approach that employs natural and social sciences in understanding human-environment interactions (Blaikie and Brookfield 1987, 1993; Blaikie 1994). Peluso remarks, "political ecology refers to the effort of more recent writers to Combine [a] political economic approach with more ecological or human- eCological understandings of people-environment interactions. The attention t0 ecology and human ecology forces researchers to include locally and r egionally grounded analyses of forest management practices. At its best, this approach uses multiple scales (micro to macro) of analysis to look at interacting cycles of social and ecological change" (1995: 207). Emphasis in Political ecology rests in the plurality of human (political, social, economic) 72 33.1 cm iror 1931‘ 1mm “tn-511 514051 “a l I IQrA] .Y LiauUlnd . L1 \- rm‘ to P . l '. ' 1'19\’\M;I out. heft-uh “1H ‘gv‘h . 7 \L'Jsgr. ‘uu 'W'Jfi'jlt -‘ nth-~51 1“”). 9331:0311 3 13'“ “1'11 . an“ 'I 01 p. | . 131.13.. -‘ ‘Lar‘Ahlej‘ 11011 SKCr‘ . e“L and environmental (climatic, biophysical, topographical, etc.) processes which interact with each other over time and across scales (local, regional, national, global). Contextual and historical understanding, therefore, are integral to political ecology studies. Political ecology is not the only conceptualization for understanding and explaining environmental degradation. Methods range from linear conceptualizations (determinism, possibilism /probabilism and technological materialism) to systems conceptualizations (cultural ecology and, political economy) (Knight 1992). Neo-Malthusians, like Paul and Ann Erlich (1970) and Hardin (1968), have emphasized the explosive growth in human population as primary to environmental degradation. Boserup (1965), however, has argued that degradation is not necessarily a direct result of Population density, and that environmental stress as a result of high Population density can result in new technologies through innovation that effectively address degradation problems. Porter (1979) collaborated with anthropologists to research the food security risks in East Africa, and used a Cultural ecology approach. Grossman’s (1984) study on the peasant systems in highlands of Papua New Guinea and Bassett’s (1988) work regarding peasants and herders in the Ivory Coast are examples of political economy Studies that highlight a more complex system of environmental management 73 '13" 'h‘t mu. ul -§\ 1")"; \h l.n\.\$\\10 s7... 4., .. .‘ll. tllL .113" 'r‘ 3‘ ‘1-‘1‘L 3" ‘Yfln MALK T wlbl ~ tf..n. a :""-5h4 A,~ ‘4.\ 11 than those offered by linear conceptualizations of human-environment interactions. Political ecology emerged as a critique to less complex analyses and from the limitations of others. It offers an alternative approach to the study of environmental issues still within the broad position of human- environment interactions. Campbell and Olson (1993) conceptualize political ecology in the KITE model and rely on Blaikie and Brookfield’s (1987) definition of the term. "Political ecology addresses the human/environment linkage as a 'dynamic relationship' to be understood by analysis of specific issues in defined regions within which the linkages between societal and environmental factors over time and space are explicitly examined" (Campbell and Olson 1993: 13-14). As noted in my first chapter, the four points to the KITE model (political, economic, environmental, and socio/cultural) represent key categories within which Specific factors can be associated, and linkages (or interactions) can be made explicit across scales and over time. Political ecology moves beyond the limits of environmental determinism, beyond Malthusian and Boserupian positions regarding human population impacts upon the natural environment, and beyond the deification 01' defiling of technology. Political ecology posits a "diachronic set of 74 ...an «0' hint-{sho- 1 axis 9.3:)“ no Muhho nan-Om n ' d I h u..nu1un '3' tinm L11». h‘il‘\ In' All "I ’s ‘ 3-9.3.3 ( I Q” I! v: ‘ "nu-J16 a tenured 11 1‘“, ' ‘ t: M ‘3. sung-Hum ‘ '5' »51.VCIS a i interactions in which existing conditions are placed in a broader historical and spatial framework ...[which] recognizes that within-region conditions reflect not only the local pattern of interaction but also the opportunities and constraints arising from beyond region", and these spatial interactions vary over time (Campbell and Olson 1993: 5). This type of heuristic device allows researchers to move beyond singular causality and pose answers to human-environment questions that embrace a complex nexus of dynamic variables. Strategic variables are identified and modeled in order to understand multiple linkages, and contextual information. Political ecology perceived this way, however, reflects a structuralist position (Blaikie 1995). Political ecology, as an evolving theoretical approach does not necessarily overlook the more interactionist position specific to studies in environmental perception and the social and cultural construction of nature. A convergence between the structuralist and interactionist positions is 0ccurring in the political ecology literature (Rocheleau 199; Blaikie 1995) as Studies begin to emphasize the plurality of perspectives, definitions and rationalities different land users and policy makers hold. 75 pane. m l 1 n: M’Tht ”5'.- 4 1““. 113.37? ‘I \ . 6 ‘H “H “"\ 11.1 I f 4.. Philippine Forests Forest Types There are six major forest types found in the Philippines: molave, pine, mangrove, beach, mossy and dipterocarp. Molave forests (Afzelia rhomboidea, Intsia bijuga, Pterocarpus indicus, Serialbizia acle, Vitex parviflora and Wallaceondendron celebicum) were once widely distributed throughout the Philippines, but because of their utility as hard-wood species, they are no longer abundant. The remaining patches are often mixed with dipterocarps. The pine forests (of which only two species exist: Pinus kesiya and Pinus merkusii) are found at high elevations in only a few regions of the country, and are used in the mining industry and for construction. The mangrove forests (Rhizophora mucronata, Rhizophora apiculata, Bruguierra gymnorthizza, Bruguierra parvaflora, and Ceriops tagal) are found along the salty, coastline tidal flats and have multiple uses from sap for vinegar and wine to construction material. The pine and mangrove fOrests together cover approximately 370,000 hectares, 1.23 % of the total land area. Beech forests (characteristic species include T erminilia catapa and Casuarina equisetifolia) are found along sandy shores and in low-lying al'eas above the high tide line. They are used primarily for firewood, and are not very extensive. Mossy forests (Querus spp. and Podocarpus spp.) are 76 mqrntn nob. Q”; n. ‘h. .445“ P? :4 ' found in mountainous regions occupying ridgelines. They are often stunted and deformed due to harsh climatic conditions, and are considered sub- marginal for timber production. Mossy forests, along with other sub- marginal forest areas cover approximately 1.68 million hectares, 5.6 % of the total land area (Gacoscosim 1995;, FAO 1989). Dipterocarps make up by far the most extensive forest type in the Philippines. Dipterocarp species, such as Dipterocarpus grandiflora, Dipterocarpus gracilis, Shorea negrosensis and Hopea philippinensis, are the main timber species being logged. Two classifications of dipterocarp forests exist: old-growth, and secondary-growth (in logged-over areas). Secondary-growth dipterocarps cover approximately 3.41 million hectares, 1 1 .37 % of the total land area: Old-growth approximately 980,000 hectares, or 3.27 % of the total land area (Gacoscosim 1995), although a USAID assessment on Philippine natural resources from 1989 states that “based on the comparison of imagery and estimates of the volume of illegal felling, informed specialists think it is possible that as little as 700,000 ha of old- growth forest remain” (1989: A-15). Concern over deforestation in the Philippines is primarily focussed on the highly valued dipterocarp species, thOugh recently alarm has also been raised over the destruction of mangrove SVvamps, which are being converted to fish ponds and prawn farms. 77 Fo . mfia‘vlvn A ...IUAII‘ ' h 139~1,3.- an m ;» M31 ' 3. 801C: 3.101 11. IN -- 1.1 ;II‘ 2.10 0317.31: [)1 ‘1‘ n. I C .‘.‘l"r‘ln . "33» o - )1.“ keb‘l Forest Decline Forest cover in the Philippines has declined drastically. Estimates regarding the extent of forest cover in the Philippines prior to the advent of large-scale, mechanized logging practices in the mid-19003, range from 60 % (Boyce 1993; Sajise and Omegan 1990) to 70 % (Kummer 1991) at the turn of the century. Old-growth dipterocarp forests may have once covered 20 million hectares, two-thirds of the country's total land area. Whatever the original extent of forest cover may have been, deforestation in the Philippines has occurred on a large scale and at a rapid pace. Kummer’s (1 991) critical analyses of Philippine forest cover, derived from multiple sources, estimates forest cover at 50 % in 1950, and between 25.9 and 27.1 % in 1980. A more recent publication places forest cover at approximately 22 % of the total land area, or 6.5 million hectares (FAO 1993). Decline in Old-growth dipterocarp forests is estimated as being from 10 million hectares in the mid-19505 to 2.8 million hectares by the early 19805 (World Bank 1989:10, Gacoscosim 1995) down to 988,000 hectares in 1988 (Gacoscosim 1995). 78 .o_y“ Causes of Deforestation in the Philippines Debates rage on about the “driving forces” of deforestation in the Philippines. Neo-Malthusians decry population growth, while neo-Marxists claim inequitable distribution of power, access and control over natural resources. Most knowledgeable observers embrace a pluralistic view of deforestation which includes multiple explanations. Political ecology can be used as a tool for understanding the multiple variables associated with a pluralistic View. In the remainder of this section: I employ this approach, drawing on the literature, in order to explain the causes of deforestation in the Philippines. David Kummer states that “a clear-cut summary of the causes of tropical deforestation is not possible. The major problem is that deforestation is the end result of a process which occurs at many levels and there are numerous connections between and within the various levels” (1991: 93). The identification of the actors in this process is possible, though. “The four main agents of forest destruction are agriculturists, loggers, ranchers, and fuelwood collectors. These four groups are the ones Who actually out down the trees. It is important to note that all four agents 0f deforestation require access to the forest and in almost all cases this is 79 F—j-i. R' “3 '1 .11 ”ft 1"" U‘ .0“ ...,, u“, "r ‘Qv-t 5‘1. KL ‘ provided by road networks. In short, it appears logical to expect road networks to be part of the deforestation process” (Kummer 1991: 93). The actions of forest destroyers do not occur in a vacuum. Their actions must be placed within historical and political contexts. These two important components of political ecology are addressed by Blaikie (1994). Historical context as an element in the study of human-environment interactions is one of eight central elements identified by Baikie. “The complex interactions between environment and society are put in the context of local history and locally specific ecologies. Therefore it is likely that long historical periods of time have to be considered,” (1994: 6). A second central component of political ecology, as identified by Blaikie, is the state. Blaikie explains, there is great variety in the ways in which states manage their local resources “where forests are demarcated, whether local users are excluded, where charcoal permits are issued to particular people and not to others” (1994: 9) and so on. Blaikie uses a “chain of explanation” as a device that links the many “levels, scales, and spaces in political ecology,” (1994: l 1) when addressing the particular political, economic, social and ecological variables to a specific issue. In similar fashion, I address a number of political variables in a historical analysis to understand one aspect 0f deforestation in the Philippines. 80 1'5 Dhnznqiqg lhlllr r MA destmctio {manic 19995 as ‘ rt'" 5 1 : ‘Lv \ ‘ J .1. 011 "1‘ 1 .1311 . hp, J £..., - attire IVY H: 0518 col :. . , ‘ - 1:“wa '3 ¥au :1\ US colonialism, its legacy, and the forest policies of the independent Philippines have played major roles in contributing to the country’s forest destruction. Porter and Ganapin (1988) criticize American lumber companies in conjunction with the Philippine landowning elite in the early 19008 as the initial perpetrators of rapid forest decline. “Throughout the [US] colonial period and the early years of independence [beginning in 1946], hardwood forests were logged without any requirement for insuring future timber harvests” (Porter and Ganapin 1988: 25). “In the early years of US colonial rule, . . . logging concessions were dispensed on ‘ruinously favorable terms’” (Boyce 1993: 235). Furthermore, “after independence, the Philippines’ new government viewed exploitation of the country’s forest resource as a good way to raise desperately needed revenues, but as the timber boom gained momentum, the government was unable to supervise concessions effectively or enforce logging regulations,” (Repetto 1988: 59) nor did they seem interested in doing so (Robles 1993; Vitug 1993; Yabes 1993). Postwar demand in the US and later in Japan reinforced the exPloitation-for-economic-growth position of the Philippine government (Repetto 1988; Porter and Ganapin 1988). Hurst (1990: 173) states that in the years after independence, “US corporate interests had tight control over production, and the landed class provided political leadership.” US interest 81 311161 ' fih “1' 1“ he. 7 [nay-w- IAIUI IOU " ' ' 1‘ '34 ”313A“; 191.9,, 11...... ...L ls ' l ”1.? .h, \ .- 31 I. “""lk “N x. ““ w .A‘9*I>L A! .1 .1 (:4. \Z'h 4"“; l J'L in the Philippine timber industry can be seen up until the 19703 and 1980s with the major multinational corporations Georgia Pacific, Boise Cascade, International Paper, Weyerhaeuser, Findlay Miller and Andres & Soriano linked to local Philippine subsidiaries (Boyce 1993; Hurst 1990; Boado 1988). “In the elite democracy before martial law [1972], logging was linked with political favoritism and corruption, and timber licenses were granted for short terms varying from one to ten years” (Porter and Ganapin 1988: 26). The short term lease, the foreign interest in exploiting the forest resource, and the lack of political concern for the resource allowed for “the norm of most forest operators to 'cut and get out'" (Boado 1988: 174). Between 1960 and 1971, the forest area under logging concessions nearly doubled from 5.5 million hectares to 10.6 million hectares (Repetto 1988). Likewise, log production in cubic meters increased from 6,596,485 to 8,416,099 for those same years, peaking in FY 1968-69 at 11,583,283 (Porter and Ganapin 1988)- “By the late 1960s, there was a proliferation of timber companies, rampant over-cutting, excessive export of raw logs, [and] an underdeveloped WOOd‘I’rocessing capability . . . At this time the rate of deforestation reached a peak 0f around 150,000 ha per year” (FAO 1993: 124). Official statistics Since the mid-19705 show a steady decline in log production, but the pace of 82 I‘ .. O 7,) 10.5)1 18.3.5 19195 1'3‘.‘ F‘WSEM 1 . 0.13" k U Itfii‘ forest destruction, many argue, did not follow the same downward trend in terms of hectares cleared (Boyce 1993; Repetto 1988; Vitug 1993). Philippine mahogany was introduced to American markets in the early 1 9008 by George Ahern, the first American director of the Bureau of Forestry in the Philippines. US markets dominated exports prior to 1920, when Asian economies began to boom and open up their markets to Philippine timber. Between 1920 and 1960 Asia was the largest importer of Philippine hardwoods. By the 19608, Japan alone had become the largest importer of tropical forest products, including saw timber and round logs for their housing and furniture industry and pulp wood for paper products, (Vitug 1993). In the late 19708 through the 19808 the Philippine government pushed for more wood industries based in the Philippines. The goal was to stimulate local and national economies in order to export finished or semi-finished timber products rather than raw timber. While the governmflt has passed log bans, cutting is still driven by illegal export of raw timber, and by the Philippine wood industry itself (Robles 1993). Anderson (1987: 25]) claims that deforestation in the Philippines "assumed a unique form and velocity with Marcos’ martial law regime. . . After declaring martial law (in 1972), he accelerated direct and indirect Involvement of the government in the economy to pursue resource 83 exploitation, consolidation of political power, and the restructuring of a long-entrenched oligarchy. . . Marcos opened the Philippine economy to rapid exploitation. The commercial orientation greatly accelerated the forest destruction apparent today.” The Marcos agricultural development policies included expansion and intensification into upland and coastal zone areas which were “expected to contribute their share to the GNP” (Anderson 1987: 251). This expansionist posture together with Marcos’ cronyism and corruption dealt a double blow to Philippine forests. Boyce (1993: 233) [citing Hurst (1990: 187) and Porter and Ganapin (1988: 27)] states, “The allocation of logging licenses in the Philippines has long been a vehicle for political patronage. During martial law, there were reportedly ‘two ways to obtain a timber concession: either by knowing the President or knowing someone in the Wood Industries Development Board.’ Lucrative concessions were ‘gobbled up by cronies of Marcos.”’ The government began to officially acknowledge the decline of the forest resources in 1975. “Presidential Decree 428 brought in a ‘modified selective log export scheme’ , which was to apply to ‘deserving and responsible’ loggers on a ‘selective and limited’ basis” (Hurst 1990: 175). The result was massive trafficking in illegal logging primarily, if not wholly, by Marcos’ cronies. ’Ernesto Maceda, who became Minister of Natural Resources after the 84 bah." 1Q . i; 1““: 1 SL..2011 \ .2.‘0\ulu Par-8T (>\C'—-‘C’ n. February 1986 revolution, estimated that between 1974 and 1980, US $960 million worth of timber was smuggled out of the country by friends and associates of President Marcos” (Crewdson 1986: 21 in Boyce 1993: 234). “The concessionaires most favored by Marcos obtained control over the bulk of the forest area under concession. In 1977, one third of the 250 companies with leases made nearly 90 percent of the allowable cut. The average size of a concession was 30,000 ha in 1977 and 36,000 ha by 1982, but logging companies controlled by Minister of Defense Enrile obtained four and five leases, each with 80,000 to 90,000 ha. . . During the Marcos era, most mayors in municipalities with exploitable forests had financial interests in the concessions located there, through payoffs or royalties. They profited from allowing illegal loggers to operate and concessionaires to ignore the legal requirements for sustained yield logging and limits on allowable cut. The Philippine military also protected illegal logging in return for payoffs. Some officers had part ownership in concessions themselves and were believed to have participated in illegal logging and log smuggling” (Porter and Ganapin 1988: 27-8). From this historical perspective we understand more fully the title of Boyce’s (1993) paper, “Public Resources and Private Interests.” By the time the Aquino administration came to power, the country’s forest cover was down to between 21 and 27 % of its total land area. Though illegal logging practices remained, this period marks the emergence 0f Policies directed at preserving the remaining stands and reclaiming degraded lands with a view toward future economic gains in a renewable 85 I ' -‘u"') jEUb‘Abb as" re! us" 613.; 3...”. ...thLil“ a 0‘ .n« 1 .t ..:.'1 . :tn'~'t .y it, ,‘_3 I o.., .. _ J .. l\.~\ \ 5'.» 2’4 ‘5‘..\ ~ 1 “\_I‘. . l u’.)*~ ..t‘ » 1 3V“. ‘ln‘l l“. . x. 5 . I. A “ h (,. resource. Shallow rhetoric about sustainable exploitation was replaced by a new emphasis on preservation and reclamation. The Philippine government finally admitted that the once-abundant forest resource, which was suppose to help fuel the nation's economic development, was no longer available to exploit on a large scale. Government policies, corruption and greed beginning in the early 19008 under US colonial supervision, legal and illegal logging practices, and a lack of policy enforcement all contributed to the declining Philippine forests. Agricultural practices, population growth, and migration into upland areas also have their place in explaining Philippine deforestation. Here again, government policies played an important role in the conversion of forests to other land uses by local people. Mentioned already were the Marcos policies emphasizing agricultural expansion and economic growth. We can go as far back as the Forestry Act of 1904, which “aimed to encourage rational exploitation of the forests by installation of an appropriate regulatory environment, to prescribe fees and taxes, and to define the parameters for conversion of forest land to agriculture Conversion of forest lands into farms accelerated rapidly in the 19508 as a nging population increased the demand for land to produce food and other agricultural crops The deliberate removal of forests was considered 86 “Jfi'l ‘ 5‘. ,bbttoh :uv-‘x 55419.") essential to national development” (FAO 1993: 123). Repetto (1988: 65) echoes this: “Since the early 19008, government policies that have distributed public forest land to the landless have accelerated deforestation. Through the 19608, the government encouraged settlements in virgin forest to broaden the economy’s agricultural base. When population remained relatively small, no dramatic damages ensued, but as population growth increased after World War II, pressures on forest reserves became increasingly severe. The single most important such program has been the 'land for the landless' program established in the 19508 and 19608. From 1959 to 1963, this policy alone caused the conversion of 100,000 hectares of forest per year for farming. The Manahan Act and the Homestead Act, which also allowed the conversion of occupied forests to agriculture, combined to convert as much as 200,000 hectares per year over those decades.” So, though many correctly link local people and population grth With the conversion of forests to agriculture as a primary cause of deforestation, we must understand this in the context of government policies that advocated and promoted conversion under an expansionist, economic- Ori ented position. This said, we must acknowledge the role played by local people in deforestation. Again, figures in the literature are widely reported, but can only be thought of as rough estimates. Repetto remarks that some 80,000 to 120,000 families have cleared an estimated 2.3 million hectares of forest 87 qnfl‘ Y t Dbnutoh F"1"1 . 3 I“... _AH 5 --i_ bJuU: 01:1 tr 1m 1}? ‘1 .1“ Ll.\[ «- 3A.,“ ‘ 10‘? n 1 .“‘t. land, but that the spread of shifting cultivation in the Philippine is a result of both population growth and a failing economy (1988). Upland farmers cannot be cast as the sole villains in deforestation, however. Boyce argues that "clearing for cultivation typically follows the logging of the land, and in turn grazing often follows cultivation" (1993: 23 8). This is echoed by Boado: “After sustaining great damage during logging, logged-over forests were usually left unmanaged Most kaingins were carried out in logged- over forests, destroying the already damaged trees” (1988: 170), and Kummer: “In areas where agriculture has followed commercial logging, it is difficult to identify a single cause of deforestation The process of commercial logging and expansion of agriculture appear to go hand in hand” ( 1 991 : 63). Pioneer migrants, particularly the landless are often perceived as the main culprits of forest land to agricultural land conversions. Porter and Ganapin roughly estimate that twenty-five percent of the total forest destruction is a result of swidden agriculture practiced by former lowland lat'ldless migrants, "driven into uplands by landlessness and the dearth of employment opportunities [who] have not followed cultivation teChitiques suitable to upland conditions” (1988: 28-29). The World Bank cites this particular group of people, too, stating that, "They cannot afford to 88 F" U.» .1 L ,3 \.l , I v 1‘. fl-O'J'Ju inn». 5. |Hl\ .29. m is ui . 3".“ v.“\‘: a ~\CL A“: EE‘V ‘A 33‘: xL‘ deploy conservation technologies, nor can they envisage investments with pay-offs in the long-term future” (1989: 20). The upland areas have been home for thousands of years to many different cultural groups who established lifestyles, modes of agricultural production, and control over specific areas long before the Spanish invaded the Philippines in 1521, long before Americans indoctrinated Filipinos to a particular form of democracy, and long before an entrenched legal system dictating land tenure and resource access was in place. Upland areas are now home to an estimated 18 million people or 30% of the national population (World Bank 1989). “An outside estimate, which takes only the population of the 69% of upland municipalities that lie entirely within mountainous areas, and further discounts for an estimated 25% of urban or Other A & D land in these municipalities, concludes that forest land 0CCupants in 1980 totaled 8.2 million (about 10.8 million [in 1989])” with an estimated annual growth rate of 2.6 % in the upland areas in 1975-80 (World Bank 1989: 22). Some 3.5 - 4.5 million people, however, are indigenous to the Upland areas of the Philippines (Broad and Cavanaugh 1993). How many of these upland people are migrants is unknown. Benitez (1990) estimates that 29% of the total upland population is a result of migration from the lowlands. 89 W‘Hll‘ .rqul I ‘~"“‘.\‘* l 54'. “1 b it .6“?qu , 1.. r“. C‘Ilqr Wm; 31“.; TL: Access to upland forest lands for these land-hungry settlers was provided by logging roads. Arresting people's entry into these area by the government and the timber companies was nearly impossible (FAO 1993). Lack of manpower and finances could not prevent the mass of landless and speculator migrants into areas opened up by logging companies. Many, under a myopic view, argue the primacy of either population growth or of mismanagement and government corruption in Philippine deforestation. However, these are simplistic views about a set of complex, social, political, economic and historical processes. Boyce (1993: 239) emphasizes that “the land hunger which drives impoverished cultivators to clear the forest is an outcome of the land ownership concentration and the absence of sufficient non-agricultural employment opportunities ‘Population pressures’ in the Philippine uplands can be understood only within this political and economic context.” Kummer’s concept of “synergism” is most appropriate. Population growth in the uplands, slash- and-burn agriculture, legal and illegal logging, and the conversion of forests promoted by government policies (all happening over time) result in a complex nexus of cause and effect. Political ecology offers a framework with which to make sense of the multiple variables and their linkages to one another in order to understand more completely the causes of deforestation. 9O As stated above, by the time of the Aquino administration and the 1987 Constitution: (1) forest resources had been severely depleted, (2) land degradation was clearly evident, (3) the ecological, economic, and social costs were accruing, and (4) population growth and migration into upland areas were rising. The government's response was a strengthening and increased emphasis on social forestry programs which began in the early 19703. Social Forestry and Participatory Natural Resources Management Social Forestg Social forestry, as practiced and promoted by foresters and natural resource specialists, has posed an alternative method to long-standing, traditional, western (US and European) forest management practices, with particular emphasis on people together with trees. Social forestry involves local, often rural, people in growing trees not only for their own use, but for other purposes as well (6. g. industrial and environmental). Trees are often planted along roads, field boundaries, near homes, and in small woodlots, as opposed to large scale industrial tree plantations (Gregersen, et al. 1989). Motivating large numbers of rural people to plant trees which provide wood the], timber and income is the goal of social forestry. Social forestry, 91 1:1"; .151. D, l'» .. therefore, attempts to influence people's behavior toward trees; often an overlooked variable in conventional tree planting programs (Cemea 1991). Two Filipino authors, Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr. and Perla Q. Makil, writing in 1982, at the time the Philippine government initiated its Integrated Social Forestry Program, also describe social forestry. Aguilar, Jr. (1982: 3-4) states: “social forestry . . . posits that people are an integral part of the upland ecosystem. Forest dwellers are assumed to have a symbiotic relationship with the other elements of the environment. Simply put, it holds the view that people and trees can coexist in a way that one would be able to sustain the other, and vice-versa . . . it is the overall aim of social forestry to reduce the disequilibrating stresses on upland residents. The basic and immediate needs of the people are to be met, and through such socioeconomic upliftment it is hoped that uplanders would be predisposed to cooperate in preventing further destruction and in hastening the process of physical regeneration.” Makil (1982: 1-3) remarks: “Social forestry . . . departs from and modifies the “traditional” outlook concerning forestry, both as a discipline and an activity. . . Social forestry seeks to provide the missing dimension in [the] traditional orientation. It advocates that consideration be given not only to the forest per se, but also to forest users, such as the so-called cultural communities who live in the uplands and the landless farmers who depend on the agricultural advantage these lands offer for their livelihood and survival . . . It implies that forests and people should be concerns of equal importance in the formulation of forest plans and policies because they coexist for mutual survival and growth. It implies, 92 rL 11“ I‘ll further, that in the creation and execution of these policies, their social consequences - - evaluated from the viewpoint of the people affected by them - - cannot be disregarded. It advocates sharing with the people the management of forest resources in a manner, at least, partly designed by them. It insists, further, that they share in the benefits derived from them. With these implications and concerns, social forestry promotes the nation’s goals of ‘development,’ ‘public welfare,’ and the ‘national interest.”’ The practice of social forestry has been in existence for centuries with rural farmers planting, managing, and using trees in combination with other livelihood practices (Gregersen, et al. 1989). The concept of social forestry as proposed by international foresters, however, dates at least back to 1973 in India, where social forestry was advocated in the "Interim Report of the National Commission on Agriculture and Social Forestry" (Cemea 1991) It is arguable that the concept of social forestry in scholarly realms predates 1973. Jacob Westoby writing in 196811 claimed, "forestry is as much about people as it is about trees” (Westoby 1968). He goes on to say, “[Today’s forester] will be much more concerned with what I have loosely 11 Dr. Michael Gold, 3 Michigan State University professor in the Department of Forestry, claims that Westoby’s May 1968 paper for the Centennial Year of the University of California, Professional Schools Programme was actually based on writing he published in 1962. From personal notes taken during Fall 1996 semester in Dr. Gold's course, "Forestry in International Development." 93 L4 (L! (J L»: nun.“ .....ll.. a»... “nu \ "f‘nc W4. 5.... I- l termed social forestry, the management of the forests to provide an expanding flow of those physical benefits and social values which the forests are capable of generating for the community, and he must seek to do this at a minimum cost for the community” (Westoby 1968). Though the concept of social forestry can be linked as far back as 1962 with Westoby’s writings, and its professional application to 1973 in India, it really only came into vogue with professional foresters worldwide after the 1978 World Forest Conference in Jakarta, Indonesia. At this conference, Jacob Westoby delivered a scathing and cynical reproach to what he saw as expansionist, exploitative forestry, driven by the developed countries, which was destroying the world’s tropical forests and leaving local communities in the developing countries in economic, environmental, and social disrepair. There are a number of reasons for the advent of an alternative to industrial forest management, with its emphasis on commercially attractive trees and large-scale, forest-based enterprises, in which a forester’s role was protection of the resource against such enemies as “forest occupants.” Gregersen, Draper, and E12 (1989: 6-7) attribute the reorientation of forestry away from conventional forest management toward social forestry to (1) the rapid spread of deforestation in the tropics, (2) the publication of accounts of 94 \‘w; ski. 1:1 I.- M . Us 4’! '1 the worldwide fuelwood crisis, and (3) the failure of conventional forestry to consider local, rural people’s interests, needs and participation. Little (1994: 252) identifies the change as a response to forestry departments “perceived locally as sanctioning organizations that handed out fines and punishments to forest trespassers and offenders.” As the scope of deforestation, land degradation, and the associated environmental, economic, and social consequences grew, it became evident that forestry departments in developing countries, operating under traditional western (US and European) forestry practices, lacked the capacity and the resources to carry out the large scale reforestation and tree planting necessary to reclaim deforested areas, and to supply the increasing demand for forest resources from expanding populations. The dilemma for national governments and forestry departments became one of conservation versus production or development, and how to integrate the two (Little 1994). While industrial forestry was not completely abandoned, one response to this challenge was social forestry, which seeks to utilize local people and communities as producers and users of forest resources in reforestation activities to balance the lack of capacity and resources on the part of forestry departments in developing countries. Social forestry also attempts to integrate rural economic development with conservation programs. Cemea 95 (1991: 302) states that there are two tasks for forest policies: “to slow down deforestation and to intensify tree planting inside and outside forests.” He also argues the need for massive rural population participation to counter current rates of tree consumption and destruction and that “the profound behavioral changes to be elicited on a gigantic scale among farmers through social forestry are a shift from wood gathering behavior to tree cultivating behavior.” Social forestry attempts, then, to influence a key variable, people’s behavior toward trees. This, however, assumes local people have no prior management skills; that they are all simply consumers of forest resources. This is an erroneous assumption, and there is evidence from the Philippines and other countries which supports this. Olofson (1996) discusses the traditional conservation practices of the sacred groves of the Aborlan Tagbanuwan on Palawan. Anderson (1990) describes the “subtle forms of management,” used by the Amazonian ‘caboclos’ or ‘ribeirinhos,’ descendants of Amerindians. Just as the consequences of deforestation are multiple, involving social, political, economic, and environmental dimensions, so the goals of social forestry are multiple, attempting to arrest deforestation, reclaim denuded areas through reforestation, and solve the multiple problems associated with deforestation. The goals include, though are not limited to, 96 meeting the needs of local people, uplifting rural peoples’ economic well- being, reclaiming denuded watershed areas, conserving the biodiversity of natural forest environments, arresting downstream impacts of soil erosion (the siltation of reservoirs and flooding of lowland areas), providing fuelwood and fodder for local people, and maintaining agricultural productivity. -. TV Participation A central tenant of social forestry is the concept of participation. The term "participation" has been used quite loosely in the development and environment circles, to the point where it is often simply rhetoric and jargon. A number of authors, however, have struggled to define and develop concepts and practices of participation to benefit environment and development initiatives. Participation, as it relates to development (and now development and environment) issues, can be traced back to the 19508 with field workers and social activists responding to the many failed development projects implemented from a "top-down" position. The alternative they envisioned to the traditional "top-down" form of development was a participatory approach, often referred to as "bottom-up" or "grassroots" (Rahnema 1992). 97 Oakley (1987 in Rocheleau 1991) identifies two basic forms of participation: those that advocate "mobilization" and those that advocate "empowerment". Anisur Rahman (1993) and Paulo F reire (1990) have popularized the "empowerment" perspective introducing the concept of "conscientization" as a means to social justice (Rahman regarding development; F reire regarding education). The World Bank Participation Sourcebook (1996) embodies the "mobilization" perspective. Refinements to the concept of participation led to "popular participation" and "stakeholder participation" (Rahnema, 1992; The World Bank 1996). "Popular participation" focuses on the poor and the oppressed, while "stakeholder participation" includes donors, planners, and other groups along with the rural poor and oppressed. "Collaboration," in some circles began to replace or help define the term participation (The World Bank 1996; Axinn and Axinn 1996). Still others distinguish "promotional" approaches from "participatory" approaches arguing that some participatory approaches are actually only promotional ones which hold the belief that rural people need to be educated about the importance of the project, and that "extension and training programmes are needed to convince, teach and motivate rural people" (Carter and Granow 199?: 4). 98 cl The approach outlined in The World Bank Participation Sourcebook is a promotional approach. While the approach emphasizes collaboration between project sponsors, designers and "local social systems," it also promotes a "behavior change dimension" whose risk of failure can be reduced through "listening and consultation." This leads to "social learning, social invention," and "commitment." In order to "build the capacity" of the poor to act, organizational and financial components are necessary. The end result of "participation" in The World Bank method is social change. Hoskins (1994) offers a critique of the "promotional" or "social change" approach. Referring to participation in forest and tree management, he argues "consciousness-raising elements of projects on the importance of trees are often ineffective. The real reason for a lack of local participation is that outsiders misperceive local constraints to and attitudes towards participation. Planners and donors need to have more confidence in local people's ability to participate in all stages of activity, planning implementation and monitoring Only a feeling of ownership and a guarantee of benefits will encourage local communities to take on long-term forest and tree management." While I agree with Hoskins’ sentiments, he identifies tenure and "confidence in local people's ability to participate" as 99 :‘t'Hv l ‘l! ._'J '7.) is LU . r4) the only two "local constraints to participation." This narrow view fails to acknowledge an additional constraint: the possibility of divergent environmental perceptions and land and resource use practices between the local people and the institutions promoting forest and tree management. Rahnema (1992: 128) argues that "organized forms of participation or mobilization either serve illusory purposes, or lead to superficial and fragmented achievements of no lasting impact on people's lives. Even when these seem to be beneficial to a particular group or region, their effects remain inevitably limited, in time and space, sometimes even producing opposite effects in many unforeseen and unexpected areas." "Popular participation," with its focus on the impoverished and the oppressed, as initially promoted by development practitioners, was intended to accomplish four functions: political, instrumental, social, and cognitive ends. The political objective was to "empower the voiceless and the powerless," (Rahnema 1992: 121). Rahman (1993) proposed "conscientization," a self-reflected awareness, as means to these ends. The instrumental function was the "re-empowerment" of development practitioners (e. g. World Bank development “experts” and government agency personnel such as DENR foresters) to devise new alternatives to the failures of conventional development strategies. The social purpose was to 100 infuse new life into the development discourse by providing a new construct around which all could rally to end poverty once and for all - - the original rallying cry of the World Bank under Robert McNamara (George and Sabelli 1994). Finally, in cognitive terms, and most relevant to my thesis: "participation had to regenerate the development discourse and its practices, on the basis of a different mode of understanding of the realities to be addressed. It expressed the belief that the t cognitive bases of conventional development not only belonged 1 to an irrelevant episteme, representing an ethnocentric perception of reality specific to Northern industrialized i, countries, but were also no longer able to serve the objectives of a sound development. They had to be replaced by a different knowledge system, representing people's own cultural heritage, in particular the locally produced techne. Popular participation was to carve out a new meaning for, and a new image of, development, based on different forms of interaction and a common search for this new 'popular' knowledge" (Rahnema 1992:121) The aim is to embrace a plurality of "perceptions of reality," to replace the myopic traditional perspective with a new 'popular' knowledge system. Not only are their multiple knowledge systems (ways of knowing and understanding reflective of many factors: culture, life experiences, education, employment, social status, and so on) redefining development discourse, there are multiple "realities" through which people relate to and understand their environment, from local to global scales. Blaikie (1995) advocates this in the political ecology approach for developing countries. 101 Blaikie writes: "Landscapes and environments are perceived and interpreted from many different and contested points of view which reflect the particular experience, culture and values of the viewer Only by acknowledging multiple views, understanding the politics of how actors present their views and pursue their projects can current scientific and conservation thinking be literally brought down to earth" (1995: 209). At the level of development discourse, it is argued there are multiple knowledge systems. F rom this has come the acceptance, by some, of 1' indigenous knowledge (IK), and the demand for "third world voices" defining and developing strategies to deal with their own environment and development problems (Croll and Parkin 1992; Banuri and Marglin 1993; Bennagen and Lucas-Feman 1996). Even the World Bank has acknowledge diverse voices in developing countries (World Bank 1995), though how much power the World Bank gives local people to define their own future is still debatable. Unfortunately, the discourse of multiple knowledge systems is often presented as a dichotomy. There are indigenous or third world voices and Western voices. The dichotomy parallels the North-South concept of developed and underdeveloped nations. This dichotomy masks the diversity of “voices” and knowledge systems among indigenous or third world people. 102 Social forestry programs are an improvement over conventional forest management systems insofar as they attempt, to varying degrees, to incorporate local people into forest management and reforestation projects. Nevertheless, social forestry is not exempt from problems. The practice of local participation, a key component in social forestry, is not uniform. It ranges from near full and equal participation of local people in all aspects of a project (e.g. Philippine communal irrigation projects in the 19805 - - see Gunasekara 1996) to merely the consultation of local people about a pre- determined project. This is not to say there is a dichotomy of participation in practice, but a continuum. Beyond the plasticity of the term, participation is a “time consuming process, [and] does not lend itself easily to the institutional environments of ministries, donor agencies or even some larger NGOs” (Little 1994: 353). “Lack of participation by intended beneficiaries has resulted in social forestry programs falling short of their goals. Effective participation of the rural poor and landless has been a goal of many, but has often not been achieved” (Gregersen, et al. 1989: 131). In addition, forest protection and management and reforestation “is difficult, if the local population does not perceive a crisis or threat” (Little 1994: 353). In other words, the success of a social forestry project is dependent, in many ways, uPon local people: how they view the problem, how they perceive its 103 solutions, and how integrated they are in the design and implementation of the solutions. Efforts have been made by the DENR/FMB, by research institutions doing outreach to local communities and by NGOs involved in Philippine development to incorporate effective participation measures with the goal of establishing successful projects. Even with the most effective participatory approaches we see projects fail. This thesis is premised on the hypothesis that a poorly understood reason for the relatively disappointing record of social forestry and participatory development is differences in environmental perception. Environmental Perception & The Social Construction of Nature Environmental perception, as a research focus, finds its roots in several traditions of academic inquiry. Nearly all literary reviews of environmental perception studies in geography trace the subject back to Carl Sauer and the Berkeley school of landscape studies in cultural geography (Ley 1981; Rowntree 1996). Environmental perception studies are associated with the humanistic movement of the 19605, in general, and with behavioral and phenomenological orientations, specifically. 104 The Berkeley school of cultural geography is characterized by "an historical orientation, an emphasis on man's agency on the physical environment, a preoccupation with material artefact, a rural and preindustrial bias, a heavily empirical field tradition, and a tendency to non-cumulative unique studies," (Ley 1981: 250). Humanism developed as a reaction to the "determinism, economism, and abstraction of the early quantitative publications [which] seemed to abolish human intentionality, culture, and man himself," (Ley 1981: 250). Humanism, with its philosophical underpinnings in phenomenology, existentialism, and pragmatism, replaced the concept of culture "as superorganic, as a conceptual a priori," with one in which culture is seen as a construction of men and women, by "highlighting the distinctively human components of mind, consciousness, values, or more briefly perception . . ." (Ley 1981: 150). Ley (1981) presents environmental perception from these origins, not unlike Rowntree (1996), who also traces geographic interest in environmental perception beginning with Carl Sauer and the cultural landscape. It was Sauer's Morphology of Landscape (1925) that moved geographic inquiry beyond environmental determinism to see humans as active agents in the human environment equation. Sauer eventually viewed landscape study as one of many "conceptual tools in a humanistic cultural 105 t.“‘ n geography" (Rowntree 1996: 133). After World War II, another humanistic geography emerged characterized by historical and interpretive methods. While landscape was central to these methods, it was used in two ways: ( 1) to emphasize the material and visual details of the landscape, and (2) to stress the "cultural perception and visual preferences - the sentimental and emotional, some would say - of our surroundings" (Rowntree 1996: 134). From these postwar foundations emerged perception studies which sought to understand how people cognized and responded to their environment. John Kirkland Wright is credited with being the founder of landscape studies which emphasized how people and groups felt about and perceived their environments. Wright's concept of geosophy (1947), or "the study of colloquial knowledge from all or any points of view" (Cosgrove 1994), provided the foundation for environmental perception within geography. From Wright, David Lowenthal continued to promote perception in landscape studies with a series of articles in the 19603 (Lowenthal 1961, 1968). Lowenthal interpreted landscapes as "texts" in order to show how landscapes provide insights into cultural and social values (Rowntree 1996). Gold and Goodey (1983), in a somewhat overlapping argument, identify environmental perception with the broad theoretical perspective of behavioral geography. Gold and Goodey propose that "new lines of 106 behavioralist research in geography," were inspired by the "geosophy of Wright (1947), Lowenthal's (1961) explorations of the geographical imagination, Kirk's (1963) recognition of the decision—making significance of the 'behavioral environment', White's work (e. g. 1964) on natural hazards, and Gould's monograph (1966) on 'mental maps'." They also argue that these writings were "underpinned by subjective conceptions of the world in understanding human behavior" (1983: 579). They continue, "It was argued that a fuller understanding of environmental perception, and of the processes that informed decision making, could help modify the underlying behavioral assumptions of spatial theory and thereby improve its explanatory and predictive powers" (Gold and Goodey, 1983: 579). While not mutually exclusive from one another, the views expressed by Ley, Rowntree and Gold and Goodey regarding environmental perception as an element in geography indicate, to some measure, the disparate voices in geography, and the multiple uses of environmental perception as a distinct and coherent topic of geographic inquiry. Perhaps Jody Emel (1994: 166) states it most succinctly: "Perception studies in geography stem from several traditions. Work in psychology and decision sciences modifying neo-classical economic models through such notions as 'bounded rationality' and 'satisficing behavior' had a strong 107 _. 441E influence on geographical studies of environmental hazards in the 19605 and 19703. Apparently, irrational behavior such as the occupation of hazardous floodplains was understood as the response of the occupants to their perceived opportunities and constraints. Another stream of research developed independently in work in historical geography and the history of geographic thought; R. H. Brown, John K. Wright, David Lowenthal, and others emphasized the variety of perceptions of the human environment and the significance of geographical ideas in accounting for past behavior. Urban and economic geographers developed behavioral and perceptual studies, with strong ties to psychology, addressing such topics as urban travel behavior, neighborhood design and migration as related to images and mental maps of place preferences. A fourth stream of environmental perception research by geographers involves the study of indigenous environmental knowledge or folk sciences as a theme in cultural ecology." Emel (1994: 166) quotes Brookfield (1969) in explaining the concepts underlying environmental perception: "'Decision-makers operating in an environment base their decisions on the environment as they perceive it, not as it is. The action resulting from decision, on the other hand, is played out in a real environment.” She continues, "The study of environmental perception in geography focuses on the ways in which the actors' understanding of their surroundings conditions their behavior within their surroundings." Yi-F u T uan, in his seminal work Topophilia: A Study of @vironmental Perception, Attitudes and Values, (1974) defines perception as: "both the response of the senses to external stimuli and purposeful 108 activity in which certain phenomena are clearly registered while others recede in the shade or are blocked out. Much of what we perceive has value for us, for biological survival, and for providing certain satisfactions that are rooted in culture" (1974: 4). Lowenthal credits Tuan for showing, "how we alternate between being subjects and objects, between being enmeshed in culture and free deterrniners of our environmental apprehensions. Man is at one and the same time a social being, a sensuously aware being, and an environmental organizer and classifier" (1972: 253). Lowenthal and Riel add considerably to the notion of environmental perception: "For all people everywhere, the environment has a definitive structure, made up of discrete clusters of attributes. These attribute clusters correspond to categories of activity, judgment, feeling, and space, qualities which are often used to describe human behavior and response. The perceived structure varies with person and place, but it is always present and the environment is never seen or responded to simply as an amorphous, unindifferentiated phenomenon. The shape and composition of these mental pictures depend also on the nature and context of environmental experience itself" (1972: 189). Humans should be thought of as complex interpreters and actors who perceive their environments (rural or urban or other) through filters. While humans perceive and understand their environments through these filters, 109 their actions occur in real geophysical spaces. Therefore, to more fully understand human-environment interactions, one must understand people’s environmental perceptions. A focus on human actors' environmental perceptions leads to broader explanations of the relationship between culture and nature. An increasingly more common understanding of both culture and nature is that they are human constructs. Culture, while appearing natural to people within a specific cultural system, is a constructed meaning system. This meaning system is a product of and a part of economic, political and social systems (Duncan 1993). Nature, too, is a construct (Simmons 1993). It is both socially and culturally constructed. Simmons argues, “that what is beyond our own skin actually exists. But this ‘environment’ is largely what we make of it, with all the ambiguities inherent in the word “make,’” (1993: 3). What I make of a particular environment may in fact differ quite noticeably from another’s understanding of the same environment. A hypothetical, but appropriate example, is the city-dwellers anxiety when outdoors in the woods at night, or rural person’s feeling of alienation in a big city. Our ideas of nature differ across societies and across cultures, and even across time periods. Nature is a human ideal in the sense that what appears to be natural or in a natural state” may in fact be manufactured and 110 engineered to fit our concepts of what is natural. Social, cultural and historical contexts for any individual or group frame and filter the notion(s) of nature (Evemden 1992). The same can be said of the concepts of landscape and wilderness (Cosgrove 1984; Oelschlaeger 1991), terms we often use to describe our environment. Discussion of social and cultural construction is certainly not limited to geographers. Anthropology and sociology, in particular, have contributed greatly (Rodman 1992; Grieder and Garkovich 1994; Hannigan 1995). Rodman (1992) argues that an understanding of culture must include place and landscape as politicized social and cultural constructs. Grieder and Garkovich (1994) offer a theoretical framework to understand a cultural group's definition of and relationship with nature and the environment, defining "'landscape' as the symbolic environment created by a human act of conferring meaning on nature and the environment," and arguing that the "landscape reflects the self-definitions of the people within a particular cultural context" (1994). Hannigan (1995) has gone even fiirther in writing on the social construction of environmental problems, deconstructing the underlying processes of how societies define environmental problems. This thesis contributes to the genera of environmental perception llterfilture. It is a case study on the management of Forest lands in the 111 Philippines and explores the potential impact differing environmental perceptions may have on this management. The study expands the traditional topics of environmental perception studies (mental maps, hazards research, urban landscapes, and so on) to include environment and development issues in the developing world. The study also contributes to the merging of political ecology studies with environmental perception to expand our understanding of environment and development problems, including forestry issues faced in the Philippines. The literature regarding environmental perception is quite extensive and diverse (as alluded to above). Lowenthal (1961, 1968), Tuan (1974, 1977), Cosgrove (1984), Buttimer (1980), Mikesell (1991), Meinig (1979), and Ley (1987) are among the more notable names contributing to environmental perception in geography. Rather than attempt an exhaustive catalogue of the literature, however, I have tried to show: (1) the roots of environmental perception, (2) its associations with cultural, behavioral and humanistic geographies, (3) its relation to the perspective of social construction, (4) its effects on our understanding of culture and nature, (5) some recent theoretical critiques regarding environmental perception and (6) the relation this study has to the corpus of environmental perception 112 literature. As with humanism in general, environmental perception also has methodological implications, which are addressed in chapter four. I have chosen four additional pieces of literature to review, as illustrations of case studies that include environmental perception as a significant element in human-environment research. First is Selby and Petajisto's (1995) investigation of "Attitudinal Aspects of the Resistance to Field Afforestation in Finland." Their study is an example of political motivation and environmental perception. Their research centers on farmers' "emotional obj ections" to field afforestation within the general context of "the efficacy of policy instruments addressing agricultural over-production" (1995: 70). The study identifies values and attitudes toward field afforestation among individual farmers, communal agricultural groups, and forestry advisers. These represent the perceptions of the people toward their environment, how they understand it, intend to use it and, in turn, create it. The paper assumes (1) that humans act in rational, saticficing ways, (2) that humans socially construct their perceptions of the environment and this construction is continuously produced and reproduced, (3) that an individual's meaning is seldom hers alone and is more often a "shared and reinforced" meaning influenced by peer groups, (4) that people's worldviews, (i.e. their life philosophies and value systems) are significantly 113 determined by their culture, and (5) that "place" is an individual construction whereas "social space" is an institutional construction (1995: 78-79). The study's findings show that a majority of farmers studied held emotional objections to field afforestation, which the authors argue "were found to overcome the economically rational land use solution presented by the financial preconditions for field afforestation" (1995: 87). In other words, their perception of how their environment should be used did not m-——.—.—-—. include the growing of trees. Advisory officers, too, held little interest in field afforestation as a policy whose aim was to restrict agricultural over- production. The authors state: "it is quite clear that local advisers' motives for not advancing certain policy means, such as field afforestation, are embedded not only in their wish to maintain the social space of their sector of the corporate state, but also to preserve the cultural landscape, their cultural landscape with its associations, which help to create and maintain their ties-to-place" (1995: 88). Peluso's (1995) article is an example of a study which uses the framework of political ecology but includes aspects of environmental perception. Writing on the power of maps, she implicitly identifies the importance of environmental perceptions behind maps, which she refers to as the drawings of "strategic space." Using maps produced by state land 114 managers and local activists acting on behalf of villages whose territories are "traditionally managed", Peluso examines how maps represent formal and legitimate claims on forest territories in Kalimantan, Indonesia. Because she is focused on the political power maps wield Peluso does not explicitly argue that there are fundamental differences in environmental perceptions underlying the map constructs of state land managers and traditional peoples. She comes closest when she states: "Dyaks have always made claims to territories, bounded by river systems, ridge lines, and other natural cues. However, such territoriality has had more to do with rights to use resources within a particular territory than with the extent of the territory and its exact boundary lines. Some land use categories might be structurally impossible to allocate as individual territory. For example, territorializing rights to mature fruit forests (tembawang) would undoubtedly lead to conflict. In these social forests, multiple descent groups claim ancestral rights to fruit, resin, and trees. Virtually every tree has a set of owners which differs from the set claiming the next tree" (1995: 401-402). She Continues, "The main purpose of the maps described here is to document and establish boundaries between forest villagers and external claimants, from the local point of view, and to re-claim for local people some of the territory being appropriated by state and international forest mapping projects" (1995: 115 402-403). The investigation and legitimization of "local people's views" regarding territory and resource use significantly overlaps studies centered explicitly on environmental perception and socially (and culturally) constructed phenomena (i.e. nature, wilderness, resource, and so on). Another article that uses a political ecology framework and also incorporates environmental perception is one by Rocheleau and Ross (1995). They use a case study of Zambrana-Chacuey, Dominican Republic to examine how trees operate as "objects, sites, symbols, and tools of material and ideological struggle between state agencies, NGO's, and a rural people's movement." They identify the diversity of actors from national to household levels who hold diverse views of trees, which act as "instruments of power and as tools of empowerment." The study compares the "miracle tree," Acacia mangium, a fast- growing species often promoted in reforestation projects for its timber qualities, with the metaphor of a "green machete." The authors state: "The tree is wielded as a machete in both a practical sense and a political and metaphorical sense, to remove 'undesirable' or 'non-productive' vegetation, without the smoke, the charred fields and the risk of incriminating personal presence with cutting tools in hand. The resulting maintenance or expansion Of'fOI’est' on regional maps might even draw approval from the authorities. 116 ‘2-111‘91'33‘" The Acacia, with the mantle of green goodness ascribed to trees, lends environmental legitimization to both the process and the result of deforestation . . . The green machete is an effective tool in struggles over land, as well as in struggles over trees as objects and commodities" (1995: 422). The authors conclude: "The interactions of the Acacia mangium tree with the diverse [Rural] Federation [of Zambrana_Chacuey] membership and the complex and richly textured landscape provide an example of the fin.“ r ! cultural and natural co-construction of the trees as a social actor and its transformation into a variety of tools within on-going struggles. The crucial question is not so much to do or not do social forestry or which tree to plant, as it is whose decision, among what options and under what terms, in a particular place and at a given point in history" (1995: 425). Arizpe, Paz and Velazque (1996) write about the Lacandona rain forest in Mexico. They explore the cultural dimension of deforestation of the Lacandona rain forest (1996). The authors analyze "the different filndarnental views that local Lacandona inhabitants have about nature" (1996: 4). They analyze data from seven communities, "with special attention paid to differences in perception of local environmental phenomena between meztizos and Indians, men and women, farmers and cattle ranchers, government officials and intentions of those outside rain forests, particularly 117 city environmentalists, federal government institutions, the World Bank, and the 'intemational community'" (1996: 4-5). The authors, following Whyte's work, define perception as "'the direct experience of the environment and the indirect information received [by an individual] from other individuals, science, and the mass media'" (1996: 5). They offer a modification, however, in employing an anthropological viewpoint that asks what cultural and social aspects shape "what a person or group perceives or understands?" (1996: 5). They claim "the concept of social perception is used as the main instrument of analysis to explain how different groups are relating to environmental issues in the Lacandona rain forest" (1996: 5). The authors submit that "social groups take up positions and strategies in a constantly shifting map of social perception," and one must understand this "because socially and politically sustainable solutions to environmental problems can only be successfully negotiated if the differences of perception and assessment of such problems between diverse social and gender groups are carefully understood" (1996: 6). The study concludes: "The salient result of our analysis is that enViroIlmental change cannot be studied only as a direct relationship of an lndiVidual to the natural environment. Instead, individuals' choices and 118 behavior toward nature are shaped and channeled by preexisting conceptual frameworks and by the matrix of social relationships in which each individual's group is embedded" (1996: 93). They argue that deforestation is not perceived as a problem by many people in the Lacandona region but that the issue comes from the outside. These four pieces of literature are examples of recent approaches to human-environment inquiry. Each supports the belief that there are multiple views regarding nature, landscapes, the environment, and even objects in the environment such as trees. These views are human constructs, which reflect social, cultural and historical contexts. Within a political ecology understanding, people’s views and actions with respect to the environment are partially conditioned by the structures of present and historical political and economic contexts. An individual’s or group’s particular relationship, their position, with those who wield power (often the economic and political elite) over natural resources (through instruments of tenure, legislation or even forms of corruption such as cronyism) in part dictates their perceptions and actions regarding their environment. Environmental problems, or perceptions of these problems, may not be Perceived the same way by everyone. In such cases, divergence and contested points of views exists. Solutions to environmental problems that 119 are proposed by outsiders and which include local people ought to begin by exploring divergent perceptions regarding the environment and the perceived problem. It is not enough to assume that all humans interact and know their environments in the same way. This thesis draws upon the theoretical insights of political ecology, environmental perception, and the social/cultural construction of nature. The result is a holistic case study of why reforestation practices have not been more successful in and around Calo, Carranglan, Nueva Ecija. In "‘ similar studies, the structural constraints highlighted by the political ecology approach are well documented. The addition of exploring divergent environmental perceptions, however, appears to be quite novel in Philippine social forestry studies. 120 CHAPTER FOUR Objectives and Methods of Data Collection and Analysis Fieldwork for my thesis was completed in the Philippines over a three-month period, from May to August, 1997. The idea for my research topic, and my relationship with the community selected for my research, however, date back to 1987 with my service as a Peace Corps volunteer in the community of Calo. I served, at that time, for two years as an agroforestry extensionist assigned to work with the Philippine Forest Management Bureau (FMB) and their Integrated Social Forestry program (ISF). Between the completion of my Peace Corps service and the start of my graduate research, I returned to the Philippines twice, specifically to visit my former Peace Corps site. My knowledge of Philippine forestry programs and forestry issues, of the community where I chose to conduct my research, and of the political, social, cultural, economic, and environmental contexts of the research area, go well beyond my three months of fieldwork in 1997. Objectives Using a combination of empirical, anecdotal, and qualitative lnforrnation derived from interviews, survey questionnaires, government 121 documents, maps and archival sources, this thesis attempts to answer this primary question: have significantly divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions between the people of Calo and the DENR partially influenced the success rate of tree planting programs of the DENR? The following operational definitions are used for three terms in my objectives. ° land use concepts: the values and definitions people express regarding specific niches in their surrounding environment. 0 land use practices: the way or ways in which people use different areas of their surrounding environment, and where these particular niches are located. ° environmental perceptions: the ways in which people define their surrounding environment (its uses, its changes, its meaning in their lives), and the views people have for its future. In order to answer this question, assessments were made of land cover in Carranglan, the DENR’s land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions, the land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions of the people in Calo, and the impact of divergent environmental perception on the land use practices of the DENR. 122 Data Collection Primary and secondary data were collected during three months of field work in 1997. These were collected in Calo, at the DENR field office in Munoz, Nueva Ecija, at the DENR national office in Quezon City, at the Cordillera Studies Center of the University of the Philippines in Baguio City, Benguet, and at the Cordillera Resource Center, also in Baguio City, Benguet. Primary Data Primary data were collected through various methods. Interviews were conducted with DENR personnel in Munoz and Quezon City and with the "JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency) expert" assigned to the DENR Foreign Assisted and Special Project Office. The bulk of the primary data, however, was collected in Calo, and focused on land use practices and environmental perceptions. Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected in Calo, using a household survey, key informant and group interviews, site visits with local people, and participant observation. Interviews were administered by me in participant's homes using a mix of nokano and English. Responses to all interviews were first tape recorded, With the full knowledge and acceptance of participants, and then transcribed 123 into notes while in the field. Data collected from the household surveys included: demographic, occupational and historical information, land use practices, tenure, resource use, and environmental perceptions. Information gathered from site visits and participant observation was orally recorded with a micro-cassette, visually recorded with a 35 mm camera, and recorded in written form in the field. The majority of quantitative data was collected using the household survey. Qualitative, anecdotal information was gathered from formal, informal, key informant and group interviews. Secondary Data Secondary data were collected from five sources in the Philippines: the CENRO office in Munoz, Nueva Ecija; the national DENR office in Quezon City; the National Mapping and Resources Information Authority (N AMRIA) in Makati, Metro-Manila; the Cordillera Studies Center of the University of the Philippines in Baguio City, Benguet; and at the Cordillera Resource Center, also in Baguio City, Benguet. Secondary data were used in the analysis of land cover in Carranglan, in the assessment of DENR f0l‘estry practices and projects, in identifying scientific names for tree SPeeies in Carranglan and in archival support regarding traditional land and resOurce use practices of the Ibaloi. 124 NAMRIA provided three 1:250,000 land cover quadrants with partial coverage of Carranglan and the surrounding areas. The maps were produced using SPOT satellite imagery from March 1987 and ground-truthed in May/June 1987. I was also able to purchase 1:250,000 and 150,000 topographic quadrants from NAMRIA to use in the GIS analyses regarding land cover, and for creating the majority of maps used in this thesis. Unfortunately, the three 1:250,000 land cover maps only partially cover the municipality of Carranglan. The fourth map, covering the northwest portion of the municipality was unavailable at NAMRIA. Coverage exists for 78.91 % (61,837 hectares) of the municipality. Archival sources are used in the discussion regarding land cover change in Carranglan, as I was unable to obtain time series data regarding land cover for comparison with the 1987 SPOT generated land cover maps. These sources include writings by Galvez (1984) and Reyes and Mendoza (1983) specific to the Pantabangan Watershed; writings by Sajise and Omegan (1990), Wemstedt and Spencer (1967), and Don G. Galvey (1829) regarding grasslands; and a World Bank (1989) source concerning erosion in the Magat watershed, a case similar to that of the Pantabangan watershed. DENR publications and archival sources gathered in the Philippines Wel‘ e used for the assessment of DENR forestry practices and projects in 125 Carranglan. A number of sources provided information regarding national policies (DENR 1987, 1992a, 1992b, 1993, 1995a, 1995b; 1997; DENR and the Institute of Judicial Administration, University of the Philippines Law Center 1993; Gacoscosim 1995). A 1997 Land Use map provided by the CENRO in Munoz was used to analyze land use percentages, and land cover within land use boundaries. Three DENR data documents regarding Contract Reforestation statistics in Carranglan (DENR 1996, DENR nd.; DENR-CENRO nd.) provided data for the statistical analyses determining the success and failure of tree planting attempts under this program, as well as species information. These data were supported by information from Reyes and Mendoza (1983), Galvez (1984), and the DENR (1994). Archival sources gathered in Baguio, Benguet, the cultural hearth of the Ibaloi people, provided information specific to traditional Ibaloi land and resource use practices. Four authors address this in their research: C. R. Moss (1920), Melanie Wiber (1984), B. P. Tapang, Jr. (1985) and June Prill- Brett (1992). Moss was a Berkeley ethnographer who compiled extensive information about the Ibaloi in the 19105 and 19205. Wiber is a recent anthropologist, also studying and writing about the Ibaloi. Tapang, Jr. Writes from an economist's perspective on the Ibaloi cattle industry. Prill- Brett has been writing on the Ibaloi and other Cordilleran peoples since the 126 mid 19705. While their views sometimes clash regarding Ibaloi land and resource use, the four authors provide a thorough picture of traditional Ibaloi land use systems and this information is used in comparison to the land use systems of the people in Calo, a majority of whom are Ibaloi. Data Analyses Both quantitative and qualitative data were examined for this thesis, combining positivistic and humanistic methods. Land cover and land cover change findings are based on spatial analysis using ArcInfo and Arcview GIS applications, along with qualitative interview data. Three l:250,000 land cover quadrants, based on 1987 SPOT satellite imagery, were digitized and projected into an ArcInfo coverage. Five other coverages were produced from 1:250,000 and 1:50,000 topographic quadrants. These include coverages of towns, major roads, the Pantabangan reservoir, rivers, and the Carranglan municipal boundary. The spatial relationships of land cover to topography, roads and towns Were interpreted by overlaying a land cover GIS coverage with another GIS Coverage showing roads and towns and by interpreting the locations these feature in relationship to the surrounding topography. The area for each land COVer type was calculated. Summary statistics for each land cover area 127 represented by a polygons in the land cover GIS coverage were derived using Arcview tools once the information was digitized, and projected into a latitude and longitude coordinate system. This was accomplished for the area defined by the Carranglan municipal boundary and then compared to a region 3.6 times the size of, and surrounding, Carranglan, as a means of comparing the land cover within Carrnglan with land cover at a larger scale. The assessment of land cover change in Carranglan is weakened by not having remotely sensed data from previous time periods. My assessment, instead, uses interview data from residents in Calo, and archival sources specific to the area. I am confident the information from the people in Calo is accurate. However, this information is restricted in area to a much smaller scale than that of the whole municipality. I believe the people in Calo can accurately assess change in their surrounding environment up to approximately 2.3 to 3 kilometers from Calo’s cluster of houses. It is within this range that the people have customarily spent their daily activities within: farming, hunting, gathering fuel wood and so on. I have no way of knowing the accuracy of the information regarding land cover change in the archival Sources I use. The authors refer to a number of sources including the DENR and the BF D, who have been accused, in the past, of inaccurate data. 128 The assessment of DENR/FMB land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions rests in archival sources and DENR documents (DENR 1997; DENR 1987; DENR 1992a; DENR 1992b; DENR 1993; DENR 1994; DENR 1995a; DENR 1995b; DENR 1996; FAO 1993a; Gacoscosim 1995; Galvez 1984; Kummer 1991; Reyes and Mendoza 1983) The land use maps from the CENRO in Munoz, Nueva Ecija, were digitized, projected and analyzed using ArcInfo and Arcview GIS applications. DENR land use classifications were digitized into ArcInfo coverages from l:250,000 land use classification maps. Land use areas were calculated using summary statistics on all polygons within the GIS coverage. The spatial relationships of DENR classified lands to topography, roads and towns were interpreted by overlaying the land use GIS coverage with another GIS coverage showing roads and towns and by interpreting the locations these feature in relationship to the surrounding topography. Maps and tables indicate the results. DENR documents and archival sources were also used to show how the DENR defines Forest land and non-Forest land, as Well as what the intentions of the DENR are for these lands. Results regarding the ratio of areas planted to extent of classified F 01‘ est land and percent survival statistics for areas under contract were used as iIldices measuring the success of tree planting attempts. This information 129 is supported with archival sources (Braganza 1996; Cema et a1 1991; F AO 1993a; Gibbs et a1 1990; Porter and Ganapin 1988; Reyes and Mendoza 1983; UNAC 1992; Walpole 1990; Philippine Daily Inquirere 1988). An examination of tree species and project objectives promoted by the DENR/FMB under their various tree-planting efforts in Carranglan was accomplished using species lists from the data documents on contract reforestation and from a CBF M project document (DENR nd; DENR 1994; DENR 1996; DENR-CENRO 1997). These data were tabulated into summary statistics. Interview data, archival sources and DENR documents, specific to policy and program objectives, were also used to show the particular objectives of the DENR with respect to Forest land (FMB-DENR 1988; DENR 1993; DENR 1997; FAO 1993; Gacoscosim 1995; Galvez 1984; Reyes and Mendoza 1983). The examination of the DENR/FMB environmental perception is based on land classification concepts and the goals and objectives for social forestry activities in Carranglan. The information is interpreted and Summarized. The findings are drawn from interview data, DENR documents, and DENR data sheets. Interview data were collected from twenty-one respondent households, from a total population of twenty-eight households. Initial 130 intentions were to interview all adults in the community and young adults over the age of fourteen. Young adults tended to be absent (off to school) or too shy to be interviewed. Seven residents were absent from the community at the time of my fieldwork. In all cases where the household consisted of married couples, I interviewed both male and female heads-of households. Responses were tabulated by household. Interview data were tabulated and summary statistics derived in order to assess demographic characteristics of the community, resource use, and land use practices. This data is presented along with qualitative information and archival information in the examination of land use practices and concepts and environmental perceptions of the people in Calo. Emphasis is placed on the Ibaloi, who constitute the majority (76% of respondents) of the community. 131 CHAPTER FIVE Findings: Land Cover, Land Use Practices, and Environmental Perceptions This chapter presents the findings of this study regarding land cover and land cover change in Carranglan and the land use concepts/practices and environmental perceptions of the DENR in Carranglan, and of the people in Calo. Chapter six discusses the effects of these findings on social forestry in the study area. Land Cover in Carranglan Using the land cover classification system, established by the DENR, on the 1:250,000 land cover maps, four general land cover classifications are present in the municipality of Carranglan: Forest - areas of trees and reproductive brush (secondary grth forest) with less than 10 % cultivated and other open areas (F), Extensive Land Use - populated areas in uplands and grasslands with between 10 % and 70 % cultivated areas overall (E), Intensive Land Use - crop lands, plantations and fishponds with greater than 70 % of the area cultivated (I), and Lake (a portion of the Pantabangan reservoir). The first three classifications are divided into a number of sub- classifications. In Carranglan there are two sub-classifications of Forest 132 cover, two sub-classifications of Extensive Land Use cover, and one sub- classification of Intensive Land Use cover. Excluding the Lake classification, there are five land cover classifications present in Carranglan: closed canopy forest cover - mature trees covering greater than 50 % (ch), open canopy forest cover - mature trees covering less than 50 % (F d0), cultivated areas mixed with brushland and grassland greater than H 10 % but less than 70 % (Ec), grasslands - grass covering greater 70 % (Eg), and arable lands with greater than 70 % under cultivation, mainly cereals and sugar (Ic). Grasslands comprise the bulk of land cover in Carranglan (47.15 % of the total area), followed by cultivated areas mixed with brushland and grassland (24.92 %), open canopy forest (16.54 %), arable lands (9.48 %), closed canopy forest (1.61 %), and finally the Pantabangan reservoir (0.31 %). Grouping the major land cover types in Carranglan, Forest cover contributes 18.15 % of the total land area, Extensive Land Use cover 72.07 %, and Intensive Land Use cover remains at 9.48 % (figures 12 and 13). Land use at a scale 3.6 times that of Carranglan mimics the figures found at the municipal scale. This is important for two reasons: (1) to better understand land cover at one scale (Carranglan municipality) within the 133 context of land cover at a larger scale, and (2) to corroborate land cover findings in Carranglan in light of the missing land cover quadrant. 50.00% Eg: >70% Grassland 40.00% Ec: Cultivation w/ 30.00% aamsmmm 20 .00% Fdo: <50% Forest cover 10.00% ’ ch: >50% Forest cover 0 0'00 /0 1c: >70% Cultivation E g Ec Fdo ch [C L F L: Water body I % Total Area Figure 10 - Land Cover Percentages in Carranglan While four more land cover sub-classifications are present at this larger scale (Crop Land mixed with Coconut Plantations [Imo] - 0.5 %, Built-up Areas [B] - 0.2 %, Mossy Forest [Fy] - 0.1 %, Riverbeds [Nr] - 0.1 %), they comprise less than 1.0 % of the total land area. The five land cover classifications, which are also present at the municipal scale, comprise the following area percentages: grasslands 28.70 %, cultivated areas mixed with brushland and grassland 29.75 %, open canopy forest 15.10 %, closed 134 I ‘\ , \ / '\ San Jos / Q ,\ < ‘r- / Pantabanan ,/ S \ . I I \ - " 4/ \ \ / Land Cover Grassland - Eg Mix brush/grassland wlcultivation - Ec Open canopy forest - Fdo Closed canopy forest - ch Arable _ lc 3::0:-U Kilometers lg Pantabangan Reservoir - L Figure 11 - Map of Land Cover in Carranglan o Towns /\,/' Roads 135 canopy forest 2.11 %, arable lands 22.70 %, and the Pantabangan reservoir 1.61 %. 3 5 .00% 25 .00% ’ Ec: Cultivation w/grass 20.00% & Brushland l 5 .00% Fdo: <50% Forest cover 1 (5133:? ch: >50% Forest cover I . o 0.00% 10: >70% Cultivation Ec E g Fdo ch Ic L L: Water body 5* I % of Total Area Figure 12 - Land Cover Percentages in Region Surrounding Carranglan (3.6 x) Differences in land cover between the two scales at the sub- classification level include 17.4 % less grassland cover and 13.2 % more in arable land at the larger scale. More notable are the small differences in both types of forest cover: 1.44 % for open canopy forest cover, and 0.5% for closed canopy forest cover. Also, the ratio of forest cover to Extensive plus Intensive Land Use cover is similar at both scales: 1 to 4.49 at the municipal scale and l to 4.72 at the larger scale (figures 12 and 13). 136 ): aaaaa aaaaaaaaaa nnnnn aaaaaaa 4t aaaaaaaaa nnnnnn 4 aaaaaaa _ xxxxxxx AA ‘. AA of AAA haanafna AAAA %AAAAIAAA\ ......... xkxnkxA... A Land Cover Grassland - Eg Mix brush/grassland wlcultivation - Ec E Open canopy forest . Fdo Closed canopy forest - ch Arable - lc E Pantabangan Reservoir - L - Built-up- B o Towns Mossy Forest - Fy /\\/ Roads Riverbeds - Nr E Municipal Boundary Arable w/coconut plantations - Imo E Kilometers Figure 13 - Map of Land Cover in Region Surrounding Carranglan (3.6x) 137 Location of Forest Cover Only two closed-canopy forest areas are identified at the municipal scale. One of these areas is a portion of a larger forest polygon that extends northeast of the municipal border. At the larger scale (covering 222,624 hectares) two additional closed—canopy forest parcels can be seen. All four, at this scale, are completely contained within the extent of the coverage. I Combined, they account for a total of 4,663 hectares. Individually they ' “ cover 1,845 hectares, 1,848 hectares, 715 hectares, and 256 hectares. One r— parcel is completely surrounded by open-canopy forest cover (F do), while the two largest parcels are bordered by both open-canopy forest cover (Fdo) and a mix of cultivated areas with brush/grassland (Ec). The smallest parcel is bordered by these same two land cover types plus the sole parcel of mossy forest (F y). The four parcels are clustered together, and lie completely within a six kilometer radius of each other. These closed-canopy forest parcels occupy niches of high elevation and steep topography. They coincide with many of the headwater streams emptying into the surrounding water5heds. The areas are far from populated centers and from road networks. This is not to say that they are inaccessible, nor that they are uninhabited. Small villages, or groups of dwellings as small as three 138 households, can be found in these remote areas, accessed by an elaborate network of trails. The extent of the open-canopy forest cover is far greater than that of the closed-canopy forest cover (more than seven times greater at the larger scale). Eighteen parcels of closed canopy forest are identified in the coverage at the larger scale. Only seven lie completely within the coverage. Whether the remaining eleven are all individual parcels or are actually portions of contiguous parcels, identifiable at a larger scale, is uncertain. Of the open-canopy forest areas shown, the majority of it borders lands with mixed cultivation and brush/grassland. Large areas also border grassland. Similar to closed-canopy forest cover, open-canopy forest cover is found in relatively steep, high-elevation areas. And, though not as remote, they too are distant from large urban centers and from road systems. Land Cover Patterns A pattern of land cover is identifiable at the larger scale. This pattern is associated with the topography of the region. The large parcel of arable land (Ic) which surrounds the town of Carranglan occupies a relatively flat Figure 13 - Map of Land Cover in Region Surrounding Carranglan (3.6 x) 139 expanse of land. This is surrounded by grasslands (Eg) where the landscape gradually changes from rolling hills to steep-sloped mountains. The landscape west-southwest of the town of Carranglan includes a southern extension of a spur from the Caraballo Mountains. This spur has open canopy forest cover. The remaining land cover changes from less to more cultivation as the topography descends the Caraballo foothills and the northeastern portion of the central Luzon "rice bowl" appears. North, northeast, and east of the town of Carranglan, the terrain becomes more mountainous. More numerous and larger are the parcels of open canopy forest cover. Here, too, are where the only four parcels of closed canopy forest cover lie. Land Cover Change in Carranglan My findings regarding land cover change in Carranglan are drawn from qualitative, anecdotal, and archival information. Without time series, remotely sensed data, or other land cover data, I am unable to empirically elaborate land cover change for this area. More than half of the Pantabangan watershed (Galvez 1984 and Reyes and Mendoza 1983), lies within the Carranglan municipality. Deforestation 140 within the watershed is thought to have led to the expansion of grasslands, with this change in land cover, in turn, exacerbating the siltation of the Pantabangan Reservoir. Grasslands, therefore, have become the targets of tree planting activities as a solution to the erosion/siltation problem. This is problematic, however, because justifications for tree planting programs rest not on an analysis of land cover change in the watershed itself but, rather, on national rates of forest decline, on the number of hectares of grasslands, and on the reduced capacity of the Pantabangan hydro-electric power plant. Galvez, as a preface to a document concerning the Pantabangan watershed, writes: "Philippine watersheds are generally confronted by major problems that contribute to their rapid degradation. Man-related activities such as uncontrolled logging followed by slash-and-burn cultivators, poorly managed pasture and the general indiscriminate cutting of trees for fuel wood by inhabitants within the watersheds are causes of accelerated soil erosion and conversion of forest areas to grassland areas It is reported that about 5.0 million hectares of Philippine lands are grasslands with about 1.4 million hectares located in critical watersheds which need immediate attention to prevent further degradation (1984: 1-2). Certainly examples of degradation from deforestation can be found in the Philippines, once forested areas have been converted to grassland. This 141 is not in dispute. However, the general patterns that may exist at the national level may not necessarily hold true in a particular watershed. Galvez offers no empirical evidence that forest decline leading to grassland expansion has occurred in the Pantabangan watershed. In fact, the 5.0 million hectares of grasslands, to which he refers, only accounts for 16.67 % of the total land area in the Philippines. This seems like a rather small sum, assuming forest cover has declined some 35 - 45 % since 1900. It also seems likely that some of the 30 - 40 % of the non-forest cover lands in 1900, would have been grassland prior to forest cover decline. Questions remain as to what portion of the 5.0 million hectares referred to by Galvez was grassland prior to forest cover decline, and what portion is a result of forest cover decline. Grasslands (also known as cogonals consisting mainly of cogon [Imperata cylindrica], samsong or silibon [T hemeda triandra], and talahib [Saccharum spontanium]) were already expansive in the Philippines prior to the 19505 when large scale logging efforts began to decimate the dipterocarp forests of the Philippines. Estimates of grassland cover offer only an indication of its expanse, however, and not an understanding of how and why it exists where it does. The literature cites grassland statistics in the context of forest cover decline assuming a direct correlation, however, some 142 suggest grasslands are more a product of natural climatic and topographic processes than of human disturbances. Sajise and Omegan (1990: 57-5 8) writing on the Luzon uplands remark: “references on vegetation cover in the Cordillera region indicate that the area was only partially forested prior to human settlement. In the Cagayan Valley, the abundant fossils of large grazing mammals predating the appearance of humans indicate the area possessed extensive grasslands.” Citing Wemstedt and Spencer (1967: 742), they continue, “due to seasonal aridity, the plant cover of some of the western fringes of the Cordillera probably did not carry thick stands of trees.” Don G. Galvey and his expedition traveled from Agoo, La Union up into the Cordillera Mountains of Benguet province in 1829, more than a hundred years before massive exploitation of the Philippine forests began in earnest. Excerpts from his diary (Scheerer 1905: 173-77), corroborate the perceptions of Sajise and Omegan and Wemstedt and Spencer. “This was the first expedition on which I penetrated into the interior. On my preceding ones I had not gone beyond the first mountain chain I had heard some Igorotll say that beyond ” An indigenous Filipino (Tagalog) word meaning "mountaineer" or "hill people", used to describe the various peoples inhabiting the highlands of the 143 the great mountain called ‘Tonglo’ . .. there was a very large town situated in a broad and fertile valley the inhabitants of which were very rich and brave The first ascent is very tiresome, and as the first mountains are thickly grown over, being covered with dense undergrowth, we marched with great difficulty At 12 we pursued our march toward the north- northeast, wending our way uphill through a ‘cogonal’, where with the sun right overhead and reflected by the cogon grass, we suffered an indescribable heat. . . Seventh day. --- I started at daylight. After crossing a small valley we began descending through very dense cogon Eighth day. --- At 8 I came upon I the first pine trees; the road became quite open - no cogon, no underbrush Tenth day. --- We were surrounded by pine trees. Eleventh day. --- We broke camp at dawn, descending a very steep and stony slope with deep precipices on both sides. At 11 i we halted and in order to make camp had to cut the cogon and rattan with which we were surrounded.” While Galvey did not travel through Carranglan, his text demonstrates that grasslands were a part of the uplands, a region that may mistakenly be perceived as completely covered in forest, due its classification by the Philippine government as Forest land. Some of the areas where Galvey experienced cogonals share the same climate patterns of Carranglan. These regions generally have two pronounced seasons: a dry season from December to May or June and a wet season during the remaining five or six Philippines. The term, as used by lowlanders, has derogatory connotations such as "unchristian" and "uncivilized," however, it receives a mixed approval among "highlanders" themselves (Scott 1993) 144 months. The fire prone conditions of the lengthy dry season are conducive to maintaining cogonals. Reyes and Mendoza suffer from fallacious reasoning similar to that of Galvez’s. Using phrases such as "rehabilitate" and "remaining natural forest," they imply that deforestation has occurred in the Pantabangan watershed. They claim natural forests cover about 40 % of the total ' watershed area (1983), and that the area decreases annually by about 5 % I (1983). No reference is made regarding past forest cover statistics, from F ' which to measure land cover change, specifically deforestation. Erosion is a natural process. It occurs in places uninhabited by humans. Human activities can and do exacerbate erosion processes, and where this occurs, understanding the causes of erosion requires careful analysis. Galvez admits that though erosion is a serious problem in the watershed, "how much erosion is taking place and how sediment is being deposited in the reservoir is presently unknown" (1984: 5-6). Reyes and Mendoza claim the rate of sedimentation as being "well above 2,000 tons per km2 per year" (1983: 506). However, they fail to document the causes of erosion, only claiming that "the reservoir of about 8,000 hectares, with a generating plant of 100-MW capacity, would in all probability be 145 jeopardized seriously, if nature is left alone" (1993: 506). If nature is left alone! It is unclear what Reyes and Mendoza mean by this statement. The Magat watershed is another product of a multi-purpose dam, and is located approximately 40 kilometers north-northwest of the Pantabangan reservoir. The Magat’s proximity to the Pantabagan watershed and its similar geographic characteristics make it an appropriate comparison to the Pantabangan area. A 1989 World Bank publication addresses the concern regarding erosion in the Magat Watershed. "Is Magat an example of a rapidly degrading watershed, or one which has long been degraded, or is degradation even a serious problem? If it is, what should be done about it? These questions are not easily answered despite a variety of studies. For one thing, the rates of dam sedimentation now observed were predictable before the dam construction was complete: the increase over feasibility study estimates is attributable to changes in rainfall runoff patterns between 1949-64 and 1976- 81. Whether the difference is attributable to 'norrnal hydrologic variations' or to watershed degradation is also uncertain. If the former, then the present higher rates of sedimentation may be a temporary phenomenon; if the latter, the degradation might be a long-standing and gradual phenomenon" (1989: 29). In other words, the siltation of the reservoir is a result of erosion, but whether or not the erosion is more a product of natural erosion processes or more a product of human-induced land degradation is not certain. Erosion, and sedimentation of the reservoir, therefore, do not constitute clear 146 evidence of the conversion of forest cover to grassland or of land degradation. Erosion does occur in Carranglan. Slumping and exposed patches of soil are found in areas close to Calo (figure 14). Whether or not these are products of anthropogenic forces is uncertain. Reyes and Mendoza observed many slide scars and slumps in the drainage area prior to the building of the dam, but explain that "about 80 % of the observable slides in the area northwest of [the] Pantabangan Dam have an easterly component and appear to be related to the forrnational dip" (1983: 497). Reyes and Mendoza admit that erosion is a result of "unfavorable physiographic conditions" of which topography and "the loose state" of the bedrock are paramount (1983: 498). The slumping areas around Calo, shown in figure 16, are not abandoned kaingin gardens, though this area has been the location for such practices by people living in Calo. The locations of these scars are too high on the slope and too for away from a source of water for them to be former kaingins. Certainly, the area is prone to burning during the lengthy dry season. The origins of these fires are many, and are both anthropogenic and natural. While fire destroys surface vegetation, it does not decimate the roots which hold the soil. Pilot studies southeast of Pantabangan, which measured runoff and erosion in three small sub-watersheds, revealed that runoff and peak 147 flood discharge were much greater from the watershed in which agriculture was being practiced than in the one covered in grass (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). Grasslands cover nearly 50 % of the Carranglan municipality, while forests cover only 18.15 %. The question remains, what percent of grasslands in Carranglan are a result of conversion from forest cover. Those writing out of concern for erosion, siltation and the operational lifespan of the Pantabangan dam have not offered reliable answers to date. Others, writing more generally about the Cordillera Central, support the hypothesis that grasslands were extensive in the mountainous regions prior to human settlement. The. Spanish account quoted earlier, which was written 169 years ago, supports this claim. The earliest families who settled in Calo in 1973 claim that the land cover seen today is much the same as when they entered the region. Certainly the landscape has changed since their arrival, but the general land cover type, according to the people in Calo, has remained constant. The low-lying areas have been converted from grassland to rice fields primarily through the use of carabao (water buffalo) and manual labor. A complex network of canals has been constructed to irrigate the fields during the rainy 148 Figure 14 - Photo of slumping in the Hills of Karamramutan 149 season. The hills surrounding the lowlands, however, were primarily grasslands sparsely covered with a few trees when the first migrants settled Calo in 1973, and remain that way today. Also, small patches of forest cover could be found along the ravines and stream embankments then, as they can today. To find larger areas of forested land, people traveled north- northwest into the more remote hills of unpopulated areas known as Karamramutan and Tayabo. Higher elevations and steeper topography are found there. This is the location of the headwaters for the streams people in Calo use to irrigate their fields and gardens. Here, in the remote and steep hills of Karamramutan and Tayabo, are a few dense patches of dipterocarp forests. Even these small patches of forest, however, are located in ravines, surrounded by grass-covered slopes and hilltops (figure 14). According to the early settlers in Calo, this landscape has changed little in the past twenty- five years, beyond the creation of rice fields, and the establishment of a handful of trees by NIA during the road construction and by the FMB during their regular reforestation attempts. The grasslands surrounding the houses and rice fields of Calo were not converted from forest cover in the past twenty-five years. 150 The DENR Land Use Concepts/Practices and Environmental Perceptions in Carranglan Land Classifications In 1975, then-President Ferdinand Marcos passed Presidential Decree No. 705, more commonly known as the "Revised Forestry Code of the Philippines," which established the land classification system that still exists in the Philippines. As outlined in PD 705, Forest lands include public forests, permanent forests (also know as forest reserves), and forest “__,.I 1 I, 'r ”I reservations. Public forests include areas in the public domain which have not been subject to the classification system outlined in PD 705 and which are deemed "needed for forest purposes." In other words, these are public lands that have not been classified as alienable and disposable, and by default are considered Forest land by the Philippine government. Permanent forests are similar to public forests, except that these areas have already been subject to the classification system. Forest reservations are lands specifically reserved by the President for any number of reasons. Alienable and disposable (A & D) lands make up another major category of lands in the public domain and are defined simply by their not being classified as Forest land. As mentioned in Chapter two, Forest lands and A & D lands occupy 15 million hectares (50.03 % of the total land area in the Philippines) 151 and 14.12 million (47.05 % of the total land area of the Philippines) hectares respectively. 50.00% Eg: >70% Grassland 0 40.00 /0 Ec: Cultivation 30.00% + w/grass & Fdo: <50% Forest 10.00% I 7 cover 0.00% - -— ch: >50% Forest 1 j I cover 1 E g E C Fdo ch 1° Ic: >70% Cultivation ' I % of Total Area J Figure 15 - Land Cover Percentages for Official Forest land in Carranglan The classification of Forest land is based on topography, not on forest cover. Lands with 18 % slope or greater are all classified as Forest land, regardless of their previous classification. Furthermore, PD 705 states: "No land of the public domain eighteen per cent (18%) in slope or over shall be classified as alienable and disposable, nor any forest land fifty per cent (50%) in slope or over, as grazing land." Provisions are made in PD 705 whereby people who have been occupying lands for 30 years or more can qualify for a title, provided they follow certain guidelines. Even so, in some cases titles may be revoked if the government deems it necessary for the public good. 152 Lands classified as Forest land cover 80.03 % of the SPOT coverage for Carranglan (78.91 % of the municipality). Only 18.15 % the SPOT coverage actually has forest cover, and within the area classified as Forest land, only 22.33 % has forest cover (F do = 20.34 %; ch = 1.99 %). The bulk of official Forest land in Carranglan does not posses forest cover: 45.71 % is grassland (Eg), 29.88 % is a mix of cultivation with grass and ' brushland (Ec), and 2.04 % is arable land (Ic). The tendency in the literature 5 is to assume that the expanse of grassland in areas classified as Forest land is l - a result of deforestation and forest conversion (figures 15 and 16). Land Use: "Reforestation" The government's land use concepts are outlined in PD 705. Rules and regulations for timber production constitute the first major section under chapter three, "Utilization and Management" of forest lands. The second section concerns incentives and rationalization of the wood-based industries associated with timber harvesting. Placing sections specific to timber PFOduction first in the chapter on utilization and management of Forest lands Could be perceived as indicative of the govemment’s primary aim to utilize forest resources for economic purposes. Third in the order is reforestation. Under this subsection, "suitable and sufficient trees" are to be planted on 153 Land Cover of DENR Classified Forest Land Land Cover Graceland-E9 [:3] Arable-1c E Open canopy forest - Fdo m Closed canopy forem - ch Mlx brush/grassland - Ec -L E Pantabangan Reservoir o Towns /\/ Roads 5 Kilometers O m b r m (I .l e "um. m 0 m .0c 8 o m m ME m ..p. s .o. Wow u m mm M an a m m o s l a 1 aN H 9 l- e e n em a N am 3 s d' I n 5 no. c m m m w w Mn H 0 a O O m d A F P T R Rf n Na u 0 EC D O 5 o ..r.......u....u........ are: ...... Figure 16 - Land Cover Map of Official Forest land in Carranglan 154 forest lands with 50 % slope or greater which are bare or covered primarily by grasses, and forest lands less than 50 % which are bare or grasslands, and which also have highly erodable soils. According to Reyes and Mendoza, 71.7 % of the Pantabangan watershed has slopes of 40 % or more, and 18 % of the watershed has highly or extremely erodable soils (1983: 495, 497). Brushlands, too, are targeted for tree planting in order to "increase their productivity." Other areas which are to be planted include open tracts of Forest land with steep slopes (50 % or more), areas identified by the President, forest concession areas that are inadequately stocked, pasture lease agreement areas with steep slopes, and along waterways. PD 705 outlines some specific regulations regarding leases and licenses, particularly for timber harvesting. Many of these have undergone changes as the amount of harvestable timber has declined. Today, there is a ban on log exports. While governmental regulations regarding logging activities have changed over the past twenty-three years, the government's land classification system and its land use concepts have remained the same. The Pantabangan Watershed is a "critical watershed" by the Government's definition. This watershed, and other areas of the Carranglan Municipality are classified as Forest land, however, the land cover indicates 155 most of it is grassland or a mix of brush and grassland with cultivation. Under the PD 705 guidelines, much of the Forest land in Carranglan is perceived by the Government as areas in need of reforestation. The term "reforestation" implies the lands were once forested, again indicating the predisposition of the government. Because some areas may not have had forest cover, even as far back as 1900, I have used the term "tree planting" in I its place. The term is also appropriate in light of the DENR intentions to - establish tree plantations and agroforests as opposed to re-establishing a i .. forest ecosystem (inasmuch as forest ecosystems can be humanly constructed). The objective of the DENR for much of the Forest lands in Carranglan (particularly since studies in the early 19805 identified the decreased lifespan of the Pantabangan hydro-electric power plant) has been to plant trees. The "1997 DENR Land Use Map of Northern Nueva Ecija" identifies six specific types of tree planting programs: (1) RP-Japan, (2) Regular Reforestation under the F MB, (3) planting under the National Irrigation Administration (N IA), (4) Contract Reforestation (CFP), (5) Mini- Forest, and (6) Community-Based Forest Management (CBFM). The RP- Japan (4,247.71 hectares), Regular Reforestation (537.30 hectares), and NIA (8,636.38) projects began in the early 19805 as the initial response to the 156 reports of the siltation of the Pantabangan Reservoir. By 1991, all three were essentially terminated”. Contract Reforestation13 or CF P (7,588 hectares) began in the early 19905, under Phase I of the 1988 Forestry Sector Loan. The single CBF M project covers 573 hectares. The DENR also maintains other land uses in Carranglan”. From these figures, I have estimated that approximately 43.01 % (21,582.39 hectares) of the forest land in Carranglan has undergone (or is currently undergoing) tree planting activities. Of all the different uses the DENR specifies for Forest land in Carranglan, the emphasis is on tree '2 The RP-Japan project now focuses on maintenance and protection, rather than tree planting, and is used as a DENR training site. Regular Reforestation has been inactive since the devolution of this activity to the Local Government Units (LGUs) as per the Local Government Code of 1991. The NIA projects were simply phased out. 13 Since the signing of Executive Order No 263 in 1995, CF P and all other on-going social forestry programs (ISF, FAR, ACF, CTF, and FOM) are being consolidated under the Community-Based Forest Management (CBFM) program. 1" DENR lands in Carranglan include: Recreational Parks/Sanctuary (665 ha), forest land with MOA (292 ha), Agro-Forestry (300 ha), Dipterocarp Forest (61 ha), Forest Reserve (135 ha), Open Land (1,948.39 ha), 1,388.97 ha of ISF land, a 1030 ha Pasture Lease Agreement with Central Luzon State University for their Carabao Research Station, and 16,252 ha recently awarded Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CACD) lands. CACD lands do not exempt areas from tree planting programs. They are merely a sub-classification of forest land, and act as a tenurial instrument for Indigenous Cultural Communities. 1 57 -.-l planting. "Reforestation" has been dominant and primary in the DENR goals for Forest lands in Carranglan. Land Use: "Reforestation" Species and Objectives The justification for tree-planting programs in Carranglan rests primarily on concern over the siltation of the Pantabangan reservoir. However, project goals do not stop at the ecological benefits of establishing forest cover within the watershed. "Existing social forestry goals consider two major elements: (1) upliftment of the socio-economic well-being of the upland farmers and communities, and (2) renewal and development of forest resources where these upland farmers/communities are located" (DENR 1992: 183). Forest resources, particularly timber for export and for wood industries, in the past have contributed substantial financial gains, though their profits were unequally distributed among the nation's citizens. These same resources are perceived by the DENR as potential contributors to firrther economic gains. According to the DENR goals and objectives, these gains would be more equitably distributed among the population, and particularly benefitting local people. 158 The objectives of the Pantabangan Watershed Management and Erosion Control Project, as explained by Reyes and Mendoza (1983) included: 1. Establish 11,500 hectares of tree plantations for the production of short- and long-fiber pulpwood and specialty saw timber; and 2. Develop 13,500 hectares for agroforestry for the production of leafmeal, charcoal, mango, and cashew nuts, of which 8,00 hectares will be interplanted with timber species that will take over the area eventually. *-‘"*--e-'—“' ‘— l' .d' These were the immediate objectives underwritten by the World Bank when it partially financed the five-year project which began in 1980. While the initial justification was the "rehabilitation" of the watershed through the establishment of forest cover, the economic goal of timber extraction was a motive, even though the harvesting of timber within the watershed was outlawed in 1970 by a "presidential directive" and reinforced by PD 705 in 1975 (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). In their section of forestry economics, Reyes and Mendoza analyze the cost/benefit ratio of plantation operations, which include the planting, harvesting and processing of saw-timber and long and short-fiber pulpwood, consistent with the goals of the World Bank (1983). 159 Reyes and Mendoza (1983: 491) describe the dominant forest cover in the watershed as consisting of about 65 % evergreen orthophyll hardwood- forest dominated by palosopis (Anisoptera thurifera Blanco), dalingdalingan (Hopeafoxworthyii), baracbac (Syzygium obliguiervium), and molawin (Vitex spp.). The open plant community consists of grassland interspersed with binayuyu (Antidesmafratiscens), alibangbang P (Peliostigma malabaricum), and lagundi (Vitex spp.). In contrast, the species chosen for the "reforestation" component of the project include: ' mango (Mangafera indica), cashew (Anacardium occidentale), ipil-ipil (Leucaena leucocephala), yemane (Gmelina arborea), Benguet pine (Pinus kesiya), narra (Pterocarpus indicus), and mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla). The reforestation component aimed to rehabilitate the watershed by "reforesting" open grasslands, which were to be plantations of agroforestry and timber species. Besides providing employment to local people (as nursery laborers, planters and fire guards), the project benefits, as outlined by Galvez (1982: 13-14) included the "average annual production of about 10,000 tons of leafmeal, 30,000 tons of charcoal, 48,000 tons of mango fruits, 12,000 tons of cashew nuts, 27,000 tons of short-fiber pulpwood and about 24,000 tons of long-fiber pulpwood [as well as] about 20,000 cu.m. of timber annually from yemane and pine at the end of 160 40 years, the hardwood species of narra and mahogany would yield about 2.0 million cu. m." According to Galvez, "Aside from employment opportunities, the project [would] also provide revenue and profit shares to the communities in the watershed" (1982: 14). By the early 19905 tree planting activities in Carranglan had moved away from the "regular reforestation" approach (mentioned above) of the RP-Japan, FMB, and NIA components of the Pantabangan Watershed Management and Erosion Control Project, toward a more collaborative wfifi ‘w‘ '— approach with the local people under the Community Forestry Program (CFP). The DENR document, "1990 Contract Reforestation, Region 03, PENRO Nueva Ecija, District 2" lists 109 CFP contract areas in Carranglan. Of these 109 areas, the documents list the species planted for 103 contract areas. Only four different tree species were planted: eucalyptus camaldulensis, Japanese acacia (Acacia auriculiformis), narra (Pterocarpus indicus), and yemane (Gmelina arborea). All four are timber species, though Japanese acacia and eucalyptus have also been promoted as fuel wood species. The lists of species planted, given for each of the 103 contracts showed that yemane was the most likely to be planted by contractors (103 contracts listed this species), followed by Japanese acacia (93 contracts), eucalyptus (12 contracts) and narra (9 contracts). 161 The single CBFM project in Carranglan covers 573 hectares. The project lies adjacent to the Pantabangan watershed, within the Carranglan municipal border, approximately three kilometers west of Calo. According to the document "Appraisal of Piut Watershed Rehabilitation Subproject, Carranglan, Nueva Ecija," the project aims to: l. Reforest a total area of 573 hectares of denuded Forest land of Barangay Piut, Carranglan, Nueva Ecija; 2. Enhance the existing forest and grassland vegetation within the project area and in adjacent areas; 3. Produce quality wood for timber, furniture, and filel wood production; 4. Provide employment and livelihood projects for the community. The document states that the project will plant 52 % of the area to narra and mahogany (timber species), 32 % to Japanese acacia and eucalyptus (fuel wood species), 11 % to mango, cashew and jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) (fruit trees) 1 % to bamboo, and 2 % to rattan. The remaining 3 % of the project area is to be used for planting upland rice and string beans. 162 DENR Environmental Perceptions While government classifications regarding public lands have changed little since 1975, their land use practices have evolved. Prior to the 19805, there were no tenurial instruments for Forest land occupants. With the implementation of the ISF program, tenure for up to 50 years was available to “forest occupants”, and similar agreements have been made available through the CF P and CBF M approaches. Land use classifications were allowed sub-classifications in 1995 as per DENR Administrative Order No. 15 of May 10, 1995, increasing the multiple uses of Forest land, as perceived by the DENR. In Carranglan, "reforestation" or tree planting activities, however, have been the main thrust of the DENR activities in Forest lands. These began in the 19805 with what the DENR referred to as "regular reforestation," continued in the early 19905 with contract reforestation, and is now beginning a third phase under the CBFM approach. Each approach has come closer and closer to the goals of social forestry envisioned in the late 19705 and early 19805. Local people have gone from being general laborers under "regular reforestation" to contractors themselves under CFP, to community caretakers and implementers of the DENR aims under CBF M. 163 While local people have been viewed differently under each new approach, selection of tree species has changed little in these tree-planting programs. The major emphasis is on growing timber species for the wood products sector of the economy. High-value hardwoods like narra and mahogany are promoted. Fast growing timber species like Japanese acacia, ipil-ipil and eucalyptus are promoted as fuel wood species under the CBFM project in Piut, but are also quite useful as pulp-wood. Mango and cashew trees have been promoted, but to a lesser extent than the timber species. The intentions of the DENR for the Forest land in Carranglan are varied. The DENR perceive Forest land without forest cover primarily as a denuded landscape. To the DENR, it is a landscape which afflicts the environment, the economy and the people's social welfare through erosion. The DENR environmental perceptions for the Forest land of Carranglan can best be described as: representing the national interests, and in congruence with national guidelines, the DENR is responsible for the management of Forest lands; the denuded open and grassland areas of Forest land in Carranglan are in need of "rehabilitation"; erosion in these denuded Forest lands is a form of environmental degradation, and leads to economic loss, jeopardizing people's social welfare; "reforestation" can "rehabilitate" these denuded areas, and increase local people's economic welfare through the planting of timber, fiiel wood, fruit tree species and other minor forest products such as bamboo and rattan 164 The DENR envisions a forested landscape. Their goal is to transform the existing landscape with 22.33 % forest cover, to one with over 60 % forest cover, consisting of economically profitable, and socially useful, tree species, which also help arrest soil erosion in the watershed. The Land Use Concepts/Practices and Environmental Perceptions of the People in Calo This section of chapter five regarding the land use practices and environmental perceptions of people in Calo focuses on the Ibaloi families in the community. The Ibaloi comprise 79 % of all residents in C310 and 76 % of my research sample. The omission of Ilokano views in this section weakens the overall study. This omission is not intended to slight the Ilokano people whose views are as valid as any other group’s. I assume that the addition of their views along with a historical analysis of Ilokano land use concepts and practices would add another dimension to the diverse viewpoints already presented in the study between the Ibaloi people of Calo and the DENR. This, too, is an oversimplification, a simple dichotomy, that hides potentially even greater divergence among the Ibaloi and among the various DENR employees regarding environmental perceptions. 165 Historical Land Use Concepts and Practices of the Ibaloi The Ibaloi cultural hearth is located in the southern Cordillera Central, primarily in Benguet Province. Southern Benguet and northern Pangasinan provinces are the places of origin for the Ibaloi people now living in Calo. The Ibaloi region ranges from approximately 50 to 100 kilometers northeast of Calo. Four specific land use types have dominated traditional Ibaloi practices. Prill-Brett (1992) identifies grazing lands (bodusan in Ibaloi), swidden farms (uma), hunting grounds (anupan) and terraced, ponded rice land (payew). Her study identifies community land and resource uses based on the oral accounts of territorial boundaries (eteg). Mining areas are an additional land use type identified by Moss (1920). Wiber notes that while the government's tax classification system identifies seven general land types15 , the Ibaloi distinguish only two general land types, wet lands (payew) and dry lands (uma) (1984: 9). 15 These include wet rice land, camotal and vegetable land, areas planted to fruit trees, pasture land, "virgin" land and residential land. 166 Ibaloi land use patterns have changed over time. Over a span of 300 years, cattle as the basis of the Ibaloi economic system yielded initially to paddy rice cultivation and then to urbanism, tourism and the boom of the vegetable industry (Tapang, Jr. 1985). In the period of the Spanish occupation (1521 - 1898), the Ibaloi took advantage of the natural pasture environment in Benguet and established trade with Spanish outposts. Eventually, though, wet rice cultivation began to replace taro and sweet potato production in swidden fields, and by the time of the American occupation (1898 - 1946), paddy rice cultivation was a significant land use. Paddy rice cultivation transformed the steep mountain slopes into terraces irrigated by an elaborate network of canals. These terraces competed with grazing land and marked the decline in the dominance of the cattle industry in the Ibaloi culture. Rice and rice lands became significant in a family's accrued prestige, which was gained primarily through rituals in which serving rice and tapuy (a wine derived from a glutinous rice variety) were indicators of wealth and influence within the community. According to Tapang, Jr., "Ritual and custom law were very detailed as regards ownership, sale, lease and inheritance of rice land, and as regards planting, harvesting and distribution" (1985: 17). 167 Grazing land, particularly around Baguio City, was further restricted by a growing urban center characterized by mining and tourism sectors. As the transportation infrastructure throughout northern Luzon has improved over the past thirty years, Benguet, particularly the Trinidad Valley, has become the primary center of vegetable production on Luzon, competing also with lands previously under rice cultivation (Tapang, Jr. 1985). Produce from Benguet is marketed as far away as Manila. Customary laws regulating land ownership among the Ibaloi conformed to the system of primi occupantis“, in which the possession of rights rests with the person who first worked or used the land. Ownership, therefore, was established through what were considered by the Ibaloi as improvements on the land (Tapang, Jr. 1985; Prill-Brett 1992). "Rights become 'owned' when the person/ group enclosed (fenced in/put barriers) and/or defended the land by preventing the use, encroachment, improvement, or alienation by others of the resource" (Prill-Brett 1992: 7). Forests were not considered owned by cultivors, but crops planted and _ 16 Tapang Jr. also associates the demise of the cattle industry with the American policies directed toward the mining industry. These policies replaced the traditional concept of primi occupantis with a documented, titled land ownership system (1985). 168 harvested within forests were considered owned by the farmer (Prill-Brett 192). Land Use Practices in Calo The terrain in Calo is less rugged, topographically, and the climate is somewhat warmer than in Benguet, the cultural hearth of the Ibaloi (and the 1 6;. .‘4' ' ; origin of the Ibaloi people now living in Calo). Even with these differences, the four land use types Prill-Brett identifies (uma, bodusan, payew, and ' ~ anupan) are present in Calo. There have also been attempts at small scale mining in search for gold along the small streams in Karamramutan, though only pyrite ("fool's gold") was found. Chapter two provides some basic information regarding the land use practices of the people in Calo. I provide this information here with respect only to the Ibaloi in Calo. - Thirteen families (81 %) are permanent residents. Three (19 %) are seasonal. ° All sixteen families (100 %) till paddy rice, and all but one family has CSC rights to rice lands. Fields range in size from less than one hectare to seven hectares. ° Ibaloi households in Calo harvest on average 143.44 cavans (~7172 kg) of rice per year. Harvests per year, however, range from 30 to 500 cavans (~1500 — 250000 kg). Eight families (50 %) harvest only one crop per year, seven families (44 %) harvest two crops per year, and one family (6 %) enjoys three crops per year. 169 - Twelve families (75 %) have kaingin farms. Four (25 %) claimed not to have kaingin farms at the time they were interviewed, though one family admitted having had one in the past. - Thirteen families (81 %) maintain house gardens. Three (19 %) do not, all of whom are seasonal residents in Calo. 0 Ten families (63 %) own at least 1 carabao; seven (44 %) own at least 1 pig; eleven (69%) own at least one chicken; six (38 %) own at least one goat; eight (50 %) own at least 1 dog; and two (13 %) own cattle. People in Calo are farmers. Though some earn income from other activities from time to time”, all sixteen Ibaloi families and five Ilokano families (100 %) claimed "farming" as their primary occupation. The farming activities of the people in Calo form a spatial pattern. Paddy rice fields occupy relatively flat, low-lying areas that are easily irrigated during the rainy season with a network of canals. Most of these fields have been surveyed, mapped, and distributed to the people under the ISF program. Portions of the grasslands surrounding the paddy rice fields and near the houses are being planted with upland (dry varieties) of rice. This is a relatively new practice for people in Calo, being only a few years old. Other grassland areas have been planted to vegetables (kaingin farms), 17 People have worked as laborers for other farmers or with government projects such as the NIA and FMB reforestation efforts in the 19805. They have also established micro-enterprises such as the manufacturing and sale of sawali, a woven bamboo matte used for house walls (though this recently was judged by a group of elders in the community to be an unacceptable activity). A few families own small stores known as sari saris. 170 and one area is an agro-forestry farm interplanted with banana, mango, and a variety of vegetables. Adjacent to a portion of the rice fields, located on gently rolling hills and accessed by the NIA-constructed road, are the houses of Calo. The houses are surrounded by trees some planted, some native. Here are located the house gardens, usually fenced, occupying areas we might consider part of our yard, though no strict property boundaries apply to house lots in Calo. Located in the same vicinity are animal shelters. Where animals spend their time, however, depends on their type. Chickens and pigs often roam freely in and around the cluster of houses. Goats do too, though some families pasture their goats just outside of the housing cluster. Carabao are most often pastured closer to fields, in wet spots, during the day, and are brought close to the houses at night. Dogs roam freely and far. Cattle are not kept close to the cluster of houses, but instead are pastured in a fenced area in the hills surrounding the low-lying rice fields, in view of the houses. Kaingin gardens are found nestled along the stream banks in the more hilly topography west and north of the houses. Their distance away from the houses has varied over time. In the late 19805 and early 19905, kaingins could be found nearly an hour's walk - approximately three to five 171 kilometers — away from the houses. In 1997, many could be found one kilometer or less from the houses. According to respondents, the reason families are making kaingins closer to the houses has much to do with a reduction in fear. While kaingins have always been illegal in Forest land, the most important motivation to establish kaingins further away was the Aquino administration's military n patrols in search of bands of the NPA. Farmers feared false accusations of being a member of the NPA. From their perspective, the further away the E kaingin was, the less likely one was of being caught and falsely accused. These military actions lessened under the Ramos administration. Also, in 1991 , many of the DENR responsibilities were passed on to the newly established Local Government Units, which have been restricted by a lack of funds and personnel. These changes have resulted in a reduction of fear among the people of Calo regarding the prospect of being caught and falsely accused of being a member of the NPA or of being penalized for an illegal activity on Forest land. Hunting grounds are located furthest away from the houses, in the area where most of the kaingins were formerly located. The area is known as Karamramutan, and is a one to one-and-a-half hour walk west-north-west from the houses (5 -7 kilometers). Here can be found larger patches of 172 forest cover surrounding steep ravines where streams originate from springs. This is a remote area with no permanent dwellings or permanent residents. Because of its remoteness, a larger number of wildlife can be found here. Hunting is a male activity in Calo, usually done by young married and unmarried men. Air rifles are primarily used, however, it is reported that blasting caps placed in sweet potato tubers in kaingins have also been used. Hunting is as much, if not more, a sport for these individuals, as it is a food- gathering activity. The distance away from the fields and houses, the small amount of fauna to hunt, and the fact that meat can easily be purchased with disposable income from the markets of San Jose and Carranglan, preclude hunting as a main livelihood activity. Small birds and tree lizards, known as banyas in Ilokano and tilay in Ibaloi, are the common prey. Wild boars, however, have also been killed, most recently in 1996 when a blasting cap was used for this purpose in defense of a farmer’s kaingin crops. Also killed in 1996, by air rifle, were two monkeys. This has been the extent of hunting by people in Calo since 1996. The traditional land use types of the Ibaloi are present in Calo. They are also practiced by the Ilokano families there. Wet-rice cultivation (payew) and kaingins (uma) are dominant. Grazing lands (bodusan) are held by only two families, and the hunting grounds (anupan) are used less for 173 sustenance than for sport and in protection of kaingin crops. Water, as a resource and animal husbandry, as a livelihood activity, are also present in Calo and in the traditional Ibaloi practices. House gardens, while not mentioned in the literature as a historic land use practice, are also present in Calo. The only major land use activity in Calo legally recognized and accepted by the Philippine government is wet rice cultivation on fields that have been tenured with a CSC under the ISF program. House gardens, which impact only the lands adjacent to houses, are also acceptable under the law. The hunting of animals, the fencing off of pasture for cattle and the creation of kaingins, on the other hand, are not legally recognized land use practices in Forest lands unless permission is given by the DENR. In no case, that I am aware of, has anyone in Calo applied for or received a permit for any of these activities. While the people understand the law regarding these practices, they also hold to the Ibaloi customary law of primi occupantis. 174 Trees as a Resource in Calo Trees (and bamboo) are resources used by the people in Calo. Trees and tree products are used for construction (houses, animal shelters), fuel wood, medicinal purposes, as sources of medicine, spices, and food, and for making material products, such as pillows made from the cotton-like fibers of the kapok (Ceiba pentandra L. Gaertn.) tree seed pod. Trees are planted by residents in Calo. They are planted in house gardens, around houses, in kaingin farms, along fence lines, and have even been attempted in plantations. A number of species have been present in the landscape since the first settlers arrived in Calo in 1973. According to respondents, these include: culibangbang (Piliostigma malabaricum), sagat or molave ( Vitex parviflora), duyong or palosapis (Arisptera thurifera Blanco), bayabas or native guava (Psidium guajava L.), balete (Ficus spp. Linn), seket (T erminilia catappa), kakuwate (Gliricidium septum Jacq. stead) lungboy or duhat (Syzygium cumini L. Skeels), arosef, pacac, yamban, bulala, and alomete. Three types of bamboo were also noted by respondents, buho (Schizostachyum lumampao) and two types of kawayan: kawayan kiting (Blumeana vulgaris) and kawayan si—itan (Bambusa blumeana). 175 Six of these species, according to respondents, are found dotting the grasslands surrounding the rice fields: culibangbang, kakuwate, arosef, bulala, lumboy and bayabas, as they were in 1973, when the first settlers arrived. The remaining species are found in the more remote and rugged topography of Karamramutan. Since the NIA, FMB and RP-Japan efforts to reforest areas of the Pantabangan watershed, four additional species are found in some quantity in the area: (1) a small (approximately 1/2 hectare) but successful stand of Japanese acacia located across the rice fields from the houses, (2) ipil-ipil and cashew along the NIA-constructed road, and (3) yemane successfully planted by the RP-Japan efforts approximately 2 kilometers east of Calo, closer to the town of Carranglan. A few mahogany, narra, yemane, eucalyptus, Japanese acacia, agoho (Casuarina equisetifolia) and mangium (Acacia glaucescens) are growing in front the Ilokano houses and along the fence line of one of the grazing areas. While planted by families in Calo, these are the result of a botched contract reforestation effort on the part of one family. (This is discussed at length in the following chapter). Many other species have been planted by residents in home gardens, around houses and in kaingins. These include: mango (Mangifera indica), tamarind (T amarindus indica L.), star apple (Chrysophyllum cainito Linn), 176 kamatsilis (Pithecolobium dulce Roxb.), papaya (Carica papaya), coffee (Coflea arabica Linn. and Coffea canephora var. robusta Linn), pomelo (Citrus maxima Burm. Merr), avocado (Persea americana), achuete (Bixa orellana), calamansi (Citrus madurensis), banana (Musa spp.), malunggai (Moringa pterygosperma), guabano, (Annona muricata), jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus), balimbing (A verrhoa bilimbi), coconut (Cocos nucifera), santol (Sandoricum koetjape), acapulco (Cassia alata), kakuwate (Gliricidium sepium Jacq. steud), eucalyptus, and kawayan (a species of bamboo). Plantings are usually of a few trees only, except for banana and mango trees planted in kaingins, which number between five and fifteen trees. With the exception of eucalyptus, kakuwate, acapulco, and the bamboo, the trees planted by people in Calo provide food or, in the case of achuete, spice. Kakuwate is easily propagated with cuttings, and is often used as a living fence for home gardens. Eucalyptus and acapulco are used primarily for medicinal purposes. Unlike species used for construction or fuel wood, most often only fruits and leaves of these species are harvested. Species used by the people in Calo for their houses include: yamban, sagat (molave), duyong (palosapis), and mimosa. All of these are found in Karamramutan, and not in the grasslands surrounding the fields of Calo. 177 ‘3? ‘. l I These are also species native to the area, and not introduced by the DENR in their tree planting efforts. Fuel wood is another resource demand placed on trees. I found that 68 % (n = 21) of the households in Calo use wood as their primary source of fuel for cooking. Only 32 % (n = 21) use LP gas. However, even gas users will use wood at certain times of the year, particularly in times of cash constraints. There appears to be no clear gender differentiation in the collection of wood for cooking fuel. Species preference also does not appear to be gender specific. Many species were noted as fiiel wood: Japanese acacia, ipil-ipil, culibangbang, sagat (primarily used for the construction of houses or for fence posts), arosef, kakuwate, yemane and guava. One respondent even declared that she uses "urai ania," or anything. Japanese acacia and ipil-ipil were mentioned most often by respondents, and while a few families had planted some of these species near their houses, the bulk of firewood collected was from the FMB Japanese acacia plantation or along the NIA road where ipil-ipil now grows as wildings. According to respondents, culibangbang, arosef, kakuwate and guava were all present as native species in Calo prior to its settlement in 1973, and can still be found in the grasslands and around their houses. Also according to respondents, sagat, also present as a native species, could only be found in 178 Karamramutan. Yemane, like the Japanese acacia and ipil-ipil, is a plantation species introduced by the DENR tree planting efforts in the area. Four families have attempted to plant mango trees, on a larger scale, as a long-term agricultural investment. They have done this with their own capital, and on their own initiative. Planted in the grasslands surrounding the rice fields (lands classified as Forest land and not part of their CSC lands) but close to the cluster of houses, all of these failed due to fires. One family planted 300 trees, two families 50 trees, and another 20 trees. The fire that burned the stand of 300 trees was caused by a teenage girl from another town, and was declared an accidental fire. The girl served a number of months as a maid to the family in Calo to compensate for the burning. No specific information regarding the fires that burned the other three areas was given to me in interviews. One family also planted trees in an attempt to secure a reforestation contract under the CFP program in 1990. This, however, was not a completely voluntary activity. The family was coerced into applying for the contract by DENR officials (see chapter six). While approximately 80,000 seedlings were planted in an area about 100 hectares in size, few trees remain. Fire burned the area in 1992, and the family believes that only 80 to 179 100 trees survived. A more thorough description of this is given in chapter six. Environmental Perceptions in Calo Research for this study reveals the general land and resource use practices and, by implication, the environmental perceptions of the people. n People in Calo have shaped the landscape around them by their land use activities. Primary to their farming lifestyle are paddy rice cultivation and i kaingin farming. Resource extraction also impacts their environment, from the diversion of water in human-constructed irrigation canals, to their collection of wood for construction and fuel. Families in Calo are part of the cash-based local economy and, as such, a few have risked planting mango trees on a relatively large scale (20 to 300 trees) in an effort to profit. These attempts, unfortunately, have failed. While mango trees are perceived as potentially profitable, many other trees are also utilized by the people in Calo. On a more individual and less grand scale, the people harvest fruits and leaves from trees they plant in their home gardens and in their kaingins. Other tree products include leaves, barks, and fruits used for medicines and spices. These are collected both from native species and from planted trees. More intensive tree use occurs in the form of wood collection for 180 construction and for fuel. Construction species are found primarily in Karamramutan, while the most used wood fuel species are located closer to the cluster of houses. People in Calo, in general, perceive themselves as masters and stewards of their environment. While the Ibaloi (and the Ilokano) like most Filipinos, live with a cosmology most Westerners would describe as superstitious, they do not possess a biocentric viewpoint. The people see themselves as caretakers of the environment, above other species in nature. As such, the environment is a landscape filll of riches and resources to be tapped for their (human) benefit. In five trips to Calo, over the past ten years, the most often cited "need" of the people is irrigation from streams, six to eight kilometers away from the fields, which would provide sufficient water for multiple rice crops. Their vision of the perfect landscape is one dominated by cropland agriculture: rice fields and vegetable gardens. While a few have attempted to transform portions of the landscape into mango plantations, these were risks, undertaken by a few of the more wealthy families who enjoy more financial security than most of the people in Calo. Their attempts to plant trees were motivated by profit. Trees, in Calo, are perceived by the people as abundant. While the landscape is not dominated by forest cover, the trees that exist appear to 181 them to be sufficient for their needs. Most say that there are more trees in the landscape now than when they first arrived in Calo. Collecting wood fuel is a consistent activity in Calo. People in Calo explain that it is easier to collect wood fuel now than when they first came. This is true because of two reasons: (1) some fast growing trees have been established through planting efforts of the government (ipil-ipil along the NIA-constructed road, and a 1/2 hectare Japanese acacia plantation near the rice fields), and (2) forestry laws restricting the collection of wood are not enforced as strictly as before since the passage of the Local Government Code of 1991. People in Calo do not perceive the environment in the same way as the DENR. While they understand that it is classified as Forest land, they have occupied an environment dominated by grasslands and agricultural fields since settling in the area. Trees are an important resource for them, but their livelihood sources are dominated by paddy rice cultivation and kaingins. Trees grown as plantations are perceived to be potential income sources, but only with mango species. The large-scale growing of species other than mango is not perceived as a worthy activity. The people in Calo would prefer to see a landscape dominated by rice and vegetable fields with year-round irrigation, and possibly mango plantations. 182 CHAPTER SIX Discussion of Findings Effects of Divergent Land Use Practices and Environmental Perceptions on Social Forestry My research findings show that: (1) while the majority of Carranglan is classified as Forest land, the bulk of it is covered in grassland and a mix of grassland with cultivation, and (2) divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions exist between the local people of Calo and the DENR. It is not entirely clear whether or not grasslands in Carranglan are a product of the conversion of lands from forest cover. There is some evidence that suggests the possibility that these grasslands are not a result of land cover change. Regardless, the DENR seeks to "rehabilitate" these lands in an effort to arrest soil erosion, the siltation of the Pantabangan Reservoir, and the decreased lifespan of its service. Efforts toward establishing tree cover in Carranglan have produced less-than-optimal results. This research poses the possibility that one factor affecting the suboptimal performance of tree planting activities is divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions. In examining this I pose two questions. 183 To what extent do the people of Calo share the same problem definition as the DENR? The DENR perceives Carranglan as a degraded environment. This degraded environment is responsible for social, environmental, and economic costs - - mostly associated with the Pantabangan multi-purpose dam. The solution to these problems, in the view of the DENR, is the conversion of grassland into forest cover. The '3 means to this end involves tree-planting activities that try to include local people. The people of Calo, on the other hand, perceive three important needs: (1) improved irrigation from sources approximately six to eight kilometers from their rice fields, (2) the paving of the NIA road to provide easier access to and from the markets in Carranglan, San Jose, and Baguio City, Benguet, and (3) better local health care. These are their long-range "problems". There are other important obstacles in their lives: lack of credit for fertilizers and pesticides, unpaid debts, no consistent vehicle service in and out of Calo, crop failures from drought, prejudice toward them in San Jose, abuse by the military, and so on. The people of Calo do not, however, perceive a degraded environment around them. They do not perceive any negative consequences on their lives from the siltation of the Pantabangan reservoir. They do not share the DENR’s perception that they occupy an area in need 184 of "rehabilitation" through the large scale conversion of grasslands to forest cover. They do not feel there is a lack of trees that are an important resource to them. On the contrary, it is their View that since they first settled in the area, more trees are present than before. The problems faced by the people of Calo relate directly to their land use practices and environmental perceptions. The same can be said for the problems defined by the DENR regarding Carranglan's environment. If the people of Calo do not share with the DENR/FMB the same problem definition(s) for their environment, and if divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions underpin these, then it appears this divergence does impact the tree planting efforts of the DENR/F MB. It seems logical that the likelihood of success is small in a collaborative, participatory endeavor in which the various groups do not share the same problem(s) or problem definition(s). To assume that the local people of Calo and the DENR do share the same problem definition(s), land use concepts and environmental perceptions is folly. My second question, is to what extent do the people of Calo benefit from tree planting activities? The social forestry programs in Carranglan are designed to address a number of issues. Primary, of course, is the reduction of erosion in the watershed. This is not the sole objective, however. Social 185 forestry programs are also intended to benefit the local people. Project analyses often present two scenarios, one regarding the impact with the project, another without. Usually the outcomes are presented in terms of economic benefits. This type of analysis was performed for the Pantabangan Watershed Reforestation Project (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). Economic benefits projected by such analyses, however, often do not materialize. The tree planting programs in Carranglan and the Pantabangan watershed were intended to benefit local people by increasing their socio- economic well-being. Profits from wood resources would supposedly benefit local people through profit-sharing. Furthermore, wood resources would become more abundant for local fuel, construction and other needs. While profit-sharing was never realized in tree planting programs, local people have benefited from the few successfully established trees. The people of Calo frequently use the Japanese acacia (Acacia auriculaformis) trees planted by the BF D just across from their rice fields, and the ipil ipil (Leucaena leucocephala) trees reproducing as wildings from seeds scattered by NIA during the construction of the road. These trees are basically used for fuel, posts, and light construction needs. These, however, are not the only species used by the people of Calo for fuel, posts or construction. 186 At a slightly larger scale, and more central to the DENR goals of establishing forest cover in Carranglan, are the benefits derived from the Pantabangan dam. This project has an irrigation coverage of 83,700 hectares in the central plains of Luzon, the Philippine 'rice bowl'. The hydroelectric facility provides 70 MW to the Luzon power grid. The reservoir supplies domestic water to approximately 150,000 people in five municipalities. The '....’. dam also regulates water flow minimizing flood damage to crops (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). Unfortunately, while the people of Calo live within one day's walk of the Pantabangan Reservoir, they receive none of its benefits. Calo is located upstream from the dam, along a stream which empties into the reservoir (see figure 13). The hills surrounding Calo, where the headwaters of this stream originate, are dominated by grassland, and have been the targets of NIA and DENR tree planting programs. Calo does not receive electricity from the hydroelectric facility. Being upstream, Calo will never benefit from irrigation, the single most important need identified by the people of Calo. Calo does not receive household water from the reservoir. And, it does not benefit from flood control. Under the social forestry programs the burden of establishing forest cover in and around Calo is meant to be borne by the 187 local people, and yet, in this case, they receive no benefits from the reservoir which their actions are intended to save. The efforts of the people of Calo are, for the most part, directed at rice and vegetable farming. Their goal is to make a profit in the local economy. They do use and rely on trees as resources, and people have benefited from trees being established during various, government planting programs. However, consistent with their goals for rice and vegetable production, people in Calo feel that the only species they might consider planting on a large-scale would be mango trees (Mangifera indica). Mangos are profitable. Four families in Calo have attempted to grow mango trees, but were unsuccessful. There is a potential within the land use concepts of the people of Calo, for the large-scale planting of mangos in the grasslands surrounding their fields. The goal, of course, would be profit from selling the fruit. Inconsistent with their land use concepts are (1) the large-scale planting of tree species other than mango, which they perceive as the only profitable species able to survive in their environment, and (2) the conversion of grasslands to forest cover as a means to continue the multiple functions of the Pantabangan reservoir and dam. The examination of land use concepts and environmental perceptions in relation to project benefits reveals how divergence can undermine project intentions. 188 E: _' —- _ 5:qu Divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions, therefore, can impact the social forestry programs in Carranglan. By examining problem definition(s) and project benefits within the context of land use and environmental perception, divergence between groups can potentially affect project goals. In the case of tree planting in Carranglan, the local people of Calo do not share the DENR's view of a degraded environment. j Furthermore, the intended benefits have not reached the people of Calo, and i for the most part do not fit their particular land use concepts or TWA-lust -.h V. .- " r..- 71.? environmental perceptions. Constraints to Social Forestry in Carranglan Social forestry can be affected by divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions. These, however, are not the only factors which influence the success or failure of social forestry. The KITE framework for political ecology, as mentioned previously, provides a heuristic device that can be used to examine environmental, economic, political, and socio/cultural factors. In exploring the Ibaloi land use practices and environmental perceptions, past and present, this thesis addresses one socio/cultural factor affecting tree planting programs in Carranglan. I have 189 tried to emphasize the role of human agency in understanding social forestry failures within the broad context of human environment interaction. Social forestry programs in Carranglan are also affected by other factors. These factors became apparent over my three months of fieldwork in the Philippines. Environmental, economic, political and other social factors besides land use and environmental perception, all influence the outcomes of tree planting activities in Carranglan. I address specific factors within three general categories below. No factor acts in isolation, and I have attempted to explain the linkages between factors. Environmental The climate in Carranglan is tropical and monsoonal. The area experiences a dry season from December to May or June, and a rainy season from June to November. Carranglan experiences a six to seven month dry season that spans the areas hottest months - April and May. Low survival rates of seedlings is partially a result of low soil moisture. Some areas are further constrained by low soil fertility (Reyes and Mendoza 1983). Probably the most damaging environmental factor, however, is the occurrence of fires during the long, hot dry season. 190 Four respondents worked as laborers during the regular reforestation period in the late 19705 and early 19805 in Carranglan. Each respondent indicated very low tree survival rates, primarily due to fires. No common answer was given regarding how the fires were started. Accidental fires can be a result of clearing for kaingins, of discarded cigarettes, or a result of natural causes, like lightning. Some fires are not accidental. Fires are set by local people, 3] DENR laborers, and non-laborers. Fires are set by people collecting fuel wood who burn trees in order to kill them. Once killed, it is legal to take them for personal use. Fires are set by people who collect cogon grass to sell at the market, because burning ensures re-growth. Fires are set as a means of getting rehired in order to plant the same area next planting season. Fires are set in protest against the government and they are set for no reason at all. The DENR realized in the early 19805 that fires would need to be fought. At periodic intervals fire lanes were cleared off of the NIA road through the grass-covered hills. An F MB fire watchtower was manned by forest guards. Local people were hired as well to monitor more remote areas. Two individuals in Calo were hired by the F MB in 1988 as fireguards to monitor approximately 500 hectares of planted hills in Karamramutan, a forty minutes walk north-northeast of Calo. They explained that in other 191 areas, closer to the main road, as many as six or seven people were hired to protect areas much smaller in extent. They admitted that two people could not effectively combat fire in the 500 hectares in Karamramutan. The area has burned repeatedly since the 19805, in spite of the efforts of fireguards. Measures taken by the DENR to combat fires have been inadequate, and indicate the unequal distribution of its resources. Political - Economic Corruption is not a new vice in Philippine politics or in association with the Philippine DENR. In my discussions with residents in Calo and in examining documents provided to me by the DENR, it appears that political favoritism, cronyism, and nepotism are alive and flourishing in the social forestry programs specifically, and in Forest land management in general, in Carranglan. This corruption has affected the success of tree planting programs, particularly in the immediate region surrounding Calo. Social forestry is all about the inclusion of local people. Local, however, is a subjective and general term. If one objective of social forestry is to include local people in forest management activities, it seems logical to target pe0ple who live closest to the areas in question. These would be the most local people to a project site. In the grass-covered hills north and 192 northeast of Calo, extending as far as Karamramutan, the people in Calo, or in the neighboring sitios of Saba, Butaling and Manbeha, would be the most local. These areas have been targets of tree planting activities first under the regular reforestation activities and then under contract reforestation. Not a single contract, however, has been given to the people of Calo. Residents informed me that contracts were awarded to politicians and people with connections to DENR employees. They allege that contracts for 1000 hectares were awarded to a former Carranglan mayor, a doctor from Carranglan, and a relative of a forester. Other contracts were given to the current mayor of Carranglan, a barangay capitan (the head of a locally elected town council), an individual who lives in San Jose and is relative of a CENRO officer in Nueva Viscaya, and an individual, who residents claim, is a front or "dummy" for the former district forester for northern Nueva Ecija Who now works at the regional office. I encountered no paper trail with which to confirm these allegations. However, the Contract Reforestation documents from the DENR lists some very suspect contract recipients for areas located in Calo and Karamramutan. Again, the statistics vary from one document to the other, but there were supposedly thirteen or fourteen contracts awarded in Calo covering 481 or 672 hectares (depending on the document). A number of different 193 associations and organizations are listed as the recipient of each contract. The list includes eleven teacher parent associations (TPAs). This is quite curious, as there is no school present in Calo, and therefore no TPA. Possibly, these are TPAs from other areas near Calo that do enjoy having a school. One contract for Karamramutan identifies the Karamramutan Upland Farmers Association as the contract recipient. There are no permanent residents in Karamramutan. When I inquired from the DENR about this association's members, I was told that information was not available in the CENRO office, but that it was all located at the regional DENR office in San Fernando, Pampanga. Whoever the people are who have received these contracts, one thing is certain, they are not people living in Calo. Other people, living further away from the contract sites than the people in Calo have most likely profited from receiving reforestation contracts. According to project documents that list disbursement amounts, these people are paid thousands 0f pesos to plant and maintain contract areas ranging in size from 20 to 100 hectares. These contract recipients, according to the people of Calo, are politically connected or relatives of DENR officials. They are the "local people" who have benefited from tree planting activities. 194 One family in Calo did apply for a contract. They did so, not of their own accord, but according to them were coerced by DENR officials into applying. This family had fenced off an area in the hills near the rice fields, of approximately 100 hectares in size. The family began raising cattle in the mid-19805. Though they did not have permission from the DENR to establish a ranch on forest land, they did so with the compliance of a local 15.] government official, who kept his own cattle in the family's fenced area. m The family bred and took care of the cattle. Other ranches had been established, legally and illegally, in Carranglan. One legal ranch was a 1000 hectare area given to Central Luzon State University as a carabao (water buffalo) research station. It was reported by people in Calo, however, that the ranch also supported cattle owned by local politicians and wealthy individuals from Carranglan. The family in Calo eventually raised enough cattle to sell and purchase a j eepney, which they used to transport the people in Calo to and from Carranglan, San Jose and Baguio City, primarily for marketing. This Was an investment for the family by which they hoped to profit in the long run. Two years after they purchased the jeep, DENR officials called on the family in Calo. The family was told to dismantle the ranch, which still held a few cattle, or face penalties. The family protested, indicating that others, 195 most of them politicians, also possessed illegally fenced areas for ranches. The husband said he would take down his fences when these people did. He was later called into the DENR office in Munoz, Nueva Ecija. He was told that he could keep his ranch if he applied for a reforestation contract that covered that area. He agreed to apply. In order to apply for a contract covering more than two hectares, the family had to organize an association, which was called the Calo Igorot Association, and included (on paper) the residents of Calo. The family also had to establish a seedling nursery before they would be given a contract. They used 1/4 hectare taken from one of their rice fields to establish approximately 250,000 seedlings. These were propagated primarily from seed in plastic planting containers. They grew species selected by the DENR: narra, mangium, gmelina, eucalyptus, mahogany and Japanese acacia. The costs associated with establishing and supporting the tree nursery included the procurement of seeds and cellophane bags and the hiring of labor to mix potting soils and to pot the seeds. In order to fimd this, the family had to sell their jeepney, sell what few cattle remained, and CVen borrow money from relatives. For a period of two years, while the nursery was established, they also lost rice production in the area used for the nursery. 196 The DENR surveyed the contract area, took pictures of the established seedling nursery, and instructed the family to plant the seedlings inside the ranch. According to the family, a total of 80,000 seedlings were planted in the ranch, at a cost of P1 .50 (~$0.06) per seedling. All funds came out of the family's pocket. I was told that when the husband went to the DENR to inquire about the status of his contract, he was told by the district forester be P would get the contract if he was willing to split the money, one third to the 1 district forester and two-thirds to his family to cover the cost of planting. He ; agreed. He was told to bring his copy of the contract proposal to the DENR 1U office. That is the last he has heard regarding the reforestation contract. The family no longer has their copy of the proposal, and the DENR claims to know nothing of it. Allegedly, the family never received any payment for their services, but they suspect the district forester simply took the contract money and claimed on project documents that the area was given to another contractor. There is no record of a Calo Igorot Association in the DENR contract reforestation documents. Corruption, greed, cronyism and nepotism certainly affect social forestry in Carranglan. Individuals are given contracts, not because they live adjacent to contract areas, but because they are politically connected. The peOple of Calo are understandably suspicious of tree planting programs. 197 Contracts with the government are risky ventures. Money can be, and often is, made through such endeavors. However, it is known to all in Calo that one of their own has been hurt by it. What they understand, from witnessing who gets contracts, is that the DENR may be interested in the growing of trees, but that the growing of trees is also a very profitable business. Tree planting appears to be a political game driven by the economic incentive of 5 V'- I '~f~" '. I profit. Social - Economic Social factors also affect the success of social forestry in Carranglan. While I have chosen to present the impact of people's political relationships under the general category of Political - Economic, in the above section, certainly it borders on social stratification between those who receive contracts and those who do not. In this section, I wish to highlight the general diversity among local people in Carranglan. My research focused on the people of Calo, but I gained knowledge of other people's activities in neighboring communities. It is their actions that I examine in this section. Though I was unable to uncover much diversity within Calo as a Corrlmunity, I was able to gather some information useful in comparing their actions with other people's. This comparison points to social differences 198 between local people. The people of Calo use wood resources primarily for direct consumption. They do not practice the harvesting of timber for sale, and they are not charcoal makers. On the other hand, there are people living in neighboring communities in which families do harvest trees for the making of charcoal. This, of course, is an illegal activity. When I approached a vendor in the San Jose market, who was selling wood fuel and charcoal, she told me that most of it came from Pantabangan and Carranglan. How much of this is legally made, I do not know. On one occasion, a tree was pointed out to me by a resident of Calo. The tree had been collared. About two feet off the ground, the bark was pealed from around the tree. The objective, my companion told me, was to kill the tree so that it would be legal to harvest it. This, he said, was done by outsiders, people not living in Calo. On another outing, a resident of Calo took me to see what was being done to the pine trees planted by the RP- Japan reforestation project. In a small area near the road about four kilometers west of Calo, a number of pine trees had been scared. People eVidently collect the pine sap to use as a fire starter. People living in Calo mentioned to me, during interviews, that outsiders come to Calo and the areas surrounding it to harvest products that they then sell in the market. Most common is the collection of cogon grass, 199 and buho, a type of bamboo used to make wall material. When asked why the people in Calo do not become involved in such ventures, they responded that they do not want to deplete the resources in the area. The people in Calo feel comfortable harvesting and using resources for personal use, but feel that to profit from this type of activity is not in the best interest of the community. When one person in Calo did try to collect and sell buho, the ”l community had a meeting to discuss its implication. The result of the meeting was an agreement not to sell local resources gathered from the environment. People's actions vary from group to group, and even within groups. They also vary over space and time. As close as one or two kilometers from Calo, families are making charcoal. Outsiders come into the environment surrounding Calo and harvest resources. These social differences impact forest management. Underlying these actions are people's land and resource use concepts and their environmental perceptions. Attempts to include local people in social forestry and forest management practices need to explore the contextual differences within and among these various social actors. 200 The Convergence of Political Ecology and Environmental Perception Tree planting and social forestry programs in Carranglan are affected by numerous factors. Commonly cited factors in the literature can be examined through a political ecology framework. The most important explanations regarding the impediments to social forestry in Carranglan include fires that burn newly planted areas, poor soil conditions, drought, poor access roads and transportation facilities, insufficient fire prevention and protection, and slow procurement of seeds and propogation of planting material (Galvez 1984, Reyes and Mendoza 1983). In the previous sections I have examined a few of these factors with respect to Calo and Carranglan. Environmental, economic, political and social factors should be examined within a temporal context and across scales in order to more fully understand the obstacles to successful tree planting programs. The understandings gained through such a framework, however, are not enough. As my findings indicate, divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions also impact social forestry activities. The political ecology framework does not explicitly include these factors. Therefore, the use of political ecology together with the study of land use practices and environmental perceptions should be used in order to more fully comprehend a phenomenon such as the 201 failure of social forestry in the Philippines. These two methods complement one another and add to our understanding of human environment interaction. The case study of Calo indicates that divergence exists between the local people and the DENR regarding land use practices and environmental perceptions. This divergence may impact tree-planting activities. This alone, however, does not explain why tree-planting activities are not more successful in Carranglan. The political ecology framework adds numerous factors to our understanding. Climate, growing conditions, fires, connections to DENR officials, social status, corruption, and behavioral differences among local people - all, contribute to why tree planting in Carranglan has not been more successful. 202 CHAPTER SEVEN Implications for Future Philippine Forest Management Programs The findings of this research highlight an additional factor to the current understanding of why social forestry practices may or may not be successful, particularly tree planting activities, in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija. While structural constraints were identified as early as fifteen years ago, divergent environmental perceptions, as I have shown, may also play an important role. Political ecology, along with environmental perception, provides the theoretical and methodological tools with which to uncover and comprehend the failure of social forestry in Carranglan. The value in this rests in the potential for more successful forest management programs, which means not simply meeting the goals of the DENR, but also redefining the concepts underlying forest management practices in the Philippines. Divergent land use practices and environmental practices exist between the people living in Calo and the DENR. This divergence affects the success of tree planting programs in Carranglan. Other factors, as identified through a political ecology framework, also affect these tree- planting programs. In order to achieve greater success in social forestry: (l) 203 the political, economic, social, and environmental factors need to be understood and addressed, and (2) the potential for divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions, at the very minimum, needs to be acknowledged and explored. In the remainder of this chapter, I briefly explore three implications of my research regarding the future of Philippine forest management practices: (1) the conceptualization and role of participation in Philippine social forestry, (2) the search for "common ground" in forest management with respect to divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions, and (3) political impediments to social forestry practices. The Practice of Participation in Philippine Social Forestry As I have attempted to show, there are a variety of forms of participation in the practice of natural resource management and development. How projects are defined and conceptualized and the roles and responsibilities of each stakeholder, or group of stakeholders, are important factors in participatory strategies. Beyond these variations, participation becomes problematic when divergent environmental perceptions exist between "participants." Underrepresented in my own research, yet also very important, is the even more diverse range of perceptions within both of these groups, the DENR and the people in Calo. 204 Divergence at this level may also certainly play a role in our understanding of why social forestry practices are not more successful. While this study does not attempt to address divergence at this level, I recognize its importance. Community-Based Forest Management (CBF M) is the most recent social forestry program being implemented in the Philippines. Under the 1"" CBF M program, communities must first form an organization and register it 1 with a government agency. Once formed and registered, the organization, along with an NGO and DENR staff, devise a management plan for the area L‘ under consideration. The management plan must include target areas and species selected for reforestation. The extent to which the community is allowed to decide which areas are to be planted and what trees will be planted is always subject to question. In the case of the CBFM project in Piut, the selection of tree species was consistent with "regular reforestation" species, a program that viewed local people merely as laborers. In this particular case, while the CBF M strategy appears to be more participatory, allowing people a voice in creating the forest management plan for their area, it also appears that little has changed from the less-participatory approaches in the past regarding the intended goal (i.e. to establish forest cover dominated by timber species). 205 Participation in CBF M programs is a laudable goal but I am uncertain as to how well the participatory approach described in program documents is actually put into practice. Even when “participation” is more than just rhetoric, a problem remains that only communities that are willing to organize themselves are able to apply to the program. Not all communities are willing to do so and even in those that do form organizations, to what extent are all members of the community involved? Participation that is dependent upon a community's ability and willingness to form an organization is problematic. People in Calo have participated in the social forestry programs in Carranglan. Those who have worked under the regular reforestation program did so as hired laborers. Their “participation” centered of the potential to earn money, not on the potential to transform their local environment into one dominated by trees. People in Calo also through dubious means are participating in the Piut Watershed Rehabilitation project, but only as names on a census list used to acquire a larger funding sum for the project. Others in Carranglan, certainly have participated in tree planting programs, particularly the Contract Reforestation. These “locals,” from the information I was able to gather, are the either political or economic elites, or relatives of those within the DENR bureaucracy, or both. 206 More central to my own research is the impact that divergent environmental perceptions may have on participatory approaches. If programs are truly giving local people more political power to define problems and decide the means with which to solve them in their area, these may have little in common with the problem definitions and goals of the DENR. The CBFM project in Piut serves as an example. Applying for a CBF M project involves a great deal of work on the part of local people. A linkage must be formed with a local NGO. The community must formally organize themselves. They must be willing to attend training workshops held by the NGO. They must help prepare a management plan for the target area. They must then submit their documents along with the application fees [P 5.00 (~$0.20) per hectare or P 1000.00 (~$40.00) per project whichever is greater] to the DENR. If accepted, the organization receives a substantial amount of money in order to implement the project. In the case of the Piut project, this was P 10.62 million (~8424,800.00). If survival rates for planted seedlings are high enough after three years, the community may then apply to receive tenure to the area for twenty-five years, renewable for another twenty-five years. Certainly, like the CFP contracts, there is a great initial incentive to apply and to hope for such a large sum of money. If seedlings are planted, and if 207 they survive, so much the better. But if they do not get planted or they do not survive, the community is still much further ahead economically than if they had never taken the time to apply. The president of the Piut community organization that received the CBF M contract is the son of a family living in Calo. I was told that in order to apply for an area as large as 573 hectares, they had to show that the re] community was large enough to support the planting of such an area. With the assistance of the NGO working with them, they took a census of the community. However, they did not stop with just the members of sitios Lil identified in the project area description. People in Calo, and other communities, were asked to sign the census. The objective was to register enough people in order to represent a large enough area and receive a greater sum of money to implement the project. The motivation is profit-driven. Local people understand the jargon and the objective of the DENR. They often learn how to play the political game with government officials. On the surface, in the project documents and descriptions, we see what potentially is a very sound project to reforest a large area in Carranglan. It appears, on paper, that local people and the DENR have successfirlly collaborated through an equal sharing of decision-making processes. 208 Questions addressing why people participate need to be explored in such programs. An understanding may reveal underlying factors that could contribute to the success or failure of tree planting, or other resource management, endeavors. Participation in social forestry programs as it is practiced in Carranglan appears far removed from the ideal of participation expressed in D. the development literature. The concepts of the social forestry programs have moved beyond identifying local people simply as laborers (as they J . were under the “regular reforestation” programs), to viewing them as U partners (as they are under the CBF M strategy). However, local people do not always participate in these programs with the long-term intentions as those expressed in DENR project descriptions. While the project descriptions speak of ecological benefits that in turn can become economic benefits to local people, these same local people (as in the case of the Piut Watershed Rehabilitation project) may become involved, at least initially, because of the large sum of money dispersed to the community for project start up purposes. Furthermore, we have to recognize the fact that lands classified as Forest land are property of the state, under DENR jurisdiction. People living in Forest lands are at a disadvantage in a “participatory” pr0ject in which land and land use are the central components. How can 209 they act or be perceived as equal partners in an endeavor when the lands they occupy are owned by the state? The Quest for Common Ground Because corruption exists to the detriment of social forestry programs in Carranglan, does not mean we should avoid addressing other important issues regarding these programs. Assume, for the moment, corruption is not a factor impeding the success of tree planting programs. Assume, too, that local people share equal weight with the DENR in the design and implementation of such programs. If local people do not share the same problem definitions, the same land use practices or the same environmental perceptions as those of the DENR, then where is the common ground on which to build these projects? Ideally, participation in natural resource management should foster dialogue and understanding prior to any mention of project specifics. The various stakeholders need to recognize that each brings a particular, biased view regarding the ways they perceive the environment, its uses, and the roles of humans within such environments. Only from explicitly recognizing divergence in these areas, can projects begin to address a fundamental constraint to its success. Each perspective, too, must be recognized as legitimate. It should not be the purpose of either the DENR or 210 the local people to engage in social engineering, in which one group is forced or coerced to embrace the other's views and definitions. Dialogue and interaction provide a medium within which learning and understanding take place. Through such actions, the various groups can begin to understand each other’s perspectives and objectives. This endeavor should seek overlaps, or common ground, between groups, but recognize the importance and potential of divergence. Common environmental perceptions, problem definitions and land use practices are the areas upon which project plans can be built. Divergence in these areas needs to be ..j understood, however, in order to minimize its potential adverse effects. Project planning needs to include and account for divergence in as many areas as can be identified. Communities, natural resources, and environments are heterogeneous across space and over time. Each community and project is contextual. There most certainly may be instances when only divergence exists and no Common ground can be identified. This poses a particular problem. Success of participatory, natural resource management projects depends, in part, on the sharing of project goals, environmental perceptions, and problem definitions. In cases where this does not exists, what should be done to Increase the potential for a project's success? 15 one perspective to win over 211 the other? Who decides this? In Carranglan, the will of the DENR appears to be for the greater good of a larger number of people benefiting from the services of the Pantabangan dam. Yet local people, like those who live in Calo, are expected to shoulder the burden for these projects without reaping any of the larger, intended benefits. Do their land use objectives become secondary to those of the DENR? Are governments to resort to draconian in: measures in order to ensure their objectives are reached? This is directly opposed to the most recent trends of participatory, "bottom up" development. On the other hand, if we value people's rights to their cultural J and social perspectives, if we value this diversity of humanity, and projects are never or only slowly defined and implemented because of divergence, then others may suffer, including the environment itself. The dilemma is not an easy one. Political Impediments to Social Forestry in Carranglan This study has focussed primarily on divergent land use practice and environmental perceptions as potential factors for understanding why social forestry programs have not been more successful in Carranglan. There is, however, a number of overriding political constraints to this phenomenon. A section in the previous chapter dealt in some detail about the role of 212 corruption and its impact on social forestry in Carranglan. A wider range of political problems, beyond corruption, exists, as do potential political solutions. An argument can also be made that these political constraints are the overriding obstacles affecting the outcomes of social forestry. Using the perspective of scales, a number of political problems that affect social forestry practices emerge. At the international level, stipulations of the Asian Development Bank’s forestry sector loan to the Philippine government for reforestation partially direct the DENR’s efforts. One such stipulation is the setting of reforestation targets. The first contribution of the loan targeted the planting of 71,600 hectares per year over a five-year period (Korten 1994). The result of this directed goal was the overestimation of project statistics on the part of the DENR as they attempted to meet the planting targets in order to secure the future funding cycles. At the national level two related issues contribute to why social forestry programs have not been more successful: land reform and state controlled lands. These are issues of tenure rights, including rights to lands as well as rights to property such as trees. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP), signed by President Aquino in 1988, has been criticized as being biased “towards the interests of large landowners 213 agribusiness corporations, and traditionally powerful families”(Putzel and Cunnimgham 1989). Combine this with the fact that close to half of the total land area (47.05 %) is state owned and classified as Forest land. These two issues underpin land access and land security which in turn have been identified as important issues regarding social forestry practices (AGNOC 1991b; Aguilar 1982; Cemea et al. 1991; World Bank 1989). "‘3 At the local level diversity among local people, even in a community as small as Calo, also creates differential power. There are people in Calo who could be characterized as risk-takers and those who are more Lil conservative. I believe the risk-takers attempt to build linkages between themselves and the political and economic elite in Carranglan and in Northern Nueva Ecija. In doing so, they may build upon the Filipino cultural norm of uton na loob, which literally translates to “debt of life.” In such a relationship security is built even between individuals or families with disparate socio-economic levels. Not all attempts at such linkages prove beneficial. However, the risk-takers potential for some benefits outweighs those of the conservative counterpart in Calo. The same can be said between communities. Ilokano-dominated communities are more likely to be linked to political or economic elites in Carranglan than Ibaloi or other ethnic groups, because Carranglan is predominantly an Ilokano municipality. 214 The effect of linkages in obtaining contracts to plant trees has already been addressed in the previous chapter. Political problems, at many scales, contribute to why tree-planting efforts are not more successful in Carranglan. Political solutions should be pursued, also at many scales, in order to improve the potential for more successful projects that aim to re-establish tree cover in the Philippines. One “7" solution being pursued is the use of non-governmental organizations h (NGOs). These groups may act as linkages between the government agencies and the local people. There are over 18,000 registered NGOs in the LJ Philippines. Some are people’s organizations, some are professional and civic groups, others are govemment-fonned NGOs, affectionately referred to as GRINGOs (Miclat-Teeves and Lewis 1993). NGOs, however, are problematic as political go-betweens. They, too, have particular political, social, environmental and economic agendas. Any particular NGO group’s knowledge of a local community may also be dubious. They may be no more, or even less, informed than the government agency on whose behalf they may be acting. The great diversity of NGOs operating in the Philippines only adds the multiple dimensions of finding political solutions Which advance the prospects of more successful social forestry programs. 215 Conclusion My research contributes to our understanding of the failure of reforestation in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija. I have shown that divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions exist between the local people of Calo, and the DENR/FMB. This divergence may adversely impact the success of tree planting attempts in Carranglan. This alone, however, does not provide a complete understanding of why these projects have not been more successful. Other factors have influenced their outcomes. Environmental constraints to seedling survival, favoritism, greed and corruption among DENR professional, reforestation perceived simply as a lucrative venture, and social differentiation among local people in Calo - all affect tree planting outcomes. The implications of this research for Philippine social forestry, specifically, and natural resource management, in general, are many. I have briefly addressed only three in this final chapter: (1) participation as a practice and objective, (2) the search for commonality between local people and government agencies responsible for directing these programs and (3) the overriding political impediments to social forestry in Carranglan. Much more should be done, however, regarding the study of divergent land use practices and environmental perceptions. Comparing case studies would be 216 a start. While I have attempted a thorough investigation of this topic in Carranglan, many questions remain to be answered: Are there comparable projects and communities in other areas of the Philippines and other countries? 15 this phenomenon generally one associated with developing countries? 15 there a way to measure the relative significance of divergent environmental perceptions with other factors affecting social forestry r". projects? 15 this case simply an anomaly? Do cases exist where divergence # is present and yet projects have been successful? What contributing factors are present in such cases which are not present in Carranglan or Calo? Many Lj questions remain. 217 APPENDICES APPENDIX A UCRIHS Approval Letter .‘b-— Fug nil-Lu: MICHIGAN STATE 0 N I v E R 5 I T Y April 22, 1997 'TO: Edward A. Nhitesell . . 315 Natural Science Building RE: IRBII: 97-229 . TITLE: PHILLIPINE SOCIAL FORESTRY: A CASE STUDY OF DIVERGING LAND USE CONCEPTS AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERCEPTIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF LOCAL PARTICIPATION REVISION REQUESTED: N/A CATEGORY: 1 -C. D, E APPROVAL DATE: 04/17/97 I. The University Comittee on Research Involving Human Sub ects' (UCRIHS) F] review of this project is complete. I am pleased to adv so that: the - -, rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately rotected and methods to obtain informed consent: are ap ropriace. aggrefore, the UCRIHS approved this project and any rev sions listed a ve. . RINENAL: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with r” the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to continue a project beyond one year must use the green.renewa1 form (enclosed with t e original a provai Ietter or when a *’ project is renewed) to seek u date certification. There is a maximum of four such expedite renewals ssible. Investigators wishing to continue a proaecc beyond cha time need to submit it again or complete rev ew. REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any changes in rocedures involving human subjects. rior to in tiation of t e change. If this is done at- the time o renewal, please use the green renewa1.form. To revise an approved protocol at any other time during the year, send your wr tten request to the CRIHS Chair. requesting reVised approval and referencing the project's IRB 3 and title. Include in our request a description of the.change and any revised' ins ruments, consent forms or advertisements that are applicable. Pnoannsl CHANGES: Should either of the followin arise during the course of the work, investigators must noti UCRIIIS romprly: (11 roblems s OFFICEN (unexpected do effects conip aints, e c.) .involving uman RESEARCH subjects or I2) changes in the research enVironment or new information indicating greater risk to the‘human sub ects than AND eXisted when the protocol was previouel reviewed an approved. Y GRADUATE ' STUDIES If we can be of any future help, lease do not hesitate to contact: us II at (517)355-2180 or FAX (51714 2- 171. Write-Minus. ““tholvl Mammy”: Sincerely, ' locales) 'WIIOIIBUI D ' r - . aVid 8. “ti ht, Ph. . ”me Ucnnrs Chairs Sit/355.21” DEW : bad <2tz/6ay H. Samek ha 218 ”“‘me mm APPENDIX B Survey Questionnaire in Ilokano 10- 11. Questionaire Survev Demographic/Historical Ania ti nagan yo, apo? Kastoy ti nagan yo? Ti apelyedo ngay? Ania ti bunyag yo? Mano ti tawen yo? Taga-ano kayo? Ayanna ti poon yo? Ayanna ti nagapuan yo Ibaloi kayo? Ilokano kayo? Bontoc kayo? _- Ania kayo ngay? lug Adda ti asawa yo? Adda Awan ". Balasang/Baro kayo? Saan f Balo kayo? Saan i Adda iskeula idaiy place of origin? Adda Awan ,. Nagiskuela kayo idiay? J Ania ti kangatuan ti nalpas yo? Elem. ' High School College Adda ti anak yo? Adda Awan Mano dagiti annak yo? Mano dagiti tatawen dagiti annak yo? Sadinno ngay ti nagianan yo kasanuanan kayo imay ditoy Calo? Ania a tawen idi umay kayo ditoy Calo? Adda pay sabali a lugar itatta a paggigianan yo ngem ditoy Calo? Adda Awan Siguro adda, ayanna? Idi napalabas a lima nga tawen mano a bulan ti uneg ti maysa nga tawen nga aggian kayo ditoy Calo? # bulan 12. summer tiempo to agtudo (rainy season) tiempo ti agani (harvest season) tiempo ti agmula (planting season) iskuela/bacasion (school/vacation) intawen/kanayon (all year/always) Mano ti tattao nga aggigian ditoy balay yo ti tinawen? 219 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. kaykayo? Ania nga clase dagiti Rice F arang Ania ti araramiden yo ditoy manipud idi imay kayo ditoy Calo? Ania ti talaga a trabaho yo itatta? Adda taltalonan yo? Adda Awan Kokuayo amin? Wen Saan Mano hectaria ti palayan yo? ha Mano dagiti canavans ti palay iti ani? cavans Mano nga a besis nga agapit ti pagay ti uneg ti maysa nga tawen? Maysa Dua Tallo Ania ti pagapuan ti danum ti talon yo? Adda ti (CSC) local term yo? Adda Awan Kaano a naala yo ti (CSC) yo? Ania a tawen idi naala yo? Kaingin Adda ti bangkag yo? Adda Awan Kaingin dayta? Wen Saan Nagkaingin kayo idi? Wen - Saan Ania ti immulmula yo idiay bangkag yo? Dagiti natnateng? Dagiti natnateng ken dagiti kaykayo (ken root crop types)? Mulmula balenged kutsay patatas tabungaw balatong laya petsay ube gabi letsugas pipino utong kamatis marunggay tarong u-uns kamote mais rabanos kamoteng kahoy mustasa repolyo kangkong okra sibuyas karabasa pagay sili karot singkamas pallang \— kulitis parya sitsaro Kaykayo/Prutprutas \_ bayabas kasuy salamangi \_ buho kawayan \_ daligan langka 220 ':l’. T-‘.". 1|. . “i I Eucalyptus mangga ipil ipil papaya kaimito rimas kakuwat saba 24. Apay a agmulmula kayo ti clase nga nateng/kayo? 25. Ania ti immulmula yo para: Ilako yo? kanen yo? "Medicinal" Pagagasyo? "Spiritual/Cultural" Pageanaoyo? 4_ "F or Spices" Pagrekadoyo? 5" "Fuelwood" Paglutoyo? "Fodder" Ipakan yo ti ayup yo? "Construction material" Pagaramid yo ti balay? 26. Ayanna ti lugar paglakoan yo ti . . . ? 27. Pagagapuan ti immulmula yo a kayakayo ti bukel wenno ti mula? 28. Inabunuan yo ti bangkag yo? Ania ti clase ti abuno ti ususeran yo? 29. Mabalin umayak idiay bangkag yo no dadduma? Kayatko a makita daydiay. my“ 1: .‘ House Garden 3 O. Adda pay ti mulmula ti inaladen yo? Adda Awan 3 1. Mabalin a umayko kitaen dagiti mulmula ti inaladen yo? Mabalin nga ibaga yo keniak ti nagan ti mulmula yo? Kayatko a makita daydiay. 3 2. Ania ti nagan nga mula daytoy, dayta, daydiay? Ruot wenno saan? 3 3 . Apay a immulmula yo ti clase rLga nateng/kaLO? 34. Ania ti immulmula yo para: Ilako yo? kanen yo? "Medicinal" Pagagasyo? "Spiritual/Cultural" Pagcanaoyo? "For Spices" Pagrekadoyo? "Fuelwood" Paglutoyo? "Fodder" Ipakan yo ti ayup yo? "Construction material" Pagaramid yo ti balay? 35 . Ayanna ti lugar paglakoan yo ti . . . ? 36. Pagagapuan ti immulmula yo a kayakayo ti bukel wenno ti mula? 37 . Inabunuan yo ti bangkag yo? Ania ti clase ti abuno ti ususeran yo? 221 38. Mabalin umayak idiay inaladen yo no dadduma? Kayatko a makita daydiay. Resources Kayatko ti agsaludsod kadakayo maipanggep ditoy Calo ken ti arubayan, dagiti karkaruutan (grasslands), dagiti turturod (hills), dagiti bakbakir (forests), kesla. Four time periods: 1. When individual first came to Calo (pm-1988) 2. 1988 (picture of Calo) 3. Present time (1997) 4. Future ( I 0 year from today, 200 7) 39. Malagip yo ti itsura ti Calo ken ti arubayan idi immay kayo ditoy idi 19_? Ipalawag yo man ti itsura ti Calo ken ti arubayan idi immay kayo ditoy? 40. Daytoy dua dagiti ladladawan ti Calo idi addaak ditoy nga Peace Corps bolunteer. Ammoyo ti lugar? Kitaen yo dagiti balbalay ti Calo? Ipalawag yo man ti itsura ti Calo ken ti arubayan ken dagiti ladladawan? 41. Ti panagkonayo nagsukat ti itsura ti Calo ken ti arubayan itatta ngem idi immay kayo ditoy idi 19_? Ipalawag yo man no ania dagiti nagsbalianan? 42. Ti panagkonayo apay nga nagsabali ti Calo ken ti arubayanna ditoy? 43. Ti panagkonayo immadu, bimmassit, wenno iso met nga iso dagiti kaykayo idi imay yo ditoy ngem itatta? Immadu Bimmassit Iso met nga iso kaykayo taltalon tattao kakaingin tudtudo bakbakir karkaruutan ayayop 44. No mabalin, ania ti sabali ti istura ti Calo ken ti arubayan? Ania ti kayat yo? 222 FMB/Social Forestry Projects 45. Adda immay nga tattao ti gubiemo ditoy Calo manipud idi imay kayo ditoy? Adda Awan 46. Ania ti inaramid da ditoy? 47. Adda tattao manipud iti F MB nga imay ditoy? Adda Awan 48. Ania ti inaramid da ditoy? 49. Nagian da nabiag ditoy Calo? Wen Saan 50. Mano a besis ngay imimayda ditoy? Ania ti nasursurod yo kenyada? 51. Kayat yo dagiti inararamid da ditoy wenno saan yo nga kayat? Kayat Saan nga kayat Apay ngay? 223 APPENDIX C Survey Questionnaire in English Calo Questionnaire/English Version Demographic/Historical 1. Name: 2. Age: 3. Where are you from originally (before coming to Calo)? 4. What is your ethnicity? Ibaloi Ilokano Bontoc Other 5. Are you married? Single? Widowed? 6. What level school have you completed? Elem.HS College 7. How many children do you have? 8. How old are they? 9. When (what year) did you first come to live 1n Calo? 10. Do you also have another house elsewhere besides 1n Calo? Where? 11. In the past five years, how many months on average do you stay in Calo per year? summer ~3 months rainy season ~ 5/6 months planting season ~ 1/2 months harvest season ~ 1/2 months school/vacation ~ 9 and 3 months all 12 months in Calo 12. How many are living in your house with you now? Rice Farming 13. What did you first do to make a living when you came to Calo? 14. What is your primary livelihood job now? 15. Do you have rice fields? Do you own them? 16. How many hectares of rice fields do you have? 17. How many times in a year do you harvest rice from your fields? 1 2 3 18. Where is the water from that irrigates your rice fields? 19. Do you have a Certificate of Stewardship Title for your rice fields? 20. What year did you receive this? 224 Swidden Farming 21. Do you have a "garden" farm? Is it a swidden farm? 22. Have you ever had a swidden farm? 23. What do you plant in your "garden" farm? What types of plants and trees? Plants: list of common vegetables Trees: list of common trees (fruit and other) 24. For what reasons do you plant name of plant indicated by respondent? (Asked for each plant and tree type indicated by the subject) 25. What else do plant and/or gather to be used for: - selling at the market? - food? - medicinal purposes? - spiritual/cultural purposes? - spices in cooking? - fuel? - fodder? - building purposes? 26. Where is the place where you sell your produce? 27. What is the source of your trees, seeds or seedlings? 28. Do you use fertilizer on your "garden" farm? What kinds of fertilizer do you use? 29. Is it possible for me to come with you to your "garden" farm sometime? I would really like to see it. House Garden 30. Do you have a house garden? 31. Is it possible to go out and for me to see your house garden? Is it possible for me to ask you the names of the plants in your house garden? I would really like to see it. 32. What is the name of that plant here? there? over there? Is it a weed? (This would be done for all plants in the garden) 33. For what reasons do you plant name of plant indicated by respondent? (Asked for each plant and tree type indicated by the subject) ( 34. What else do plant here to be used for: - selling at the market? 225 - food? - medicinal purposes? - spiritual/cultural purposes? - spices in cooking? - fuel? - fodder? - building purposes? 35. Where is the place where you sell your produce? 36. What is the source of your trees, seeds or seedlings? 37. Do you use fertilizer on your "garden" farm? What kinds of fertilizer do you use? 38. Is it possible for me to come with you to your "garden" farm sometime? I would really like to see it. Resources I would like to ask you some questions about the environment1 surrounding Calo. About the grasslands, the hills, and the forests. 39. Do you remember what the surrounding area of Calo looked like when you first arrived here in 19_? Could you please describe it for me? 40. Here are two pictures of Calo from 1998, from when I was a Peace Corps volunteer here in Calo. Do you recognize these views? Could you please describe the environment that you see in these pictures? 41. In your opinion would you say the area around Calo has changed since you first came here to Calo and now? Could you please describe the changes that have taken place here in Calo? 42. In your opinion why have these changes taken place? 43. In your opinion would you say there is more, less or the same t_1;ee_s_ now than when you first came to Calo? More Less The Same Trees Rice fields People Swidden Farms Rain I II!!! lllll 1 The term used in the Ilokano version of the questionnaire is arubayan which translates to "surroundings". The phrase "baknang ti arubayan yo," which translates to the wealth of your environment, was also used. This focuses the attention onto those aspects of the natural environment which are considered valuable resources. 226 Forests Grasslands Wild Animals 44. If you had the chance, how would you change the environment of Calo? What would you do? 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. Forest Management Bureau/ Social Forestry Projects Have any people from the government ever come here to Calo? What did they do here? Have any Forest Management Bureau people come here to Calo? What did they do here? Did they stay here for a long time? How many times have they come here to Calo? Did you like what they were doing here? Why or why not? 227 Bibliography Aguilar, Jr., Filomeno V. 1982. 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