THESiS l lllllllllllIllllllllllllllllllll 31293 01787 9986 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF WOODFUELS IN SENEGAL presented by E. Mark Pires has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Geography -——--"'/ Major professo Date January 15, 1999 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DALE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE [333752 “ m ‘3’ 05 'fi? 0121 20mg 121207 JAN ? 4 2005 1198 NOW“ A POL 1" Dar ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF WOODFUELS IN SENEGAL By E. Mark Pires A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fuifiiiment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1999 A POLITL This study and the exploit lest African na in the developi Senegal depend to satisfy most Consequences of thecountry's 1 socioeconomic l iesources becm Woodfuel l typically desc and demand tha hOVQVer' reCen ABSTRACT ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF WOODFUELS IN SENEGAL by E. Mark Pires This study examines relationships between energy use and the exploitation of woodland natural resources in the West African nation of Senegal. As in many other countries in the developing world, the majority of the population in Senegal depend on woodfuels, i.e., firewood and charcoal, to satisfy most of their household energy needs. Consequences of this situation include added pressure on the country's limited natural resource base, and increased socioeconomic hardship, particularly for women, as woodfuel resources become increasingly scarce. Woodfuel energy problems in developing countries are typically described in terms of an imbalance between supply and demand that is driven by rapid population growth. However, recent research suggests that a number of other factors should be explored in order to achieve a more thorough understanding of the relationship between woodfuel energy and forest resource management. This study attempts to determine what some of thesg factors are, and to explain how they inform the energy-envtrpnment situation in the case of Senegal. In addition, I examine the scope for addressing Sen con-unity part 'esources. a c initiatives de aersistent pro A relativ 0f hunan-envi ri 'ls emplOyed ociitical ecoli Seregalis Ener mCTUSlVE suit ”Vironmental iaproaches. Findings the poHtha] unexplored fac “Senegal. A Illustrates th Exploitation a addressing Senegal's woodfuel problem through greater local community participation in managing energy and natural resources, a current thrust in many international initiatives designed to help the country cope with this persistent problem. A relatively new conceptual framework for the analysis of human-environment relationships - viz. political ecology - is employed in this study. I attempt to show how political ecology can contribute to the resolution of Senegal's energy-environment dilemma by considering a more inclusive suite of social, economic, political, and environmental variables than has been explored by previous approaches. Findings from the research demonstrate the ability of the political ecology approach to capture many heretofore unexplored factors related to the energy-environment nexus in Senegal. A detailed matrix is generated that illustrates the complexity of issues surrounding the exploitation and management of woodfuel resources. In the context of one local rural community in central Senegal, an effort is made to show how these issues are interrelated and how they affect the possible outcomes of promoting community participation in natural resource management. Results of this study indicate that numerous obstacles stand in the way of implementing effective community-based initiatives designed to alleviate the country's pressing energy-environment situation. Copyright by E. Mark Pires 1999 Yal n5 In loving memory of Ursula Paine Au peuple sénégalais Ya] na leen Yélla sottil yiw ak naataange It is no completing tr pitted with f having finall pleasant task along the way provided assi would be to r individuals 1' persons men“ particularly unnamed, I of 'l gratitude. I am inc comittee at We t° thank P’Ofessw Dav bcundieSs pat to have had 1; Also in the D a roz‘eSsoFs Jo ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is no small understatement to say that the road to completing this dissertation was a long and winding one, pitted with far too many detours and diversions. But having finally arrived at my destination, mine is now the pleasant task to recognize those who helped to guide me along the way. To acknowledge each and every person who provided assistance at various points during my journey would be to risk yet further delay since the list of individuals is long enough to fill a second volume. The persons mentioned below are recognized for their particularly important contributions; to those who remain unnamed, I offer a collective heartfelt acknowledgement of my gratitude. I am indebted to the members of my dissertation committee at Michigan State University. I would especially like to thank my advisor in the Department of Geography, Professor David J. Campbell, for his sage guidance and boundless patience and perseverance. I am indeed fortunate to have had the privilege to study under his leadership. Also in the Department of Geography, I am most grateful to Professors John M. Hunter and Assefa Mehretu for graciously accepting to serve on my dissertation committee, and for their sound advice and constructive criticism of my work. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Professor Michael Gold of the Forestry Department for his willingness to serve on vi [y comlitteé his tile, 1 those gradue benefitted 1 While ' cooperation To begin wii forlerly of lisconsin, i at the Insti Université c Offered me a Could dlSCus 0f conductin both to Dr, Eleni/en” Sam act as my in step to grac h is Wilding. I acknm tonsidEPatior l‘. Govern“lent oi my committee. Conscious of the numerous demands placed on his time, I am honored to be able to count myself among those graduate students at Michigan State who have benefitted from his energy and expertise. While in Senegal, I was blessed to have had the full cooperation and kind assistance of countless individuals. To begin with, I am grateful to Dr. Mark Freudenberger, formerly of the Land Tenure Center at the University of Wisconsin, for arranging for me to meet with his contacts at the Institut des Sciences de l'Environnment (ISE) at the Université Cheikh Anta Diop in Dakar. Association with ISE offered me access to an intellectual community in which I could discuss ideas and share the successes and challenges of conducting my research. My sincere appreciation goes both to Dr. Tidjane Ba, director of ISE, and to Dr. Bienvenu Sambou. Dr. Sambou gave generously of his time to act as my informal in-country advisor, and went the extra step to graciously welcome me and my wife into his home on numerous occasions and to honor us with an invitation to his wedding. I acknowledge the valuable assistance and kind consideration offered to me by numerous officials in the Government of Senegal. Among these, I would like to mention the following: Messieurs Bocar Sall, Ibrahima Gueye, Yero Sow, Gora Ndiaye, and Moustapha Lo of the National Forest Service; Monsieur Philippe Laura of the Energy Directorate of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce; Messieurs Michael Rasmusson and Racine Kane of vii the Ecological H Wool of the “in like to express Program at END ievernnental org Ionsieur Youba 5 Ilasse L0- llany indivl offered warn! “05' local issues de" ghosts in the \ lo and his family taking me under h accomplish would generous help of lion dit "Grand~p llioune Sene, and i hank everyone in We. and Touba survey. 'UCh ground l 3. “3V to Lour Esca the Ecological Monitoring Centre; and Monsieur Babacar Diouf of the Ministry of Rural Development. I would also like to express my gratitude to the staff of the Energy Programme at ENDA-Tiers Monde, an international non- governmental organization, especially its director, Monsieur Youba Sokona, as well as Messieurs Libasse Ba and Masse Lo. Many individuals in the Rural Community of Lour Escale offered warm hospitality and shared their knowledge of local issues during my stay. I am particularly grateful to my hosts in the village of Touba Aly Mbenda, Monsieur Modou Lo and his family, and especially to Abdourahmane Lo for taking me under his wing. Much of what I was able to accomplish would not have been possible without the generous help of my research assistants, Monsieur Mbaye Diom dit "Grand-pere", Monsieur Abdoulaye Ndiaye, Monsieur Alioune Sene, and Madame Ndeye Top. I would also like to thank everyone in the villages of Touba Aly Mbenda, Lour Escale, and Touba Thiaréne who took part in the research survey. Much ground was covered while working my way from Dakar to Lour Escale and points in between. Along the way I was fortunate to come to know many individuals whose friendship and hospitality helped to ease the moments of loneliness encountered during research. For this, sincere thanks go to Jens Madsen and Susan Gannon in Dakar; to the staff at the Senegalese Agricultural Research Institute station and to Monsieur Amadou Lamine Ndiaye and Madame viii lhady MbengUe ialker and the I am grat this research Scholarship Bo Ivould also i Hodges, former States Informa assistance dur grateful to th. University for “mal Suppori addition, I Hot Center for the thr0ugh the awe isllowshlp. Finally. I fully members SlUdy. I am gr Khady Mbengue Gueye in Kaolack; and to David and Maribeth Walker and the Oumar Diakhaby family in Koungheul. I am grateful for the financial support received for this research from the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board and the United States Information Agency. I would also like to express my appreciation to Mr. Thomas Hodges, former Cultural Affairs Officer at the United States Information Service in Dakar, for his kind assistance during the term of my scholarship. I am also grateful to the Department of Geography at Michigan State University for awarding me a Graduate Office Fellowship for partial support upon my return from the field. In addition, I would like to recognize the MSU African Studies Center for the support I received for doctoral coursework through the award of a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship. Finally, I would like to thank a number of friends and family members who provided moral and material support throughout the sometimes arduous process of completing this study. I am grateful to Charles Rader, my partner in Bad Influence, for his fine work on the maps that appear in the dissertation. Thanks go to Nzachée Noumbissi, a friend and colleague in Cameroon, who inspired me to finish what I started. I am also grateful to my brother, Scott Pires, for his encouragement when I needed it. My wife, Linda Beck, breathes an immense sigh of relief in seeing me finally finish. I don't know where to begin to thank her for all the love, support, and patience she has shown me ix over the yea over, she an attention th dedicated to Paine, who, ' get Iy docto that this ha over the years. I can only promise that now that it's over, she and our beautiful daughter Nicole will get the attention they so justly deserve. This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my late grandmother, Ursula Paine, who, with great confidence, always encouraged me to get my doctorate. May her soul rejoice in the knowledge that this has finally come to pass. List of Tables. . .. List of Figures... CHAPTER 1 PEOPLE, NATURE ANL no UNDERSTAND HUM/- Introduction. . . . Hunan-envi ronmer Energy Use in tr A Quintessential Recognizing tr hoodfuels in t lConceptual Fra Analysis ........ loodfuel Analysi PerSllective ..... Objectives of th Research Quest Plan Of the Diss CHAPTER 2 EIEES’ FORESTS' AN nfornation Requ TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables ......................................... xiii List of Figures ........................................ xiv CHAPTER 1 PEOPLE, NATURE AND GEOGRAPHY: ONE DISCIPLINE'S QUEST TO UNDERSTAND HUMAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS .......... 1 Introduction ......................................... 1 Human-environment Questions in Geography ............. 3 Energy Use in the Developing World: A Quintessential Human-environment Problem ........... 6 Recognizing the Woodfuel Problem ................... 7 Woodfuels in the Senegalese Context ................ 10 A Conceptual Framework for Problem Identification and Analysis ............................................. 14 Woodfuel Analysis from a Political Ecology Perspective .......................................... 24 Objectives of the Investigation ...................... 28 Research Questions ................................. 30 Plan of the Dissertation ............................. 37 CHAPTER 2 FILES, FORESTS, AND FARMS: FIELDWORK AND DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES ............................. 40 Information Requirements and Research Methods ........ 41 Field Site Selection ................................. 43 Information and Data Collection ...................... 50 Secondary Sources .................................. 50 Primary Sources .................................... 51 Research Assistance .................................. 54 Issues and Concerns Encountered in Research and Data Collection ........................................... 57 Conclusion ........................................... 61 CHAPTER 3 OF FORESTS AND FIRES: ENERGY USE AND WOODLAND RESOURCES IN SENEGAL .......................... 63 Senegal's Natural Environments and Forest and Woodland Resources ........................ 63 Classifying Senegal's Natural Environments ......... 64 Forest and Woodland Resources ...................... 71 Energy Production, Consumption and Conservation in Senegal .............................. 78 Conventional Fuels in the Energy Sector ............ 79 Woodfuels in the Energy Sector ..................... 84 Managing Woodfuel Resources ........................ 103 Woodfuel Dependence and the Environment .............. 105 Impacts on the Environment ......................... 106 Conclusion ........................................... 108 xi CHAPTER 4 All HISTORICAL PER SOUTHEASTERN PEAN Population mgr in the Terres A Environmental I in the Terres N Conclusion ..... CHAPTER 5 IlLLllPLE DIMENSIO The Environment The Economic Dir The Social Dimer The Political ar Conclusion ..... CaAPTERB iflllhRDS A SYNTHESJ II THE RURAL COMML Environmental Cc loodfuel Product Commercial Ch; Local Firewooc '°°deEl$. Reset Participation: I ENQFQY‘Envl f‘QnmE locultural Community Part Institutional Munity Part nClUSi on WPTER 7 PlLlllCAl. EC r 0L CHAPTER 4 AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON LAND USE IN THE SOUTHEASTERN PEANUT BASIN .............................. 111 Population Migration and Agricultural Expansion in the Terres Neuves ................................. 110 Environmental Implications of Mouride Expansionism in the Terres Neuves ................................. 120 Conclusion ........................................... 131 CHAPTER 5 MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS OF THE ENERGY-ENVIRONMENT NEXUS.... 134 The Environmental Dimension .......................... 136 The Economic Dimension ............................... 142 The Social Dimension ................................. 145 The Political and Institutional Dimension ............ 152 Conclusion ........................................... 158 CHAPTER 6 TOWARDS A SYNTHESIS OF ENERGY-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS IN THE RURAL COMMUNITY OF LOUR ESCALE .................. 159 Environmental Conditions in the Lour Rural Community. 160 Woodfuel Production in the Kaolack Region ............ 163 Commercial Charcoal Production ..................... 164 Local Firewood Collection .......................... 173 Woodfuels, Resource Management, and Community Participation: Interrelationships in the Energy-Environment Nexus ............................. 185 Sociocultural Dissonance in Community Participation ............................ 187 Institutional Dissonance in Community Participation ............................ 196 Conclusion ........................................... 203 CHAPTER 7 POLITICAL ECOLOGY AND HUMAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS: LESSONS FROM SENEGAL'S WOODFUEL ENERGY DILEMMA ......... 207 Discussion of the Findings ........................... 208 Participatory Development and the Environment: Old Wine in New Bottles? ............................. 214 Political Ecology, Geography, and Human-Environment Relationships ........................................ 219 Conclusion..... ...................................... 225 APPENDIX A List of Research Centers, International Agencies and Projects, and Government Ministries Visited ............ 229 APPENDIX B List of Interviews ..................................... 231 APPENDIX C Household Woodfuel Survey Questionnaire ................ 234 REFERENCES ....................... . ...................... 244 xii Table 3.1 Agro-ecologl‘ 3.2 Recent Changl 3.3 Phytogeograpl Senegal '5 For 3.4ltoodfuels am in the 19805. 3.5 Regional Dist Charcoal Proo Lilloodfuel Supp H Mouride Expan 5" "ultiple Dime Nexus in Sene. 5-l Classified For DehartIent of HOffl'cja] Chan Central Peanut 5.3 than,“ Prod l985-1993 O... 6.4 Charcoa] Prodt 55 Offlma] Charc “mack REQlOn LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1 Agra-ecological Zones of Senegal ................... 3.2 Recent Change in Forest Cover in Senegal ........... 3.3 Phytogeographical Classification of Senegal's Forests .................................. 3.4 Woodfuels and Petroleum-based Energy in Senegal in the 19805 ....................................... 3.5 Regional Distribution of Official Charcoal Production, 1961-1990 ..................... 3.6 Woodfuel Supply and Demand Scenarios ............... 4.1 Mouride Expansion in the Southeast Terres Neuves... 5.1 Multiple Dimensions of the Energy-Environment Nexus in Senegal ................................... 6.1 Classified Forests and Silva-pastoral Reserves, Department of Kaffrine ............................. 6.2 Official Charcoal Production in the Central Peanut Basin, 1961-1990 .................... 6.3 Charcoal Production in the Kaolack Region, 1985-1993 ......................................... 6.4 Charcoal Production Sites in Koungheul Arrondissement, 1985-1993 .......................... 6.5 Official Charcoal Production Quotas, Kaolack Region, 1981-1993 .......................... 6.6 Women's Perceptions on Household Labor Tasks in the Lour Rural Community ........................ 6.7 Difficulties in Firewood Supply Reported by Women in the Lour Rural Community .................. 6.8 Solutions to Firewood Supply Difficulties Recommended by Women in the Lour Rural Community... 6.9 Changes in Firewood Supply Reported by Women in the Lour Rural Community ........................ 6.10 Preferred Tree Species for Firewood ............... xiii 69 72 75 86 92 96 118 135 165 166 169 172 175 178 180 181 183 Figure 2.1 Republic of Se 3.1 Ecological Zonr 3.2 Agro-ecologi ca 3.3Senegal's Fore: 3.4 Official Fl rewt 1937-1992 ...... 3.5 Change in Local 1961-1990 ...... it Total Annual Ra LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1 Republic of Senegal ............................... 45 3.1 Ecological Zones of the West African Sahel ......... 65 3.2 Agra-ecological Zones of Senegal ................... 68 3.3 Senegal's Forest Zones ............................. 74 3.4 Official Firewood and Charcoal Production, 1937-1992 .......................................... 90 3.5 Change in Location of Charcoal Production, 1961-1990 .......................................... 93 6.1 Total Annual Rainfall at Koungheul, 1961-1991 ...... 162 xiv UuDERSW Geograth'S long people and their any other SCTenC political demands pollution. region changes. The cha offer new concepti evaluating enviror forefront will rec environmental tecl developing policy and sustainable de This disserta of knowledge in th geography.1 In th surrounding the en the exploitation o voodfuels in the W hilt offers a stir n averse aspects of CHAPTER ONE PEOPLE, NATURE AND GEOGRAPHY: ONE DISCIPLINE'S QUEST TO UNDERSTAND HUMAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS Geography's long concern with the relationship between people and their environment ..... has now become the goal of many other sciences in the rush to meet the increasing political demands for reliable information on local p011ution, regional and trans-boundary impacts and global changes. The challenge for geography is to continue to offer new conceptual approaches and new technologies for eva1 uating environmental problems. Failure to be at the forefront will reduce geography to merely one grouping of envi ronmental technicians supplying maps and data but not developing policy or new ideas for environmental management and sustainable development. (Douglas, 1991) Motion This dissertation is a modest contribution to the body 01: knowledge in the human-envi ronment tradition of geography.1 In this study, I explore a number of issues sUI‘rounding the environmental and socioeconomic impacts of the exploitation of forest resources for the production of W(Dczpdfuels in the West African nation of Senegal. This t0Iiiic offers a stimulating opportunity to examine the ‘11 verse aspects of a society's relationship to the natural environment which, in sum, is the hallmark of the human- envi ronment tradition in geography. Biomass resources continue to supply a majority of the e“ergy consumed in many of the world's developing \ Originally referred to as the "man-land" tradition, the human-envi ronment tradition is one of four overarching themes in geography suggested by Pattison (1964); the other I"Ir‘ee are the spatial (locational), area studies, and earth fcience traditions. Terms such as "people-envi ronment" and riature-society" are also used to refer to the human- e“vi ronment theme. countries. for both 99 an incremen environment people tryi part, probl been framed demand derl Resolution r lllCOIDlete a DiOOle-envil Exploitatior cartlcular. In this dialysis 0f Cliture the Application Elvironmeflta mg a glob exam'lliltion otherI that ms Bertie“ the Study ll ”Runny-“ Mn“ and haleial .8 en In the Cliff- ent Stat countries, a situation which often has adverse consequences for both people and the natural environment. These include an incremental contribution to deforestation and envi ronmental degradation, and socioeconomic hardship for people trying to meet their basic needs. For the most part, problems associated with woodfuel consumption have been framed in terms of an imbalance between supply and demand driven primarily by rapid population growth. Resolution of the problems, however, has been stymied by an incomplete accounting of the multiple factors that affect people-envi ronment relationships in general, and the exploitation of forest resources for woodfuel energy in particular. In this study, I employ a conceptual framework for analysis of human—envi ronment problems that attempts to cariture the complexity of the energy-envi ronment dynamic. Application of this framework generates a matrix of key environmental, economic, social, and political variables 5” ong a global-local continuum, together with an examination of how these variables are related to each o":I‘per, that contributes to a more informed understanding of this particular human-envi ronment problem. Findings from the study illustrate the problematic nature of local-level cOrlimunity-based strategies that have been proposed by r'31:ional and international agencies as a means to resolve Senegal '3 energy-envi ronment dilemma. In the following section of the chapter, I discuss the current status of geographic research within the human- environment the relatiOI natural env this, I elal study, viz. of energy-er using this ' is followed research out conclude Che Chapters of Geograp SURIECt mati lellnltion E is trddltlm and thSlca] and breadth liegraphers amt variOL things. the clatjonshj: allSlCa] anc Study °f the Dsactltloner Q;- Jd brobab environment tradition. I then proceed to describe briefly the relationship between woodfuel energy use and the natural environment in developing countries. Following this, I elaborate on the conceptual framework used in this study, viz. political ecology, and discuss how the subject of energy-envi ronment relationships is suited to analysis using this framework. The discussion on political ecology is followed by an outline of the specific objectives and research questions posed in this study. Finally, I conclude Chapter 1 with an overview of the remaining chapters of the dissertation. || _ . I ll l' . E | Geography is concerned with such a vast array of SUbject matter that it sometimes seems to defy concise definition as an academic discipline. The dichotomy that is traditionally drawn between the broad subfields of human and physical geography scarcely begins to capture the depth and breadth of geographical inquiry. Attempts by QQOQraphers to describe succinctly what their discipline is about variously claim that geography is, among other t"rings, the science of spatial distributions and Pe‘lationships, the study of areal differentiation of p"'ysical and human phenomena throughout the world, or the s‘liudy of the earth as the home of humanity. Although p"actitioners sometimes find it difficult to articulate c1 early what geography is and what geographers do, most Would probably agree that it is futile to seek monistic definit discipl In twentie paradig geograp humanis work an The est fierceii fleld‘s SEFtiC‘ 'EaSSEI sil‘lVEr- '939ra Dedple the hu is in “thin has t0 T Sjbsta PECElv argu” definitions of what is essentially a pluralistic discipline. In general, Western academic geography in the twentieth century has been influenced by a series of paradigms, e.g., environmental determinism, regional geography, quantitative spatial analysis, Marxism, and humanism, that has shaped the way geographers view their work and the way their work is viewed by other scholars.2 The esteem with which the wider academic community regards geography appears to vacillate over time according to the perceived strengths, weaknesses, and relevance of the field's prevailing ideas. Today, when many geographers, particularly in the United States, are preoccupied with reasserting the discipline's place as an essential University subject, we are witnessing a renewed thrust in geographic research that focuses on the interaction between Peeple and their natural surroundings. The resurgence of the human-envi ronment theme has assumed prominence in what is in many ways a campaign to persuade observers, both “'1‘ thin and outside academia, of the value of what geography has to offer society at large.3 To illustrate this point one need only consider the Substantial attention global environmental issues now r‘eceive in the media and other public fora. As people a"cziund the world become more conscious of local, regional, \ See Johnston 1986. For a number of different perspectives on the resurgence of the human-envi ronment tradition in contemporary geography, see: Kates 1987, Guelke 1989, Mather 1993, Kh'ight 1992, Pepper 1987, and Stoddart 1987. and trans tater POl hiodivers degradatii political grounded ' to highli the analy that thei SHlls ne Informati interface and SOCi a integrati VECOMmenc l'ESCJurc:e5 How the fOrn- Elli/”Gnu“ Iany no“ NtErdjs “Courag geogranh SEnSe a their Te TESLiltS N Kates EM r0m and transnational environmental concerns such as air and water pollution, deforestation, global warming, declining biodiversity, and various forms of natural resource degradation - and their myriad social, economic, and political ramifications - geographers whose work is grounded in the human-envi ronment tradition are attempting to highlight the contributions their research can make to the analysis and resolution of such problems. Many argue that their professional training equips them with the ski 'I ls necessary to synthesize disparate forms of information and data concerning the human—envi ronment interface, to, as Kates puts it, "sit astride the natural and social science boundary to provide analysis, integration, and leadership," and thereby arrive at useful r‘e<:ommendations to better manage the world's natural r‘e:~‘.ources.4 How uniquely qualified geographers are to undertake the formidable task of interpreting highly complex human- envi ronment relationships is certainly open to debate: that “any now recognize the advantage, indeed the imperative, of interdisciplinary investigation is, nevertheless, an encouraging sign. The salient point here is that geographers working in the human-envi ronment tradition sense a window of opportunity through which they believe 1:heir research can deliver practical, socially relevant I"esults, while contributing simultaneously to a \ Kates 1987: 526; see also the discussion on . envi ronmentalism and geography in Johnston (1991: 204-209). reaffl rmati o crossroads b There a hunan-enviro our skills samion 1 dl developing is problem is u ofgeography Wm Wm. Technol 0f industria fossil fuels lam SOUf‘ce economically “Weller, tra r‘350urce'6 EllSumed by Nthng Many Althoug 99‘ of the p reaffi rmation of geography's academic standing at the crossroads between the natural and social sciences.5 There are certainly many examples of contemporary human-envi ronment problems to which geographers can apply thei r skills of analysis and integration. In the following section I discuss the nature of energy use in the developing world, and illustrate how this particular problem is well suited to examination from the perspective of geography's human-envi ronment tradition. Technological achievements associated with the process of industrialization have led to the widespread use of fossil fuels, hydroelectricity, and nuclear power as the Major sources of energy consumed in the world's more economically developed nations. In the developing world, h(Dwever, traditional woodfuels remain the dominant energy r‘esource.6 They constitute the primary source of energy Consumed by most households, and play a significant role in l"eeting many commercial and artisanal energy needs. Although estimates vary considerably, approximately 90% of the population in developing countries depend on x 2 See Turner 1989. In this study I use the term "woodfuel(s)" in reference to a combination of firewood and its derivative, charcoal. It should be noted that while use of the alternate term fuelwood" appears frequently in the literature on biomass erIergy, again in reference to both firewood and charcoal, "‘ény forestry professionals use it when referring to f1 rewood only. To avoid confusing the reader, I shall use the individual terms "fi rewood" and "charcoal" where anDropriate; use of the term "fuelwood" appears only in d'i Pect quotation . .oodfuels as l consuned as f' half of the wt for all purp01 mod used for countries.8 an estimated 1 eour’valent-enr used in the m Recognizing t. The rela‘ environmental received Cons' Eckholn, an 9' Institute, fir Margy crisis' tile when 1nd. dramatic C0ns. the Orgam‘ zat- woodfuels as their principal source of energy.7 Wood consumed as firewood or charcoal accounts for about one- half of the world's raw wood production (i.e., wood used for all purposes combined), and approximately 85% of all wood used for fuel is produced and consumed in developing countries.8 In sub—Saharan Africa, woodfuels account for an estimated 80% of total energy consumption, based on an equi valent-energy-content comparison of all types of fuels used in the household.9 Recognizing the Woodfuel Prob Ten The relationship between woodfuel energy use and environmental degradation in the developing world has received considerable attention since the mid—19705. Erik ECkholm, an envi ronmentalist writing for the Worldwatch Institute, first described this relationship as the "other eI'lergy crisis" of receding forests and cold hearths at a ti me when industrial countries were preoccupied with the dI"amatic consequences of increased oil prices instigated by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. Subsequently, numerous development specialists and academic t.10 r‘esearchers have written volumi nously on the subjec A1 though most studies concede that energy-related \ Eckholm et al. 1984. de Montalembert 8- Clement 1983; World Resources Institute 5994: 170-71. 10World Resources Institute 1990. The often-cited initial publication is Eckholm 1975. other key references on the subject include: Agarwal 1986; BOgach 1985; Cecelski, Dunkerley & Ramsay 1979; Chatterji 1981; Eckholm et al. 1984; Moss 8: Morgan 1981; and Smil 1980. explc a far agrlt on m defo agrir firs C00; exploitation of forests and woodlands is not as significant a factor in global deforestation as is land clearance for agriculture, many nevertheless acknowledge that dependence on woodfuels does contribute in some cases to severe local deforestation, environmental degradation, declines in agricultural productivity and increased rural poverty.11 In the two decades since the "woodfuel problem" was first recognized as a serious environmental issue affecting mil 1 ions of people worldwide, international development organizations such as the World Bank and the United Nations have proposed numerous strategies designed to achieve environmentally sustainable energy supply.12 Typically, such strategies include the establishment of capital- intensive woodfuel plantations to enhance supply, or the promotion of appropriate technology interventions such as f"Mel-efficient cookstoves to reduce demand. In general, these strategies have failed to produce the desired r‘esults. With the benefit of accumulated experience, many Observers and researchers now contend that development aQencies have consistently based their interventions on 1:I-Jndamental misunderstandings of the woodfuel problem. Prominent among these is the belief that rapidly rising population is the primary causal factor of the gap between Supply and demand. Dewees, and Cline-Cole and colleagues, \ 1‘ Rosillo-Calle & Hall 1992; Pimentel et al. 1986; Smith 81. 3 For example, see de Montalembert 8. Clement 1983 and "Grid Bank 1979. wng other: reconsider 1 They sugg€51 resource see include var‘ through time growth and 1 consumption and supply, influences 1 available re lackets - ar Ulysical 5c; °f the proce O'Keefe this lSSUe 1. solve the WC llslnterpret lltentioned tendencieS t Mductlon p Ia”agencent : g“graphic m hat Mel and touchon in N Keefe a. among others, argue convincingly that the time has come to reconsider the dynamics of woodfuel supply and demand.13 They suggest that the prevailing Malthusian view of resource scarcity obscures more complex issues. These iruzlljde variability in woodfuel supply over space and through time, the effective relationship between population growth and per capita energy consumption, household consumption behavior in response to changes in energy cost and supply, and how the availability of rural labor influences whether households collect firewood from locally available resources or purchase it in emerging local markets - and whether the latter case is in fact a sign of physical scarcity, as some suggest, or simply the outcome of the process of economic specialization and exchange. ()‘Keefe and Munslow, who have worked extensively on ‘this issue in southern Africa, claim that many attempts to solve the woodfuel problem falter due to various Inisinterpretations or miscalculations on the part of well ‘5 ntentioned development agencies.14 These include tendencies to isolate woodfuel supply as a forestry- Droduction problem rather than a more integrated land management problem, to overestimate the problem's Qeographic magnitude and underestimate its highly localized nature, and to proceed with supply enhancement and demand I“Eduction interventions without first having satisfactory \ 1 3 ‘I 4 Dewees 1989; Cline-Cole, Main 8. Nichol 1990. O'Keefe & Munslow 1989. information technical Di An impc that any ati first recogr that may obt underscored “affected pc are rarely | co"sequentlj «enable to recognizing Problem can droblem mus' WDUlation . variabies w attentiOn. politjm' there, WhEn Mora] res Di’DUlatton. case °f Woo '0”er is i In Sen Went ann R Cline‘co information on essential demographic, economic, and techn i cal parameters . An important lesson to draw from these critiques is that any attempt to respond to the woodfuel problem must first recognize the considerable variety of circumstances that may obtain at a given place and time. This point is underscored by Cline-Cole and colleagues who state that "affected populations are never amorphous and environments are rarely homogeneous; the 'fuelwood crisis' is consequently not everywhere manifest in the same forms or amenable to the same solutions."15 In addition to recognizing the diversity of situations in which a woodfuel problem can emerge, I would argue that analysis of the problem must go beyond issues of resource scarcity and Dopul ation growth and take into consideration a number of variables which heretofore have received only marginal attention. Among these are many social, economic, political, and environmental factors that affect how, “there, when, for whom, and at whose expense available natural resources are exploited to satisfy a given pepulation's energy needs. In this study, I examine the case of woodfuel energy use in Senegal using an approach that captures a diverse array of relevant variables. Woodfuels in the Senegalese Context In Senegal, a nation of 8.8 million peOple with a CUPrent annual population growth rate of approximately \ 1 5 . Cline-Cole, Main & Nichol 1990: 524. 10 m, ther developi“?r natural re Sahel r991 toward exi dependence energy nei avariety section, woodfuel lore deta ecodl and DVOdUCtio later in Sens by DErsjs “a“ "ati °l Detro} SOur-Ces ‘ exacerba. {Erl enEl “fluent of Cuttli Meghan do exist taunti‘y , c\ t: 2_ 7%, there are numerous constraints to economic and social deve1 0pment.16 One of these is an extremely limited natural resource endowment. Located in the drought-prone Saree" region, with an export-based economy long oriented toward extensive soil-depleting groundnut production and dependence on modest forest resources to supply most of its energy needs, Senegal's natural resource base is subject to a variety of development-related pressures. In this section, I offer some general comments on the nature of the woodfuel energy situation as it pertains to Senegal. A more detailed discussion of the country's forest and woodland resources, and problems concerning energy production, consumption, and conservation, is presented 1ater in Chapter 3. Senegal's energy-environment dilemma is characterized by persistent dependence on dwindling woodfuel resources, a \ueak national economy that hinders large-scale substitution (Bf petroleum-based fuels, the lack of viable alternative =3cnwces of energy, and government policy that appears to Gaaxacerbate the conflicting imperatives of meeting short- iZderm energy needs and maintaining long-term environmental productivity. Although Senegal does not face the prospect c3"“:cutting down its last energy-yielding tree in the i Immediate future, localized pockets of severe deforestation ‘C‘SD exist near some settled areas. Consequently, the Country is presented with the challenge to devise sound % E3 Demographic data reported in the Population Reference u"eau (Washington, D.C.) 1997 World Population Data Sheet. 11 natural resou satisfy the e and protect t environment. Presentl household ene of time and/o is the threat primarily urb lit the furthe resources, wi c“Stevences 5mg“ resent “they and c fuelvood Illini ms 0f poli E”Vlf0nmentai are borne by [but it” Anaiyses that the Sit. 3"“ the worn SW" at th. ”inward tier ll ’1: WhitnEy e. ~9ard “0‘ ivagns (1988 “usee UHDp/l Eiy in Ci natural resource management policies that simultaneously satisfy the energy needs of a rapidly growing population and protect the productive capacity of the natural env 1' ronment . Presently, most Senegalese are able to satisfy their household energy requirements, albeit at increasing costs of time and/or money in many instances. At stake, however, is the threat of slipping deeper into a situation whereby primarily urban-based increases in woodfuel demand result in the further degradation of rural-based natural resources, with attending negative socioeconomic consequences for rural populations. The situation in Senegal resembles that of many other countries where, as Whitney and colleagues note, "the economic benefits of 'fuelwood mining flow primarily to the urban population, the ‘Iocus of political power and decision-making...[while] the environmental costs are largely invisible to the latter and Eire borne by rural populations who have little political C'Iout. "17 Analyses of the woodfuel problem in Senegal suggest that the situation will get worse before it gets better. A major investigation conducted jointly by the United Nations ahd the World Bank states that woodfuel demand will exceed SUPDIy at the turn of the century, and continue on a downward trend for several decades thereafter.18 Other ___ 17 Whitney et al. 1987: 332. The notion of urban bias with ‘EQard to woodfuel issues is also discussed by Leach and b Ygarns (1988: 193-194). See UNDP/World Bank 1983. I examine this study more ejosely in Chapter 3. 12 research c0! imrove uooc have SO far Allowii pose serious sectors in 1 far of most it would apt conceptual 1 framework re account the e”‘~’f9t~envir +«he search 1 seek to incc “tha Wider Environment‘- In the fr“eliork - EnerQY‘Envj, exaip195 frc heijOFtar fmdaWEnta] In the slices wreath 1. n 7 “besar 8. r-esearch concludes that interventions carried out to improve woodfuel production, substitution, and conservation have so far done little to reverse this trend.19 Allowing that woodfuel consumption will continue to pose serious challenges to the energy and environment sectors in the coming decades, and given the failure thus far of most interventions to thwart a worsening situation, it would appear that the time is ripe to apply a different conceptual framework for problem analysis. Such a framework requires an integrated approach that takes into account the complex and varied dimensions of the overall energy-environment relationship. I argue, therefore, that the search for a sustainable energy supply system should seek to incorporate standard analyses of supply and demand with a wider suite of economic, social, political, and environmental factors . In the following section I discuss a conceptual framework - political ecology - used here to analyze the energy-envi ronment problem in Senegal. Drawing upon e>een subject to criticism on the basis of their limited * 2O 1 n environmental determinism see Huntington 1924, Semple T211. and Taylor 1937; on possibilism see Febvre 1925 and tham 1951; on human ecology see Barrows 1923, Eyre & JON-PS 1966, and Porter 1978; and on cultural ecology see 5¥tzer 1989, Cohen 1974, and Turner 1989. BenFOr‘ examples of contributions from anthropology see nett 1976, Geertz 1968, Rambo 1983, and Steward 1955. 14 wafial a Iarked on their phy! ilportant environmer While reciprocal through ti Systems ti interactic inmflficig factors, 1 mafia] ar Environme, recogilt'zir Woey he 3 limited DerSheets" 9909”th The l * seen a: c“Dieter, relations! e\ Fur an spatial and static temporal scales of analysis, and a I“arked unidirectional emphasis on humans' adaptation to thei r' physical surroundings that overlooks equally important questions of human impact on the natural envi ronment. While efforts have been made to achieve more complex, reciprocal analyses in human and cultural ecology - notably through the application of ecosystem concepts and general systems theory used to model human-envi ronment i nteracti ons22 - these perspectives are still seen as insufficient in terms of understanding the broad array of factors, particularly those intervening at different spatial and temporal scales, that help to explain human- environment relationships. As Porter remarked in recognizing its emphasis on micro-level analysis, "human ecology has an appropriate scale and it can deal only with a limited level of complexity."23 Consequently, perspectives on human-envi ronment relationships in geographic research continue to evolve. The relatively new approach of political ecology can be seen as the latest stage in the search for a more chpr‘ehensive understanding of human-envi ronment relationships, one which, according to Feet and Watts, emerged as a response to "the theoretical need to integrate :2 For an overview of general systems theory/analysis, see - Guru 1971. For an interesting reconsideration of these eas as incorporated into the work of human geographers $59 Zimmerer 1994. In Porter 1978: 19. The "appropriate scale" Porter ..e"1}10ns here has usually been interpreted to mean small, pr‘lmitive" societies in the develOping world. 15 land-us In a se environ politic defined this to describ that is refinem Be to defi used as take of of me Ielhodo Expecta' attribu. Ecology ””GErSCC fierspem An EXpleI-t 25 F’eet 3.09 jand—use practice with local-QTObal political economy."24 In a seminal publication on land management and envi ronmental degradation, Blai kie and Brookfield depict p01 itical ecology as a combination of ecology and a broadly defined political economy; Pickles and Watts later refine this to cultural ecology and political economy.25 Bryant describes political ecology as an emerging research agenda that is "complex and challenging, requiring analytical refinement as well as empirical exploration."26 Beyond these broad statements, however, most attempts to define political ecology, and to explain how it can be used as a conceptual framework to guide research, begin to take off in a variety of directions that introduce a host of different and often conflicting views on epistemology, methodology, practical purposes, and theoretical expectations. This sometimes confusing situation can be iattributed to the experimental stage at which political ecology currently resides as a research tool, and underscores the importance for those who employ this perspective to define terms and set boundaries. An innovative aspect of political ecology is the explicit attention paid to human-envi ronment interactions ‘ :2 2; Feet 8. Watts 1993: 238. :3} Blaikie and Brookfield 1987: 17; Pickles and Watts 1992: ‘(39- The volume by Blaikie and Brookfield has done much to §B1tJNUlate work under the rubric of political ecology, which '1 1:8 authors also refer to as "regional political ecology" ‘E3" 90 attempt to emphasize spatial considerations of the "Vlronment. Several antecedents to the recent surge in ‘3 itical ecology work include Wolf 1972, Enzensberger 2L§§74. and Yapa 1979. Bryant 1992: 27. 16 at hult licro-l human a licro- (region level a politic underst Ufider c Cc lnterne affect Specifi consid, envlrm Uh hen develol regard U59 5y: the Sal at multiple, nested scales of analysis. In contrast to the micro-level analysis characteristic of most earlier work in human and cultural ecology, political ecology incorporates mi cro- (local ecology and populations), meso- (r-egional/national contexts), and macro- (global arena) economic, social, and level analyses of the environmental, po‘l itical variables identified as relevant to an understanding the specific human-envi ronment relationship 27 under consideration . Consequently, political ecology considers national and international factors in addition to local forces that affect the outcome of land management practices in a specific place. Clear examples of how multi-scale considerations are incorporated into the analysis of human- environment problems are illustrated in the work of Bassett on harder-farmer conflict and state-supported livestock development in the Ivory Coast, as well as that of Horowitz regarding international donor involvement in pastoral land use systems and large-scale river basin projects throughout the Sahelian region in Africa.28 Additionally, in what is pri marily a theoretical and methodological discussion that fa‘l 'l s somewhat outside the main body of political ecology H tel"ature, Bradshaw and colleagues offer some interesting ins‘i ths into the importance of multi-scale analysis with f‘eSIDect to problems of African develOpment.29 '2-,\ 28 Catnpbell 8: Olson 1991a; Blaikie 1994: 7. 29 Bassett 1988; Horowitz 1990. Padshaw, Kaiser & Ndegwa 1995. 17 —— Anoth that disti enphasis o the enviro political processes analysis. lulti-scali arguments the depend. incorporat. Illhln mm added to t1 considers 1 Capitalism that are H but which I contro] We The at to “Vance Ema"atiOI Another attribute of the political ecology framework that distinguishes it from previous approaches is an emphasis on understanding relationships between peOple and the environment within their historical, economic, and p01 itical contexts, paying specific attention to production processes at various spatial and temporal scales of analysis. The introduction of multidimensional, as well as Inu1 ti-scale, analysis therefore responds to previous arguments in development geography, particularly those from the dependency school, for a broader approach that incorporates issues related to the political economies within which land managers operate.30 A component is thus added to the study of human-envi ronment relationships that considers the importance of the state and international capitalism, i.e., forces of political and economic power that are removed from the immediate physical environment but which nevertheless influence in-situ access to and control over locally available resources.31 The adoption of a political economy perspective helps to advance analysis beyond the sometimes reductionist eij anations of human agency and natural causes that are Often evoked to explain environmental degradation in many parts of the world.32 Instead, as Blai kie and Brookfield 30 in $1 ater 1974; Santos, 1979. See Riddell (1989) for a ore recent, useful review of the translation of political §?°“Omy concepts into ecological and spatial terms. See Blaikie (1989) for an explication of how this can be afiam‘i ned in the African context. pr n interesting discussion that reexami nes many deeV-‘ailing orthodoxies about the management (and Chgradation) of Africa's natural environments is found in aDter 1 of the edited volume by Leach and Mearns (1996). 18 sugge. explai variOI politt local Campbe Schroe Doliti envirc local suggest, we can begin to piece together a "chain of explanation" linking the site-specific physical outcome of various land use practices to economic, social, and p01 itical factors operating at different scales from the local to the global.33 Work by Grossman in the Caribbean, Campbell and Olson in Kenya, and, separately, Carney and Schroeder in The Gambia, offer convincing examples of how p01 itical-economic relationships are integrated with environmental variables to help explain the outcome of local natural resource use patterns.34 Most researchers currently experimenting with the approach would probably agree that, in principle, political ecology strives to combine natural science perspectives from ecology with social science perspectives from p01 itical economy in an historical context at multiple geographic scales of analysis. Beyond this general statement, however, what some consider as an attempt to theorize environmental degradation or land management is seen by others as a less grandiose effort to develop a more i ntegrated and comprehensive framework that can accommodate the exceedingly complex questions of nature-society re‘lationships. At the very least, it is clear that the "Ot‘i on of complexity is a recurrent theme in various attetnpts to explain what political ecology is all about. \ 33 34 B‘I aikie a. Brookfield 1987; Blaikie 1994: 11-18. Ssch Possman 1993; Campbell 8: Olson 1991b; Carney 1993; t‘t'Jeder 1993. Both Carney and Schroeder take a gn-i ficant look at factors of gender relations and land :e“\lre arrangements. 19 The chal the worc The ecc ecc Ill of Str the Such co: one pior a unive- transfo' "ldenti its Dar lutuall Drove t In 1nteroi greates liaui li Dlurali 3€C0mmC firmed“ . 06a] Ni sterlari theary. The challenge of defining political ecology is summed up in the words of one biologist who states: The only clear and undebatable fact about political ecology is that it is a multifactor [political—social- ecological] system in which factors are interacting with one another in a complex fashion and the behavior of the system is a consequence of the particular structure of that system, not simply Sge sum total of the behav1or of the 1nd1v1dual parts. Such convoluted attempts to define political ecology lead one pioneering thinker to suggest that efforts to establish a universal definition be bypassed in the interest of transforming the perspective into a vehicle for "identifyi ng productive contradictions between and within its parent disciplines and ordering these into a set of l"utually interacting discourses."36 This, however, may prove to be no less of a challenge. In practice, political ecology struggles with an interdisciplinary quality that in some ways may be its greatest attribute, while in others it remains a crippling 1 ‘5 ability. Uncertainties exist about how to reconcile a ‘31 urality of approaches into a coherent whole, how to accommodate flexibility in methodological and analytical procedure without sacrificing scientific rigor, and how to deal with contextual outcomes to human-environment sCenarios that make it difficult to develop acceptable theory. Ultimately, these uncertainties lead some observers to question the suitability of political ecology as a useful tool in a vital area of geographic research, 3\ 3% Vandermeer 1994. Blai kie 1994: 2. 20 ehile for 0th spelling out eeployed. Tl deal with the iithout open' outcomes" whe relationship: lihitese' reflections I considering . its potenti a' its current 1 research.38 Sulgests tha' terms of "ad' Canacity, SC‘ Contribution. reconciling . l'Derative 0' In addi' Chailenges' . StrUeeles oi ”’9 trouble while for others it underscores the importance of precisely Spelling out the context within which the approach is noted succinctly by Black, is to employed. The challenge, deal with the inherent plurality of political ecology without opening a "Pandora's box of possible processes and outcomes" when attempting to explain human—envi ronment 37 rel ationshi ps . Whitesell and Zimmerer echo this concern with careful reflections on these perplexing issues. Whitesell, in considering the emergent nature of political ecology and its potential contribution to theory building, describes its current usefulness as a "theoretical compass" to guide r‘esearch.38 Zimmerer, employing the term "new ecology," suggests that this conceptual framework holds promise in tel"ms of "advancIingl human geography's explanatory capacity, scientific creditability, and its policy contributions," especially when applied to thorny issues of reconciling the necessity for economic development with the 39 i I"Iberative of environmental conservation. In addition to epistemological and methodological challenges, the emerging theme of political ecology s1; Puggles with two other issues, one minor and the other mof‘e troublesome. The minor issue concerns the criticism that research conducted under this rubric emphasizes problems in developing economies to the neglect of other 3\ a; Black 1990: 45. 39 Whitesell 1993: 42. Zimmerer 1994: 118. 21 regions overwhel the so-c suggest inindus wave of such as environm in the s alenab'le the appr consider truly is “Ch ex use Drac this doe EDDilcab regions of the world.40 Although it is true that the overwhelming number of recent studies focus on locations in the so-called Third World, there is no convincing reason to suggest that political ecology is inapplicable to problems in industrial nations. In fact, precursors to the current wave of political ecology studies examined issues in places such as the European Alps, while more recent research on environmental management in New Zealand and land use rights in the southwestern United States exhibit many attributes amenable to analysis from this perspective.41 In theory, the approach could be employed anywhere in the world Considering that there now remain very few examples of truly isolated human populations. While the degree to wh‘ich exogenous variables affect the outcome of local land use practices may differ significantly from place to place, thi s does not necessarily call into question the inherent applicability of the approach. The more significant concern relates to what is seen as the generally weak or unsatisfactory treatment of the 4‘ 0 Indeed, the majority of studies employing a political e'i-‘-0=>‘Iogy framework focus on the developing world, particularly the Africa and Latin America regions. For A‘Ff‘ica see: Bassett 1988, Bell 8. Roberts 1991, Campbell & 1 Son 1991b, Carney 1993, Jarosz 1993, Moore 1993, 10hroeder 1993, and Uvin 1996; for Latin America: Chapman 8989, Grossman 1993, Hecht 1995, Schmink 8. Woods 1997, 1t0nich 1993, Vandermeer 1991, Whitesell 1993, and Zimmerer 991; for Asia: Hershkovitz 1993 a. Peluso 1992. There is a1 so a notable, and constructively critical, paper on I43?|"‘I:ugal by Black 1990. Wolf (1972) provides commentary on work done in the A198, reported in a special issue of Anthropological The examples from New Zealand and the United Quarterly. ates are reported in Cocklin and Furuseth (1994), and ahler (1996) and Morehouse (1996), respectively. 22 natural sci! i.e., the El earlier in l have the rec social and l her understi environment relationshii significant So far, dominated bi sciences. i research re; geographers lhlsical ch; 'Elland soi' Wiley Stlpi Salonja] am access to or is, .Jian 990w; natural science side of human—environment relationships, i.e., the ecology of political ecology.42 As I suggested earlier in this chapter, rare is the geographer, reputed to have the requisite knowledge and skills straddling the social and natural sciences, who is truly expert in his or her understanding of the interdisciplinary nature of human- envi ronment relationships. Given the complexity of these rel ati onshi ps, political ecology by its very nature demands significant collaborative effort.43 So far, however, work done in this vein has been dominated by those whose expertise is in the social Sci ences. A notable exception to this pattern is the "asearch reported by Bell and Roberts.44 These two 9809raphers successfully weave together analyses of the phy'sical characteristics, distribution, and variations in Wetland soils in Zimbabwe and the context of land use pol icy stipulations imposed by the state, during both (:01 onial and post-independence periods, to explain farmers' access to productive land resources. Work by Zimmerer, a human geographer, on potato cultivation in Peru is another "are example of balanced human—physical analysis and '5 nterpretation.45 Nevertheless, the bias toward social 2‘ 43 See discussion in Whitesell (1993: 83). Building effective collaboration might be more difficult than initially expected. One biologist's dour, albeit a'E'llsing, perspective on the chances of effectively merging u" fferent backgrounds in political ecology goes like this: In the case of political ecology there are two initial prOblems: First, natural scientists think they know far Of‘e about ecology than they really do, and second, social 3‘31 entists believe them" (Vandermeer 1994). 45 Bell & Roberts 1991. Zimmerer 1991. 23 science concern' transcei advancei relation The exempli‘ Bell am Quality through 9T0ups g Ntimatg degradai vein! I be aeoli Tesoume envirOnn One Can Mtlple pf hu"Tar An in the u elaninat E“hole SthCtUr science perspectives poses some fundamental questions concerning the high claims that political ecology transcends disciplinary barriers that impede a more advanced and complete understanding of nature-society rel ationships. as The application of a political ecology framework, exemplified in the works mentioned above by Bassett and Bell and Roberts, demonstrates how variations in the quality and quantity of natural resources over space and through time, and the various ways in which different user groups gain access to or are excluded from these resources, Ultimately affect the extent to which environmental degradation occurs in a given situation. In a similar Vei n, I argue that a political ecology framework can also be applied to analyze the exploitation of Senegal's forest r‘esources for woodfuel supply and the resultant In so doing, environmental consequences of this activity. One can expect to gain a more thorough understanding of the '"U‘ltiple factors that influence the outcomes of this type of human-envi ronment relationship. An example from East Africa helps to shed some light on the way in which the woodfuel problem is suited to examination within a political ecology framework. The eXample is based on Wisner's consideration of the st Puctural determinants of woodfuel resource availability 24 in rural Ke demonstrate any other and educati available t n»en‘s), ( observatior function oi resources, interact vi landscape c Wisner Ioodfuel re 'fu‘3156809. WStricted 1“”1 of bi 0'””8th a and Other , 1landleSS 0r mflCult f lisp“. al‘gu mdDOlitic waged i nt larginai Co This a ‘h . ll'lSner 1 Q TSnEr 1 ‘Sner 1 in rural Kenya.46 In this particular case, Wisner demonstrates how adequate woodfuel supply is only one of nutrition, water, housing, many other basic needs, e.g., and education, met through judicious allocation of the available household resources of time (particularly women's), cash, and land. He makes the important observation that availability of woodfuel is not simply a furiction of the quantity and distribution of biomass "socioeconomic factors resources, but that, in addition, i111:eract with demography and ecology to produce an unseen landscape of class-stratified scarcity and abundance."47 Wisner sketches a picture of unequal access to "<><>dfuel resources which he refers to as the local "1=L1elscape." He illustrates how access to woodfuel may be "Gesstricted not only by physical parameters affecting the 1 £2\Iel of biomass productivity, but also by property c"\"fl‘iership arrangements, uncertain usufruct rights to land, alf1<1 other socioeconomic conditions, particularly among the 1 Elridless or the land-poor, that ultimately make it more (i‘i‘f=ficult for some households to meet their energy needs. "‘5 sner argues that villagers who are on the socioeconomic Ei'ch political margins of access to natural resources are "‘F<>rced into vicious spirals that produce environmentally "48 marginal conditions [i .e. , degradation]. This analysis of variable access to woodfuel resources in Kenya demonstrates how multiple factors surrounding the ‘ 1? Wisner 1989: 237-45. 48 Wisner 1989: 240. Wisner 1989: 242. 25 issues into th case th society which c Wisner the inf variabi remains the imp of the issues of woodfuel supply and environmental quality fit In this into the political ecology conceptual framework. case there are identifiable, multiple linkages between and the natural environment political economy, Although society, which constitute the core of the framework. Wissner incorporates elements of multidimensional analysis, and the: influence of power on access to resources, vat~iability in the physical environment, this example nennains incomplete in that it does not adequately address tJIEB impact of exogenous variables in shaping the contours of the local fuelscape. Campbell and Olson remind us that political ecology, as a tool to organize analysis of human-envi ronment issues, Sifieeaks to understand the interrelationships between social, and ecological variables over 3301 itical, economic, and at various scales of analysis from SBKJEice, through time, t1*1<3 local to the global.49 Therefore, to examine woodfuel E’fiiergy issues within a political ecology framework, one Must first identify the relevant constituent elements of 't1*irotinuum - that define the basis of the multidimensional According to Whitesell, we can consider this a"‘fialysis. ‘=llrst step in the applying political ecology approach as In the following paragraphs the "categorization phase."50 1 offer examples of representative elements of the 49 Campbell & Olson 1991a, 1991b. 5° Whitesell 1993. 26 differer given WC Ecc include producti soil cor and pest helps tc various strategi Soc of voodf (i.e., f ESDecia] fuel pro natural taboos r Pol different variables that one might choose to examine in any given woodfuel energy problem. Ecological factors relevant to woodfuel analysis include those directly concerned with tree growth and the productive capacity of the physical environment such as climatic conditions, soil conditions, water availability, Knowledge of these factors ancj pest and fire ecology. he'l ps to identify the possibilities and limitations of various natural forest management and reforestation strategies for a given location. Social and cultural factors important to the analysis CTF' woodfuel problems include aspects of energy choice (‘i -e., fuel preference), division of household labor — especially that of women and children - with respect to 1Ft1£el provision, indigenous technical knowledge of local r‘Eiitural resources, and issues of cultural prohibitions or ‘ZEitaoos related to land, tree, or fuel use. Political factors that figure prominently in woodfuel Elfiiilysis include institutional arrangements that determine 1 iirid tenure and land use patterns, the allocation of Llist-fruct rights to common property resources vis-a-vis the at>i lity to restrict access to resources through rights in F>r“ivate or state ownership of land, and procedures for the Questions related adjudication of land-related disputes. tI) who has access to resources, how access is determined, ‘Nho makes decisions, who benefits and who loses when resource use decisions are made are all important considerations. Insight into how these issues are handled 27 helps us to apparent in available t Econom feasibility between dif transformed trees and we not only as economically functions th Once th Shell lnvolve ‘llerdeoenda shat “hit 9 S Dolitica] E ”Wise 1.] hetermne the hUMan. Dartjcma helps us to better understand why inequities may be apparent in the quality and quantity of woodfuel resources available to various members of a particular population. Economic factors to consider include the prospects and feasibility of using alternative fuels, relative prices between different types of fuels where these have been and the valuation of trainsformed into market commodities, treaes and woodlands in terms of the functions they provide rn31: only as sources of energy, but for the many other economically productive and environmentally protective ftxrictions they play as well. Once the categorization stage is complete, the next Step involves determining the nature of the connections and '5 nterdependencies among the identified variables. This is “Vliaat Whitesell describes as the "process phase" in the F><>7Iitical ecology approach.51 This is, in effect, an E2>63I~ticular land use practices under consideration. I set out to explore the applicability In this study, (>‘: a political ecology perspective to elucidate the iITtricacies of the woodfuel energy-natural resource ‘Wanagement problem in Senegal. I argue here that the political ecology conceptual framework allows for an 51 Whitesell 1993. 28 inclusive relevant i based on I and time ‘ As in use in th considera of Senega Bank stud developme governmen Studies, Voodfue] e’esearche Rllboli‘s C Senegal ls ”Search Sector nc t° be eat our under in this p Upon Wei. lamps of f inclusive and diachronic consideration of a suite of relevant variables, thereby enhancing previous approaches based on more limited sets of variables, geographic scales, and time frames. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, woodfuel energy use in the developing world has been the subject of considerable examination. This is no less true in the case of Senegal. In addition to the major United Nations/World Bank study noted above, many other international development agencies, bilateral donor programs, and non- governmental organizations have been involved in numerous studies, projects, and evaluations of the country's Woodfuel situation.52 0n the part of North American researchers, the most noteworthy contribution to date is R‘i bot's comprehensive analysis of the political economy of ESfianegal's charcoal markets.53 The substantial amount of research and project involvement in the woodfuel energy sector notwithstanding, important information still needs to be gathered and questions answered in order to improve OUr understanding of this specific human-envi ronment issue i "I this particular locale. Consequently, my study builds tltman previous work in order to gain new insights into the nature of the problem and to suggest some possible avenues t0 pursue in the search for solutions. \ 52 The following have figured prominently in the woodfuel energy sector in Senegal: the United States Agency for Enternational Development, the energy division of the akar-based non-governmental organization ENDA-Tiers Monde, and the French environmental organization Association Bois Feu. gs Ribot 1990. 29 Prev despite d of fuel 5 reforesta energy-er conpreher related ‘ customar' forestry regulati Wiley, and QOVE rESDur‘m Widitj‘ I Emilio; reexami Energy- Researc Previous research conducted in Senegal suggests that, despite disappointing results experienced thus far in terms energy conservation, and of fuel substitution, reforestation, alternative strategies to redress the energy-envi ronment situation might be identified through a comprehensive reexamination of a number of key issues re‘lated to the woodfuel problem. Such issues include customary and contemporary land tenure arrangements, forestry codes and other environmental legislation, regulation of the charcoal industry, woodfuel pricing po‘l icy, the scope for cooperation between rural populations and government agencies responsible for energy and natural resource management, as well as the agro-ecological 54 In this study, conditions related to biomass production. I employ a political ecology framework to organize a reexamination of these and other issues concerning the e "I ergy-envi ronment problem . Research Quest 1' ans The suggested utility of conducting a more cCbcnprehensive examination of issues surrounding the energy— E3|"|\.rironment situation in Senegal evokes three specific First, what are research questions that guide this study. the constituent elements of the political, economic, Social, and environmental variables, manifest at various Spatial and temporal scales of analysis, that govern natural resource management practices for woodfuel energy 54 For example, see Ribot (1989) and Tibesar and White (1990). 30 productl these va socioecr practice the nail begins 1 to the i In FESOUFC energy I identif at inte llayers interna gel/9mm nationa entrepr 'Oodfue i“Greg 1"ilerta 1Indlyjd PesDect Conger maYErs their a. ESSentii PM»; )V‘Ha] ‘ production? Second, how do the interrelationships among these variables help to explain the environmental and socioeconomic outcomes of current woodfuel production practices? Identification of the constituent elements of the main variables and the interrelationships between them begins to reveal the complexity of the search for solutions to the energy—envi ronment problem at hand. In considering new strategies to improve natural resource management practices in general, and woodfuel energy production in particular, it is essential to identify the variety of players involved with these issues at international, national, and local levels. The range of p”! ayers includes, among others, representatives of 1’ nternational development agencies, members of non— governmental organizations, government technicians in the rlational forest service and the environment ministry, entrepreneurs in the forest-products business engaged in Woodfuel production and commerce, and the many and varied '5 l"I'Izerests represented among local rural populations. It is i I'Il>ortant to understand who is represented among these i r'NL'1Iividuals and gr0ups, and to discern what their "QSpective interests are regarding the exploitation and/or Conservation of natural resources. Knowledge of who these 9‘ ayers are, their relationships with one another, and their attitudes toward natural resource management is essential in order to understand the environmental and social outcomes of woodfuel production practices. 31 The th tron one D3 Senegal's e do with the local entit effective l to the nati ilportant i internation are Current of local co lanagentent. AfricaI emp lalagenent n1Ming pr The C0 “lagenentn raprQSEnt n R tranSfer 0 The third research question guiding this study stems from one particular suggestion to consider in re—examining The issue has to Senegal's energy-environment situation. do with the nature of cooperation between national and Specifically, what is the scope for local entities. efhfective local participation in the search for solutions tca the national woodfuel problem? Addressing this issue is important in light of the fact that many national and international agencies involved in environmental matters are currently refocusing their attention on the imperatives ch local community involvement in natural resource management. In Senegal, as well as many other parts of I\1=rfica, emphasis on decentralized natural resource unairjagement has become a major thrust in the development 9 1 anni ng process . 55 The concepts of "community-based natural resource Management" and "village land management" in Senegal "Eataresent new models of decentralization predicated on a "‘t:r~ansfer of responsibility" (responsabilisation in French) In 'f:f‘<>m the central government to the local population.58 ‘:'\£3 spirit of "less government is better government" that 5555 For example, see République du Sénégal (1993d), Gueye (71S394), Gueye and Laban (1992), Resch (1994), and Fortmann 56 Nihra (1992). In Senegal, the term responsabilisation is employed by tflie government to indicate the increased role local Communities are now expected to play in managing their own irffairs (including natural resource management) with less State involvement. However, some observers argue that this QOlicy reflects instead the failure of the state to achieve lts development objectives and, moreover, represents an abandonment of state responsibility vis-a-vis the rural Population (see Sylva 1992: 183-84). 32 reflecl sectors intern; bloate< become T'ESOUN theory which ' lore SI ENCOUN Ianagei Darti c‘ Priori' progral Tl Ia”age: Effect Dolnt ‘ 90verm CGntr‘o' recogn. auther- Proh- dt Wat.” chErnt refinire fiih0ri in,” reflects the state's attempt to disengage from certain sectors of the economy - itself a response to pressure from international actors to streamline an inefficient and bloated bureaucracy, local populations are expected to become more directly responsible for the management of In resources within their territorial jurisdictions. having a greater voice in determining the way in theory, not to mention having wtrich local resources are exploited, mo re secure rights to the benefits that accrue therefrom, encourages communities to engage in better resource Emphasis is often placed on the ma nagement practice . reflecting once again the pa rti ci pati on of women , F>r*iorities of foreign donors who fund many natural resource D Fograms . The logic behind decentralized natural resource Management assumes, among other things, the existence of an As Minis and colleagues e ffecti ve implementing structure . F><>vint out, this structure requires functional local Si<>\rernment units with a degree of independence from direct ‘c=<>r1trol by the central authority, clear and legally r‘<.Ee<:ognized geographical boundaries over which they exercise authority, the corporate status needed to raise funds to ‘DW‘crvide services and functions, and a working reciprocal relationship between local and central levels of successful decentralization government.57 In other words, requires the effective devolution of decision making authority to local governing bodies. k 57 Minis et al. 1989: 19. 33 Tl connun presen' namely “bottoi develoi develoi follow it per rural discus I "Deepl develo local enhanc instan “Bert,- number. are of1 rliral I rlatUra] UlSCUSS The renewed focus on decentralization and local community participation in natural resource management presents an opportunity for yet another reexamination; namely that of the purported benefits of the so-called "bottom-up" as opposed to "top-down" approach to rural development. A considerable body of literature in development geography addresses this dichotomy.58 In the fo'l 1owing paragraphs I draw upon some of this literature as i t pertains to both socioeconomic and spatial aspects of rural development that are relevant to the present d'i scussion of natural resource management in Senegal. In socioeconomic terms, the bottom—up or so-called " Deople-fi rst" approach is based on the premise that development strategies must be oriented toward helping 1 °><::al populations meet their basic subsistence needs and er‘I’1ance their long-term livelihood security.59 In many ‘ “stances, this includes making provisions for protecting - mportant local natural resources. Trees, which provide a n umber of domestic needs such as food, fiber, and energy, Q. he often cited as critically important resources for the 5 Ural poor.60 Obviously, protection of this particular “ atural resource is at the heart of the energy-envi ronment :- 1. scussion in Senegal. In spatial terms, the bottom—up development 3 erspective is couched in terms of "selective spatial .: 8 See, for example, Chapman (1969), Corbridge (1991), "i edmann (1979), Friedmann and Weaver (1979), Johnson égsm). and Stohr a. Taylor (1981). go Cernea 1985; Chambers 1983, 1988. Chambers & Leach 1989. 34 to t rela' lhes vita unde C0031 OEVQj OPE deCEr c1csure. " an important concept in regional development thinking expounded in the late 19703.61 According to Gore, selective spatial closure entails "the devolution of power 'communities' so that they can not to loca'l and regional on ly plan the development of their own resources according to their own needs, but also control any external r‘eelationships that have any negative effects upon them."62 I" hese negative effects are characterized by the "leakage of V i tal regional resources" which results from the L- "desi rable polarizing ("backwash") effects of unequal a=-'liimunities (see footnote 9 below). For the sake of Q'Drisistency, I shall refer to the arrondissement by its ~f=Ormer appellation since the offices and day—to-day unctions of this sub-prefecture continued to operate, at $3“; time of my research, from the town of Koungheul (pop. .000). Rural fieldwork took place over a period of ten months, during which time I spent a total of 5 months working in ‘the Koungheul arrondi'ssement interspersed with trips to .5aolack and Dakar for further research, consultation and g nterviewi ng. g The CER is Senegal's primary rural extension service. In terms of Senegal's political-administrative structure ‘he rural community (communauté rurale) is the penultimate territorial subdivision, generally composed of between 10 and 50 villages with total populations ranging from 2,000- 5 a 000 inhabitants, governed by a corresponding rural §°Uncil (consei'l rural). In 1994, there were aototal of e 1 7 rural communities in Senegal. Lour was offiCially . t s":ablished as a rural community in 1974, with its seat in l..- he village of Lour Escale. The word "Escale" is commonly hsed in French toponymy to indicate a "trading post," . e‘f'=erring in this case to a location where peanut marketing ¥ Bansactions took place during the colonial period. It) République du Sénégal 19883. Assuming a rural aODUIation growth rate for the Kaolack region of 2.396.336? 1 g hum as reported in the 1988 census, Lour had an estimated 93 population of 12,780 inhabitants. 47 the asst estabh's the vill located Koungheu The consider headquar the thir producti 1985 to this Fur rural f0 during t the IoCa offered °” fOres I9) 1an number 0 estab] 1' S the assistance of the former CER chief, I arranged to establish a base for the rural component of my fieldwork in the village of Touba Aly Mbenda (hereafter Touba“), ‘located approximately 20 kilometers north of the town of Koungheul . The choice of Lour was guided by several important considerations. First, information from the regional headquarters of the forest service indicates that eight of the thirty-two (25%) officially designated woodfuel production sites in operation during the nine years from 1 985 to 1993 in the Koungheul arrondi’ssement are located in this rural community. Second, an internationally funded "Ural forestry project, PARCE,12 was active in the zone “Uring the 1980s in promoting reforestation practices among the local population. Therefore, research in this area foered an opportunity to investigate the project's impact on forestry—related land management activities. Third, a key informant, the former CER chief, provided me with a “Umber of personal contacts through whom I was able to QStablish a base in the village of Touba. A fourth ("P—Onsideration, one that I regarded as critical in v t 1 By employing this abbreviation I do not wish the reader To confuse the village of Touba Aly Mbenda with the town of Cuba, the religious capital of the Mouride Islamic Th ere §Fotherhood, located in Senegal's Diourbel region. however, an important connection between the two places ‘3 s , t3 ‘- nce Touba Aly Mbenda was founded in 1918 by a disciple of I he Mouride brotherhood's founder, Chei kh Amadou Bamba 'Ibacké. This relationship is discussed further in Chapter $2 Projet d 'Aménagement et de Reboisement du Centre—Est gceqtral-East Forests Management and Reforestation r‘OJGCM- For details on this project see Montagne (1988) and Barrier (1989). 48 facilit indigen known a with me, knowleds engaged Ianageme of certe of fielc section The henefici points f the Mt conceptu‘ earned ‘ Useful f, mlltica' tnternat out at tl Served t1 Dmcegs ‘ intervie‘ 1°Cation ‘- o\ n Enten1 undflsté oneanj 2&1 IISOClatj 89 Gr faci ‘I itating my fieldwork, was the presence of an indigenous community development association based in Touba known as the Koungheul Entente.13 Establishing contact with members of the Entente provided me with access to knowledgeable and dynamic residents of the local community engaged in various projects related to natural resource management. I considered this to be important in the light Of certain methodological criteria concerning the conduct 0f field research.14 I discuss this point further in the Section on research assistance later in this chapter. The initial phases of my research program proved beneficial in terms of establishing a set of reference ”Oints for information and data collection corresponding to the multi-scale requirements of the political ecology Conceptual framework. Contacts made and investigations Qarried out in the capital city of Dakar were particularly useful for identifying elements of the economic, social, QOlitical, and environmental variables of the study at the i hternational and national geographic scales. Work carried Qlrl: at the regional headquarters in the city of Kaolack served two important objectives. First, through a logical hrooess of documentation review and informational i nterviewing, I was able to determine an appropriate 1 o(Bation in which to conduct the local-level segment of the 1:1 e‘ldwork. Second, work in the regional capital also 1“ v. 3 Entente, a French word meaning "agreement" or 0‘4 nderstanding," is commonly used to refer to self—help r‘Qanizations such as the numerous village development fifisociations found throughout Senegal. See Graham (1980). 49 served linkage contrit product figjgglg I inform. begin I continl inform, fixond TI Study i locumer IElate( from at Se"Egan Itnj Str COij1€ avajiat Wilma I served as an important "bridge" for understanding the linkages between national and local level factors that contribute to an understanding of the overall woodfuel production system. I E l' I D I C 1] I' In this section I discuss the specific sources of i nformation and data I utilized during my research. I begin with a description of secondary sources consulted and Continue with an explication of the primary sources of 1' nformati on. secondary sources The majority of secondary sources consulted for this study include government reports and other official <2"Ocumentation not available outside of Senegal. Statistics "elated to woodfuel production and consumption were gleaned from annual reports and other documents obtained from the Sanegalese Forest Service and the Energy Directorate of the Ni nistry of Industry and Commerce. Demographic statistics QOMpiled during the latest national census (1988) were a\Iailable from the Ministry of the Economy and Finance. C)‘F‘Ficial legislation related to territorial administration, 1 and tenure laws, and the environment, e.g., the national fot‘estry codes, was consulted at the national archives and at other libraries located in Dakar. Planning documents c<>r~|¢:.:erning rural communities in the Koungheul a""I"<:.>ndi‘ssement were made available to me by the Directorate 01: Local Collectives at the Ministry of the Interior. 50 Unp ianuscri' Senegal untversi centers listing Consults ohtainir Senegal; elsewher Co: several fieldwo “”OQra' Voodfue Deanut IGCUMen Bois de the 105 atria] C°"Sult and the Sujvi E Pri‘ar) DL ante tc SE‘lEra‘l Unpublished dissertations, theses, and other manuscripts related to research on environmental issues in Senegal were consulted during visits to a variety of university departments, libraries, and the documentation centers of international development agencies. A complete listing of the facilities visited appears in Appendix A. Consultations at these locations were useful in terms of obtaining information and results from studies conducted by Senegalese researchers that are generally unavailable e 1 sewhere . Complementing the information uncovered in Senegal, several weeks spent in Paris, both before and after ‘F “i eldwork, led to the discovery of a wealth of helpful Monographs and technical reports on land use, agriculture, Woodfuel, and forestry-related topics concerning Senegal's peanut basin region. These were consulted in the dQCumentation departments and libraries of the Association 8° is de Feu, the Centre Technique Forestier Tropical, and t he Institut Ge'ographique National. In addition, maps and a Q"ial photographs of the study area were obtained or Q Qnsulted at the Institut Géographique National in Paris, “(I the Service Géographique National and the Centre de I'icerns regarding data availability and reliability, the t"'a‘lmre of one's relationships with local informants, public foicials, and research assistants, and a host of “' <>gistical challenges that in many instances require .::"‘odigious quantities of patience, persistence, and berseverance. Given the nature of my research topic and the 1“::=1onsiderable shortcomings in the quality of data "‘::=wollection, reporting, and retrieval in Senegal, I am sesigned to making the inevitable caveats regarding the \" alidity of statistics on phenomena such as energy § ~onsumption and biometric parameters of forest resources. 57 It gen wit Sent that char Drec iiiu COUH that acre Gite: note: DFOdL the 1 519m“ durjn hOUSe re5001 Offjc. infOrn Réc 1? 3y] It is critical to keep in mind that these statistics are generally sparse, not standardized, and often reported without reference to the methods used to collect them. Numerous other researchers and informed persons consulted in Senegal cautioned me about the dearth and lack of dependability of data in the energy and forestry sectors. Such advice is underscored in a study commissioned for SBeanegal's new National Forestry Action Plan which stated ‘tzrlat few reliable data are available on firewood and charcoal production, and that attempts to arrive at a precise estimate of such quantities are somewhat “i 'I lusory.16 Regarding the validity of statistics on the country's forest resources, one quickly comes to understand that statements such as "government figures on reforested aereage exceed the total surface area of the country" are ‘=>‘f*tentimes reported only half in jest.17 It should also be “Oted that in much of what follows, data on woodfuel production correspond to quantities officially recorded by ‘itliie forest service; they do not begin to capture the s‘ignificant amounts produced illegally. Other types of data collection problems surfaced “=I\1ring interviews and in the administration of the household energy survey. Depending on a particular "“espondent's occupation or position, e.g., government ‘fficial, rural council member, or peanut farmer, \‘ nformation gathered from these different sources was at \ I: g République du Sénégal 1990a. Sylva 1992: 173. 58 In FEE vhe Q‘iv the vi 1 and far. com; the Out Sai d reDe. dEa] times undoubtedly subject to strategic or calculated considerations. This was almost inevitable due to the somewhat sensitive nature of certain aspects of the research such as local land tenure conflicts or the forest service‘s purported collusion with charcoal producers. Much information received from government sources, particularly the forest service, seemed only to mimic current policy rhetoric in reference to developing ";)artnerships with the peasants" and promoting " participatory approaches" to natural resource management. I n the household energy survey, the quality of some responses to the questionnaire may have been colored by what seemed to be a desire on the part of respondents to Q 1‘ ve the "right" answers. Another element that may have affected the quality of the information I gathered was the association many V 1' llagers often assumed existed between me as a researcher and the financial and material resources available from I Oreign aid organizations. Therefore, cross-checking and QOlnparison of information collected at various stages in the research process was essential in order to try to tease §ut some of the conflicts and contradictions of what was §aid from what was observed. Participant observation and "epeated focused interviews were helpful in attempting to fieal with some of these issues. a few comments are necessary regarding some As Finally, \‘ ogistical issues confronted during rural fieldwork. N entioned above, one of the reasons for choosing the Lour 59 ce to Co to he: Rural Community had to do with the presence of several French-speaking extension agents associated with the Koungheul Entente. This arrangement had its advantages and disadvantages. I have already noted the importance I attach to engaging local research assistants as opposed to hiring others from outside the study area. Not only were these individuals able to provide ready access to key people and places, but the fact that I could communicate with them in French offered me the opportunity to verify and cross-check information I gathered while working solely in Wolof. 0n the other hand, these individuals maintained certain responsibilities to the Entente that required them to be rather mobile and, therefore, oftentimes unavailable. Consequently, there were many occasions during which I had to postpone my research activities or work with other members of the community. In working around the occasional absence of my primary assistants, I often carried out interviews with the help of the individual mentioned above whom my hosts in Touba assigned to me as a guide and companion. Although this person was of great assistance, I believe that his relatively young age of thirty years bestows upon him much less respect in the eyes of the community compared to the older extension agents I worked with. In addition, there were many occasions when my guide's eagerness to offer or interpret information during interviews interfered with the answers respondents tried to give to my questions. However, given the amount of time I spent with him, this 60 ct en Se Iii frc COP: Con: 50m and 00m; 99ne of r Dan, ”9901 the C Satis individual probably became the person most accustomed to my use of the Wolof language and therefore the one best able to fine-tune my expression when necessary for the sake of clarity. In many ways his services as an assistant, and his sense of responsibility as my appointed guide, far outweighed any occasional annoyance he may have caused in terms of research protocol. In the end, I am confident in my decision to work closely with people from the local community rather than to engage more practised assistants from the ranks of Senegal's research community. In so doing, I believe I minimized the risks involved in working with individuals from the latter community who very likely would have been considered outsiders much in the same way that I was. W Overall, foreign researchers will find working conditions in Senegal to be rather accommodating. Although some problems are encountered in terms of data availability and reliability, one cannot help but benefit from a comparatively well-established research infrastructure and general acceptance of the considerable expatriate community of researchers and development workers. And with practice, patience, and perseverance, one gradually learns how to negotiate the challenges of gathering useful information in the cultural context of Senegal's rural areas. The research methods I chose to employ in my study satisfied adequately the diverse and disparate requirements 61 of the political ecology conceptual framework. Through a deliberate process of information gathering along a broad spatial hierarchy, anchored on one end by the offices of international aid agencies and government ministries in Dakar and on the other end by farmers fields and rural tree nurseries, I was able to collect a sufficient amount of data to build a multi-scale, multidimensional matrix of variables useful for responding to the questions posed by this study. In the following chapter I present a general background on Senegal's forest resources, the energy sector, and the important role woodfuels play in linking these two areas together in an energy-environment nexus. 62 en bv 9n of LU Kn CHAPTER THREE OF FORESTS AND FIRES: ENERGY USE AND WOODLAND RESOURCES IN SENEGAL In this chapter I describe the connections between energy use and the natural environment in Senegal. I begin by presenting a simplified portrait of the natural environment based on two commonly employed regionalizations of the country's major agro-ecological zones. I also describe briefly the physical composition and administrative delimitation of Senegal's forests and woodlands. In the second section of the chapter, I offer a detailed discussion of the current situation in Senegal with respect to national energy production, consumption, and conservation, with an emphasis on the dominant role played by woodfuels. I also describe briefly the structure of the woodfuel production and marketing system. In the third section of the chapter I address issues related to the environmental impact of Senegal's dependence on woodfuels. 'I:!-_ l- - I OIII‘I -I0 o ‘ -|0 A... (so For a country with a total area of only 196,722 square kilometers - about the size of South Dakota - Senegal has a number of diverse natural environments. These range from sparsely vegetated areas in the Senegal River valley on the border with the Republic of Mauritania in the north, to dense gallery forests of the Casamance region along the frontier with the Republics of Guinea and Guinea-Bissau 400 63 kilometers to the south. Average annual precipitation over this range varies from approximately 300 mm to more than 1,500 mm north to south. Classifying Senegal's Natural Environments One common classification of natural environments in West Africa is based on climatic, edaphic, and vegetationai characteristics used to determine areas of relative homogeneity. This results in a latitudinal arrangement of ecological zones that are distinguished by incremental changes in precipitation and dominant flora. Consequently, reference is made to a series of east-west trending belts in Senegal and other West African countries between the Sahara desert and the coastal tropical forests. This series includes, from north to south, the Sahelian zone dominated by tropical steppe vegetation of herbaceous annuals and thorny shrubs, the Sahelo-Sudanhr-zcne of grassy savanna and scattered woody vegetatiaa.:fie Sudar‘a' zone characterized by wooded savanna or "pers'i‘2‘ vegetation, and the Sudano-Guinean zone n:2a:‘c' its denser forest formations (Figure 3.1).1 1 Atlas du Sénégal 1983: 19; Gr'::??"éif 2-‘2 @- Bank 1985. ALGERIA ”BYA N 'z's‘sm we," ' NIGERIA LEON.” cont GHANA CENTRAL , .. AFRICAN REPUBLIC CAMEROON sauna-Rim. some ° GABON couso ZAIHE k\\V Sudanian - Sudano—Guinean ~eoo Isohyatsinmm o 200 400K m L4_L_LJ ANGOLA Source: After World Bank 1985. Figure 3.1 - Ecological Zones of the West African Sahel 65 A modified system of classification is used in Senegal by government ministries and development agencies involved in natural resource management.2 This system is based on a synthesis of the aforementioned latitudinal belts and the dominant agricultural and land use characteristics representative of Senegal's different geographical regions. This classification produces a map (Figure 3.2) with six agro-ecological zones, referred to as zones éco- géographiques, which include: the Senegal River valley, the Silva-Pastoral zone, the Coastal Niayes zone, the Peanut Basin, the Agro-Silvo-Pastoral zone, and the Southern Forest zone. The principal characteristics and major environmental issues for each zone are summarized in Table 3.1. As in any system of regional classification, the agro- ecological map of Senegal reflects a certain degree of subjective generalization and simplification in determining regions of meaningful uniformity. While it can be argued that there is greater homogeneity based on dominant ecological and land use criteria for the Senegal River valley (irrigated and flood recession agriculture), the Silva-Pastoral zone (semi-nomadic transhumance), and the coastal Niayes zone (market gardening in depressions between dune formations), the remaining three zones are characterized by more varied ecological and land use patterns. Although considerable natural and human 2 The system is described in République du Sénégal (1981a: 72—74) and USAID (1991: 35-37), and is updated in République du Sénégal (1993b: vol. 2, 9-13, 146). 66 “’l diversity exists within all six zones, there appears to be a general consensus in Senegal favoring the use of this scheme for natural resource management planning purposes. This is reflected in the fact that some of the zones, e.g., the southern Forest zone and the majority of the Peanut Basin, are delimited as much along administrative divisions as they are on ecological criteria, ostensibly facilitating data collection, longitudinal statistical analysis, and administrative aspects of resource management.3 3 DEG/Louis Berger International 1990: 10-12. 67 Atlant Key Senegal River Valley Silva-Pastoral Zone - Coastal Niayes Zone Peanut Basin 1:] Agro-Silvo-Pastoral Zone % Southern Forest Zone 0 National capital ° Regional capital '—"' National boundary Regional boundary MAURITANIA 0 50 100m Atlantic Ocean GUINEA-BISSAU GUINEA Source: After Republique du Senegal 1993b, vol. II: 146. Figure 3.2 - Agro-Ecologicol Zones of Senegal 68 55:5:182mwof 503855 155 :_ 955m .815. 0.93%?» a. 5...: ”8D :53 55:5 8x5 5.: 5:33 533553 .5 8:52:32 £8 55m 55m 8:525: 5&5 89:8 552 8:35: 25: Nesta 8-2 5:5 8:238 on _ .N 23 8:2 3:8: 5:555 we: :25 2 on: m5. 5:80mo> ozmmooxm 252 .50 $55 5:53; “SD 23 86: 28 So: 538:»: ,5 5:828:00 .58 3:83 3588 3 0:: m5. 5:30mo> 085m £980 £0322 geese—5:3— azom 292: 25:83: :5 839. 5:3. €53.55 «Ed—)5 S v 555 5:25am 83% o5N 355:6.»3 mfineagc 80885: 33%.: 5 5:50:85 5:3..— .wfimfix 5.55.»:— .390 2%: 5:925 82 SEE ”a: 23 5:333 =om sow e55 as: are: use? 2.8 2:55 52.58% . 5&5 8,. v 5%: 5:25.58 5: 2 oz: 5:328 8:38.. 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Throughout the twentieth century, however, and particularly during the last few decades. Senegal's forest resources have come under considerable pressure from the combined factors of agricultural expansion, recurrent drought, and increased demand for woodfuels. Data on deforestation in Senegal for the period 1981-1990 indicate an average annual loss in forest cover of between 52,000-80,000 hectares, or approximately 0.5% of all forested land per year.4 Based on the best available data, the recent evolution of forested land cover in Senegal is illustrated in Table 3.2. In 1990, forests and woodlands were estimated to cover 119,640 square kilometers, or approximately 61% of the country's total land area.5 These statistics, however, must be interpreted with caution since they are based essentially on uncertain assumptions used to measure deforestation rates, and in part on inexact criteria used to define terms such as "forest" and "woodland."6 4 World Resources Institute 1994: 306; République du génégal 1993b (vol. 2): 33. 6 République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 43. Estimates of total forested area are sometimes based on administrative criteria, such as land officially gazetted as classified forests which in a few cases are no more than "forests on paper," rather than up-to-date botanical data. Variable definitions of "forest" for Senegal are discussed in World Bank (1994a: 16). 71 Furth altog take the 5‘ of m ilp1i< Senega intaci offici reah‘t affect This 1' Natior for 90 Tel Not . garkS. £3th Furthermore, due to methodological reasons that are not altogether clear, the figures reported in Table 3.2 do not take into consideration the status of forested land within the six national parks that together account for about 5% of the country's land area. There appears to be an implicit assumption in the documentation available in Senegal that forest cover in the national parks remains intact and unaffected by degradation since these areas are officially off-limits to any type of exploitation. In reality, however, knowledge about land cover change and the affects of human encroachment into the parks is limited. This is particularly the case in the remote Niokolo Koba National Park in southeastern Senegal, which alone accounts for 90 percent of the total area of all six national parks. Table 3.2 - Recent Change in Forest Cover in Senegal Year Km2 Hectares %A:2:g1 1980 127,225 12,722,500 65 1985 123,800 12,380,000 63 1990 119,640 11,964,000 61 2000b 116,810 11,681,000 59 Source: After République du Sénégal 1993b: 43. a Not.including approximately 1,009,450 ha. in national arks. B Estimate from République du Sénégal 1981a: 45. 72 Forests and woodlands in Senegal are classified on the basis of both phytogeographical and administrative considerations. A detailed study undertaken during the late 19703 for the 1981 Forestry Master Plan identified as many as ten different categories of woody vegetation.7 In an earlier, authoritative study of the country's woody vegetation, P.L. Giffard, a former conservator of forests in Senegal, employs a simplified tripartite classification scheme based on climatic divisions similar to those mentioned above, i.e., the sahelian, sudanian, and guinean domains.8 Acknowledging that considerable diversity exists within each division, the location and major characteristics for the three domains are summarized in Figure 3.3 and Table 3.3. g République du Sénégal 1981a: 20—23. Giffard 1974. 73 ’0 Atlantic 008. /, fl 0 m \\ x K“ hcu Key :1 Sahelian Domain : Egg Sudanian Domain - Guinean Domain MAURITANIA 0 Nationalcapital 0 Regional capital —--- National boundary SA HELO SAHARAN at? = Wm“ WM" ""2 0 so 100 Km "'\.-\_-.(‘-""~ N-.§i’l_2¢o/® WWWJIUHRW GUINEA- BISSAU \ , GUINEA -. Source: Afier Giffard 1974 Figure 3.3 - Senegal's Forest Zones 74 Table 3. SAHEH | 1Pittu’pitation < 5.‘ ! 4 “001 Sub- Saheio— .\ dmsions (1’ 4! {precaution} Sahcio-S~ i (400. < R\ 0mm A cu; Id sen “0m?- Bauhlmu r1 SW [aimed hm §§hClQ-_Sah | Acacia :ud. ‘ Balumm u ( ‘alnlmpn . ('w’mm .1 1 ( 'awa ohm ‘ (“"71 hremn Salvation, 1 g{hit-Sud Acacia W." "500 sen. 1 (bduhufw (”Wm/7’10 Euphurhm Grew“! blc hum; Sen \K SOUFCE; After G1 Table 3.3 - Phytogeographical Classification of Senegal's Forests SAHELIAN DOMAIN SUDAN IAN DOMAIN GUINEAN DOMAIN Precipitation < 550 mm/year 550-] ,300 mm/year l,300-l,700 mm/year Major Sub- Sahelo—Saharan sector Sudano-Sahelian sector Estuarine Mangroves divisions (< 400 mm/yr) (550-900 mm/yr) (Precipitation) Sahelo-Sudanian sector Sudano~Guinean sector (400-550 mm/yr) (900-l,300 mm/yr) Dominant Acacia senegal Acacia seyal Parimri excelsa Woody Bauhim‘a refescens Bombax costatum Elylhrophaeum guineense Species Lannea humilis C ombretum elliolii Detarium senegalense C ordyla pinatta Albiziaferruginea Sahelo-Saharan sector Entada africana Albiza zygia Parkia big/obosa A fzelia qfn'cana Acacia zaddiana Prosipis africana Khaya senegalensis Balanites aegyptica Pterocarpus erimceus Borassus aelhiopum C alotropis procera Elaesis guineensis Capparis decidua Sudano-Sahelian sector Cassia obovata Estuarine Mangroves Combretum aculeatum Acacia senegal Salvadora persica Balanites aegiptica Rhizophora racemosa Boscia senegalensis A vicennia nitida Sahelo—Sudanian sector Commiphora africana Grewia bicolor Acacia seyal Boscia senegalensis Mano-Guinean sector Cadabafarinosa C omniphora qfi’icana Cassia sieberiana Euphorbia balsamifera Daniella oliveri Grewia bicolor Laphira alata Guiera senegalensis Oxythrmamhera abyssinica T eminalia macroptera Source: After Giffard 1974. 75 Administr divided into t‘ non-cl assi fi ed of all floral assumed by the national fores management and extends beyond resources as a agricultural 1 defined in the dlscussed in t over the use 0 the forest ser the government The c1358 national tern“ Parcels that t lclassified 20 nationa] land classified f0r Administratively, Senegal's forests and woodlands are divided into two principal categories: the classified and non-classified domains.9 Responsibility for the management of all floral and faunal resources within these domains is assumed by the state through the authority vested in the national forest service. In fact, authority over the management and exploitation of any tree-related resource extends beyond these two domains to encompass such resources as are found throughout the country on agricultural lands, "pioneer" lands, and in urban areas as defined in the national land tenure law.10 As will be discussed in the following chapters, the sweeping control over the use of tree products and woodlands exercised by the forest service is a major source of conflict between the government and the rural population. The classified domain covers an estimated 30% of the national territory. It is comprised of 213 different parcels that together make up the zones ciassées (classified zones) category as defined in Article 6 of the 11 Land in this category includes national land tenure law. classified forests, special reforestation perimeters, national parks, wildlife refuges, biosphere reserves, 9 For a detailed description of the forest "domains" see the first post-independence forestry code (République du Sgnégal 1965), especially Articles 01-10. See République du Sénégal 1964. 11 For a description of the classified domain, see République du Sénégal (1993b (vol. 2): 35). Article 6 of the land tenure law reads: "Classified zones are constituted by forested zones or protected zones having been classified according to the conditions set forth in the applicable regulations. These zones are administered in conformity with such regulations." 76 hunting virtua' classi' licenSI commer classi been d 23 of Ianage only a plans. A the cl callec classi agrlCi land 1 given of agi Dasto "atio offiC diff, of la hunting areas, and silvo-pastoral reserves. By law, virtually all commercial exploitation is prohibited in the classified domain. Exceptions are made for special hunting licenses accorded for sporting purposes, as well as for commercial woodfuel and timber production in those classified forests for which a specific management plan has been developed. According to the national forest service, 23 of the country's 164 classified forests have had a management plan at one time or another; presently, however, only a handful are actively managed according to such plans.12 All forests and woodlands in Senegal located outside the classified domain constitute the non-classifed, or so- called "protected" domain. By definition, the non- classified domain excludes lands that have been zoned for agricultural and pastoral uses according to the national land tenure law, i.e., the zones des terroirs.13 However, given constant changes in acreage under cultivation, rates of agricultural expansion, and the dynamic nature of pastoral land use - as well as an uneven application of the national land tenure law which affects the amount of land officially accounted for in the zones des terroirs - it is difficult to ascertain the precise delineation and amount of land considered to be in the "protected" domain at any given time. In contrast to the classified domain, the non- classified domain is open to commercial use as authorized i3 Sow 1992: 1. République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 36. 77 and regulate light of com woodfuel res are ripe for resources in tends to be the repressi the rural po how woodland Ianaged. 15 and regulated by the national forestry code.14 In the light of competition for agricultural, pastoral, and woodfuel resources, it is not surprising that conditions are ripe for conflict over the allocation and use of these resources in the non—classified domain. This situation tends to be exacerbated in many cases by what is seen as the repressive nature of forestry regulations imposed on the rural population who, in general, have little voice in how woodland resources of the "protected" domain are managed.15 E E | l' E l' I C l' . E ] Senegal faces two major challenges related to energy use. The first is dependence on imported petroleum products used primarily in the modern sector of the economy, and the second is an overwhelming reliance on the country's forests and woodlands to supply energy used chiefly in the vast household sector.16 The latter challenge is particularly daunting given that the household sector accounts for the majority of total national energy consumption.17 This section of the chapter offers a detailed discussion of the production, consumption, and conservation of both modern and woodfuel sources of energy i5 See République du Sénégal 1965, 1974, & 1993e. 16 République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 36. 9UNDP/World Bank 1983 & 1989; République du Sénégal 1a. 1 The percentage of total energy consumption attributed to the household sector varies depending on whether the figures are expressed in primary (65%) or final (55%) energy terms. See UNDP/World Bank (1989: 6-7) and Lazarus “ al. (1994: 32). 78 used in Senegal . associated wi th energy sector. Conventional Fue Consistent Senegal has viri conventional ene the Dian Niadio Dakar, supplies CO'lSUIlption of 1 denosits have b, explorations, bi emerinents haw results - to ex‘ W'Shore DBtro subject of 8 pr new"Wino Gui Stnega]. while exceed 100 mil Site l“emains QU h . eavily on impo tab 0”. and SeVe l8 consi l3e.aj°g°"ed h Ré . 0881' 20 Dubhqu 21 sif‘r 9t ae d1 used in Senegal. It also touches briefly on problems associated with the management of the country's woodfuel energy sector. Conventional Faels in the Energy Sector Consistent with its meager natural resource endowment, Senegal has virtually no commercially exploitable conventional energy resources.18 A natural gas deposit at the Diam Niadio facility near Sébikotane, 30 km east of Dakar, supplies a small percentage of the country's annual consumption of this particular fuel.19 Indications of coal deposits have been registered during hydrological explorations, but none has ever been confirmed. Several experiments have been undertaken - with disappointing results - to exploit the peat resources found along the Niayes coastal zone between Dakar and St. Louis.20 A small off-shore petroleum field designated as Dome Flore - the subject of a protracted territorial confrontation with neighboring Guinea Bissau - lies off the southwest coast of Senegal. While it is estimated that probable reserves exceed 100 million tons, the economic viability of this 21 In short, Senegal relies site remains questionable. heavily on imported crude oil purchased from Nigeria, Gabon, and several Persian Gulf states, which is refined 18 Considered here as "conventional energy resources" are tge major fossil fuels: oil, coal, and natural gas. 20 République du Sénégal 1991a: 12. 21 Sarr et al. 1990. République du Sénégal 1991a: 12. 79 locall Dakar. S can ha Althou source 19805 energy these oil pr Senega natior l limits antici Comp]; Valle) Dlann- AUthOl Contll flnanr locally at the Société Africaine de Raffinage facility near Dakar.22 Senegal's dependence on imported sources of petroleum can have a significant impact on the national economy. Although the available statistics vary widely from one source to another, the bill for imported oil during the 1980s accounted for between 10 and 60 percent of total non- energy export receipts.23 The interannual variation in these figures is explained by fluctuations in international oil prices, currency exchange rates, world prices for Senegalese exports, and climatic conditions affecting national agricultural output. The use of alternative, non-fossil fuels in Senegal is limited by financial and technical difficulties. The much anticipated use of hydroelectricity, based on the recent completion of the Manantali Dam in the upper Senegal River valley in neighboring Mali, remains confined to the planning stages. The tripartite Senegal River Basin Authority - comprised of Senegal, Mali, and Mauritania — continues to struggle in its effort to secure international financing to construct the generating station and to erect the transmission lines needed to reach the primary energy markets located over 700 kilometers away in western Senegal. The exploitation of Senegal's considerable solar and wind energy potential is limited to a number of small- g: Berlureau & Berlureau 1981: 264-66. UNDP/World Bank 1989: 5; Tibesar 1991: 436; Lazarus et al. 1994: 31. Energy-related receipts are derived from the sale of refined petroleum products Senegal exports to several neighboring countries. 80 scale experi me amounts of ale food preservat iron peanut an country's major in-house suppli The use of l e . "bottled the supply of 0 local petroleum Iany other deve considered as a consWIDtion of urbanization an Recogm'zir scale experiments in rural areas. These produce negligible amounts of electricity and mechanical energy for lighting, food preservation, and water-pumping purposes. Residues from peanut and sugarcane processing are used by the country's major agricultural industries to generate small in-house supplies of electricity. The use of butane, or LPG (Liquified Petroleum Gas), i.e., "bottled gas," deserves special mention. In Senegal, the supply of butane is procured through a combination of local petroleum refining and supplemental imports. As in many other developing countries, its use in Senegal is considered as a step up the "energy ladder" toward greater consumption of modern fuels typically associated with urbanization and economic development.24 Recognizing the serious environmental impacts of increased urban charcoal consumption, the government of Senegal embarked upon a "butanization" campaign in the mid- 1970s to promote the substitution of LPG for charcoal.25 Geared primarily toward the Dakar region, the campaign includes price subsidies on gas burning stoves and LPG fuel that are justified on the basis of providing an environmental benefit, i.e., reduced deforestation, while supporting a basic need for low income urban households.26 According to figures available from the energy directorate of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, national LPG 24 Leach 1992; Leach and Mearns 1988: 237-264; Cecelski et 3;. 1979: 23. UNDP/World Bank 1983: 11, 28; Laura 1990; République du §gnégal 1993a: 6-7. Lazarus et al. 1994: 37. 81 consumption ' metric tons) households (1 stove.27 El: account for ! Despite campaign as 1 success of tl objective, 1’ through the : carefully. I would allow , LPG and Chart addition, rel Woodfuel con: f" the amour attributab] e 90.000 tOns, l" 199229 the Validity regaming th prob] em. renuires fUr- gas is Overt §7Rén b1 8 U j 29 “km QU S e consumption tripled from 1980 to 1990 (10,000 to 30,000 metric tons); by the early 19905, 75% of all urban households (85% in Dakar) possessed at least one gas stove.27 Elsewhere, it has been noted that households account for 90% of total LPG consumption in Senegal.28 Despite the accomplishments of the butanization campaign as reflected in these statistics, the overall success of the program in terms of achieving its primary objective, i.e., reducing urban charcoal consumption through the substitution of LPG, must be considered carefully. Unfortunately, reliable time-series data that would allow a comparison of changes in per capita household LPG and charcoal consumption are not available. In addition, reports detailing the impact of LPG use on woodfuel consumption are based on unreliable data. Figures for the amount of charcoal saved on an annual basis attributable to LPG substitution range from 16,000 to 90,000 tons, or between 4-25% of total charcoal consumption in 1992.29 Such a wide margin not only calls into question the validity of the data, it also leads to confusion regarding the severity of Senegal's woodfuel energy problem. Another issue concerning LPG substitution that requires further investigation is the claim that bottled gas is overtaking charcoal as a primary household fuel. g; République du Sénégal 1993a: 7. 29 Lazarus et al. 1994: 32. UNDP/World Bank 1989: 14; République du Sénégal 1993a: 7. 82 The lost recent (5811 in Dakar), households natic cooking.30 Basel field, however, The)! are perhaps researchers and "WWW" fuel Oi have Tibesar and urban areas as a hot drinks, prep. overs, and not as ““5 households Furthermre ' LPG household energy people continue t Desoite 9085 is us“ as a Win if butane is to s housemd energy reliable and rem The most recent data suggest that 41% of urban households (58% in Dakar), 3% of rural households, and 20% of all households nationwide use LPG as a primary fuel for cooking.30 Based on my observations and experience in the field, however, these figures seem somewhat exaggerated. They are perhaps subject to varying interpretations between researchers and respondents as to what constitutes a "primary" fuel or a "rural" household. I would argue, as have Tibesar and White,31 that LPG is used principally in urban areas as a secondary or "convenience" fuel for making hot drinks, preparing quick breakfasts, and reheating left- overs, and not as a primary fuel for preparing the major meals households consume on a daily basis using woodfuels. Furthermore, LPG does not substitute well for other household energy uses such as ironing, for which most people continue to rely on charcoal. Despite questions concerning the degree to which LPG is used as a primary fuel, other issues must be addressed if butane is to secure a more prominent position in the household energy sector. These include achieving a more reliable and regular supply to consumers, increasing incomes or continuing subsidies to help make LPG affordable for poor urban households, and strengthening the educational campaign necessary to promote wider use of LPG. With respect to the LPG promotional campaign, research by Tibesar and White demonstrates how culturally-based g? République du Sénégal 1993a: 7. Tibesar and White 1985: 12. 83 habits of for Iechanics of expenditure 1 svitch to LP( videly Sharer foods preparr people have 1 It also show: LPG is less 1 energy delivi which consti' to use charct the Perceiver expenditures price 01' cha payments f‘eq investment 1.! of issues in Iade aboot t household en substituteS Optimj Sm. '00de913 in The "Um Iodern file] 3 32 . Cries :SphyXlat1O: ccidents in habits of food preparation, unfamiliarity with the mechanics of gas energy use, and household financial expenditure patterns can influence consumers' decisions to switch to LPG.32 Their survey research underscores the widely shared taste preference most Senegalese have for foods prepared with woodfuels, and the apprehension some people have concerning the dangers involved in using LPG.33 It also shows that despite evidence suggesting subsidized LPG is less expensive than charcoal per unit of useful energy delivered, households - particularly poorer ones which constitute the majority of urban residents - continue to use charcoal as a primary fuel. This is explained by the perceived lower cost of charcoal based on small daily expenditures for the fuel and the relatively affordable price of charcoal stoves, compared to the "lumpy" periodic payments required to purchase butane and the high initial investment in gas cooking equipment. Given the complexity of issues involved in this "fuelswitching" process, claims made about the successful penetration of LPG into the household energy sector, and the degree to which it substitutes for charcoal, are best viewed with guarded optimism. Wbodfuels in the Energy Sector The numerous problems associated with the use of modern fuels notwithstanding, Senegal's most pressing 32 Tibesar and White 1990: 39-44. 33 Stories appear often in the Senegalese press about asphyxiation and explosions resulting from household accidents involving LPG. 84 energy- of voor this WT and the regard' of 50m: social II prooor' attribt estimai share r fitdur less dc Tanzan‘ 38% to than c¢ VhEre S these E endOng FESpem lee energy-related concern remains the predominant consumption of woodfuels in both rural and urban areas. The impact of this woodfuel dependence on Senegal's natural environment, and the respective interests of urban and rural populations regarding access to woodland resources, are at the center of some of the country's most intractable ecological, social, economic, and political problems. In contrast with other African countries, the proportion of total national energy consumption in Senegal attributed to woodfuels is relatively low. The latest estimates indicate a downward trend in which the percentage share of woodfuels has declined from approximately 65% to 55% during the 19803 (Table 3.4). Consequently, Senegal is less dependent on woodfuels than countries such as Niger, Tanzania, and Mali, where comparable percentages range from 88% to 97% of total energy consumption, but more dependent than countries such as C6te d'Ivoire. Congo and Zambia, where similar figures range from 31% to 46%.34 Obviously, these statistics reflect in part the natural resource endowments and relative economic conditions in the respective countries. 3‘ Tibesar 1991: 433; Armitage and Schramm 1989: 140-41. 85 Woodfur Petrolr Source 1991a: 8 Incl (lnClLIt A seen a is imp abSOlu Data f CDDSU" appros EQUlvE lncree "atlor I"ajor Sector Detpo. sector Table 3.4 - Woodfuels and Petroleum-based Energy in Senegal in the 19805 Percent of total national energy consumption 1981 1986 1988 Woodfuels 65 60 55 Petroleum Products8 35 40 45 Source: UNDP/World Bank 1989: 6-7; République du Sénégal 1991a: 6-8. 8 Includes oil, gasoline, diesel, kerosene, and LPG (including use of such fuels to generate electricity). Although the trends observed during the 19808 can be seen as a positive change in the fuelswitching process, it is important to recall that consumption of woodfuels in absolute terms continues to grow at a significant pace. Data for the period 1987-1992 indicate that total woodfuel consumption (firewood and charcoal) increased by 37% from approximately 3.2 to 4.4 million cubic meters of wood t.35 In addition, one should note that an equivalen increased percentage share of petroleum products in the national energy picture does not necessarily translate into major fuelswitching changes in the household or artisanal sectors. For example, a considerable amount (10%) of petroleum consumption is accounted for by the aviation sector alone, reflecting Senegal's location as an important hub for air transportation in West Africa.36 Dependence on woodfuels in Senegal is most pronounced when one considers their use in the household sector. g: République du Sénégal 1993a: 5 Lazarus et al. 1994: 31-32. 86 Overall, in 1990 of all energy co nationwide:37 w woodfuels accoun household energy respectively.38 this rural-urban form in which we “as the Worm charcoal 1;; gig, c0rresp0nding f1 respectively . 39 These diffe lafllficatiOns dl firewood in ten Cheaper to t ram firevood ' appro; untamed in rai proceSs . 40 Overall, in 1990, woodfuels accounted for an estimated 85% of all energy consumed by Senegalese households nationwide.37 When examined on the basis of location, woodfuels account for approximately 89% and 96% of total household energy consumption in urban and rural areas respectively.38 An important distinction with respect to this rural-urban dichotomy is revealed when considering the form in which woodfuels are consumed. Whereas in urban areas the proportion of woodfuel energy consumed as charcoal is 91% and that of firewood is 9%, the corresponding figures for rural consumption are 8% and 92% respectively.39 These differences in rural and urban woodfuel consumption patterns have important environmental ramifications due to the nature of the charcoal-making process. Although charcoal is a more efficient fuel than firewood in terms of energy content per unit weight and is cheaper to transport over longer distances than bulky firewood, approximately half of the original heat energy contained in raw wood is lost in the charcoal conversion process.40 The net effect of this loss is reflected in the quantity of resources required to obtain equal amounts of useful energy: i.e., urban residents who use charcoal consume anywhere from two to three times as much raw wood 3: République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 15. 39 République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 44. 40 According to G. Madon as cited in Ribot (1993: 561). Earl 1975: 26-28; Poulsen 1978: 15. The actual amount Of heat energy lost in making charcoal depends on several factors, including the species of wood used, its moisture (“NTtent, and the specific carbonization technique employed. 87 as rura' househol per cap' equivalr prior t1 approxir 120 kg.‘ energy . greater rural 8 0L Senega] Offici, FlQUre r‘elati and a. The at produ. SUSDe wor“c as rural villagers who use firewood. For example, household surveys in Senegal indicate that average annual per capita woodfuel consumption (measured in terms of oil- equivalent primary energy, i.e., the energy in raw wood prior to burning or carbonization) for urban dwellers is approximately 250 kg, while that of rural residents is only 120 kg.41 Consequently, it is evident that urban domestic energy consumption, at least on a per capita basis, places greater demands on the natural resource base than does rural energy consumption. Quantitative changes in woodfuel consumption in Senegal for the period 1937-1992 can be gleaned from the official woodfuel production statistics illustrated in Figure 3.4.42 Generally speaking, these statistics show relatively flat levels of commercial firewood production and a steady increase in charcoal production over time. The appreciable increase in both firewood and charcoal production for the period 1940-47 is attributed to the suspension of coal and petroleum imports in Senegal during World War II. During this period, most transportation and 4‘ République du Sénégal 1987a (vol. 1): 3. Data reported in the Senegal Forestry Action Plan (République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 44) differ slightly - 218 kg for urban and 152 kg for rural residents - from the earlier figures. It is important to note that a considerable discrepancy exists between the data on official production and actual consumption of woodfuels in Senegal. For example, by extrapolating data on per capita consumption to total urban charcoal demand, one finds that official production figures account for less than half of total charcoal consumption. It is widely accepted that a large share of charcoal consumed in urban areas is produced clandestinely, and thereby is not reflected in official production statistics. See République du Sénégal (1993a: 2) 88 indu5' woodfr declir the cr woodla major reflec fuelsv industrial energy needs were met exclusively by woodfuels.43 The data in Figure 3.4 illustrate well the decline in importance of commercial firewood production and the concomitant switch to charcoal as nearby forest and woodland resources were depleted in and around Senegal's major towns. The increase in charcoal production also reflects urban population growth and the slow pace of fuelswitching from traditional to modern fuels. 43 Giffard 1974: 211. 89 450 350 "W250 1% 1M if Firewood Les: 0001 8981 0’01 0'0l zoos 9981 896i l00l if 9061 zoos 0181 case 8181 case zoos 9891 808i 108: Charcoal 1000 ~r 1400 ‘h 1200 -h 1000 a» Clinhls 000 ie 800 an 200 1r d §§£££eaa§§§ 3555.. Yhar 010$ 810$ OLOI Note: Stere = 1 cubic meter stacked wood; Quintal = 100 kg. Source: Compiled by author from Forest Service reports. Figure 3.4 - Official Firewood and Charcoal Production, 1937-1992 90 The l time have pattern 01 using data Senegalese the table location c decades. produced 1' the easter produced 1' With 94% 0 Southern f level of 1' the produc Woodfuel z the Kaolac accoUnted TambaCOUnd apaltry 0 reSpecti Ve The quantitative changes in woodfuel production over time have been accompanied by changes in the spatial pattern of production. Again, this is best illustrated using data on official charcoal production recorded by the Senegalese forest service (Table 3.5 and Figure 3.5). Both the table and the map reveal a dramatic shift in the location of charcoal production over a period of three decades. In 1961, 94% of the country's charcoal was produced in the central Peanut Basin and less than 1% in the eastern and southern forests. By 1990, the amounts produced in these two regions were essentially the reverse, with 94% of production taking place in the eastern and southern forests and only 4% in the Peanut Basin. At the level of individual administrative regions, the change in the production figures for Senegal's two most important woodfuel zones is equally dramatic. For example, in 1961, the Kaolack region (formerly called the Sine-Saloum) accounted for 69% of total charcoal production, while the Tambacounda region (formerly Senegal-Oriental) contributed a paltry 0.03%; in 1990, these figures were 3% and 81% respectively. 91 oozes—ammo mo SE3. 2: custom .ofiowow «Box can 8:2:st mo 32w»: :8on 05 .vwa 2:: cm? €328-88 no any—mom 2: pocaamcoo 850w“: xocfl can x2232 mo 82on 2835 05 .vwa ES. £09529 .8 223% 05 “co—Ea 550on «was was .3505 .«o map—we Emmoa 05 63— Ea: “96:8 3 tobacco momcmno 2:. .08: ~26 2888 8: 2a 038 $5 com 3E: 558:8 83 of doc 75% boron 05 macaw 8.56.53 o>.=§m_:_Epm Mawocom E mow—8:0 8 can t. .83 835m 52o”— omofimocom Set 853 3 3.an0 ”850m Q _ S o m _ o o m .3. mm 2 2.. 2 N. o V cm 3.. m am 3.. wv 3.. N o o— ..i _ .v .1. oo .1. m mm m :ocospoi 388:0 32232 .2050 .«o :50qu coo— 0mm— og— Sa— mEoM conocsyN £65835“... xouam xoflomvm awmg 38:20 32,—. £35 cm 82-32 .5835 383.6 5050 do caustic =22QO - 2 2.3 92 1961 1970 IM__,4'v“"-"""‘~ 'm_.,¢-—‘“.“—-- I I ~ - .. SENEGAI RIVER VAllEV ‘ \ SENEGAL llVEl VALLEY ‘\ 1990 “Hm—'3‘ -"—'~. , ‘-’\.\ SENEGAL Ill/El VALLEY \ “Wm (H \II\ Percent of Total National Charcoal Production [:1 1-25 26-50 - 51-75 - 75-81 No production 0 “1le W1MMEM Figure 3.5 - Change in Location of Charcoal Production, 1961 - I990 93 prodi soutl This "min urba rema dist expa WOFS rais COHS drag fail cour l'nei Cons are The observed change in the spatial pattern of woodfuel production is indicative of what can be described as the southeasterly migration of a charcoal production "front". This migration is symbolic of the so-called woodfuel "mining" process whereby, in the case of Senegal, rising urban charcoal demand is met by exploiting the country's remaining stocks of forest resources in the increasingly distant southern and eastern forests.44 The notion of this expanding charcoal front is discussed further in Chapter 6. Over the last ten to fifteen years, concerns about the worsening situation in Senegal's energy sector have been raised by numerous international forestry and energy consultants. Many studies conclude that the country faces drastic outcomes in the relatively near future should it fail to successfully confront the dual challenges of dependence on imported petroleum and biomass energy.45 The alarm sounded in such reports seems justified based on the country's sluggish economic performance and its relatively ineffectual attempts to curb the growth in woodfuel consumption and to better manage its forest resources. The ominous conclusions drawn by outside consultants are depicted in the woodfuel supply and demand scenarios 44 For an explanation of the concept of woodfuel mining, see Anderson and Fishwick (1984: 17-19) and Whitney et al. (1987: 332). On the question of access to forest resources in southeastern Senegal, future research should consider the impact improvements currently being made to the main Tambacounda-Kédougou road might have on the exploitation of these resources, or to the potential importation of agarcoal from the neighboring Republic of Guinea. Chatain 1988; Di-Meo, Jambes and Guerrero 1985; République du Sénégal 1990a; UNDP/World Bank 1983 & 1989; World Bank 1994a. 94 presen upon 1 Develo Assist scenar these woodft based commei see ti centu. 1983 N aCQL Slic presented in the 1981 Forestry Master Plan and expanded upon in the 1983 report of the joint United Nations Development Program/World Bank Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP).46 Table 3.6 summarizes these scenarios for the period from 1981 to 2016.47 According to these estimates, which assume unconstrained demand for woodfuels based on projected papulation growth and supplies based on the mean annual increment of biomass growth in commercially accessible woodlands, Senegal can expect to see total demand exceed available supply by the turn of the century. 46 République du Sénégal 1981a & 1981b; UNDP/World Bank 83. 1 Note that Table 3.6 incorporates a discrepancy found in the UNDP/World Bank 1983 report which claims to have acquired its figures from the original 1981 Forestry Master Plan. The data reported in the Master Plan indicate slightly less somber deficits for 2001 and 2016. 95 Table Rur Year Are Althc acceDted a i" the wot c1039])! sc are based. coneagues bEtWeen p< reality, t that the ( DODUiatiOr t0 adEQUai 48 Cline-( 104‘05' Table 3.6 — Woodfuel Supply and Demand Scenarios a Rural Urban Total Estimated Demand/ Year Areas Areas Demand Supply Supply(%) (firew d & charcoal in thousands roundwood equivalents) 1981 3300 1255 4555 7161 64% 1991 3500 1930 5430 n.a. ---- 2001 3680 2820 6500 6300 103% 2016 3545 4595 8140 5300 154% 1981 3300 1300 4600 7200 64% 2001 4200 3000 7200 6300 114% 2016 4700 5400 10100 5300 191% Source: République du Sénégal 1981a and UNDP/World Bank 1983. a The first set of figures are from the Forestry Master Plan (République du Sénégal 1981a: 39, 78, 131), and the second set from the 1983 ESMAP Report (UNDP/World Bank 1983: 23), which cites the Master Plan as its source for these data. Although the data reported in Table 3.6 are commonly accepted and frequently used in many studies and projects in the woodfuels sector, one would do well to consider more closely some of the assumptions upon which the scenarios are based. As mentioned in Chapter 1, Cline-Cole and colleagues argue that the often-assumed direct relationship between population growth and woodfuel demand may, in reality, be far more complicated.48 These authors claim that the commonly accepted "orthodoxy" of a linear population growth-woodfuel consumption relationship fails to adequately take into account factors such as variation 48 Cline-Cole et al. 1990: 514-521; see also Mearns 1995: 104-05. 96 in hOUSQhOi(| urbani zati or practices, a market meche woodfuel cor that dependi "accessi bl e " is subject t in transoort techniques, l'"Ipor'tant cl also affect . complexity O‘ SUPP” and d( WhEn interpr- above.49 It 1Incillshle, , ana‘YSis of In “S EllQrgy SEC an attempt CORSeqUenC increaSed SEdlMentat Se”Pity. ec”nomic. l 49 Ge 0 8 Of W in household (i.e., consuming unit) size and composition, urbanization patterns, culturally determined cooking practices, availability of alternative energy sources, and market mechanisms that can ultimately influence total woodfuel consumption. On the supply side, one could argue that depending upon the criteria used to define "accessible" woodland, the quantity of available resources is subject to profound recalculation given possible changes in transportation infrastructure, woodfuel harvesting techniques, and land use zoning policy. Obviously, important climatic factors such as rainfall patterns will also affect production potential. In any case, the complexity of the inherently dynamic nature of woodfuel supply and demand is sufficient cause for using caution when interpreting scenarios such as those mentioned 49 It also bolsters the argument that a more above. inclusive, comprehensive framework is needed in the analysis of energy—environment problems. In light of the portentous outlook for Senegal's energy sector, a variety of measures have been initiated in an attempt to control the undesirable environmental consequences of continued woodfuel "mining" such as increased deforestation, soil erosion, stream sedimentation, etc., and to improve household energy security. These initiatives reflect the fundamental economic, environmental, and social elements of the 49 See Dewees (1989) for an insightful reexamination of the dynamics of woodfuel supply and demand. 97 country' s n fol lows: 1) improvr consumi possib 2) encour which protec . 3) provid; afford* Specifi goals are di fUEISWitChirL Senegal's bu fuelswitchiri twenty years alternative 3911393] I S U f‘ Severa] have undertak enhancing the efforts mosu caHed improi settings.sz energy trans, Stoves used available cl 50 51 Répub] - “990. ”gm gidMNea ‘1 adon eti country's national energy policy which are summarized as follows: 1) improve the conditions of energy supply and consumption in as economically rational a way as possible... 2) encourage the rational exploitation of rural areas in which woodfuel production takes place in order to protect the environment... 3) provide the urban and rural poor with bettgfi access to affordable and reliable sources of energy. Specific interventions undertaken to meet these policy goals are divided into three primary strategies, namely, fuelswitching, demand reduction, and supply enhancement.51 Senegal's butanization campaign is the prime example of the fuelswitching approach. As mentioned above, for the last twenty years this campaign has attempted to provide an alternative supply of affordable and reliable energy for Senegal's urban poor. Several government and foreign development agencies have undertaken efforts to reduce total woodfuel demand by enhancing the efficiency of woodfuel consumption. These efforts mostly involve the design and promotion of so- called improved cookstoves for use in both urban and rural settings.‘52 Stove design is focused on maximizing the heat energy transferred to the cooking vessel while minimizing heat loss due to dissipation. Improved firewood-burning stoves used in rural areas are typically made from locally available clay, sand, and other materials. They are 50 République du Sénégal 1991a: 3. 51 For a general overview of these approaches see Saw (1990: 115-172), Munslow et al. (1988: 120-141), and Leach 39d Mearns (1988: 237-264). Madon et al. 1982; Dieng et al. 1984; Chatain 1988. 98 acquired w1‘ opportunity constructi or Charcoe artisanal pr household en charcoal mar proved more user accepta efficient an indicates th savings of t cookstove pr of Senegal . s not had a si 1 c°nsumpti on . ImDPOViI Process is a significant ' i“VeSted_ Tl development ‘ techniClue km CasamanCe ki Efficiency b. ltS USe han 53 _ REDUb] i(ill: acquired with little expense to users except for the opportunity costs of the time and labor used in their construction. Charcoal-burning metal stoves are a commercial artisanal product intended for use by urban residents whose household energy consumption is tied to the monetized charcoal market. In general, charcoal cookstoves have proved more successful than the firewood stoves in terms of user acceptance. While the former are relatively fuel efficient and economical to use, experience with the latter indicates that users perceive fewer benefits in terms of savings of time and labor in firewood collection. Although cookstove programs have been viewed as an important element of Senegal's energy policy, the overall results so far have not had a significant impact on reducing woodfuel consumption. Improving the efficiency of the charcoal-making process is a supply enhancement strategy in which significant research and promotional effort have been invested. The centerpiece of this approach is the development of a more efficient stacking and burning technique known as the Meule Casamancaise (Casamance charcoal kiln). In controlled laboratory tests, the Casamance kiln is reported to improve carbonization efficiency by up to 50%.53 However, attempts to promote its use have been thwarted by financial, technical, and 53 République du Sénégal 1990a: 33. 99 cultural difficulties. Consequently, use of this technique is extremely limited in the major charcoal producing areas. Other attempts to enhance the supply of woodfuels have been carried out through a variety of reforestation strategies in many regions of Senegal. These range from large-scale peri-urban plantations to small-scale village woodlots. Unfortunately, difficult lessons have been learned through these efforts to produce woodfuel as a separate crop. Large scale plantations have been plagued by financial and technical problems related primarily to overestimates of the growth rates of exotic tree species planted in this Sahelian environment.54 While village woodlot projects have proven successful in some cases, success and sustainability have been the exception and not the rule. Technical difficulties coupled with unevenly distributed costs and benefits among participants have frequently led to project demise. Indeed, successful small-scale woodlot projects have been those which focus on more lucrative fruit orchard and Eucalyptus building—pole production, or on protective functions such as anti-erosion windbreaks, which in effect contribute relatively little to the enhancement of woodfuel suppiy.55 Lai, highlighting the difficulties with reforestation approaches, states that even if accelerated rates of plantation establishment and declining rates of per capita woodfuel consumption could be g; Freeman and Resch 1985/86. For example, see Harmand (1988). 100 achieved, plantations would meet only 4% and 6% of total woodfuel demand in 2000 and 2016 respectively.56 Improved management of the country's remaining natural forests and woodlands is yet another way in which Senegal is trying to achieve its energy planning goals. Some consider this approach to have a better chance of succeeding compared to earlier attempts at demand reduction and supply enhancement, particularly if emphasis is placed on a more decentralized strategy involving the active 57 Improved forest participation of local populations. management seeks to preserve and protect the natural productivity of woodland ecosystems while simultaneously assuring that local resource needs are met. It is considered a more holistic approach to managing trees as an integral part of a larger agricultural production system, rather than as a unique "monocrop" as is typically the case in many woodlot development schemes. Examples of improved management techniques include careful extraction of high- value tree species as opposed to clear-cutting practices, better control of bush fires to avoid excessive loss of biomass when this technique is used as a land management tool, and developing more ecologically sound rotation practices in areas where commercial woodfuel production takes place. Attempts over the past two decades to address the problems in Senegal's woodfuel energy sector have met with 56 Lai 1985/86: 99. 57 Gueye and Laban 1992; République du Sénégal 1993a. 101 mixed results in some cases, such as the improved stoves program, and led to disappointing failure in others, such as the establishment of large—scale woodfuel plantations.58 Many efforts have been stymied by overwhelming financial, technical, cultural, and environmental difficulties. Experience to date with efforts to promote greater community participation in improved forest management is still too brief to attempt any serious evaluation of this particular approach. Nevertheless, it has become increasingly clear that the search for solutions to Senegal's woodfuel dependence problem must go beyond singular fuelswitching, demand reduction, and supply enhancement strategies. Actors in both government and development agency circles are beginning to pay attention to the more systemic problems in this sector, including those of weak management and supervision of the woodfuel production and marketing systems, the absence of a long- term planning perspective, and the heretofore disparate fashion in which forestry and other land use problems have been tackled. Efforts to review and redress the institutional problems of managing the woodfuels sector are starting to receive the kind of consideration that in the past was reserved only for technical silvicultural interventions. 53 The most glaring example being the peri-urban woodfuel plantation project planned to supply Dakar from the Bandia classified forest in the Thiés region. See Freeman and Resch (1985/86). 102 Managing Wbodfuel Resources Responsibility for managing the woodfuels sector in Senegal is shared between two government agencies: the forest service - Direction des Eaux, Faréts, Chasse et Conservation des Sols - which operates under the tutelage of the Ministry for the Protection of Nature, and the energy directorate - Direction de I'Energie, desiMines et de la Géologie - which is housed in the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Handicrafts. The role of the forest service in managing the sector is, however, considerably more involved than that of the energy directorate. Through its Office of Forest Production, the forest service oversees all aspects of commercial woodfuel production, from the designation of production zones and the allocation of quotas to producer cooperatives, to the supervision of woodfuel marketing and the collection of all licensing fees, taxes, and royalties.59 The energy directorate is less involved in the production end of the woodfuels sector. Its activities are instead focused on woodfuel retailing and end-use consumption issues, such as monitoring market prices and supplies and promoting the use of improved stoves and fuelswitching technologies. Although linkages between the forest service and the energy directorate have been relatively weak in the past, a woodfuels monitoring board staffed by representatives from both agencies was created 59 Sow 1992. 103 in 1992 to improve communication and data collection activities.60 Another important player in the woodfuels sector is the cooperative movement that produces the bulk of commercial firewood and charcoal marketed in Senegal. Members of the national forest products cooperatives - the Union Nationale des Cooperatives Farestiéres du Sénégal - constitute a potent force in the lucrative woodfuels trade.61 Less a movement of well organized cooperatives than an loose association of charcoal merchants dominated by a small number of financially and politically powerful individuals, the forest products cooperatives are considered by some analysts as being more interested in short-term profit than in long-term sustainable production.62 Numerous problems are encountered in the management of the woodfuels sector. These include, among others, qualitative and quantitative deficiencies related to staff and equipment that plague the forest service, lingering uncertainties about the implementation of Senegal's new forestry code, antagonistic relationships between agents of the forest service and rural populations, the circumvention of charcoal production rules and regulations by the producer cooperatives - which is often compounded by the complicity of the forest service, and the confusion g? République du Sénégal 1992a: 6-7. See Ribot (1990) for a thorough study of the coolieratives and the role they play in the woodfuels P at. g Diédhiou 1987: 24; Laura and Dianka 1992: 7. 104 surrounding the respective roles of local government and the forest service concerning the future of natural resource management for woodfuel production.63 In this section of the chapter I have touched upon the considerable technical, financial, institutional and cultural problems that have plagued efforts to resolve Senegal's predicament in the energy sector. It is evident that the complexity of the problem requires a sophisticated yet feasible response that takes into account the myriad challenges of meeting a growing population's demand for affordable supplies of energy in an environmentally, politically, and socially acceptable way. The nature of these challenges and the obstacles to overcoming them will be addressed in greater detail in the chapters that follow. WWW As mentioned both in the present chapter and in the discussion in Chapter 1, problems in Senegal's energy sector are inextricably linked to concerns regarding the state of the natural environment. This linkage will remain prominent as long as the country's economic outlook remains dismal and dependence on woodfuels shows little sign of abating. Hence, it is important to recall that the "energy problem" in Senegal is effectively an energy-environment problem. In addition to factors such as agricultural expansion and recurrent drought, practices and policies 63 By "local government" I am referring to Senegal's Rural Councils. The Rural Councils, and perspectives on the roles they play in natural resource management, are discussed in greater detail in later chapters. 105 employed in the exploitation of natural resources for woodfuel production will affect the degree to which future environmental degradation occurs. In this final section of the chapter, I discuss several concerns related to woodfuel dependence and environmental degradation. Impacts on the Environment Although both subsistence collection and commercial production of woodfuels leave their mark on the landscape, it is commonly accepted that commercial production plays the greater role in contributing to environmental degradation. This is particularly the case in areas where the demands on local woodland resources, especially those resulting from charcoal-making activity, are compounded by other pressures such as cattle grazing, extensive bush fires, and land clearance for agriculture. Examples of environmental degradation attributable to the activities mentioned above include increased soil erosion, the decline of biomass productivity and biodiversity, and the potential for increased deforestation to contribute to climate change at both micro- and macro— scales. For instance, problems of soil erosion due to the loss of protective tree cover are noted in areas where charcoal production has occurred in the Senegal River valley.64 The significant decline in natural stands of Acacia nilotica, var. tomentosa, a preferred charcoal- making species, contributes to increased aeolian soil 54 Giffard 1974: 215-217; Gritzner 1988: so; Harmand 1988: 5. 106 erosion and the consequent siltation of this region's important irrigation systems. Removal of the protective tree cover also contributes to an increase in the erosive potential of precipitation and a reduction in the accumulation of decaying organic matter that enhances soil nutrient content, fertility, and water absorption capacity, resulting in a positive feedback mechanism that can lead to decreased biomass productivity. Changes in biomass productivity and species composition due in part to local subsistence and commercial woodfuel production have been noted in the central region of Fatick (part of the former Sine-Saloum region), on what are some of the most densely populated and intensively cultivated lands in Senegal. Grennier, citing a survey conducted by a United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization-sponsored reforestation project, points to the difficulty local villagers experience in finding sufficient quantities of preferred firewood tree species including the renowned Acacia albida, symbol of this region's traditionally stable agro-silvo-pastoral land use system.65 Research conducted in and around the Delta du Saloum national park by Lykke provides evidence of degradation of the savanna vegetation as indicated by changes in local species composition.66 She notes that in areas of high human impact, formerly abundant woody tree species have :2 Grenier 1988: 33; see also Lericollais 1972. Lykke 1994: 51-52. 107 been replaced by a variety of shrubby Combretaceae species characteristic of secondary vegetation growth. Stable tree cover contributes to moderating local microclimatic conditions. This includes regulating relative humidity levels and evapotranspiration rates, and moderating and deflecting potentially erosive winds.67 Increased deforestation can result in the reduction of these microclimatic benefits and, although the linkages are still not fully understood, contribute to the wider phenomena of regional and global climate change via fluctuations in levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide.68 Given Senegal's location in the drought-prone Sahelian region, it would indeed seem prudent to assure the maintenance of the microclimatic benefits provided by trees . Conclusion The discussion in this chapter has provided a backdrop for examining more closely the relationship between energy and environment in Senegal. At the national level, I have noted how the country is destined to continue to rely on its remaining forests and woodlands to supply the population with affordable sources of energy for the foreseeable future. This dependence on woodfuel energy is accompanied, however, with concern for the potential risk of increased environmental degradation at the local level. In particular, it is uncertain whether the country will g; Maydell 1990: 70-71. Rosillo-Calle and Hall 1992. 108 succeed in meeting the energy requirements of a growing urban population without further jeopardizing the well- being of its rural population and the natural resource base upon which all Senegalese depend. In a broader context, the discussion in this chapter also sheds light on the complex and diverse nature of issues surrounding the energy-environment nexus in Senegal. Such issues include, among others, highly variable and often precarious ecological circumstances of geographic location, an elaborate and complicated administrative arrangement for managing forest resources, dependence on woodfuels that is due in large part to macro-economic constraints, sociocultural circumstances of fuel preference and energy consumption behavior, and difficult challenges to energy and environment policy making. As will be discussed in greater detail in Chapters 5 and 6 of the dissertation, application of a political ecology framework to the analysis of energy-environment relationships provides an effective vehicle for thorough identification of issues and processes that affect the outcome of human use of natural resources. The broad outline of energy-environment relationships sketched in this chapter presents a point of departure for a more focused examination of these relationships in a specific geographical context. In the next chapter, I describe the evolution of land use over the past century in a region of Senegal that has undergone significant environmental transformation due to successive waves of 109 agricultural expansion and woodfuel production. The discussion will concentrate on the past, present, and future challenges Senegal has faced and will continue to face in terms of establishing sound energy production and natural resource management practices. 110 CHAPTER FOUR AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON LAND USE IN THE SOUTHEASTERN PEANUT BASIN In this chapter I present a generalized history of twentieth-century human occupation and agricultural expansion in the part of the Kaolack region in which I conducted my research. I describe social and cultural characteristics of the region's population germane to the discussion of natural resource management and environmental degradation that appears in the following chapters of the dissertation. This examination of historical land use dynamics in the southeastern Peanut Basin helps us to better understand current conditions and future concerns regarding natural resource management in the region. B 1 I. H. I. I E . ]l ] E . . H I££££§_N£fl¥€5 Human settlement in the southeastern Peanut Basin is intimately related to aspects of colonial economic history, religious association, and changing demographic factors. The history of population migration and agricultural expansion in this part of Senegal during the twentieth century reflects a process through which considerable territory in the so-called Terres Neuves (New Lands), located south and east of the country's traditional agricultural hearth, was brought under the plow. Numerous observers describe land settlement in this region in terms of a combination of mutually reinforcing 111 demographic push and pull factors.1 Relatively high population density, reduced fallow periods, declining soil fertility, and diminished agricultural productivity in the northern and western sections of the "old" Peanut Basin, centered on the present-day regions of Louga, Thiés and Diourbel, are among the push factors that gave rise to peasant migrations from the hearth area to the interior. Pull factors that account for movements into the Terres Neuves include sparsely populated tracts of relatively fertile land, official colonial policy designed to expand commercial peanut production, and, during the 1970s, an experimental government-sponsored population resettlement project. The Terres Neuves constitute an important transition zone between the major agricultural and pastoral regions of Senegal. Although references in the literature defining the geographic location of the Terres Neuves tend to vary depending on the focus and date of study, this zone essentially forms a northwest-southeast trending corridor separating the Peanut Basin and the Ferlo, the latter being the sparsely inhabited semi-arid pastoral domain of northeastern Senegal. Generally speaking, the Terres Neuves extend from the south-central Louga and eastern Diourbel regions, through the northeastern tip of the Fatick region, and into the eastern Kaolack and western Tambacounda regions (see Figure 2.1 in Chapter 2). 1 On the Terres Neuves, see: Copans 1980, Diop 1981, Dubois 1975, Garenne & Lombard 1991, N'Doye 1974, Pélissier 1966, Rocheteau 1975 & 1979, and Trincaz 1979. 112 Lands to the west and south of this transition zone, the "old" Peanut Basin, are the realm of Wolof and Serer farmers. Some of Senegal's highest rural population densities are found in this area, reaching over 140 persons/km? in parts of the Diourbel region.2 The pastoral domain north and east of the transition zone is home to the Fulbe, Senegal's semi-nomadic pastoralists. Population density in this section of the Ferlo is approximately 15 persons/kmz. In the transition zone proper, where Wolof farmers have expanded cultivation onto lands formerly used only by Fulbe pastoralists. population density ranges from 30-60 persons/kmz. The French geographer Paul Pélissier describes the migration process into the transition zone that began around the turn of the twentieth century as "Ia marche vers idest" (the march to the east).3 He points to three primary and interrelated factors to explain the course of human occupation in the Terres Neuves: 1) the establishment of the Islamic Mouride brotherhood and its well—organized penchant for agricultural colonization; 2) the successful promotion of commercial peanut production during the colonial period; and 3) the penetration of transportation and communication networks into the interior of Senegal, particularly the construction of the Dakar-Niger railroad in the first quarter of this century. Examination of these 2 Population density figures are based on 1988 national gensus data from République du Sénégal 1989: 3. Pélissier 1966: 302-321. See also: Sy (1969: Chapter 8) and Cruise O'Brien (1971: Chapter 9) on the "Rush to the Interior." 113 three factors sheds considerable light on the evolution of human settlement and land use practices in the study area. The Mouride brotherhood is a Sufi sect of Islam, founded in Senegal in the last decade of the nineteenth century by the Muslim cleric Cheikh Amadou Bamba Mbacké (1850-1927).4 The leadership and holy shrines of the brotherhood are based in the town of Touba, located in the Diourbel region.5 The Mouride order occupies a prominent position in the religious, social, and economic affairs of the country. Although it is not the largest of Senegal's Islamic brotherhoods in terms of number of adherents - that distinction belonging to the Tijani brotherhood - it is arguably the most politically and economically influential. Its membership is composed of representatives of many of Senegal's diverse ethnic groups, with the overwhelming majority being Wolof. The emerging Mouride brotherhood played many significant roles in the early years of the colonial period. It constituted an important focus of resistance to French rule, offered an alternative social structure to peasants living under what remained of Senegal's 4 The Mouride brotherhood and its founder are the subjects of numerous scholarly investigations. Included among the most important works are: Behrman 1970, Copans 1980, Coulon 1981, Cruise O'Brien 1971 & 1975, Dumont 1974, Marty 1913, End Sy 1969. As mentioned in Chapter 2, I do not wish the reader to confuse Touba, the capital of the Mouride brotherhood, with Touba Aly Mbenda, the village in which I was based during my rural fieldwork. Recall, however, the important connection based on the fact that Touba Aly Mbenda was founded by a disciple of Cheikh Amadou Bamba Mbacké, and that strong socio-religious ties continue to exist between the two places. 114 aristocratic pre-colonial kingdoms, and served as a vehicle for the spread of Islamic teachings among the rural population. Amadou Bamba's charismatic leadership and initially anti-French attitudes eventually led him to be exiled by the colonial administration on several occasions, including seven years in Gabon (1895-1902) and another four in Mauritania (1903-1907).6 The adversarial relationship between Amadou Bamba and the French underwent a transformation to a more collaborative association in the period before and after World War I. This accommodation was based on the realization by the French that Amadou Bamba's immediate preoccupations were more religious and spiritual in nature than they were inherently political, and that cooperation with the Cheikh7 could prove to be an effective way to mobilize peasant labor for colonial economic purposes. As relations between the two sides improved, and as Amadou Bamba's stature as a religious figure among the rural masses solidified, the Cheikh adopted a policy of "positive neutrality" vis-a-vis French occupation.8 The most important outcome of this detente is arguably the cooperation that ensued between the Mouride leadership, 9 i.e., the marabouts, and French colonial agents with regard to expanding peanut production for export. 6 Calvin 1981: 30. 7 "Cheikh" is synonymous with marabout (see footnote 19 in this chapter), i.e., a religious leader. It is also gommonly used as a proper name. Diop 1981: 324-25. 9 Marabout is the French translation of the Arabic term used to denote a Muslim scholar. In contemporary usage, 115 Given the limitations placed on agricultural intensification in much of Senegal, i.e., difficulty in improving yields due to climatic, edaphic, and technical factors, efforts to increase peanut production have typically relied on expanding the area under cultivation. From the French point of view, authority to regulate land use in the colonial territories was the purview of the colonial government, and a formal decree establishing state control over "vacant" lands in all of French West Africa was promulgated in 1904.10 As the French came to appreciate the contribution Amadou Bamba's increasingly numerous followers could make to agricultural production and economic development in the colony, they saw to it that the Mourides were encouraged to extend their area of influence over as much territory as possible. Consequently, the colonial government granted them access to forested lands that were then cleared for agriculture, and provided credit and marketing support for the commercialization of peanuts. Thus began a long period of favorable state disposition toward Mouride land acquisition that lasted for over fifty years and propelled the brotherhood's members to establish new agricultural settlements throughout much of 11 the Terres Neuves. This was accomplished by organizing the term refers to any Muslim cleric regardless of his sfiholarly achievement. Gouvernement de l'Afrique Occidentale Francaise 1904. 11 The Mourides continue to wield considerable influence when it comes to acquiring land from the state. See, for example, the reference later in this chapter concerning the 116 the marabouts' disciples into pioneer settler groups, called daaras, whose members labored to bring much of the Terres Neuves under cultivation.12 Discipline, a religiously inspired work ethic, and an intense sense of community are hallmarks of the daaras. Disciples working in the service of their marabout for several years would, at the end of this period, be granted some land upon which they could settle permanently and maintain use rights to cultivate for their own account. It was during this period, from about the turn of the century through the 19603, that numerous villages in the study area were founded. For example, Cruise O'Brien, citing a 1966-67 report of the Senegalese Land Management Service (Service de l'Aménagement de Territoire), notes the fairly steady increase in the number of Mouride villages established in the arrondissements of Koungheul, Nganda, and Maleme-Hoddar, all located in central section of the Terres Neuves corridor (see Table 4.1).13 recent allocation to the Mourides of land within the Mbégué sélvo-pastoral reserve. The term daara is often translated as a Koranic school; other interpretations consider it as a cooperative work- group. Among the Mourides, the daara, as a closed-knit group of religious disciples, plays a key role in agricultural expansion by forming groups of settlers who work to bring more land into production. For a further explanation of dearas, see Cruise O'Brien (1971, 1975: 66- 6g) and Sy (1969). Cruise O'Brien 1971: 195, footnote 2. 117 Table 4.1 - Mouride Expansion in the Southeast Terres Neuvesa Years Number of Villages Settled 1890-99 8 1900-09 4 1910-19 8 1920-29 11 1930—39 18 1940—49 20 1950-59 27 1960-69 17 Source: Cruise O'Brien 1971: 195. a Villages settled in arrondissements of Koungheul, Nganda, and Maleme-Hoddar, located in the present-day Kaffrine Department. Migration into and settlement of the Terres Neuves, together with the expansion of the peanut trade, were facilitated by improved transportation linkages and infrastructure development. The most significant development was the construction of the Dakar-Niger railroad, built over the seventeen-year period from 1906 to 1923. Migrating Wolof-Mouride peanut farmers followed in the wake of the railroad's construction as this progressed toward the east. By 1910, the line emerged from the eastern margins of the old Peanut Basin at the town of Guinguineo, from which a spur line was later built to the Saloum River at Kaolack. Continuing to open up the hinterland of interior Senegal and beyond, the railroad reached Birkelane in 1912, Kaffrine and Koungheul in 1914, and Tambacounda in 1915.14 As Pélissier notes, with each 14 Pélissier 1966: 304. 118 advance of the railroad the disciples of Amadou Bamba "did not hesitate to strike out into the tall bush of the southern Ferlo east and north of the railroad."15 Determining the placement of this important transportation corridor, which formed the main conduit for agricultural expansion into the Terres Neuves, was by no means a random process. Once beyond the town of Diourbel, the railroad traces a northwest-southeast trending arc that conveniently skirts the drier, less productive lands of the Ferlo in favor of more promising agricultural potential to the south. The southern extension of the arc, however, is circumscribed by the proximity of the Gambia River which, during the colonial period, was in territory under British control. The French thus built the railroad through the most promising territory it could, maximizing the extent of the potential trade area while being certain to avoid passing too close to possible transshipment points whence one could take advantage of cheaper river transport that would have ultimately benefitted a rival colonial power. This strategy, attributed to the then Governor General of French West Africa, was explained as follows in 1903: "From Diourbel, it is recommended that [the line] break toward the south in such as manner as to traverse the arable lands north of The Gambia, and it is advisable that [the line] approach the [Gambia] river up to a point that would maximize our economic return without coming under the direct influence of the navigable waterway."16 15 Pélissier 1966: 305. 16 Cited in Dupon (1964: 179). The original reads: "A partir de Djourbel [sic], i7 semble indiqué de s'infléchir vers 7e Sud de facon a traverser Ies régions cultivables qui s'étendent au Nord de la Gambia et i7 conviendra de 119 The preeminent role played by the construction of the Dakar-Niger notwithstanding, there were other important infrastructure developments associated with the opening of the Terres Neuves. As mentioned previously in this chapter, securing an adequate supply of water in this region is problematic. With the railroad came the sinking of relatively deep wells at each station along the line and, later, at more populated points in the bush as well. Station stops became important trading posts where Lebanese and Syrian merchants established themselves as the middlemen of the peanut trade. Today, these locations are the major towns along this communications corridor. In addition, with the arrival of the Mouride pioneers who colonized lands north and south of the railroad, a network of rudimentary rural roads developed linking production fields with market towns. Several of these original tracks are now important, although still unpaved, secondary roads that connect villages south of the Ferlo and north of The Gambia with the railroad and the paved National Route No. 1 which runs parallel to it. E. '11]. I. [II .IE . . . II I£££££_N£fl¥££ The favorable attitudes and policies of the French colonial government toward Mouride colonization began to chercher a se rapprocher de cette riviére jusqu'a 7a distance toutefbis qui apparaitra comme devant étre maintenue pour que la rendement économique de la future ligne projetée ne soit pas directement influence par le voisinage de cette voie navigable." 120 change somewhat after World War II. From the late 19403 and early 19505, agronomists, foresters, and administrators started to look more closely at the environmental and socioeconomic impacts of Mouride migration into the Terres Neuves. Although economic priorities remained focused on the expansion of commercial peanut production, concerns were being raised about the effects of speculative peanut farming on soil conditions, the destruction of forested lands, and the impact that agricultural expansion into the Ferlo perimeter was having on Fulbe pastoralists. Farming practices among the Wolof who took part in the "march to the east" are often criticized for their unsustainable qualities. The primary explanation given for this is that the Wolof-Mouride agricultural system is based on a strategy of short-term profit maximization that gives little consideration to factors of long-term environmental stability. Agricultural extensification is the norm among Wolof farmers who have traditionally displayed a considerable degree of mobility, both seasonal and permanent.17 Lake and Touré, citing Pélissier, discuss this mobility in terms of a Wolof "expansionism" remarkable for its lack of interest in soil conservation techniques or other innovations that could lead to more intensive forms of cultivation.18 This dynamic is clearly represented in Wolof settlement of the Terres Neuves. Beyond their concern with 1; Pélissier 1966: 178-80. Lake and Touré 1985: 72. 121 religious proselytization, Mouride marabouts who established daaras throughout the eastern frontier also sought to maximize profits from peanut farming. In addition, given the arrangements between religious leaders and their disciples, under which the latter would eventually acquire land for their own account, the marabouts needed to constantly consider their eventual move into new areas where they could replicate the colonization process.19 For example, the marabout who founded Touba Aly Mbenda established a string of daaras which eventually became permanently settled villages in what is today the Lour Rural Community.20 Cruise O'Brien offers some insight into the environmental ramifications of this system of agricultural expansion: "Trees, which have a long-term value in water- retention and soil preservation, are sacrificed to extend the cultivable area, while fallow periods and crop rotation (with millet) are disregarded in favour of annually repeated peanut cultivation. The disciple settlers, despite their long-run interest in the preservation of land which must eventually devolve to them, are willing in the short run to comply with these practices. The result, on soils which are already fragile and far from ideal for commercial agriculture, is at worst a mining of agrarian resources, the creation in certain localities of something approaching dust-bowl conditions. Mouride villagers, once they leave the saintly settlements, do their best to restore the soil, and (contrary to a prevalent view) are probably no less efficient farmers than most others in Senegal.[“1 But the movement of pioneer settlement itself has been accompanied by considerable soil erosion: the Western Ferlo indeed now enjoys a certain notoriety among ecologists as a case where the supply of an infra-structure [sic] for 19 20 21 is to Diop 1981: 312. Personal communication, interview no. 45. By "leavlingl the saintly settlements," Cruise O'Brien referring to the end of a disciple's initial obligation his marabout, and not a major spatial relocation. 122 aQriculture in a pastoral zone has brought about an extension of the desert."22 Cruise O'Brien's portrait of "dust-bowl conditions" and allusion to "desertification" must be understood in the context of his research. Conducted during the 19603 in the Mouride heartland of the Diourbel region, O'Brien's work focused on pioneer villages located in the northwesternmost part of the Terres Neuves corridor. Certainly, it is this area that has witnessed the most serious problems associated with population pressure, the disappearance of fallow rotations, nearly total deforestation, and severe soil erosion.23 This description would not, however, be apt in the case of the southeast extension of the Terres Neuves. Although land degradation processes are evident in the more southerly zone, so far they have not resulted in the dramatic conditions to which Cruise O'Brien referred in the case of the Diourbel area. Among colonial foresters the Mouride Wolofs gained a reputation as the perpetrators of massive forest destruction. Commenting on the construction of the Dakar- Niger railroad between the towns of Diourbel and Tambacounda, P.L. Giffard, the former conservator of forests, noted that "each time a station was opened along the route, the Mourides established a village and proceeded to attack the forest."24 P. Foury, Giffard's predecessor, decried the Wolof propensity to clear almost all trees from 3% Cruise O'Brien 1975: 80. 24 See Rodale Institute (1989) and Copans (1980: 60). Giffard 1974: 108. The original reads: "Chaque fois qu'une station était ouverte, les mourides implantaient un village puis ils se lancaient a l'assaut de la forét." 123 their fields.25 And there is this observation from the 1930s on Mouride expansion into Fulbe pastoral lands along the Ferlo perimeter: "At sunrise, the talibés [disciples] place themselves in line and begin to cut down the trees and clear the ground with frenetic zeal. Usually the Fulani [Fulbe] immediately leave their villages and move off. The Mourides advance, already they have cut down all the trees, even the usefu§6onesz dye trees, calabash (sic) trees, baobabs, etc." Such remarks are echoed in a more recent study in which a Wolof farmer, responding to a question seeking his opinion of trees on agricultural land, said: "A good farmer does not have trees on his fields [because shade is bad for the growth of peanuts]."27 Part of the colonial response to concerns about deforestation due to agricultural expansion by Mouride Wolofs was the establishment of a series of classified zones across the Terres Neuves region to which access would be limited. This project involved the creation of two types of protected areas: silvo-pastoral reserves and classified forests, the latter known as savanne sur rail (rail-side savannas).28 Thirteen zones, two Silva-pastoral reserves and eleven classified forests, were established between 1938 and 1956 by the forest service in what is today the Department of Kaffrine.29 The main objectives of this legal maneuver were to protect the productive capacity of Fulbe grazing lands from excessive encroachment by Wolof 33 Foury 1953: 14. 27 J. Belvert, cited in Cruise O'Brien 1971: 197. 28 Busacker et al. 1990: 107. 29 Giffard 1974: 108. République du Sénégal 1991c: 38. 124 farmers and, in the case of the rail-side savannas, to secure a reliable fuel reserve for locomotives plying the Dakar-Niger railroad. The creation of these classified areas ushered in an era of strict control by the forest service over access to land and forest resources. With time, however, a combination of need, greed, and political influence among Wolof peanut farmers and the Mouride leadership would prevail in overcoming official barriers to gaining access to these resources. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, confrontational attitudes that developed between forestry agents and local populations, together with the deterioration in the capacity of the forest service to manage protected areas adequately, eventually undermined the original objective of establishing the classified areas, i.e., to counter environmental degradation associated with Mouride expansion into the Terres Neuves. Given that the agro-pastoral transition zone along the southern margins of the Ferlo is critically important to the Fulbe for sustaining their herds, the prospects for conflict with Wolof farmers in this area are seemingly inevitable. The antagonisms and competition that have existed and continue to exist between Wolof farmers and Fulbe herders are persistent problems affecting land use planning and resource management in the Terres Neuves. Most studies on this subject conclude that national economic priorities and the interests of Wolof farmers have always taken precedence over those of the Fulbe herders and 125 long-term environmental protection.30 The economic benefits of expanding the peanut monoculture system through mobilization of Mouride Wolof labor and sedentarization of the semi-nomadic Fulbe, who are often considered to be less productive, uncooperative, and untaxable land users, help to explain policy decisions that are usually prejudicial to the pastoralists. Occasionally, and perhaps only superficially, the plight of the Fulbe receives some attention. In addition to restricting access to land in classified zones, both colonial and post—colonial governments intervened in other ways at various points in time to counter the perceived threat of Mouride expansion onto the grazing lands of Fulbe pastoralists. An early attempt to stem the tide of Mouride Wolof migration into the Terres Neuves was undertaken by French colonial officers in the 19308. As Dubois reports, the then commandants de cercle of Sine-Saloum31 devised a plan for the organized transmigration of Serer farmers from the densely populated villages around Fatick to new settlements created along a road cleared north of the town of Kaffrine.32 The strategy was two-fold: relieve population 30 Ba 1986: 162-170; Freudenberger and Freudenberger 1993; grenier 1960; Monteil 1950; Ware 1979; and Weicker 1993. Cercle refers to an administrative subdivision of the colonial period whose chief officer was the commandant de cercie. The cercle de Sine-Saloum'corresponds to the present-day regions of Fatick and Kaolack. Sine, a precolonial kingdom with its capital at Diakhao located north of the town of Fatick, is the cultural hearth of the §§rer ethnic group (see Gravrand 1983). Dubois 1975: 86. 126 pressures on lands in the Sine area west of Kaolack, and establish a buffer against Mouride Wolof expansion into the Ferlo perimeter. The Serer were chosen for their farming prowess which the French believed would assure sustainable use of land on the drier margins of the Terres Neuves. The Serer, agro-silvo-pastoralists par excellence, are renowned for their skills in integrated land use management and a spiritual attachment to their ancestral lands.33 Unlike the Wolof, the Serer tend to be far less mobile and, during the colonial period, were less inclined to become followers of Amadou Bamba's religious movement. Acclaimed Serer land use practices include the maintenance of millet-peanut-fallow rotations, well supervised integration of livestock in a spatially constrained farming system, and intercropping of millet and peanuts with the leguminous woody species Acacia albida. The special characteristics of A. albida, known as Kad in Wolof and Sas in Serer, make it a valuable and carefully 34 Its unique protected tree in the Serer farming system. quality of leaf loss during the rainy season reduces competition with crops for sunlight, water, and soil nutrients. A. albida also has the ability to fix atmospheric nitrogen and recycle other important soil nutrients, thereby helping to maintain soil fertility and improve crop yields. In addition to these biological 33 Lericollais 1970, 1972, 1990. Giffard 1974. 127 functions, A. albida is an important source of firewood and fodder. The attempt to interpose Serer farming settlements between the Wolof and Fulbe was initiated in 1934. Colonial officers of the Sine-Saloum cercle directed the construction of a road from Kaffrine to Colobane, the digging of wells to supply water, the distribution of seeds and first-year foodstuffs, and the transportation of the migrants themselves from Fatick. This massive effort was accomplished through the auspices of the Société de Prévoyance du Sine-Salaam, a colonial parastatal organization that was the precursor to Senegal's agricultural cooperative movement.35 The first villages occupied by the Serer in the resettlement zone were seen by the commandant de cercle as "constituting a kind of barrage against the flow of Mourides coming from the region of Baol [i.e., Diourbel] who would ravage the forests of the N'Doucoumane."36 The resettlement strategy ultimately met with mixed results, and its effect on stemming the tide of Mouride migration was certainly limited. By the late 19305, the total number of Serer brought to this small parcel of the Terres Neuves reached approximately 3,000.37 However, with the opening of hostilities in Europe during World War II, :5 Dubois 1975: 97. 6 Dubois 1975: 87. N'Doucoumane was a canton in the Sine- Saloum cercie during the colonial period, located in the area of the present-day arrondissement of Malem-Hodar, just §9utheast of the Serer resettlement zone. Dubois 1975: 88. 128 the colonial government focused it attention and resources on the war effort and abandoned its investment in roads, wells, and transmigration for another day. This externally imposed set-back, together with harsh living conditions in the new villages and a strong motivation on the part of Serer migrants to return to the Sine - from which it has :138 - resulted in a been suggested many were forcibly remove partial abandonment of the resettlement zone. At the end of the war, however, efforts to improve and modernize agricultural practices in this area did resume. These included the establishment of a major agricultural research station at Boulel, near the site of the first resettlement villages, and an attempt to encourage further in-migration as a countermeasure against Mouride expansion, again on the part of the Serer and, this time around, the Bambara from neighboring French Sudan (Mali).39 After independence in 1960, the Senegalese government attempted a similar yet far more ambitious resettlement Operation. The project was launched in the early 1970s with financial assistance from the World Bank. Christened the Société des Terres Neuves (STN), this parastatal organization's mandate was to develop a broad swath of the eastern extension of the Terres Neuves, from the arrondissement of Koungheul to territory deep within the Tambacounda region.4o 33 Dubois 1975: 88. 40 Pélissier 1966; Foury 1953; Dubois 1975. Garenne and Lombard 1991; Trincaz 1979; Dubois 1975. 129 As with the colonial resettlement project of the 19305, the STN's objectives were to relieve population pressures in the old Peanut Basin and promote agricultural diversification and intensification in sparsely populated frontier locations. A major effort was made to encourage cotton production given the slightly more favorable soil and rainfall conditions in this section of the Terres Neuves. According to Dubois, nearly 300 Serer families were moved from the Fatick area to new settlements south of the town of Koumpentoum between 1972 and 1975.41 Once again there was a conscious effort to engage Serer farmers and avoid encouraging Wolof Mourides to take part in this migration project. The enormous costs associated with this large-scale transmigration effort, together with problems of project management, put an end to the official life of the program only a few years after it began. Today, the population of this section of the Terres Neuves reflects the ethnic mixing engendered by colonial transmigration and agricultural extension programs. Nevertheless, a Wolof Mouride majority remains the dominant presence in a region that boasts increased land degradation after 60 years of speculative peanut production, enduring farmer-herder conflict, and the continued "attack" on its remaining woodland resources. A recent example of this latter point is represented by the declassification in 1991 of 45,000 hectares in the Mbégué silvo-pastoral reserve (total area 73,000 ha) which were allocated to the leader 4‘ Dubois 1975: 117. 130 of the Mouride brotherhood for expanded agricultural production.42 Conclusion Located along the country's agro-pastoral frontier and endowed with significant transportation infrastructure, the southeastern Peanut Basin occupies an important position in Senegal's rural-based economy. As discussed in this chapter, the region is a transition zone between the sparsely populated semi-desert Ferlo and the better watered areas of south-central Senegal and the Gambia River basin. Given its relatively good soils, agricultural potential, and open spaces, the eastern extension of the Terres Neuves has been an important agricultural area for the better part of a century. Despite environmental challenges such as highly variable precipitation and problematic water supply, the region has accommodated successive waves of migrants from the degraded hearth of the Peanut Basin in northwestern Senegal. Human settlement and agricultural expansion in the Terres Neuves are closely related to Senegal's colonial peanut-based economy, the emergence of the Mouride Islamic‘ brotherhood, and infrastructure developments that facilitated colonization of the area. In many respects, these factors have combined to recreate the expansive land use system typical of the Wolof Mouride heartland in the Louga and Diourbel regions. ‘ 42 Freudenberger 1991; World Bank 1994a: 1. 131 The discussion in this chapter on the settlement history of the Terres Neuves and the environmental consequences of Mouride expansionism illustrates the applicability of the political ecology framework used in this study. As mentioned in Chapter 1, the examination of contemporary human-environment relationships is bolstered when placed in historical perspective. In the present example, it is important to recognize that current land use patterns and natural resource management practices in the southeastern Peanut Basin reflect in large part the history of economic, social, and political forces that over time have shaped the regional landscape. The multidimensional characteristic of political ecology analysis captures these important considerations, in both historical as well as contemporary perspectives. In addition to its multidimensional feature, the multi-scalar quality of the political ecology framework is also evident when one considers the historical context of land use and resource management in the study area. As illustrated in the preceding sections of this chapter, international (i.e., colonial), national (post-independence state resettlement policy), and local (Mouride in-migrant communities) influences have all contributed to shaping the present-day regional landscape. Recognition of this complex historical account helps to inform the search for solutions to the problems associated with Senegal's current energy-environment dilemma. 132 To understand more clearly the challenges today's residents of the southeastern Peanut Basin face, one must first identify the pertinent variables related to the management of the natural environment. In the next chapter, I present these variables with respect to forest resources for sustainable woodfuel production. Later, in Chapter 6, I illustrate several ways in which an understanding of the interrelationships between these variables contributes to a more informed appreciation of the complex nature of Senegal's woodfuel situation. 133 CHAPTER FIVE MULTIPLE DIMENSIONS OF THE ENERGY-ENVIRONMENT NEXUS In this chapter, I present the spectrum of variables identified during my research as significant to the analysis of natural resource management for woodfuel production in Senegal. The following discussion therefore corresponds to the categorization phase of the political ecology approach described in Chapter 1. Discussion of the variables is organized according to the four principal categories - environmental, economic, social, and political - of the political ecology conceptual framework. These categories constitute the cardinal points of a framework within which the multidimensional problem of managing Senegal's woodland resources for national energy supply can be analyzed. Constituent elements of the four principal components are identified and considered in terms of their representation at international, national and local scales (see Table 5.1). The categorization phase informs the more synthetic discussion, presented in Chapter 6, of ways in which these variables interact, both within and between various geographical scales and throughout different points in time, that helps to shed light on the complex relationship between woodfuel energy dependence and local environmental conditions in Senegal. 134 .355: am 2.53 com .EoanuSam 05 can mooEOmoM .8532 com .6550 869m 5 .382 585m :6 393555 .9: 8.82. 3.85.. .2552 a a. we 55% a. 65:55.55 585338 985 aa a: 5.32 . 2:— ism eczema—35 Boom coacheomom 36:55"— 326333356: scenes—cm mowing 35869.35 836,—. .353 woo; Enamozsm Bangogam 28.82 2 836< coaocm =om 85m :53 553 £56 a 3.96 9 382 £5.52 .233 £830 15M 8:3— 6950 .5982? 02:8; 2283: b=Bute> :52: :83 momEmosm Exam 223682 «530m 86.5 .0336? 55859—309 coSEom 580d 250 826..— cocaeacou 365m Eczomaom moo..— omaaEBm Scum 383.0 33 858,—. 9.3 .5609: 523-1251 coves—gun 5:530 egmzoo 8:335:38 5386 85:58 553.59. .3525 .25 a BE 3532 9.32569 Eon—5050 omens 2250 1565 8ng mtoaoum Suzi couaqafam Eamon :ouafiugtm 3:32.385 3.8363. ionic—gon— cwmoaom capo—265— 335.63. 39832: Sausage:— oEocoom 363.55 :ozunzfiooEoQ EoESBanm 8.5.51 80.32 563285 358,—. 1:232:25 26:32 150m Ugo—Loom iggogm mqcm$maocm 65 mo 322655 63:32 .. fin 033. 135 II E . l 1 D. . Natural resource management problems in Senegal are representative of a number of pressing global environmental concerns. These include global climate change, tropical deforestation, air and water pollution, and losses in biological diversity at the genetic, species, and ecosystem levels. These and other environmental problems received widespread international attention at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development.1 At the global level, attempts to find ways of coping with the perceived threats to the world's natural systems are expressed in recent international accords such as the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Flora and Fauna, and the U.N. Convention on Biological Diversity.2 In the forestry sector, international concern over rapid rates of tropical deforestation and for finding ways to promote more sustainable use of the world's forest resources is expressed in the 1985 Tropical Forestry Action Plan, a joint program of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (UNFAO), the World Bank, and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).3 As part of this multilateral environmental program, the FAO plays the lead role in orienting and assisting individual governments ; See UNCED 1991. For a detailed explanation of these international environmental conventions see World Resources Institute 1994). 5 The UNFAO Tropical Forestry Action Plan is discussed in World Resources Institute (1994) and Lynch (1990). 136 with the development of national strategies designed to meet internationally defined goals and objectives for forest management. International agendas have a strong influence on the establishment of environmental policies and programs at the national level. The planning process alluded to above is one way in which this influence manifests itself in individual countries. Through the elaboration of a variety of planning documents, many developing nations are able to achieve recognition and, ultimately, financial assistance from the international community for their stated commitment to address environmental issues of global importance. In Senegal, this process is reflected in a range of environment-related planning documents prepared over the last decade. These include the National Plan for Desertification Control, the National Energy Plan, and the National Plan for the Integrated Development of the Silva- Pastoral Zone. In 1993, Senegal demonstrated its concern for improved management in the forestry sector and its adherence to the principles of the FAO Tropical Forestry Action Plan by adopting a National Forestry Action Plan (PAFS).4 The PAFS represents a significant revision of the previous Master Plan for Forestry Development (PDDF), completed as recently as 1981.5 In the event that the République du Sénégal 1993b. 4 5 République du Sénégal 1981a. 137 ideas, strategies, and projects outlined in the PAFS become more widely disseminated, better understood, and, ultimately, successfully implemented by forest service agents and others involved in promoting rural development, the plan has the potential to affect natural resource management at the national and local levels in a positive way. Currently, however, it is much too early to tell whether this potential will be realized. Compelling criticisms of the multiple environmental plans adopted recently in Senegal include lack of coordination and redundant mandates among the diverse array of agencies involved in their implementation. These concerns are particularly troubling in light of the relatively weak institutional and financial structures that are required to translate strategy into action. In an effort to provide better planning, coordination, and monitoring of the country's diverse environmental programs, a government coordinating council was created to take charge of the environment portfolio. The Superior Council on Natural Resources and the Environment (CONSERE), formed in August of 1993, held a national conference in early 1995 to reexamine and refine Senegal's environmental agenda. 'The Council's short-term goal is to elaborate a National Environmental Action Plan that incorporates environmental concerns into overall national development planning.6 The creation of CONSERE 6 Wal Fadjri 1995; World Bank 1994a: 43-44. The French acronym stands for Conseil Supérieur des Ressources Naturelles et de I'Environnement. 138 and its call for a national conference are strong indicators of the increasing importance the government of Senegal now attaches to natural resource management issues. The influence of actors at the global level in promoting these developments, however, must not be overlooked. The current situation regarding charcoal production and consumption is another important environmental issue that now receives considerable attention at the national level. Continued dependence on charcoal as the primary household fuel in urban areas together with changes observed in the location of charcoal production raise concern about the management of the remaining major stocks of forest resources in southeastern Senegal. Recent improvements to the main road between the towns of Tambacounda and Kédougou, the latter on the Senegal-Guinea frontier, may, in addition to improving transportation conditions, facilitate access to forest resources for clandestine charcoal production. The notion of an accelerated southeasterly expansion of the charcoal production front leads some of Senegal's partners in the donor community to insist on knowing what the government plans to do about "rationalizing" the country's charcoal production and marketing system.7 7 At the International Roundtable on the Senegal Forestry Action Plan (PAFS), held in Dakar in October, 1993, several foreign delegations pressed representatives of the Senegalese government for details on how they intend to address problems in the woodfuel sector, raising the possibility that their support of the forestry plan may be contingent on resolution of some of the more thorny issues related to charcoal production and marketing. 139 envi obse given natuu It is at the local level that the outward signs of environmental degradation and change are most readily observed. Proximate causes of degradation and change in a given locale can be explained by a combination of systemic natural conditions and anthropogenic factors related to the use of the natural environment. In the Koungheul arrondissement and the Lour Rural Community, the dominant natural factors affecting local conditions include high rainfall variability, problematic subsurface water availability, soil nutrient depletion and potential for soil erosion, and the widespread presence of termites that thwart new tree growth. Varying combinations of these factors influence the productive potential of natural and planted vegetation in the area. Human use of the environment also plays an important role in affecting conditions of local biological productivity. For example, anthropogenic factors such as the use of bush fire as a land management tool, animal herding practices, and the nature of local farming systems all influence the quality and quantity of woody vegetation in the study area. In dryland Africa, fallow rotation practices are of great importance with respect to the potential for natural vegetation regeneration.8 For example, it has been noted that where agricultural expansion has not impinged upon those areas of Senegal's classified forests formerly managed to supply woodfuel for 8 Adesina 1990; Chidumayo 1988; Ohler 1985. 140 the railroad, successful regeneration of the natural woody vegetation took place over a fifteen-year period.9 This promising observation notwithstanding, one must recall that more favorable rainfall conditions and lower population pressure prevailed in the immediate post-World War II period when exploitation of classified forests for the railroad ceased. Given contemporary problems of variable rainfall, susceptibility to drought, and increased population pressures, the local population's ability to maintain satisfactory fallow practices is now somewhat diminished.1o This situation has brought about initiatives to promote rural forestry and integrated land use management practices designed to restore the integrity of 11 An example of one such local ecological conditions. initiative in the Lour area is the recent, albeit limited, incorporation of Acacia holosericea on farmers' fields for the purposes of soil protection and restoration. This species is noted for its effectiveness in reducing aeolian soil erosion when used as a component in planted windbreaks.12 fioeueye 1987: 28. Evidence of reduction in fallow practices due to these factors for Senegal's Peanut Basin is discussed in Rodale Igstitute (1989: 23-30); see also Lericollais (1990: 163). Gueye and Laban 1992; van den Breemer et al. 1993. "Rural forestry," after Niang (1992: 9), is defined as "the ensemble of activities undertaken to encourage the rural population to invest actively and volontarily in reforestation with the aim of conserving the productivity of local land resources" [my translation]; the term is used in order to distinguish small-scale initiatives from large- sgale foreStry operations (e.g., commercial plantations). Montagne 1988: 25; National Academy of Sciences 1980: 39 141 in‘ dei 199 com dev on ‘ "con conc must inte tren< Pelia Driva econol 90Ver: econon in Dar phOSph. SectOP‘ foreigr affairs has "Gs reforms World II E . D" . In the 19903, we are witnessing unprecedented international recognition of the linkages between economic development and protection of the natural environment. In 1992, the World Bank took pains to inform the international community that divergent perspectives on economic development on the one hand, and environmental management on the other, represent a "false dichotomy" between "complementary aspects of the same agenda."13 Issues and concerns raised on the international environmental agenda must, therefore, have their counterparts on the international economic agenda. Currently fashionable trends in international economic circles include greater reliance on market reforms, economic liberalization, and privatization of state-owned enterprises. In Senegal, leverage exercised by international economic organizations plays a significant role in government decision making with respect to the national economy. Given its relatively poor financial position, due in part to declining export revenues from peanuts and phosphates and weak performance in the domestic industrial sector, the Senegalese state is increasingly dependent on foreign development assistance just to manage day-to-day affairs of running the country. To date, this situation has resulted in the imposition of stringent economic reforms under a structural adjustment program and a 50% 13 World Bank 1992: 25; Schramm and Warford 1989. 142 CUFF Mone inte Sene refo reas envi: reexa assoc lands alter currency devaluation at the behest of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the French government. In the forestry and woodfuel sectors, such internationally imposed measures will presumably force the Senegalese state to consider more closely additional reforms that it would otherwise try to avoid, for political reasons, when pressured by members of the foreign donor and environmental communities. Economic factors subject to reexamination include stumpage fees, taxes, and royalties associated with the commercial exploitation of forested lands, retail charcoal pricing, and price subsidies to alternative forms of energy such as natural gas.14 Economic factors identified at the local level are related primarily to household investment behavior, generation of investment capital, and access to forest products markets. One of the most interesting facets of household (and group) investment behavior relates to whether decisions are made from a short- or long-term perspective. This is illustrated by examining local tree planting preferences in several villages in the Lour Rural Community.15 The extreme rarity of Bombax costatum, a species traditionally favored for roofing material, has created a local market for Encalyptus camaldblensis as an acceptable substitute. This eucalyptus species is highly regarded for its fast growth, straight poles, and coppice ‘4 See Diédiou (1989), Laura and Dianka (1992), Tibesar 1&991)’ and Tibesar and White (1990). Information on these practices obtained during interview nos. 57, 59, 63, & 74. 143 cap bou cam. con: it i prot obse sett plan' that Prote carei restr PPOdu Stymi and e finan ind‘iv deVel In th econOI incre financ QIOne "On-g< We! capability; it is also an excellent component in field boundary windbreaks to reduce soil erosion.16 In villages I visited, the production of E. camaldblensis is geared far more toward short-term economic considerations, i.e., the marketing of building poles, than it is toward combined economic and long-term environmental protection purposes. Most of the eucalyptus plantings I observed are located in small woodlots close to village settlements where they are more easily cared for; few are planted as windbreaks along field boundaries. It appears that the labor demands required to obtain the environmental protection benefits of planting E. camaldulensis, e.g., careful watering and protection from grazing animals, restrict the role of this species to an economically productive one. Scarcity of capital and credit in rural Senegal stymies all types of investment in economically productive and environmentally protective activities. Limited financial resources pose serious challenges to most individual farmers, households, and the larger cooperative development associations to which many villagers belong. In this period of state disengagement from the rural economy, much of Senegal's population is becoming increasingly dependent on foreign sources of direct financial assistance. For example, the Koungheul Entente alone has established contacts with over twelve foreign non-governmental organizations on whom it relies for ‘6 Weber 1986; Maydell 1990. 144 prc ope pos coo com; the poli dime econ new mana inte busil acces Succe comme OVerc Wider DOWep- C°°Del by Con and biq Rib0 project funding, both for initial start-up and recurrent operating expenditures. Although there may be many positive aspects to such grassroots development cooperation, chronic dependence on foreign funding can compromise the integrity, sustainability, and, ultimately, the independence of indigenous village associations. Under the aegis of Senegal's decentralization policies, discussed below in the section on the political dimension, rural communities are expected to benefit from economic opportunities that will ostensibly accompany their new responsibilities in the realm of natural resource management. However, for those local communities interested in entering the potentially profitable woodfuels business, many will find substantial obstacles to gaining access to this market.17 Assuming that local enterprises succeed in finding economically efficient ways to produce commercial firewood or charcoal, they will still have to overcome existing social and political barriers to the wider national market that is strictly controlled by powerful members of the National Union of Forest Products Cooperatives. II S . 1 D' . In addition to the global environmental agenda marked by concerns with climate change, tropical deforestation, and biological diversity, a number of social issues currently rank high on the international human development ‘7 Ribot 1990. 145 agenda. Themes of human resource development, women's empowerment, indigenous technical knowledge, popular participation, and community involvement have made their way into discussions and debates that are intimately related to issues in the environmental arena.18 Whether or not the dissemination and understanding of such themes have advanced beyond the point of development rhetoric, it is certain that they are beginning to reverberate in the natural resources field at national and local levels. In Senegal, international development assistance agencies, non-governmental organizations, and regional and local level extension agents are becoming particularly well versed in the current discourse on human resource development and popular participation.19 Social factors at the national level associated with the energy-envrionment nexus touch upon aspects of demography, household woodfuel consumption behavior, and associational movements in civil society that focus on environmental and rural development issues. Senegal's national population growth rate of 2.7% per annum, urbanization rate of 39%, and sustained rural-urban migration patterns are all closely linked to the pressures placed on the natural environment.20 Rapid urbanization and low household incomes reinforce the dominant position 18 Cernea 1985; Chambers 1983; Landell-Mills 1992; World gank 1989. 20 See ENDA (1992) and République du Sénégal (19920). Demographic figures based on 1988 national census (République du Sénégal 1988d). 146 of pro cha on wil type majc expe 21 As the of charcoal in domestic energy consumption. proportion of woodfuel energy consumed in the form of charcoal steadily eclipses that of firewood, the pressures on remaining forested lands to meet urban energy demand will inevitably increase.22 Closely related to these demographic variables is the type of woodfuel consumption behavior practiced by the majority of households in Senegal. Cultural factors, expenditure patterns, and alternative fuel prices combine to reinforce charcoal's place as the urban fuel of choice. As a matter of convenience in cramped quarters, and of taste preference with regard to Senegalese cuisine, charcoal remains a highly desired cooking fuel in urban households. Spending patterns among the urban poor, typified by small daily allocations to meet basic needs, reveal the difficulty most households have in affording larger lump—sum payments required to switch to the most plausible alternative to charcoal, i.e., natural gas.23 With respect to the rural population, which bears a significant share of the environmental costs associated with urban woodfuel consumption, many local development associations and advocacy groups have been organized to voice their concerns over economic and environmental conditions. One example of these self-help community organizations is the Koungheul Entente, introduced in 2‘ World Bank 1994a: 23. 22 See discussion in Chapter 3 on firewood/charcoal- Egral/urban energy dynamics. Tibesar and White 1985: 15. 147 Chapter 2. The creation of these associational movements has taken place primarily as a response to the state's inability to provide essential services in the countryside. They are indicative of the initiative now evident among rural populations to try to take greater control of their own economic destiny. The Entente movement in Senegal is currently comprised of ten regionally-based development associations with over 6,000 members in more than 200 villages. The Ententes are linked together by a coordinating body - the Inter-Entente - which is a non-governmental organization (NGO) officially recognized by the state. In turn, the Inter-Entente is a constituent member of the Senegalese Federation of Non- Governmental Organizations (FONGS), which has become the major forum for the promotion of peasant interests in Senegal.24 To further these interests and to press for a greater voice for rural communities in matters that directly affect them, the national leadership of FONGS recently established a tripartite partnership between the Federation, the local World Bank mission, and the government of Senegal known as the Senegalese Association for Small-Scale Community Development Projects (ASPRODEB).25 As with the government-sponsored Forestry 24 The acronym stands for Fédération des Organisations Non- Gouvernementales du Sénégal; a sister organization, made up of national and international NGOs, is known as CONGAD - Conseil des Organisations an Gouvernementales d'Appui au ggveloppement. Ndiaye 1995. The acronym ASPRODEB stands for the Association Sénégalaise pour la Promotion des petits projets de Développement a la Base. 148 Action Plan mentioned above, the degree to which these associational movements can succeed in putting rural interests on the national planning agenda remains to be seen. They do, however, represent a significant effort in the direction of organized grassroots promotion. The complexities of rural Senegalese society are reflected in the number of diverse factors that affect the management of locally-based natural resources. In general terms, these factors are associated with phenomena such as gender, religion, environmental philosophy, education, and social organization. The international call for greater recognition of the importance of women's productive and reproductive roles in society has set the pace for consideration of this important issue at national and local levels. The second United Nations Conference on Women held in Kenya in 1985 helped to focus international attention on women's issues, with particular emphasis on African women. In Senegal, one of the guiding principles of the National Forestry Action Plan is the improvement of conditions under which rural women live and work.26 Given the predominant role women play in rural woodfuel supply, it is critical to incorporate their perspectives, recommendations, and participation in any effort to address this resource management issue. This is a particularly challenging prospect in a cultural context in which men still dominate almost every facet of rural life. 26 République du Sénégal 1993b (vol. 2): 106. 149 As mentioned in Chapter 4, the impress of Islam by way of the Mouride brotherhood is clearly reflected in the historical experience of human settlement and agricultural expansion in the study area. The religious imprint on local society remains strong not only in spiritual terms, but in economic and political terms as well. Programs and projects designed to address environmental issues in this rural area must take into consideration the important roles the local Mouride leadership plays in the areas of agriculture, land distribution, and the organization of labor.27 A corollary issue closely tied to religion is the question of local perceptions of the environment, or what one might call a land ethic. Despite the Mouride Wolof zeal for "attacking the forest"28 in the process of agricultural extensification, which may seem somewhat misguided in comparison to the more conservative environmental attitudes and skilled land use techniques of the Serer, the fact that Islam accords a particular reverence for natural phenomena invites closer examination of the philosophical aspects of human-environment interactions in this stronghold of the faithful. Koranic references to the sanctity of the natural environment, such as the following, might be useful in ethical considerations of the energy-environment dilemma: "Have you considered the fire you kindle? Was it you who made the tree to grow or are We the source of its g; Colvin 1983. See footnote 24 in Chapter 4. 150 being? We devised it to be a point of recollection and to provide solace for those who pass through desert ways. Praise, then, each of you §8e Name of your great Lord" (Surah 56, Al-Waq1'ah). A preliminary report to the interministerial commission on the National Forestry Action Plan expounded upon this very issue, posing the question as to whether the powerful influence of Senegal's marabouts could be used to rally support not only for expanded peanut production but for sustainable natural resource management as well.30 Educational attainment among the Senegalese rural population is another important factor with respect to managing the natural environment at the local level. Both the opportunity and the desire for formal schooling, i.e., government-sponsored, French-language education, in the Lour Rural Community are somewhat limited. The dominant voice of local marabouts has effectively squelched the expansion of state-sponsored secular education in the 31 Formal educational experience is for the most part area. restricted to attendance at Koranic school for varying periods of time among different segments of the population. Nevertheless, exposure to new skills, knowledge, and techniques, whether through formal or non-formal modes of education, will certainly be an important element in the future economic and social development of the area. Acquiring skills and knowledge in the fields of improved farming methods, reforestation techniques, accounting, and political leadership will be critical if the population of 33 Cited in Cragg (1988: 94). 31 République du Sénégal 1990a: 56. Interview no. 45. 151 this area is to succeed in adapting to the changing parameters of rural development in Senegal. A final social factor to consider relates to social structure in rural African society. Foreign development specialists often approach rural Africa from a perspective that considers peasant society to exemplify some degree of social homogeneity, solidarity, and/or communitarianism. Such assumptions of indigenous sociocultural conditions, however, are usually based on perceptions which one Senegalese social forester, Amsatou Niang, describes as the belief in the "myth of the rural collective."32 Niang argues that the perception of inherent solidarity and communitarianism tends to overlook the fact that rural African society is often highly stratified by age, gender, class, caste, and religious affiliation, leading to a varied and complex set of interests and needs. The complex social heterogeneity found in rural Senegal must be taken into consideration when examining the local aspects of the country's energy-environment predicament, particularly in terms of who reaps the benefits and who endures the costs of exploiting natural resources. II E ]'l' 1 | I l'l I' 1 D' . The wave of democratization spreading over many parts of the world dominates the international political scene of the late twentieth century. In Africa, the post—cold war period has witnessed an unprecedented surge in efforts to 32 Niang 1992: 21. 152 promote political liberalization and multiparty democracy.33 Senegal's relative success in its experiment with democracy, together with its evolving policy of administrative decentralization as discussed below, provide a backdrop to examine how change in the international political situation affects developments in the arena of local-level natural resource management. Other political issues at the international level that influence national and local events include changes in the direction and magnitude of foreign aid flows, increased attention to the promotion of private property rights, and the streamlining of government bureaucracy. National level political factors of direct consequence to woodfuel energy production and environmental protection in Senegal include state policy on administrative decentralization, the perennial debate regarding the interpretation and application of national land tenure laws, and the recently concluded revision of the national forestry code and proposed institutional reforms in the national forest service. Since independence from France in 1960, the Senegalese government has forged slowly ahead in its attempt to transform the centralized unitary state it inherited from the colonial power into a more decentralized bureaucratic. structure operating within a representative democracy.34 Efforts in this domain continue with the hopeful 33 Sklar & Strege 1992; Kraus 1991. Gellar 1990. 153 expectation that allowing local populations greater jurisdiction over their own affairs will contribute to expanding popular participation in sustainable natural resource management. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, various factors make this strategy highly problematic. Land tenure arrangements in Senegal differ widely between regions. Such variation is the result of what are essentially parallel systems of control over rights to land based on a division between long-standing indigenous arrangements on the one hand, and contemporary administrative and territorial legislation on the other. Pursuant to the national land tenure law of 1964, ninety- five percent of all land in Senegal is "nationalized," i.e., held by the state in order to assure its rational exploitation as determined by overall national development planning.35 However, the 1964 law notwithstanding, actual land tenure practices in Senegal are extremely complex and firmly rooted in the historical experience of Senegal's various ethnic groups.36 Although an official apparatus is in place that attributes certain powers in land allocation to administrative bodies such as local rural councils, this does not necessarily replace nor diminish the power of 35 For a detailed treatment of the this landmark piece of legislation, Loi no. 64-46 du 17 juin 1964 relative au ggmaine national, see Caveriviere & Debene (1988). The history of land tenure in Senegal is extremely complex. For insight into the systems that have been practised by the Wolof ethnic group see, among others, Diop (1968 & 1981), M.M. Niang (1975, 1979 & 1982), and Le Roy and Niang 1969. 154 traditional institutions to exercise control over land tenure decisions. Senegal's forest service occupies a pivotal position with respect to all aspects of the exploitation, conservation, and restoration of the country's woodland resources. Legislation that created the forest service, dating from the 19305, reflects the colonial objective of "wise management" of forested lands in former French West Africa.37 The primary characteristics of the legislation can be summarized as follows: forested lands are delimited into classified and protected zones; the forest service is vested with broad powers to regulate all uses of forests; and, a legal distinction is to be made between forest products subject to customary subsistence use and those that are allowed to be exploited commercially.38 Given the current status of Senegal's forested lands, characterized as degraded to varying degrees depending on location, much criticism has been levied upon the forest service for its shortcomings and failure to better manage these important resources. Explanations for this situation include lack of sufficient financial and material resources, susceptibility to corruption and collusion with commercial forestry enterprises, and the development over time of adversarial and even hostile relationships with the rural population.39 g; Elbow and Rochegude 1990. 39 Bertrand 1985: 31-32. Buttoud 1995. 155 Consequently, efforts have been made over the last decade to reform the forest service. A major outcome of this process was the government's adoption in 1993 of a 40 Despite this long—awaited revised national forest code. and much debated new code, concrete changes cannot be expected to take effect overnight. Moreover, many active in rural advocacy organizations believe that the new code does little to address the problems local populations experience in managing woodland resources.41 At the local level, important political factors center around questions related to representative government and decision making authority, land tenure arrangements, and the role local populations play in managing their own economic and environmental affairs. For the purposes of this discussion, the question of representative government encompasses the function of Senegal's rural councils. As mentioned in Chapter 2, rural councils constitute a governing body of locally elected officials for the Rural Community administrative subdivision. Their mandate covers responsibilities in three main areas: 1) allocation of land among members of the local population, 2) land use zoning and the regulation of use rights to natural resources, and 3) the identification, funding, and supervision of capital investments financed from the rural community budget.42 In reality, the ability of most rural councils to carry out this mandate is subject to a variety of factors 2? Dieng et al. 1993. 42 Ribot 1995. République du Sénégal 1991b. 156 that, under prevailing local conditions, explains the significant discrepancy between theory and practice. For example, although they ostensibly oversee questions concerning local land tenure, the action many rural councils take on this matter is, in effect, only symbolic. For the most part, other influential actors at the local level are found to have much greater authority in decisions related to the disposition of land resources, reflecting the parallel systems of land tenure that exist throughout much of the country. At the local level, a key element of national decentralization policy is manifest under the rubric of responsabilisation. The notion of responsabilisation, i.e., transfer of responsibility, refers to the increased role local communities are to play in managing their own affairs as the state pursues a policy of bureaucratic disengagement. It is in this spirit that local populations are expected to undertake for themselves many land use planning and management tasks hitherto in the purview of the state. These tasks are to be carried out by local institutions employing participatory planning processes in which all members of the community have an opportunity to take part. In light of some of the local-level social and economic variables mentioned above, a transfer of responsibility that is shared equitably among all segments of the rural population, not to mention between the rural and urban populations, is likely confront a number of significant challenges. 157 W The suite of variables and their constituent elements described in this chapter represent the principal components of the political ecology analytical framework presented in Chapter 1. In the following chapter, I demonstrate how interrelationships betweeen these environmental, economic, social, and political variables at different spatial scales and points in time, help to shed light on the environmental and socioeconomic outcomes of woodfuel energy production in one Rural Community in Senegal. 158 CHAPTER SIX TOWARDS A SYNTHESIS OF ENERGY-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS IN THE RURAL COMMUNITY OF LOUR ESCALE In this chapter, I consider a number of relationships between elements of the environmental, economic, social, and political variables identified in Chapter 5. In so doing, I draw attention to some of the associations among the principal components of this analysis that inform the connection between national woodfuel energy dependence and local environmental conditions in the Lour Rural Community. The aim here is to demonstrate how information and data collected during my research help to shed light on the problems associated with woodfuel-related land use in the study area. In the process phase of the political ecology approach, one can explore numerous combinations and permutations in the relationships between variables identified during the categorization phase. Within the scope of the present study, however, only a select sample of these can be addressed in sufficient detail. Consequently, I concentrate here on issues related to the importance now attached to local community participation in managing natural resources in the study area. Discussion on this theme addresses the research questions posed in Chapter 1 concerning the scope for participatory approaches to contribute to a resolution of Senegal's woodfuel energy problem. 159 I begin the chapter with a brief description of the physical landscape in the Lour Rural Community. As I illustrate below, prevailing environmental conditions pose a number of challenges to successful management of woodland resources for energy production and other tree-related products and services. In the following section of the chapter, I discuss both historical and contemporary aspects of woodfuel production in the Kaolack region and Lour Rural Community. This second section sets the stage for an examination in the final part of the chapter of issues surrounding local community participation in the management of the area's woodland resources. E . l 1 C I'l' . II | B 1 C 'l The Lour Rural Community and Koungheul Arrondissement of which it is a part are located in the eastern half of the Kaffrine Department, the largest of the three administrative departments that comprise the Kaolack region. The landscape in this area is typical of the monotonous plain that dominates the western half of Senegal north of The Gambia. This is a region of extremely low relief, where elevation ranges between only 20-50 meters above sea level. As defined in Chapter 3, the study area is located squarely within the Sudanian climatic zone and the southeastern section of Senegal's Peanut Basin agro- ecological zone. Average annual precipitation recorded at the town of Koungheul for the thirty-year period 1961-1991 160 is 685 mm (27 in.), and falls on an average of 45 days per year (see Figure 6.1).1 Rainfall occurs primarily during a three-month period from July to September, although occasional early rains fall in June and late rains usually extend into October. According to Giffard's classification, the area is located in a transition zone between sudano-sahelian and sudano-guinean vegetation types and is characteristic of a 2 Ferruginous tropical soils (Alfisols) dry wooded savanna. dominate this part of the Peanut Basin.3 Known locally as deck-dior soils, these soils cover 82% of the surface area in the Lour Rural Community.4 Although soils in the southeastern Peanut Basin are generally more fertile than those in the central and northwestern sections, due mostly to the maintenance of longer fallow periods associated with relatively lower population densities, they have become increasingly subject to wind and water erosion.5 1 Data obtained from records at the National Meteorological Birectorate (DMN) field station in Koungheul. Giffard 1974: 104. See Table 3.3 and Figure 3.3 in Shapter 3. 4 Steila 1976: 141-43; Gritzner 1988: 22, 24. 5 République du Sénégal 1988c: 1. Rodale Institute 1989: 36-43. 161 800+ 1!:th hm Mrs 4m 2m 0 §§§§§23=35§5§§ You Source: National Meteorological Directorate (DMN), Koungheul Field Station. Figure 6.1 - Total Annual Rainfall at Koungheul, 1961-1991 162 Surface water availability in the region is highly seasonal. Localized depressions and intermittent stream floodplains maintain surface water for several weeks during the rainy season. Throughout the remainder of the year, however, the area's water supply is restricted to wells sunk deep into the sub-surface aquifer.6 The difficulties associated with obtaining adequate year-round water supply limit considerably the agricultural, pastoral, and silvicultural productivity of the area. In IE ] E I I. . II N l | E . In this section I discuss the context in which woodfuel production has taken place over time in the Kaolack region and the Lour Rural Community. Both commercial charcoal production for the urban markets of western Senegal and firewood collection for local rural households are examined. With regard to charcoal production, data available from forest service records reveal a precipitous decline in this activity over the last decade. This decline, in turn, suggests the migration through the area of what can be described as Senegal's charcoal production "front," representing the progressive southeastward extension of woodland exploitation to satisfy household energy demand in the country's major cities and towns.7 This charcoal 6 Depths range from 50-150 meters (République du Sénégal 987C: 2). Despite the difficulties of exploiting the increasingly distant and less accessible woodlands of eastern and southern Senegal, which Giffard (1974: 217) once considered an unlikely scenario, recent evidence clearly indicates 163 production dynamic, coupled with the process of agricultural expansion discussed in Chapter 4, constrains the local population's ability to satisfy its own energy needs. With respect to local firewood supply, data presented here from a household energy survey I conducted point to incipient woodland degradation in the study area. Commercial Charcoal Production Investigation of the commercial production of woodfuels to supply urban centers in western Senegal reveals that forest resources in the Kaolack region have been subject to exploitation for many decades. Recently, most of this activity has been concentrated in the eastern part of the region in and around the study area. In the following paragraphs, I place this activity in historical perspective, illustrating the consequences of long-standing commercial charcoal production for current local woodfuel supply. As mentioned in Chapter 4, colonial-era construction of the Dakar-Niger railroad and attempts to protect the Ferlo pastoral region from Wolof-Mouride encroachment gave rise to a series of official land classifications intended to conserve woodland resources. Nowhere was this more significant than in the forests of what is now the Kaffrine Department. Thirteen classified areas gazetted between the that this is now taking place (see République du Sénégal 1993a: 3). A similar occurrence of the charcoal "front" phenomenon is noted for the area surrounding Kano, Nigeria, by Cline-Cole et al. (1990: 524). 164 late-19305 and the mid-19503 cover one-fifth of department's nearly 1.2 million hectares (see Table 6.1). 'Table 6.1 - Classified Forests and Silvo-pastoral Reserves, Department of Kaffrine Forest/ Date Area in Classification Reserve Classified Hectaresa Type Birkelane 1941 8,100 Rail-side savanna (2,500) Delby 1938 7,000 Rail-side savanna (2,000) Kaffrine 1944 700 Rail-side savanna Kassas 1952 12,150 Rail-side savanna (2,000) (1,500) Koumpentoum 1950 4,000 Rail-side savanna Koungheul 1951 1,400 Sudanian Savanna Maka-Yop 1940 20,000 Rail-side savanna Malem—Hodar 1941 5,000 Rail-side savanna Mbégué 1951 73,000 Silvo-Pastoral (45,000) Reserve Ndankou 1952 3,000 Sudanian Savanna Sagna 1948 3,900 Rail-side savanna Saloum 1956 95,000 Silvo-Pastoral Reserve Pathé Thiangaye 1951 8,000 Sudanian Savanna Total 241,250 Source: République du Sénégal 1991c: 38. a Figures in parentheses represent portions of the respective classified areas that are under management contracts, usually to Mouride marabouts, for peanut cultivation. Classifications according to Giffard (1974). Despite these early protection measures, subsequent human population pressure, agricultural expansion, and commercial woodfuel production for a growing urban population have taken their toll on the area's forests. As a result, woodfuel production in the central Peanut Basin has progressively declined over the last several decades. 165 Of1Licial data on charcoal output show that the Basin's share of national production dropped from 94% in 1961, to curly 4% in 1990. The production data for individual administrative regions in the Peanut Basin are given below in Table 6.2. Table 6.2 - Official Charcoal Production in the Central Peanut Basin, 1961-1990 Percent Share of National Production Region 1961 1970 1980 1990 Diourbel 3 2 0 0 Lougaa b - — 7 1 Sine-Saloum 69 48 13 - Fatick - - - 0 Kaolack - - — 3 Thiés 22 6 4 0 Total 94 56 §4 4 Source: Forest Service Data compiled by author. a Louga was created as a separate region in 1976; prior to b this date it was a department in the Diourbel region. In 1984 the former Sine-Saloum region was divided to form the regions of Fatick and Kaolack. Clearly, the Sine—Saloum/Kaolack region has consistently accounted for the major share of charcoal produced in the Peanut Basin. Since disaggregated data for the earlier time periods are not available, it is difficult to illustrate precisely the amounts produced in the constituent areas of "Sine" and "Saloum" which, after the redrawing of administrative boundaries in 1984, became the regions of Fatick and Kaolack respectively. It is reasonable to assume, however, that over the years the 166 majority of charcoal came from the less densely populated woodlands of the Kaffrine department. Much of the western and southern Sine-Saloum, i.e., the present-day Fatick region and the Kaolack and Nioro du Rip departments of the Kaolack region, have long been densely settled areas of peanut cultivation with fewer commercially exploitable woodland resources. Recent data support the position of the Kaffrine department as the primary woodfuel producing area in the Kaolack region. Forest service reports on charcoal production since 1985 - after the new administrative regions were established - offer a clear picture not only of the importance of the Kaffrine department, but also of the Koungheul arrondissement within it. For the nine charcoaling seasons from 1985 to 1993, a total of 129 official production sites, known as chantiers, were assigned to charcoal cooperatives licensed to operate in the Kaolack region. Of these, at least 87 (67%) were located in the Koungheul arrondissement (Table 6.3). The distribution of production sites by rural community within the Koungheul arrondissement is given in Table 6.4. 167 Table 6.3 - Charcoal Production in the Kaolack Region, 1985-1993a Chantiers by Arrondissement, Kaffrine Department Malem Not b Year Birkelane Koungheul Hodar Spec. Total Number of Chantiers Assigned (% of total) 1985 0 (0) 9 (69) 0 (0) 4 (31) 13 (100) 1986 0 (0) 9 (69) 0 (0) 4 (31) 13 (100) 1987 1 (5) 9 (45) 0 (0) 0 (50) 20 (100) 1988 1 (6) 7 (44) 0 (0) 8 (50) 16 (100) 1989 0 (0) 9 (82) 0 (0) 2 (18) 11 (100) 1990 1(11) 5 (56) 0 (0) 3 (33) 9 (100) 1991 1 (9) 8 (73) 0 (0) 2 (18) 11 (100) 1992 0 (0) 14 (78) 1 (6) 3 (16) 18 (100) 1993 0 (0) 15 (83) 2 (11) 1 (6) 18 (100) Total 4 (3) 87 (67) 3 (2) 35 (27) 129 (99)C Source: Forest Service Annual Reports for Kaolack Region and author's field checks. a Data prior to 1985 not reported by production site b location. Not Specified: Due mostly to poor record keeping, the precise locations for 27% of all chantiers assigned from 1985-1993 could not be verified. Does not equal 100% due to rounding. 168 Table 6.4 - Charcoal Production Sites in Koungheul Arrondissement, 1985-1993 Rural Nearest # Chantiers % Total % Tota% Community Village Assigned Arrond.a Region Gainthe Pathé Khaye Boubou Ndiolkhoss Ngouye Diery N dmmhw Sub-total 24% 16% Koungheul Arafat Mbayene Darou Thiekene Douba Lampour Miname Missirah Sub-total —L 12% 8% Lour Escale Affé Koura Mouride Lour Ndiayene Lour Niolé Nioro Kéba Touba Thiarene thirKhave Sub-total N—L «hmwbd-‘NN (DANG) (A) (QM-‘0) ON.O-‘d-‘-‘-‘w O-i-hN-‘N 23% 15% Maka Yop Coly Fass Thialene Méo Ndiobene Nguérane d Sub-total 15% 10% Ribot Escale Koung Koung Poubard Sub-total 10% 7% Saly Escale Keur Bara Keur Mandoumbé Keur Socé Koyé Bouré Makhama Mousdalifa Sub-total 16% 11% d Tatais 8777 100% 67% Source: Forest Service Annual Reports for Kaolack Region. b Percent of total chantiers in Koungheul Arrondissement. Percent of total chantiers in Kaolack Region. 169 Chantiers are the designated sites where forest products cooperatives are authorized to make charcoal. In theory, production takes place in areas under the careful supervision of the forest service and is guided by sound ecological and silvicultural criteria. There are indications, however, that chantier designation is instead based primarily on logistical criteria that result in repeated selection of the same site year after year.8 This increases the risk that certain areas will be overexploited, which in turn exacerbates conditions with respect to local firewood collection. For example, information obtained from discussions with forest service agents, members of forest products cooperatives, and area villagers suggest that chantier locations are chosen to accommodate easy access for the cooperatives and proximity to forest service stations. In the case of the Lour Rural Community, data from the household woodfuel energy survey presented below support this contention. As suggested above, the eastern part of the Kaolack region is witnessing the passage of Senegal's charcoal production front. This spatial progression is represented by the declining importance of charcoal production in the Kaffrine department, and its concomitant increase in the Tambacounda and Kolda regions to the east and south. Part of the drop-off in production is explained by deliberate government intervention, reflected in a 1987 policy that 8 République du Sénégal 1994: 14-15; personal communication, interview no. 71. 170 limits the marketing of commercially produced charcoal in several regions of the country.9 In the Kaolack region, this policy led to the so- called dbmiciliation ("confinement") of charcoal production. Essentially, the policy states that, henceforth, charcoal produced in the Kaolack region can be sold only in markets within the region itself; it may no longer be "exported" to markets in other parts of the country, particularly Dakar. Motivation for the policy, according to statements in forest service annual reports, stems from a concern that woodlands in the Kaolack region are overexploited, that too many forest products cooperatives operate in the area, and that action is necessary to protect the productive potential of the region's remaining woodlands.10 As noted in Table 6.5, application of the policy reduced the allocation of official charcoal production quotas to the Kaolack region from over 300,000 quintals in 1987 to about 70,000 quintals in 1988. 9 République du Sénégal 1993a: 3; République du Sénégal 91c: 78. 1 République du Sénégal 1987b: 68. 171 Table 6.5 - Official Charcoal Production Quotas, Kaolack Region, 1981—19933 Year Ouintalsb 1981 120,000 1982 (no data) 1983 227,000 1984C 259,000 1985 242,000 1986 351,000 1987 304,000 1988 70,000 1989 50,000 1990 45,000 1991 61,000 1992 63,000 1993 50,000 Source: Forest Service Annual Reports for Kaolack Region compiled by author. a These figures indicate quantities allocated for production by the Forest Service, but do not necessarily reflect the amounts actually produced. b 1 quintal = 100 kg. c Data prior to 1984 are given for former administrative region of the Sine-Saloum, and thereafter for the region of Kaolack. Forest products cooperatives operating in the Kaolack region were dismayed by the new confinement policy. Remarks made in forest service annual reports indicate a lack of compliance among the registered cooperatives with this and other new regulatory measures such as increased 11 Presidents of the royalties, taxes, and fees. cooperatives consider the new policy as an attempt to squelch their business activity. 11 République du Sénégal 1988b, 1989, 1990b; also, personal communications from interview nos. 23, 27, 32, 42, & 66. 172 In the face of diminishing charcoal quota allocations, the cooperatives' recourse is either to compete with their counterparts in the Tambacounda and Kolda regions or to continue producing charcoal illegally, i.e., in excess of the official quotas, in the Kaolack region. Given current government policy emphasizing participatory natural resource management at the local level, discussed later in this chapter, attempts by the forest products cooperatives to continue illegal production may prove to be a source of increased conflict between the cooperatives, rural population, and government agencies such as the forest service. Local Firewood Collection Woodland resources in the Lour Rural Community are subject to a variety of pressures. The quality and quantity of available resources, as well as the degree to which woodland degradation occurs, are a function of both natural and human factors. Natural factors include rainfall variability and drought, water table fluctuations, soil conditions, bush fires (often associated with human activity), and termite infestation. Human factors include land clearance for agriculture, livestock grazing, woodcutting for construction and toolmaking purposes, and firewood collection and charcoal production. Assigning accurate quantitative weights to the different factors that contribute to woodland degradation is beyond the scope of this study. Nevertheless, observations and data from the field indicate that 173 commercial charcoal production is regarded by many among the local population as a contributing factor to woodland degradation and to increased difficulty in meeting household energy needs. In this section I discuss several concerns regarding woodland resources in the Lour Rural Community based on interviews and survey data on women's views of the local woodfuel situation. Women are able to provide particularly good information about changes taking place in the natural landscape. Given their near total dependence on woodfuel energy, they have intimate knowledge about the status of tree—related resources in the area. Discussion of women's perceptions of the woodfuel situation in the Lour Rural Community first requires a statement recognizing the multiple rigors of rural life in this part of Senegal. As explained in Chapter 4, compared to the more precarious environmental situation in the western areas of the "old" Peanut Basin, the environmental and socioeconomic consequences of woodfuel production in the southeastern Peanut Basin are only now becoming apparent. As a consequence of the relatively abundant yet dwindling woodland resources available in the latter region, which includes the Lour Rural Community, assuring an adequate supply of firewood is often acknowledged as a somewhat less severe problem compared to other demands on household labor. This is reflected in the responses women offered when asked to describe their most difficult domestic chores (see Table 6.6). 174 Table 6.6 - Women's Perceptions on Household Labor Tasks in the Lour Rural Community Task Order of Difficulty According to Respondent First Second Third Total Mill et Processi nga Number of Responses (% of Survey) — threshing 43 22 15 80 (48) (25) (17) (90) - pounding 3 13 13 29 (3) (15) (15) (33) - grinding 3 11 9 23 (3) (12) (10) (26) Haul'ing Water 36 23 9 68 (40) (26) (10) (76) Firewood Collection 2 6 21 29 (2) (7) (24) (33) Cooking 2 7 16 25 (2) (8) (18) (28) Laundry - 7 6 13 (-) (8) (7) (15) Sourwce: Author's Household Energy Survey, 1993. a Women's responses for millet processing reflect the various stages of preparation. 175 The data in Table 6.6 indicate that various aspects of food processing and water provision are more demanding tasks than assuring an adequate supply of firewood. Ninety percent of the women surveyed place millet threshing among the top three most difficult household tasks (48% as the most difficult), and 76% percent mentioned water supply within the top three tasks (40% as the most difficult). Although one-third of the women surveyed noted firewood collection among the top three most difficult tasks, only 2% viewed it as being the most difficult chore they perform. The data reported in Table 6.6 reflect both the nature of rural labor in and the physical geography of the Lour Rural Community. Since it occurs daily and demands considerable physical effort, it is not surprising that food processing registers high on the list of difficult household chores. Hauling water is also a daily task during most of the year, and it too requires substantial physical energy.12 As mentioned earlier, water supply is one of the Rural Community's most pressing problems. Despite the fact that firewood collection does not rank highest on the list of women's travail, 95% of those surveyed responded positively when asked whether they experience difficulties with firewood supply. The existence of a firewood collection problem, therefore, 12 Water collection tasks are slightly mitigated during the brief rainy season given greater access to surface water and catchment of supplemental water from roof-top runoff. At most other times, however, women haul water manually with ropes and buckets from rather deep wells. 176 appears to be a matter of relative difficulty when compared to other domestic chores. For example, unlike food processing and water supply, firewood collection is not part of the daily routine for most households.13 The nature of the problems women encounter in firewood collection are summarized below in Table 6.7. 13 Data from the household survey indicate that, on average, women in the Lour Rural Community collect firewood by headload approximately every third day (n=55). Those women indicating access to animal-drawn carts (n=43) report collecting firewood twice a month on average. It should be noted that collection with carts is often a supplement to, not a substitute for, headload collection. Of the 43 women reporting animal-cart collection, 20 (47%) also collect firewood by headload while 23 (53%) report using only cart collection. 177 Table 6.7 - Difficulties in Firewood Supply Reported by Women in the Lour Rural Community Village Type of Difficulty Lour Touba Thiarene Total (n=30) (n=29) (n=30) (n=89) # of women reporting (%) Distance to 27 24 24 75 Supply Area (90) (83) (80) (84) Deforestation Caused by 18 1 0 19 Charcoal Production (60) (3) (0) (21) Fatigue 0 13 4 17 (0) (45) (13) (19) Lack of Transporta 4 3 9 16 to Supply Area (13) (10) (30) (18) Disappearance of 2 3 1 6 Preferred Tree Species (7) (10) (3) (7) High Purchase Price 1 0 0 1 (3) (0) (0) (1) Wet Wood in Rainy Season 1 0 0 1 (3) (0) (0) (1) Source: Author's Household Energy Survey, 1993. a This is a reference to animal-drawn carts. The response is similar to that of "Distance to Supply Area" noted above. The data in Table 6.7 suggest the lack of satisfactory woodfuel supply in proximity to household locations. An overwhelming majority of all respondents (84%) in the villages surveyed report distance to collection site as a problem. In addition, 18% of all respondents mention "lack of transport" - a reference to the desire for access to animal-drawn carts - which further suggests that distance 178 'to collection site is a problem. Although greater distance 'to firewood collection sites is often attributed as a sign of deforestation due to excessive commercial woodfuel production,14 one should remember that other factors, such as land clearance for farming and local firewood collection itself, can also contribute to a decline in the availability of nearby trees. A relationship between distance to firewood collection site and commercial woodfuel production is nevertheless suggested when data in Table 6.7 are considered on the basis of village location. For example, responses obtained in the village of Lour Escale, where problems of distance to supply area and deforestation attributed to nearby charcoal production were reported by 90% and 60%, respectively, of those surveyed, correspond with the frequent assignment in recent years of charcoal chantiers near the village.15 Solutions proposed by women to alleviate firewood collection problems also support a connection between difficulty in supply and nearby charcoal production. As noted below in Table 6.8, 77% and 64% of the women surveyed in the villages of Lour Escale and Thiarene suggest limiting or prohibiting charcoal production in their respective areas. The vicinity of Thiarene, it should be 14 See Eckholm et al. (1984) and Agarwal (1986). ‘5 See Table 6.5. Chantier sites within the vicinity of Lour Escale include: Affé, Lour, Ndiayene Lour, and Yeti- Khaye. Note that fewer charcoal chantiers have been assigned in the vicinity of Touba Aly Mbenda. 179 noted, has also been the site of much repeated charcoal production activity since the mid—19805.16 Table 6.8 - Solutions to Firewood Supply Difficulties Recommended by Women in the Lour Rural Community Village Recommended Solution Lour Touba Thiarene Total (n=30) (n=29) (n=30) (n=89) # of women reporting (%) Limit or Prohibit 23 14 19 56 Charcoal Production (77) (48) (63) (63) Acquire Means of 5 13 21 39 Transport to Supply Area (T7) (45) (70) (44) Establish Household 4 3 1 8 Woodlot (Reforestation) (13) (10) (3) (9) Have Men Help with 1 2 4 7 Firewood Collection (3) (7) (13) (8) Switch to Using Butane 3 0 0 3 (10) (0) (0) (3) More Frequent Rotation of 0 2 0 2 Charcoal Production Sites (0) (7) (0) (2) Use Improved Woodstoves 0 1 0 1 (0) (3) (0) (1) Purchase Firewood 1 0 0 1 (3) (0) (0) (1) Source: Author's Household Energy Survey, 1993. In addition to overcoming distance, other signs of difficulty in firewood collection are apparent in the Lour Rural Community. 16 See Table 6.5. 180 Survey data from the villages of Lour, Touba, and Thiarene indicate that households are beginning to turn to the purchase of firewood and the allocation of male labor (and the access to animal-drawn carts which men control) in order to make up for shortages in locally available firewood resources. Sixty-nine percent of all households report occasional purchase of firewood, and 26% say that male labor contributes toward firewood collection (see Table 6.9). Table 6.9 - Changes in Firewood Supply Reported by Women in the Lour Rural Community Village Reported Change Lour Touba Thi arene Total (n=30) (n=29) (n=30) (n=89) # of women reporting (%) Occasional Purchase 27 19 15 61 of Firewood (90) (66) (50) (69) Allocation of 6 14 3 23 Male Labor (20) (48) (10) (26) Source: Author's Household Energy Survey, 1993. While in the field, I personally participated in several forays with men using animal-drawn carts to collect firewood in the areas surrounding the village of Touba. During these trips I witnessed considerable cutting of live wood as opposed to the collection of dead wood. Villagers point out that finding an adequate supply of preferred dead wood has become more difficult due to the repeated presence 181 of charcoal producers in the area.17 With increasing distances to wooded areas and problems of allocating sufficient female labor to firewood collection now observed in the Lour Rural Community, it is reasonable to assume that one will continue to see more firewood purchases and more frequent use of male labor in firewood collection. Problems of assuring satisfactory quantities of woodfuel are accompanied by reductions in the quality of locally available woodland resources in the Lour Rural Community. Changes in the composition and prevalence of certain woody species are also signs of woodland degradation. Discussions with local residents on this subject indicate the disappearance of highly valued, formerly abundant tree species.18 These include a decline in the availability of a species known locally as Ir (Prosopis africana), appreciated by local blacksmiths for its quality charcoal, and the rarity of Garabe Laobe (Bombax costatum), valued for in toolmaking and construction. Further insight into qualitative changes in woodland resources can be gleaned from information on tree species used for firewood in the area's households. Table 6.10 summarizes responses women offered when asked about the species they prefer to use as firewood. 17 Interview nos. 56, 57, 59, & 72. Recall that lower maisture content in wood makes for easier carbonization. Interview nos. 59, 63, & 74. 182 Table 6.10 - Preferred Tree Species for Firewood Reported by Women in the Lour Rural Community Order of Preference Speciesa 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th Total Number of Responses (% of Survey) Ratt 54 25 5 0 0 85 (61) (28) (6) (0) (0) (96) Géej 14 17 15 4 3 53 (16) (19) (17) (4) (3) (60) Ween 11 8 16 10 2 47 (12) (9) (18) (11) (2) (53) Dimb 10 14 13 4 3 44 (11) (16) (15) (4) (3) (49) Nger 0 18 6 3 1 28 (0) (20) (7) (3) (1) (31) Kel 0 4 7 4 0 15 (0) (4) (8) (4) (0) (17) Sam 0 2 2 2 2 8 (0) (2) (2) (2) (2) (9) Tap 0 1 3 0 0 4 (0) (1) (3) (0) (0) (4) Source: Author's Household Energy Survey, 1993. a Species names given in Wolof; botanical equivalents are: Ratt Combretum glutinosum Nger Guiera senegalensis Géej Anogeissus leiocarpus Kel Grewia bicolor Ween Pterocarpus erinaceus Sam Acacia macrostachya Dimb Cordyla pinnata Tap Combretum nigricans Of the species listed in Table 6.10, the first three - Combretum glutinosum, Anogeissus leiocarpus, and Pterocarpus erinaceus - are noted by Maydell as being particularly good woodfuels: the latter two are especially 183 suited for charcoal production.19 Although there is little evidence at present to suggest that charcoal production has adversely affected women's ability to find sufficient quantities of Anogeissus leiocarpus and Pterocarpus erinaceus (only 7% of all women surveyed mentioned having difficulty finding preferred species (see Table 6.7)), one cannot disregard the possibility that competition for these species might lead to dependence on inferior firewood species sometime in the future.20 The preference noted for Cambretum glutinosum'deserves special mention. As noted in Table 6.10, 96% of survey respondents cite this species among their top five preferred woodfuels; 61% rank it in first position. Although Maydell gives this shrub a high rating for use as firewood, others describe it as an invasive species associated with degraded woodland conditions.21 When asked why they prefer C. glutinosum, most women do remark that it ignites easily and burns well. However, the popularity of C. glutinosum for use as firewood might also be explained by its wide availability as a rapidly growing invasive species. ‘9 Maydell 1990. Suitability for charcoal production is gfitermined primarily by calorific value of carbonized wood. Although my survey data indicate no evidence of decline in the preferred woodfuel species, it is worth noting that Montagne (1988: 9) - a former technical advisor to the PARCE project - cites the diminution of Pterocarpus erinaceus in the nearby major charcoal-producing region of Eambacounda. See Maydell (1990), Lykke (1994: 51-52) and Grenier (1988: 33). 184 According to the data presented above, together with information gleaned from interviews with members of the local population, there are clear signs that assuring adequate supplies of firewood and other tree-related resources is becoming increasingly difficult in the Lour Rural Community.22 The incipient monetization of firewood supply, changes in labor allocation to firewood collection, and disappearance of preferred tree species noted here are all indicative of similar consequences that attended woodland degradation in other parts of the Peanut Basin.23 0- OI' I ‘ ‘ -_ 0| I 0 I I‘ l’ 0 - I OIH‘I For the eastern Kaolack region and the Lour Rural Community, the discussion so far in this chapter illustrates both the environmental challenges to natural resource management and the intensity with which the area's resources have been exploited to satisfy national energy demand. In this final section, I examine the context within which the local population is being called upon to take greater responsibility for overall management of the area's natural resources, and the implications this call has for woodfuel energy production. I endeavor to demonstrate a number of obstacles likely to be confronted by attempts to improve natural resource management through more formal local community involvement. g3 Interview nos. 64, 69, & 70. See Grenier 1988; also on the signs of degraded conditions in firewood supply see Agarwal 1986 and Hoskins 1979. 185 As noted in Chapter 5, numerous — although not new - trends in international development thinking currently favor community-based initiatives as the best way to both protect natural resources and promote economic development at the local level. These trends reflect ideas about popular participation, empowerment, and reliance on indigenous technical knowledge in the sociocultural realm, and democratization, property rights, and government decentralization in the political sphere (see Table 5.1). A major part of the focus on community-based initiatives seeks to promote decentralization of authority and responsibility for natural resource management to regional and local organizations and institutions.24 In Senegal, many external actors are engaged in the planning, funding, and execution of development policies and projects designed to support local community participation. However, transcending the rhetoric of participation as promoted by international agencies and the national government, in order to achieve the practice of participation in the fields and forests of rural Senegal, will first require that attention be paid to a number of unresolved issues. Observations from my research offer a glimpse into the kinds of problems that impede the transformation of decentralization as theorized at the international and national levels into effective practice at the local level. These include weaknesses in local institutions, a 24 Associates in Rural Development 1992: 8. 186 sociocultural foundation not entirely conducive to the participatory paradigm, the presence of powerful elites with vested interests to protect, and difficulties in resolving land tenure conflicts under the auspices of sometimes weak and often conflicting forms of local governance. These issues illustrate some of the interrelationships at work between economic, social, and political variables that influence management of natural resources in the energy-environment nexus. Sociocultural Dissonance in Community Participation In the Chapter 5 discussion outlining elements of the social variable at different scales of analysis, I noted the attention gender issues receive in economic development and environmental conservation circles among international organizations. I also stated how this concern is reflected in various ways at the national level, with an example in Senegal being the incorporation of specific language related to women as important resource managers in the recently revised National Forestry Action Plan. As the data presented in the previous section of this chapter amply illustrate, gender issues are central to the discussion of rural woodfuel supply. Clearly, women bear the brunt of the burden of diminishing firewood supply and increasing woodland degradation. This is evident in terms of the additional labor they must allocate to satisfying household energy requirements. However, despite the attention now focused on gender, empowerment, and women's participation at 187 national and international levels, local circumstances often dictate that women's concerns receive only incidental consideration. At no time is the rhetoric of local community participation more suspect than when it comes to the role of women. Only a few days in the Lour Rural Community are needed to convince even the most casual observer of the inferior social position women occupy in this area. Men dominate almost every facet of rural life including the productive resources of land, agricultural technology, and capital. Although women are keen to participate in the projects of village development associations such as the Koungheul Entente, their voice in these most progressive of Senegal's rural institutions is still often limited due to prevailing sociocultural conditions. For example, although women dominate, numerically speaking, the ranks of the Koungheul Entente by a margin of two-to—one, their attendance at the three monthly Entente meetings I attended while in the field never accounted for more than twenty-five percent of those present.25 As these seemingly interminable sessions stretch into the late afternoons, the number of women present steadily dwindles as they must inevitably return home to attend to household chores. At other times, such as the smaller "committee" meetings I attended in the village of Touba, gatherings 25 According to its development committee secretary, the Koungheul Entente counted 656 female and 318 male members in 1993. Attendance at monthly meetings is from my informal survey of males and females present. 188 were held late in the evening when women have a brief respite from their incessant travail. No matter when or where these gatherings are held, women seldom assert themselves or voice their concerns in front of the men who preside over these meetings. Similar experiences are reported for another village development association in the neighboring Koungheul Rural Community. As Blundo notes, although association meetings are ostensibly open forums where everyone is free to contribute their opinion, in reality "these meetings reaffirm the existing social hierarchy...[in which] discussion would seem to concern the men only".26 Reconciling the low social position women occupy in rural Senegal with the high expectations for their participation in decentralized natural resource management envisioned by national and international development agencies is certain to pose a significant challenge.27 This situation clearly illustrates the dissonance in the way some of the social variables identified in Chapter 5 are manifest at different points along the local-global continuum. 26 Blundo 1994: 108. 27 A cartoon appearing in an Oxfam (UK) publication speaks in an eloquent and amusing way to this issue. In it is depicted a burly charcoal maker with hatchet in hand peering over his shoulder at a group of women working assiduously at planting trees. The caption has the charcoal maker saying: "See, [woodfuel supply] isn't difficult...Women take care of the planting, and I take care of the rest" (Oxfam 1993). 189 In addition to addressing the issue of gender inequality, improvements to woodland resource management in the Umu'Rural Community will certainly require an effort to strengthen skills, knowledge, and attitudes about forestry management. As described in Chapter 4, compared to their proven prowess in clearing land for agricultural colonization, the population in the study area has little practical experience either with natural woodland Today, however, training management or with reforestation. This and skills development are more important than ever. is especially so given opportunities that are expected to derive from changes in the national forest code that call for increased local involvement in the management and exploitation of woodland resources. Several aspects of Senegal's revised forest code deserve special mention at this point. Enacted into law in February 1993, the new code contains provisions that confer upon local populations unprecedented opportunities, rights, and responsibilities - under the auspices of the rural councils — for the commercial exploitation of forest resources.28 As summarized by van den Breemer and colleagues, the main changes in the new code that directly affect local communities include: 28 For the text of the new forest code see République du On the Sénégal (1993e); see also Dieng et al. (1993). implications for Rural Community participation, see Ribot (19956: 1594-95). 190 1)recognition of individual property rights in :flanted trees and products deriving from them (excluding rights to the land on which the trees are grown); 2) delegation of authority to local communities - subject to forest service-approved management plans — to manage forested lands under state control, including the authority to sell production rights to third parties to harvest local forest resources (for charcoal production, for example) or to engage in this opportunity themselves; 3) obligations on all forest users (i.e., commercial and subsistence) to manage resources sustainably through mandatory participation in reforestation, Egnities of a portion of and: 4) the payment to local com the national forestry fund. Consequently, Senegal's rural communities will have a legally recognized stake in the management of local forest something that hitherto was the exclusive As with the resources , purview of the national forest service. overall decentralization enterprise itself, however, there is a wide gap between theory and practice regarding the effective implementation of these new reforms.30 In the Lour Rural Community, the legacy of the internationally-funded Central-East Forests Management and Reforestation Project (PARCE) does not bode well for the future prospects of popular participation in woodland management.31 After promoting reforestation programs during most of the 19803, the lasting impact of the project amounts to little more than a few remaining project-trained 29 van den Breemer et al. 1995: 107. 3? See Ribot 1995c. See footnote 12 in Chapter 2. Projet d'Aménagement et de Reboisement du Centre—Est (Central-East Forests Management and Reforestation Project). 191 nursery managers who claim that it is difficult to get people interested in planting trees.32 According to one international consultant, PARCE succeeded in training several people to manage a few small tree nurseries, but it did not achieve the more elaborate goal of promoting integrated land use management, i.e. , agro-sylvo- pastoralism.33 The latter goal seems to have faded with 34 the withdrawal of project funding in the late 19805. Despite the international development community's newfound interest in tapping people's store of knowledge and awareness about local environmental conditions, i.e., in "indigenous technical knowledge," it is important to realize that not all local groups have adequate experience and/or "technical knowledge" about reforestation and natural forest management. Such is the case in the Lour Rural Community, where successful tree planting is subject to a number of constraints related to the semi-arid environment and the population's general lack of silvicultural experience. For example, tree species found most frequently in the Koungheul Entente's nurseries, including Acacia senegal, 32 From discussions during visits to all of the PARCE- trained nursery managers in the Lour Rural Community, they note that the population's interest in reforestation is limited mostly to planting backyard fruit trees or small ves of eucalyptus (Interview nos. 57, 59, 63 8. 74). o 95 Montagne 1988: 21. 3 This evaluation is confirmed by the president of the Koungheul Entente, who indicated to me that the PARCE project "trained a 'few' nursery managers and sent an extension agent around from time to time, but never did much in the way of establishing a larger project in the area" (Interview no. 47). 192 Azadaractica indica, Eucalyptus camaldulensis, and Prosopis africana, although adapted to drought conditions, have not succeeded very well when transplanted to farmers' fields.:35 The problem seems to be one related more to poor site selection and lack of proper care of seedlings than it is to poor species selection. The site selection issue reflects in part the land tenure arrangements in the villages where the Entente tries to promote reforestation. According to one tree nursery manager, site selection depends on identifying a landholder in the community who is willing to extend use rights to the Entente.3’6 It appears that much land suitable for reforestation in the study area, e.g., in shallow depressions and along seasonally flooded streams, is off-limits to the Entente. One reason for this is that tree planting represents a long-term use of increasingly scarce land resources. Those who control access to land are more apt to provide temporary use rights to the Entente for seasonal millet production than they are for a multi-year use such as planting trees. In terms of addressing the technical aspects of silviculture, the Senegalese forest service purports to be engaged in a campaign to help villagers better manage woodland resources. Building its widely touted "partnershi p with peasants , " however , will require substantial effort on the part of the forest service to 35 Interview nos. 60, 66, & 74. 36 Interview no. 63. 193 earn the trust of local populations.37 This will be difficult for a variety of historical and contemporary reasons, including the government's generally poor record of providing effective rural extension services, and the traditionally antagonistic relationship between villagers and government agents.38 Since the early colonial period in francophone Africa, the somewhat draconian authority with which forest services have operated has done little to endear their agents to the rural population.39 Experiences some villagers in the Lour Rural Community have had with the forest service illustrate these points. In Senegal, the sweeping control over forested lands exercised by the forest service is a major source of conflict between the rural population and the government. In an interview in which I was able to ask about this relationship, a villager in the Lour Rural Community made this telling comment about the forest service: "we have no respect for these 'hommes de loi'" (lawmen).4o Others often describe their experience with forest service agents in terms of being constantly fined for some mi nor infraction of the forest code, rather than encouraged to acquire and practice productive or protective silvicultural 37 Building "partnerships with peasants" is a current refrain in the discussions on decentralized natural 5 source management (Interview nos. 12, 17, 8. 33). On the problems of Senegal's rural extension services, see Ba (1985), Gellar et al. (1980), Jones (1985), Kane £5988), and Moulton (1977). Clement & Strasfogel 1986: 91-2; Buttoud 1995: 40-46. The reference here to the "law" 40 Interview no. 70. "the state") is one example of the distinctions made (i.e., between traditional/indigenous and contemporary/externally- related (i.e., colonial—inherited) institutions. 194 41 For many, the relationship is one of reinforced by the paramilitary appearance and 1.42 techniques. intimidation, behavior of forest service personne Such experiences with the forest service shape the views many villagers have regarding official state institutions in general, which are based in large part on a history of repression and domination rather than on cooperation and partnership. Settling old antagonisms between villagers and government agents, and improving the quality and availability of extension services, will be essential ingredients in helping local communities to deal successfully with the challenges of taking on greater responsibility for natural resource management. This discussion here has highlighted a number of interrelationships among social, environmental-technical, and political components of the energy-environment situation that inform the local outcome of woodfuel production and the prospects for future improvements in resource management. Again, important connections among these components are evident along the local-global 41 Interview nos. 57, 70, & 74. Similar views held by villagers in other parts of Senegal are reported by van den §§eemer et al. (1995: 101-102). it is easy to comprehend why forest service On Indeed, personnel are often seen as a threatening presence. several occasions in the villages of the Lour Rural I observed uniformed forest service agents Community, Such scenes reflect prominently sporting their side-arms. the commentary of a representative from the Ministry of Women's Affairs at the international conference on the "the presence of uniformed forest service agents in PAFS: the field often has a threatening psychological impact on (Field notes from roundtable meeting, the rural population" Also on the subject of villager-forest agent 10/21/93). relationships, see Wiersum 8. Lekanne dit Deprez (1995). 195 continuum. For example, one observes how environmental and socioeconomic outcomes of woodfuel production in the Lour Rural Community, i.e., fewer trees and more difficult firewood supply conditions, result from decisions made to exploit local resources by forces exogenous to the local community. Institutional Dissonance in Community Participation In Chapter 1, I stated that the existence of functional institutions is considered to be an important element of decentralized natural resource management.43 Senegal, the local In institutional context is complex, based on overlapping and often conflicting modern and traditional structures. In the Lour Rural Community, these dual structures are represented by the central government- established Rural Council and the indigenous Mouride-Wolof religious institution respectively.44 A number of factors help to explain why rural councils tend not to operate as the autonomous, representative, and independent units of decentralized local government they were intended to be, and why the indigenous Mouride institution tends to maintain firm control over local affairs, thereby effectively attenuating full community participation as envisioned by actors at the national and international levels. 43 Minis et al. 1989. 44 For more on the legislation establishing the Rural Councils and Rural Communities, Loi no. 72-25 du 19 avril 197211flative aux communautés rurales, see République du Sénégal (1991b). 196 First, there is the fundamental question concerning representation. According to the legislation that created Senegal '5 rural councils, the council president is also the (Ifficial local representative of the sub-prefect, i.e., the centrally-appointed chief administrative officer of the arrondfissement (the next level up the territorial hierarchy).45 This raises the interesting question of exactly who represents whom via the institution of the rural council: Does the council, through its president, represent the wishes of the people of the rural community to the central government, or is the rural council president in effect the local spokesperson for the central government, via the sub-prefect, in affairs concerning the rural population? A basic assumption about Senegal's rural councils is that they function as a body of popularly elected representatives who serve the member villages of the rural community. In reality, however, the position of rural councillor has less to do with representative governance than it does with political patronage. For example, election to this office does not begin with an individual announcement of candidacy or a petition of one's constituency for a place on the ballot.46 Instead, "candidates" are appointed by local political party 45 See Article 53 in République du Sénégal (1991b). 46 It should be noted here that a rural councillor's constituency is in effect the entire population of the rural community. There are no village, ward, or other types of subdivision within the rural community for the purposesiof selecting rural councillors. 197 officials to electoral lists based on party affiliation. Since electors are not permitted to vote a split ballot, appointment to the party list essentially guarantees a place on the rural council. Since effective multiparty politics is a recent it is not surprising that rural phenomenon in Senegal, the party councils are dominated by the Parti Socialiste. In a study on the management in power since independence. Bellot of political power in Senegal's rural communities, notes that at the time of his work the Parti Socialists controlled every rural council in the country.47 He goes on to say that the state (i.e., the party in power) has in effect succeeded in overlaying its internal structure upon that of the territorial administrative structure, which in essence means that the rural community has become the basic unit of the Parti Socialiste. Bellot thus questions whether local power and authority reflect democratic forces at the local level, or if they are instead a manifestation of political control by higher echelons of the party hierarchy. The Lour Rural Council, composed of 18 councillors representing 11 of the rural community's 46 villages, appears to symbolize the latter case. In interviews I conducted in several villages in the Lour Rural Community, there appeared to be a general consensus that the rural council is essentially comprised 47 Bel lot 1988: 16. In fact, Senegal's opposition parties tend to bypass the rural elections and concentrate their efforts at the national level, thereby guaranteeing the Parti Socialiste a solid lock on the rural councils (see Andri ami rado 1990) . 198 of the political cronies of the local Parti Socialiste leader.48 For example, in addition to being one of the wealthiest landholders in the rural community, the current president of the rural council is in fact the local party chief. Residents of the rural community have indicated their dissatisfaction with the way the council is managed, particularly with respect to issues of land allocation and handling of the rural community's budget.49 As Landell- Mills suggests, some of Africa's failed attempts to achieve accountable government at the local level have resulted in a more "top-down form of centralised democracy."50 Considering the Opinions of some members of the local population, one is led to question whether this has not become the case for the Lour Rural Council. Ambiguity surrounding the question of representation on rural councils is complicated by the significant powers that are reserved for the sub-prefect. For example, all decisions taken by the rural council are ultimately subject to approval by the sub-prefect, who also has the power to 51 suspend or dissolve councils under his jurisdiction. These powers are justified in terms of the roles the sub- prefect plays as facilitator, advisor, and supervising authority vis-a-vis the rural council. Abelin remarks, however, that this arrangement implies that the rural council essentially has two heads, one elected (the :3 Interviews nos. 56, 58 8. 61. République du Sénégal 1988b. 5° Landell-Mills 1992: 567. 5‘ See Article 53 in République du Sénégal (1991b). 199 president) and one appointed (the sub-prefect).52 This in turn supports Gellar's contention that although in theory the rural councils have "broad powers" to administer local affairs, in practice the central state maintains control over these affairs through the office of the sub-prefect.53 The broad powers maintained by sub-prefects derive in large part from the general background profile of the average rural councillor in Senegal. The latter is usually illiterate, lacks formal administrative and financial management experience, and is otherwise poorly qualified to interpret and convey policies and laws concerning the affairs of state. In fact, previous research indicates that most rural councillors in Senegal lack the experience and skills one would expect as basic requirements for the job.54 In canvassing the Lour Rural Council, I found that none of its members has any formal French-language education. This is not surprising given the prevailing sociocultural and religious attitudes in this part of the country that do not recognize formal, Western-style 55 education as being particularly desirable. Obviously, such circumstances are problematic when it comes to local administration, which includes the 52 Abelin 1979: 523-24. 53 Gellar 1990: 140. 5" Vengroff & Johnston 1989; Bellot 1988. 55 In the Lour Rural Community there is only one primary school, which has only two classrooms, for an estimated school-age population of 4,000 pupils (République du Sénégal 1988c). The lack of scholastic infrastructure reflects the strong influence of local religious leaders who generally disdain formal education, seeing it as an unwelcome cultural influence on the community. 200 management of natural resources. Since formal government operates primarily through French language media, most rural councillors rely on translations of official information either through local-language radio broadcasts or their contacts with the sub-prefect - both of which, incidentally, are instruments of central authority. For example, many councillors are unaware of important changes in the new forestry code (discussed above) intended to increase local options for woodland management.56 It is somewhat surprising that the new code, which on a symbolic level means so much to the government in terms of maintaining positive rapport with the international donor community, remains a virtual mystery to many rural council members.57 Despite problems of representation, qualifications, and accountability, no single aspect of the rural council's mandate is more contentious than that of land management. This is due to the often ignored prerogative the council has to decide on matters of local land tenure. According to the 1964 National Land Law and the 1972 Rural Community Law, rural councils have the authority to manage, under the supervision of the central state, all non-classified rural lands.58 It is at this juncture, however, where the split between contemporary and traditional institutions is most evident. Since land represents the most important resource 56 See Dieng et al. 1993. 57 Interview nos. 48, 58, 61, a 73. 53 Described in Article 9 of Loi no. 64-46 du 17 juin 1964 relative au domaine national; see République du Sénégal (1964). 201 at the disposal of the rural population, this issue is of critical importance with respect to policy changes that envision the rural councils taking the lead in promoting community-based natural resource management.59 Indigenous institutions play a far more significant role'Hinmnaging local land matters than does the rural counciL. As noted in Chapter 4, the Mouride brotherhood, in response to commercial opportunities created by the French during the first half of the twentieth century, was at the forefront of expanding agricultural production onto the eastern and southern margins of the Peanut Basin. Today, in the Lour Rural Community, descendants of religious elite maraboutic founding families and their disciples are among some of the largest landholders in the area.60 Use rights to large tracts of land are controlled by and passed down to younger generations in these extended It is this traditional system of land tenure families. and that would most that holds sway in the rural community, likely continue to do so despite the allocation to rural councils of rights under the new forest code to manage local woodland resources. 'The foregoing discussion on local government institutions highlights some of the barriers to effective local participation in natural resource management in the Lour Rural Community. To summarize, the main problems include the ambiguity of bicephalous executive leadership 23 République du Sénégal 1993d. Interview nos. 46 & 53. 202 and inadequate managerial experience with respect to the rural councils, and the clash of customary and contemporary land tenure arrangements. Conclusion In this chapter I have brought together observations, information, and data on a number of variables concerning the energy-environment situation in one Rural Community in Senegal in an attempt to arrive at a better understanding of this complex human-environment problem. The discussion has spanned a number of issues that touch upon different dimensions of the problem. Although the synthesis of data and information shows that a combination of different factors helps to explain the outcome of exploiting woodland resources for domestic energy production, it is clear that some components carry more weight than others. For example, the political ecology approach employed here brings to the fore important revelations about power relationships, expressed at different geographic scales among various groups and individuals, that affect efforts to better manage natural resources. This is an important demonstration of how the political ecology framework can help bolster our understanding of local environmental issues by placing them within the broader context of circumstances related to national and global-level political economy. IrI this chapter, the role that power relationships play in determining numerous aspects of the energy- 203 environment situation in Senegal has been illustrated in several ways. For example, mention has been made of the influence international institutions exercise over national environmental policy making such as the National Forestry Action Plan. At the national level, the discussion surrounding parallel customary and contemporary forms of governance - particularly with respect to authority over the administration of the rural communities - illustrates the complicated nature of negotiating land tenure and resource management issues. Regarding the scope for effective local participation in natural resource management, intricate relationships among the rural population in general, and the religious, landed, male- dominated foci of power in particular, raise perplexing questions about the ultimate outcome of renewed emphasis on the bottom-up approach to development. Beyond recognizing the important role played by power relationships, the synthesis of disparate yet related dimensions of the energy-environment situation also underscores the value of examining human-environment problems from an integrated, holistic perspective supported by the political ecology approach. If nothing else, this study demonstrates that there exists no single technical solution to the overall problem of dwindling woodfuel supply and rising energy demand in Senegal. The disappointing results associated with expensive large-scale efforts such as woodfuel plantations, subsidies to butane gas, cookstove dissemination, and "rural forestry" 204 interventions can be explained in part by the failure to examine sufficiently the multitude of other factors related to woodfuel energy use. As illustrated in this and earlier chapters, the search for answers to the country's energy-environment problem must take into consideration a broader range of issues. These include, among others, household behavior regarding energy consumption and economic decision making, historical aspects of land use practice and attitudes toward the environment, relationships between government agencies and the rural population, and a host of sociocultural conditions at the local level. In this chapter, the discussion on decentralization and local participation in natural resource management demonstrates the important roles these factors play in affecting the prospects for successful improvement in the energy- environment situation. Although it remains unclear at present just how the local population will respond to the call for community- based natural resource management, the road ahead is certainly paved with numerous challenges. These include overcoming difficulties in translating internationally inspired ideals of gender empowerment, popular participation, democratization, and property rights - via nationally supported policies of decentralization and forest code reform - into effective measures for better resource management that are applicable given the social, 205 cultural, political, and environmental conditions at the local level. In the concluding chapter, I highlight the findings of this study with respect to overall environmental management for woodfuel production in Senegal. I also consider the utility of the political ecology conceptual framework for analysis of this, and other human-envi ronment problems. 206 CHAPTER SEVEN IKHJTICAL ECOLOGY AND HUMAN-ENVIRONMENT RELATIONSHIPS: LESSONS FROM SENEGAL'S WOODFUEL ENERGY DILEMMA Geography is steeped in its role as a pluralistic and holistic discipline ..... The academy seeks good synthesis, andiflfile geography has no monopoly on this, as many of our colleagues from other fields have reminded us, it has unusual qualifications. (Turner, 1989) In the preceding four chapters of this study, I have charted the major stations of the energy-environment situation in Senegal. Chapter 3 introduced the connections between woodfuel energy consumption and the natural focusing on ecological and administrative Chapter environment, issues related to woodlands and their management. 4 offered an historical overview of land use in the study area, portraying the specific socioeconomic conditions under which the natural resource base has been exploited over time. Chapters 5 and 6 dealt, respectively, with the categorization and processing of an array of variables that show how energy and environment are linked in a multifaceted web of interrelationships at various spatial scales and throughout different points in time. In this concluding chapter, I consider the findings of this study with respect to the environmental and socioeconomic consequences of woodfuel energy dependence in Senegal . I underscore the key points from the analysis that help to inform efforts to resolve this problem, and discuss the findings in the light of theoretical 207 considerations mentioned in Chapter 1. I also evaluate the utility of the political ecology conceptual framework as employed in this study, in addition to its general applicability to other analyses of human-environment relationships. [1' . [II E' I. Findings from this study reinforce the contention put forward elsewhere that, in general, negative environmental consequences of "woodfuel problems" are not due solely to a gap between supply and demand induced by population growth and deforestation, but that they are instead the result of 1 a set of complex interrelated factors. combine to shape the complicated These factors, both obvious and subtle, character of woodfuel energy issues. The results of the categorization phase of the research, described in Chapter 5, contribute toward a more inclusive "inventory" of variables related to the energy- environment problem in Senegal. The fuller picture of the energy-envi ronment dynamic that emerges fills in some of the lacunae of earlier analyses conducted in this locale. described in Results from the process phase of the study, Chapter 6, point to a number of issues that help us to better understand the complexity of the energy-envi ronment this understanding compels us to rel ati onshi p. In turn, take a closer look at decentralization and local 1 My study reinforces such conclusions regarding the "woodfuel problem" as reached by Dewees (1989), Cline-Cole, Main 8: Nichol (1990), and O'Keefe & Munslow (1989). 208 participation - as currently conceived - as strategies to attenuate the negative environmental consequences of Senegal's woodfuel production system. Findings from the study indicate that the call for decentralized resource management in Senegal faces many challenges in terms of achieving effective paticipation at As has been noted elsewhere, reconciling the local level. national, and the relationships between actors at global, local scales, and working out mechanisms for moving successfully from policy formulation to policy are essential prerequisites for addressing implementation, the root causes of problems associated with woodfuel energy dependence.2 In terms of the interface between national and local levels of analysis, findings from the study illustrate how attempts to achieve sound resource management for woodfuel energy supply have been confounded during both historical and contemporary periods. For example, as noted in Chapter 6, the forest services in francophone Africa in general, and in Senegal in particular, have, since the colonial era, relied on draconian legal measures to manage forests in ways that exclude local populations from having a stake in As a result, the long-term management of these resources. there exists little in the way of effective cooperation between the state and the rural population in promoting sustainable forestry management practice. 2 Soussan et al. 1992. 209 The consequences of this historical experience now stand juxtaposed to newly revised national environmental policies, motivated in large part by adherence to international directives, that depend heavily on cultivating productive relationships between government agencies and local populations. Results of my investigation reveal, however, that social, economic, and political circumstances at the local level pose serious questions concerning the prospects for successful outcomes of proposed policy changes. Recognizing the substantial risks of increased environmental degradation that exist in the semi-arid Sahel, and acknowledging the problems experienced so far with large-scale, top-down approaches in attempts to better manage these risks, international and national development agencies are now focused on promoting local community participation in natural resource management. In Senegal, a commitment to decentralization is apparent in statements made in public policy and environmental circles. At the political level, the government is attempting, at least on to find ways to achieve more inclusive paper, In the administrative and territorial reforms. environmental arena, the move toward decentralization is being driven by the philosophy that popular participation is an indispensable means to assure more successful natural resource management practice . Stating a commitment to decentralized natural resource management is one thing, but overcoming the obstacles to 210 achieving effective decentralization is another. As the findings from this study illustrate for the case of Senegal, attempts to implement decentralized natural resource management confronts a number of institutional, technical, and sociocultural barriers. Overcoming these especially if decentralized will be of critical importance, resource management is expected to contribute to a more effective resolution of the woodfuel problem than have supply enhancement, and earl i er demand reduction , fuelswitching approaches. In response to one of the main questions of this study, namely whether there is scope for local participation to help solve Senegal's woodfuel problem, findings indicate that many obstacles must first be overcome in order to make this a viable proposition. the likelihood that local village associations and For example, community groups in the Lour Rural Community will find a niche in the urban woodfuel production market seems remote at this time. A host of problems related to land tenure, silvicultural skills for woodland management, and the organizational and financial management capability, equitable sharing of both benefits and costs of possible participation in the woodfuels market converge to make this an unl i kely prospect. the current state of affairs with respect Furthermore, to local institutions in the study area presents major impediments to better local resource management. As this investigation reveals, the rural council lacks the 211 managerial skill, information base, and participatory democratic apparatus required to turn it into an effective mechanism for local resource management. Such circumstances impede the flow of important information relevant to changes in official land use policy that could have a positive impact on the management of woodland resources. An example to illustrate this last point can be drawn from Senegal '5 new forestry code. In the event that articles of the new code are implemented as intended, such as those conferring certain legal rights to individuals or groups who engage in reforestation activities, one must ask how this information will be effectively transmitted to a rural population whose participation is regarded as the critical to improved resource management. Presently, primary mechanism for information dissemination is rather In fact, the rural council's ability to ineffective. understand the contents of the new forestry code remains somewhat dubious at this time. There are other institutional problems that need to be segments of the rural community's addressed . For example , population who might seek access to the commercial such as the members of village woodfuel s market , face stiff opposition from development associations, entrenched and interrelated local interests represented by large "founding-family" powerful religious figures, and well-placed political operatives such as landowners, the rural council presidents. As Ribot notes, many of the 212 latter groups maintain strong reciprocal relationships with the state that provide them with preferential access to woodfuel resources and markets.3 The institutional reforms necessary to broaden the opportunity for local community associations to engage in woodfuel production activities are likely to be very difficult to achieve. In order to overcome these difficulties, national and local leaders must first concentrate on the fundamentals of education and training. Focusing on civic political awareness and practical skills development are two main avenues for promoting genuine social "empowerment." The benefits of increased knowledge and participation may be substantial indeed, but, as we have seen in the case of the Lour Rural Community, there are formidable obstacles to obtaining them. Not the least of these obstacles entails overcoming the entrenched interests of local elites and government officials who stand to lose the most from the establishment of more truly participatory practices. At the international level, actors engaged in helping Senegal achieve the goals of social progress, economic growth, and environmentally sound development, and who in some instances are poorly informed about the reality of local conditions, must find more constructive ways to contribute to this process. In the end, Senegal and its international partners must come to terms with these difficult issues in order to realize the purported benefits 3 Ribot 1990. 213 to both peeple and the environment of decentralized resource management . 0 0 D‘ ‘ oon‘I -_I0 I‘ I ° OIn‘I ' 0 o .I‘ 'I Decentralization and local community participation are recurrent themes in the strategic plans that currently guide efforts to resolve Senegal '5 energy-envi ronment problems. Much of the discussion throughout the dissertation has concentrated on examining the prospects for local community involvement to achieve a more sustainable system of woodfuel production. The emphasis now placed on local participation in Senegal is in part a reflection of the past failures of top-down, centralized structures - such as the forest and rural extension services — to achieve national development objectives in the forestry and environment sectors. In this section of the chapter, I consider the findings of my study with respect to the "development from below" theoretical position discussed in the introduction to the dissertation. In Chapter 1, the question of local participation was couched in terms of the dichotomy between top-down and bottom-up approaches to socioeconomic development. In terms of geographic space, reference was made to Friedmann and Weaver's conception of agropolitan planning as a territorial approach to regional development. In Senegal, the current development paradigm in the natural resource sector reflects many of the same theoretical propositions put forward nearly two decades ago by regional development 214 planners such as Friedmann and Rondinelli.4 Ironically, many of the same circumstances that explain the failure of previous bottom-up approaches to induce sustainable rural development resurface as pitfalls in the present round of planning efforts in Senegal.5 Such circumstances include: the absence of viable democratic institutions, a lack of local financial autonomy, clashes between individual and vaguely defined communal or "territorial" interests, and the unequal social relations and access to resources, absence of a "developmental," "facilitative" central state bureaucracy.6 At a conceptual level, made between Friedmann's "agropolitan district" and Both entities are designed to an instructive analogy can be Senegal's Rural Community. promote a balanced spatial structure for socioeconomic development, thereby counteracting the polarizing forces that tend to produce wide disparities between the core and periphery of a national economy. In addition, both are based on the assumption that decision making authority is ultimately devolved from the central state to the local level, particularly with respect to land tenure and budgetary matters. The findings of my investigation, despite the limitation of representing but a single case study in one rural community, reveal a number of inconsistencies between 4 Friedmann 1979; Rondinelli & Ruddle 1978. 5 See chapter 7 of Gore (1984) for a critique of bottom-up approaches. On the role of the central state in agropolitan development, see Friedmann and Weaver (1979: 203—04). 215 theoretical and practical perspectives of the development from below paradigm. The first of these has to do with the integrity of the rural community as a territorial planning unit. However much emphasis may be placed on the idea of the ability of local decision makers spatial closure, i.e., to decide the modalities of resource exploitation with an eye toward minimizing the "leakage" of resources vital to it is evident that not all decisions are local development , by local people, or in the best made at the local level, With respect to interests of the local community. exploiting the natural resource base for woodfuel production, and despite recent changes to Senegal '5 forest code, most decisions are made outside the territorial unit of the rural community.7 To paraphrase Whitney and colleagues regarding the urban bias exhibited in many developing countries where woodfuel resources have become the "locus of political power and increasingly scarce, decision-making" in Senegal still resides far from the 8 forests and their nearby communities. second issue that flows from the circumstances A surrounding the territoriality of decision making has to do political, and with certain assumptions about the social, economic composition of the agropolitan planning unit. Inherent in the theoretical underpinnings of the territorial framework is the notion that a "community of marked by the intersection of shared cultural, dest i ny , " that this often occurs 7 It is important to note, however, th the complicity of powerful local actors. 31' Whitney et al. 1987. 216 political, and economic spaces, exists in which decisions 9 are made for the greater good of the entire community. That such a community exists in the case of the Lour Rural Community is debatable given the deep sociocultural and political divisions among the Community's residents based on factors such as gender, lineage, religious affiliation, and landholding status. The idea of a community of destiny reflects the same misguided notion revealed by Niang's critique of the "myth of the rural collective" as applied to rural forestry projects.10 Of concern here for Senegal is the assumption made in the currently popular "Community Based Natural Resource Management" paradigm that the Rural Community suffices as the territorial entity within which one finds the prerequisite "community of destiny." Empirical evidence here and elsewhere leads to contradictory 11 What is particularly troubling about this conclusions. situation is the possibility that the participatory as promoted by approach to natural resource management, might national and international development agencies, actually reinforce rather than redress unequal social relations at the local level.12 9 Friedmann and Weaver 1979: 196-97. :? See Chapter 5, p. 149. 12 See Bellot (1988) and Blundo (1994). In this vein Ribot (1995: 1595) suggests that, absent careful and equitable implementation, provisions in the new forest code that open up opportunities for local community participation in the woodfuels market may also result in in which villagers are exploited through In some situations contract arrangements with the Forest Service or entrepreneurs in the Forest Products Cooperatives. 217 A third issue pertains to the role of international actors actively engaged in the process of bottom-up development. As noted in Chapter 6, the Lour Rural Community's experience with the French-sponsored PARCE reforestation project indicates that such outside influence may actually thwart local initiative or lead to a dependency mentality with respect to participation in natural resource management activities. In addition, on a the national Forest Service depends on the larger scale, flow of major foreign development assistance just to maintain daily operations. Such reliance on outside assistance, belies the position boldly stated by particularly at the local level, Friedmann and Weaver that agropolitan development "does not countries expect a transfusion of strength from 'donor' abroad."13 Expectations aside, development from below as currently practiced in Senegal relies on a significant flow of resources from far above. in addition to the failure of The foregoing issues, the Senegalese state to fulfill its developmental role and the glaring lack of historical perspective on local human- environment relationships, call into question the community-based agropolitan approach to natural resource Efforts to management as presently envisioned for Senegal. address the consequences of rural-urban transfers of resources such as woodfuels, which so far have achieved instances, the entrepreneurs are members of the ioeconomic elite at the local level. c ?3 Fri edmann & Weaver 1979: 200. 218 very little in terms of local development yet have contributed to environmental degradation and socioeconomic hardship, must go beyond simply shifting the locus of decision making to the rural community. As illustrated in the case of the Lour Rural Community, many assumptions upon which the bottom-up paradigm operates, e.g., self—reliance in decision making, control over local resources, are either communal equality , weak or altogether absent. The fundamental social, political, and economic prerequisites of the territorial approach to community-based natural resource management have been neglected in the current movement to "responsibilize" the rural population. They must be dealt with in order for the development from below paradigm to produce the intended results of better resource management and improved economic conditions. .. _. Wflll' I. The opening quotation at the head of Chapter 1 speaks to a challenge before geography in the present era of rapid and oftentimes deleterious global environmental change. The challenge, according to Douglas, is for the discipline to develop new "conceptual approaches" and techniques for the analysis and evaluation of environmental problems.14 Douglas intimates that geography's practitioners risk being seen as little more than a corps of "environmental technicians supplying maps and data," rather than a well- 14 Dougl as 1991. 219 rounded cadre of creative thinkers contributing to the analysis and resolution of environmental problems. In the light of concern over global environmental issues now being voiced in numerous quarters of society, it wouklseem that this challenge is indeed significant for geography as a discipline — a discipline which, at least in North America, has struggled in recent decades for academic survivaliand professional recognition. In this context, the term environmental "technician" evokes an important point. Although it can be said that geography has experienced a certain renaissance in recent years, a good portion of the newfound interest is attributed to advances in geographic techniques such as remote sensing, computer and geographic information systems (GIS). cartography, can be attributed Less of this resurgence, I would argue, to theoretical or intellectual breakthroughs in the way As any good GIS or remote geographers "do" geography. the effective use of sensing specialist is aware, however, advanced tools and techniques depends on a thorough and well-grounded conceptualization of the geographic problem at hand. 'The immediacy with which many now regard the state of the global environment demands that efforts be redoubled in order to arrive at better understandings of human— environment relationships - the longtime "concern of geography" as noted at the beginning of this work. This, I would argue, symbolizes the challenge geographers face. Finding ways to achieve such understandings, especially 220 from a theoretical perspective given the incredibly complex nature of human-environment problems in widely different regional contexts, is indeed a formidable task. Political ecology is proposed by some geographers as a conceptual framework that responds to this challenge and that offers a more comprehensive, multidimensional consideration of complex nature-society relationships. Following from the present study, several important observations can be made about the application of political ecology to the analysis, resolution, and theoretical underpinnings of human-environment problems. First, political ecology has the capacity to create order out of the sometimes chaotic complexity of human- environment relationships. This study, which examines one particular problem in the realm of nature-society relationships, illustrates this capacity. In attempting to understand the energy-environment problem in Senegal, the utility of the political ecology conceptual framework is demonstrated by its ability to capture and elaborate multiple aspects of a complex problem that has eluded resolution based on more limited analyses. The combination of analytic and synthetic perspectives helps to structure and add coherence to a problem that is defined by a number of variables that are manifest at different points in space and time. This approach to structuring the problem is one of the more valuable attributes of the political ecology framework, allowing the researcher to uncover a multitude of linkages among and between different sets of variables. 221 Second, the results of this study illustrate how a political ecology perspective builds upon previous conceptual frameworks such as human and cultural ecology by addressing aspects of human-environment problems that were not considered by these earlier approaches. For example, political ecology emphasizes the identification of linkages between multiple loci of analysis rather than focusing on more limited spatial scales of analysis that marked previous approaches. It is also concerned with recognizing the role of the central state in local human-environment relationships, and revealing how the exercise of power on the part of a wide spectrum of actors spanning a local- global continuum also affects these relationships. Evidence presented in this case study and other research conducted in Senegal illustrates how the resource management activities of a population at the local scale are affected by relationships that exist between that population and other actors at local, national, and international levels. At each level the exercise of power - whether financial, political, or social - influences these relationships. For example, my analysis shows how members of the Lour Rural Community and various international development agencies, international organizations and the Senegalese Forest Service, as well as other government agencies, local elites, and ordinary villagers are all enmeshed in a variety of relationships that bear on access to resources for woodfuel production and the environmental outcome of exploiting them. The 222 recognition and elaboration of these relationships expressed in this study contribute toward a more informed understanding of where attention needs to be focused when searching for solutions to Senegal's energy-environment problems. Third, the political ecology framework also strives to understand human-environment issues within an historical context. Consideration of the time element is an important innovation in this approach. As my research has shown, current land use practices in the study area related to agriculture and woodfuel production are the product of long established customary (indigenous) and formal (state- sponsored) arrangements. The present situation in the Kaolack Region and Lour Rural Community indicates that these arrangements are yielding only slowly, if at all, to the exigencies of new environmental policy directives designed to stave off further resource scarcity and environmental degradation. Furthermore, historical precedent concerning woodland resource management does not bode well for the prospects of community-based approaches to alleviate future environmental pressures related to the woodfuel production. Although the possibility of change in the desired direction cannot be dismissed, knowledge of the historical context within which natural resources have been exploited certainly makes for more informed assessment of ways to promote better resource management in the future. 223 Despite its multidimensional and multiscalar analytical matrix, its emphasis on the role of the state and the exercise of power, and its recognition of the importance of historical perspective, there are aspects of the political ecology framework that remain problematic. Statements by Bryant on the need for further analytical refinement, and by Whitesell concerning the development of common methodological tools for the study of nature-society relationships, reverberate forcefully when one considers that results derived from much political ecology-driven research are contingent on the specific procedures employed by the given social or natural scientist.15 One issue with the framework that requires greater attention is the need to develop a more standardized set of procedures that are applicable from one case study to another, particularly in the process phase of synthesizing data from a number of disparate variables. As I mentioned in Chapter 2, determining the nature of relationships between multiple components of the analysis, and drawing substantive conclusions about human-environment problems 'from this process, are presently contingent upon the specific interpretations of the individual researcher. The challenge remains one of reconciling the innovative attributes of the political ecology framework, such as 'fLexibility in methodological and analytical procedure that allows one to identify critical connections between people 15 See chapter 1, pp. 16 & 21ff. 224 and the environment, with the imperative of scientific rigor. A second issue that requires further refinement has to do with political ecology's broader applicability across the disciplines. To address human-environment problems in a way that incorporates multidimensional, multiscalar, and diachronic perspectives is a welcome innovation. It is also, I would argue, an undertaking that is perhaps beyond the capacity of any one discipline or individual researcher to tackle single-handedly. As I pointed out in Chapter 1, much of the work to date that employs a political ecology framework has been carried out by researchers whose specialties lie in the social sciences. Rare is the natural scientist who uses this approach. The inclusive, plural, systems approach perspectives of political ecology convey its essential interdisciplinary qualities. Such interdisciplinarity, however, demands the application of cooperative, team-oriented methods in order for the approach to be a successful research vehicle and tool for theory development. To realize its full potential as a conceptual framework for the study of human- environment relationships, more collaborative use of political ecology among social and natural scientists should be encouraged. ConoJIIsjon Whether the political ecology conceptual framework ultimately contributes to a more advanced, holistic theory 225 of human-environment relationships still remains to be seen. At this point in time, the strength of political ecology as a research tool lies in its ability to deal effectively with complexity. It helps us find our way - like the "theoretical compass" Whitesell describes it to be - through the manifold manifestations of human-environment problems in space and through time. Dealing with complexity is unavoidable, indeed imperative in the search for a fuller understanding of nature-society relationships and the solution to human-environment problems. It is important that the geographer - or the political scientist, biologist, forester, anthropologist, or economist - remember to cast a broad net in the search for this understanding. Summoning the intellectual resources necessary to fully comprehend the complexity of human-environment relationships is indeed a challenging endeavor. However, I would argue that geography, among all disciplines, is uniquely placed to respond to the this challenge. As practitioners of such an eclectic discipline, geographers have the potential to tap an immense in-house reservoir of wide—ranging expertise in both the physical and social sciences. Geographers who recognize the interdisciplinary potential of the political ecology framework must seek ways to bridge the gap between the often antagonistic, and ultimately artificial, human-physical dichotomy within the field. By constructively engaging the discipline's own vast intellectual resources, geographers can avoid the 226 minimalist cachet of environmental "technician" and instead continue to develop more sophisticated conceptual approaches to understanding human-environment relationships. 227 APPENDICES 228 APPENDIX A List of Research Centers, International Agencies and Projects, and Government Ministries Visited DAISAB * Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar (UCAD) - Institut des Sciences de l'Environnement (ISE) - Department of Geography - Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire (IFAN) * Environnement et Développement du Tiers Monde (ENDA), Energy Programme * ORSTOM (French Research a Technical Cooperation Organization) Documentation Center * Centre de Suivie Ecologique (CSE) * USAID Documentation Center * USAID Senegal Reforestation Project * International Development Research Center (Canada) Documentation Center * UNFAO Project Headquarters: Appui au Programme de Developpement de la Foresterie Rurale * UNFAO Forestry Programme, Documentation Center * Caisse Centrale de Cooperation Economique (France), Documentation Center * World Bank Documentation Center * Headquarters, Peace Corps Senegal * Ministere de l'Environnement et de la Protection de la Nature, (formerly Ministere du Développement Rural et de l'Hydraulique) Direction des Eaux et Foréts (National Forest Service) * Ministere de l'Intérieur, Direction du Centre d'Expansion Rurale * Institut Sénégalais de Recherche Agricole, Direction des Recherches sur les Productions Forestieres 229 W * Ministere de l'Industrie, du Commerce et de l'Artisanat, Direction de l'Energie, des Mines et de la Géologie * Ministere de l'Economie, des Finances et du Plan, Direction de la Prévision et de la Statistique. * Archives Nationales EARLS. * Centre Technique de Foresterie Tropicale * Association Bois de Feu * ORSTOM (French Research a Technical Cooperation Organization), Documentation Center * Institut Géographique National 230 APPENDIX B List of Interviews The following is a list of interviews conducted during field research in Senegal from October 1992 to October 1993. The individuals whom I interviewed are identified by their position and/or organizational affiliation. Names are withheld in keeping with the research protocol I established assuring interviewees of anonymity. "Group" indicates a group interview (usually a village association) with a specific focus. For example, "group/historical profile/TAM" indicates group interviews held to gather background information on the settlement history of Touba Aly Mbenda. Abbreviations used in the list of interviews. Ag. = Agricultural ATI = Appropriate Technology International (NGO) CER = Centre d'Expansion Rurale (GOS Rural Extension Service) CSE = Centre de Suivi Ecologique (Ecological Monitoring Centre) Dev. Cte. = Development Committee (Koungheul Entente) Dir. = Director E&F = Eaux et Foréts (Forestry Service) ENDA = Envrionnement & Développement Tiers Monde (NGO) Ent. = Entente (Koungheul Entente) 608 = Government of Senegal IFAN = Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire/UCAD ISE = Institut des Sciences de l'Environnement/UCAD ISRA = Institut Sénégalais de Recherche Agricole MICA = Ministry of Industry, Commerce & Trades NGO = Non-Governmental Organization Nat. Res. = Natural Resources PCV = Peace Corps volunteer Prog. = Program Proj. = Project PTC = Principal Technical Consultant TAM = Touba Aly Mbenda (village research base in Lour Rural Community) UCAD = Université Cheikh Anta Diop (Univ. of Dakar) UNFAO = United Nations Food & Agriculture Organization URCEF = Union Regionale des Cooperatives des Exploitants Forestiers (charcoal producers coooperative) 231 No. Date Person(s) Interviewed Location 001 290CT92 Dir. Nat. Res. Prog./Peace Corps Dakar 002 12NOV92 PCV Forestry Prog./Peace Corps Dakar 003 16NOV92 Dir. Nat. Res. Prog./USAID Dakar 004 19NOV92 Dir. Kaolack Prog./AFRICARE Dakar 005 20NOV92 PTC MICA/Energy division Dakar 006 30NOV92 Dir. of Research/ISE Dakar 007 30NOV92 Agent/Energy Prog./ENDA Dakar 008 30NOV92 Agent/Energy Prog./ENDA Dakar 009 050EC92 Dir./Energy Program/ENDA Dakar 010 080EC92 Dir. Reforestation Proj./USAID Dakar 011 090EC92 Agronomist/ISRA Dakar 012 090EC92 Dir. Commercial Forestry/E&F Dakar 013 090EC92 Prog. Officer/Reforestation/USAID Dakar 014 100E092 Dir. CSE Dakar 015 11DEC92 Biogeographer/Geog. Dept./UCAD Dakar 016 15DEC92 Dir. Forestry Program/UNFAO Dakar 017 16DECQ2 National Asst. Dir./E&F Dakar 018 16DEC92 PTC/Rural Forestry Proj./UNFAO Dakar 019 18DEC92 Ag. Economist/ISRA Kaolack 020 070AN93 Regional Dir./E&F Kaolack 021 13JAN93 PCV Kaolack Forestry Prog. Nioro 022 14JAN93 E&F Agent/Norweigan Mission Nioro 023 190AN93 Chief Commercial Forestry/E&F Kaolack 024 22JAN93 Dir. Rural Extension Office Kaolack 025 25JAN93 Dir. Regional Planning Office Kaolack 026 25JAN93 Dir. Regional Office MICA Kaolack 027 27JAN93 Forestry Extension Agent/E&F Kaolack 028 290AN93 Village Reforestation Group Tiaré 029 01FEB93 Geographer/IFAN/UCAD Dakar 030 02FE893 Prog. Asst./ATI Dakar O31 03FEB93 Regional Inspector/E&F Kaolack 032 05FE893 Group/E&F Officers Nioro 033 24FE893 Regional Inspector/E&F Kaolack 034 10MAR93 Sector Chief/E&F Kaffrine 035 17MAR93 National Dir./E&F Dakar 036 18MAR93 Agent/Rural Forestry Prog./UNFAO Dakar 037 31MAR93 Arrondissement Chief/E&F Koungheul 038 01APR93 President URCEF-Kaolack Koungheul 039 02APR93 Rural Extension Agent/CER Koungheul 040 14APR93 Former Chief/Koungheul CER Dakar 041 19APR93 Regional Inspector/E&F Kaolack 042 20APR93 Sector Chief/CER Kaffrine Dept. Kaffrine 043 22APR93 Forestry Agent/E&F Koungheul 044 29APR93 Former Chief/Koungheul CER Koungheul 232 No. Date Person(s) Interviewed Location 045 22MAY93 Group/historical profile TAM 046 23MAY93 Group/historical profile TAM 047 24MAY93 Group/historical profile TAM 048 27MAY93 Lour Rural Council Member TAM 049 03JUN93 Dev. cte. member/Koungheul Ent. TAM 050 02JUL93 Ag. cooperative member TAM 051 03JUL93 Extension agent/Koungheul Ent. Lour Escale 052 04JUL93 Extension agent/Koungheul Ent. TAM 053 090UL93 Group/land tenure profile TAM 054 1OJUL93 Group/Koungheul Ent. TAM 055 1OJUL93 Extension agent/Koungheul Ent. TAM 056 11JUL93 Dev. cte. member/Koungheul Ent. Touba Thiaréne 057 11JUL93 Dir. tree nursery/Koungheul Ent. Touba Thiarene 058 13JUL93 Lour Rural Council member Coura Mouride 059 13JUL93 Dir. tree nursery/Koungheul Ent. Coura Mouride 060 130UL93 Dev. cte. member/Koungheul Ent. TAM 061 14JUL93 Lour Rural Council member TAM 062 15JUL93 Group/Koungheul Ent. TAM 063 220UL93 Dir. tree nursery/Koungheul Ent. Lour Escale 064 24JUL93 Group/Koungheul Ent. TAM 065 24JUL93 Extension agent/Koungheul Ent. TAM 066 22AUGQ3 Brigade chief/E&F Koungheul 067 26AU693 Lour Rural Council member TAM 068 26AU693 Group/ag. cooperative TAM 069 28AUG93 Group/land-use/charcoal TAM 070 29AUG93 Group/land—use/tree tenure TAM 071 2800T93 Group/land-use/charcoal Lour Escale 072 300CT93 Group/women & charcoal Touba Thiarene 073 300CT93 Lour Rural Council member Lour Escale 074 31OCT93 Dir. Reforestation proj. Darou Mana 233 APPENDIX C Household Woodfuel Survey Questionnaire Page 0 Questionnaire ID # E N O U E T E S O C I O - E N E R G E T I Q U E Q U E S T I O N N A I R E N.B. Priere d'assurer la personne enquétée que ses réponses seront utilisées en confidence et expressément dans le but de cette étude. Le dépouillement des résultats sera effectué anonymement. Date / / Village Nom de l'enquéteur ou l'enquétrice Nom de la personne interrogée L'epouse(s) de Monsieur 234 Page 1 Questionnaire ID # Pour chaque question, indiquez la ou les réponse(s) offerte(s) par la personne interrogée sur la ligne pourvue, ou cochez la réponse ou les réponses indiquée(s). (1) OUELLES SONT, A VOTRE AVIS, LES TROIS TACHES MENAGERES LES PLUS DIFFICILES EN ORDRE DE DIFFICULTE (C'EST A DIRE, GUI SONT LABORIEUSES OU GUI PRENNENT BEAUCOUP DE TEMPS)? (2) (3) COMBIEN DE PERSONNES MANGENT CHEZ VOUS AUJOURD'HUI? Hommes , Femmes , Garcons , Filles Parmi ces personnes, y'a-t-il des sourghas? oui__ non__ Si oui, combien sont-ils? QU'EST-CE QUE VOUS PREPAREZ POUR... le petit déjeuner? le déjeuner? le diner? OUEL TYPE DE FOYER UTILISEZ-VOUS POUR CUISINER? trois pierres ("os") trépieds métallique ("nopalé") réchaud a gaz foyer amélioré ("ban ak suuf") autre (précisez) AAAAA 01 § 00 N d vvvvv 235 Page 2 Questionnaire ID # E. OUEL COMBUSTIBLE(S) UTILISEZ-VOUS POUR CUISINER ET POUR CHAUFFER L'EAU? (1) bois de feu (2) charbon de bois (3) gaz butane (4) petrole lampant (5) résidus agricole(s) ou autre matiere végétale (6) bouse de vache ("neffaré") (7) autre (précisez) F. EN OUTRE LA PREPARATION DES ALIMENTS, POUR QUELS AUTRES USAGES UTILISEZ-VOUS CES COMBUSTIBLES? (précisez) Usage(s) 236 Page 3 Questionnaire ID # G. QUELOUES QUESTIONS CONCERNANT L'APPROVISIONNEMENT EN 8015 DE FEU... I. Chez vous, le bois de feu est... collecté... acheté... 1 2 3 autre (précisez). AAA VVV S' 1 I . I E l ]] IE II. on allez-vous le collecter? (précisez le lieu) III. Qui le collecte? ) femmes de la concession ) hommes de la concession ) enfants de la concession ) autres (précisez) IV. Comment le transport-on a la maison et avec quelle fréquence? MoxonJoJoanooont ComeonJoJoiLoaI: note? (1) sur la téte (fagot) fois par mois. (2) charette (charge) fois par mois. (3) VélO fois par mois. (4) véhicule (précisez) fois par mois. (5) autre (précisez) fois par mois. 237 Page 4 Questionnaire ID # V. Mettez-vous de coté des stocks de réserve de bois de feu? Oui Non Si oui, vous le faites pendant quels mois ou en quelle saison? VI. Est-ce que vous combinez le ramassage du bois de feu avec d'autres activités? Oui Non Si oui, lesquelles? 5' I l ] I . I E VII. Depuis combien d'années achetez-vous le bois de feu? années. VIII. on achetez-vous le bois de feu? IX. Combien achetez-vous et avec quelle fréquence? (précisez l'unité indiquée par l'interrogée) par (quantité) (fréquence) XI. A quel prix l'achetez-vous? par (prix en FCFA) (quantité) 238 Page 5 Questionnaire ID # H. OUELOUES QUESTIONS CONCERNANT L'APPROVISIONNEMENT EN CHARBON DE 8015... Comment vous approvisionnez-vous en charbon de bois? (1) vous l'achetez. (2) vous en récuperez a partir du bois de feu (3) autre (précisez) S' I l 1 I I I I . II. III. IV. Depuis combien d'années achetez-vous le charbon de bois? années. on achetez-vous le charbon de bois? Combien achetez-vous et avec quelle fréquence? (précisez l'unité indiquée par l'interrogée) par (quantité) (fréquence) A quel prix l'achetez-vous? par (prix en FCFA) (quantité) 239 Page 6 Questionnaire ID # I. QUELQUES QUESTIONS CONCERNANT L'APPROVISIONNEMENT EN GAZ BUTANE... I. II. III. IV. Depuis combien d'années achetez-vous le gaz? années. on achetez-vous le gaz? Quel type de bouteille de gaz achetez-vous et avec quelle fréquence? (précisez le type de bouteille et la durée de la charge indiquée par l'interrogée) par (bouteille) (fréquence) (petite bouteille = "Blip Banekh" = 2,75 kg) (moyenne bouteille = "Nopalé" = 6 kg) (grande bouteille = "Gaziniére" = 12,5 kg) A quel prix achetez-vous le gaz? par (prix en FCFA) (type de bouteille) 240 Page 7 Questionnaire ID # J. REVENONS AU SUJET DE L'APPROVISIONNEMENT EN 8015 DE FEU... I. Quelle(s) espece(s) d'arbre préférez-vous utiliser comme bois de feu? E59292 ‘ngm lggall 2911:9119]. la pEéféEEZ'MQIISO II. 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