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SEDENTARIZATION AND FUEL COLLECTION IN

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1” WM“

SEDENTARIZATION AND FUEL COLLECTION IN SOUTHEASTERN MOROCCO:
AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGING GENDER ROLES

By

Beth Pennock Dunford

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
For the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1 999

ABSTRACT
SEDENTARIZATION AND FUEL COLLECTION
IN SOUTHEASTERN MOROCCO:

AN ANALYSIS OF CHANGING GENDER ROLES
By

Beth Pennock Dunford

This research examines gender relations by focusing on women’s work in an
environmentally degraded area in southeastern Morocco where the nomadic population
has been sedentarizing. Evidence from the literature suggests that as land becomes
overused and privatized, women oﬁen are left with no recourse other than walking further
to gather the fuel with which to cook. The increased distance that women must walk to
collect fuelwood for food preparation is assumed to have a negative impact on women's
standards of living; however, the ﬁndings of this study indicate that not all women are
adversely effected by environmental degradation. Furthermore, ﬁndings indicate that
changes in fuel collection must be analyzed beyond the physical implications of the
additional labor. Although technologies that case the burden of fuel collection may
increase material wealth and decrease physical labor, evidence from this research
suggests that they can have negative effects on gender relations as women lose power

. over a once independent domain in their lives.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my advisor, David Wiley, for providing me with endless
encouragement and insight throughout every stage of this research. I would also like to
thank my committee members: Marilyn Aronoff for her valuable suggestions and time
spent reading many drafts of this thesis and Anne Ferguson for providing me with critical
insights into the gender and environment literature. Additionally, I am grateful to Ben
Norton who introduced me to the Beni Gui], arranged for my logistical support while in
Morocco, and provided me with partial funding through the Department of Range
Science at Utah State University. I am especially grateful to Mohammed Fagouri and the
staff at the District Agricultural Development Center (CMV) in F iguig who provided me
with transport, introduced me to local ofﬁcials, and helped me to become familiar with
the Beni Guil. I would also like to thank the MSU-Ford Predissertation Grant Program
for partially funding this research. Finally, I would like to thank Charles Benjamin,

without whom none of this would have been possible.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................

LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................

Section I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................

POLITICAL ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SEDENTARIZATION. ..

F EMINIST POLITICAL ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF
GENDER IN SEDENTARIZATION .................................

Section II. METHODOLOGY .....................................................
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ..........................................

GENDER RELATIONS: A LOSS OF ACCESS ........................

CONCLUSION .......................................................................
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................

vi

10
17

20

30

35
38

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 - Signiﬁcant predictors of fuel collection effort ........................... 22

Figure 1
Figure 2
Figure 3
Figure 4

Figure 5

LIST OF FIGURES

Average fuel collection hours per year by ranking of wealth

Average fuel collection hours per year by sedentarization ......

Average fuel collection hours per year by who is collecting

Butane gas use .........................................................

Fuel transportation method ..........................................

vi

22

24

25

26

28

Section I. INTRODUCTION

Land degradation has become a serious problem especially in the ecologically
marginal areas of the world. Worsening environmental conditions have transforrnative
effects upon the lives of people who depend upon the land for survival; however, regions
and communities are not homogeneously affected by environmental change. The
gendered division of labor in most environmentally dependent societies ensures that men
and women have very different needs and experiences that will face different constraints
in degraded conditions. Changes in the tasks for which men and women are responsible
affects gender relations because divisions of labor are embedded within them.

This research, informed by nearly four years of experience living, working, and
researching in Morocco, examines gender relations by focusing on women’s work in an
environmentally degraded area in southeastern Morocco where the nomadic population
has been sedentarizing. F uelwood collection provides a telling example of a traditionally
female task that is more difﬁcult to accomplish in degraded conditions and which is
exacerbated by an increasingly limited area in which the resource is available. Evidence
from the literature suggests that as land becomes overused and privatized, women often
are left with no recourse other than walking ﬁrrther to gather the fuel with which to cook.
The increased distance that women must walk to collect fuelwood for food preparation is
. assumed to have a negative impact on women's standards of living. Without direct access

to the market (in terms of money and movement), the literature assumes women do not

I

have access to technology with which to alleviate their burden. However, the ﬁndings of
this study1 indicate that not all women are adversely effected by environmental
degradation. Thus, the lack of differentiation of women’s circumstances that dominates
the literature on women and environment must continue to be challenged by focusing on
differences between women and their experiences. Furthermore, my ﬁndings indicate
that the impacts of changes in fuel collection must be analyzed beyond the implications
of the amount and types of women’s physical labor. Because the division of labor within
the household is embedded in gender relations, its transformation will necessarily affect
power dynamics within the household. Although technologies that case the burden of
fuel collection may increase material wealth and decrease physical labor, evidence from
this research suggests that these implements can have negative effects on gender relations
as women lose power over a once independent domain in their lives.

Each year, irreversible desertiﬁcation claims an estimated six million hectares
worldwide. According to UNEP’s 1984 assessment, 4.5 billion hectares, or 35 percent of
the earth’s land surface, are threatened by desertiﬁcation (Postel 1989). The world’s poor
are adversely affected by this condition because they are highly concentrated in rural
areas (80 percent), and almost 60 percent of these rural poor live in regions of low
agricultural potential and high ecological vulnerability (Dan 1991, Leonard 1989, and
World Bank 1989 in Thomas-Slayter 1995). Pastoralists and agro-pastoralists are
relegated to the most ecologically vulnerable areas and are thus extremely burdened by

the loss of productive land. As the available land upon which rural people sustain

 

' Fieldwork for this paper was conducted during the summer of 1997.

themselves shrinks, populations continue to grow, resulting in more mouths to feed from
fewer and fewer resources.

A case study of women’s work in fuelwood collection was chosen because it is
commonly acknowledged by women in southern Morocco to be their least favorite task.
Fuelwood collection is a difﬁcult task even in the best of conditions and has become
increasingly difﬁcult in degraded environments.

...it is believed that over a billion of the world’s poor are now living in a

state of acute fuelwood scarcity. The impact of this shortage is most

severe on those members of the household on whom rests the

responsibility for collecting domestic fuel, usually the women (Bagchi

1987:327).

Women of southern Morocco said that most of their work was onerous, but above all they
singled out fuel-collection as one of the most difﬁcult problems women face (Geist
1988:111).

The Beni Guil of southeastern Morocco provide a good case study of the effects
of environmental degradation. They are among the last nomadic people in Morocco to
maintain their traditional pattern of large-scale seasonal nomadic migration. However,
sedentarization and land-use intensiﬁcation recently have begun to replace these large-
scale migrations, and today there are few people who practice classic migration patterns.
Sedentarization inﬂicts dramatic changes on nomadic society. The condition of the
environment changes signiﬁcantly as increased farming and loss of rangeland alters land-
use patterns. If the recent trend continues, the few remaining traditional nomads also will

be forced to settle in the near future. The relative newness of sedentarization in this area

and the existence of land—use patterns, ranging from completely sedentary to classical

large-scale migration, enables an analysis of the effects of land-use change on women at

many different stages of the sedentarization process.

POLITICAL ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF SEDENTARIZATION

An understanding of the domestic energy crisis must take into consideration the
complex system of range degradation. "The trend towards a more settled life, based on
agropastoralism, has clearly resulted in vast land clearing..." (Bencherifa 1996). A more
sedentary pattern of land-use necessarily intensiﬁes activities on the range. An area of
range that once hosted herds a few times a year now is used continuously for months at a
time or even permanently. The rangeland in southeastern Morocco does not receive
enough rain to support a herd in one place throughout an extended period of time.
Cultivation and grain bought at market are needed to supplement, or in some cases
completely replace, range fodder. Increased cultivation, a necessity in sedentarization,
has deleterious affects on the environment. Plowing for cultivation extracts plants that
protect the range by anchoring soil and protecting it from wind and rain. Further, it
reduces the amount of land available for grazing and thus increases pressure on the
already overgrazed surrounding area. The ﬂuctuating rainfall patterns also make
cultivation risky.

Political ecology provides a useful framework with which to analyze the forces
behind sedentarization of nomadic peoples. Political ecology combines the concerns of
ecology with a broadly deﬁned political economy (Blaikie 1987). This approach
contends that the integration of local economies into the global economy has transformed

their basic structure (Campbell 1991 :13); yet, the global capitalist system is not the sole

cause of environmental degradation. The state also may intervene in economic activity to
promote environmentally destructive activities. This intervention may result from market
expansion or from a ruler’s interest in extending political power, national security, or
personal enrichment (Bryant 19923).

Power is the variable that is central to political ecology as “power determines the
distribution of resources within and between societies” (Campbell 1991 :9). Within the
analysis of power, three central issues emerge. First, state policies are central, including
interstate relations and global capitalism, which are having an increased impact on the
environment. The role of politics in shaping ecology has become more important because
of rapid social and technological changes (McKibbens 1989; Blaikie 1995 in Bryant
1997z6). Secondly, conﬂict over access becomes more common as people of speciﬁc
locations without power ﬁght to protect their space and the environmental foundations of
their livelihood. Finally, the effects of environmental change on socio-economic and
political relationships within small and large communities are central concerns of
political ecology (Bryant 1992).

The political, economic, and socially induced forces behind sedentarization have
caused degradation of the surrounding environment and marginalization of nomadic
groups.

“The political ecology of pastoralists became the process of adjusting

resources, the modes of production and patterns of social life to these

demands of requiring citizens to live in one place, receive social services

and intensively utilize resources in order to maximally contribute to

productivity in the country” (Galaty 1990).

Colonial and post colonial policy ‘encouraged’ pastoral nomads to sedentarize in

order to facilitate local administration. The colonial powers sought to defeat the powerﬁIl

nomadic armies in order to gain complete control over their ten'itory. Migratory
utilization of rangeland was politically incompatible with the expectations of colonial
powers interested in preventing tribal disputes over rangeland occupancy (Bennett
1988231). Whereas the pre-colonia] freedom of movement was restricted only by each
group’s capacities for self-defense and networks of alliances and agreements with other
nomadic and farming communities, their migrations and access to traditional sources of
food and pasture were restricted by the policies of colonial governments with a differing
agenda and often superior military force (Ould Cheikh 1991:213). Taxation imposed on
nomadic groups weakened herds and forcibly encouraged the nomads to enter localized
markets. National boundaries that exist today have been created around agricultural,
mineral, or commercial resources that divide ethnic groups between many states, often
between states at war. These strict boundaries impede traditional long distance
migrations that were vital for nomadic survival in drier regions (Galaty 19912271). The
colonial and post-colonial policy of sedentarization concentrated populations
geographically, localizing areas of natural resource consumption and thereby contributing
to the degradation of tribal rangelands. To survive in these conditions, nomadic peoples
have been forced to decrease their reliance on seasonal range subsistence migration by
sedentarizing and intensifying land-use.

The Beni Gui] provide a telling example of the phenomena explained with the
political ecology framework. Recently, the Beni Gui]

...pastora] system has been undergoing substantial dramatic changes

involving such components as the scale of nomadic migration, the nature

of the herds stocked, and the overall relationships of these communities to

local resources. The effects of these changes on the physical environment
have been substantial (Bencherifa 1996:] 18).

Political control exerted over the Beni Gui] and more general economic and
demographic forces have inﬂuenced the shiﬁ in the Beni Gui] pastoral system from
extensive pastoralism to intensive agropastoralism (Bencherifa 1996:122). Historically,
political pressures during colonial and post-colonial rule aimed to tighten control over
resistant nomadic groups, who often were near sensitive borders (Bencherifa 1996:123-
4). The desire of colonial powers to exert control necessitated their reducing the
movement of often-ﬁerce nomadic tribes. Currently, access rights to resources have
undergone dramatic change due to the privatization of agricultural and grazing land.
Privatization of land is now recognized among the Beni Gui] and is informally
encouraged by the Moroccan Government, which favors sedentarizatiOn. Because the
government believes a sedentary population to be more modern and sympathetic to state
interests, they have refused to enforce the legal communal status of the land. Without
government enforcement of communal access, it has been easy for private interests to
gain de facto private rights aﬁer using one parcel of land intensively over an extended
period of time. The move away from collective pastoralism towards individualism and
privatization is largely due to population pressures from within the tribe and surrounding
tribes. This population pressure has become more severe with privatization and the loss
of a substantial part of Beni Gui] territory, part of which is on the other side of the strictly

patrolled Algerian border.

As the political ecological framework predicts, local conﬂicts of access have
increased as the availability of the range resources decreases. Hamidz, a Beni Gui]
herder, explained to me in 1997.

There is nowhere for us to graze our animals. People with tractors have

taken up most of the good land, and we can’t graze there anymore, not

even after they harvest their crops.

Local relations between tribal members have changed, as some members have
been able to substantially increase their wealth, while others have been less successful
and are now struggling to survive. “Social inequalities have increased as large herders

with modern machinery are able to control resources in remote areas more effectively”

(Bencherifa 1996: 126).

 

2 ] have used ﬁctional names to ensure conﬁdentiality.

FEMINIST POLITICAL ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
OF GENDER IN SEDENTARIZATION

It has been argued that the trend towards sedentarization and intensiﬁcation of
land use brings material and health beneﬁts to herders, outweighing the consequences of
environmental degradation (Bencherifa 1996). This analysis, however, does not consider
the distribution of these beneﬁts by gender. In fact, beneﬁciaries rarely include women,
who become increasingly burdened by subsistence activities in the face of an
environment that yields less and less. In subsistence economies heavily dependent upon
the environment, access to natural resources becomes more critical as they become
scarce. Unequal access to these resources is an important cause of inequality. Indeed,
access to natural resources often is a powerful source of social division within as well as
outside the household (Bryant 1992). Feminist political ecology is a powerful
framework for addressing issues of women and the environment through analyses of
ecological, economic, and political power. “Powerlessness, marginality, and
dispossession are found in all comers of the world. Gender is one of the factors that
shapes these conditions” (Thomas-Slayter 1995:85).

Feminist political ecology is a theory that has grown out of more than two
decades of theorizing and research about women and the environment. The women in
development (WID) approach placed emphasis on women’s productive contributions to
the economy. This concentration on economic contributions was pursued to convince

development planners that altering development projects to direct scarce economic

10

resources towards women would be beneﬁcial to the entire economy. This WID
approach has been criticized because it emphasized women’s contributions to the overall
development of their communities rather than focusing on the speciﬁc needs of women.
Furthermore, the WID approach considers the realities confronting all women to be the
same, regardless of other important variables such as race and class. In response to this
critique of WID theory, the gender and development (GAD) approach gained currency as
an alternative conceptual construction. GAD considers the relations between men and
women to have both conﬂictual and cooperative dimensions and maintains that a gender
aware approach to development must consider both facets of gender relations (Razavi
1995: l ). Gender and development (GAD) frameworks consider the importance of power,
conﬂict, and gender relations in the analysis of women’s subordination. Thus, “gender is
not a timeless natural category but one that is linked to particular social and historical
contexts. . .(varying) across cultures, classes, and production systems” (Collins 1991 :39).
Within the GAD literature, social relations analysis forms the basis of feminist political
ecology. Social relations analysis focuses on gender relations as one of many social
relations that create difference in the positioning of men and women. “It is through
gender relations that men are given a greater capacity than women to mobilize a variety
of cultural roles and material resources in pursuit of their own interests” (Razavi
1995227).

Within the context of increasing awareness of environmental problems around the
world, feminist researchers have emphasized and debated the gender-speciﬁc impacts of
(environmental conditions. Ecofeminism argues that the inclusion of women in the

environmental debate is essential because there is a historical connection between the

 

12

domination of women and the domination of nature. Women are inherently connected to
nature through their reproductive capacities, and thus women take better care of the
environment.

However, other feminist writers concerned with the environment have
acknowledged women’s interconnectedness with nature, but maintain that women’s
connection to nature emerges “. . .from the social context of gender relations rather than

from any biological or spiritual afﬁnity” (Joekes 1996). Feminist political ecology is a

 

major theoretical framework considering the social context of gender and the 3.,
environment. Drawing on a political ecology perspective, Rocheleau et al. (1996)
analyze the differential impacts that environmental change often have on men and on
women. They maintain that women suffer disproportionately from environmental
problems because they work more closely with the environment, while at the same time
having less power with which to access or control the health of their environment.
Although women often are responsible for environmentally related tasks, Jackson
(1993) critiques this assumed connection. She argues that women often are less
concerned with environmental management. This lack of concern stems not from a lack
of dependency on the environment but from the insecurity of land tenure as women can
move frequently due to marriage and divorce. Furthermore, women’s access and reliance
on communal property often is tenuous because they do not have access to management
structures. Jackson also provides examples of some women who seize the opportunity to
abuse the environment for ﬁnancial gain. The important issue that Jackson raises can be
(dealt with within a feminist political ecology framework because environmental relations

are analyzed through gender roles, which are reﬂective of differing contexts. Feminist

13

political ecology can be used to address the issues facing women in societies such as the
sedentarizing Beni Gui] that are being drawn into the broader ecological, political,
economic, and social systems, caused largely by their increasing need for access to the
market economy. Growing commercialization has strengthened Opportunities for men
because they have more ways of earning cash and have increased access to inputs that can
ease their workloads. Women today are excluded from these beneﬁts of increasing
commercialization because their movement is restricted, especially within the market that
is considered men’s domain in traditional, patriarchal societies of North Africa.

The exclusion of women from market economies and therefore ﬁom direct access
to inputs that might ease their fuel situation is deeply rooted in tradition in rural F iguig
Province where the Beni Guil live. Drawing on persistent tradition, virtually all classes
in rural areas divide tasks by gender, dictating that men are responsible for all activities of
the public sphere and town (Maher 1974), and women are responsible for household and
rural activities. Typically, women’s exclusion from public life prevents them from going
to the market, the public bath, or the doctor. “The only place she has the right to visit is
her father’s tent” (Hammoudi 1993212, my translation). Although Moroccan women
across the country are experiencing increased mobility, the overwhelming majority of
Figuig province still follows tradition that keeps women near home. Schooling for girls
is on the rise nationwide, yet this increase in status has not fully reached rural Beni Gui]
girls. In addition, money has always been considered men’s responsibility in North
Africa, but now this male role is providing men with increasingly attractive economic

opportunities, while women continue to be inhibited by cultural and structural

l4

prohibitions from gaining access to new opportunities generated by money in the cash
economy (Mehta 1996: 1 82).

The increased reliance of the nomadic community on the market is of primary
importance to men who participate in the market. However, these changes are indirectly
affecting women as the tasks they are responsible for become less central to economic
gain when households shift their emphasis from subsistence to market-related activities.
Furthermore, technologies available at the market that are restricted to male use are
affecting household activities within the traditional women’s world. For example, carts
can now be purchased at the market which enable easier transport over longer distances.
The cart has enabled nomadic families to place their tent far away from vital resources
such as water and fuelwood. However, now women are dependent upon male cart
chaperons if they are to use their equipment to access the resources they need. Thus,
although women are still very much excluded from the male-dominated public sphere,
male-controlled technologies have decreased the independence of women’s work. Thus,
women are increasingly reliant upon men in order to complete their work, suggesting
changes in gender relations within the household.

Most rural women are dependent upon the land and its resources to sustain their
families, but their access to land is becoming more and more difficult as privatization
increasingly is replacing communal control of land. Women usually are restricted from
owning land and are therefore dependent upon communal lands. The area of communal
lands is declining as men, fearing no reprisal from the state, follow the trend towards
privatization by staking out private plots on land where women traditionally gathered. It

is extremely difﬁcult today for women to gain title to land. "Because women's rights to

wood were always informal, they have no recourse. . .when others encroach upon the
areas where they gather" (Collins 1991243). Gender inequities present in customary law
often become ofﬁcial with modern land tenure and legal reforms (Rocheleau 19962291).
The creation of protected areas and private lands has not only reduced women’s access to
fodder and fuel, it also has reduced a measure of their autonomy.

“Shrinking of common lands and processes of privatization have eroded

the small measure of control and freedom of movement that women once

exercised in deﬁning their work agendas independent of men. While

men’s spaces are expanding (market rather than land) women’s spaces

are shrinking without enabling them access to the new areas of prestige”

(Mehta 1996).

The feminist political ecology framework is particularly relevant for Beni Gui]
women. Grain and farming implements (such as tractors) enable herders to reduce their
direct dependence upon the range for subsistence. Trucks now are available to move
livestock over large distances quickly, enabling pastoralists to keep larger herds and to
exploit greater expanses of range at great expense to the environment. Government-built
wells and trucks to transport water also enable larger herds and the exploitation of more
range, resulting in further degradation. Fuel collection, a traditionally female activity,
and herding, a traditionally male activity, use the same plants. Thus, an increase in one
activity will adversely affect the other.

In addition to increasingly degraded conditions resulting from land-use
intensiﬁcation and environmental degradation, women are losing access to the communal
lands upon which they depended because men are increasingly privatizing this land. The

tractor not only removes pasture for growing grain, but also facilitates privatization after

years of use. In addition, large areas of range have been made into ‘restricted areas’

16

through an IF AD3-funded project working in the region to improve range production.
The project has attempted to reimburse male herders for their loss of grazing land in the
restricted areas by providing them annually with a compensatory amount of grain with
which to feed their animals. Although women are equally denied access for their
fuelwood and other gathering activities, there has been no such attempt to reimburse
women for the loss of their fuel collection areas now located within the protected area.
Forestry laws in Morocco also have reduced women’s access to products they
need. The “Right of Usage” law says that people have the right to use plants from a
forest or range they live in or near (Boukarzl997, personal communication). However, in
order to sustain the biomass, it is necessary to leave intact the root of any plant used.
Male herding activities utilize plants in this manner; however, women’s fuelwood
extraction necessarily removes the roots. Unlike the roots, sticks and stems of shrubs in
the area are small and burn quickly. The root is the only substantial part of the plant that
burns well without constant tending. Thus, fuelwood collection is effectively prohibited
while herding is permitted. Women in one of the study communities reported collecting
fuel under the cover of darkness in order to avoid being ﬁned by local Water and Forests

Department ofﬁcers.

 

3 lntemationa] Fund for Agricultural Development

Section II. METHODOLOGY

This research was conducted in Figuig, Morocco during the months of June, July,
and August 1997. The research concentrated on four Beni Gui] communities, each at a
different stage of sedentarization. These communities were chosen to provide a
continuum of sedentarization. Of the two nomadic communities, T igri is the more
nomadic where people reported moving 12.9 times a year on average, with a range of
three to 60 moves in one year. Falet is a semi-nomadic community in which people
move 2.2 times a year on average, with a range of O to 24 moves each year. Tents are
much closer to each other in this community which is possible only in a more sedentary
environment. Maatarka is a relatively new and completely sedentarized community.
Most people settled in Maatarka aﬁer a severe drought in the 1980’s during which those
who settled had lost their herds. Mangoub is a village that has existed since colonial
times and centered around a now defunct railway station. The village has grown in recent
years as more and more families have been driven to sedentarization by the loss of herds
which have died because the degraded range is unable to support them.

This research concentrated on women, most of whom do not have national
identiﬁcation cards; therefore, it was impossible to obtain comprehensive official
information on the female population in the area. In addition to this constraint, the
difficulty of tracking people who frequently move long distances over rough terrain

placed constraints on random sampling. In the two nomadic communities, a purposive

l7

18

sample was taken by interviewing all women in families passing through a speciﬁc area
during the research period, which provided a representative sample of women in the area.
In Maatarka, a referee sample was used in which women who were interviewed
introduced us to other women who then agreed to be interviewed. Because of the small
size of Mangoub, women in all families present during my 10-day stay were interviewed.
In all, 77 women and girls participated in the research, which combined a mixture of
quantitative and qualitative methods. I asked women and single girls of marrying age
how much time their family spent collecting fuelwood to provide an indicator of fuel
collection effort. I also asked how they collected fuelwood (back, back and cart, or cart
only), and who was responsible for collecting wood in their family (only women, women
and men, or men only). I asked questions about their use of butane gas, with answers
categorized as follows: 1) no butane gas use, 2) minimal butane gas use (for lighting, tea,
and less than two meals a week), and 3) substantial use (more than two meals a week in
addition to lighting and tea). I asked respondents about the availability (distance to
market) and cost of butane gas in their area, and whether or not women in their family
had the ability to purchase butane gas without their husband’s permission or money. I
asked women to compare the environment today with environment in the past (better
today, the same, or worse) and as an indicator of their perceived quality of life to answer
if their lives were better, the same, or worse than their mothers’ lives when they were
young. Wealth rankings were obtained with help from Beni Gui] women in each location,
using a scale of rich, average, and poor. Sedentarization was measured by the four
locations of residence, with Mangoub being the most sedentary, followed by Maatarka,

and then F alet, with Tigri being the least sedentary.

Qualitative data was enriched by in-depth interviews with men, women, and
children in all four locations. In order to implement participant observation, I lived with
several families during the entire research period of June through August 1997. Three
years previous experience living in rural Morocco also provided me with a deeper
knowledge of Moroccan society. Key informant interviews were conducted with local
and national government agricultural employees, market vendors, local forestry officials,

and forestry experts at the Agricultural and Veterinary Institute in Rabat and at Utah State

 

University.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The ﬁndings of my research in southeastern Morocco supported general research
predictions about the environment and social relations within it. Most women reported
increasing environmental degradation. However, contrary to research expectations,
women did not report feeling that they have been adversely affected by today’s trend of
land use intensiﬁcation. Women were asked if they generally preferred the way of life
that existed when their mothers were young or if they preferred present-day life. A slight
majority (52 percent) of women responded that they thought their lives were better than
their mother’s lives. A small 13 percent responded that there was no difference between
life today and life when their mothers were young. Only 33.8 percent preferred life when
their mothers were young, and one percent “did not know.” Women felt that life is better
today even with environmental degradation, contrary to our research hypotheses.
Women’s view of their quality of life is not signiﬁcantly correlated with the number of
hours spent collecting fuel in one year or their degree of sedentarization.

Although the majority interviewed did not see their quality of life declining, a
strong majority (82%) agreed that the environment today is more degraded than it was
when their mothers were young. While 16% said the environment was the same, only
one percent thought that the environment was better today than before and one other “did
not know.” Several different people expressed their concern for the environment by

talking of the large increase in sand storms in recent years. A majority of women

20

21

interviewed, 68% (52), said they thought fuel collection was more difficult today than it
used to be, indicating decreasing availability of range plants that are used for fuel. A
strong majority of the women in the two sedentary communities, 80% (12) in Mangoub
and 90% (18) in Mataarka, thought that fuel collection was becoming more difficult,
indicating that range plants that provide fuel are even more scarce in sedentary
communities. In contrast, approximately half of the women in the more nomadic
communities said that fuel collection was becoming more difficult (in Tigri 46% (6) and
in F alet 61.5% (16)). Only 20% (15) of the women interviewed thought that the
difficulty had not changed, of which 12 were from the more nomadic communities, ﬁve
from Tigri, seven from F alet, and only three were from the sedentary communities, one
from Maatarka and two from Mangoub. Nine percent of the women interviewed (7)
thought fuel collection was less difﬁcult today, two from Tigri, three from Falet, and one
each from Mangoub and Maatarka. Four percent of women interviewed (3) “did not
know.”

The recent use of manure is another indication of increasing fuel scarcity.
Although manure is used commonly for fuel in several other arid regions in Africa, this is
new to Morocco and is viewed negatively by Beni Gui] women. Saﬁa in F alet explained,
“People don’t like the smell of manure, and using manure to cook with is haram”
(forbidden by the Koran). Halima in Tigri complained that manure is smoky and requires
constant tending. Although negatively viewed, 44% (43) of the women interviewed
cooked regularly with manure, 7% (5) used manure rarely. 49.3% (38) never cooked with
manure. The use of manure was rare for the previous generation of Beni Gui], indicating

that scarcity of other types of fuel has induced this change in fuel type.

22

Significant predictors of family fuel collection effort
hours

women
men in collection

 

ax= ax=

The empirically signiﬁcant predictors of total family (male and female) fuel
collection effort are l) wealth, 2) the degree of sedentarization, and 3) the amount of help
women are getting from men in fuel collection. The third variable does not measure how
many people are helping with fuel collection, but measures how involved men are in the
collection process. Variables that were not signiﬁcant predictors were 1) the age of the
woman interviewed, 2) quality of life indicator, 3) how much butane gas used, and 4)
girls’ access to primary school education. Method of transporting fuel was removed from
the initial analysis because of multi-collinearity problems due to its strong correlation
with male involvement in fuel collection.

Wealth, the weakest of the

Flgure 1: Average fuel collection hours per
year by wealth ranklng

120° three signiﬁcant variables, is

1000

800 positively correlated with fuel
600 . .
collection effort (r=.177, Sig .061).
400 -

200 5 Increasing wealth correlates with an

 

Rich Average poor increase in the number of hours
spent in collection in one year (beta

= 0.208, sig .095) when controlling for the effects of sedentarization and the amount of

23

help received by women in collection. Wealth is not signiﬁcantly related to the two other
signiﬁcant variables, sedentarization (r = .063, sig .292) or male involvement in fuel
collection (r = .050, sig. .332).

Wealth is a relatively weak predictor of fuel collection effort, and surprisingly,
within the range of wealth among the Beni Guil, wealthier women do not necessarily
work less than poorer women. Wealth does not always buy women labor saving
technology. Wealth and method of fuel transport are not signiﬁcantly related (Kendall’s
Tau-b .035, sig .755); however, wealth is signiﬁcantly related to butane gas use
(Kendall’s Tau-b=.216 sig .040). Of the 32 (42% of sample population) women
interviewed who use butane gas substantially, 5 were poor, 12 were average wealth, and
15 were rich. Indeed, many poor women complained about their inability to afford
butane gas. One woman lamented about having to buy feed for animals and butane gas
with which to cook because the fuel and fodder on the range that formerly supported
these tasks is lost to environmental degradation:

Everything we needed used to come from God. Today to get anything

you have to have enough money to pay. The land is dead. It can’t feed

our animals or give us wood. (Fatima from Mangoub)

However, using butane gas is not a signiﬁcant predictor of decreased hours spent
collecting fuel (r = 0.12, sig = 0.461); therefore, it is probable that the increased access to
butane gas mitigates only slightly the intense workload of richer families. The food
preparation for the large amount of entertaining required of rich families requires large
quantities of fuel. A woman from Tigri who comes from the richest family that herds over

1000 sheep said that she often must collect seven hazemas (back loads) of wood in one

day if there are many guests at the tent. She does not receive more help from other

24

family members than poorer families who are not obligated to entertain to the same

degree. Being rich has not made her life easier even if she has access to some butane gas.

Figure 2: Average fuel collection hours per year The second Signiﬁcant valiable,
by sedentarization

degree of sedentarization, is
negatively correlated with fuel
collection effort (r = -.333, sig.

.002). A higher level of

 

Tigri Falet Maatarka Mangoub
Lees Sedentary < ----- -> More Sedentary

sedentarization is correlated with a
lower number of collection hours
(Beta = -0. 1 88, sig .095) aﬁer controlling for the effects of wealth and male involvement
in fuel collection. As people becoming more sedentary (where environmental
degradation is at its worst), they are spending less time collecting fuel. These ﬁndings
contradict the original hypothesis of the research and indicate that the task of obtaining
fuel for cooking is now less dependent upon the environment or that technical inputs such
as butane gas or ﬁre] transport carts have lessened the time required to complete the task.
How and why the nature of fuel collection has changed will be the focus of the remainder

of the paper.

25

The third and most signiﬁcant predictor

Flgue3zAveragefuelcollectlonhoueper

M by who I. collecting of fuel collection effort is male

1200

   
   

.n

..sssss

involvement in fuel collection. The

l 7, f, ,. * ,. families who have men involved in fuel
I: I 1 collection spend less time collecting fuel
Only “mun Warnen 81d ’O'lly men «ﬁled

w“ men than do families where women alone

collect fuel (r =-.439, sig .000). An increase in the amount of help given to women in
collection is correlated with less time that the entire family spends on collecting ﬁre]
(Beta=-.369, sig .001) after controlling for the effects of sedentarization and wealth. The
mean hours spent collecting wood per year by families in which men do not participate in
fuel collection is 1055. The mean hours spent collecting fuel by families in which both
men and women collect fuel is 422. If only men collect fuel for the family, the mean
collection hours per year is 342. The amount of time collecting fuel includes time spent
by men and by women; therefore, there are other factors inﬂuencing this decrease in time
spent collecting fuel, not just the presence of men in the collection process. Male
involvement in fuel collection has the most inﬂuence on fuel collection effort and was the

most surprising ﬁnding, thus it requires more careful analysis.

26

Contrary to research expectations, the
Figure 4: Butane Gas Use
traditionally female task of obtaining
fuel with which to cook today is often
aided by labor saving technology.

Butane gas is a ﬁrelwood substitute that

recently has become common and has

Percent of respondents

 

the most potential to ease the difficult

Minimal use Substantial use

work of fuel collection. Over 40 percent
of women interviewed use butane gas substantially, meaning that the gas is used daily to
prepare at least one meal. The previous generation did not have access to butane gas.
The amount of male involvement in fuel collection is signiﬁcantly related to the level of
butane use (Kendall’s Tau-b = 0.266, sig. .013). The more men are involved in the ﬁre]
collection process, the more likely the family is to have butane gas. This is not surprising
because, of the women interviewed, 58 (75%) said they could not buy butane gas by
themselves, 18 (23%) said they could buy butane gas themselves, and one (1%) said that
she could pay for the gas herself but had to send a male relative to market to purchase the
gas. Male control over gas purchases may explain why butane gas is not used more
substantially. If men do not experience the difficulty of fuel collection, it is unlikely that
they will spend their money to make women’s chores easier. However, in this sample,
the level of butane gas use is not signiﬁcantly correlated to the amount of hours spent
collecting ﬁre] (r=-.089, sig. .245) because it is used to mitigate difﬁcult fuelwood
situations but is not used in quantities that would reduce the amount of time spent

collecting fuel.

27

Sedentarization increases environmental degradation and therefore increases the
need for butane gas. With many people collecting fuel and grazing animals concentrated
in a village area, one must go further and further to ﬁnd fuel. Monitoring illegal fuel
extraction is also easier in a village, which makes fuel collection risky as well as difﬁcult.
The village of Maatarka, for example, has a Water and Forests Department post in the
village, and several women have reported being ﬁned or being forced to pay bribes after
being caught by forestry guards. Indeed, the level of butane gas use is signiﬁcantly
related to the degree of sedentarization with a Kendall’s Tau-b signiﬁcance level of .000.
The two sedentarized villages of Maatarka and Mangoub report 25 percent of the women
interviewed use butane gas lightly (only to cook tea or for light), while 75 percent report
substantial butane gas usage (cooking some meals daily with butane gas). In the two
nomadic areas, 87.8 percent report light butane usage and 12.2 percent substantial butane
gas usage.

In addition to an increased need for butane gas in sedentarized villages, there is
easier access to butane gas. In the village of Maatarka, there is a weekly market, which
sells butane gas. Mangoub village is 45 kilometers away from a weekly market, and
there also is weekly transport to the market town 45 kilometers distant. In Falet, tents are
approximately 35 kilometers from a weekly market; however, there is only irregular
transport available. Tents in Tigri usually are farther away from a market than the tents

in F alet, and, like Falet, there is no regular transport.

28

A second labor saving technology that has
become common is the cart, used to transport fuel.
Only 29 % of women interviewed said that their
family transports fuel only on their backs.
Previously, women alone collected ﬁre] solely on

their backs. Of the women interviewed, 29

 

percent reported that their families transport fuel
both on their backs and with a cart. Many
families (39%) transport ﬁre] only on a donkey or
a cart. 3.8% do not cook with wood or manure. Using a cart to collect fuel is important
because it substantially decreases the amount of time required. The mean collection
hours per year for households who transport fuel only on their back is 1351, whereas
those who transport on their backs and with a cart or donkey collect for an average of
448. For those who only collect ﬁre] with a cart or donkey, the mean was slightly higher
at 626 hours per year.

Like butane gas, the use of carts also is signiﬁcantly related to male involvement
in ﬁre] collection. These two variables have a Kendall’s tau-b of .547 (sig.=.000). It is
doubtﬁrl that men are physically capable of collecting wood that much faster than
women; therefore, again it is evident that help from men in ﬁre] collection is related to
obtaining inputs that make this task easier. Of the 22 women interviewed who said their
family did not use carts to transport wood (i.e. used only their backs to carry wood), only

one had any help from male members in their family. Conversely, of the nine women

29

who reported that only men in their family collected fuel, all of them collected wood on a
cart or donkey and never used their backs to carry wood.

It is clear that having men to help in the ﬁre] collection process saves labor not
only because there is an extra person to help in the task but also because this enables
access to labor-saving technologies. Men can travel to markets and have the possibility
of earning cash to buy what they want in the market place. Also, in most circumstances
cultural norms prohibit women from driving carts. The material beneﬁts are clear, but the
reason men have begun helping women collect ﬁre] is less clear. Has women’s work
become so difficult that men must help? Traditionally, if the situation requires, women
are called upon to do men’s work, but almost never the other way around. It is regarded
as shameﬁrl for men to be seen doing women’s work (Nelson 1973244). Indeed, in most
of Morocco, men would never consider collecting ﬁre]. This departure from tradition

requires closer examination.

GENDER RELATIONS: A LOSS OF ACCESS

In the Beni Gui], men have begun collecting fuel, but in our in—depth interviewing
with both men and women, it became clear that these changes in gender roles have not
had only positive effects on Beni Guil women. In fact physical labor is only one of
several ways to measure well-being. Other important sources of women’s well-being that
have been damaged by modernization in the Beni Guil include: 1) the generalized status
of women, 2) access to mobility, and 3) autonomy and social power. The ease in work
load that some women are accorded by male help in fuel collection is also an
entrenchment of traditional patterns of patriarchy. Now that they are helping women with
their most difﬁcult tasks it appears that the behavior of men has changed, but in reality
men’s attitudes toward women has not changed. Gender power relations actually may be
worsening for women as they lose access to their traditional sphere and are denied access
to the increasingly important cash market economy. This change is consistent with
Mehta’s (1996) discussion of the enlargement of men’s spaces in the market, and
although women’s traditional spaces are shrinking, they are not allowed access to the new
spaces. Loss of access, in some cases, has been masked by an improvement in material
comforts for some women.

The declining availability of and access to rangeland resources has made life

difﬁcult for many Beni Gui]. Many men and women ﬁrst explained that men are helping

30

31

women collect ﬁrel because it is difﬁcult to collect and the only usable wood is very far
away. This explanation is consistent with the ﬁnding that the degree of sedentarization
and male involvement in fuel collection are signiﬁcantly and positively correlated (r =
.428, sig .000), meaning that the more sedentary and the more they live in rangeland that
is degraded from overuse, the more men help their family collect ﬁre]. However,
women’s work has always been difficult, and they did not receive help previously. It is
doubtﬁrl that women’s workload has increased so substantially that men have completely
reversed previous attitudes out of concern for women’s well-being.

Further discussion with many male respondents revealed a deeper concern for the
chastity of their women and their potential for ‘wrongdoing’, meaning promiscuousness.
Contrary to previous eras when Beni Guil protected their territory ﬁercely against outside
intrusion, today the government has claimed all rangeland and declared that Moroccan
territory is open to all Moroccans whether or not they are Beni Guil. Drought, population
pressure, and the opportunity to search for new land have inﬂuenced the migration of
several Berber groups into the traditional Arab Beni Gui] land. Because Berbers are
considered foreigners among the Beni Gui], they are not ﬁrlly trusted. Certainly, men
believe, they cannot be trusted around Beni Guil women. Mohammed in Mangoub
explained that fuel was very far away now, and men feared that mischief might occur if
their women wandered too far from the home.

Now there is no more trust [of women]. The entire area used to be Beni

Gui], but now there are Berbers here — also military people. People

coming and going over the boarder [smugglers].

Many people expressed this sentiment. Sharifa, a woman in F alet, said:

32

Women are no longer trusted to go out alone to do work like collecting

water or ﬁre]. There used to be only a few people here, now there are too

many people and too many animals.

Now men have begun to control women’s collection of ﬁre]. In most cases,
women are still responsible for obtaining ﬁre] to cook food; however, many men now
have become a domineering authority over of a once completely female sphere. Women
prefer to go far away from the tent or village to collect fuel because the ﬁre] nearby is
sparse and only small plants remain. To collect fuelwood far away from home, women
are accompanied, usually by a male family member with a cart. The cart eases the task of
transporting wood, but the cart driver may only ‘supervise’ the actual fuelwood extraction
and loading. Further detracting from the help the cart provides is that women may not
have time on the trip for the gathering of terfess (an expensive turnip-like delicacy) or
medicinal herbs that women formerly gathered while collecting ﬁrel. Thus, the
‘ownership’ of these important herbs has now been taken away from women, as men now
collect them while tending their ﬂocks.

In addition to male control of the actual trip, men also control when women can
collect fuel. They only ﬁnd time to take the cart or donkey for fuel collection when they
are not busy with other things. Water collection for the animals is usually a twice daily
task, and the weekly market is a four-day trip. The busy schedule and the low priority of
women’s work results in women having to make do with small plants nearer to their
residence that require a lot of collection effort for a small amount of fuel.

A fuel wood collection trip with Rbia and Mabroka, the nine and seven year old

daughters of Oum l’Aid, revealed that their cart oﬁen was not used for ﬁre] collection.

On this day, Oum l’Aid sent the girls out to collect wood because the boys had taken the

33

cart to bring water for the herd. Rbia said it is rare that they use the cart to collect fuel.
Rbia collected a hazema (back load) weighing 16 kilograms. Mabroka collected a bundle
weighing 12 kilograms. These bundles of shrub will not supply the family for even one
day of cooking. Another woman, Fatima, explained.

If there is a cart, there is no problem. But men go to the market with the

cart from Thursday through Sunday. Then women have ‘temara’

[grueling, unproductive labor]. They have no help, and they bring wood

on their back.

F uelwood collection is an extremely difﬁcult task that many women are happy to
relinquish or make easier, especially because it is necessary to go farther and farther to
ﬁnd the fuel. However, women’s views on how their lives had changed were mixed.
When asked about their lives in comparison with their mothers, a majority thought their
lives were easier now than before. Latifa, a rich woman from the village of Mangoub

explains,

Life is much better and easier at every level. Girls can go to school and
go to the city and get everything that makes life easier.

Other women did not agree. They thought that life was more difficult for women today.
Sharifa, a woman of average wealth from Falet (the semi-nomdaic location) describes life
today,

Women were healthy, they didn’t used to get sick, but now they do--
they’re always going to the ‘spitar’ [health dispensary]. Women used to
work hard and have lots of children, but they were healthy and did
interesting things like weaving with alpha grass. Now women don’t
work outside, only to feed the animals and help at harvest time. Younger
people have ‘temara’ (grueling, unproductive labor) in their lives, too. It
is hard to get wood now. Younger women are not healthy. Tents are

34

bigger now and harder to take care of. We have to change three strips of
the tent4 every year.

Others suggested that women are weak now, “wrapped up in plastic” like
something new that has not been exposed to the true rigors of nomadic life. Hamid
explained that it used to be shameful for men to collect fuel, but now women are not
healthy, so men are obligated to help them. As women are being alienated from more and
more tasks, their perceived loss of physical strength has caused men and women alike to
assume that women are not contributing productively to the household as was once

expected of women.

 

‘ A tent is comprised of several strips of knitted wool and came] and goat hair. Each strip is 0.80 x 8
meters. A medium sized tent is comprised of 8 to 12 of these strips sewn together. The making of a strip
occupies at least one woman for one or two months. On average, each tent changes two strips every two
years (Hammoudi 1993231).

CONCLUSION

This research uncovered unexpected ﬁndings about the changes in women’s work
in conditions of increasing sedentarization. Fuelwood collection effort in general does
not increase under conditions of increasing sedentarization. Fuel collection effort does
increase per kilogram of ﬁre] collected; however, this increased difficulty is offset by the
increased use of butane gas and also the use of carts for ﬁre] transportation. Both are
more available in the context of a more sedentary lifestyle. The social responsibilities of
wealthy Beni Guil signiﬁcantly increase the time spent in ﬁre] collection. The presence
of men in the collection process ensures access to labor saving technology and thereby
signiﬁcantly decreases the amount of time spent collecting fuel each year. Furthermore,
time spent in fuel collection does not affect the perceived well being of Beni Gui] women.
Although there are a great diversity of experiences among the Beni Gui], this research
concludes that modernization has in general eased women’s physical labor requirements.
However, the positive results of modernization have clouded its contradictions

Although many women maintained that their most difficult tasks were fuel
collection and working wool for tent making, the increase or decline in this work did not
have a signiﬁcant effect on how women felt about their lives. Women have differing
opinions about their well-being. Many expressed the complexity of issues by expressing

contradictions they felt about women’s lives in a ‘modern’ sedentarized environment.

35

 

36

Many women explained in expressive detail the difficulty of traditionally female tasks
and were certain that life was better today. Soon after the description of past ‘temara’
(grueling, unproductive labor), some women explained wistﬁrlly that women are not as
strong as women once were and have lost the strength and skills to perform ﬁre]
collection and tent-making tasks like they did in the past. Many younger sedentarized
women were especially disappointed to have lost the weaving skills of their nomadic
ancestors. And as they are losing skills that were once crucial to survival, women are not
gaining increased autonomy that modernization promises. As women’s lives are
‘modernized,’ they must increasingly depend upon men for most of their crucial
resources because they are no longer able to provide them autonomously.

There is diversity in women’s experiences with sedentarization and their reaction
to these changes, but all women’s spaces are shrinking. Women’s traditional space that
allowed access to the natural resources they need is increasingly shrinking. Women still
are completing their tasks, but in order to do so they face extremely difficult conditions.
They must rely on a declining natural resource base, or they must negotiate access to
resources that exist in the male-dominated market from which they are excluded. As
Beni Gui] women must negotiate with less and less they have lost some of their power.

The mixed views Beni Guil women expressed about their lives reveals the
complexity of change. Some Beni Gui] women who have not been able to access labor
saving technology themselves or through their husbands are struggling harder than ever to
complete their tasks in an increasingly degraded environment. Others have beneﬁted
greatly from material gains that have decreased their workload. They are positive about

their increased leisure time and newfound ability to gain weight. However, the

37

dissatisfaction of some women who have reaped the material beneﬁts of labor saving
technology reﬂect the importance of work beyond task accomplishment. Work is
important because it is embedded in a sense of identity, social relations, status within
communities, and some degree of freedom and autonomy. The ease in workload that
many women have experienced has resulted for some in a loss of a sense of purpose,
increased supervision by men when leaving home, and decreased control over when and
how they can conduct their work. Although the beneﬁts of butane and carts are clear,
when measured next to the loss of power they entail, many women contest the extent to

which these ‘amenities’ have actually improved their quality of life.

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