PORQUE	
  AQUÍ	
  NO	
  TENEMOS	
  MUERTOS:	
  	
  
DÍA	
  DE	
  LOS	
  MUERTOS	
  AND	
  THE	
  CONSTRUCTION	
  OF	
  SELF	
  IN	
  A	
  NEW	
  SPACE	
  
	
  
By	
  
	
  
William	
  Shelton	
  Escalante	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
A	
  THESIS	
  
	
  
Submitted	
  to	
  	
  
Michigan	
  State	
  University	
  	
  
in	
  partial	
  fulfillment	
  of	
  the	
  requirements	
  	
  
for	
  the	
  degree	
  of	
  
	
  
Sociology	
  –	
  Master	
  of	
  Arts	
  
	
  
2015	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  

	
  

ABSTRACT	
  
	
  
PORQUE	
  AQUÍ	
  NO	
  TENEMOS	
  MUERTOS:	
  	
  
DÍA	
  DE	
  LOS	
  MUERTOS	
  AND	
  THE	
  CONSTRUCTION	
  OF	
  SELF	
  IN	
  A	
  NEW	
  SPACE	
  
	
  
By	
  
	
  
William	
  Shelton	
  Escalante	
  
There	
  is	
  an	
  increasing	
  popularity	
  for	
  celebrating	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  -­‐	
  Day	
  of	
  the	
  Dead	
  in	
  the	
  

United	
   States	
   of	
   America.	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   is	
   a	
   cultural	
   and	
   religious	
   holiday	
   that	
   is	
   most	
  
commonly	
   associated	
   with	
   Mexican	
   descendants	
   and	
   has	
   been	
   designated	
   as	
   a	
   time	
   to	
  
remember,	
  honor,	
  and	
  visit	
  with	
  deceased	
  loved	
  ones.	
  	
  This	
  paper	
  explores	
  the	
  celebrations	
  of	
  
Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   in	
   a	
   Michigan	
   city	
   using	
   conceptual	
   tools	
   of	
   culture,	
   migration,	
   and	
   identity.	
  
The	
   intent	
   is	
   to	
   comprehend	
   why	
   and	
   how	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   to	
   the	
   Michigan	
   area	
   use	
   this	
  
traditional	
   activity	
   to	
   construct	
   their	
   social	
   identity	
   within	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   of	
   America.	
   	
   The	
  
guiding	
  research	
  questions	
  were:	
  1)	
  How	
  do	
  Mexican	
  migrants	
  in	
  mid-­‐Michigan	
  celebrate	
  Día	
  de	
  
los	
   Muertos;	
   and	
   2)	
   What	
   is	
   the	
   role	
   of	
   the	
   celebration	
   in	
   developing	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
   Mexican	
   ethnic	
  
identity	
  for	
  these	
  migrants?	
  	
  	
  
To	
   address	
   these	
   questions,	
   I	
   conducted	
   an	
   exploratory	
   qualitative	
   research	
   project	
   that	
  
employed	
   interview	
   and	
   observational	
   data	
   collected	
   through	
   participant	
   observation	
   and	
   in-­‐
person	
  interview.	
  	
  The	
  research	
  found	
  that	
  the	
  majority	
  of	
  respondents	
  who	
  celebrate	
  use	
  Día	
  
de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   as	
   a	
   way	
   to	
   remember	
   deceased	
   loved	
   ones	
   but	
   more	
   significantly,	
   as	
   part	
   of	
  
their	
   construction	
   of	
   new	
   Mexican-­‐centered	
   identities	
   and	
   self	
   within	
   an	
   Anglo-­‐American	
   social	
  
context	
  that	
  pressures	
  them	
  to	
  adopt	
  the	
  new	
  U.S.	
  way	
  of	
  life.	
  	
  	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  

	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
Copyright	
  By	
  
WILLIAM	
  SHELTON	
  ESCALANTE	
  
2015	
  

	
  

TABLE	
  OF	
  CONTENTS	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
LIST	
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LIST	
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  .vi	
  
	
  
INTRODUCTION	
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  1	
  
	
  
RATIONALE	
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  3	
  
	
  
CONCEPTUAL	
  FRAMEWORK	
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  5	
  
	
   Culture	
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  .5	
  
	
   Identity	
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  6	
  
	
   	
  
METHODS	
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  9	
  
	
   Pre-­‐Research	
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  .9	
  
Notes	
  On	
  Terms	
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  10	
  
Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
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  .11	
  
Location	
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  .13	
  
Population	
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  .15	
  
Participant	
  Observation	
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  .16	
  
	
   Interviews	
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  .17	
  
	
   Analysis	
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  .18	
  
	
  
DATA	
  AND	
  ANALYSIS	
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  19	
  
	
   Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  In	
  Mid-­‐Michigan	
  .	
  .	
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  .	
  	
  .19	
  
	
   Obstacles	
  To	
  Celebration	
  .	
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  .23	
  
	
   Cultural	
  Heritage	
  In	
  A	
  New	
  Place	
  .	
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  26	
  
	
  
SUMMARY	
  COMMENTS	
  .	
  .	
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  .	
  .28	
  
	
  
BIBLIOGRAPHY	
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  31	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  

iv	
  

LIST	
  OF	
  TABLES	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
Table	
  1:	
  Gender	
  and	
  Place	
  of	
  Birth	
  by	
  Research	
  Site	
  (N=30)	
  .	
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  16	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
v	
  

LIST	
  OF	
  FIGURES	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
Figure	
  1:	
  Photo	
  1	
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  20	
  
	
  
Figure	
  2:	
  Photo	
  2	
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  21	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  

vi	
  

INTRODUCTION	
  
There	
   is	
   increasing	
   popularity	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   -­‐	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead,	
   a	
   cultural	
   and	
  
religious	
  holiday	
  that	
  is	
  most	
  commonly	
  associated	
  with	
  Mexico	
  and	
  is	
  designated	
  as	
  a	
  time	
  to	
  
remember,	
  honor,	
  and	
  visit	
  with	
  relatives	
  and	
  loved	
  ones	
  who	
  are	
  deceased.	
  	
  Mexican	
  migrants	
  
use	
  this	
  and	
  other	
  traditional	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  activities	
  to	
  construct	
  their	
  identity	
  as	
  Mexican	
  
in	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   of	
   America.	
   	
   Though	
   migrants	
   do	
   not	
   lose	
   their	
   sense	
   of	
   self	
   while	
   crossing	
  
physical,	
   political,	
   social	
   and	
   cultural	
   boundaries,	
   components	
   of	
   their	
   sense	
   of	
   self	
   are	
  
challenged	
  in	
  unforeseen	
  ways.	
  	
  The	
  new	
  country	
  and	
  social	
  order	
  has	
  its	
  own	
  values,	
  beliefs,	
  
and	
   patterns	
   of	
   behavior.	
   	
   This	
   includes	
   preconceived	
   ideas	
   and	
   prejudices	
   about	
   immigrants	
  
and	
  their	
  country	
  of	
  origin	
  (Cadge	
  et	
  al.	
  2010).	
  	
  The	
  American	
  social	
  context,	
  the	
  immigrant’s	
  
receiving	
   community,	
   does	
   not	
   readily	
   affirm	
   or	
   support	
   their	
   regular	
   behavior	
   patterns.	
  	
  
Therefore,	
   the	
   taken-­‐for-­‐granted	
   external	
   cultural	
   validation	
   of	
   a	
   person’s	
   sense	
   of	
   self	
   and	
  
behaviors	
   that	
   reinforce	
   their	
   sense	
   of	
   personhood	
   in	
   their	
   country	
   of	
   origin	
   are	
   no	
   longer	
  
present	
  in	
  their	
  new	
  social	
  context.	
  
The	
   current	
   paper	
   presents	
   exploratory	
   qualitative	
   research	
   with	
   Mexican	
   men	
   and	
   women	
  
who	
  have	
  migrated	
  to	
  the	
  Mid-­‐Michigan	
  area	
  to	
  determine	
  if	
  they	
  celebrate	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos,	
  
and	
  whether	
  or	
  not	
  such	
  activities	
  do	
  or	
  do	
  not	
  enhance	
  their	
  sense	
  of	
  cultural	
  identity.	
  	
  This	
  
paper	
   brings	
   literature	
   on	
   culture	
   into	
   conversation	
   with	
   literature	
   on	
   identity	
   and	
   migration	
  
through	
  consideration	
  of	
  the	
  following	
  questions:	
  	
  
1)	
   How	
   do	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   in	
   mid-­‐Michigan	
   celebrate	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
  
Muertos?	
  

	
   1	
  

2)	
   What	
   is	
   the	
   role	
   of	
   the	
   celebration	
   in	
   developing	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
  
Mexican/ethnic	
  identity	
  for	
  the	
  migrants?	
  	
  	
  
To	
   address	
   the	
   aforementioned	
   questions,	
   I	
   use	
   data	
   from	
   an	
   empirical	
   field	
   research	
  
project	
  of	
  Mexico-­‐born	
  individuals	
  who	
  migrated	
  to	
  the	
  mid-­‐Michigan	
  area	
  to	
  report	
  the	
  ways	
  
they	
   do	
   or	
   do	
   not	
   use	
   traditional	
   Mexican	
   cultural	
   activities	
   to	
   assist	
   in	
   constructing	
   their	
  
identity.	
   	
   My	
   discussion	
   includes	
   a	
   rationale	
   for	
   the	
   research	
   and	
   clarification	
   of	
   the	
   conceptual	
  
framework,	
  followed	
  by	
  a	
  description	
  of	
  the	
  methods	
  employed	
  in	
  data	
  collection.	
  	
  During	
  my	
  
discussion	
   of	
   methods	
   I	
   provide	
   background	
   information	
   gained	
   through	
   pre-­‐research	
   on	
   my	
  
research	
   location,	
   population,	
   and	
   a	
   brief	
   history	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   for	
   further	
  
contextualization.	
  	
  The	
  paper	
  concludes	
  with	
  a	
  presentation	
  of	
  the	
  data	
  and	
  analysis,	
  along	
  with	
  
summary	
  comments	
  that	
  include	
  directions	
  for	
  future	
  research.	
  	
  	
  
	
  
	
  

	
  

	
   2	
  

RATIONALE	
  
	
  

The	
   current	
   research	
   contributes	
   to	
   sociological	
   knowledge	
   conceptually	
   and	
   empirically.	
  	
  

This	
   paper	
   engages	
   the	
   concepts	
   of	
   migration,	
   culture	
   and	
   identity	
   for	
   how	
   these	
   aid	
   our	
  
understanding	
  of	
  how	
  Mexican	
  migrants	
  create	
  culture	
  and	
  construct	
  their	
  identity	
  while	
  living	
  
in	
   conditions	
   of	
   migration.	
   	
   Conceptually	
   most	
   sociological	
   research	
   has	
   discussed	
   immigrant	
  
identity	
  and	
  adaptation	
  through	
  the	
  lens	
  of	
  assimilation.	
  	
  Such	
  an	
  approach	
  does	
  not	
  place	
  the	
  
behavior	
   of	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   at	
   the	
   center	
   of	
   investigation	
   nor	
   prioritize	
   their	
   intentions	
   in	
  
undertaking	
  such	
  action.	
  This	
  paper	
  addresses	
  gaps	
  in	
  the	
  sociological	
  literature	
  by	
  specifically	
  
focusing	
   on	
   how	
   the	
   celebration	
   of	
   a	
   holiday	
   that	
   is	
   pervasive	
   in	
   Mexico	
   may	
   affirm	
   an	
   identity	
  
as	
  Mexican	
  within	
  the	
  social	
  context	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  America.	
  	
  My	
  focus	
  here	
  is	
  to	
  begin	
  
to	
  understand	
  how	
  migrants	
  use	
  traditions	
  from	
  their	
  country	
  of	
  origin	
  to	
  construct	
  a	
  sense	
  of	
  
self	
  in	
  their	
  new	
  social	
  context.	
  	
  	
  
	
  

Recently,	
  sociologists	
  have	
  demonstrated	
  interest	
  in	
  the	
  “new	
  destinations”	
  of	
  immigrants	
  

(Benjamin-­‐Alvarado,	
  DeSipio,	
  and	
  Montoya	
  2009;	
  Bernosky	
  de	
  Flores	
  2010;	
  Cadge	
  et	
  al.	
  2008;	
  
Fischer	
  2010;	
  Kandel	
  and	
  Parrado	
  2005;	
  Lichter	
  2012;	
  Lichter	
  et	
  al.	
  2010;	
  Marrow	
  2005;	
  Massey	
  
2008;	
   Pfeffer	
   and	
   Parra	
   2008;	
   Sáenz	
   2012).	
   	
   These	
   “new	
   destinations”	
   are	
   located	
   in	
   the	
  
Midwestern	
  and	
  Southern	
  regions	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  away	
  from	
  the	
  cities	
  and	
  communities	
  
that	
   have	
   traditionally	
   received	
   immigrants.	
   	
   Even	
   with	
   this	
   new	
   focus,	
   sociological	
   research	
   on	
  
new	
   migratory	
   destinations	
   has	
   focused	
   on	
   the	
   changing	
   demographics	
   of	
   rural	
   areas	
   due	
   to	
  
new	
  in-­‐migration	
  and	
  the	
  incorporation	
  of	
  new	
  immigrants	
  into	
  new	
  destination	
  communities.	
  	
  
To	
   this	
   end,	
   the	
   economic	
   impact	
   of	
   immigrants,	
   health	
   care	
   and	
   social	
   service	
   delivery	
   gaps,	
  
educational	
  needs,	
  and	
  racial	
  ethnic	
  relations	
  between	
  migrants	
  and	
  long-­‐standing	
  community	
  

	
   3	
  

residents	
   have	
   been	
   central	
   concerns.	
   	
   However,	
   there	
   is	
   a	
   dearth	
   of	
   knowledge	
   regarding	
  
cultural	
   production	
   of	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   in	
   new	
   destinations	
   and	
   its	
   role	
   in	
   identity	
  
construction.	
  	
  	
  
The	
   present	
   research	
   focuses	
   on	
   the	
   Mexican	
   holiday	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   in	
   the	
   new	
  
destination	
  locale	
  of	
  a	
  Mid-­‐Michigan	
  city.	
  	
  I	
  focus	
  on	
  the	
  actions	
  that	
  Mexican	
  migrants	
  carry	
  
out	
   and	
   glean	
   the	
   significance	
   of	
   those	
   activities	
   in	
   relation	
   to	
   their	
   identity	
   as	
   Mexican	
   in	
   their	
  
Michigan	
   community.	
   	
   Research	
   on	
   culture	
   creation	
   and	
   identity	
   construction	
   in	
   the	
   new	
  
destinations	
   of	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   offers	
   further	
   insight	
   into	
   how	
   Mexican	
   and	
   other	
   racial/ethnic	
  
migrant	
  groups	
  adapt	
  to	
  their	
  new	
  social	
  context	
  (Hurtado,	
  Gurin,	
  and	
  Peng	
  1994).	
  	
  Sociologists	
  
have	
  been	
  primarily	
  concerned	
  with	
  the	
  contexts	
  of	
  reception	
  and	
  immigrant	
  incorporation	
  in	
  
the	
  Midwestern	
  region	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  (Lichter	
  et	
  al.	
  2010;	
  Marrow	
  2005;	
  Pfeffer	
  and	
  Parra	
  
2008).	
   	
   Anthropologists	
   and	
   scholars	
   in	
   the	
   cultural	
   studies	
   arena	
   have	
   been	
   the	
   primary	
  
researchers	
   interested	
   in	
   the	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
   social	
   phenomena	
   in	
   Mexico	
   and	
   the	
   United	
  
States	
  of	
  America	
  (Brandes	
  1988,	
  1998a,	
  1998b,	
  2006;	
  Cadaval	
  1985;	
  Garcíagodoy	
  1998;	
  Marchi	
  
2009,	
   2013;	
   Norget	
   2006).	
   	
   The	
   current	
   research	
   seeks	
   to	
   address	
   some	
   of	
   these	
   sociological	
  
knowledge	
   gaps	
   about	
   this	
   social	
   phenomenon	
   as	
   a	
   creative	
   cultural	
   expression	
   through	
  
qualitative	
  field	
  research	
  on	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebration	
  practices	
  among	
  Mexican	
  migrants	
  
in	
  Mid-­‐Michigan.	
  	
  
	
  

	
  

	
   4	
  

CONCEPTUAL	
  FRAMEWORK	
  
	
  

Human	
  beings	
  are	
  biologically	
  predisposed	
  to	
  group	
  life.	
  	
  From	
  birth	
  humans	
  interact	
  with	
  

and	
   among	
   one	
   another,	
   their	
   physical	
   world,	
   and	
   do	
   so	
   by	
   engaging	
   the	
   stock	
   of	
   knowledge	
   of	
  
their	
  respective	
  social	
  group	
  about	
  how	
  and	
  interact	
  with	
  their	
  surrounding	
  physical	
  and	
  social	
  
worlds	
  (Berger	
  and	
  Luckmann	
  1967).	
  	
  Human	
  groups	
  create	
  culture	
  and	
  develop	
  “knowledge”	
  
through	
  typified	
  behavior,	
  or	
  those	
  repeated	
  patterns	
  of	
  behavior	
  that	
  characterizes	
  the	
  group	
  
(Berger	
  and	
  Luckmann	
  1967).	
  	
  Human	
  self-­‐organization	
  happens	
  when	
  individuals	
  formally	
  and	
  
informally	
   organize	
   around	
   a	
   particular	
   typified	
   behavior.	
   	
   It	
   is	
   the	
   interaction	
   of	
   social	
   group	
  
members	
   that	
   reinforces	
   and	
   communicates	
   their	
   specific	
   stock	
   of	
   knowledge.	
   	
   These	
   human	
  
behavior	
   patterns	
   and	
   knowledge	
   govern	
   the	
   production	
   and	
   standards	
   of	
   culture,	
   discussed	
  
next,	
  that	
  provide	
  meaning	
  and	
  importance	
  to	
  the	
  social	
  structure	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  the	
  values,	
  beliefs,	
  
and	
  practices	
  embedded	
  in	
  it	
  (Berger	
  and	
  Luckmann	
  1967;	
  Williams	
  1981).	
  
CULTURE	
   -­‐	
   Culture	
   consists	
   of	
   the	
   “dynamic	
   patterns	
   of	
   learned	
   values,	
   beliefs	
   and	
  
behaviors	
   (as	
   behaviors	
   are	
   derived	
   from	
   values	
   and	
   beliefs)	
   exhibited	
   by	
   a	
   people	
   who	
   share	
   a	
  
history	
   (at	
   least	
   one	
   hundred	
   years)	
   and	
   geographic	
   proximity	
   (Dodson	
   and	
   Ross	
   1977).”	
  	
  
Culture	
   is	
   concerned	
   with	
   the	
   subjective	
   meanings	
   of	
   human	
   behavior	
   and	
   aligns	
   humans’	
  
activity	
   with	
   what	
   is	
   symbolically	
   important,	
   the	
   values	
   and	
   beliefs,	
   to	
   different	
   social	
   groups	
  
and	
   the	
   larger	
   society.	
   	
   Through	
   this	
   relationship	
   with	
   the	
   social	
   order,	
   human	
   beings	
   create	
  
internal	
   organizations	
   and/or	
   social	
   networks	
   that	
   arrange	
   rewards	
   and	
   penalties	
   based	
   on	
  
“values”	
  and	
  integrate	
  social	
  institutions.	
  	
  As	
  a	
  system	
  of	
  meaning,	
  it	
  is	
  through	
  cultural	
  activity	
  
that	
   human	
   beings	
   communicate,	
   reproduce,	
   experience,	
   explore	
   and	
   challenge	
   the	
   social	
  
order.	
  	
  Culture	
  is	
  therefore	
  more	
  than	
  styles	
  of	
  art,	
  language,	
  or	
  type	
  of	
  intellectual	
  work,	
  but	
  

	
   5	
  

serves	
   as	
   strategies	
   of	
   action	
   for	
   human	
   beings	
   (Swidler	
   1986;	
   Williams	
   1981).	
   	
   The	
   action	
  
strategies,	
  behavior	
  patterns	
  that	
  shape	
  and	
  are	
  shaped	
  by	
  values	
  and	
  beliefs,	
  are	
  developed	
  to	
  
navigate	
  a	
  specific	
  social	
  order.	
  	
  Residence	
  in	
  a	
  new	
  society	
  will	
  cause	
  the	
  action	
  strategies	
  to	
  
be	
  criticized	
  and	
  changed.	
  	
  Such	
  migration	
  will	
  force	
  changes	
  in	
  the	
  culture	
  of	
  the	
  migrants,	
  as	
  
culture	
   cannot	
   be	
   wholly	
   reproduced	
   in	
   a	
   new	
   geographic	
   location.	
   This	
   is	
   true	
   regardless	
   of	
  
level	
  of	
  social	
  status,	
  access	
  to	
  resources,	
  social	
  conditions	
  prior	
  to	
  and	
  post	
  migration	
  as	
  well	
  
as	
   the	
   lack	
   of	
   choice	
   that	
   characterizes	
   some	
   migratory	
   experiences	
   (Mintz	
   and	
   Price	
   1992).	
  
Therefore,	
  migrants	
  create	
  new	
  cultural	
  practices	
  for	
  their	
  new	
  geographic	
  and	
  social	
  locations	
  
based	
  in	
  the	
  action	
  strategies	
  and	
  knowledge	
  from	
  their	
  cultures	
  of	
  origin.	
  	
  
IDENTITY	
  -­‐	
  Aspects	
  of	
  a	
  person’s	
  sense	
  of	
  self	
  that	
  are	
  derived	
  from	
  knowledge	
  of	
  belonging	
  
to	
   social	
   categories	
   or	
   groups	
   coupled	
   with	
   value	
   and	
   emotional	
   significance	
   attached	
   to	
  
membership	
   are	
   Social	
   Identities	
   (Hurtado	
   et	
   al.	
   1994).	
   	
   Such	
   identities	
   are	
   formed	
   through	
  
three	
   steps:	
   social	
   categorization,	
   social	
   comparison	
   and	
   psychological	
   work.	
   Social	
  
Categorization	
   is	
   the	
   organization	
   of	
   people	
   into	
   groups	
   based	
   on	
   social	
   and/or	
   physical	
  
characteristics	
   (Hurtado	
   et	
   al.	
   1994).	
   	
   Contemporary	
   theories	
   of	
   assimilation	
   hold	
   that	
   not	
   all	
  
immigrants	
   are	
   integrated	
   into	
   the	
   American	
   middle	
   class,	
   contrary	
   to	
   popular	
   notions.	
   	
   The	
  
assimilation	
  of	
  migrants	
  into	
  the	
  U.S.	
  social	
  order	
  is	
  effected	
  by	
  their	
  ascribed	
  membership	
  in	
  
racialized,	
   gendered	
   and	
   classed	
   groups	
   (Golash-­‐Boza	
   2006;	
   Kasinitz,	
   Mollenkopf,	
   and	
   Waters	
  
2002;	
   Portes	
   and	
   Zhou	
   1993;	
   Stepick	
   and	
   Stepick	
   2010).	
   	
   The	
   organization	
   of	
   individuals	
   into	
  
differing	
   social	
   categories,	
   especially	
   when	
   those	
   categories	
   possess	
   differing	
   power	
   and	
  
privilege	
  lead	
  to	
  the	
  next	
  step	
  in	
  social	
  identity	
  construction:	
  social	
  comparison	
  	
  

	
   6	
  

Social	
   comparison	
   is	
   a	
   tool	
   by	
   which	
   human	
   evaluate	
   the	
   established	
   social	
   categories	
   in	
  
order	
  to	
  gain	
  importance	
  and	
  status	
  in	
  relation	
  to	
  other	
  groups	
  within	
  society	
  (Hurtado	
  et	
  al.	
  
1994).	
  	
  Traditional	
  US	
  assimilation	
  theory	
  maintained	
  that	
  immigrant	
  groups	
  would	
  and	
  should	
  
reject	
  their	
  “inferior	
  and	
  backward”	
  ways	
  of	
  life	
  and	
  accept	
  the	
  “modern	
  and	
  good”	
  life	
  ways	
  of	
  
the	
   white	
   Anglo	
   Protestant,	
   or	
   at	
   least	
   Christian,	
   majority	
   in	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   of	
   America	
   (Alba	
  
1999;	
   Lee	
   1966;	
   Park	
   1928).	
   	
   Regardless	
   of	
   cultural	
   adaptation,	
   immigrants	
   are	
   assimilated	
   into	
  
different	
   sectors	
   of	
   the	
   receiving	
   society;	
   the	
   middle	
   class	
   mainstream,	
   the	
   marginalized	
  
underclass,	
  or	
  the	
  ethnic	
  enclave	
  which	
  is	
  characterized	
  by	
  deliberate	
  preservation	
  of	
  identity	
  
with	
  aims	
  toward	
  economic	
  advancement	
  (Portes	
  and	
  Zhou	
  1993).	
  	
  A	
  person’s	
  phenotype,	
  and	
  
social	
  proximity	
  to	
  marginalized	
  racial/ethnic	
  groups,	
  a	
  influences	
  their	
  social	
  position	
  impacts	
  
how	
   they	
   are	
   incorporated	
   into	
   U.S.	
   society	
   (Golash-­‐Boza	
   2006).	
   Additionally,	
   experiences	
   of	
  
discrimination,	
   exclusion	
   and	
   socialization	
   as	
   a	
   member	
   of	
   a	
   marginalized	
   group	
   impact	
   how	
  
immigrants	
   view	
   the	
   receiving	
   society	
   (Golash-­‐Boza	
   2006;	
   Lopez	
   2003).	
   	
   Membership	
   in	
   an	
  
ethnic	
   group	
   is	
   often	
   ascribed	
   and	
   not	
   the	
   result	
   of	
   individual	
   choice.	
   	
   Factors	
   such	
   as	
  
residential	
   concentration,	
   skin	
   color,	
   and	
   language	
   all	
   contribute	
   to	
   establishing	
   boundaries	
  
between	
  ethnic	
  groups	
  in	
  the	
  larger	
  society	
  (Nagel	
  1994).	
  	
  However,	
  external	
  factors	
  separating	
  
Mexicans	
   and	
   immigrants	
   from	
   the	
   Anglo	
   mainstream	
   do	
   not	
   give	
   a	
   complete	
   picture	
   of	
   how	
  
migrants	
  construct	
  their	
  identity	
  within	
  the	
  social	
  context	
  of	
  a	
  new	
  society.	
  
The	
  third	
  principle	
  of	
  social	
  identity	
  construction,	
  psychological	
  work,	
  assumes	
  that	
  people	
  
actively	
  work	
  to	
  construct	
  a	
  sense	
  of	
  self	
  in	
  a	
  new	
  social	
  space	
  and	
  achieve	
  a	
  positive	
  sense	
  of	
  
distinctiveness	
   after	
   having	
   been	
   categorized	
   as	
   a	
   marginalized	
   group.	
   	
   The	
   social	
   categories	
  
most	
   likely	
   to	
   become	
   identities	
   are	
   those	
   that	
   are	
   most	
   visible,	
   contested,	
   and	
   denigrated.	
  	
  

	
   7	
  

Social	
   groups	
   with	
   power	
   and	
   privilege	
   in	
   society	
   do	
   not	
   “need”	
   a	
   specific	
   identity,	
   and	
   are	
  
therefore	
  less	
  obvious.	
  	
  Typically	
  such	
  groups	
  are	
  considered	
  the	
  norm	
  or	
  “normal	
  (Hurtado	
  et	
  
al.	
   1994).”	
   	
   Within	
   such	
   a	
   social	
   context	
   oppressed	
   people	
   engage	
   in	
   psychological	
   work,	
   and	
  
validate	
  their	
  sense	
  of	
  themselves	
  as	
  they	
  understand	
  it,	
  by	
  reproducing	
  cultural	
  activities	
  from	
  
their	
  country	
  of	
  origin	
  regardless	
  of	
  messages	
  from	
  the	
  larger	
  society.	
  	
  Such	
  cultural	
  activities	
  
cannot	
  be	
  reproduced	
  in	
  the	
  form	
  of	
  an	
  exact	
  copy	
  of	
  what	
  is	
  practiced	
  in	
  the	
  cultural	
  and	
  social	
  
context	
   of	
   origin.	
   Restricted	
   access	
   to	
   the	
   same	
   material,	
   natural,	
   social,	
   and	
   other	
   resources	
  
prohibits	
  creation	
  of	
  exact	
  replications	
  (Mintz	
  and	
  Price	
  1992).	
  
It	
   is	
   through	
   continued	
   modified	
   reproduction	
   of	
   cultural	
   activities	
   while	
   in	
   marginalized	
  
social	
   conditions	
   that	
   migrants	
   maintain	
   or	
   recreate	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
   self	
   as	
   culturally	
   distinct	
   from	
  
the	
  hegemonic	
  mainstream	
  of	
  the	
  receiving	
  society	
  (Mintz	
  and	
  Price	
  1992).	
  	
  The	
  reproduction	
  
of	
   cultural	
   behaviors	
   from	
   their	
   country	
   of	
   origin	
   and	
   the	
   construction	
   of	
   identity	
   serves	
   as	
   a	
  
method	
  of	
  adaptation	
  to	
  life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States.	
  	
  Cultural	
  patterns,	
  such	
  as	
  cultural	
  or	
  religious	
  
holidays,	
   traditional	
   foods,	
   politics	
   and/or	
   concepts,	
   can	
   be	
   converted	
   into	
   symbols	
  
characterized	
   by	
   nostalgia	
   for	
   the	
   culture	
   of	
   the	
   immigrant	
   generation’s	
   country	
   of	
   origin.	
  	
  
These	
  behaviors	
  create	
  a	
  positive	
  sense	
  of	
  being	
  Mexican	
  in	
  a	
  social	
  context	
  where	
  members	
  of	
  
the	
  Mexican	
  ethnic	
  group	
  are	
  marginalized.	
  This	
  “symbolic	
  ethnicity”	
  requires	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  a	
  
group,	
   the	
   passage	
   of	
   time,	
   and	
   may	
   help	
   explain	
   the	
   continuation	
   of	
   cultural	
   communities.	
  	
  
Thus,	
   Even	
   as	
   groups	
   adapt	
   to	
   and	
   integrate	
   with	
   the	
   social	
   order	
   of	
   the	
   United	
   States,	
  
identification	
  with	
  a	
  non-­‐Anglo-­‐American	
  cultural	
  heritage	
  does	
  not	
  necessarily	
  disappear	
  (Gans	
  
1979;	
  Hurtado	
  et	
  al.	
  1994).	
  	
  
	
  

	
  

	
   8	
  

METHODS	
  
PRE-­‐RESEARCH	
   -­‐	
   Consistent	
   with	
   the	
   African	
   Atlantic	
   Research	
   Team’s	
   orientation	
   toward	
  
conducting	
   qualitative	
   field	
   research,	
   prior	
   to	
   any	
   contact	
   with	
   a	
   field	
   site	
   or	
   participants	
   I	
  
conducted	
  “pre-­‐research.”	
  	
  This	
  phase	
  of	
  the	
  project	
  “consists	
  of	
  in-­‐depth	
  reviews	
  of	
  historical	
  
and	
   social	
   conditions	
   for	
   people	
   and	
   situations	
   of	
   the	
   research	
   topics	
   (Dodson	
   2012).”	
   	
   As	
   a	
  
member	
   of	
   this	
   research	
   collective,	
   I	
   utilized	
   the	
   Team’s	
   orientation	
   to	
   inform	
   my	
  
understandings	
   about	
   contemporary	
   and	
   past	
   Día	
   De	
   Los	
   Muertos	
   celebrations	
   in	
   the	
   United	
  
States	
   and	
   Mexico.	
   I	
   also	
   utilized	
   the	
   method	
   of	
   pre-­‐research	
   to	
   understand	
   the	
   history	
  
regarding	
   Latinos/as,	
   more	
   specifically	
   Mexicans,	
   in	
   twentieth	
   century	
  Michigan.	
   	
   I	
   also	
   became	
  
more	
   familiar	
   with	
   previous	
   theorizing	
   and	
   conceptualizations	
   of	
   the	
   holiday	
   which	
   assisted	
   my	
  
own	
  interpretations	
  of	
  the	
  significance	
  of	
  Día	
  De	
  Los	
  Muertos	
  to	
  Mexicans	
  in	
  Mid-­‐Michigan.	
  
Additionally,	
   pre-­‐research	
   made	
   me	
   aware	
   of	
   how	
   my	
   personal	
   biography	
   may	
   effect	
   my	
  
data	
  collection	
  (Berg	
  2009).	
  	
  I	
  shared	
  some	
  commonalities	
  with	
  the	
  research	
  participants	
  such	
  
as	
  Spanish	
  fluency,	
  previous	
  familiarity	
  and	
  experience	
  with	
  the	
  holiday,	
  and	
  a	
  cultural	
  heritage.	
  	
  
This	
  did	
  not	
  guarantee	
  entré	
  or	
  the	
  building	
  of	
  rapport.	
  	
  However,	
  my	
  personal	
  particularities	
  
may	
   have	
   facilitated	
   these	
   processes,	
   but	
   I	
   still	
   entered	
   their	
   community	
   as	
   a	
   stranger	
  
conducting	
  research.	
  It	
  was	
  necessary	
  to	
  remain	
  conscious	
  of	
  my	
  position	
  as	
  a	
  cultural	
  insider,	
  
yet	
  community	
  outsider.	
  	
  
As	
   a	
   part	
   of	
   my	
   pre-­‐research	
   I	
   identified	
   possible	
   field	
   sites,	
   community	
   leaders	
   and	
  
“gatekeepers”	
   through	
   personal	
   and	
   social	
   networks	
   (Berg	
   2009).	
   	
   I	
   completed	
   a	
   “pre-­‐test”	
  
prior	
   to	
   data	
   collection	
   at	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   church	
   to	
   meet	
   with	
   the	
   contact	
   person,	
   discuss	
   the	
  
project	
   and	
   determine	
   if	
   data	
   collection	
   was	
   appropriate.	
   	
   At	
   a	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   elementary	
  

	
   9	
  

school,	
   I	
   attended	
   a	
   Spanish	
   language	
   “parent	
   night”	
   to	
   determine	
   where	
   public	
   and/or	
   private	
  
celebrations	
   were	
   taking	
   place	
   and	
   potentially	
   recruit	
   respondents.	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   church	
   was	
  
selected	
  as	
  my	
  primary	
  field	
  site.	
  	
  The	
  church	
  is	
  a	
  place	
  where	
  Día	
  De	
  Los	
  Muertos	
  is	
  celebrated	
  
in	
   a	
   public	
   fashion,	
   has	
   a	
   majority	
   Latino/a	
   membership	
   and	
   a	
   reputation	
   of	
   service	
   to	
   the	
  
Latino/a	
   community	
   in	
   the	
   area.	
   	
   Furthermore,	
   church	
   leadership,	
   staff,	
   and	
   members	
   were	
  
welcoming	
  and	
  willing	
  to	
  participate	
  in	
  the	
  project.	
  	
  	
  
NOTES	
   ON	
   TERMS	
   -­‐	
   A	
   variety	
   of	
   terms	
   have	
   been	
   used	
   to	
   describe	
   people	
   of	
   Mexican	
  
ancestry	
  living	
  within	
  the	
  current	
  borders	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  America.	
  	
  Mexican	
  American	
  
and	
  Chicano/a	
  have	
  been	
  used	
  to	
  describe	
  U.S.	
  citizens	
  by	
  birth	
  that	
  claim	
  a	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  
heritage	
   and	
   trace	
   their	
   roots	
   to	
   Mexico	
   and/or	
   to	
   the	
   geographic	
   location	
   known	
  
contemporarily	
   as	
   the	
   U.S.	
   southwest.	
   	
   Mexican	
   American	
   has	
   also	
   been	
   used	
   to	
   identify	
  
Mexican	
   nationals	
   who	
   have	
   migrated	
   to	
   the	
   U.S.	
   and	
   become	
   naturalized	
   U.S.	
   citizens.	
  	
  
Chicano/a	
  carries	
  a	
  political	
  connotation	
  connected	
  to	
  the	
  Mexican	
  American	
  struggle	
  for	
  civil	
  
rights	
   during	
   the	
   1960s	
   and	
   1970s	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   the	
   Chicano/a	
   Civil	
   Rights	
   Movement.	
   The	
  
category	
   of	
   Mexican	
   refers	
   to	
   Mexican	
   nationals	
   who	
   are	
   living	
   in	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   of	
   America	
  
post	
   establishment	
   of	
   the	
   current	
   U.S.	
   borders	
   through	
   their	
   own	
   international	
   migration,	
  
regardless	
   of	
   cause.	
   	
   All	
   of	
   these	
   labels	
   for	
   people	
   of	
   Mexican	
   descent	
   imply	
   a	
   shared	
   ethnic	
  
heritage.	
   	
   Even	
   though	
   the	
   U.S.	
   government	
   has	
   declared	
   “Hispanic”	
   and	
   “Latino”	
   to	
   be	
   the	
  
official	
  terms	
  to	
  identify	
  people	
  from	
  the	
  Spanish-­‐speaking	
  countries	
  in	
  Latin	
  America	
  and	
  the	
  
Caribbean,	
  I	
  will	
  rarely	
  use	
  them.	
  	
  Such	
  terms	
  are	
  too	
  general	
  for	
  my	
  purposes	
  here	
  and	
  their	
  
use	
  would	
  contribute	
  to	
  misleading	
  homogenization	
  of	
  the	
  cultural	
  diversity	
  that	
  exists	
  under	
  
the	
  Latino	
  umbrella.	
  

	
  10	
  

DÍA	
   DE	
   LOS	
   MUERTOS	
   -­‐	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   -­‐	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead-­‐,	
   also	
   referred	
   to	
   as	
   Todos	
   los	
  
Santos	
   in	
   other	
   parts	
   of	
   the	
   Spanish-­‐speaking	
   world,	
   takes	
   place	
   on	
   November	
   first	
   and	
   second	
  
coinciding	
  with	
  the	
  observation	
  of	
  All	
  Saints	
  and	
  All	
  Souls	
  Days	
  on	
  the	
  official	
  Catholic	
  Church	
  
calendar.	
  	
  The	
  two	
  days	
  serve	
  as	
  a	
  time	
  to	
  honor	
  and	
  remember	
  relatives	
  and	
  loved	
  ones	
  who	
  
have	
  died.	
  	
  While	
  the	
  commemoration	
  of	
  deceased	
  loved	
  ones	
  carries	
  feelings	
  of	
  sorrow,	
  Día	
  de	
  
los	
   Muertos	
   celebrations	
   have	
   qualities	
   of	
   happiness,	
   filled	
   with	
   color,	
   smiles,	
   and	
   life.	
   	
   Most	
  
commonly	
  associated	
  with	
  Mexico,	
  this	
  veneration	
  of	
  deceased	
  relatives	
  is	
  practiced	
  in	
  various	
  
ways.	
   	
   Celebrants	
   around	
   Mexico	
   visit	
   cemeteries	
   and	
   gravesites	
   cleaning	
   and	
   decorating	
   the	
  
headstones	
  of	
  their	
  deceased.	
  	
  People	
  also	
  bring	
  flowers,	
  prepare	
  large	
  meals	
  for	
  the	
  living	
  and	
  
the	
   dead,	
   and	
   hold	
   candlelight	
   vigils	
   at	
   gravesites.	
   	
   Some	
   families	
   build	
   altars	
   in	
   their	
   homes,	
  
cemeteries	
   or	
   other	
   public	
   locales	
   to	
   welcome	
   the	
   spirits	
   of	
   their	
   family	
   members	
   who	
   have	
  
died	
  (Brandes	
  1988,	
  2006;	
  Carmichael	
  and	
  Sayer	
  1992;	
  Marchi	
  2009).	
  
While	
   some	
   debate	
   exists	
   about	
   the	
   “true”	
   origins	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos,	
   it	
   is	
   widely	
  
accepted	
  that	
  the	
  holiday	
  is	
  rooted	
  in	
  pre-­‐Columbian	
  rituals	
  that	
  venerate	
  ancestors	
  to	
  coincide	
  
with	
   indigenous	
   peoples’	
   understandings	
   of	
   life,	
   death	
   and	
   agricultural	
   cycles	
   (Kelly	
   1974;	
  
Marchi	
  2009),	
  along	
  with	
  Spanish	
  folk	
  Catholicism	
  and	
  traditions	
  (Brandes	
  1997;	
  Carmichael	
  and	
  
Sayer	
  1992).	
  	
  Contemporary	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebrations	
  and	
  imagery	
  have	
  been	
  linked	
  to	
  
the	
   Mexican	
   cultural	
   renaissance	
   and	
   the	
   development	
   of	
   a	
   national	
   identity	
   that	
   followed	
  
Mexico’s	
   1910	
   revolution	
   (Brandes	
   1998a).	
   	
   More	
   comprehensive	
   discussions	
   regarding	
   the	
  
origins	
  and	
  history	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  outside	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  is	
  beyond	
  the	
  scope	
  of	
  this	
  
paper	
   and	
   have	
   been	
   engaged	
   elsewhere	
   (Brandes	
   1988,	
   1997,	
   2006;	
   Carmichael	
   and	
   Sayer	
  
1992;	
  Garcíagodoy	
  1998;	
  Kelly	
  1974;	
  Marchi	
  2009;	
  Norget	
  2006;	
  Nutini	
  1988;	
  Pescador	
  2013a).	
  	
  	
  

	
  11	
  

Public	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebrations	
  and	
  exhibitions	
  as	
  we	
  see	
  them	
  today	
  throughout	
  the	
  
United	
   States	
   can	
   be	
   traced	
   to	
   the	
   Chicano/a	
   civil	
   rights	
   movement	
   of	
   the	
   late	
   1960’s	
   and	
   early	
  
1970’s	
   (Marchi	
   2009;	
   Romo	
   2000).	
   	
   A	
   key	
   component	
   of	
   the	
   U.S.	
   celebration	
   is	
   the	
   altar	
   de	
  
muertos	
   (altar	
   for	
   the	
   dead)	
   or	
   ofrenda	
   (offering),	
   which	
   is	
   a	
   memorial	
   space	
   to	
   remember	
  
those	
   who	
   have	
   died.	
   Altars	
   may	
   be	
   constructed	
   in	
   a	
   person’s	
   home	
   or	
   a	
   public	
   place.	
   	
   The	
  
traditional	
  fashion	
  of	
  decorating	
  an	
  altar	
  de	
  muertos	
  is	
  with	
  pictures	
  and	
  representations	
  of	
  the	
  
deceased,	
  bright	
  colors,	
  candles,	
  calaveras	
  de	
  azucar	
  –	
  ornately	
  decorated	
  sugar	
  skulls,	
  flowers,	
  
a	
   crucifix	
   and/or	
   other	
   religious	
   artifacts.	
   	
   An	
   important	
   aspect	
   of	
   the	
   altar	
   space	
   include	
  
renderings	
  of	
  La	
  Catrina	
  -­‐	
  the	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  representation	
  of	
  death	
  who	
  is	
  always	
  smiling,	
  
and	
   engaged	
   in	
   some	
   type	
   of	
   activity;	
   particularly	
   an	
   activity	
   that	
   the	
   deceased	
   performed	
  
and/or	
   enjoyed	
   in	
   life.	
   	
   Such	
   displays	
   consist	
   of	
   altar	
   installations	
   and	
   celebrations	
   in	
  
classrooms,	
  community	
  centers,	
  museums,	
  universities,	
  and	
  galleries	
  (Marchi	
  2009).	
  	
  	
  
While	
  public	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebrations	
  honor	
  and	
  remember	
  the	
  deceased,	
  they	
  also	
  
offer	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   and	
   their	
   subsequent	
   generations	
   an	
   opportunity	
   to	
   perform	
   their	
  
ethnicity	
  and	
  reaffirm	
  their	
  sense	
  of	
  identity	
  (Romo	
  2000).	
  	
  Throughout	
  its	
  history	
  the	
  holiday	
  
has	
  been	
  central	
  to	
  community	
  and	
  individual	
  identity	
  development.	
  	
  Additionally,	
  Day	
  of	
  the	
  
Dead	
   celebrations	
   in	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   serve	
   as	
   a	
   way	
   to	
   raise	
   cultural	
   awareness,	
   build	
  
community,	
   and	
   express	
   political	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   social	
   commentary	
   in	
   an	
   artistic	
   fashion.	
   	
   Even	
   with	
  
the	
   freedom	
   of	
   artistic	
   vision	
   or	
   “creative	
   licensing,”	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   imagery	
   and	
  
significance	
   focus	
   on	
   the	
   life	
   and	
   times	
   of	
   those	
   who	
   have	
   died.	
   	
   Finally,	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
  
museum	
  and	
  art	
  gallery	
  exhibits,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  classroom	
  activities	
  offer	
  venues	
  to	
  share	
  Mexican	
  

	
  12	
  

religio-­‐cultural	
   customs	
   and	
   traditions	
   with	
   those	
   who	
   may	
   not	
   be	
   familiar	
   (Brandes	
   2006;	
  
Marchi	
  2009;	
  Pescador	
  2013a).	
  	
  	
  
Public	
   celebration	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   in	
   Michigan	
   has	
   been	
   documented	
   since	
   the	
   late	
  
1980s.	
   	
   Laurie	
   Kay	
   Sommers’	
   book	
   Fe,	
   Fiesta	
   y	
   Cultura:	
   Celebrations	
   of	
   Faith	
   and	
   Culture	
   in	
  
Detroit’s	
  Colonia	
  Mexicana	
  acknowledges	
  the	
  possibility	
  of	
  private	
  in-­‐home	
  celebrations	
  among	
  
Mexican	
   migrants	
   to	
   Detroit	
   since	
   the	
   early	
   1900s,	
   but	
   focuses	
   her	
   discussion	
   on	
   public	
  
celebrations.	
   	
   Her	
   research	
   found	
   that	
   early	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   in	
   the	
   Detroit	
   “Colonia	
  
(neighborhood)”	
  celebrated	
  Day	
  of	
  the	
  Dead	
  in	
  various	
  ways	
  that	
  consisted	
  of	
  cemetery	
  visits,	
  
small	
   in-­‐home	
   altars	
   and	
   family	
   based	
   practices.	
   	
   The	
   Chicano/a	
   Movement,	
   its	
   artists	
   and	
  
activists,	
   influenced	
   the	
   way	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   has	
   been	
   celebrated	
   in	
   Detroit.	
   	
   The	
   year	
   1989	
  
marked	
   the	
   first	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
   Exhibition	
   presented	
   in	
   a	
   gallery.	
   	
   Since	
   that	
   first	
   altar	
  
installation,	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebrations	
  have	
  grown	
  in	
  popularity	
  and	
  been	
  commissioned	
  
in	
   neighborhood	
   galleries	
   and	
   community	
   centers	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   the	
   Detroit	
   Institute	
   of	
   Art	
  
(Sommers	
  1995).	
  	
  	
  
LOCATION	
  -­‐	
  In	
  Michigan,	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  communities	
  have	
  been	
  present	
  since	
  the	
  early	
  
1900s.	
   	
   Initially	
   Mexican	
   workers	
   were	
   attracted	
   to	
   the	
   northern	
   state	
   by	
   the	
   promise	
   of	
  
agriculture	
   and	
   manufacturing	
   jobs.	
   	
   At	
   the	
   time	
   Michigan’s	
   economy	
   was	
   based	
   in	
   industrial	
  
agriculture,	
   automobile	
   factories,	
   foundries	
   and	
   industry	
   supporting	
   companies.	
   	
   Similar	
   to	
  
most	
   industry-­‐based	
   companies	
   in	
   the	
   country	
   at	
   the	
   time,	
   those	
   in	
   Michigan	
   used	
   racially	
  
exclusionary	
  and	
  stratified	
  hiring	
  practices	
  reserving	
  the	
  dirtiest,	
  most	
  difficult	
  and	
  dangerous	
  
jobs	
   for	
   Mexicans	
   and	
   other	
   racial	
   ethnic	
   job	
   seekers.	
   	
   Racially	
   discriminatory	
   housing	
   practices	
  

	
  13	
  

also	
  limited	
  the	
  locales	
  available	
  for	
  Mexican	
  settlement	
  and	
  the	
  growth	
  of	
  a	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  
community	
  in	
  the	
  state	
  (Valdés	
  1989,	
  1991).	
  	
  	
  
As	
  Mexican	
  communities	
  grew,	
  and	
  were	
  joined	
  by	
  other	
  Latinos,	
  the	
  residents	
  worked	
  to	
  
establish	
   community,	
   civic,	
   and	
   religious	
   organizations.	
   	
   Since	
   the	
   1950’s	
   there	
   have	
   been	
  
churches	
   in	
   mid-­‐Michigan	
   that	
   have	
   served	
   as	
   community	
   centers,	
   places	
   of	
   religious	
  
observance,	
  and	
  advocates	
  for	
  the	
  needs	
  of	
  long-­‐standing	
  and	
  new	
  Mexican	
  and	
  other	
  Latino/a	
  
community	
   members.	
   	
   The	
   current	
   research	
   identified	
   a	
   church	
   that	
   supports	
   the	
   culturally	
  
distinct	
   expressions	
   of	
   faith	
   by	
   Mexican	
   and	
   other	
   Latinos.	
   	
   The	
   significance	
   of	
   such	
   a	
   church	
  
should	
  not	
  be	
  overlooked.	
  	
  Throughout	
  much	
  of	
  the	
  twentieth	
  century	
  the	
  Catholic	
  Church,	
  on	
  
a	
   national	
   level,	
   has	
   been	
   involved	
   in	
   Americanization	
   efforts	
   and	
   tried	
   to	
   suppress	
   “folk”	
  
religious	
   celebrations	
   like	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   (Martinez,	
   Ramirez,	
   and	
   Horner	
   2011;	
   Pescador	
  
2013b).	
  
In	
   mid-­‐Michigan	
   city	
   I	
   established	
   three	
   research	
   sites	
   where	
   I	
   conducted	
   observations,	
  
participant	
   observations	
   and	
   interviews.	
   	
   All	
   were	
   public	
   venues	
   that	
   were	
   referred	
   to	
   me	
   by	
  
community	
   members	
   or	
   leaders.	
   The	
   church	
   and	
   the	
   school	
   had	
   services	
   that	
   focused	
   on	
   the	
  
particular	
   needs	
   of	
   the	
   local	
   Latino	
   community.	
   	
   The	
   church	
   had	
   a	
   predominantly	
   Latino	
  
membership.	
  	
  In	
  an	
  interview	
  with	
  the	
  pastor,	
  he	
  informed	
  me	
  that	
  approximately	
  95	
  percent	
  
of	
   the	
   membership	
   was	
   Latino/a.	
   	
   The	
   majority	
   of	
   the	
   Latinos/as	
   were	
   of	
   Mexican	
   descent,	
  
followed	
   by	
   Puerto	
   Rican	
   and	
   Cuban	
   membership.	
   	
   Furthermore,	
   the	
   church	
   was	
   founded	
   50	
  
years	
   ago	
   to	
   serve	
   the	
   growing	
   population	
   of	
   Latinos/as	
   in	
   the	
   area.	
   	
   I	
   conducted	
   three	
   site	
  
visits	
   and	
   one	
   interview	
   at	
   the	
   church.	
   	
   The	
   school	
   held	
   a	
   monthly	
   Spanish	
   language	
   parent	
  
night	
   for	
   parents	
   from	
   local	
   elementary	
   schools.	
   	
   These	
   meetings	
   typically	
   consisted	
   of	
   a	
  

	
  14	
  

presentation	
  or	
  workshop	
  on	
  a	
  designated	
  topic	
  of	
  interest	
  or	
  area	
  of	
  need	
  of	
  the	
  parents.	
  	
  All	
  
of	
  the	
  participants	
  that	
  I	
  contacted	
  at	
  the	
  school	
  identified	
  as	
  Mexican.	
  	
  Finally,	
  a	
  museum	
  in	
  
mid-­‐Michigan	
   hosted	
   a	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   altar	
   exhibit.	
   	
   There	
   was	
   an	
   opening	
   ceremony	
   to	
  
commemorate	
  the	
  day	
  and	
  welcome	
  the	
  public	
  to	
  view	
  the	
  exhibit.	
  	
  I	
  learned	
  about	
  the	
  event	
  
at	
   the	
   museum	
   through	
   public	
   advertisements	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   promotional	
   materials.	
   	
   The	
  
school	
  and	
  church	
  were	
  identified	
  as	
  viable	
  research	
  sites	
  based	
  on	
  their	
  location,	
  presence	
  of	
  
and	
  service	
  to	
  the	
  local	
  Latino	
  community,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  the	
  presence	
  of	
  community	
  members	
  who	
  
were	
  willing	
  to	
  participate	
  in	
  my	
  research	
  project	
  on	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos.	
  
POPULATION	
  -­‐	
  The	
  total	
  population	
  of	
  mid-­‐Michigan	
  City	
  is	
  under	
  200,000	
  residents.	
  	
  The	
  
racial	
  ethnic	
  make	
  up	
  of	
  the	
  city	
  is	
  61.2	
  percent	
  white,	
  23.7	
  percent	
  Black	
  or	
  African	
  American,	
  
0.8	
   percent	
   American	
   Indian,	
   and	
   12.5	
   percent	
   Hispanic/Latino.	
   	
   The	
   remainder	
   of	
   the	
  
population,	
  according	
  to	
  the	
  U.S.	
  Census	
  identified	
  as	
  some	
  other	
  race	
  or	
  more	
  than	
  one	
  race	
  
(U.S.	
  Census	
  Bureau	
  2010).	
  	
  In	
  other	
  words,	
  87.5	
  percent	
  of	
  the	
  city’s	
  population	
  identified	
  as	
  
something	
   other	
   than	
   Latino	
   or	
   Hispanic.	
   	
   Of	
   the	
   Hispanic/Latino	
   population,	
   the	
   majority	
  
identified	
   as	
   Mexican	
   descent.	
   	
   People	
   of	
   Mexican	
   descent	
   consist	
   of	
   76.6	
   percent	
   of	
   mid-­‐
Michigan	
   City’s	
   Latino/a	
   population.	
   	
   They	
   also	
   consist	
   of	
   almost	
   10	
   percent	
   of	
   the	
   total	
  
population	
   of	
   mid-­‐Michigan	
   City.	
   	
   The	
   next	
   largest	
   Latino	
   population	
   groups	
   are	
   Puerto	
   Rican	
  
and	
  Cuban,	
  respectively	
  (U.S.	
  Census	
  Bureau	
  2010).	
  
My	
  research	
  population	
  consisted	
  of	
  a	
  total	
  of	
  thirty	
  participants.	
  All	
  research	
  participants	
  
were	
   associated	
   with	
   a	
   particular	
   research	
   site.	
   	
   At	
   the	
   church	
   there	
   were	
   a	
   total	
   of	
   four	
  
participants;	
  three	
  of	
  who	
  were	
  female	
  and	
  one	
  was	
  male.	
  	
  The	
  school	
  had	
  a	
  total	
  of	
  twenty-­‐six	
  
participants;	
   twenty-­‐one	
   were	
   female	
   and	
   five	
   were	
   male.	
   	
   For	
   the	
   total	
   research	
   population	
  

	
  15	
  

twenty-­‐four	
   participants	
   were	
   female	
   and	
   six	
   respondents	
   were	
   male	
   (see	
   Table	
   1).	
   	
   The	
  
majority,	
  twenty-­‐nine,	
  identified	
  Mexico	
  as	
  their	
  country	
  of	
  origin.	
  	
  One	
  participant	
  stated	
  that	
  
the	
  U.S.	
  was	
  his	
  country	
  of	
  origin	
  (See	
  Table	
  1).	
  	
  	
  

	
  
Church	
  

Table	
  1:	
  	
  Gender	
  and	
  Place	
  of	
  Birth	
  by	
  Research	
  Site	
  (N=30)	
  
Mexico-­‐Born	
  
Mexico-­‐Born	
   US	
  Born	
   US	
  Born	
  
Male	
  
Female	
  
Male	
  
Female	
  
0	
  
3	
  
1	
  
0	
  

Total	
  
4	
  

School	
  	
  

5	
  

21	
  

0	
  

0	
  

26	
  

Total	
  

5	
  

24	
  

1	
  

0	
  

30	
  

	
  
PARTICIPANT	
  OBSERVATION	
  -­‐	
  My	
  data	
  collection	
  consisted	
  of	
  scheduled	
  short	
  visits	
  to	
  the	
  
research	
   sites	
   over	
   the	
   course	
   of	
   about	
   a	
   month’s	
   time.	
   	
   The	
   technique	
   of	
   participant	
  
observation	
   was	
   used	
   during	
   all	
   aspects	
   of	
   the	
   research.	
   	
   I	
   made	
   observations	
   of	
   the	
   setting,	
  
altar	
   space,	
   participants,	
   and	
   the	
   general	
   atmosphere	
   to	
   gather	
   further	
   depth	
   of	
  
understandings	
  of	
  the	
  holiday	
  and	
  how	
  it’s	
  celebrated.	
  	
  In	
  such	
  field	
  experiences,	
  my	
  identity	
  as	
  
a	
   student	
   from	
   Michigan	
   State	
   University	
   conducting	
   research	
   was	
   overt.	
   	
   I	
   was	
   an	
   active	
  
participant	
  in	
  the	
  construction	
  of	
  altar	
  de	
  muertos	
  spaces.	
  	
  Participation	
  in	
  the	
  preparation	
  for	
  
the	
   holiday	
   consisted	
   of	
   interaction	
   and	
   conversation	
   with	
   members	
   of	
   the	
   research	
  
community,	
  volunteering	
  time	
  at	
  the	
  research	
  site	
  to	
  assist	
  with	
  building	
  the	
  altar	
  de	
  muertos,	
  
tactile	
  interaction	
  with	
  materials	
  used	
  to	
  construct	
  the	
  altar	
  de	
  muertos	
  space,	
  and	
  contribution	
  
to	
  its	
  aesthetic	
  decoration.	
  	
  
Data	
  was	
  recorded	
  using	
  field	
  notes	
  and	
  photographs.	
  	
  I	
  carried	
  a	
  small	
  (5x8	
  inch)	
  notebook	
  
or	
   pocket	
   sized	
   “memo	
   book,”	
   and	
   made	
   quick	
   notes,	
   designed	
   to	
   jog	
   my	
   memory	
   for	
   the	
  
writing	
   of	
   complete	
   field	
   notes	
   after	
   leaving	
   the	
   research	
   site,	
   when	
   perceived	
   to	
   be	
  
	
  16	
  

appropriate.	
   	
   Every	
   attempt	
   was	
   made	
   to	
   write	
   field	
   notes	
   immediately	
   after	
   exiting	
   the	
  
research	
   site	
   using	
   either	
   computer	
   word	
   processing	
   software	
   or	
   field	
   notebook	
   and	
   a	
  
handwriting	
   instrument.	
   	
   This	
   was	
   not	
   always	
   possible,	
   but	
   field	
   notes	
   were	
   written	
   no	
   more	
  
than	
  five	
  days	
  after	
  the	
  specific	
  site	
  visit	
  had	
  taken	
  place.	
  I	
  did	
  not	
  use	
  video	
  or	
  audio	
  recording	
  
equipment	
   during	
   observations	
   or	
   participant	
   observations.	
   Field	
   notes	
   from	
   observations,	
  
participant	
   observations	
   and	
   interviews	
   served	
   to	
   create	
   a	
   narrative	
   to	
   describe	
   and	
   initially	
  
interpret	
   their	
   significance	
   for	
   the	
   research	
   project.	
   	
   Visuals	
   in	
   the	
   form	
   of	
   photographs	
  
provided	
  more	
  in-­‐depth	
  understandings	
  of	
  the	
  public	
  celebration.	
  	
  I	
  obtained	
  overt	
  permission	
  
prior	
   to	
   photographing	
   public	
   spaces	
   and	
   the	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos.	
   	
   Such	
   photographs	
   consisted	
   of	
  
the	
  altar	
  and	
  space	
  where	
  the	
  celebration	
  took	
  place.	
  	
  All	
  photographs	
  were	
  stored	
  in	
  a	
  digital	
  
format	
  according	
  to	
  their	
  date,	
  time,	
  location,	
  and	
  coincided	
  with	
  field	
  notes	
  from	
  the	
  site	
  visit.	
  
INTERVIEWS	
  -­‐	
  Group	
  and	
  individual	
  interviews	
  were	
  conducted	
  in	
  various	
  formats	
  including;	
  
directed,	
   undirected,	
   informal,	
   semi-­‐formal,	
   and	
   formal.	
   	
   To	
   guide	
   the	
   formal	
   directed	
  
interviews,	
   I	
   used	
   a	
   question	
   protocol	
   focusing	
   on	
   the	
   celebration	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos,	
  
understandings	
  of	
  the	
  holiday,	
  its	
  significance	
  to	
  practitioners,	
  and	
  the	
  influence	
  of	
  life	
  in	
  the	
  
United	
   States	
   on	
   celebration.	
   	
   Such	
   a	
   formal	
   structure	
   was	
   used	
   when	
   appropriate	
   or	
  
convenient.	
   	
   However,	
   in	
   directed	
   formal	
   interviews	
   the	
   conversation	
   did	
   not	
   always	
   follow	
   the	
  
established	
   order	
   of	
   the	
   protocol.	
   	
   A	
   semi-­‐formal	
   group	
   interview	
   was	
   conducted	
   to	
   identify	
  
possible	
  research	
  participants	
  who	
  either	
  participated	
  in	
  a	
  public	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebration	
  
or	
  observed	
  the	
  holiday	
  in	
  their	
  homes.	
  	
  This	
  interview	
  was	
  arranged	
  with	
  a	
  community	
  leader	
  
to	
  be	
  part	
  of	
  a	
  previously	
  scheduled	
  parent	
  meeting	
  at	
  a	
  local	
  elementary	
  school.	
  	
  While	
  this	
  
interview	
   had	
   a	
   formal	
   structure,	
   it	
   did	
   not	
   follow	
   the	
   question	
   protocol	
   established	
   for	
  

	
  17	
  

individual	
   directed	
   formal	
   interviews.	
   The	
   goals	
   were	
   to	
   establish	
   contact	
   with	
   possible	
  
respondents	
   for	
   an	
   individual	
   interview,	
   and	
   collect	
   introductory	
   data	
   regarding	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
  
Muertos	
  in	
  Mid-­‐Michigan.	
  	
  Also,	
  during	
  the	
  participant	
  observations	
  I	
  engaged	
  participants	
  in	
  an	
  
undirected	
   informal	
   fashion.	
   Participant	
   observation	
   interviews	
   did	
   not	
   have	
   a	
   structured	
  
sequence	
   of	
   questions,	
   but	
   focused	
   on	
   celebration	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos,	
   the	
   respondents’	
  
reasons	
   for	
   participating,	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   the	
   holiday’s	
   significance	
   to	
   their	
   lives.	
   	
   All	
   respondents	
  
remained	
  anonymous	
  and/or	
  were	
  given	
  pseudonyms.	
  	
  Any	
  information	
  regarding	
  participant	
  
identity,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  all	
  data	
  collected	
  was	
  kept	
  confidential	
  and	
  guarded	
  in	
  a	
  secure	
  file	
  cabinet	
  
and/or	
  on	
  a	
  password	
  protected	
  computer.	
  	
  	
  
ANALYSIS	
   -­‐	
   Data	
   analysis	
   followed	
   a	
   grounded	
   theory	
   approach,	
   in	
   congruence	
   with	
   the	
  
extended	
   case	
   method.	
   	
   I	
   sought	
   to	
   uncover	
   common	
   themes	
   in	
   the	
   observed	
   data	
   and	
   used	
  
those	
   themes	
   to	
   test	
   current	
   theory	
   or	
   develop	
   new	
   theory	
   (Burawoy	
   1998).	
   I	
   anticipated	
  
finding	
  evidence	
  of	
  both	
  public	
  and	
  private	
  Día	
  de	
  Los	
  Muertos	
  celebrations.	
  	
  The	
  data	
  showed	
  
trends	
   of	
   cultural	
   expression,	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   aesthetics	
   associated	
   with	
   traditional	
   and	
  
contemporary	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   practices.	
   	
   These	
   analyses	
   should	
   lead	
   to	
   some	
   initial	
   insights	
  
on	
   how	
   the	
   performance	
   of	
   cultural	
   activities	
   creates	
   feelings	
   of	
   connectedness	
   to	
   a	
   cultural	
  
heritage.	
  
	
  

	
  

	
  18	
  

DATA	
  AND	
  ANALYSIS	
  
DIA	
   DE	
   LOS	
   MUERTOS	
   IN	
   MID-­‐MICHIGAN	
   -­‐	
   Through	
   the	
   course	
   of	
   my	
   research	
   I	
   found	
  
evidence	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   celebrations	
   in	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   through	
   the	
   building	
   of	
   private	
  
and	
   public	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos.	
   	
   Francisca,	
   a	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   community	
   member	
   affiliated	
   with	
   the	
  
school,	
   shared	
   that	
   when	
   she	
   lived	
   in	
   Mexico	
   her	
   family	
   visited	
   the	
   cemeteries	
   where	
   her	
  
relatives	
   were	
   buried.	
   	
   “We	
   always	
   went,	
   my	
   mom,	
   my	
   dad,	
   my	
   brother,	
   and	
   an	
   aunt.	
   	
   We	
  
always	
   went	
   together	
   .	
   .	
   .	
   to	
   visit	
   everybody.	
   	
   We	
   brought	
   them	
   [the	
   deceased	
   relatives]	
  
flowers,	
   we	
   cleaned	
   their	
   headstones,	
   and	
   we	
   stayed	
   to	
   chat	
   for	
   a	
   little	
   bit,	
   but	
   not	
   too	
   long	
  
because	
   they	
   were	
   all	
   in	
   different	
   cemeteries,	
   and	
   you	
   have	
   to	
   visit	
   everybody	
   (Francisca	
  
2011).”	
   	
   For	
   Francisca	
   and	
   her	
   family	
   in	
   Mexico	
   it	
   was	
   important	
   to	
   visit	
   the	
   cemetery.	
  	
  
Nevertheless,	
   at	
   her	
   home	
   in	
   Mid-­‐Michigan,	
   Francisca	
   celebrated	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos	
   by	
  
building	
  an	
  altar	
  in	
  her	
  living	
  room.	
  

	
  

I	
   put	
   up	
   an	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos	
   and	
   we	
   decorate	
   it	
   with	
   photos	
   and	
   things	
   that	
  
represent	
  our	
  relatives	
  and	
  friends	
  who	
  have	
  passed	
  away.	
  	
  We	
  cook	
  the	
  foods	
  
that	
   they	
   liked	
   to	
   eat.	
   We	
   get	
   together	
   .	
   .	
   .	
   in	
   the	
   living	
   room	
   and	
   we	
   eat	
   the	
  
foods	
  that	
  they	
  liked,	
  share	
  stories,	
  and	
  what	
  else?	
  	
  We	
  put	
  candles	
  and	
  that’s	
  it.	
  	
  
In	
  general,	
  it’s	
  just	
  a	
  get	
  together	
  around	
  the	
  altar	
  (Francisca	
  2011).	
  

Even	
  though	
  Francisca	
  couldn’t	
  go	
  visit	
  her	
  relatives	
  in	
  the	
  cemetery	
  she	
  still	
  celebrated	
   Día	
  de	
  
Los	
  Muertos	
  by	
  constructing	
  an	
  altar	
  de	
  muertos	
  in	
  her	
  home.	
  In	
  her	
  case,	
  building	
  the	
  altar	
  is	
  
another	
  way	
  to	
  celebrate	
  the	
  holiday.	
  	
  It	
  may	
  also	
  serve	
  as	
  an	
  alternative	
  for	
  a	
  person’s	
  inability	
  
to	
   visit	
   the	
   cemetery	
   where	
   their	
   relatives	
   are	
   buried.	
   Outside	
   of	
   my	
   interview	
   with	
   Francisca,	
   I	
  
was	
  not	
  able	
  to	
  find	
  much	
  evidence	
  of	
  private	
  or	
  in-­‐home	
  celebrations.	
  	
  I	
  attribute	
  the	
  lack	
  of	
  
evidence	
  regarding	
  “in-­‐home”	
  or	
  private	
  celebrations	
  to	
  my	
  lack	
  of	
  familiarity	
  with	
  the	
  Mexican	
  
community	
  here	
  in	
  the	
  Mid-­‐Michigan	
  area.	
  
	
  19	
  

A	
   lack	
   of	
   familiarity	
   with	
   the	
   research	
   location	
   did	
   not	
   prohibit	
   the	
   identification	
   of	
   a	
   public	
  
Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebration	
  that	
  takes	
  place	
  at	
  a	
  church.	
  	
  The	
  pastor,	
  church	
  staff,	
  volunteers	
  
and	
  members	
  have	
  been	
  observing	
  the	
  holiday	
  as	
  a	
  part	
  of	
  All	
  Saints’	
  Day	
  and	
  All	
  Souls’	
  Day	
  for	
  
more	
   than	
   eight	
   years	
   by	
   building	
   an	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos	
   in	
   the	
   lobby	
   of	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   Church.	
  	
  
The	
   altar	
   is	
   constructed	
   with	
   three	
   levels	
   representing	
   life,	
   death,	
   and	
   heaven	
   and	
   is	
   decorated	
  
in	
  the	
  traditional	
  fashion	
  with	
  bright	
  colors,	
  candles,	
  calaveras	
  de	
  azucar,	
  flowers,	
  a	
  crucifix,	
  and	
  
representations	
   of	
   La	
   Catrina	
   (For	
   visual	
   representations	
   of	
   the	
   altar	
   and	
   church	
   please	
   see	
  
photo	
  1	
  and	
  photo	
  2).	
  	
  	
  
	
  

Figure	
  1:	
  Photo	
  1	
  

	
  

	
  20	
  

The	
   building	
   of	
   the	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos	
   is	
   done	
   in	
   conjunction	
   with	
   church	
   services	
   in	
  
observation	
  of	
  All	
  Saints’	
  and	
  All	
  Souls	
  Days’.	
  Pastor	
  Charles	
  from	
  the	
  Church	
  explains	
  how	
  the	
  
holiday	
  is	
  observed	
  at	
  the	
  church:	
  	
  
For	
   both	
   of	
   the	
   masses	
   [on	
   Nov.	
   1st	
   and	
   Nov.	
   2nd]	
   we	
   invite	
   people	
   to	
   bring	
  
pictures	
  of	
  their	
  loved	
  ones	
  and	
  candles	
  and	
  then	
  process	
  in	
  with	
  the	
  entrance	
  
procession	
  placing	
  them	
  before	
  the	
  altar	
  (in	
  the	
  main	
  church).	
  The	
  candles	
  are	
  lit	
  
before	
   they	
   process	
   up	
   and	
   they’re	
   up	
   during	
   the	
   opening,	
   it's	
   just	
   a	
   beautiful	
  
sense	
   of	
   the	
   meaning	
   of	
   the	
   day.	
   Each	
   candle	
   represents	
   loved	
   ones.	
   This	
   year	
  
we	
  had	
  people	
  put	
  their	
  names	
  (of	
  the	
  deceased)	
  on	
  the	
  candles	
  if	
  they	
  wanted	
  
to,	
  and	
  the	
  pictures	
  of	
  course,	
  so	
  we	
  had	
  this	
  sort	
  of	
  very	
  alive	
  representation	
  of	
  
the	
   living	
   memory	
   that	
   people	
   had	
   brought.	
   	
   Before	
   and	
   after	
   the	
   celebration	
  
they	
   are	
   welcome	
   to	
   put	
   those	
   pictures	
   on	
   the	
   altar	
   here	
   in	
   the	
   entrance	
   area	
  
and	
   we	
   keep	
   them	
   there	
   most	
   of	
   the	
   month	
   of	
   November	
   to	
   continue	
   that	
   spirit	
  
through	
  the	
  month	
  (Charles	
  2011).	
  
	
  
The	
  Michigan	
  Church	
  celebration	
  remembers	
  and	
  honors	
  those	
  who	
  have	
  passed	
  following	
  the	
  
church	
  calendar,	
  but	
  does	
  so	
  with	
  an	
  expression	
  in	
  line	
  with	
  church	
  members’	
  cultural	
  heritage.	
  	
  
In	
  our	
  conversation	
  Pastor	
  Charles	
  clarifies	
  the	
  processes	
  that	
  are	
  employed	
  to	
  celebrate	
  Día	
  de	
  
los	
   Muertos.	
   	
   Members	
   volunteer	
   to	
   build	
   the	
   altar,	
   during	
   the	
   masses	
   attendants	
   bring	
   photos	
  
of	
  deceased	
  loved	
  ones	
  and	
  light	
  candles	
  in	
  memory	
  of	
  those	
  loved	
  ones;	
  remembering	
  loved	
  
ones	
  who	
  have	
  died	
  is	
  implied	
  as	
  the	
  focus	
  of	
  the	
  two	
  days.	
  	
  
	
  

Figure	
  2:	
  Photo	
  2	
  

	
  21	
  

Rosario,	
   a	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   Church	
   member,	
   when	
   asked	
   about	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos	
   at	
   the	
  
church,	
  also	
  draws	
  a	
  connection	
  between	
  what	
  she	
  remembers	
  being	
  done	
  in	
  Mexico	
  with	
  what	
  
is	
  currently	
  practiced	
  at	
  the	
  church.	
  	
  	
  
	
  

México	
   is	
   a	
   country	
   with	
   many	
   rich	
   traditions.	
   	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   has	
   always	
  
been	
  there.	
  	
  I	
  don’t	
  know	
  how	
  or	
  when	
  it	
  started,	
  but	
  it	
  has	
  been	
  there	
  for	
  a	
  long	
  
time.	
  	
  In	
  my	
  state	
  [in	
  México]	
  we	
  didn’t	
  put	
  up	
  much	
  of	
  an	
  altar,	
  maybe	
  some	
  
flowers	
   and	
   pictures	
   of	
   our	
   relatives.	
   	
   What	
   we	
   mainly	
   did	
   was	
   go	
   to	
   the	
  
cemetery,	
   bring	
   food	
   and	
   flowers	
   and	
   spend	
   the	
   day	
   there	
   with	
   our	
   relatives	
   .	
   .	
   .	
  
Here	
  at	
  the	
  church	
  we	
  set	
  up	
  an	
  altar	
  and	
  the	
  members	
  bring	
  pictures	
  of	
  their	
  
family	
  members.	
  	
  We	
  put	
  our	
  pan	
  de	
  muerto,	
  candles	
  and	
  flowers.	
  	
  We	
  ask	
  them	
  
not	
   to	
   bring	
   things	
   [that	
   belonged	
   to	
   the	
   deceased	
   or	
   were	
   something	
   they	
  
enjoyed	
  while	
  alive]	
  because	
  there	
  is	
  not	
  enough	
  space	
  (Rosario	
  2011).	
  

	
  
Similar	
   to	
   Francisca,	
   Rosario	
   acknowledges	
   that	
   what	
   was	
   done	
   in	
   her	
   community	
   of	
   origin	
   is	
  
different	
   from	
   what	
   is	
   typically	
   done	
   at	
   the	
   Church;	
   Rosario	
   recognizes	
   that	
   both	
   methods	
   fit	
  
within	
   the	
   spirit	
   of	
   the	
   holiday	
   and	
   the	
   ways	
   that	
   it	
   is	
   celebrated.	
   In	
   Mexico,	
   Rosario	
   and	
  
Francisca	
  are	
  more	
  accustomed	
  to	
  visiting	
  the	
  cemetery	
  to	
  be	
  in	
  the	
  company	
  of	
  her	
  deceased	
  
relatives.	
   	
   While	
   the	
   building	
   of	
   an	
   altar	
   may	
   be	
   part	
   of	
   the	
   celebration	
   in	
   some	
   places,	
   it	
   is	
   not	
  
present	
  in	
  others.	
  	
  For	
  Rosario,	
  it	
  seems	
  that	
  attending	
  church	
  on	
  November	
  first	
  and	
  second,	
  
and	
   the	
   altar	
   de	
   muertos	
   in	
   the	
   lobby	
   fills	
   the	
   role	
   of	
   visiting	
   the	
   cemetery.	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
  
Church	
  is	
  her	
  place	
  to	
  go	
  on	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  to	
  remember	
  the	
  life	
  and	
  honor	
  the	
  legacy	
  of	
  
family	
  members	
  who	
  have	
  passed	
  away.	
  	
  
Moreover,	
   in	
   Michigan	
   I	
   found	
   evidence	
   of	
   a	
   public	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   celebration	
   at	
   a	
  
church	
  that	
  serves	
  a	
  predominantly	
  Latino	
  membership,	
  and	
  a	
  celebration	
  that	
  takes	
  place	
  in	
  
someone’s	
   home.	
   The	
   meaning	
   or	
   purpose	
   of	
   the	
   holiday,	
   celebrating	
   the	
   life	
   and	
   legacy	
   of	
  
deceased	
  relatives	
  and	
  loved	
  ones,	
  remains	
  the	
  same	
  but	
  the	
  action	
  has	
  changed.	
  	
  Instead	
  of	
  
going	
  to	
  the	
  cemetery	
  as	
  Rosario	
  and	
  Francisca	
  are	
  accustomed	
  to	
  in	
  Mexico,	
  the	
  building	
  of	
  an	
  

	
  22	
  

altar	
  de	
  muertos	
  and/or	
  attendance	
  of	
  a	
  special	
  church	
  service	
  that	
  incorporates	
  aspects	
  of	
  Día	
  
de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  serves	
  as	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  continue	
  a	
  cultural	
  and	
  religious	
  practice.	
  	
  The	
  situation	
  of	
  
living	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  makes	
  it	
  impossible,	
  or	
  at	
  least	
  very	
  difficult,	
  for	
  them	
  to	
  travel	
  to	
  the	
  
cemeteries	
   where	
   their	
   relatives	
   are	
   buried.	
   	
   As	
   a	
   result	
   these	
   respondents	
   modified	
   their	
  
cultural	
  practices	
  to	
  meet	
  their	
  needs	
  in	
  Mid-­‐Michigan.	
  
OBSTACLES	
  TO	
  CELEBRATION	
  -­‐	
  Life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  is	
  different	
  than	
  life	
  in	
  Mexico.	
  	
  Even	
  
though	
  there	
  are	
  similar	
  demands	
  like	
  going	
  to	
  work	
  and	
  daily	
  chores,	
  a	
  person	
  is	
  in	
  constant	
  
contact	
   with	
   behavioral	
   and	
   material	
   culture	
   that	
   affirms	
   a	
   Mexican	
   identity.	
   	
   In	
   Mexico,	
   a	
  
person	
  would	
  need	
  to	
  make	
  a	
  conscious	
  decision	
  and	
  effort	
  to	
  not	
  celebrate	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos.	
  	
  
In	
   the	
   United	
   States	
   the	
   opposite	
   is	
   the	
   case.	
   	
   Pastor	
   Charles	
   clarifies	
   that	
   in	
   a	
   U.S.	
   context	
  
holidays	
  such	
  as	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  are	
  not	
  structured	
  into	
  daily	
  life.	
  Mexicans	
  in	
  Mid-­‐Michigan	
  
need	
  to	
  make	
  a	
  conscious	
  effort	
  to	
  celebrate	
  the	
  holiday,	
  as	
  well	
  as	
  celebrate	
  it	
  in	
  a	
  fashion	
  that	
  
does	
  not	
  conflict	
  with	
  life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  and	
  Mid-­‐Michigan.	
  	
  
	
  

	
  People	
   .	
   .	
   .	
   come	
   here	
   and	
   work	
   doesn't	
   stop	
   when	
   you	
   have	
   these	
   big	
  
celebrations	
   or	
   big	
   feast	
   days.	
   	
   If	
   they	
   got	
   a	
   job	
   and	
   have	
   to	
   be	
   at	
   work,	
   they	
  
have	
   to	
   be	
   at	
   work.	
   	
   Unless	
   they	
   get	
   to	
   take	
   special	
   time	
   for	
   something	
   like	
   that,	
  
but	
   that's	
   one	
   step	
   more,	
   one	
   hurdle	
   more	
   to	
   go	
   through,	
   or	
   just	
   the	
   fact	
   that	
  
people	
  find	
  that	
  they	
  have	
  all	
  these	
  choices	
  now	
  .	
  .	
  .	
  The	
  whole	
  shift	
  when	
  you	
  
come	
   from	
   one	
   culture	
   and	
   enter	
   into	
   another	
   culture,	
   it	
   totally	
   disrupts	
   your	
  
world	
  in	
  so	
  many	
  ways.	
  	
  To	
  make	
  that	
  transition	
  and	
  shift,	
  you	
  don't	
  just	
  take	
  for	
  
granted	
   all	
   these	
   things	
   that	
   you're	
   going	
   to	
   celebrate	
   and	
   suddenly	
   you	
   have	
   to	
  
consciously	
   choose	
   to	
   do	
   it	
   or	
   to	
   not	
   do	
   it.	
   	
   Sometimes	
   you're	
   just	
   tired	
   and	
  
maybe	
  sometimes	
  you're	
  just	
  wrestling	
  to	
  make	
  this	
  new	
  beginning	
  and	
  survive,	
  
so	
  stuff	
  can	
  tend	
  to,	
  sort	
  of	
  fall	
  by	
  the	
  wayside	
  in	
  the	
  midst	
  of	
  all	
  that	
  (Charles	
  
2011).	
  

	
  
The	
   process	
   of	
   migration	
   and	
   re-­‐establishing	
   one’s	
   self	
   in	
   a	
   new	
   society	
   is	
   inherently	
  
challenging.	
  	
  Cultural	
  activities	
  that	
  may	
  have	
  seemed	
  to	
  happen	
  “naturally”	
  in	
  the	
  country	
  of	
  
origin	
  are	
  not	
  structured	
  into	
  daily	
  life	
  of	
  the	
  host	
  society	
  and	
  now	
  require	
  a	
  conscious	
  effort	
  
	
  23	
  

and	
   may	
   conflict	
   with	
   the	
   demands	
   of	
   life	
   in	
   the	
   United	
   States.	
   	
   There	
   may	
   also	
   be	
   social	
  
pressure	
  to	
  discontinue	
  cultural	
  activities.	
  This	
  is	
  in	
  addition	
  to	
  the	
  fear	
  or	
  anxiety	
  of	
  living	
  in	
  
another	
  country	
  and	
  culture	
  (Sommers	
  1995).	
  	
  A	
  goal	
  that	
  Pastor	
  Charles	
  has	
  for	
  the	
  church	
  is	
  
to	
   offer	
   people	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
   familiarity	
   or	
   place	
   in	
   a	
   new	
   context.	
   	
   Participation	
   in	
   a	
   public	
  
celebration	
   offers	
   the	
   opportunity	
   to	
   build	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
   connection	
   to,	
   or	
   facilitate	
   integration	
  
with,	
   the	
   local	
   Mexican	
   descendant	
   community.	
   	
   However,	
   the	
   celebration	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
  
Muertos	
  is	
  carried	
  out	
  in	
  a	
  manner	
  that	
  does	
  not	
  necessarily	
  conflict	
  with	
  daily	
  life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  
States	
  of	
  America.	
  	
  	
  
Francisca	
   shares	
   some	
   of	
   her	
   experiences	
   and	
   believes	
   that	
   it	
   is	
   easier	
   to	
   “lose”	
   traditions	
   if	
  
there	
  is	
  limited	
  contact	
  with	
  a	
  Mexican	
  cultural	
  community.	
  
	
  

It’s	
  easy	
  to	
  get	
  wrapped	
  up	
  in	
  the	
  everyday	
  things,	
  and	
  you	
  know,	
  life	
  happens	
  
and	
  you	
  can	
  get	
  lost	
  in	
  going	
  to	
  work,	
  coming	
  home	
  and	
  making	
  dinner,	
  picking	
  
up	
  the	
  bedroom,	
  washing	
  dishes	
  and	
  all	
  that.	
  	
  Then	
  it’s	
  the	
  same	
  the	
  next	
  day;	
  
then	
   it’s	
   the	
   weekend	
   and	
   you	
   have	
   to	
   wash	
   clothes	
   and	
   things	
   like	
   that.	
   	
   So,	
   it’s	
  
very	
   easy	
   to	
   lose	
   yourself	
   in	
   that	
   .	
   .	
   .	
   In	
   Mexico	
   it’s	
   easier	
   to	
   remember	
   that	
  
you’re	
  Mexican	
  .	
  .	
  .	
  here	
  it’s	
  more	
  difficult	
  to	
  be	
  in	
  contact	
  with	
  all	
  that,	
  obviously	
  
because	
  it’s	
  very	
  easy	
  to	
  ‘Americanize,’	
  I	
  think.	
  	
  For	
  me,	
  it	
  is	
  easy	
  to	
  lose	
  these	
  
traditions	
  simply	
  by	
  living	
  here.	
  	
  You	
  forget	
  .	
  .	
  .	
  just	
  from	
  being	
  far	
  way,	
  and	
  more	
  
so	
   if	
   you	
   don’t	
   have	
   much	
   contact	
   [with	
   Mexico	
   or	
   a	
   Mexican	
   community]	
  
(Francisca	
  2011).	
  

	
  
It	
   is	
   not	
   easy	
   for	
   Mexican	
   migrants	
   to	
   “maintain”	
   their	
   cultural	
   practices	
   given	
   the	
   different	
  
context	
  where	
  Mexican	
  immigrants	
  find	
  themselves.	
  	
  Life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  is	
  different,	
  the	
  
language,	
   the	
   customs,	
   the	
   culture,	
   and	
   daily	
   life	
   are	
   different	
   and	
   presents	
   its	
   own	
   set	
   of	
  
challenges	
  to	
  celebrating	
  cultural	
  holidays	
  like	
  Día	
  de	
  Los	
  Muertos.	
  
A	
   particular	
   challenge	
   is	
   that	
   some	
   aspects	
   of	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
   celebrations	
   cannot	
   be	
  
reproduced	
   in	
   the	
   new	
   social	
   context	
   of	
   Michigan.	
   	
   In	
   my	
   group	
   interview	
   with	
   the	
   School	
  
Parents	
   l	
   learned	
   that	
   for	
   some	
   Mexican	
   migrants,	
   no	
   longer	
   being	
   able	
   to	
   visit	
   the	
   cemetery	
  
	
  24	
  

was	
   an	
   insurmountable	
   obstacle	
   to	
   the	
   celebration	
   of	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos.	
   	
   My	
   field	
   notes	
  
provide	
  an	
  account	
  of	
  our	
  conversation:	
  
At	
  the	
  event,	
  Martha	
  introduced	
  me	
  at	
  the	
  very	
  beginning	
  and	
  again	
  just	
  before	
  
my	
  “presentation.”	
  	
  I	
  said	
  hello,	
  reintroduced	
  myself,	
  told	
  them	
  I	
  was	
  a	
  doctoral	
  
student	
   at	
   Michigan	
   State	
   University,	
   and	
   that	
   I	
   was	
   conducting	
   a	
   research	
  
project	
   on	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos	
   here	
   in	
   Lansing.	
   	
   I	
   told	
   them	
   about	
   my	
   experience	
  
at	
  the	
  grocery	
  store	
  with	
  the	
  pan	
  de	
  muerto,	
  discussed	
  confidentiality,	
  asked	
  if	
  I	
  
could	
   ask	
   them	
   some	
   questions	
   about	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos,	
   and	
   told	
   them	
   I	
   had	
   a	
  
sign-­‐up	
   if	
   they	
   were	
   interested	
   in	
   participating	
   in	
   an	
   interview.	
   	
   I	
   asked	
   the	
  
parents	
   where	
   they	
   were	
   from;	
   all	
   indicated	
   they	
   were	
   from	
   Mexico.	
   	
   I	
   then	
  
asked	
   if	
   they	
   celebrated	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos	
   here	
   in	
   Lansing.	
   	
   All	
   parents	
   present	
  
responded	
  verbally	
  or	
  non-­‐verbally	
  that	
  they	
  did	
  not	
  celebrate	
  the	
  holiday	
  here	
  
in	
   Lansing.	
   	
   Martha	
   interjected	
   questions	
   surrounding	
   specific	
   things	
   that	
   people	
  
might	
  do	
  in	
  observation	
  of	
  the	
  holiday,	
  to	
  each	
  question	
  the	
  parents	
  answered	
  
negatively.	
  	
  I	
  followed	
  up	
  by	
  asking	
  “Is	
  there	
  any	
  particular	
  reason	
  why	
  you	
  do	
  
not	
   celebrate	
   Día	
   de	
   Los	
   Muertos?”	
   	
   One	
   father	
   responded	
   in	
   a	
   matter	
   of	
   fact	
  
way,	
   “Porque	
   aqui	
   no	
   tenemos	
   muertos	
   -­‐	
   Because	
   we	
   don’t	
   have	
   any	
   dead	
  
here.”	
   	
   His	
   answer	
   was	
   confirmed	
   by	
   the	
   majority	
   of	
   other	
   parents	
   who	
   were	
  
present	
   either	
   with	
   words	
   or	
   gestures.	
   	
   One	
   of	
   the	
   mothers	
   added	
   that	
   the	
  
principle	
   piece	
   of	
   the	
   holiday	
   was	
   going	
   to	
   the	
   cemetery,	
   emphasizing	
   that	
   if	
  
there	
   were	
   no	
   ‘muertos	
   -­‐	
   dead‘	
   or	
   you	
   couldn’t	
   go	
   to	
   ‘los	
   muertos’	
   then	
   there	
  
was	
  not	
  a	
  reason	
  to	
  celebrate	
  Día	
  de	
  Los	
  Muertos.	
  	
  
	
   -­‐	
  Fieldnotes	
  from	
  10/25/2011	
  	
  

	
  	
  

The	
   School	
   Parents	
   clearly	
   stated	
   that	
   they	
   do	
   not	
   celebrate	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   in	
   Mid-­‐
Michigan.	
   	
   Especially	
   significant	
   in	
   the	
   responses	
   of	
   non-­‐celebration	
   is	
   the	
   reasoning	
   behind	
  
why	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  is	
  not	
  celebrated.	
  The	
  School	
  Parents	
  don’t	
  have	
  any	
  dead	
  here	
  in	
  Mid-­‐
Michigan.	
  The	
  way	
  that	
  the	
  School	
  Parents	
  understood	
  celebration	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  is	
  by	
  
going	
   to	
   the	
   cemetery.	
   	
   It	
   is	
   in	
   the	
   cemetery,	
   where	
   the	
   remains	
   of	
   deceased	
   relatives	
   are	
  
located,	
  where	
  the	
  holiday	
  transpires.	
  	
  This	
  is	
  consistent	
  with	
  findings	
  from	
  other	
  research	
  on	
  
Day	
  of	
  the	
  Dead	
  in	
  Mexico	
  (Brandes	
  1988;	
  Garcíagodoy	
  1998;	
  Marchi	
  2009;	
  Norget	
  2006).	
  	
  The	
  
School	
  Parents	
  and	
  I	
  did	
  not	
  discuss	
  what	
  activities	
  took	
  place	
  in	
  the	
  hometown	
  cemeteries	
  in	
  
Mexico	
  during	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos.	
  	
  Their	
  orientation	
  to	
  the	
  activities	
  involved	
  in	
  the	
  celebration	
  

	
  25	
  

could	
  be	
  evidence	
  of	
  regional	
  particularities.	
  That	
  possibility	
  aside,	
  the	
  School	
  Parents	
  made	
  it	
  
clear	
  that	
  it	
  was	
  the	
  visit	
  to	
  the	
  “muertos”	
  (deceased	
  family	
  members)	
  that	
  was	
  important.	
  	
  Not	
  
being	
  able	
  to	
  visit	
  your	
  muertos	
  was	
  reason	
  enough	
  to	
  not	
  celebrate.	
  
CULTURAL	
  HERITAGE	
  IN	
  A	
  NEW	
  PLACE	
  -­‐	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  serves	
  the	
  
need	
  to	
  remember	
  and	
  venerate	
  deceased	
  family	
  members	
  and	
  loved	
  ones.	
  Celebrants	
  do	
  so	
  
by	
   building	
   altars	
   in	
   their	
   homes,	
   volunteering	
   to	
   build	
   one	
   at	
   their	
   church,	
   and	
  
attending/participating	
  in	
  a	
  special	
  mass	
  with	
  processes	
  specific	
  for	
  the	
  celebration	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  
Muertos.	
  	
  For	
  the	
  participants	
  in	
  this	
  study	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  festivities	
  offer	
  an	
  opportunity	
  to	
  
commemorate	
  family	
  members	
  who	
  have	
  died.	
  	
  The	
  continued	
  practice	
  of	
  Day	
  of	
  the	
  Dead	
  also	
  
facilitates	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
   connection	
   with	
   a	
   cultural	
   heritage	
   and	
   homeland.	
   	
   Participation	
   in	
   a	
  
public	
   gathering	
   with	
   other	
   celebrants	
   can	
   also	
   enhance	
   integration	
   to	
   a	
   new	
   community.	
  	
  
Francisca,	
   in	
   response	
   to	
   my	
   questions	
   about	
   why	
   she	
   continues	
   to	
   celebrate	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
  
Muertos	
   and	
   what	
   makes	
   the	
   celebration	
   important	
   to	
   her,	
   discusses	
   her	
   need/desire	
   to	
   feel	
  
connected	
  to	
  her	
  cultural	
  heritage.	
  
	
  

For	
  me,	
  the	
  fact	
  that	
  I	
  am	
  far	
  from	
  home,	
  obviously	
  sometimes	
  you	
  feel	
  very	
  far	
  
from	
   your	
   customs,	
   your	
   traditions,	
   your	
   culture,	
   and	
   I	
   think	
   it’s	
   easy,	
   with	
   all	
  
that	
  happens	
  in	
  everyday	
  life,	
  to	
  separate	
  from	
  or	
  forget	
  who	
  you	
  are.	
  	
  For	
  me	
  
being	
  Mexican	
  forms,	
  well	
  it’s	
  everything	
  for	
  me,	
  I’m	
  Mexican,	
  that’s	
  who	
  I	
  am.	
  	
  
So	
  the	
  fact	
  of	
  doing	
  this,	
  I	
  think	
  it	
  helps	
  me	
  not	
  to	
  forget,	
  but	
  be	
  more	
  connected	
  
with	
  who	
  I	
  am	
  and	
  with	
  my	
  culture	
  (Francisca	
  2011).	
  

	
  
Being	
   far	
   away	
   from	
   home	
   and	
   the	
   culture	
   in	
   which	
   she	
   grew	
   up	
   in	
   addition	
   to	
   navigating	
  
everyday	
  life	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States,	
  Francisca	
  feels	
  disconnected	
  from	
  being	
  Mexican	
  and	
  herself.	
  	
  
Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  offers	
  her	
  a	
  way	
  to	
  “maintain”	
  a	
  sense	
  of	
  her	
  identity	
  as	
  a	
  Mexican.	
  	
  It	
  is	
  a	
  
particular	
   day	
   and	
   activity	
   that	
   connects	
   her	
   with	
   deceased	
   family	
   members	
   and	
   reinforces	
   a	
  
connection	
   with	
   her	
   cultural	
   heritage	
   and	
   identity.	
   	
   Celebration	
   of	
   the	
   holiday	
   is	
   part	
   of	
   her	
  
	
  26	
  

psychological	
   work	
   that	
   reinforces	
   her	
   positive	
   sense	
   of	
   self	
   as	
   a	
   part	
   of	
   the	
   social	
   category,	
  
ethnic	
  group,	
  of	
  Mexican.	
  
	
  

In	
  addition	
  to	
  the	
  connection	
  with	
  a	
  cultural	
  heritage	
  and	
  a	
  sense	
  of	
  self,	
  Día	
  de	
  Los	
  Muertos	
  

celebrations	
   are	
   viewed	
   as	
   a	
   way	
   to	
   foster	
   a	
   connection	
   with	
   a	
   new	
   community	
   here	
   in	
   Mid-­‐
Michigan	
  by	
  way	
  of	
  familiar	
  traditions.	
  
	
  

	
  

Some	
   people	
   here	
   are	
   fairly	
   newly	
   arrived;	
   you	
   have	
   first	
   generation,	
   second,	
  
third	
  and	
  fourth	
  generation.	
  	
  I	
  think	
  that	
  the	
  ones	
  that	
  are	
  closer	
  to	
  Mexico	
  [they	
  
themselves	
   or	
   their	
   parents	
   migrated],	
   especially	
   the	
   ones	
   who	
   came	
   from	
  
Mexico	
   and	
   maybe	
   grew	
   up	
   in	
   Mexico	
   and	
   came	
   here,	
   came	
   here	
   at	
   some	
   point,	
  
really	
  have	
  that	
  experience	
  there	
  [of	
  celebrating	
  DDLM],	
  so	
  [we're]	
  trying	
  to	
  help	
  
them	
   .	
   .	
   .	
   make	
   connections,	
   trying	
   to	
   help	
   them	
   have	
   these	
   touchstones	
   with	
  
what	
  they’re	
  familiar	
  with,	
  and	
  sharing	
  it	
  with	
  everybody	
  else	
  (Charles	
  2011).	
  

Here	
  Pastor	
  Charles	
  acknowledges	
  that	
  while	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  at	
  the	
  church	
  is	
  intended	
  to	
  
commemorate	
   deceased	
   relatives	
   in	
   line	
   with	
   traditional	
   cultural	
   and	
   religious	
   practices,	
   the	
  
formal	
   public	
   celebration	
   provides	
   an	
   opportunity	
   for	
   people	
   to	
   connect	
   with	
   a	
   co-­‐ethnic	
  
community	
   and	
   participate	
   in	
   psychological	
   work	
   that	
   reinforces	
   their	
   sense	
   of	
   self.	
   	
   Contact	
  
with	
   a	
   community	
   that	
   also	
   celebrates	
   cultural	
   holidays	
   can	
   facilitate	
   celebration,	
   a	
   sense	
   of	
  
connection	
  to	
  a	
  cultural	
  heritage,	
  and	
  integration	
  with	
  a	
  new	
  community.	
  
	
  

	
  

	
  27	
  

SUMMARY	
  COMMENTS	
  
	
  

The	
   present	
   research	
   found	
   that	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   celebrations	
   are	
   present	
   in	
   Mid-­‐

Michigan.	
   	
   The	
   empirical	
   evidence	
   suggests	
   public	
   and	
   domestic	
   celebrations	
   of	
   the	
   holiday	
   are	
  
taking	
   place	
   in	
   Mid-­‐Michigan	
   City.	
   	
   This	
   paper	
   presented	
   evidence	
   of	
   such	
   celebrations	
   that	
  
took	
   place	
   at	
   a	
   local	
   church	
   and	
   in	
   a	
   respondent’s	
   home	
   in	
   a	
   mid-­‐size	
   Michigan	
   city.	
  	
  
Respondents	
   also	
   indicated	
   that	
   they	
   did	
   not	
   participate	
   in	
   public	
   celebrations	
   nor	
   celebrate	
  
Day	
  of	
  the	
  Dead	
  privately.	
  	
  Their	
  lack	
  of	
  activity	
  regarding	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  celebration	
  by	
  the	
  
School	
   Parents	
   does	
   not	
  necessarily	
   indicate	
   a	
   loss	
   of	
   ethnic	
   identity.	
   	
   The	
   celebration	
   of	
  Día	
   de	
  
los	
   Muertos	
   is	
   not	
   a	
   litmus	
   test	
   for	
   who	
   has	
   reproduced	
   cultural	
   activities	
   to	
   affirm	
   an	
   ethnic	
  
identity	
   and	
   who	
   has	
   not.	
   	
   Instead,	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   serves	
   as	
   but	
   one	
   of	
   many	
   ways	
   that	
  
Mexican	
  migrants	
  may	
  engage	
  in	
  psychological	
  work	
  to	
  affirm	
  their	
  identity	
  as	
  Mexican	
  in	
  the	
  
United	
  States	
  of	
  America.	
  	
  My	
  interview	
  with	
  School	
  Parents	
  was	
  conducted	
  entirely	
  in	
  Spanish.	
  	
  
Language	
   is	
   a	
   strong	
   marker	
   for	
   ethnic	
   and	
   social	
   identity	
   (Hurtado	
   et	
   al.	
   1994;	
   Nagel	
   1994).	
  	
  
Additionally,	
   there	
   exist	
   many	
   factors	
   that	
   may	
   influence	
   celebration	
   or	
   non-­‐celebration	
   of	
   a	
  
particular	
   holiday	
   or	
   reproducing	
   culture	
   in	
   a	
   specific	
   manner.	
   	
   Certainly	
   time	
   in	
   country,	
  
connection	
   with	
   a	
   local	
   Mexican	
   community	
   that	
   celebrate,	
   access	
   to	
   resources,	
   and	
  
experiences	
  of	
  marginalization	
  are	
  social	
  factors	
  that	
  could	
  have	
  an	
  effect	
  on	
  how	
  ethnic	
  groups	
  
reproduce	
   culture	
   in	
   new	
   social	
   spaces	
   and	
   contexts.	
   	
   Future	
   research	
   could	
   explore	
   the	
  
salience	
  of	
  these	
  factors	
  on	
  the	
  celebration	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos.	
  
	
  

For	
   the	
   respondents	
   who	
   did	
   celebrate	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos,	
   the	
   holiday	
   served	
   multiple	
  

purposes.	
  	
  First	
  and	
  foremost	
  the	
  holiday	
  was	
  a	
  time	
  to	
  honor	
  and	
  remember	
  deceased	
  family	
  
members	
   and	
   loved	
   ones.	
   	
   Their	
   participation	
   in	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
   celebration	
   activities;	
  

	
  28	
  

attending	
   church	
   service,	
   building	
   an	
   altar,	
   and/or	
   preparing	
   special	
   meals	
   also	
   affirms	
   their	
  
identity	
   as	
   Mexican	
   as	
   well	
   as	
   a	
   connection	
   to	
   a	
   cultural	
   heritage	
   and	
   homeland.	
   	
   These	
  
participants’	
  celebration	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  demonstrates	
  one	
  way	
  that	
  cultural	
  practices	
  are	
  
reproduced	
   in	
   new	
   social	
   contexts.	
   	
   Continued	
   research	
   here	
   would	
   consist	
   of	
   extended	
   case	
  
study	
  at	
  the	
  church	
  and	
  with	
  church	
  members	
  to	
  gain	
  deeper	
  understandings	
  of	
  the	
  significance	
  
of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  to	
  participants’	
  lives.	
  	
  	
  
The	
   in-­‐home	
   and	
   public	
   celebrations	
   offer	
   an	
   opportunity	
   for	
   respondents	
   to	
   express	
  
religious	
   faith	
   and	
   cultural	
   values	
   in	
   a	
   way	
   that	
   does	
   not	
   necessarily	
   conflict	
   with	
   life	
   in	
   the	
  
United	
   States	
   and	
   connects	
   practitioners	
   with	
   a	
   cultural	
   heritage	
   that	
   reaffirms	
   their	
   identity.	
  
Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos,	
   for	
   participants	
   in	
   this	
   study,	
   maintains	
   its	
   original	
   significance	
   of	
   paying	
  
respect	
   to	
   and	
   remembering	
   deceased	
   relatives	
   while	
   also	
   serving	
   as	
   a	
   symbol	
   of	
   Mexican	
  
cultural	
   heritage	
   that	
   affirms	
   an	
   ethnic	
   identity	
   as	
   Mexican.	
   	
   The	
   behaviors	
   associated	
   with	
   Day	
  
of	
  the	
  Dead	
  and	
  the	
  celebration	
  as	
  a	
  whole	
  could	
  also	
  support	
  social	
  identity’s	
  assertion	
  that	
  
people	
  engage	
  in	
  “psychological	
  work”	
  to	
  affirm	
  a	
  positive	
  sense	
  of	
  self	
  when	
  in	
  a	
  situation	
  of	
  
social	
   comparison.	
   	
   Día	
   de	
   los	
   Muertos	
   celebrations	
   could	
   also	
   offer	
   those	
   who	
   identify	
   as	
  
Mexican	
  a	
  safe	
  space	
  to	
  perform	
  their	
  ethnicity.	
  	
  As	
  alluded	
  to	
  in	
  the	
  earlier	
  discussion	
  of	
  social	
  
identity	
  theory,	
  in	
  the	
  social	
  context	
  of	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  America,	
  Mexicans	
  are	
  racialized	
  and	
  
marginalized	
   within	
   U.S.	
   racial	
   hierarchy.	
   	
   Day	
   of	
   the	
   Dead	
   as	
   a	
   site	
   of	
   psychological	
   work	
  
appears	
   to	
   proactively	
   challenge	
   the	
   internalization	
   of	
   a	
   racialized	
   and	
   marginalized	
   identity.	
  	
  
The	
   holiday	
   serves	
   the	
   function	
   of	
   remembering	
   deceased	
   relatives	
   and	
   takes	
   on	
   secondary	
  
function	
  of	
  connecting	
  people	
  with	
  their	
  cultural	
  heritage	
  reaffirming	
  a	
  positive	
  identity.	
  	
  	
  

	
  29	
  

	
  

Celebration	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  is	
  a	
  theoretically	
  salient	
  social	
  phenomenon	
  to	
  the	
  study	
  

of	
   cultural	
   reproduction	
   and	
   identity	
   construction	
   among	
   Mexicans,	
   and	
   potentially	
   other	
  
Latinos/as,	
  living	
  in	
  the	
  social	
  context	
  of	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  America.	
  	
  Future	
  research	
  should	
  
engage	
  the	
  relationship	
  between	
  migrant	
  cultural	
  reproduction	
  and	
  gender.	
  	
  The	
  vast	
  majority	
  
of	
  people	
  involved	
  in	
  the	
  study	
  and	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  activities	
  were	
  women.	
  	
  This	
  was	
  not	
  an	
  
anticipated	
  finding.	
  	
  Future	
  research	
  should	
  engage	
  the	
  question;	
  what	
  role	
  does	
  gender	
  play	
  in	
  
cultural	
  reproduction?	
  New	
  work	
  in	
  this	
  area	
  should	
  definitely	
  investigate	
  the	
  impact	
  of	
  such	
  a	
  
relationship	
   to	
   identity	
   construction	
   of	
   Mexican	
   migrants.	
   	
   Such	
   questions	
   could	
   be	
   further	
  
expanded	
   beyond	
   the	
   immigrant	
   generation	
   to	
   include	
   the	
   larger	
   U.S.	
   Chicano/Latino	
  
community.	
  	
  The	
  study	
  of	
  Día	
  de	
  los	
  Muertos	
  in	
  the	
  United	
  States	
  of	
  America	
  is	
  an	
  area	
  where	
  
much	
  research	
  and	
  many	
  rich	
  discussions	
  can	
  be	
  had.	
  	
  
	
  
	
  

	
  

	
  30	
  

	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  

BIBLIOGRAPHY	
  

	
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BIBLIOGRAPHY	
  
	
  
	
  
	
  
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  32	
  

Cadge,	
  Wendy,	
  Sara	
  Curran,	
  B.	
  Nadya	
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