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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

THE ENGLISH VOWEL SYSTEM OF THE OJIBWE
FIRST NATION: COMMUNITY IN GARDEN RIVER

presented by

Keiko Matsuno

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
of the requirements for

MASTERS degree in ARTS

 

    
  

 

Major professor

Date 7 October I998

0-7639 MS U i: an Afﬁrmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

 

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THE ENGLISH VOWEL SYSTEM OF THE OJIBWE FIRST NATION
COMMUNITY IN GARDEN RNER

By

Keiko Matsuno

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Linguistics and Germanic,
Slavic, Asian, and African Languages

1 999

ABSTRACT

THE ENGLISH VOWEL SYSTEM OF THE OJIBWE FIRST NATION
COMMUNITY IN GARDEN RNER

By

Keiko Matsuno

Labov identiﬁes three major dialects of modern spoken English in North America: the
Northern Cities Vowel Shift, the Southern Vowel Shift, and the |a| - |3| merger (Canadian Shift).

This thesis will examine the English vowel system of an Ojibwe family, both from a minority
community near Sault Ste. Marie and in the town of Sault Ste. Marie, Canada to determine the
presence of an influence from the Northern Cities Vowel Shift or the Canadian Shift. The
possibility that the subjects possess a unique vowel system due to the inﬂuence of their native
Ojibwe language will also be investigated. Eight participants were requested to read aloud a
word list which was recorded and analyzed to ﬁnd a mean frequency for each vowel. The results
of the analysis reveal that the urban younger generation Ojibwe possess an English vowel
system most closely resembling the Northern Cities Vowel Shift while that of the older generation

Ojibwe resemble the Canadian Shift.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis would not be possible without the assistance of the staff and students in the
Graduate School - both past and present. Their experience and advice greatly assisted me
while performing this research.

lwould like to thank Dr. Preston, Dr. Hudson, and Dr. Dwyer for their constant support
and patience while I was researching this thesis. Again, without their support and
understanding, it would not have been possible to complete this thesis.

Special thanks also go to my friends in Garden River who kindly participated in this
research and gave me insight into their way of life. Hopefully, some day I will be able to listen to
your stories in the Ojibwe language as they were meant to be heard!

Many thanks also to Tom Biron and Michelle Boursaw who brought me into the Ojibwe
family, culture, and way of life. I hope that some day we can have a discussion circle with Ojibwe
people from Canada and Ainu people from Japan!

Finally, I would like to thank my family in Canada and Japan who supported me and
empathized with me from the very beginning. Thanks also to my husband for his endless

suppon.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................... vi
LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... vii
1. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1
2. BACKGROUND .......................................................................................................... 3
ar iv serv tio arti i antF mil ........................................ 3

. n lis owe e ................................................................................ 6

he ities ift ........................................................................... 8
W ................................................................................................ 11
2mg ................................................................................................ 13

2.5 Hypothesis ..................................................................................................... 16

3. PROCEDURE ............................................................................................................... 17
3.] Participants ..................................................................................................... 17

the ................................................................................................ 19

Mallets .......................................................................................................... 22

4. RESULTS & INTERPRETATION ................................................................................ 23
' i nt1 a l we - rv ' ........................................ 24
Wan) ................................... 26

4.3 rti i n 3 41 er I w man n-res rvati n ........................................ 28
WW ............................................. 30
WW ............................................. 32

r - se ............................................. 34

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont’d)

 

4.7 Participant 7 (48 year-old wommn-reservation) ........................................ 36
4. ’ ' r - ‘ ........................................ 38
5. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 40
APPENDIX A - ORAL INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ............................................................ 44
REFERENCES .................................................................................................................... 45

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 - Tongue Position for English Vowel Formation .................................................. 6
Table 2 — Vowel Shift Promoting Environment ................................................................. 10
Table 3 - Canadian Raising ................................................................................................ 12
Table 4 - Canadian English ................................................................................................ 13
Table 5 - Tongue Position for Ojibwe Vowel Formation .................................................. 14
Table 6 - Ojibwe Vowels with Ojibwe and English Word Examples ................................... 15
Table 7 — Participant Information Summary ....................................................................... 19
Table 8 - Oral Interview Word List ..................................................................................... 20

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1 F1 and F2 Frequencies for English Vowels .................................................. 8
Figure 2.2 The Northern Cities Vowel Shift ...................................................................... 9
Figure 2.3 The Canadian Shift ........................................................................................... 11
Figure 4.1 (a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 1 ........................................ 24
Figure 4.1(b) Participant 1 Vowel FormantFrequency Comparison .............................. 24
Figure 4.1(c) Participant 1 Vowel System ...................................................................... 24
Figure 4.2(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 2 ........................................ 26
Figure 4.2(b) Participant 2 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 26
Figure 4.2(c) Participant 2 Vowel System ...................................................................... 26
Figure 4.3(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 3 ........................................ 28
Figure 4.3(b) Participant 3 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 28
Figure 4.3(c) Participant 3 Vowel System ...................................................................... 28
Figure 4.4(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 4 ........................................ 30
Figure 4.4(b) Participant 4 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 30
Figure 4.4(c) Participant 4 Vowel System ...................................................................... 30
Figure 4.5(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 5 ........................................ 32
Figure 4.5(b) Participant 5 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 32
Figure 4.5(c) Participant 5 Vowel System ...................................................................... 32
Figure 4.6(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 6 ........................................ 34
Figure 4.6(b) Participant 6 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 34
Figure 4.6(c) Participant 6 Vowel System ...................................................................... 34

vii

LIST OF FIGURES (Cont’d)

Figure 4.7(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 7 ........................................ 36
Figure 4.7(b) Participant 7 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 36
Figure 4.7(c) Participant 7 Vowel System ...................................................................... 36
Figure 4.8(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 8 ........................................ 38
Figure 4.8(b) Participant 8 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison .............................. 38
Figure 4.8(c) Participant 8 Vowel System ...................................................................... 38

viii

1 . INTRODUCTION

The English Language is spoken all over the world in many varieties. Even in North
America, spoken English varies from region to region. The study of English speakers in North
America by Labov (1991) found the existence of three major dialects (Clarke et al. 1995, 209).
According to Labov's North American distributions, the ﬁrst dialect exists in the northern area of
the United States and stretches from western New England to beyond Wisconsin in the west.
This dialect is called the Northern Cities Vowel Shift and is characterized by the raising of the

tense vowel, the lowering of the lax vowels |s| and |I|, the fronting of la] and | 3|, and the

backing of MI. The movement of the vowels into the positions vacated by the adjacent vowels is
known as a vowel chain shift. (Clarke et al. 1995, 209-210)

The second dialect exists in the area from the Southern Middle Atlantic States to Texas
and is called the Southern Vowel Shift. This dialect undergoes a type of vowel shifting process
that is different than the Northern Cities Vowel Shift and will not be described in this thesis.

The third dialect is present in much of the remainder of North America, which includes
Canada, and is thought to be characterized by the lack of a vowel chain shift pattern. This third
dialect, known as the |a| - | 3| merger or Canadian Shift, has some characteristics that are
similar to the Northern Cities Vowel Shift, but the backing of the vowel |a| and the merger of the
low back vowels |a| and DI are distinguishing features that make this shift unique (Labov 1991,
30).

These detailed vowel system descriptions were made possible through the extensive
study of monolingual English speakers. In North America, people who speak English as their
ﬁrst language belong to the large majority and receive many social beneﬁts from the education,

business, and government systems that use and promote the majority language. This thesis,

2

however, will focus on the English vowel system of a minority group in North America,
speciﬁcally the members of the First Nation Ojibwe people.

The native people of the Ojibwe tribe represent a rich opportunity for linguistic study
because the Ojibwe language existed in North America before English and before the
establishment of Canada and the United States as countries. In addition, the Ojibwe people who
now live near the border city of Sault Ste. Marie are subject to both American English and
Canadian English inﬂuences because of their proximity to the U.S.-Canada border and the
mobility afforded them because of their First Nation status. This status grants a special privilege
to the native inhabitants of North America by allowing them to hold dual citizenship in both the
United States and Canada. With dual citizenship, it is possible to work and live in either the
United States or Canada without the necessity of ﬁrst obtaining a work visa or living permit.

This thesis will attempt to discover what effect, if any, the Ojibwe language has had on
the development of the English vowel system of the Ojibwe people living in the Garden River
Reservation near Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, Canada. This thesis will seek to determine if the
American inﬂuence - in the form of the Northern Cities Vowel Shift - or the Canadian inﬂuence -
in the form of the Canadian Vowel Shift - is present in the English vowel system of these Ojibwe
people. On the other hand, there is a possibility that the subjects may possess a unique vowel
system, separate from those described by Labov, clue to the inﬂuence of their native Ojibwe
language. These are the questions that this thesis will attempt to answer.

The organization of this thesis will begin with background information about the subjects
and their community, as well as a more concrete description of the English vowel systems in
North America. Next, the procedure for interviewing the subjects as well as the word list used
will be described. Third, the results of the data will be listed by subject and analyzed by both
social factors (age, gender, living condition) and linguistic factors (vowel shift, pattern). Lastly,
the overall interpretation of the analysis will be presented in the conclusion along with the

answers to the questions asked in the introduction.

2. BACKGROUND

For this thesis, the English vowel systems of eight Ojibwe Native Canadians (ﬁve
women, three men) were studied from a family in the Garden River Reservation which is 15 km
from the city of Sault Ste. Marie, located on the border between upper Michigan and Northern
Ontario. The First Nation people in this area usually have dual citizenship from both the United
States of America and Canada (reﬂecting the history of their ancestors who lived in this area
before the two countries existed), and they cross the border often to visit relatives or for
schooling or work.

The town of Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario, Canada was gradually formed after 1830, and two
prominent villages on the Garden River were led by Chief Shingwauk (Little Pine), who had risen
to prominence ﬁghting alongside Isaac Brook and Chief Tecumseh during the war of 1812 to
1814. Chief Shingwauk is also known to have developed a new native rights and self-
deterrnination strategy which envisioned “Teaching Wigwams” throughout the Great Lakes
region in order to provide European style education to the Ojibwe people during the period from
1827 to 1854.

In 1833 the ﬁrst school house, called "Teaching Wigwams," was built in Sault Ste. Marie
with the assistance of Chief Shingwauk and his band. By 1854, the development of a modern
community at Ketegaunseebee (Garden River) was completed with the inclusion of a mission
and a school. After Chief Shingwauk's death, his project and development plans were continued
by his sons: Augustin (1800-1890), Buhkwujjeneue (181 1 -1900), John Askin (1836-1919), and

George Menissino (1839-1923).

4
By the end of World War II, the Shingwauk school and other Native Canadian schools

encountered difﬁculties maintaining their programs due to economic and ideological problems.
In the 1950's, the First Nations assembled to try to restore pride in their culture. Also, at this
time the Canadian Government decided to integrate Native Canadians into the provincial school
systems. When the Shingwauk school was closed in 1970, the Keewatinung Institute was
founded; it became a center for culture, education, and research of the First Nations operated by
Native Canadians. The Anishnabek First Nations (Ojibwe, Cree, Dotowatomi, and Odawa) from
the Great Lakes to the north of James Bay became a part of this institute in order to maintain
their culture for the future. The transition became complete with the amalgamation of
Keewatinung Institute and Algoma University College in Sault Ste. Marie which today provides
Ojibwe language courses in order to prevent the loss of this ancestral language.

Garden River Reservation is located approximately ﬁfteen kilometers from downtown
Sault Ste. Marie and has about 300 families consisting of 1600 people. It is reported that only
0.6% of the population in Garden River is ﬂuent in Ojibwe. This 0.6%, in reality, refers to the
elders of the reservation who maintain their language skills through the traditions involved in
governing a First Nation tribe. As for the younger Ojibwe, there is no urgent necessity for them
to learn their ancestral language. In fact, the opposite is true. The young people often reject
their heritage in an attempt to assimilate into the culture of the English majority that exists
outside the conﬁnes of the reservation. Being associated as a member of the First Nations is a
disadvantage when trying to ﬁnd work in Sault Ste. Marie because stereotypes and prejudices
still exist that portray the First Nation people as alcoholics or as lazy, unreliable workers. For
this reason, many young Ojibwe embrace the English culture around them and try to
disassociate themselves from their ancestral heritage.

On the other hand, the elders of the reservation feel that the Ojibwe language is a
heritage that is a valuable asset and an essential part of the identity of the modern Ojibwe
person. The elders are very concerned about the low ﬂuency rate for Ojibwe and are afraid that

the language may become extinct if measures are not taken to preserve it. Currently, no Ojibwe

5

language course is taught in the Garden River Reservation although the elders are trying to
establish a language course for the community.

These two opposing beliefs will be kept in mind when analyzing the speech data of the
younger generation Ojibwe versus the older generation to see if there is, in fact, a difference in
the English vowel system between the two groups. It is likely that the younger generation will
reﬂect more the inﬂuence of the English vowel systems present outside of the reservation
because of their active attempt to assimilate into the majority English culture.

When investigating the problem of the lack of ﬂuency of the First Nation people in their
ancestral language, it is important to note that the Garden River Reservation is not alone in this
problem, although they do appear to be in the extreme. In a study of ancestral language ﬂuency
of North American First Nation peoples, Leap (1993) discovered that only 25% of the First Nation
adults speak exclusively their ancestral language; 44% spoke only their ancestral language at
home when they were raised and then learned English as a second language; and 31% have
been speakers of English exclusively throughout their lives. However, of these 31% that speak
English exclusively, some still have had difﬁculty in mastering the language.

Leap classiﬁes North American community settings in three ways: on-reservation, off-
reservation rural, and off-reservation urban (1993). The inhabitants’ life style varies
tremendously depending on which community setting they live in. For instance, people living on
a reservation have a large exposure to their native language as well as cultural traditions while
off-reservation urban people have the least exposure because they live scattered from one
another and lead a busy, urban life. As for off-reservation rural natives, although they are
physically separated from the reservation, they may live close to their family and be able to
attend cultural activities on the reservation (Leap 1993). The subjects that were interviewed for
this thesis are separated using this deﬁnition into “on-reservation” and “off-reservation urban”
communities.

The family utilized for the research of this thesis is keen to maintain the Ojibwe language

and tradition. The family is split, with some members living in the Garden River Reservation and

6

the remaining members living in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. However, all of the members
attended some form of schooling in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. The family members that live
on the reservation spend most of their time there and also attend an Anglican church inside the
Garden River Reservation where they sing hymns in Ojibwe, although the service is carried out
in English. The church is crowded with many native families. The family participating in this
study is involved heavily with church activities as well as with Reservation meetings.

People from Garden River represent a unique speaking environment of various
inﬂuences - the Ojibwe language, Canadian English, as well as American English — because
they are located at the international border between Canada and the United States of America.
It is the purpose of this thesis to study how these various inﬂuences affect the participants'

English vowel systems.

MW

As this thesis deals with the interpretation and comparison of the Ojibwe participants'
English vowel systems, it is important to ﬁrst summarize the vowel formation in a linguistic
manner. Vowels are distinguished from consonants primarily by the lesser degree of constriction
imposed by the lips and tongue on the ﬂow of air through the mouth. The vowels are then
classiﬁed by the precise positioning of the tongue inside the mouth when the vowel is formed.

By examining Table 1, the relative position of the tongue can be seen for the typical

vowels in the English language (Kenstowicz 1994, 17). For example, the vowel sound of Isl in

Table 1 - Tongue Position for English Vowel Formation

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FRONT CENTER BACK
[+ATR1 [—ATR] {-ATR] [+ATR]
HIGH i (beat) I (bit) U (foot) u (food)
MIDDLE e(bait) 8 (bet) 9 (atomic) 3 (bought) 0 (boat)
A (cup)
LOW a (bat) Cl (Bach)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tongue Position for English Vowel System (Source: Kenstowicz 1994, 17 [altered])

 

7

"bet" is produced by bringing the vocal chords into the voiced position just before the onset of

speech, then raising the velum (soft palate), and ﬁnally placing the tongue in the middle-front
region of the mouth. The vowel sound of |I|, as in "bit," is articulated by raising the tongue

above the neutral position (high-front). Finally, the vowel sound of |a|, as in "bat," is produced
when the tongue is lowered below the neutral position (low-front).

Back vowels, such as M in "food," |U| in "foot," |o| in "boat," | 3| in "bought," and |a| in
"Bach" are all articulated with the raised portion of the tongue present in the back part of the
mouth. The vowel |U|, as in “foot," is produced by raising the tongue body above the neutral
position of "bet" as it is described on the previous page. The vowel M, as in "food," is also
produced by raising the tongue body above the neutral position but the vowel sounds of "food"
and "boat" are longer than their counterpart vowel as found in "foot" and "bought."

The same observations can be made for the front vowels. The vowel sounds in "beat"
and "bait" are longer than their counterpart vowel as found in "bit" and "bet." These vowel
sounds are classiﬁed as [+ATR] and [-ATR] (advancement of the tongue root) which
distinguishes between the tense vowels such as "beat" and the lax vowels such as "bit."

Although Table 1 reveals information regarding the formation of the vowel sounds, the
terms "high, middle, low" and "front, back" are too general to be of analytical use. In this thesis,
the ﬁrst two fonnants of the vowel frequencies - hereafter referred to as F1 and F2 - will be used
to provide a concrete means to describe and compare each vowel sound. Simply explained, any
sound produced by the vocal chords consists of a combination of sinusoidal waves that resonate
at frequencies based on the length of the vocal chords when the sound is produced. For speech
science, these resonant harmonics are referred to as formants. The F1 and F2 values for the
typical English vowels are displayed in Figure 2.1 (shown on the next page). These values will

be used as a baseline when analyzing the position of the Ojibwe participants' vowel systems.

 

i I e a a 3 o u A e

 

F1
Frequency
MALE 270 390 530 660 730 570 440 300 640 490
FEMALE 310 430 610 860 850 590 470 370 760 500

 

 

F2
Frequency

MALE 2290 1990 1840 1720 1090 840 1020 870 1190 1350
FEMALE 2790 2480 2330 2050 1220 920 1160 950 1400 1640

 

 

Frequency in Hz

Figure 2.1 F1 and F2 Frequencies for English Vowels (Source: Peterson and Barney 1952)

23“! 3.. I! ISI'E

The Northern Cities Vowel Shift (NCVS) is one of three major dialects of spoken English
in North America as presented by Labov (1991 ). The NCVS dialect exists in the northern area of
the United States and stretches westward from New England to beyond Wisconsin.

Labov states that the NCVS is characterized by a complicated chain shift Involving six

vowels. These chain shifts are governed by three principles:

Principle I: In chain shifts, tense vowels rise along a peripheral track.
Principle II: In chain shifts, lax vowels fall along a non—peripheral track.
Principle III: In chain shifts, tense vowels move to the front along peripheral paths, and lax

vowels move to the back along non-peripheral paths.
(Labov 1994, 176-200)

"Peripheral" and "non-peripheral" are terms used by Labov to refer to positions of vowels within

the triangular acoustic diagram as shown in Figure 2.2. When looking at the diagram, vowels on
the surface of the "V" (e.g. i, e, a, 0, i), o, u) lie on the periphery and those vowels towards the
center (eg. I, e, A, U) belong to the non-periphery.

The triangular acoustic diagram in Figure 2.2 graphically shows the Northern Cities
Vowel Shift and its component steps. The base vowel positions in the triangle are determined by

using the F1 and F2 frequencies as were described in Figure 2.1.

 

 

 

 

ll Minimum
(100 Hz)
F1
vMaximum
(1400 Hz)
Maximum F2 Minimum
(4000 Hz) (500 Hz)

Figure 2.2 The Northern Cities Vowel Shift (Source: Preston 1995)

The Northern Cities Vowel Shift is a dynamic event which is characterized by the
changing of position of the vowels with respect to the base frequencies (Figure 2.1). Labov
breaks down the changes for the NCVS into a chain pattern that is composed of six links. These
links are indicated on Figure 2.2 by the circled numbers and are also summarized below using
information that was introduced in Table 1.

1. The ﬁrst (and oldest) change for the NCVS involves the tense and subsequent rising of |a|
from its position in the low-front to the position of III in the high-front. (lal —> |I| according to
Principle l)

2. The second change involves the fronting of |a| from its position in the low-back to the position
of |a| in the low-front. (|a| —* |aa| according to the ﬁrst part of Principle Ill)

3. The third change involves the fronting of (3| from its position in the middle-back to the
position of |a| in the low-back. (|3| —*|0| according to Principle Ill)

4. Beginning with the fourth change, the next three links are more recent and more vigorous
changes than the previous three. This change is characterized by two possible lowerings, the
first being the lowering of (2| from the middle-front to |a| in the low-front and the second being
the backing of |s| from the middle-front to |A| in the middle-center. (Isl—b |a| or |A| according
to Principle II and Ill)

5. The ﬁfth change involves the lowering of (I) from its position in the high-front to the position of
[SI in the middle-front. (|I| —> |s| according to Principle ll)

10
6. The sixth, and ﬁnal, change which completes the chain shift involves the backing of |A| from

its position in the middle-center to the position of |3| in the middle-back. (|A|—elm according
to Principle Ill)
(Labov 1994, 195)

Labov ﬁrst became acquainted with the NCVS in 1968 while studying a group of boys
aged sixteen to eighteen years old from Chicago. He discovered, when interviewing them, that
the ﬁrst two elements of the NCVS were well established, even in controlled speech (Labov
1994, 186). During Labov’s research he discovered the presence of the Northern Cities Vowel
Shift in many major cities stretching westward from Vermont to Rochester, Syracuse, Buffalo,
Cleveland, Detroit, and Chicago (Labov 1994, 185). Because the NCVS is present in the major
cities in a wide area of the northern United States, it is logical to assume that it may have spread
to the communities in the upper part of Michigan - such as Sault Ste. Marie. However, because
Sault Ste. Marie is physically separated from other large cities in the area, the NCVS may only
be present in its early stages, for example, the rising of the vowel |a|.

In order to understand the conditions surrounding the shifting of the (ml vowel, Preston
(1995) presents numerous phenomena that help to promote this shift as summarized in the

following table:

Table 2 - Vowel Shift Promoting Environment
(higher listed items promote more)

A. Following segment (manner) V + nasal (‘man’)
voiceless fricative (‘mass’)
voiced stop (‘mad’)
voiceless stop (‘mat’)

B. Following segments (place) V + palatal (‘mash')
apical (‘mat’)
labial, velar (‘map,’ ‘Mac’)

C. Following segments (number) V + C (‘pass’)
CC (‘past’)
D. Following segments (syllable) V + C(C)(C)## (‘pass,’ ‘past,’ ‘pasts’)

C(C)(C)[+syl] (‘pasture’)
C(C)(C)[+sy|][+sy|] (appetite)

E. Preceding segment + palatal + V (‘jab’)
ﬁt, - palatal ( - liquid ) (‘after,’ ‘calf')
(C) + liquid (‘black,’ ‘laugh’)

11

F. Lexical restrictions:
( 1) ‘Function’ words (‘that,’ ‘had,’ ‘am’) are more susceptible to the shift
than non-Function words
(2) ‘and’ is more susceptible than all other items
(Preston 1995)

2 l C l' E! TI
This thesis will also refer to the third dialect which exists in much of Canada. This third

dialect will be referred to as the Canadian Shift and is different from the NCVS because it lacks a

vowel chain shift pattern. The Canadian Shift has ﬁve major vowel changes that are summarized

below. These changes are depicted graphically in Figure 2.3 and described using information

that was presented in Table 1.

  
  
 

 
   
   

 

II Minimum
(100 Hz)
beat boot
F1
NOTE: Nasals ONLY .
'0‘...“ ‘3
bet 4 bought
0/3 (cotlbought) vMaximum
cot (1400 Hz)

A A
‘7 7

Maximum F2 Minimum
(4000 Hz) (500 Hz)

Figure 2.3 The Canadian Shift (Source: Clarke et al. 1995, 212)

1. The ﬁrst change involves the lowering of |l| from its position in the high-front to the position of
Isl in the middle-front. (|I| —> Isl)

2. The second change is a continuation of the ﬁrst as |e| lowers from its position in the middle-
front to the position of |a| in the low-front. ( Isl ——p|a|)

3. The third change involves the vowel |A| as it lowers from the middle-center to either the low-
front position of lal or the low-back position of |a|. (|A| ——> lal or lal)

4. The fourth change involves the merger of the low-back vowel |a| with the middle-back vowel
IDI- ( l0 H IOI )

12

5. The last change involves the vowel lal which tends to reside in the low area but may move
into the low-back position vacated by the merger of |al and |3l. Note that this is opposite to the
NCVS where lal instead tenses and rises to the high-front position. However, it has been noted
by Clarke that words with the lal vowel before a nasal consonant will tend to rise like the NCVS
even though the pattern is the Canadian Shift.
(Clarke et al. 1995, 209)
The main contrasting point between the Canadian Shift and the NCVS is the retraction of

the vowel lal which can be seen in Figure 2.3. This retraction is made possible by the merger of
lal and IOI which creates an opening for the vowels lal, Isl, and III to lower in a drag effect.

(Clarke et al. 1995, 212)

Clarke states that nonlinguistic factors, such as gender and age, play an important role
in the degree of presence of the Canadian Shift. Women tend to show a vowel system
representative of the Canadian Shift more than men, and younger people show more
advancement of this shift than older people (Clarke et al. 1995, 216). Therefore, it would be

expected that among the participants, young Ojibwe women should show the greatest inﬂuence

- ,4... .._..__.___

 

 

of the Canadian Shift.
I i M - Another. well known feature of Canadian English is “Canadian Raising,” which was ﬁrst
labelled by Chambers (1973). This feature heightens the onset of diphthongs relative to the low
central onset that is heard in neighboring dialects. The raised diphthongs are usually

pronounced as [Aw] in contrast to the neighboring dialects' low], and [Ay] contrasts to the
neighboring dialects' [0y] (Chambers 1973).
This heightening of the onset of diphthongs does not occur in every environment but

only in certain linguistic environments as outlined in Table 3.

Table 3 - Canadian Raising

 

[C - Voice] Ay Aw
P type [tAYP] '-
t tight [tAyt] tout [tAwt]
k tyke [tAyk] -
f rife [rAyI] -
9 - south [sAwO]
8 rice [rAys] mouse [mAws]
X - couch [kAwE]

 

 

(Chambers 1973, 115)

13

Table 3 shows that neither raised variant occurs before [+ voice] and that the raised

variant [Aw] does not occur in words before [— coronal] consonants (p, k, and f). Likewise, the

second raised variant, [AV]. does not occur before [9] and [E]. Chambers also provides a set of

exemplars which display the effect of [i voice] in Canadian English (Table 4).

Table 4 - Canadian English

Ram Nenﬂaised
a. house - houses [hAws] - [howziz]
b. mouth - mouths [mAwB] - [mosz]
c. spouse - spouses [spAws] - [spowziz]
d. knife - knives [nAyI] - [noyvz]
e. life - lives [lAy‘I] - [loyvz]
f. wife - wives [wAyI] - [woyvz]
9. advice - advise [advAys] - [advoyz]
h. device - devise [divAys] - [divoyz]

(Chambers 1973, 116)

Chambers formulated the Canadian Raising Rule based on the facts shown in Tables 3

and 4 to yield: Canadian Raising
a) [V+tense] —> [-low]I_GLlDE[C-voice]
That is, tense vowels become [ - low] in the environment before the glides [y] and [w] when
followed by voiceless consonants. However, Chambers states that this formulation is blocked if
the low tense segment has non-primary stress and is followed by a stressed syllable. Thus,
Chambers adds a ‘Condition’ as follows:
b) CONDITION: "a)" cannot apply if V < [ 1 stress ] AND V ‘ = [ + stress], where V‘

is the following nucleus.
(Chambers 1973, 127)

2.§ Qilm waeIS

According to Nichols and Nyholm (1995), there are seven distinctive vowels in the
Ojibwe language. Starting in the high—front position there is a short vowel [II which corresponds

to the sound that occurs in the English word "pin” and a long vowel |I:| that is equivalent to the lil

14

vowel as in "seen." There are also short and long vowels in Ojibwe at the high-back position.
The short Ojibwe vowel lol is used to portray a variety of English sounds ranging from | 3| as in
"caught” to lUl as in "book." The long Ojibwe vowel |o:l covers the English range from lol as in
”boat" to |u| as in "boot."

In the middle-front position, the Ojibwe vowel le:| has only one pronunciation; that of the

English lel as in "cafe." The last vowel set for the Ojibwe language is the short vowel lol which
covers the range of English sounds from [3| to [Al as in "about" and the long Ojibwe vowel [ml

which is the same as the English lol as in "father." This Ojibwe vowel system is summarized in

 

 

 

 

 

Table 5.
Table 5 - Tongue Position for Ojibwe Vowel Formation
FRONT BACK
HIGH I: I
i (seen) 1 (pin) U (book) u (boot)
MIDDLE e; - o o:
e (café) a (bet) 3 (caught) 0 (boat)
LOW - a a:
a (bat) A (about) a (father)

 

 

 

 

 

Vowels in Bold type belong to Ojibwe System, Vowels in Italic type belong to English System

By examining Table 5 it can be seen that there are four major differences between the
Ojibwe and English vowel systems. The ﬁrst two differences are the absence of the English
vowel sounds of lsl and [al in the Ojibwe system. The next two differences are the Ojibwe
vowels lol and lo:| which are expanded to incorporate numerous sounds from the English vowel
system. Following is a summary of the Ojibwe vowels along with some Ojibwe example words

and their English equivalents.

 

Nasal Vowels

[éil~[811

[53]~IUI]

El . E"!

agin
namadabi
bashkizigan
aagim
maajaa
emikwaan

awenan
anishinaabe

inini
mawi

nijn
googii

ind
anpkii

codena

anQQkii
99er

3 ..|
banajaann
nisayenb
awest
agaashiipyi,
agaashiiaayi

sigma

15

Table 6 - Ojibwe Vowels with Ojibwe and English Word Examples

Examcles English Equivalents
“count someone!” about

“sits down”

“gun”

“snowshoe” father

“goes away”

“spoon" cafa

(two!

“person, Indian, Ojibwe”

“man
“cries”

Pin
“I” se_en
“dives”

“someone’s foot”
“works”

pbey,bppk

bo t, b at

“town”
“hires"
“snow"

Examples

“nestling”

“my younger sister or brother”
“wild animal”

“(someone) is big”

“ﬁsh”

16
mm

The participants for this study have been chosen from an Ojibwe family and include men
and women, young and old, and those that live on-reservation and off-reservation. Comparing
gender and age, Labov states that “in the course of a change from below, the most advanced
vowel systems are found among younger speakers: young adults and youth in late adolescence”
(Labov 1994, 156). Labov also points out that these innovators of advanced vowel shift can be
found among “interior groups,” that is, the upper working class and lower middle class people.
Moreover, women are considerably more advanced in vowel shifts than men (Labov 1994).

Thus, the hypothesis is that the young women participants will lead the vowel shift due to
the fact that they are more involved socially with American English through their personal
contacts, jobs, and education. In addition, their English will be inﬂuenced through their
involvement with the popular culture and the American content present in radio and television
programs broadcast from the United States. Therefore, it is predicted that the young women will
reﬂect the most advanced vowel shift represented by NCVS.

As for men and women adults, since they are more isolated socially and not involved in
as many American cultural events, the hypothesis is that they will not participate in NCVS, but
rather show the more moderate Canadian Shift through their involvement with the Canadian
language in everyday life.

Finally, in regard to on-reservation and off-reservation participants, it is natural to
assume that on-reservation participants will be more isolated and not participate in NCVS or
even the Canadian Shift. The off-reservation participants should be similar but due to their
greater exposure culturally, their vowel shift should be more advanced. However, the
reservation participants may show a totally different pattern due to the Ojibwe Language

inﬂuence.

3. PROCEDURE

Eight peeple from one Ojibwe family participated in this research. The first participant is
a 65 year-old grandmother and head of the family. She currently lives in the Garden River
Reservation with her two daughters, one son, and three grandchildren. She was born and raised
in Garden River. Her mother was a Bohemian and her father was an Ojibwe. She was raised by
the grandmother of her father and spoke only Ojibwe up until the age of ﬁve years. She went to
grade school in Garden River until the 8th grade but was strictly prohibited from speaking Ojibwe
at school. She attended junior high school in Sault Ste. Marie. She now attends Sunday service
at the Anglican church which is located in Garden River. She is ﬂuent in Ojibwe and will
sometimes use Ojibwe words when speaking English. She is a good story teller and delights in
telling visitors about the Ojibwe lifestyle. She has a strong desire to maintain the Ojibwe
language and heritage.

The second participant is a 20 year-old woman who is the grand-daughter of participant
1. This woman currently lives with her grandmother in Garden River while she attends college in
Sault Ste. Marie. She enjoys spending her free time with her friends (the majority of whom are
non-aboriginal) or watching television. She escorted the author on a tour of the reservation and
indicated the traditional places where the tobacco ceremony, sweat lodge, etc. are conducted.
This woman knows some Ojibwe which she Ieamed from her grandmother but, as she is
currently busy with her college courses, she does not devote time to studying Ojibwe.

Participant 3 is a 41 year-old woman who is the daughter of participant 1. She was born,

raised, and attended school in Sault Ste. Marie. She currently lives with her mother

17

18
(participant 1) and also works in Garden River. Her father is from Irish and Dutch background.

She speaks only English, which is her mother tongue. She can understand spoken Ojibwe, a
skill she Ieamed from her mother. She attends the Anglican church in Garden River and
participates actively in church events. She spends her spare time with her family on the
reservation. She has a strong desire to maintain the Ojibwe culture.

Participant 4 is a 42 year-old man who is the son of participant 1 and an older brother of
participant 3. He was born and raised in Sault Ste. Marie and also attended school there. He
currently lives and works in Sault Ste. Marie and attends the Anglican church in Garden River.
Although he can not speak Ojibwe, he would like to see the Ojibwe language maintained.

Participant 5 is a 27 year-old man who is a son-in-law of participant 7. Although he is
not an immediate member of participant 1's family, he is part Ojibwe (and part Italian). He was
born and raised in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. He attended school in Sault Ste. Marie and
currently lives and works there. He can not speak Ojibwe and is not interested in preserving the
Ojibwe culture.

Participant 6 is a 20 year-old man who is the grand-son of participant 1. He was born
and raised in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. His father and mother are of Ojibwe background. He
currently lives and studies in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. He enjoys listening to American
popular and rock music in his free time. He can not speak Ojibwe and has no desire to maintain
the Ojibwe language.

Participant 7 is a 48 year-old woman who is the daughter of participant 1. She was born
and raised in the town of Sault Ste. Marie. She currently works in Garden River and lives there
with her mother. She can speak some Ojibwe, but English is her ﬁrst and main language. She
would like to maintain the Ojibwe language because it is a part of the Ojibwe culture.

Participant 8 is a 25 year-old woman who is a daughter of participant 7. She was born
and raised in the town of Sault Ste. Marie and currently lives and works there. She has two

daughters who spend time with the grandmother in Garden River while participant 8 works in

19

town. She is also taking courses at the college and, therefore, has no time to study the Ojibwe
language.

The gender, age, living environment, and interest in the Ojibwe language of the
participants are summarized in Table 7.

Table 7 - Participant Information Summary

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Participant Gender Age Living Interest in Ojibwe
Environment Language

1 Woman 65 On-reservation O
2 Woman 20 On-reservation

3 Woman 41 On-reservation A
4 Man 42 Off-reservation A
5 Man 27 Off-reservation X
6 Man 20 Off-reservation X
7 Woman 48 On-reservation A
8 Woman 25 Off-reservation X

 

 

 

 

 

 

Interest in Ojibwe Language: O = very interested, A = somewhat interested, X = not interested

W91

The oral interview was performed in Garden River with the above mentioned
respondents during two visits, the ﬁrst from the 24th to the 26th of February in 1996 and the
second from the 28th to the 30th of January in 1997. The author was introduced to the family
through a mutual friend who is also an Ojibwe, but lives in Sault Ste. Marie (on the US. side).
The author visited the Ojibwe family in Garden River three times and also communicated through
letters and by the telephone. Although the author was a stranger from a foreign country, the
family welcomed her and openly shared their culture, songs, and stories. The Ojibwe are open
to sharing their culture and also want to learn about other cultures. The author was treated as
part of the Ojibwe family and is grateful for the family’s kindness and participation in this
research.

During the oral interview, each person satin a quiet room and was recorded using a

cassette tape recorder with external microphone. A dictation cassette player and a 60 minute

20

normal position cassette tape were used for recording. First, the purpose of the study was
explained to each participant, the oral interview questions were asked (Appendix A), and then
each participant read aloud the words from the word list one at a time. Flash cards were used to
ensure that each word was read slowly and clearly rather than being read as one passage. The
total process took approximately ﬁfteen minutes per person.

The words were selected from various categories that required the speaker to use
different places and manners of articulation. The words in the word list, along with the vowel
category they represent, are summarized in Table 8.

There may be an objection to adopting word lists for the participants to read rather than
having the participants give natural data. However, the vowel shift is an unconscious change
stemming from systematic sources that appears ﬁrst in the vernacular and represents the
operation of internal, linguistic factors (Labov 1994). Therefore, if a vowel shift is present in
normal speech, it would also appear when reading a word list.

Table 8 - Oral Interview Word List

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nasal VI Fric Vd Stop VI Step
I 0 l
Preceding Apical tock
dock
Preceding Velar got cod
[5]
Following Velar _ cough fog
dog
Following Apical cloth clawed
I l I
Apical miss bit
Velar kick

 

Table 8 - Oral Interview Word List (cont’d)

21

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nasal VI Fric Vd Stop VI Stop
[a I
Apical mess bet
Velar neck
E==-———————‘h—-———i
_——l___]_—_—l
[a I
Palatal sash
Apical pan mass mad that
tan sad bat
Labial ham laugh tab tap
Sam
Velar hang bag back
+CC land past
bank bgs
+syl pasture
average
+syl+syl appetite
C + liquid black

 

(for Canadian raising)
0V _' AY

OW —>Aw

(‘light,’ ‘hike,’ ‘tide’)

(‘out,’ ‘ouch,’ ‘loud’)

In Table 8 there are proportionally more words located in the la] category than in the

other categories of the oral interview word list. This was created on purpose in order to utilize

the importance of the [al vowel for understanding vowel shifts. A shift in the position of the la]

vowel is the ﬁrst step in recognizing the NCVS and the direction of the shift distinguishes

between the NCVS and the Canadian Shift. In addition, much study has already been performed

to discover the links between the phonetic environment and the lal vowel shift (see Table 2).

 

22
3. is

After acquiring a cassette recording of the interview for a participant, each word was
entered into a Macintosh using MacRecorder. Once each word had been entered, a complex
transformation was performed to change the sound signal into 10 000 Mhz frequencies and the
results were saved to disk. The words’ target segments were then analyzed using a personal
computer and the program Signalyze to determine the exact frequencies of the vowel formants.
The clearest peaks for formants 1 and 2 were obtained using an order number between 13 and
18 and then the values were recorded.

Although it varies for each man and woman, generally speaking, F1 ranges from 300 to
1000 Hz and F2 ranges from 2400 to 900 Hz. See Figure 2.1 for the male and female formant
frequencies of the vowels studied here. After Signalyze generated the F1 and F2 frequencies,
these were entered into a second program - "Plotnik" - along with the respective word and vowel
class codes. The program then calculated the mean vowel position for the system and plotted
this along with the position of each individual word. These charts provided the data from which
each participant's vowel system was analyzed.

The ﬁgures of the vowel distributions for all participants, along with their explanations,

are listed in the next section.

4. RESULTS & INTERPRETATION

This section contains the results from the personal computer analysis of each
participant's oral interview. Three ﬁgures are listed: the ﬁrst ﬁgure shows the position of every
word in the interview list positioned by its vowel formants, the second ﬁgure compares the
average vowel formants to the base formants, and the third ﬁgure summarizes the vowel system
in diagram form. Following the ﬁgures are the interpretations for each participant’s vowel system

and a conclusion as to the similarity, or lack, to a vowel shift pattern.

23

4 i '

24

 

2200
1

2000
l

1800 1600
1 1

1400 1200 1000
l l l

 

500a

600-

700d

8004

900!

1000-

 

.e-O

 

1100

Figure 4.1(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 1, 65, Woman, On-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

 

l I Hi) are) as o (0) 3 (on) I
[ Basic F1 | 430 610 860 850 590 ]
Basic F2 2480 2330 2050 1220 920
Data F1 550 750 750-850 700 680
[ Dath 1 2200 1900 2100-1800 1150 1100 j

 

 

 

 

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz) 7

Figure 4.1(b) - Participant 1 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

K. e
\\ x
a

3

 

 

—-> Canadian Shift
-----'-> Nasal Raise

 

\O' 0/3 (cotlbought)

Figure 4.1(c) Participant 1 Vowel System

25

The interpretations for each participant were all conducted in a similar manner. First, a
Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison (see Figure 4.1[b]) was constructed using the data from
the personal computer output of the vowel formants from the interview word list (Figure 4.1[a]).
The headings that are listed in Figure 4.1(b) are the ﬁve vowels that are being used for research
in this thesis. The vowels in parentheses are identical but refer to the idiosyncratic notation used
by the program Plotnik. For example, "I" is used consistently throughout this thesis but in Plotnik
it is labelled as "i". The headings, "Basic F1" and "Basic F2", refer to the F1 and F2 Frequencies
for English Vowels as listed in Figure 2.1.

By examining Figure 4.1(b), the shift of the vowel positions versus the base can be
determined. For example, the high-front vowel III is lower than the base of 430Hz and is more
towards the position of the basic middle-front vowel lel, located at 610 Hz. la], in turn, is located
at 750 Hz which is more towards the position of basic lal. The vowel [al is scattered throughout
a wider range but it is clear by examining Figure 4.1(a) that the main group is positioned more
towards the direction of basic lol.

These changes are typical of those seen in the Canadian Shift. Some words containing
the vowel lal are positioned higher towards the basic middle-front lel which is normally indicative
of NCVS, but upon closer inspection of Figure 4.1(a) it can be seen that they have trailing nasal
consonants ("hang," "bank," "tan," and "pan,") and this is a phenomenon that is present in the
advanced stages of the Canadian shift as stated by Clarke. By examining the remaining vowels,

it can be seen that they also follow the Canadian Shift pattern as lol is higher and in a slightly

retracted position, and [3| is lower and in a front position similar to basic lol.

To summarize, by viewing the abbreviated acoustic triangle in Figure 4.1 (c), it can be

seen that participant 1 contains an English vowel system that reﬂects the Canadian Shift pattern.

4

 

 

2200 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000
l J P l 1 I l
700 - G @
800 - q
a

900 -
1000 -
1 100

 

 

Figure 4.2(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 2, 20, Woman, OnlOff Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

[ | I (i) s (e) are a (o) 3 (oh) I
LBasic F1 | 430 610 860 850' 590 3
Basic F2 2480 2330 2050 1220 920
Data F1 700 900 700-900 800 750
[ Data F2 | 2200 1800 2400-1500 1200 1100 l

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 4.2(b) - Participant 2 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz) *

 

E.

3

 

 

——> Canadian Shift
-----°-> Nasal Raise

 

‘0 0/3 (cot/bought)

Figure 4.2(c) Participant 2 Vowel System

27
By examining the data in Figure 4.2(b), it appears that participant 2 exhibits the

characteristics of the Canadian Shift because [I] is in the lower position of basic lsl and lel, in
turn, is in the lower position of basic [al. The ﬁgure also shows that the vowel l 3| is lower and
is merged with basic lol. All of these changes are consistent with the Canadian Shift. The vowel
lal has a number of words that have are severely lower and are in a retracted positions towards
basic lal with, similar to what was observed with participant 1, a small group of words containing
nasal consonants that are in the higher position of basic Isl. This small group includes the words
"bank," "Sam," "ham," and "hang" which exhibit the nasal raising outlined by Clarke. These
changes are summarized in the abbreviated triangular acoustic diagram (Figure 4.2[c]).

When analyzing the data for participant 2, the Canadian Raising phenomenon can also
be seen. For Canadian Raising, words with voiceless consonants before the vowels [owl and
layl are most likely to rise. In this case, the vowel for the word "light" (which has a following

voiceless consonant) is in a higher position near basic |Ay| and this is in contrast to the vowel for

"tide" (which has a following voiced consonant) and is not in a higher position. Similarly, [owl
followed by a voiceless consonant, such as in the word "out," is higher than the word "load“;

which has the vowel lawl followed by a voiced consonant.

 

2800

2600
1

2400
J

2200
l

1600
I

1400 1200
I l

 

500-1

600-

700.

800-

9004

1000-

 

1100

0-).

 

Figure 4.3(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 3, 41, Woman, On-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

 

I I I (i) e (e) a a (0) 3 (oh) I
I Basic F1 | 430 610 860 850 590 J
Basic F2 2480 2330 2050 1220 920
Data F1 570-670 800 900—1000 750 780
F Data F2 [ 2700-2400 2350 2100-1700 1200 1200 |

 

 

 

 

(Vowels In brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz)

Figure 4.3(b) - Participant 3 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

8
I
a
O
‘0

/

O
3

 

......—--> Nasal Raise.

—-> Canadian Shift]

 

CID (cotlbought)

Figure 4.3(c) Participant 3 Vowel System

29

The data for participant 3 contains many "outliers" (see Figure 4.3[a]) that were
eliminated from the analysis, leaving fewer data points which makes it more difﬁcult to draw
complete conclusions. The data for the high-front vowel lll is extremely dispersed making it
difﬁcult to predict exactly where her |l| vowel is. It appears to be in a lower position slightly
towards basic la]. The vowel lel also behaves strangely in that it is in a lower position, but not
retracted towards basic lol. The vowel lel is again split but this time the nasal consonants,
instead of being in a high position, stay in the normal position for basic lal, and the remainder of
the words are lowered towards basic lal (Figures 4.3[a]and [b]).

The vowel lol is slightly higher and DI is in a drastically lower position such that it has

merged with basic |a| which is typical for the Canadian Shift. As for layl and IOWI, vowels

before glide plus voiceless consonants are in a higher position rather than voiced ones in cases
such as "hike" and "ouch.”

Although this participant’s vowel system shows most of the characteristics of the
Canadian Shift, it appears there is an underlying inﬂuence that has prevented the normal shift

pattern as has been seen in the other participants.

3O

 

200

2000

1800 1600
1 1

1400
1

1200 1000
1 1

 

300-

400-

500-1

600-

700-

 

D

D?

5e

 

Figure 4.4(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 4, 42, Man, Off-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

 

 

l I I(i) e (e) a a (o) 3 (oh) I
[ Basic F1 | 390 530 660 730 570 ]
Basic F2 1990 1840 1720 1090 840
Data F1 450 750 650-800 650 600
| Data F2 | 1800 1750 1800-1500 1100 24001200 ]

 

 

 

Figure 4.4(b) - Participant 4 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz) 7

I

.\

8

fuo‘u "an-nun 3
\

\I

O

 

 

—> Canadian Shift
-------'> Nasal Raise

III-IOIIII’ other

 

 

Figure 4.4(c) Participant 4 Vowel System

31

By examining Figures 4.4(a) and (b), it can be seen that the high-front vowel |l| for
participant 4 is in the lower position of basic lel and lel is in the lower position of basic [al. lal
has remained fairly compact but there is a small group of the vowels followed by nasal
consonants (”bank," "land") that is higher towards basic Iel. The main group of lal is retracted

slightly towards [al which is typical of the Canadian Shift. Although the layl and IOWl are not in

a higher position, lol is observed in the middle-back and is in a position to merge with | 3| but

the results for | 3| are extremely puzzling as it has spread widely across at the level of F1 = 600

Hz.

32

 

5001

600«

700-

800‘

900-1

1000-

 

2000
L

1800
1

1600
1

1400
1

0

1200
l

.)

1

000 800
1 1

600
1

 

1100

Figure 4.5(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 5, 27, Man, Off-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

| [ I (i) s (e) a o (o) 3—__I(oh)
| Basic F1 [ 390 530 660 730 570 1
Basic F2 1990 1840 1720 1090 840
Data F1 570 660-780 550-880 660 650
| Data F2 ] 1800 1810-1630 1800-1500 1000 1000 |

 

 

 

 

 

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz) “

Figure 4.5(b) - Participant 5 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

V. 8
‘0

i.
x

O

/

3

 

 

——> Canadian Shift
or NCVS

-------> NCVS

 

 

t 0/ 3 (cot/bought)

Figure 4.5(c) Participant 5 Vowel System

33

The high-front vowel [H is lower in the position of basic lel while lsl is lower in
approximately the position of basic [al. The vowel lal is shifted with the majority of the words in
a higher position towards basic lsl - the nasal consonants being the most advanced. The vowel

[Cl is observed to be slightly away from the basic position but I 3| is in a dramatically lower

position and is merged with basic lol (Figures 4.5[a]and [b]).

Although this participant exhibits many of the characteristics typical of the Canadian
Shift, there are two crucial points that indicate he may represent the Northern Cities Vowel Shift.
The ﬁrst is the high and front positions of many lal vowel words followed by non-nasal
consonants. This is not observed in the other participants and not typical for Canadian Raising.
The second point has to deal with lol which has remained relatively stable instead of being in a
lower position towards l 3| like many other participants have exhibited.

The layl and later] words which have a vowel followed by glide plus voiceless
consonant (‘light,” “hike,” “ouch,” and “out”) are in a very high position compared to those words
which have a vowel followed by glide plus voiced consonants (“tide” and “loud”). This high

position is consistent with Canadian Raising.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

4.
2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800
l l l l l l L
(D
600‘ ﬂ 0
70.. . 003
Figure 4.6(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 6, 20, Man, Off-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]
l l I (i) e (e) as u lol 9 (on) I
| Basic F1 [ 390 530 660 730 570 ]
Basic F2 1990 1840 1720 1090 840
Data F1 500 550 500-850 670 690
[ Data F2 | 1850 1780 1900-1500 1050 1100 J

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 4.6(b) - Participant 6 Vowel F orrnant Frequency Comparison

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz)

e

Rx. \'
‘ a

x

/

3

 

 

— Canadian Shift
or NCVS

-------> NCVS

 

 

1 0/ 3 (cotlbought)

0

Figure 4.6(a) Participant 6 Vowel System

35

The high-front vowel |I| is in a lower position by basic |a| while |s| is in the lower position
of basic lal. The distribution of lal is wide as has been seen with other participants, but the
overall tendency is to be higher rather than lower towards basic |c| (Figures 4.6[a]and [b]). |a|
followed by nasal consonants ("bank" and "tan") lead the promotion but non-nasal consonants
are also in a higher position ("bags" and "bag"). |a| is slightly higher but has tended to remain in
its normal position while |3| is dramatically lower and merged with basic lol.

As this participant's vowel pattern is similar to that of participant 5, the conclusion must
be the same. That is, although the vowel system is similar to the Canadian Shift, the high

position of non-nasal consonants after |a| tend to indicate a NCVS inﬂuence.

36

 

2200 2000
1 l

1600 1400
l I

1200
I

800
1

 

500 -
600 - CD
700 -
800 -
900 -

10001

 

1100

 

Figure 4.7(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 7, 48, Woman, On-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

l l 10) s (e) a a lo) 3 (oh) I
| Basic F1 [ 430 610 860 850 590 ]
Basic F2 2480 2330 2050 1220 920
Data F1 570 950 550-1080 680 700
[ Damn I 2200 2100 10001900 1000 1000 J

 

 

 

 

 

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz)

Figure 4.7(b) - Participant 7 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

‘...$km

..., /
x
O

3

Figure 4.7(c) Participant 7 Vowel System

 

—’ Canadian Shift

cocoon-con. Other

 

 

 

0/3 (cot/bought)

37

The high-front vowel III is in a lower position by basic |e| and |s| is in a lower position by
the basic [3| slot. lol is retracted severely into the middle-back position and | 3| is slightly lower
and is merged with basic |o| (Figures 4.7[a]and [b]). All of these changes are typical of the
Canadian Shift.

IOWI is higher for both conditions of the vowel followed by voiced and voiceless
consonants, however, lay] does not seem to be in such a high position.

Looking at the distribution of IaI, it is split into three distinct groups: one group is highest
towards Isl, but this group is not predominantly nasal in nature; the second group is in a lower
position straight down; and the third group is retracted so severely it is joined with |a| and D] in

their new merged positions! Although the words in each group have been analyzed to try and
discover a pattern, no simple explanation arises when using the English rules so perhaps this

participant, like participant 3, is experiencing another inﬂuence.

38

 

 

2200 2000 1600 1400 1200 1000 600
I l _L l l J J
6°“ Q
700 -
L 9“
t
0

II
1000 -
1 100

 

 

Figure 4.8(a) Interview Word List by Formant for Participant 8, 25, Woman, Off-Reservation
[Sault Ste. Marie, 1996]

 

 

 

 

 

l L 10) ate) as a (0) 9 (oh) i
I Basic F1 | 430 610 860 850 590 |
Basic F2 2480 2330 2050 1220 920
Data F1 600 1000 700-750 750 800
[ Damn I 2200 2000 21501100 1100 1150 |

 

 

 

 

(Vowels in brackets refer to analyzer printouts. Number values are in Herz)

Figure 4.8(b) - Participant 8 Vowel Formant Frequency Comparison

 

 

 

I ——> Canadian Shift
---'-'-> Nasal Raise
e O
R, e
\
.\ L 3
f

0 Cl/ 3 (cot/bought)

Figure 4.8(c) Participant 8 Vowel System

39

The high-front vowel |l| is in the lower position of basic |s|. Isl, in turn, is lower than the
position of basic [al. The distribution of [al is separated into two groups, the ﬁrst is Ial followed
by nasal consonants and the second group is larger which contains Ia] followed by all other
consonants. The group with nasal consonants is higher in a position near basic |e|, but the
larger, second group is retracted so severely that it is equal with lol and | 3| in their merged
positions. |:] is lower and merged with basic Ia]. layl as in “light" and mm as in “out” are in a
high position. (Figures 4.8[a]and [b]).

To summarize, these changes are typical of the Canadian Shift and are described

graphically in Figure 4.8(c).

5. CONCLUSION

Summarizing the results of the analysis, the two young men (participants 5 and 6) who
live in the town of Sault Ste. Marie show involvement in the Northern Cities Vowel Shift. Both

men also exhibit characteristics of the Canadian Shift, that is, Ill and |e| in a low position, and
| 3| in such a low position that it is merged with basic lol. However, the high and front positions

of many |a| vowel words and the stability of |a| indicate a vowel system that also belongs to the

NCVS.
The two young women (participants 2 and 8), on the other hand, contain a vowel system
that clearly shows an advanced state of the Canadian Shift. Both show the high position nasal of

|a| as highlighted by Clarke, but the main position of the |a| vowel is backwards towards the
position of basic |a|. This result contradicts the assumption made in the hypothesis that young

women would lead the vowel shift and contain a vowel system most representative of NCVS.
Although the two women do exhibit an advanced Canadian Shift, they do not show the NCVS
pattern. By examining the history of these young women, it can be seen that participant 2 lives
in Garden River and attends college in Sault Ste. Marie. She leads a busy life style which
prevents her from studying the Ojibwe language so it may be that she has very limited time to be
inﬂuenced by American culture through her personal contacts or from external sources in the
forms of radio, television, or cross-border travel.

Participant 8 should have greater exposure to American culture because she lives in
Sault Ste. Marie, but she must often travel to Garden River to entrust her children with her

Grandmother while she works. In addition, as she is a single mother who is working to support

40

41

her two children, it is also possible that she has little spare time to develop American social
contacts or indulge in American popular culture. If this is the case, it appears for these two
participants that the social environment they live in has inﬂuenced the formation of their vowel
systems to show the Canadian Shift and not the NCVS.

Returning to the two young men, it is important to note that they both live in Sault Ste.
Marie and neither have an interest in the Ojibwe language. As they both exhibit the NCVS, they
support the statements made by Labov that young adolescents will contain the most advanced
vowel system changes.

Turning to the adult participants, all four participants (1, 3, 4, and 7) show involvement
with the Canadian Shift in their vowel patterns. This is revealed by examining the vowel system

and noting the low positions of the III and |e| vowels and the high position of |o| which is merged

with basic |3|. Because the Canadian Shift is present for both men and women, on-reservation
and off-reservation, it appears that the main inﬂuence on their vowel system is the presence of
the majority Canadian culture in their environment to produce the Canadian Shift.

To summarize, there are two possible conclusions that can describe the formation of the
English vowel systems for the Ojibwe family studied in this thesis. The ﬁrst possibility is that age
and gaggle: are the most important factors in determining the vowel system. This can be seen by
the younger participants (as opposed to the older participants) having an English vowel system
that reﬂects a more advanced shifting pattern. In addition to this, young men (as opposed to
young women) have vowel systems that show the Northern Cities Vowel Shift.

This conclusion contradicts the ﬁndings of Labov who stated that young women should
lead the vowel shift. However, there is a second possible conclusion that age and ﬁxing
environment are the most important factors in determining the vowel system. This would state
that the older participants reﬂect the vowel system of the common culture, in this case the
Canadian Shift, while the younger participants reﬂect the vowel system common to their living
environment. Based on this conclusion, it is not the gender of the young women that is

important, but the fact that they live a very busy life and are, in fact, "isolated" from the modern

42

American culture inﬂuence that is present across the border. Similarly, the young men have
"isolated" their Ojibwe and Canadian roots and have embraced the American inﬂuence which is
reﬂected in their vowel system.

This study shows that members of a minority community will be inﬂuenced by the major
community in regard to the language vowel system. All eight members studied adopted an
English vowel system representative of the majority community present around them - Canadian
for the older participants and younger women participants, and American for the younger men
participants.

This would seem to indicate that all influence of the native Ojibwe language has been
lost, however, it is important to note two anomalies that surfaced during the analysis of the
participants' vowel systems. The ﬁrst occurred with participant 4 (an older man who lives off-

reservation) and has to deal with the strange distribution of the | 3| vowel which ranged in

position from basic |l| to basic |a|. By referring back to the Ojibwe vowel system (Table 5), it can

be seen that there are no |U|, |u|, |3|, |e| , or |a| vowels, rather, these sounds are produced by
the other vowels present in the system. This means that the |o| vowel must be modiﬁed to
produce the |U|, M, and IQ | sounds. Therefore, since the [3| sound is being formed from a
variation of another vowel which is present in the Ojibwe system, it is possible that the wide
range observed occurred because the English |3| is not present in the Ojibwe system.

The second anomaly occurred with participant 7 (an older woman who lives on-
reservation) and deals with the location of her |a| vowel which is spread towards Isl, lol, and
|3 |. This is not typical of any of the major shift patterns and did not occur with any of the other
participants. It could reﬂect the Ojibwe vowel system inﬂuence because |a| is not present in the
Ojibwe system and the use of other vowels to produce this sound may have led to the strange
distribution.

In closing, although some influence from the native Ojibwe language may have been
present in the vowel systems of the participants examined, further studies that focus on

speciﬁcally that question would have to be performed. In regard to the original question

43

concerning the influence of the majority culture on the vowel system of a minority community, it
has been observed for all participants that they adopted the English vowel system representative
of the majority community present around them - Canadian for the older participants and younger

women participants, and American for the younger men participants.

 

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

APPENDIX A - ORAL INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

. What is your name?

Where and when were you born?
What citizenship do you have?

What is the highest level of education attained?

. Where did you attend your school? Where did you spend your childhood?
. Do you speak Ojibwe? If yes, how often during the day do you speak?
. Which language do you feel comfortable speaking, English or your ancestral language?

. What language do your parents / grandparents speak?

Where do you work? What kind of work do you do?
Are the majority of your friends Natives?
Are the majority of your neighbors Natives?
What is your religion of origin?
Do you attend church regularly? Which church do you attend?
What percentage of your neighbors are Natives?

Do you often participate in your traditional activities?

REFERENCES

Chambers, J.K. 1973. Canadian Raising. In: Canadian Jgumal of Linguistigs, 18(2)
113-135.

Clarke, 8., Ford Elms, and Amani Youssef. 1995. The third dialect of English: Some
Canadian evidence. In: Langu_ag§_1a_ri_at_ign_ang_cnanga, 7: 209-228.

Eckert, Penelope 1991. Social polarization and the choice of linguistic variants. ln: N_ew
W San Diego Academic 213-232

Gregg, R.J. 1973. The diphthongs [Ay] and [Aw] in Scotch- Irish, and Canadian
English in: W 18: 136-145

Joos, Martin. 1942. A phonological dilemma in Canadian English. In: Langaaga, 18:
141-144.

Kenstowicz, Michael. 1994. MW. Blackwell. 17.

Labov, William. 1991. The three dialectsofEnglish. In: Egkert. 1-44.

Labov, William. 1994. Principles of Linguistic Change. In: W
changa. Oxford: Blackwell. 156-200.

Leap, William L. 1993. AmeLiraangjaﬁggﬂah. University of Utah Press.

Nichols, JD, and Earl Nyholm. 1995. W. University of

Minnesota Press.

Peterson, 6., and H. Barney. 1952. Control methods in the study of vowels. In: W
AmusimLSocichQLAmﬂica 24 175-184.

Preston, Dennis R. 1995. W. University of Michigan. September
29, 1995.
Thomas, Erik R. 1991. The origin of Canadian raising in Ontario. In: QanaQaanal

91 Linguﬁlisa'i, 36 (2), June: 147-170.
Woods, Howard B. 1993. An synchronic study of English spoken in Ottawa: is Canadian

English becoming more American? In: W, ed. by Sandra
Clarke: 151-178. Philadelphia, Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

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HIGAN STATE UNI

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