32... or .
”invade“:
c 9.2...
:l :1

(3.51:3
x..:..._.........,....
v.3?
,.

7. .
8399035
. QIJN‘ =1]:

e .
Bu.
.1.»

n1. iv...

#5

a“!
l .‘31;33.£.v5
T . 33:69!) .

.32.. .
.s. e... a... i
74.43%; )5!

.t :

i

..

{2.3.3.er
$1.3:

.. xgl.

I.

.. .
.2730 \t.
.2
1.3.1.. .1
. 3.3.... 1
, Eva... as. - u.

. .
:2,
3.0:: .fiuu
la...\ I):
. . .

 

. . Hu§¢vuufl .HK:

. . . A . l H! .‘ 2-. 2 . l. l . to
. EV .vA. I..> 4.. wit V . vl- l“ U ’7 'JIAQ ‘
F

.31. 57:1, .

  

IlllllallllILHIIHIIIIHIIlllllllllllHllllllllllllllllllll

THE-,5“ l— 293 02048 6332
:7 (,2 LIBERARY
Michigan State
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled
BECOMING AMERI CAN , REMA IN ING ARAB:

HOW THE "HIJABAT" NEGOTIATE LIFE IN TWO WORLDS

presented by

Loukia K. Sarroub

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

 

Ph . D. degree in Educat ion

 

(@3th '

Major professor

Date June 25, 2000

 

MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record.
TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due.
MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested.

DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

207

1A383&&
nfiafime NJ“ $q

 

11m www.mu

BECOMING AMERICAN, REMAINING ARAB:

How THE "HIJABAT" NEGOTIATE LIFE IN TWO WORLDS
By

Loukia K. Sarroub

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Curriculum, Teaching, and Education Policy

2000

ABSTRACT
BECOMING AMERICAN, REMAINING ARAB: HOW THE "HIJABAT"
NEGOTIATE LIFE IN TWO WORLDS
By

Loukia K. Sarroub

I explore expectations for academic and social success at home and at school
among Arab American girls and boys who attend a high school that is struggling to
accommodate a new immigrant population. In the study, I focus on the hij abat, Muslim
girls who cover their heads with scarves. I examine the links between local contexts—the
individual, the classroom, and the home and the broader community, district—and school
enactment of “cultural” accommodation and stabilization. In other words, I investigate
how different ways of “being” (Arab/non-Arab, Yemeni/non-Yemeni, American/non-
American, Muslim/non-Muslim girl, Muslim/non-Muslim boy), as revealed in the
multiple discourses and the contrasting literacy events students encounter in different
settings, intersect and sometimes collide. Within this nexus filled with continuities and
discontinuities, students’ intentions and evolving sense of themselves as successful
cultural agents living between two worlds, home and school, are documented. During
1997-1999, I was immersed in the Yemeni and Arab community in the Detroit area while
conducting ethnographic research. Perhaps the most salient implication of this study is
that key concepts such as success, identity, ethnicity, and gender must be understood as
shifting processes in which the dynamic enactment of culture and religion remain highly

nuanced. Even though the hijabat came from low socioeconomic status homes in which

the parents were predominantly print-illiterate, they still succeeded academically and
maintained relatively high grade point averages at school. Another implication drawn
from this study is that the Yemeni American immigrant relationship to Cobb High School
runs counter to the common sense view of "non-mainstream" cultures and public schools
in general. Previous research cited above on immigrant and minority populations in the
US has shown that schools historically have resisted adapting to the needs of their new
"non-mainstream" populations and have not, in general, embraced the notion of multi-
cultural curricula. The process of accommodation remains ongoing and illustrates that
schools, when need be, can reform both formal and informal curricula in order to meet
the needs of all students. School, however, was not a uniformly liberating experience for
the hijabat. Home and school worlds sometimes collided. The hij abat's interactive
performances and use of language as students, girls, Muslims, Yemeni American
daughters, sisters, and wives were all context dependent and highly variable, and that
variability in identity impacted their social and academic lives. The high school itself, as
an institution, remained highly fragmented because teachers, administrators, and parents'
visions for schooling and education differed. At times, the school actually reinforced the
hijabat's gendered and religious identities, which could be construed as less than
liberating. By describing both the unusual and mundane, by tabulating grade point
averages across two years, by conducting interviews and observations, and by
synthesizing emerging patterns across contexts and the published literature, especially
relevant studies done in Europe and the US, this dissertation attempts to contribute to our
knowledge about the intersections of education and religion, home and school worlds,

and immigrant students and their teachers.

Cepyn'ght by
Loukia K. Sarroub
2000

To MY FAMILY
IN ALGERIA, GREECE, AND THE UNITED STATES

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The writing of this dissertation was not a solitary activity. The dissertation has
benefited greatly from interaction with various people whose support was generous and
thoughtful. Chief among them is P. David Pearson, my advisor and mentor. There are
really no words to express the depth of my appreciation and gratitude for a scholar and
person, whose wit, intellectual acumen, and generosity of spirit made my years as a
graduate student such a profoundly satisfying learning experience. P. David was an
excellent editor and teacher who encouraged inquiry. From him, I learned how to do
school-based research in literacy, to develop productive relationships with school
teachers and students, and to be a thoughtful member of a professional community of
scholars. Along the way, he taught me to be myself, a lesson that any aspiring researcher
should remember. I will be eternally grateful to P. David for sharing with me what he
knows about literacy studies and for welcoming my ideas and guiding me through
various research projects, including this dissertation.

Many thanks go to my dissertation committee, a group of outstanding scholars
whose research and coursework shaped my thinking over the course of my Ph. D. years.
David F. Labaree influenced my own writing tremendously with his work in the
sociology and history of education. To him, I owe a special thanks for showing me how
to think more incisively about my arguments and to see the logic behind them. Also, as
one of my Spencer mentors, along with P. David Pearson, David Labaree guided my
research experience in the field. I will always be appreciative of his down-to-earth
approach in helping me get an "angle" when data seemed, at first glance, too

overwhelming.

vi

To Susan Florio-Ruane, I give thanks for guiding me in understanding the
connection between anthropology and education, teachers and professional development.
She recognized my passion for the disciplines of cultural anthropology and
sociolinguistics and urged me to read, read, read. Importantly, Susan showed me how
beautiful expressive writing can be in academia and that research is an art. From her, I
learned how to do discourse analysis in classrooms and how to think about teacher and
student talk and interaction. I will always be grateful for our long conversations and e-
mail correspondence over the years.

Lynn Paine is among the very best teachers. As one of my first instructors in the
Ph. D. program, she introduced me to the field of comparative education and made me
reflect on the relationship between gender and schooling. Her research on Chinese
schools, teachers, and students helped me develop my own research project from a
comparative perspective within the US. Lynn always asked insightful questions which
got to the heart of the matter. From her, I learned to read a variety of international
perspectives. I am grateful to have been one of her students.

To Anna Neuman, I owe much. Anna introduced me to phenomenological theory
in education and to feminist educational epistemologies. She reinforced the notion that
identity, and particularly women's identity development, is shaped by alternative ways of
being both at personal and professional levels. From Anna, I learned the value of doing
ethical research and writing "from the data" in ways which made the story I tell clear and
insightful. I will always be grateful to Anna for her detailed responses to my work and

for our engaging conversations.

vii

While I was in the field from 1997-1999, I was fortunate to meet and get to know
Diane Denaro Frank and Dahan Al-Naj j ar. Diane was my main contact to the Yemeni
community. Her enthusiastic support of my research along with her knowledge of the
community made this dissertation possible. I am indebted to her for her thoughtful
feedback throughout my fieldwork and writing. I thank Dahan for graciously sharing his
experiences in Yemen and in the US. He provided a much-needed male perspective as I
navigated my own relationships with various people in the Yemeni and Yemeni
American community.

A very special thanks goes to Karla Bellingar, a good friend. Karla assisted me in
the transcription of audio tapes and kept me connected to campus life regardless of where
my fieldwork and other projects took me. I cannot say enough about her thoughtfulness
and kindness. I also thank three loyal friends, Joan Hughes, Paul Conway, and Patricia
Edwards. I am grateful to have had the opportunity to share my graduate student years
with Joan and Paul. Throughout, each was supportive and a great deal of fun. Patricia
Edwards was a fantastic person to know. I will always appreciate her advice for
negotiating the academic profession and her honesty and dedication to learning.

I wish to thank the Arab Community Center for Economic and Social Services.
They generously provided invaluable information about the Arab American community
in southeastern Michigan and in the US. My work was made all the easier because of
their support.

I am particularly grateful to the Spencer Foundation and to the College of
Education at Michigan State University. Their grant support enabled me to do extensive

research in the field. Importantly, I appreciate the support of the MSU/ Spencer RTG

viii

faculty mentors and students who provided a wonderful community within which to
present my work. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the College of Education at MSU for
providing various fellowships during both coursework and dissertation research years. In
addition, I thank the Graduate School at Michigan State for awarding me a Dissertation
Completion Fellowship. This helped me finish writing the dissertation in a timely
fashion.

Of significant help was the Michigan State Library Distance Learning Services. I
am grateful to the personnel who sent me all the journal articles and books I requested
on-line while in the field and when I was writing away from campus. I could not have
written the dissertation without their efficient help.

A heartfelt thanks goes to my parents, Abdelkader and Georgia Sarroub. They
deserve much of the credit for my work. They instilled in me a strong work ethic for
which I will always be grateful. Their constant encouragement and support has been life-
long. I cannot imagine a better world without them in it. I am also grateful for having
Nina Sarroub Boyd, my sister, and her husband, Chris Boyd, in my life. My
conversations with them about their teaching experiences enriched my own teaching and
learning.

My husband, James D. Le Sueur, is an inspiration to me. His energy and
dedication to his work has had a tremendous vitalizing impact on my work. He has been
the perfect intellectual companion, both patient and impatient, encouraging and critical. I
will always appreciate the conversations we had, on and off e-mail. I am thankful for his

insights as I shared my dissertation with him.

ix

The people who deserve my deepest gratitude are the "hijabat" and their families,
their teachers and administrators, and their school district personnel. I wish I could show
my appreciation by recognizing each individual here, but anonymity was promised. The
hijabat welcomed me into their home, community, and school lives, and there are not
enough ways to express my respect and admiration for them. I learned so much from the
hij abat and will always be gratefiJl that my research brought us together. I am also
deeply obliged to Cobb High School (pseudonym) for allowing me access to conduct my
research and for all the professional courtesy they demonstrated. I have become a better

researcher because of them.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
Being American, Being Yemeni: Un-covering a Predicatrnent

Finding Meaning Behind Success
Research Questions

The Hij abat

The Structure of the Study

Why an Ethnography?

ONE
Between Honor and Shame: The Sojourner Experience of Yemeni
American High School Students

Making Space in America

The Influence of Yemeni Spaces in the US
The Case of Layla: A Representative Portrait
Conclusion

TWO
Classroom as Oasis: The Spaces that Count

The Cafeteria
The Hallways
Classroom as Oasis

THREE
"In-betweeness": Religion and Conflicting Visions of Literacy

Hidden Texts in School
Music: The Text of Parties
Muhathara

Arabic School

Conclusion

FOUR
The Tensions Teachers Face: How Edward Fine Accommodates a
Yemeni Muslim Community

Formal Accommodation in Historical Context
Teachers and Administrators' Perceptions of the
Accommodations Process

Faculty Accommodations

xi

10
20
25
26

30

32
37
42
63

66
69
73
77
85
88
97
107

115
123

125

126

136
144

Accommodating Friday Prayer
Accommodating Dress
Conclusion

FIVE
From Aspiration to Desperation: Living in Ambiguity

The All-important GPA
The Power of the Curse
Fatalistic and Depressed
Desperate and Living in Ambiguity

CONCLUSION
Implications

REFLECTION
The Role of a Non-threatening Presence

A Non-threatening Presence
The Quest for a Mailbox: Becoming an Insider
The Limitations of Being a Woman at a Yemeni Funeral

APPENDIX A
Methods

Selection of Participants
Data Collection
Data Analysis Procedures

APPENDIX B
Plan of Action

APPENDIX C
Absences for Religious Holidays and Instruction

APPENDIX D
Consent Forms and Interview Protocols

REFERENCES

xii

157
159
161
164
165
169

171
174

177

180
181
183
184
187
189

190
192

195

200

201

212

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: The six high school hijabat 21

Table 2: Class of 2000 mean GPA's 166

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: The Southend
Figure 2: Cafeteria

Figure 3: Classroom Phase 1
Figure 4: Classroom Phase 2

Figure 5: Wedding Invitation

xiv

49

7O

78

79

104

INTRODUCTION

Being American, Being Yemeni: Un-covering a Predicament

Okay, in their eyes, it means you be quiet, you listen, you obey

and you go through, you listen to what we say, regardless, because we

know what's best for you. Okay, in my eyes, it's not. It's you take what

they say into consideration but you also see your own views. You try to,

you have to make the decision on your own. You have to go beyond just

what they say, what they're demanding and look at it and look at what you

want, how do you see it, how do you feel about it, what is the best

outcome for you. Because you know yourself best. . . .For me, see, I

consider everything in an Islamic point of view. And being Yemeni, that's

basically, you listen to what they say. Being Americanized is the fact that

you can stand up and say "no," you know. This is what I want. And this

is the reason why I want this (Interview, 10/29/98).

Saba's hands and fingers punctuated each thought as she spoke with the slight
staccato which is characteristic of English speech influenced by Arabic. Except for her
face and hands, Saba's body was completely covered as she sat across from me, explaining
how difiicult it is to construct an identity which makes sense in the American and Yemeni
worlds she inhabits. This was not the first of our conversations on this topic, but it was
the most emotional. Saba was tired, stressed to a breaking point, and depressed. Yet she
shared her thoughts with me freely as the audio recorder blinked after each pause,
recording not only her words, but the strain of her efl‘orts to make sense of her life. As I
listened and responded to her comments, I thought of the other Yemeni American girls
with whom I had talked. All of them felt the same optimism and desperation Saba

expressed; all of them were attempting to reconcile the American lives they experienced at

school with the Yemeni lives they knew at home; all of them. wanted to succeed at being

good students and good daughters and wives; and, all of them felt as if they were failing at
being both American and Yemeni. They each feared the risk of becoming less than " good
Muslim women."

In this dissertation, I explore how the Yemeni American girls negotiate their home
and school worlds successfully. By school world, I mean their involvement with their
public school and school district as institutions, their social relationships to teachers and
peers, and their academic interaction with subject content, their peers, and their teachers.
I designate home world as much more than the physical space of a house in which the
girls have a home. Not only is home a space but it is a set of relationships and ideas
which fulfill a different set of expectations than those of school. The home world might
mean living with parents and/or a husband and extended family, or it might simply mean
the firture possibility of a new home either in their US community or in Yemen.
Importantly, home is really what the Yemeni American girls envision it to be and how
they perceive its connection to school.

I explore expectations for success at home and at school in order to better
understand the girls' lives as public school students, daughters of immigrant parents,
sisters to their "more important" male siblings, and members of American society.
Specifically, I examine the links between local contexts such as the individual, the
classroom, and the home. Also, I examine the broader community, district, and school
enactment of “cultur ” accommodation and stabilization. In other words, I investigate

closely how multiple discourses as cultural phenomena at home and school intersect and

sometimes collide with the students’ intentions and evolving sense of themselves as

cultural agents between two worlds, home and school.

- F indingMecming Behind Success

In this ethnography I focus on the notion of success—what it means for Yemeni
American girls such as Saba to successfully negotiate home and school worlds—in order
to delineate the various players' (teachers, parents, students) expectations for success in
the worlds of home and school. In American public schools, academic performance and
social adjustment have been important defining factors of school success. Normative
definitions of success such as academic achievement, learning, and GPA have all in one
way or another guided students, teachers, and parents in formulating what is expected of
students during any given school day in any given year. However, the idea of success
becomes more complex when it is woven into a fabric created out of the threads of
cultural, religious, linguistic, geographical, national, and even personal forces. For
instance, with regard to immigrants, Gibson (Gibson and Ogbu 1991) suggests that
“...theories of success and attitudes about the value of formal education have their roots in
well-defined cultural processes predating migration” (p. 64). In other words, folk and
personal theories of success are as important in the construction of individual and
communal identities within traditional boundaries as they might be in promoting
socioeconomic mobility, a broader and more general goal shared by many people
regardless of ethnicity, gender, religion, or color. Therefore, examining and defining the

intersection of home and school expectations for success is one way of categorically

establishing the relationships which govern dispositions, language use, social adjustment,
and self-actualization among the Yemeni American high school girls.

Culture is intimately tied to people's conceptions of successfully negotiating home
and school worlds. Culture is also a lens for lending significance to human experience
because it refers broadly to the ways in which people make sense of their lives. Florio-
Ruane (1998) has noted five prevailing notions of culture in the social sciences. She
suggests that these rather static conceptions of culture have been the basis of much
educational research on immigrant and minority population and should be re-examined.

1. Cultures are unique; bounded groups often stand in conflict of one another.

2. Culture is passed on from one generation to generation.

3. Immigrants have much in common in terms of "static stock of cultural artifacts."

4. The worth of or value of the past sets of cultural practices is measured by the
economic success of groups holding these practices.

5. When cultural groups fail to succeed economically, this failure is perceived as due to
inadequacies of their values, traditions, and cultural practices.

While these prevailing conceptions of culture are misleading (if not incorrect), they do

inadvertently show that there is very little in them that addresses the roles of individuals

and the development of identity in different contexts. In the preface to his book, Rosaldo

(1993) points out that "questions of culture seem to touch a nerve because they quite

quickly become anguished questions of identity" (p. xxi). Saba's comments above about

what it means to be American or Yemeni gets at the heart of cultural identity and its

politics.

Salient notions of culture have been advanced in various fields and disciplines and
have become all the more complex and nuanced. In anthropology, for instance, Ogbu
(1988) has defined culture as “a way of life shared by a population. It is the social,
technoeconomic, and psychological adaptation worked out in the course of a people’s
history. [It] includes customs or institutionalized public behaviors as well as thoughts and
emotions that accompany and support those behaviors” (p. 11). Culture, as Ogbu
describes it, is indexed by artifacts that have symbolic meaning for a population, and the
imperatives of culture include people’s economic, political, religiOus, and social
institutions, such as schools.

Bourdieu (1977) states that the process of education and schooling becomes “the
production of the habitus, that system of dispositions which acts as a mediation between
structures and practice” (p. 487). In other words, culture is both historical action and the
present enactment of that history, and the habitus enables the cultural process as Ogbu
has defined it. Enactment (and perhaps the intention or un-intentioned reproduction) of
one’s past (traditions, customs, etc.) is mediated by both behavior and discourse, which
can either be an adaptation to or artifact of culture. AS will be illustrated within the
Yemeni context, past and present are not easily differentiated, since this community
continues to live much as they did in Yemen, while the girls continually attempt to
successfully adapt to American life at school and Yemeni life at home. Also, the Yemeni
American girls show us that classroom life may be surprisingly liberating because the
habitus within which gender roles as they are part of the girls' ethnic identity matter less

than does school talk. In other words, it is because school talk ofien rules out students'

non-school discourses that problems of identity arise. In this dissertation, it is precisely
the educational "culturalectomy" phenomenon that seems to open new possible identities
for young women.1

More dynamic conceptions of culture embody the development of identity, which
is instrumental in understanding how the Yemeni American girls understand themselves at
home and school. Taylor's (1996) phenomenological view directs attention to the self,
how the self ascertains how s/he identifies with the world and thus forms an identity:

To know who I am is a species of knowing where I stand. My identity is

defined by the commitments and identifications which provide the frame

or horizon within which I can try to determine from case to case what is

good, or valuable, or what ought to be done, or what I endorse or oppose.

In other words, it is the horizon within which I am capable of taking a

stand (p. 27).
According to Taylor, identity formation is an ongoing and shifting process, dependent on
social, historical and cultural contexts. This view, which is less static than that of Ogbu
or Bourdieu and Passeron acknowledges that the self is not tightly time to time or place,
and perhaps, it is not tied to status and role, which are negotiated and can shift with
situation. Raissiguier (1994), whose research focuses on Arab and French working class
women in France, has a particularly germane definition of identity: “[it is the] product of
an individual or a group of individuals’ interpretation and reconstruction of their personal
history and particular social location, as mediated through the cultural and discursive

context to which they have access” (p. 26). Thus, it can be argued that the process of

identity formation is one of socialization as one gains access to social institutions such as

 

‘ I owe this insight to Susan Florio-Ruane.

family or school, but it also means that rules can be suspended and that the notion of self
shifts with time and location. Taken literally, the modern dictionary definition of
socialization implies a coercive force whereby individuals must often conform to the
common needs of a social group. However, in a different light, it can also be argued, as
Bernstein (1977) has done, that socialization creates a safe place for people. He
understands the process of socialization to mean a child's acquisition of a specific cultural
identity that becomes a standard which he or she uses to respond to events, actions, and
other individuals: “Socialization sensitizes the child to various orderings of society as
these are made substantive in the various roles he is expected to play” (p. 476). What
happens when a child is socialized in multiple cultures? Does identity become fragmented
according to context (home, school, and community)? And, do conceptions of the self also
reflect this fragmentation as students remain Yemeni while becoming American?2 As
these questions suggest, success may be somewhat dependent on the successful
realization of expected selves (or identities) at school, at home, and in the community.
Equally important in the development of identity and its relationship to notions
of success is the idea that identity and/or expressions of the self are rooted both in history
and in ideology and are often expressed through one’s ethnicity. di Leonardo (1984)
defines ethnicity as “a phenomenon of state societies, involving the labeling, fiom within

or without of particular populations as somehow different from the majority” (p. 23).

 

2 Kondo (1990) explores the notion of fragmentation of the self in the Japanese family and in a Japanese
company. As a Japanese American in Japan, she writes about the collapse of her identity in her
collaboration with informants and as both ‘other,’ someone who is American and someone who is the
same in the sense that she looks like the informants.

She argues that the labeling itself, as a cultural process, is crucial to the construction of
identity and ethnicity as groups interact economically and politically. Her work on Italian
Americans showed that it matters where Italians came from, when and why they left,
where they went, and how newcomers were received on the basis of economic and social
conditions. Ethnicity, in this view, is both cognitive and economic, and as the economy
changes, so do ethnic boundaries and ideologies. In the case of the Yemeni as an ethnic
group, there is no question that history and economy impact their world view with regard
to life in the US and expectations for success at school and at home. As Gordon (1964)
comments,

Within ethnic groups, persons have two types of identification that

operate simultaneously: historical identification -- a sense of peoplehood

shared with other group members -- and participation identification -- a

sense of primary identification with an ethnic group with whom one shares

values and behavioral patterns. Primary relationships are normally

confined to persons who share both these identifications, persons of the

same ethclass, since values and behavior tend to be related both by class

and ethnicity (pp. 89-90).
Again, it is clear that identity formation within culture is the enactment of both the past
and the present. Identity, then, is dynamic, not static. As di Leonardo suggests,
“Focusing on ethnic boundaries rooted in economic and historical processes allows us
instead to see that all of daily life, not just family life, is part of the construction and
reconstruction of ethnic identities” (p. 24). For example, she found that gender identity as

well as religious belief changed over generations in the Italian American families she

studied.

The definitional parameters of success—culture, identity, and ethnicity—illustrate
the complicated and complex worlds the Yemeni American girls inhabit between home and
school. As this is a study which focuses on girls, gender is also a significant concept and
analytic tool for understanding Saba and her peers. Gender identification is an important
aspect of Yemeni and American cultures, and as such, it is consequential to identity and
ethnic formation. Woods and Hammersley (1993), have suggested that it is critical for
ethnographers in education to explore the connections between ethnicity and gender rather
than rely solely on social class characteristics. El-Or’s (1994) work on ultra-Orthodox
Jewish women, for example, focuses on the intersection of religion and education and
explains the struggles these women face as educated people who are also ignorant within
their world. Peggy Finder's (1997) work around the literacy events of young adolescent
girls characterizes the girls' literate world as constituting both the oficial school literacy
events and the "literate underlife." Amira Proweller's (1998) examines the identity
formation processes among a group of upper middle-class adolescent girls in a private,
elite academy. These are ethnographies in which the study of identity is delimited in
unusual ways and gendered practices are strongly influenced by school life, religion,
ethnicity, and language. The representation of gender today is problematic, especially if
and when gender itself becomes an objectified category of socialization within academic
and education discourse (Connel 198’7; Thome 1997). I maintain that gender is a rather
fluid category which cannot easily be demarcated or objectified because it is indexed by
talk, interaction, ethnicity, and in the case of the Yemeni American girls, by religion. In

many ways, the Yemeni American girls in this study are "triangulators" of identity and in

so being, culture is enacted in the in-between spaces they occupy in their home and
school worlds.

One aim of this dissertation is to argue that these broad concepts described above
must be considered together as factors which can help shed some light on the continuities

and discontinuities that may exist between home and school.

Research Questions

In light of the continuities and discontinuities that may exist among school,
community, and home, for Yemeni Americans, I asked the following questions in
analyzing data collected during two years of fieldwork, 1997-1999:

0 What are the expectations for success at school and home among Muslim
Yemeni American students?

0 How do the girls negotiate the various expectations around them?

0 In light of the cultural and/or religious discontinuities that may exist between
home and school, how do Yemeni American students make sense of their
identities in those contexts?

0 How do the girls develop their identities, between home and
school, in a Yemeni and American community?

0 What role does gender play in the enactment of cultural norms at home and
school?

0 How do ethnicity, religion, and socioeconomic standing influence expectations
for success at home and school?
0 How are these expectations (fiom parents, teachers, peers)
communicated to the girls?
0 And, how then do they respond?
9 How does the school perceive and accommodate cultural and religious
differences among its students?
0 How do teachers view their pedagogical roles with regard to these
students?

10

0 And, what impact do school and teacher accommodations have on
the students?

The five research questions serve as broad, tangible guides. They allow an
interdisciplinary approach, and they also reinforce the idea that school and home cultural
processes exist and interact in larger contextual arenas. As di Leonardo (1984) suggests,
contextualizing identity historically and politically allows for a more dynamic view of the
cultural processes that occur as ethnic groups interact with others, themselves, and the
institutions they inhabit. In writing an ethnography of California Italian-Americans, di
Leonardo examined the varieties of ethnicity among this population by studying the
interrelations among ethnicity, economy, kinship, and gender in order to disprove the idea
of a single homogeneous ethnic culture.3 In much the same way, I examine closely, within
the broader definitional parameters described above, the relationships that exist among
gender, religion, socioeconomic standing, identity, and discourse within the Yemeni
population and in particular, among a small number of students and their families, in order
to delineate expectations for success at home and school.

I draw mainly from three interdisciplinary perspectives—sociolinguistics, cultural
anthropology, and sociology—to explain the relationships and connections among the
contexts of school, community, and home. A sociolinguistic perspective is USCfiJl in

unmasking the notion of ‘culture’ as discourse (Gee 1989; Gofi‘man 1959; 1981).4 This

 

3 Other pertinent work on immigrant communities in the United States and Europe include Grafl‘ 1995;
Haw and Hanifa 1998; Lewis 1994; Perlmann 1988; Portes and Rumbaut 1996.

‘ Sawyer (Forthcoming) suggests that the use of "discourse" as an intellectual concept is problematic in its
origins and its use in various academic disciplines. I use it here as a broad concept to denote ways of being
which encompass talk, action, and performance.

11

frame of reference is especially helpful in delineating the contextual uses of texts and
language among the Yemeni American students. For example, the use of Arabic in school
serves important functional and religious purposes as students attempt to maintain dual
identities. It is not clear, however, whether cultural differences in communication style
between home and school have a direct cause and effect relationship on school
achievement (Erickson 1987). While in the field, I observed that communication style (the
discourses used) is important in making social adjustments within the school setting and,
in particular, in the classroom but not necessarily in academic performance. For these
students, social success in school (behaving appropriately according to cultural and
religious traditions) is as important as academic achievement because the enactment of
appropriate social mores in and out of school determines status as well as degrees of
shame and honor.

One example of the enactment of language and cultural competencies that cuts
across socioeconomic background and ethnicity in schools comes from Luis Moll’s Funds
of Knowledge project within working class Latino populations and their experiences with
non-Latino teachers (M011 1992; M011 et a1. 1992; M011 and Gonzalez 1994). Moll
(1992) defines fimds of knowledge as “the historically accumulated and culturally
developed bodies of knowledge and skills essential for household or individual functioning
and well-being” (p. 133). The ‘firnds of knowledge’ perspective acknowledges that social
class can be an impediment to or a catalyst of learning and achievement. However, “the
essential cultural practices and bodies of knowledge and information that households use

to survive, to get ahead, or to thrive” (Moll 1992, p. 21) are part of wider social networks

12

and are required by diverse labor markets. In other words, Moll suggests that if schools
could find a way to explicitly privilege cultural tools of minority populations, the range of
students who could rely on cultural knowledge to engage in successfirl school practices
would be expanded. Therefore, schools and teachers would do well to become familiar
with these fiJnds of knowledge simply because they represent “a potential major social
and intellectual resource for the schools” (p. 22). Moll’s research illustrates that when
schools make attempts to understand the underlying social, cultural, and language
networks of the populations they service, it is more likely that there will be congruence
between what and how content is taught and students’ ability to learn, thus broadening
the definitions of privileged cultures and tools to include more than just social class
distinctions.

An example of this, although not representative of the ‘fimds of knowledge’
perspective, comes from a study in which the researchers observed that there was a
mismatch between the teacher’s expectations for classroom behavior and her students’
(who were Italian Americans) knowledge of the required norms for proper behavior
(Shultz, Florio, and Erickson 1982). Shultz and his colleagues found that although the
students’ social etiquette was perfectly acceptable at home, it did not meet the
expectations of the classroom. They concluded that teachers and researchers need to
“understand more fiilly children’s socialization into communicative traditions at home and
at school, traditions that may be mutually congruent or incongruent” (p. 91). It is clear
that researchers who have studied the impact of home cultures and social class on success

at home and in school, have concluded that although socioeconomic standing is a useful

13

tool, it does not always explain how individuals learn, produce knowledge, and sustain
cultural and/or social identities in multiple worlds. Heath (1983), for example, showed
that the complex language socialization process is "more powerful than single-factor
explanations accounting for academic success" (p. 344).

From cultural anthropology, I draw on Ogbu’s (1982; 1993) cultural-ecological
model, which maintains that child rearing in the family and subsequent adolescent
socialization aim at developing instrumental competencies—defined as “the ability to
perform a culturally specific task, or a set of fimctional or instrumental skills”—required
for adult economic, political, and social roles. Cultural imperatives vary from one
population to another as do the required competencies. Within this model, Ogbu takes
issue with views of human development which assume that a child’s later school success
depends on the acquisition of white-middle class competencies (and sources of cultural
capital) through white middle-class child-rearing practices (see Gibson and Ogbu 1991).
He argues that all children experience an “initial discontinuity between home and school in
language use, contextual learning, and style of learning.” A central distinction in Ogbu’s
(1997) account is between voluntary and involuntary minorities. Voluntary minorities are
immigrants who “have generally moved to their present societies because they believed
that the move would lead to more economic well-being, better overall opportunities or
greater political freedom” (p. 317). Involuntary minorities, on the other hand, were
brought to the present society through conquest or colonization.

Ogbu further differentiates among primary and secondary cultural differences.

Primary cultural differences are those that existed before two populations came into

14

contact, while secondary ones are those arising after two populations have been in
continuous contact and the minority population has participated in the institutions
controlled by the majority. Basically, Ogbu argues that involuntary minorities face
cultural difl’erences based on style whereas voluntary minorities face differences in
content. This means that voluntary minorities or immigrants “perceive their social
identity as primarily dtflerent from the social identity of white Americans” (p. 323 ), and
involuntary minorities “develop a new sense of social identity in opposition to the social
identity of the dominant group after they have been subordinated.” Ogbu argues that
“immigrants see the cultural diflerences as barriers to overcome in order to achieve their
long-range goals of firture employment and not as markers of identity to be maintained”
(p. 327). Gibson (1988) calls this strategy “accommodation and acculturation without
assimilation.” In her study of Punjabi Sikh immigrants, she found that although they are
proud to be Americans, they "openly and actively reject the notion that Americanization
means giving up their separate identity (p. 24). Involuntary minorities, however, and
according to Ogbu’s model, perceive cultural differences “they encounter in school as
markers of identity to be maintained, not as barriers to be overcome” (p. 331). The
cultural-ecological model is usefiil in assessing what competencies are expected among the
Yemeni American girls in the contexts of home, school, and community, and how those
competencies will influence future success at work and home. However, Ogbu’s model
has come under criticism recently on the grounds that it not universally applicable.
Although Ogbu’s typology is usefirl, it falls short in explaining that primary

cultural differences can become charged with political meanings in present situations and

15

actually cause conflict. For example, Elderling and Van Zantan (Eldering 1997; Van
Zantan 1997) found that European girls of Arab descent who wore the hijab (head
scarves) were stigmatized and told to go home by school officials. “The critical factor for
the Muslim students seems not to be the origin of the differences —— but rather that the
differences are viewed as markers of identity” (Gibson 1997). In the case of the Yemeni
Americans, they exhibit tendencies that would characterize them as both voluntary and
involuntary minorities, and as I explain in chapter one, many families are really sojourners
who live two lives, one in the US and a second in Yemen. Furthermore, Ogbu’s model
does not account for how gender shapes student identity at home and school and with
regard to social and academic performance. In the Yemeni culture, for instance, gender is
decidedly a fundamental aspect of social differentiation and must be addressed, especially
if school represents a form of liberation as it does for young Muslim girls in Europe and
for the Yemeni American girls in this study. In addition, perhaps the most interesting
finding in the literature on minority populations is that these students do better in school
“when they feel strongly anchored in the identities of their families, communities, and
peers and when they feel supported in pursuing a strategy of selective or additive
acculturation” (Gibson 1997, p. 445). This is important because it may explain why
students who come fi'om working class families in which the parents (and usually the
mother) are semi-literate or illiterate, still perform well, sometimes outperforming the

majority population in the school. Finally, Ogbu's model seriously under-conceptualizes

l6

the power of curriculum and teachers.’ As the Moll's "fimds of knowledge" research
shows, and as the evidence I present in chapter four suggests, schools and teachers have
an immense impact on student engagement and achievement in school. Schools and
teachers are often the catalysts needed to change students' fixtures and fiJture
competencies.

From the literature in sociology, I draw on relevant theories relating to social and
cultural capital because school performance has ofien been linked to them. Cultural
capital, according to Bourdieu (1986) exists in three forms: the embodied state
(dispositions of the mind and body; in the objectified state (cultural goods such as books,
pictures, instruments, dictionaries, machines, etc.) and the institutionalized state
(academic qualifications which give the holder a conventional, constant, legally guaranteed
value with respect to culture). Bourdieu (Bourdieu and Passeron 1997/ 1990) maintains
that his theory of cultural reproduction “sought to propose a model of the social
mediations and processes which tend, behind the backs of the agents engaged in the school
system—teacher's, students and their parents—and often against their will, to ensure the
transmission of cultural capital across generations and to stamp pre-existing differences in
inherited cultural capital with a meritocratic seal of academic consecration by virtue of the
special symbolic potency of the [credential]” (p. ix). In other words and according to this
argument, school knowledge and the values transmitted within the institution are more

legitimate in society than pre-existing home knowledge and values. In accordance with the

 

’ I owe this insight to Susan Florio-Ruane during a personal telephone conversation on January 23, 2000.

17

notion of stamping out preexisting differences, Bourdieu & Passeron (1977/ 1990) have
suggested that “every power which manages to impose meanings and to impose them as
legitimate by concealing the power relations which are the basis of its force, adds its own
specifically symbolic force to those power relations” (p. xv).6 This theory, then,
espouses the idea that widely held norms for success, norms which are imposed by
schools, are the most meaningfirl economically and culturally. In contrast to Ogbu’s
theory of cultural-ecology, which accounts for different types of minorities and different
types of cultural discontinuities between home and school that are not solely class-based,
Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory instantiates social class as the key factor of success in
school. Bourdieu (1977) argues that social class provides individuals with high status
roles with the resources to maintain positions of power in society. The home and family
contribute certain resources, such as language (and forms of discourse) and other types of
cultural experiences which are either in line with or deviate from the rniddle—class values
schools embody. As Labaree (1997) observes, individuals from low socio-economic
backgrounds aim at upward social mobility by using school as a necessary credential for
status positions in society. However, according to cultural capital theory, upward
mobility and the acquisition of credentials are controlled by one’s ability to adopt and
enact middle-class values, discourse, and dispositions. In other words, some social class

ideologies are better suited to schools than others.

 

6 Although Bourdieu and Passeron’s work has been applied across many contexts, it is important to
remember that it is largely based on the education aims of Republican France and may not apply in many
situations in the United States.

18

For example, in her work on social class and its relationship to parent involvement
in schools, Lareau (1989) maintains that the relationship between working class families
and schools is characterized by separation (parents and students think of school and
education as a job which stops when the children arrive home). The relationship that
middle-to—upper middle class families have with schools is characterized by
interconnectedness, such that the business of school and education is an ongoing endeavor
in everyday home life. Meanwhile, schools are thought to accept, reproduce, and reflect
societal hierarchies. This was corroborated earlier by Bowles and Gintes (1976) who
suggested that schools are class-based institutions which often reproduce the advantages
and deficits of class-based consciousness and knowledge. Deterministic in nature, Bowles
and Gintes’ argument proposed a one-to-one relationship between schools and societal
structures, such as the home. Fortunately, this may not really be representative of the
levels of congruence and discontinuity between home and school environments. In fact,
the main thrust of Lareau’s argument is that although cultural capital theory improves
upon other existing explanations of why middle-class families seem to be more involved in
school than working-class families, it needs to be modified if it is to explain that in fact,
“possession of high status cultural resources does not automatically yield a social profit
[unless] these cultural resources are activated by the individual” (p. 10). In other words,
social class is a potent and at times an accurate predictor of student success in schools,
but it may not always account for the enactment of competencies which can cut across

social class barriers.

l9

Although cultural reproduction theory provides a strong framework for what
schools expect from students in the context of national and/or societal goals, it does not
necessarily address the realities of schools and teachers’ accommodation of students’
differences whether they be cultural, religious, gender specific, etc, (Cumrnins 1997;
Eisikovits 1997; Eldering 1997; Gibson 1997; Gillborn 1997). Ifcultural reproduction is
viewed mainly as a recursive event, it is challenged by students who have virtually little
cultural and/or social capital seem to be meeting and reaching beyond expectations for
academic success at school. In the chapters which follow, I document the religious and
cultural traditions that are in fact reproduced and reconstructed within the Yemeni family,
and by the girls, and then explore their impact on social and academic performance in the
school setting. The evidence will suggest that cultural tools and traditions may have little
bearing on learning and achievement but may serve the purpose of easing cultural or

religious tensions as home and school worlds collide.

The Hijabat
As I stated above, the narrative which follows focuses on six Yemeni American
high school girls.7 I met these girls at the community center in a suburb of Detroit and

followed them in and out of school and home for two years. They all wore the hijab

(head scarf) and were therefore called hijabat (the plural feminine noun denoting those

 

7 In addition to the six high school informants, I got to know and interviewed two Yemeni American
young women, Mariam and Sabrina, who attended college. They introduced me to some the high school
girls and provided support and answered questions about the community. I also interviewed two high

20

who wear the scarf) by other Arab Americans in the community and in their school. In
Table 1 below, I list the girls' names, grade levels during 1997-1999, and their level of
achievement in school. High achiever denotes a grade point average of 3 .5 or above; above
average means a grade point average between 3.0 and 3.5; average denotes a grade-point of

3.0; below average denotes a grade point average of 2.0 or below.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nadya (Grades 9 and 10) Below average-average
Aisha (Grades 10 and 11) High achiever

Layla (Grade 10 and 11) Average

Nouria (Grades 10 and 11) Average

Saba (Grades 11 and 12) Above average

Amani (Grades 11 and 12) Above Average

 

 

Table l: The six high school hijabat

Throughout the chapters, these girls' personalities emerge as highly individualized voices
who, as Brown and Gilligan (1992) suggest in their study of adolescent girls, find
themselves at a crossroads of girlhood and womanhood. The hijabat's individualized
voices merge and blend into one story about a group of people whose history, ethnicity,
religion, school and home lives, and gender delineate social and physical boundaries.
Nadya was a ninth and tenth grader who was characterized by her teachers as

having "a lot of potential if only she could settle down." She enjoyed socializing in school

 

school boys, Fateh and Malek, from the Yemeni community. Please see Appendix A for more information
concerning fieldwork, data collection, and analysis.

21

 

and her school counselor suspected this was so because there were cultural and social
constraints in the Yemeni community and at home. Nadya hated to clean and cook at
home and knew that her older sister would do her chores. Nadya’s parents were carefirl
not to ask her to do too much because she had had a seizure once which fiightened her
family. So, unlike most of the hijabat, Nadya was often excused from her chores, until
her sister was married and moved out of the house.

Aisha-was called "very sweet" by all of her fiiends. She was quiet and rarely
spoke. An exceedingly bright student, Aisha dreamed of going to college when I knew her
as a tenth and eleventh grader. She tutored at the community center near her home until
her parents no longer allowed her to work there. She helped her parents manage their
finances and paid the bills. Her biggest worry was whether she would be able to stay in
school because her parents wanted to send her to Yemen to many as her sister had done
when she was fifteen. Aisha was afi'aid to marry one of her cousins because her parents
were first cousins, and she worried that there would be phenotypic aberrations, such a
missing limbs or blindness. She worried all the time about school and her grades and often
changed her classes to be with other hijabat.

Layla was the most outgoing and talkative of the hijabat. She identified strongly
with her mother who grew up among the British when South Yemen was a colony. Layla
thought that her mother was more open-minded than most of her friends' mothers. Like
many of the hijabat, Layla wanted to cut her long hair short and go to college. She kept
her marriage a secret at school and planned on getting a divorce. Layla resented learning to

cook Yemeni dishes and to maintain a household for her own future home. She had

22

dreams of becoming a teacher, a nurse, or a politician. She tutored at the community
center near her home.

Nouria was always dissatisfied with her home and school life. She complained
incessantly about her household chores and having to take care of her siblings. More than
once, Nouria threatened to commit suicide because she was so unhappy. She kept to
herself at school, when I knew her as a tenth and eleventh grader, but she did tutor at the
community center. Most of her energy was spent on finding ways to divorce her
husband, also a student in the high school, and trying to persuade her father to let her
divorce him. Nouria's older siblings were all high achievers in school, which fiirthered her
disgruntlement.

Saba was known as a leader among the hijabat. She could recite the Qur'an
(Muslim holy book) in both Arabic and English and gave lectures at the mosque and even
organized a weekly lecture and reading group called Muhathara (lecture). Saba, as an
eleventh and twelfth grader, was a student leader as well and a noted "trouble-maker" by
the administration and some teachers. Saba tried desperately to obtain permission to
choose her own husband and refirsed to go to Yemen when her family insisted. She
tutored and worked in the community health center clinic. She was committed to
furthering her education and becoming a teacher or nurse, marrying someone of her
choosing, and being a good Muslim.

Amani was quiet and shy. During the eleventh and tenth grades she enrolled in all
the preparatory nursing classes and interned at a clinic with her classmates. Amani

wanted to become a nurse and planned to attend college. She sometimes wished she could

23

wear short sleeves and take off her scarf but did not think this would be possible in her
neighborhood. She drove her brothers to school but was not allowed to work anywhere
other than the community center, where she tutored with the other hijabat. Amani had to
learn how to cook Yemeni dishes at home and was often judged as a worthy cook and
housekeeper by relatives and neighbors.

The hijabat, much like American women at the beginning of the twentieth century,
found themselves hoping to become nurses and teachers—acceptable occupations in their
culture. In their community, such occupations preserved their primary roles as mothers
and the same time, allowed them to entertain the notion of being educated mothers. For
these adolescents, the prospect of a high school degree, if not a college degree, enhanced
the role of the mother in the family. Education is valued by the Yemenis in the US and,
and it is especially valued in girls.8 It is usefiil to draw an historical contrast between
these young women and women at the beginning of the century in the US. The shift in
women’s work roles in the nineteenth century, for example, inspired new definitions of
womanhood and eventually led to the feminization of occupations such as teaching. The
urbanization and industrialization of the American economy also redefined, to a certain
degree, the role women played at home and in society. In tandem with these changes, the
advent of universal public education further transformed notions of womanhood,
woman’s sexuality, and woman’s work. I draw attention to this history because Yemeni

immigrants also move to the US from a mainly agricultural village setting in Yemen to a

 

8 The hijabat were often not allowed to finish high school if they did not maintain their Yemeni cultural
and social norms. I address this issue in several of the chapters.

24

labor market based in industry in the US. The lives of Yemeni women as homemakers
parallel those of many women at the turn of the twentieth century. Today, these
transformations, which lead to the recognition of teaching as a ‘Wvoman’s profession,” are
characterized by historians as the “cult of true womanhood” (Clifford 1989; Degler 1980;
Ryan 1981); domestic femininity” (Clifford 1989; Degler 1980; Grumet 1988; Hoffman
1981; Rury 1989); and “domestic/woman’s sphere” (Clifford 1989; Ryan 1981). The
construction of woman as mother and the paragon of domesticity allowed her to receive
an education, but restrained her in work opportunities. This dialectic of opportunity and
constraint illuminates the conflicting private and public roles of women in the last century
(Rury 1989). Interestingly enough, I observed that same dialectic among the six hijabat
and their peers as they attempted to establish their identities both at home and in their

community and at school.

The Structure of the Study

In chapter one, I describe where the hijabat lived through a case study of Layla. I
argue that she and the other hijabat and their families were sojoumers, with one foot in the
US and the other in Yemen. As such, the notion of space becomes a relevant construct
for demarcating religious, ethnic, and gender boundaries. Although I had access to the
girls' homes, in this chapter I rely on the girls' descriptions of their home lives because as
a woman researcher, I did not always have easy access to the men in their families. In
chapter two, I examine the hijabat's school and classroom lives. It is clear that the

classroom was a special and safe place for them socially, one which allowed them to be

25

both American and Yemeni. However, in relation to subject content in the classroom,
levels of engagement were not uniform and really depended on teacher interaction styles
or on the specific content of text the teacher introduced. In chapter three, I show that the
hijabat generated "in-between" texts which allowed them to partake in both American and
Yemeni social and cultural norms. This chapter along with chapters two and four clearly
show the dimculties in reconciling folk, in this case Yemeni American, and school notions
of success both at academic and social levels. Chapter four is an analysis of how the
hijabat's teachers, high school, and school district accommodated their growing Muslim
Arab population. As I explain, this was a complex and complicated process which
continues to develop over a decade. In chapter five, I discuss the hijabat's dispositions
toward school and their futures as they neared graduation from high school. One critical
finding is that they tried to maintain their GPAs in order to stay in school, but at the
same time, they did not have much input in the decisions made about their futures. In
Conclusion, I synthesise the main elements of each of the five chapters and draw some
implications from the study. In Reflection I reflect on my own role as a researcher in the
field.

Why an Ethnography?

In the narrative I focus on a group of Yemeni American high school girls whose
families settled in the US in the early 19705. In my attempt to understand the lives of
Saba and her peers, I find that meaning is both uncovered and recovered. At times this is
as simple as wearing or removing the hijab (scarf) fi'om one's head. In other instances,

actions, words, the cast of one's eyes—these index the undercurrents of meaning. Telling

26

this story means being able to navigate among meanings, and therefore, it is no coincidence
that I chose to write an ethnography. As James Clifford (Clifford and Marcus 1986)
notes:

Ethnography is actively situated between powerfirl systems of meaning.

It poses its questions at the boundaries of civilizations, cultures, classes,

races, and genders. Ethnography decodes and recodes, telling the grounds

of collective order and diversity, inclusion and exclusion. It describes a

process of innovation and structuration, and is itself part of these

processes (p. 2).

Miles and Huberrnan (1994) describe ethnography as “extended contact with a
given community, concern with the mundane, day-to-day events, as well as the unusual
ones, direct or indirect participation in local activities, with particular care given to
description of local particularities; focus on individuals’ perspectives and interpretations
of their world; and relatively little prestructured instrumentation, but often a wider use of
structured observation than in other research traditions” (p. 8). To understand the Yemeni
American girls in the context of a “Yemeni village” in the US, it is important to focus on
the quotidian as well as the unusual occurrences in that community. Therefore, the
methods in this dissertation espouse a ‘naturalistic’ perspective. In order to understand
as much as possible the lives of the Yemeni within the contexts of school, home, and
community, I apply a broad methodological approach which relies on thick description
(Geertz 1973) based on rigorous observation, participant and non-participant
observations, formal interviews, and informal conversations. According to Harnmersley

and Atkinson (1996)

The value of ethnography as a social research method is founded
upon the existence of such variations in cultural patterns across and within

27

societies, and their significance for understanding social processes. . . .
Naturalism proposes that through marginality, in social position and
perspective, it is possible to construct an account of the culture under
investigation that both understands it from within and captures it as
external to, and independent of, the researcher: in other words, as a
natural phenomenon. Thus, the description of cultures becomes the
primary goal. The search for universal laws is downplayed in favour of
detailed accounts of the concrete experience of life within a particular
culture and of the beliefs and social rules that are used as resources within

it (pp. 10-11).

By describing both the unusual and the mundane and by synthesizing emerging
patterns across contexts and the published literature, especially relevant studies done in
Europe, I attempt to contribute to our knowledge about the intersections of education and
religion, home and school worlds, and immigrant students and their teachers. US scholars
in education tend, for the most part, not to focus on issues such as religion and its impact
on education and schooling.9 This study proposes to do so.

Wolf(1992) has said that “an anthropologist listens to as many voices as she can
and then chooses among them when she passes their opinions on to members of another
culture. The choice is not arbitrary, but then neither is the testimony” (p. 11). In many
ways there is really nothing arbitrary about the site or the participants chosen to
participate in this study. They are not representative of all schools or teachers or
students across the US. They were chosen because they are unique. At the same time,
however, they belong to larger communities which are not at all unique in that their

geopolitical relations are similar to those of others. The children go to public school as

 

9 A notable exception is Alan Peshkin’s (1986) work on schools and Christian fundamentalism.

28

other children do. Their teachers deal with cultural and linguistic differences as do
teachers in different settings. Their parents worry about their children as do other
parents. Without exhausting the list of congruencies and similarities, it is important to
note that like many other ethnographies, the value of this study will be in its ability to
develop further constructive ideas and theories about larger issues and problems with
which educators and researchers grapple. This will be done by paying attention to the
particulars. The point is to get to the “heart of the matter,” if possible (Geertz 1983;
Wolcott 1994).

In writing this ethnography I hope to broaden and to add to our understanding of
immigrant families in the United States. As the twenty-first century unfolds, we must
not forget that a new generation of Americans is in the making. It is often easy to
overlook that American children of immigrants often straddle two worlds and must
negotiate various systems of belief which may not complement each other. That this
process is firrther complicated by a combination of factors such as religion, ethnic
identity, gender, language, social economic standing, and school socialization norms
emphasizes how much we need to know to make decisions for improving schools and
relations among schools, communities, and homes. Saba's comments at the beginning of
this introduction foreshadow the importance of uncovering the predicament of being an

"either/or" and becoming American in the public schools.

29

ONE

Between Honor and Shame: The Sojourner Experience of Yemeni American High
School Students

In this chapter, I focus on the relationships which existed between the Yemeni
American high school students and their land of origin. These relationships can be
described as " spaces, " both social and physical from which networks and identities
emerge (Metcalf 1996). In other words, these spaces, whether they be religious (Muslim)
or cultural (Yemeni and American), describe people whose personal and community lives
were engaged with one another at multiple levels at different sites and on different
continents. The mechanisms for such engagement are examined as are the impact of these
multiple spaces on the students' school lives.

Classic sociological theory maintains that a sojoumer is one who remains attached
to his or her own ethnic group while simultaneously living in isolation and staying apart
from the host society. The sojourn itself is conceived as a "job" during which one travels
back and forth during intervening years to the homeland (Siu 1952). While this definition
is compelling and often describes the migratory movement of immigrant populations in
the US, it is difficult to operationalize, especially when certain immigrant populations,
such as the Detroit Yemenis, not only travel back and forth to Yemen but also settle in
the US. Most Yemenis enter the US legally and become naturalized citizens and,
importantly, settlers. Yet, the notion of "sojoumer" is a usefirl analytical tool in the case

of Yemeni Americans because, as with most immigrant populations, the desire to return

30

to the homeland is pervasive among settlers. Unlike other immigrant groups, however,
Yemeni Americans travel back and forth to Yemen often, and in the Detroit area, the
Yemenis do in fact remain geo-politically, linguistically, religiously, and culturally isolated
from American life while maintaining those same ties to their homeland.

Yemeni migration is part of a larger historical trend. Arabs from the Middle East
have immigrated to the United States for over a century. The early Arab immigrants
assimilated American cultural norms and the English language easily, especially since they
came from Judeo-Christian traditions and immigrated with the intent of making new lives
for themselves and their children (Naf f 1985; Naf f 1994). The most recent immigrants,
those who have immigrated in the last twenty-five to thirty years, are Iraqi or Yemeni in
nationality and represent the “peasant” class in their countries. They moved to the
Detroit area because they could find work in the large shipping and auto industries.
Unlike earlier Arab immigrants, they have persisted in preserving both their Muslim ways
of life and their Arab identities in the United States. Most of the Yemeni immigrants did
not have any kind of formal schooling in Yemen and are illiterate or semi-literate in Arabic
and in most cases, English. These immigrants have kept strong ties with their
motherland—they are sojoumers—buying land in Yemen with the intent of going back,
visiting for long periods, and sending their children there for marriage. Consequently, the
children of these immigrants straddle two worlds, the literate world of school and the
home world of religious and cultural values where text (the Qur'an) sanctioned behavior,

certain language use, disposition, and cultural norms.

31

Living in two worlds was both difficult and constraining for the Yemeni American
Muslim girls. The Yemeni American students, and particularly the girls, were successful
at school academically, even as they struggled to negotiate their Yemeni and American
selves in various contexts. Studies conducted in Europe among students of North Afiican
origin show the same type of school success among high school girls (Hassini 1997 ; Haw
1998; Raissiguier 1994). In the case of the Yemeni girls in the US, their responsibilities
were three-fold: they were responsible for upholding the honor of the family; they
learned to be good mothers (most are engaged or married at the ages of 14-15); and, they
strived to be successful in school. As I illustrate in this chapter, these broadly defined
responsibilities did not complement each other and did in fact present incongruities
between the students’ personal aspirations for success and their community and/or

school’s demands for participation and learning in those contexts.

Making Space in America

In order to understand the Yemeni girls and boys' lives, it is important to
understand the spaces which they inhabited. Davis, a suburb of Detroit, had
approximately 95,000 residents during 1997-1999. Because of its shipping and auto
industries, Detroit and its suburbs had been a natural destination for immigrants seeking
employment for over one hundred years. Right across the border of Davis, Detroit has a
population which is more than 80% Afiican American. There is considerable poverty
there and a lingering memory of the 1967 riots which contributed to White flight from

Detroit. Since the 1970's, southeastern Michigan, which includes the Detroit

32

metropolitan area, had become the place with the highest concentration of Arabic
speaking people outside of the Middle East—it was estimated that 300,000 Arabic-
speaking people resided there. The Davis school district had a population of
approximately 16,700 students, 49% of whom were Arabic speaking, and 15% were of
Yemeni origin. The school district was ten miles long, with the Yemeni community
residing primarily in the south end, about six miles away from the focal school site in the
study, Cobb High School.

Davis was considered a nice place to live because of its low property taxes and its
reputation of being “1in white” (Abraham and Abraham 1983). The Yemeni community
occupied a ghetto-like neighborhood in the south end of Davis, where the Ford plant’s
“smokestacks [were] forever spewing clouds of smoke.” The south end of Davis was
populated mostly by Yemeni and Iraqi immigrants, while the Lebanese moved to more
affluent areas in and near Davis. Lebanese Americans constituted the majority (about
41%) in Davis, while the Yemeni (about 18%) were the second largest group in the area.
The median household income in the south end of Davis was $20, 125 while the mean
income is $24, 541 (Zogby 1995; Zogby 1990). One third of the population did not
speak English and many first generation immigrant women were illiterate in their first
language. Less than half of the population could read and write English (Kuliwicki, 1987).
The south end was a working-class community with two established mosques and several
small coffee houses. The mosques played a vital role in people’s lives, and the coffee
houses were traditional Middle Eastern social institutions in which men interacted

socially and politically. In some coffee houses in Davis, a traditional village hierarchy was

33

maintained and certain tables were held in reserve for the elderly village heads and were
avoided by the younger men (Abraham 1978; Abraham and Abraham 1983). Also, the
men discussed community problems in the coffeehouse and family feuds often surfaced
there as well. These social institutions were distinguished both on the basis of
nationality, i.e., Palestinian, Lebanese, or Yemeni, and also by the village in the Middle
East that the owner represented. Virtually no women were ever seen on the streets of the
south end. The few Muslim women whom I observed on the streets in the area all wore
the hijab and the abaya (a shapeless, ankle-length dress). Some haqi women covered their
faces so that one could only sees their eyes.

The Davis school district included twenty-eight schools, three of which were high
schools. Davis High School’s students were predominantly white and middle-to-upper
middle class. Finkle High School’s students were predominantly (about 75%) Arab
American and Lebanese in origin. At least 15 out of 80 of F inkle’s teachers were Arab
American. These students came from both working class and middle-class families. Cobb
High School, the school on which I focus, had approximately 1,420 students and ninety
teachers. Forty to forty-five percent of the students were Arabic-speaking and 41% were
of Yemeni origin. During the 1998-1999 academic year, there were eleven Arabic
speaking teachers and staff, the majority of whom worked in the bilingual program, which
served mainly of newly arrived Yemeni and Iraqi immigrants. Cobb's mission was to be
“committed to preparing [its] students to be responsible and well-informed.”

Historically, Cobb High School began to receive students from Middle Eastern origin in

the mid-1980s Before that, it was a predominantly “White” school. I chose Cobb as the

34

site for my study because in making initial contact with the community, I learned that the
school and its students were experiencing difficulties adjusting to one another as the
number of Arabic-speaking students increased. I wanted to learn more about the process
of accommodation in this site. Also, the high school students who lived in the south end

were bussed to Cobb, rather than Finkle or Davis.

,- 9!
51-.-

 

         

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A A A A
. A ‘ I . ‘ Amani
NounaA ‘ ‘ I Sabrina, Nad an
AA AA I'AAA/SaTaAA Amnok’ y
I Parking Lot
Aisha
| A AA A A A A
Mariam
Farah

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure l: The Southend

In many ways, the south end of Davis existed apart from the rest of the city (see
Figure 1). Local people even called it the "Southend" to denote its separate identity, and
henceforth, I use that label. The Southend was blocked fiom Davis by a wall of factories
and smoke stacks, and the people who lived there formed their own cultural and linguistic
spaces which they traversed cautiously and usually through an intermediary, such as the

local community center which provided social, educational, and economic services. The

35

centrally located community center was the only place where the hijabat gathered as paid
tutors fi'om three to six pm. each day to work with mostly Yemeni elementary school
children fi'om the neighborhood. During 1997-1999, rarely did I observe the girls alone in
any other context. All of the girls in the Southend walked a block or so to the community
center and back home each day. On the weekends, they went shopping at the mall with
their older brothers, or married sisters, and/or their parents. Whereas one might have seen
non-Arab teenagers walking in groups throughout the mall, the Yemenis went out as
farnilies—going out to eat or shop was considered a family outing. That was always the
case for the hijabat, but, for boys, this varied because parents tended to be more lenient
with them, allowing boys more freedom of movement farther away from the home. For
example, many of the boys worked after school and were allowed to work at the airport
or in restaurants in downtown Detroit. A girl was rarely allowed to distance herself from
the home and to be seen in public working in what is considered to be male domains. The
reason for this was that public notice could ultimately lead to the loss of her good
reputation and the onset of gossip as discussed in chapter two. Therefore, if girls worked
at all, they did so in the community center and rarely stepped outside the boundaries of
the Southend. They left the Southend only to go to school or during family outings.

The Southend was a dynamic and lively enclave. There was much visiting among
the families who lived quite close to one another. Many of the houses were actually
duplexes which were shared by two families who were related or, in some cases, part of
the house was rented out to newly arrived Yemeni boys and men from the same village in

Yemen. People in the Southend tended to socialize with family members such as cousins

36

or with people from the same village back home. There were two good reasons for this:
first, there existed dialect differences from village to village in Yemen. One of the girls told
me that she and her neighbor were not related, "We don't even understand each other
when we talk—we‘re from different villages." Second, political alliances were important
and parents associated with people with whom they had a connection back in Yemen.
This was usefirl for marriage purposes and for increasing one's status in the village upon
returning to Yemen for a long-term stay. In effect, this meant that both boys and girls
lived in two very difl‘erent worlds and by difl‘erent rules at home and school; the distance
from Southend to Yemen appeared to be much closer than the six-mile distance from the

Southend to Cobb High School.

The Influence of Yemeni Spaces in the US

What connections did the girls experience with Yemen? How did these
connections, this mingling of spaces within and without the US, impact their school lives?
In order to answer these questions, it is worthwhile to consider migratory patterns in
Yemen and from Yemen to the US, for it is clear that life in the US, particularly in the
Southend, was often mitigated by events in Yemen. According to Molyneux (1998), a
transitory period occurred between 1990 and 1994, during which time the commonly
known states of North Yemen (Yemen Arab Republic) and South Yemen (People's
Democratic Republic of Yemen) were united into what we currently know as Yemen.
Coincidentally, it was at this time and during the several preceding years, since 1985, that

the Southend received record numbers of Yemeni immigrants, mostly high school-aged

37

boys and young men. When Yemen became unified in 1990, South Yemen (formerly
controlled by the British), which had had one of the most egalitarian secular codes in the
Arab world, came under the heavy-handed and more religiously conservative influence of
North Yemen. For example, South Yemen had adopted a " scientific socialism" when the
British withdrew in 1967. Their family law stated explicitly the equality of men and
women. In addition, free choice marriage was established and the minimal age for marriage
was age 16 for women and 18 for men. Polygamy was prohibited except in cases of
disease and barrenness, and bride price was reduced to 100 Riyal (approximately twice
the average white-collar monthly salary) in 1974. Both spouses would bear the cost of
supporting their family and unilateral divorce or talaq by the man was banned. Divorce
could only take place in the courts, and men were also not automatically given custody of
the children.

North Yemen family law was different. In 1979, for example, polygamy was
permitted and the man had the right to unilateral divorce. Islamic law or the shari'a was
the source of all laws as it had been for many years. During the transition period of
unification (1990-1994), the family law was rewritten and women's rights, according to
Molyneux, appeared in a section called "social problems" after sections devoted to
illiteracy, tribal vengeance, and the use of the popular, mildly hallucinogenic narcotic, qat.
By 1992, Yemeni law had been revised to permit men four wives and to reduce the
minimum marriage age for both men and women to fifteen. Forced marriages were illegal,
but silence from previously unmarried women constituted consent—a woman who had

already been married had to give explicit consent. Marriage could be dissolved through

38

the courts, but the husband had unilateral right to divorce. A woman had the right to
petition for divorce, if her husband did not treat her as he did his other wives, if there was
an addiction to drugs or alcohol, if he refused to work, or if there was a prolonged absence
by the husband. All in all, North Yemen's influence in South Yemen was made easier by
the fact that South Yemen's more liberal laws had never been fully implemented,
especially with the migration of North Yemeni men who wanted to find work in South
Yemen. Furthermore, families in South Yemen had protested against women's residential
colleges, and Saudi Arabia had also criticized South Yemen's "atheistic" legal reforms,
especially the appointment of women judges in the family courts (Molyneux, p. 139).
Control over bride price was no longer enforced and increased to from 8,000-10,000 Riyal
($1, 780 to $2, 225) to 55,000-60,000 Riyal ($12, 225 to $13, 335) in the 1970s and
1980s (Stevenson and Baker 1991, p. 42). All of these legal changes, in addition to civil
war in the two Yemeni states, motivated men to travel elsewhere to find work then return
to buy land or to many.

Although the Yemeni are relative newcomers to the US, they have emigrated to
other countries for centuries. Historically, North Yemen and, to some extent, South
Yemen, have depended on labor as their primary export. "The strategy based on
remittances channeled back to the mother country continues to be at the heart of the
labor-intensive migration for Yemenis" (F riedlander 1988, p. ix). In fact, as much as one-
fourth of the Yemeni male population emigrates, especially during times of political
unrest, thus forcing Yemen to rely heavily on remittances, which account for one-third of

Yemen's gross national product. Unfortunately, money sent back to Yemen has not been

39

invested productively; it was has been spent on consumer goods such as cars, VCRs, and
inflated bride-prices instead of long-term development of industry or better farming
technology. Therefore, men generally have tended to make long sojoums for work once
the firnds they do bring back to Yemen are depleted.The women have been left behind to
tend to the land and to farm qat, one of the most popular farm crops and a national
pastime that is uniquely Yemeni in the Arab world.

From 1975 on, families began to emigrate from Yemen to the US. According to the
1980 Census, at least twenty thousand Yemenis immigrated to Michigan, California, New
York, and Ohio. Most of these immigrants came from North Yemen. The majority of
emigrants were men who, after a productive work period in the US, went back to their
villages to give money, buy land, finance weddings, and build homes. However, the
increase in the number of Yemeni families immigrating to the US resulted in a growing
Islamic conservatism as men struggled to preserve their families' cultural integrity within
American society (Swanson 1988). This increased conservatism in the US mirrored that
of the North Yemen's influence on South Yemen, which also continued to be steadily
influenced by Saudi Arabia, where many Yemeni men emigrated to work in the oil fields.
Historically, Muslim men had been reluctant to bring their families to the US (Naf f 1985),
and for those who have remained here, the concern for their children's firtures had
increased such that relationships between Yemen and the US were closely maintained.

One difference between the American ethos and the Yemeni ethos
is in the attitude toward moral responsibility. Americans emphasize that
the individual is ultimately responsible for his own behavior. By contrast,

Yemeni culture insists that it is the community that is responsible for
evolving a social and political system that at once protects the individual

40

fi'om temptation and ensures his conformity to group values (Swanson
1988,p.63)

In Davis, the Yemenis gained control of the mosque from the Lebanese community in the
Southend, and with funding for the mosque from Saudi Arabia, they struggled to maintain
traditional, cultural, and religious norms, especially among the youth. Barth (1969)
observed that a person's maintenance of an ethnic identity depends upon both the
perceived advantages of membership in the ethnic group and his or her ability to perform
in his or her ethnic role. Invariably, it was to the girls' advantage to maintain cultural
mores in the Southend, otherwise the consequences were dire. The loss of one's good
reputation resulted in parents pulling their daughters out of school, forcing an early
marriage, and sending them to Yemen. Sometimes, if in grave situations in which the
family's honor was at stake, fathers and brothers killed their daughters/sisters (Aswad and
Bil gé 1996). For the boys, many of whom lived with extended family members while
their parents remained in Yemen, life in the US meant an opportunity to earn money and
to send it back home. Unlike the boys, girls always lived with their parents who
immigrated to the US, and in this study the girls were either born here or immigrated from
Yemen at a very young age (infant to age four). In general, for both boys and girls, being
Yemeni and American was problematic, especially for the girls whose good reputation

reinforced a family's status both in the Southend and in a village in Yemen.

41

The Case of Layla: A Representative Portrait

Over two years, I learned much about Layla and her family. We communicated at
school, at the community center, at parties and weddings, and by written correspondence
and telephone when I was away fi'om Davis. I interviewed her mother and met all of her
friends in difl’erent contexts, such as in the mosque during Arabic school and at school, in
the "Ramadan room, " where all the Muslim students fasted during the holy month.
Layla's story is not unique. She had much in common with the other five girls in the
larger study. Her story, however, illustrates concretely her negotiation of the two worlds
she inhabited, and especially her role in relation to the village in Yemen and her family in
Davis.

Layla was a sojoumer. She wanted to live in the US, but she also enjoyed going to
Yemen because her family enjoyed a high status there as American Yemenis. According to
the Oxford English Dictionary, a sojoumer is one who lodges in another's house—one's
living space is temporary. In many ways, Layla and the Yemeni girls in this study lived in
suspense, not knowing explicitly which space they were likely to inhabit in the near
future. She navigated multiple spaces and found a "home" in managing the liminal spaces
she occupied. In addition, it was not always clear to Layla whether she was American or
Yemeni and her attitude towards her home and school lives reflected her consternation
with both. Undeniably, she was a Yemeni Muslim, and her Muslim space, governed by
ritual and sanctioned practice, permitted a view of the world which was not always
satisfying, at least not to a young adolescent girl with dreams for a bright fixture and who

was exposed to alternative images of what she could become.

42

Layla's story illustrates the irreconcilability of the spaces she inhabited. It is
possible that in two or three generations from now, Americans of Yemeni or Arab origin
will not experience such tension or the intensive and constant negotiation of home, school,
and "old country" worlds. But for the moment, the Yemeni girls lived lives firll of
uncertainties, not knowing whether they would finish high school or get married, go to
Yemen or perhaps attend college. In all likelihood, the girls would marry early. The early
marriages of daughters and sons to Yemeni nationals (although boys were usually not
married as early as the girls) was the mechanism by which these Arab families preserved
and maintained their ethnicity. The advantages of such marriages were three-fold:
1)young men from Yemen obtained residency in the US and were able to send remittances
to their families, thus continuing Yemen's successful economic dependence on emigration;
2)particular family or village affiliations grew larger in the Southend, bringing increased
status and wealth to the family on both continents and ensuring that the girls ere
supported; and 3)religious and cultural traditions were, to a large extent,
reproduced—Arabic remained the language of the home because one of the spouses was
usually illiterate in English. Under such circumstances the girls fiom the Southend grew
up remarkably fast. In light of these governing factors, Ogbu’s (Ogbu 1982; Ogbu 1982a;
Ogbu 1993) cultural-ecological model is useful for understanding what is required for such
adaptation and the successful realization of cultural mores. In Layla's case, regardless of
the events which occurred outside her home culture, she still had to learn to become
Yemeni in the same manner her parents were Yemeni. Consequently, because the hijabat

shared their parents' lives, they were also sojoumers, with each foot planted in a different

43

space. However, even the intimate spaces of domestic and ritual life, meaning and
behavior, were shaped by the contexts of the larger society.

Layla and the other hijabat experienced a primary affiliation with their Yemeni
family, village, Arabs in general, and their religion. Their secondary affiliation was to
America, but here the boundaries were not very clear, for America was their country
while Yemen was their imagined homeland, at least until they traveled there to visit and
to marry. For the girls, the sojourn was really a feeling of irnpermanence, a
disembodiment with the local environment and a simultaneous intellectual and emotional
connection with a familial root of origin. Layla's story illustrates in detail the sojourn
nature of her life at home and school.

Layla, like all the other Yemeni American students, identified herself as Yemeni,
Arab, and American, in that order. She thought of herself, as the others hijabat did, as
Arab and not "White," a category reserved for "Americans." Both of her parents were
“Yemeni, just like me,” even though she was born in the US. Her father was born in “the
village" in North Yemen where there were not many work or education opportunities. He
arrived in the US at age 16 in the late 1960s. Her mother was born in the city of Aden,
the old capital of South Yemen and lived alongside the British. She arrived in the US in
the 1970s with Layla's older brothers. Layla's father had immigrated some years before
and worked in the auto factories. Layla's parents make an unusual couple—they were not
cousins and one of them was from a city and fiom the South, which most northern
Yemenis considered to be of lower status and too liberal. However, Layla's parents met

through common family fiiends and lived in relative social and economic security among

44

their north Yemeni neighbors in the Southend. Layla's father worked at the Ford River
Rouge Plant, and her mother did not work outside the home, although she did volunteer
work for a while at the nearby elementary school on the playground during recess.
Layla's parents had some elementary education in Yemen. Her mother went through sixth
grade in the city and was exposed to English. Both parents had minimal fluency in English
(they did not read or write or speak English much) and an overall fair fluency in Arabic
(although I could not confirm whether the father read and wrote in Arabic). Layla was a
fair reader and speaker of Arabic and her writing ability was minimal. Layla's family
income was about 81200-1600 per month. Her two older brothers, both in their mid to
late-twenties, attended college and worked at jobs away from the neighborhood.

Layla was married at the age of 15 in Yemen to her first cousin. Marriages were
important events in the Southend. They signified a girl's coming of age, a time during
which her role as a Yemeni woman rather than a high school girl was reinforced. Some of
the girls were reluctant to admit that they were married. They preferred, instead, to
continue with school as other teenagers did. During the 1997-1998 school year, which
was her sophomore year, Layla's family spent six months in Yemen visiting relatives.
Layla was married then, and upon her return, she attempted to keep her marriage a secret
fiom her friends, who nonetheless were made privy to the information because her father

was so proud of the union between her and her first cousin fi'om her father’ side, a sayyid,

45

a direct descendent of the prophet Muhammad.10 Her father told most of the community
about the happy event. Her husband paid a bride price of 200,000 Riyal (approximately
$1,333; today $1z150 Riyal), but Layla believed that she was worth much more and that
this was not enough for her. The marriage was not consummated immediately, but the
ahked (loosely translated as a binding betrothal of marriage) took place in Yemen, and in
the US, this constituted a legal marriage. Layla did not wear a ring and never discussed
her marriage at school. She wanted to divorce here twenty-year-old husband—whom she
said she had not seen since their return—because she knew that marrying one's first
cousin was "bad." He worked in a factory in Davis and did not live with her family.
Layla insisted that she married in order that the young man could enter the country as a
legal US resident. Helping cousins or village fiiends from Yemen enter the US was often a
bi-product of marriage for many of the girls, including Layla and Nouria, another of the
hijabat in the study. Unfortunately for Layla and Nouria, they could not obtain divorces
while their husbands awaited their naturalization papers from the US Immigration and
Naturalization Service. And, in fact, they could not initiate divorce proceedings at all
because, as was their custom in Yemen and in the Southend, only the man had the right to
unilateral divorce, or talaq. To bypass immigration restrictions, both girls were willing to

travel back to Yemen and have their husbands declare the divorce11 and quickly return to

 

'° I did not know that Layla was married until a year later. Throughout my interviews and "shadowing" of
her during the first year of fieldwork, she never mentioned the fact and did not wear a wedding ring. She
told me she was married during the second year of fieldwork and explained then that she wanted a divorce.

llDuring talaq, the husband declares three times, ”I divorce you. "Once that rs done, according to the
shari' a, the divorce rs final. However, there rs a legally prescribed period, iddat, after the divorce and
during which neither husband nor wife can marry. During that time the wife cannot reverse the talaq, but
the husband has the right to return (we Molyneux 1998, for a more detailed explanation).

46

the US and worry about a legal divorce at a later time. In other words, the girls were
much more concerned with the Islamic laws governing their marriages than with US law
which bound them legally to their husbands. They were very carefirl, as in Nouria's case,
not to be seen associating with their husbands at school or in the community. This
validated the marriage even firrther and perhaps would destroy their reputations, since the
marriages had not been consummated. Nouria confessed that she had done
everything—from insulting her husband to asking him to talk to her father directly—to
"get him to divorce [her]," but nothing worked. Layla was not as forceful, but she, too,
wanted to do the same. She did not want to disappoint her family. The union between
her family and her husband's family was a difficult one to break, especially since her
husband’s family was related to her through her father. Marriage for these girls was an
unsettling process, but there was often no exit once the ahked took place.

Marriage was in many ways an obstacle. Importantly, the institution of marriage
brought to the surface cultural tensions which were not easily reconciled in the Yemeni
girls’ American spaces. Layla recognized that daughters in the US have doors open to
them and more opportunities than do the girls in Yemen. A friend who was a 4.0 student
told her, “I really don’t want to go to high school no more cuz I know my mom, my
parents won’t let me go to college” (Interview, 10/14/98). This depressed Layla, who
was a good student herself, and made her angry because her friend was intelligent and had
a bright future ahead of her. “And that’s what makes me mad,” she emphasized, “we’re
not like the girls in Yemen. We have a chance to do something with our lives and they

just wanna think, oh, no. You’re going to get married and do this. That’s not how it is. I

47

mean, I would never do that to my kids” (Interview, 10/14/98). In Yemen, according to
Layla, even though she considered it to be a primitive place, a good education was
respected. Many of women regretted not going to college, and “a lot of them wanted to
do something with their lives.” Layla had a cousin in Yemen, for example, whose father
stopped her from going to school in the sixth grade even though she wanted to continue.
Now, at twenty-one, Layla's cousin wanted to train to be a seamstress, so that she could
at least make a living sewing clothes for people, since ready-made clothes were so
expensive to purchase. Layla could not come to terms with her cousin’s situation; it
seemed somehow alien, even though it reflected her own fears for her future during and
after her last year of high school.

Despite its minor role in Yemen, education was important, perhaps as important
as marriage, to the Yemeni community in the Southend.12 Although the parents of the
hijabat in this study had not received much formal schooling, they took seriously their
daughters and sons’ education. They sent their children to public school and to Arabic
school on the weekends—most of the Yemeni community children attended school seven
days a week. At the same time, however, the Southend community feared the social
aspects of public schooling and limited their children’s experiences there. For example,
there were certain classes, such as gym, which caused anxiety and frustration among the
Yemeni girls, an anxiety mirrored by their parents. The girls had requested their own

classes with a female teacher, but because of the lack of space, they still shared the same

 

'2 See Shamsavary, Saqeb, and Halstead (1993) for an historical analysis of Islamic education and
scholarship in the Arab world.

48

gym with the boys. The girls worried about being seen in t-shirts, and Layla did not feel
right when a boy watched her as she ran on the track or inside the gym. Her arms showed
and her chest jiggled, she often said. She commented that at lunch, the school accepted
who they were. The girls went their way and the boys, the other. In class, socializing
with boys was fine because they talked about school work; elsewhere, it did not feel right,
and in gym it was wrong. Sabrina, one of the two hijabat in college clarified Layla's
uneasiness with gym, ". . . a sport is jumping and running and doing. . .a girl should be,
because of the way I'm raised and the way it is, you know, a girl is supposed to sit, you
know, legs crossed" (Interview, 1/27/98). Although only three semesters of gym were
required at Cobb , some girls enrolled in the class for four years, continually failing it each
time because they did not dress in gym clothes or participate in class. This situation was
exasperating for them and their teachers.

Social life in school was monitored as well as curtailed by family members. “She’s
supposed to be quiet, walk in the halls like nobody knows her. . .,” Layla explained the
girl’s role in school (Interview, 2/11/98). Layla’s brothers told her not to hang out with
the “loud ones, the ones who always laugh, the ones who always play around.” If Layla
was too loud, then people would say that she was trying to draw attention to herself
from the boys. This was a common thread in all the girls' interviews and in my
observations of school life. At Cobb the gendering of common spaces by both Yemeni
boys and girls was reinforced at home and school. For example, when Layla was required
to take Technical Education, her brothers questioned her about it because was not a

“girl’s class.” They did not want her to take auto shop either. She enrolled in the same

49

classes as her fiiends, i.e., home making or clothing. One of Layla's best fiiends, Aisha, a
high achiever, refirsed to take classes in which she was the only hijabat and dropped them
and took other ones. The Yemeni boys generally stayed out of classes such as clothing or
home making as did almost all of the boys at Cobb. These were girls' spaces, and as a
teacher observed, these classes were the only places in the school where the Arab girls felt
safe enough to remove their scarves sometimes.

Ironically, school was still an actively social place for the hijabat, even when they
experienced cultural tensions between American/Yemeni and female/male spaces. Layla
liked school because she socialized with fiiends—school was one of the few places where
all the girls could see one another. But, she admitted, there were grudges and there was
prejudice among Arabs and non-Arabs. Layla distinguished her “American fiiends” from
her Yemeni friends by levels of connection and comfort: ["My fiiends] are all Yemeni
because that’s who I like. You know, I like to hang around with my, the people that I
really connect with” (Interview, 2/11/98).

In addition to family concerns about school and its potential negative social
influences, the hijabat also lived under the constant watch of Yemeni boys. Much like
Foucault’s (1977) famous panopticon,13 the girls’ behavior was often altered by the gaze
of these boys, especially in the hallways, in the cafeteria, and during after-school
activities. For example, Layla had been involved in a few extracurricular activities before

going to Yemen, but nothing that took place after school. She found that life could be

50

fiustrating at school when the girls participated in extra-curricular activities. One of
Layla's friends, a Yemeni American girl who did not wear the hijab, wanted to run track.
When the boys found out that she wanted to join the track team, they began to spread
rumors about her. “They don’t want us to do anything!” Layla exclaimed. The boys at
Cobb had a subtle but potent surveillance role—they were the ones who reported girls as
having bad reputations to parents and the community. Bad reputations were constituted
of certain behaviors, such as being too loud, talking with boys, and participating in after-
school activities. Most of the girls at school, as in Foucault’s description of prison
inmates, internalized the threat they perceived fi'om the boys’ gazes and changed their
behavior accordingly. The hijabat were quiet and kept their distance as much as possible.
The married girls especially feared the false rumors that reached their husbands.

The wave of religious conservatism experienced by the Southend in the 19805 and
1990's paralleled that of North Yemen and the Middle East. Layla observed that the boys
in the neighborhood and parents had grown very strict, always watching the goings-on of
the girls. “Nobody trusts anybody for some reason.” It was her understanding that in
Yemen, people behaved normally while in the US, everyone " got the wrong idea" and said
“people are going to talk about you.” At the mosque, during the Arabic school for girls
only, Layla and the girls were told by the teachers to look down when they walked in the
hallways of the Davis public schools, otherwise boys would look directly in their eyes

and have evil thoughts. When Layla entered high school her life changed. “I came into

 

'3 According to Foucault, the panopticon, a building designed by sociologist Jeremy Benthanm,
automatizes and disindividualizes power. For example, in the peripheric ring of the building, one is totally

51

high school and everybody told me you gotta do this, you gotta do this, you gotta do this
and this in order to live a happy life in high school. And that was don’t look at guys,
don’t talk to guys, don’t laugh loud in the hallways, don’t socialize a lot in the hallways.
Just keep up the education” (Interview, 2/11/98). Layla did not associate with boys
unless the talk was about homework. She knew a girL for example, who ran away and
married a Black boy from Detroit who was not a Muslim. Her parents had had a Yemeni
boy from Yemen in mind for her. This incident fiightened the whole community, which
became suspicious of anything over which they did not have control. School yearbooks,
for instance, became an issue of control among all of the Yemeni girls and their families
following the incident of the run-away girl. It appeared that boys would cut out girls’
photos and tell everyone that “so and so is my girlfiiend.” This caused parents to worry
about their daughters’ reputations, so many girls were prevented from having their photos
taken for the yearbook. This incident was followed by the publication of a pamphlet,
"Awareness." It was written by one of the high school boys and was passed around
stating (in Layla's words) "that a girl holds the family’s name. She reflects on her family
and the parents have a hold on her. She can’t be a “ho” [whore]; otherwise it reflects
badly on the parents. Girls shouldn’t listen to American music on the school buses,
especially to songs that are sexually explicit" (Interview, 2/11/98). Layla keenly observed
that when the girls were so controlled by others, they tried to break away and they chose

the wrong way, such as talking and forming relationships with boys or disregarding their

 

seen, without ever seeing; in the central tower, one sees everything without ever being seen” (p. 202).

52

Yemeni community, parents, and fiiends. As a result, parents married off their daughters
early and to people from Yemen.

School was not the only place that was worrisome among the Yemeni families in
the Southend. Any space outside the home was questionable, at least for the women. For
Layla, life centered in the immediacy of her home. Her younger sister walked the few
blocks to attend Arabic school with all the neighborhood girls and her mother usually
stayed home. Only her brothers and her father left the vicinity of the house when they
went to work. Layla volunteered at the community center, a few blocks fi'om her home,
and handed her earnings to her parents who maintained houses in the Southend and in
Yemen. She was allowed to work at the community center because her fiiend and next-
door neighbor, Aisha, did as well and her mother trusted this particular friend and her
family. “She [Aisha] has a clean rep. She [Layla's mother] thinks she’s a very good girl.
My mom has a lot of trust in me because of the friends I have” (Interview, 2/11/98). In
other words, Layla’s activities were limited to those of the “good” girls in the
neighborhood. This satisfied her parents’ safety concerns and ensured that everyone
knew she was behaving properly.

In effect, Layla and her mother's social lives revolved around their nearby relatives
and neighbors, whom they visited often. Layla usually went out shopping or to a
neighbor’s house with Aisha and Aisha's married sister. The girls were not allowed to go
to movies, and most of them had never been inside of a movie theater. Layla hoped to go
to the movies with Aisha, but because Aisha's parents did not allow their daughter to go,

Layla’s parents also decided not to let Layla go. Movie theaters posed a threat: "the room

53

is dark and people do bad things in there, like making out,” Layla explained. IfLayla did
go, she would have to go with someone of whom her parents approved. For example,
Layla was allowed to see Titanic because Sabrina and Mariam, the two older “good” girls
in charge of the tutors at the community center, went. “I’d be allowed to go because
Mariam, she lives right next to me, too, and my parents, they’re like, she’s a really good
role model. You know, because she’s in college, you know, she drives a car and she has a
job.” In other words, as this description of Layla’s travel through different physical
spaces illustrates, Mariam's proximity to Layla's family and her good reputation (as the
one of the few Yemeni girls in college) played an important role in the parents' decision to
allow Layla to participate in an activity away from the home. The same held true for all
the girls. They tended to be involved as a group when they participated in activities
outside the home so that there was no question of inappropriate behavior or issues of
safety. Importantly, the group comprised of girls whose reputations were above
reproach and whose families had high status (religious and economic) positions in the
community.

As with all the girls, Layla had many chores to do at home. Learning how to do to
housework and how to cook at an early age served two firnctions. First, most Yemeni
families in the Southend had at least four children, sometimes seven to twelve children,
and the older girls were needed to help around the house. Second, because the girls were
usually manied at an early age, between twelve and fifteen, they were expected to know
how to care for their own homes in the firture. Layla, for example, cleaned as soon as she

arrived home fiom school and after she worked at the community center. During the

54

weekends, she learned how to cook with her mother and all the cousins were invited for a
family dinner. Layla was preparing herself for her own home and marriage. As one of the
other hijabat, Amani, said, "I have more home responsibilities now. I have to do more
cooking. My mom expects me to know how to do things for the future. Ladies come
over and look me over, look my cooking over. It's a lot of pressure" (Interview,
10/23/98). Like Layla, Amani was expected to perform well in the kitchen and at home,
for it was likely that she would be married to one of the visiting ladies' relations. As
Layla grew older, her mother spent more time with her teaching her how to cook Yemeni
dishes. “She’s accepting me more as a lady, more grown up. She’s respecting my
privacy for one thing,” Layla said about her mother (Interview, 10/14/98, p. 5). Layla felt
that she was more of a woman than a girl and that her mother's treatment of her had
changed accordingly. She included Layla in decision making, asked her for advice or
information, and took her along when shopping or visiting friends. Her brothers stopped
wrestling with her as they used to do. Now, the siblings had serious conversations. As
was noted above with Amani, Layla was preparing for duties in her own home. Yet,
while she understood the changes that were occurring, she did not accept them willingly.
Her mother often compared her to other girls who cleaned the whole house and who could
cook a whole dinner, while she had yet to make an entire meal. Layla was methodical
while her mother could do several things at the same time. “I’m like children of America,”
she would say, alluding to the fact that her American self was rebelling against what she
perceived as Yemeni responsibilities. Her mother often grew impatient if she perceived

her daughter to be avoiding housework or homework.

55

It is clear that the Yemeni girls from the Southend shouldered much responsibility
at a young age. They had to excel in all domains of their lives: school, at home, and
housekeeping in preparation for marriage. These responsibilities took their toll, making
school a burden for some rather than a means for social and intellectual development and
mobility. When Layla reached her junior year of high school, she decided to take school
more seriously because she was worried about her firture and what she would be able to
accomplish. She focused more on her studies and less on her fiiends, and she noticed that
her teachers were also focusing more on preparing students for college. Doing well in
school increased the likelihood that she would be able to attend college. In many ways,
Layla had to prove to her parents that she could improve her grades from those of the
previous year, fiom a 3.0 to better. Her grades would be her ticket to college, otherwise
there would not be much hope of her going. Layla observed that many of the Arab girls
gave up in high school—"they wasted four years of their lives when they said that they
were going to be married." She claimed that the Arab girls got lazy in school, knowing that
they could not go to college, "so what’s the point of trying?" She wanted to prove to her
fiiends that they could go by going herself. She paid attention to her teachers, who had
told her that she was a good student, an overachiever. Layla liked to hear this praise
because she struggled with her home responsibilities.

At times, Layla was confirsed and unhappy with her situation at home. She
preferred to be at school. One cause of her unhappiness was her father’s use of qat, a
legal narcotic in Yemen, but an illegal one in the US. Like many men and women in

Yemen, Layla's father invited his male fiiends to his house where they sat in a room

56

whose perimeter was covered by mattresses. There, they discussed political issues,
smoked a tobacco pipe, and chewed qat. Qat, or Catha Edulis, is a shrub grown in
Yemen, the leaves of which when chewed (within twenty-four hours of its cutting),
produce a mild euphoria. In Yemen as in the Southend, qat is an important social
acitivity—qat parties are arenas for announcing news and reinforcing social status
(Stevenson and Baker 1991, p. 46). In fact, qat and cofi’ee make up ten percent of all
cultivated land in Yemen. Religious authorities sanction qat but the Yemeni government is
opposed to it because it is considered to be a health hazard, a drain on household budgets,
and an obstacle to economic development, since qat parties may start at one in the
afternoon and continue into the evening (Varisco 1986). Nevertheless, the Yemeni
government does profit considerably fi'om the production and marketing of qat. In the
case of Layla’s family, qat was a large expense—one rubta or bundle for a day of chew
cost between fifteen and twenty dollars—and made life harder for them. With all the
expenses in Yemen and home expenses in the Southend, including qat, life was not "what
it used to be." Layla preferred going to school where she could be with fiiends who
understood her problems and with whom she could talk. “They make me feel like really
happy. I have fiiends that have to deal with the same issue. . . they deal with the same
things” (Interview, 2/11/98).

Home life was complicated even further by what Layla perceived to be a gender
bias in the Yemeni community. Her mother wanted her to go to college, but her father
pushed marriage. Layla was often angry with the fact that girls in Yemen were taken out

of school during their elementary years. “They’re not given the freedom of choosing

57

education.” She argued that if she was not going to have a choice about going to college,
she might as well stop school now. She maintained that parents felt differently about
education with regard to boys and girls. “A guy is supposed to have an education
because he’s the only thing that can hold a family together; he’d feel low if he depended
on his wife for money" (Interview, 2/11/98). Sometimes, Layla thought this is the way
things were. “Like, if you’re lucky to graduate [from high school], you know, good for
you, but you still gotta go home to the kitchen.” At least, that is what her aunt always
told her. The girls did not go to college, although Miriam and Sabrina were exceptions
among the Yemeni in the Southend. The boys went unless they had families to support,
although, for the boys, college as more of an option when it provided the better paying
job. IfLayla had been able to do anything she wanted in the world she would have gotten
"rid of the boys at school because they stress[ed] the girls out so much." She stated
plainly that she wanted to be rid of all the selfish and foolish guys that made girls
uncomfortable. “You know, it’s like you can never trust a person. You never know what
they’ll do to you” (Interview, 2/11/98). She thought that the boys had been given too
much fi'eedom, more so than the girls because the attitude was that boys could take care
of themselves. The girl is thought to be more vulnerable and that was why she was
covered up, especially if she was attractive. Layla saw herself going to college, becoming a
nurse, a teacher, or doing pharmacy or politics, but she did not think she could do politics
because “being an Arabic girl,” she could not go into something that is "supposedly a
man’s job." As it turned out, the hijabat in the study and most of the Yemeni American

girls with whom I spoke in the high school and at parties hoped to become nurses and

58

teachers, vocations which they thought would go hand-in-hand with motherhood and their
firture home lives.

Perhaps the most troubling issue for Layla and other Yemeni girls was the
question of the return to Yemen. Layla’s mother wanted to go back to Yemen and stay.
She was happy in the US at first, but no longer. Yemen had changed for the better and
her parents wanted to return. Layla emphasized her parents’ sojourn mentality: “They
come here, looking for work, and as soon as they’re retired, they just go back because
they see nothing else for them here. What else, they’re just gonna live in poverty over
here. So they just go back to their own homeland and they’ll be like respected so much
and they’ll receive a check for $1000, like every month. So, they’ll be living like the
middle class here in Yemen” (Interview, 2/11/98). Several of the Southend families
wanted to return to Yemen where their retirement pensions would place them solidly in
the middle and upper-middle class and where they would enjoy a higher social status.
Most of the girls did not want to leave the US. At school they saw that the “boaters” (a
pejorative term used at Cobb to denote new immigrants and others who do not conform
to particular social norms, such as wearing the right shoes) were boys who, like her father,
came to the US, because there was nothing for them in Yemen. According to Layla, these
boys come from the villages, the lower classes, and were uneducated. When they came to
the US, they could not believe all the girls and women they saw so openly and did not
relate well to this change. Layla was afraid of becoming part of that village life in Yemen.
She liked traveling to and being in Yemen with her parents as member of the upper

classes, "who are more sophisticated and have interesting conversations. " She enjoyed

59

the high status of being and American Yemeni in Yemen. However, she did not want to
be married to a village man (although she was) who did not have that status. Once in a
while, when Layla purposefully forgot that she was legally married, she fantasized about
having a boyfriend. When she saw people walking hand in hand in the school hallways or
at the mall, she could not wait to be married to the man she would chose so that she could
hold his hand. Instead, Layla was expected to go with her family to Yemen after she
graduated fiom high school. Her father wanted to retire there because their house was
built. She was afraid of making this journey and being unable to return to the US and go to
college. All the same, she wanted to travel to Yemen just to obtain a divorce through the
shari’a. She did not want marriage unless “[she] fell in love with a millionaire or
something." For Layla the journey to Yemen was one fraught with anxiety, for she had
no control over events in which she played a central, albeit, silent role.

The return to Yemen was in fact marked by the imposition of cultural norms that
grew steadily more fiequent as the Yemeni girls matured. Layla’s father for instance, had
a strong influence on her behavior and dress. He told her when she entered the third grade
that she had to wear the hijab because other girls did. He wanted her to wear an abaya
(an ankle-length dress worn over one's clothes) but Layla insisted on wearing loose jeans
and large, long-sleeved shirts. Sometimes, she wore a long skirt, but upon her family’s
return from Yemen during the tenth grade, her father identified her with the women fi'om
Yemen, suggesting that Layla had finally learned who she really was: “And then he’ll tell
me. . . ‘now that you went to Yemen, you see how we are, why don’t you just wear like

a, you know, an abaya?” Layla explained that one of the girls at school, Saba, always

60

wore abayas to school and that her father was used to seeing women wearing those and
covering their faces and hair in the house. During her stay in Yemen, Layla wondered why
she had to wear the hijab in the house when men were not present. Her mother never
dressed that way in the early 1970’s when she lived in Aden shortly after British
colonialism ended. Layla thought she related better to her mother’s “society,” the city life
as opposed to her father’s “village life.” “I really, I relate to my mother and I really don’t
accept my father’s kind of living” (Interview, 2/11/98). She said that her father did not
know that there was a difference between there and here. “He still doesn’t accept it.”
Yet, Layla had to contend with the cultural norms of her imagined and very real homeland,
and as she grew older those become more explicit and less flexible.

Layla was not alone in experiencing inconsistencies between her American and
Yemeni lives. All of the girls struggled with these issues every day as did some of the
boys. Layla’s brother, for instance, married his first cousin in Yemen. According to
Layla, they were not close cousins, which indicated that in the Yemeni patrilineal society,
marrying someone from the mother's side meant that blood ties were not as strong. “In
our tradition, you’re more closer to your dad’s side than you are to your mother’s side”
(Interview, 2/11/98). This was an interesting point. The idea that a mother's line is not as
strong as that of a father's was disturbing to the girls, especially when they learned in
biology class that this was, in fact, wrong. Countless times during my fieldwork, the
hijabat would ask if marrying a cousin was healthy. Layla worried incessantly about
being married to her first cousin on the father’s side, the “closer side.” The girls were

confused by what they learned about genetics at school and what they knew of their own

61

cultural traditions. Aisha, for instance, revealed that her own parents were first cousins
and that one of her siblings died at a young age fiom some type of physical handicap. Yet,
in the end, the girls tended to accept their parents' decisions about marriage, no matter
how ill-infonned they were.

Layla had very clear ideas about what it meant to be both Yemeni and American.
To her, Yemeni meant wanting to get married; American meant wanting to go to college.
She made the point that she was Muslim, too, but to her that was a matter of faith and
not culture. She read the Koran every night and her parents were very proud of her for
getting through the whole text and all of the prayers. “I want to be able to do what my
parents want because I want to please my parents, you know. But at the same time, you
know, I can’t cuz it’s not something that’s in my heart” (Interview, 10/14/98). She did
not think she could balance a marriage and pregnancy with college. In her culture, having
children was central in perpetuating the image of a good woman, and pregnancy could not
be avoided. Knowing this, Layla was under much pressure to earn good grades at the end
of her junior year. If there was a possibility of her attending college, it was by showing
that she was a good student in high school. “That’s kind of why I’m trying to do as good
as I can cuz I know years are going, flying by” (Interview, 10/14/98). Her brothers were
not supportive of her efforts; they thought she should stay at home and cook and they
told her that their mother needed help in the house. They forbade to go to college. For
Layla, being a girl at home was not easy. College represented far more than an education

for her and many of the girls who wanted such an opportunity. College meant solidifying

62

their American space in the US and liberating themselves from certain constraints that no

longer made sense either in Yemen or in the Southend.

Conclusion

The Yemeni girls in the Southend were proud of their Yemeni culture, religion, and
traditions, yet they also belonged to the larger American society, whose ethos challenged
those of this Arab Muslim community. In public school, especially, Yemeni Americans
faced a different model for success in life than the one they knew in their primary culture
of home. Historically, American education has tended toward a republican ideal, one
which emerged from Western Europe. For example, the classic republican model includes:
the separation of church and state; the importance of the individual; the central role of
rational and political factors rather than cultural and sociogeographic factors in the
construction of citizenship; and, the unifying firnction assigned to state institutions, and
particularly to the school in building the reproduction of these (Van Zantan 1997, p. 352).
As illustrated by Layla’ s case and excerpts from the other Yemeni girls' lives, an
inevitable clash occurs at the intersection of American republican values and the
sociocultural practices of the Southend. In the Southend, the Yemen community lived by
the following: an emphasis on ritual and religious practice; the prominence of the family;
the focal role of cultural and sociogeopolitical factors in the construction of ethnic
identity; kinship relations through the father’s line or “village” in constructing the
reproduction of these characteristics. The hijabat, who, on the one hand, attempted to be

individuals in their own right, and on the other hand, complied to their community’s

63

expectations, experienced an intellectual, if not emotional, divide as they traveled in and
out of their homes in the Southend.

Furthermore, the girls maintained dual identities, which bifirrcated according to the
gendered and cultural spaces they inhabited. This was especially evident in the school
setting and caused Cobb’s teachers and administrators great concern. In several ways, the
public high school compromised to accommodate the Yemeni students, often setting aside
“mainstream” American values in order to make school life more adaptable to this new
immigrant population (see chapter four for a more detailed analysis). In so doing,
previously separate cultural and religious spaces mingled and became less distinct for the
Yemeni students and for the girls, especially. Although this mingling of spaces made
school more social and liberating for the girls, it posed a danger to their clearly demarcated
home and community spaces. At this juncture, they were forced to imagine Yemen and
what it entailed for their lives in the Southend.

It can be argued that Layla and her fiiends were powerless, at least much more so
than most typical high school students, but this would be a rather simplistic observation
because, after all, these students were successful at maintaining cultural norms both at
home and at school. As Gibson (1997) recently observed, minority populations do well
in school when they are strongly supported by their families. This was definitely the case
among the Yemeni in the Southend of Davis. The girls were surrounded by family who
were protective and supportive of them. It may turn out that this strong support and
family identification will be the mechanism by which the girls will achieve their goals, if

not immediately upon graduating from high school, then perhaps a few years later, once

64

they have married and had a child or two, and depending on their spouses’ dispositions
toward education. One of the girls’ fathers, for example, negotiated for his daughter, as
part of the marriage agreement in Yemen, that her husband would allow her to continue
her education should she want to do so. At least for this first generation of Americans,
the sojoumer identification was strong and relevant. Home constituted of relationships
among people both in the Southend and in Yemen. For girls such as Layla, Yemen was
ever present in their lives even when they had never traveled there. Unlike their parents
and the newly arrived Yemeni boys from Yemen, the hijabat were not so much sojoumers
as navigators at home in neither the US or Yemen, and found a "home" in managing their
lirrrinal space. As settlers who not only dreamed of returning home but who actually made
the sojourn home, the Yemeni families of the Southend gave credence to the idea that the

physical and the imagined space are at times one and the same.

65

TWO

Classroom as Oasis: The Spaces that Count

The lives of the Yemeni American girls in this study were clearly demarcated by
physical boundaries which impacted their social and academic lives. In the previous
chapter, the notion of sojoumer illustrated the complex spatial relationships which
permeated the girls' quotidian lives. The physics of space reflected an adherence to
cultural and social norms that were alien to the domain of American high school life. Yet,
at Cobb High School, the complexity exhibited by the interaction of Yemeni immigrants,
Yemeni Americans, and non-Arab Americans only reiterated the importance of
understanding that space is differentiated by language, dress, ethnicity, gender, and social
class. In this chapter, classroom life, the interaction among students within the
classroom, in the school hallways, and in the cafeteria are closely examined by: 1)
explaining how "oasis" can be a helpful analytical tool for describing the physical and
social relationships observed, and 2) using Gofltnan's (1959) definitions of interaction and
performance to describe the students' school world. As Jackson (1968/1990) observed in
his study of classrooms, "Behind the ordinary lies the extraordinary" (p. xix). In other
words, the study of classroom life uncovers much and as will be shown in the figures
below, the classroom, for girls such as Layla, was really an oasis.

Webster's New World Dictionary defines oasis as "any place or thing offering
welcome relief as from difliculty or dullness." Unlike the hallways or cafeteria at Cobb,

the classroom offered the Yemeni American students, both boys and girls, a sanctuary

66

fi'om social and cultural norms, a place unlike any other space. Within the school setting
and foremost among the girls' dispositions towards school and social life, was their worry
of perception, how they were perceived by others. Research on adolescence and
especially on girls (see Brown and Gilligan 1992; Finders 1997; Thome 1997) suggests
that this is typical of adolescent development more generally. Teenagers' preoccupation
with how their peers view them is indeed a characteristic of youth culture and as popular
media would indicate, an all-consuming one. However, in the case of girls such as Layla
or her good fiiend Aisha, the self-other anxiety was directed toward specific people, i.e.,
Yemeni boys as the primary constant and Yemeni girls as a secondary but important
indicator of acceptance or rejection. The classroom provided an alternative way of being,
or what Greene (1997) calls an "alternative reality," for the hijabat because it was
considered a private space and was not made part of the public practice of gossip which
pervaded the halls and cafeteria. In fact, unlike Finder's study on thirteen-year-olds, in
which she found that the classroom as safe haven is a myth and therefore unsafe, I found
the classroom to be the only space within Cobb where boys and girls interacted socially
as they would in any public school. In other words what constitutes "unsafe" or
"uncomfortable" in one setting, as in Finder's study, may be liberating in the Yemeni
American context.

One way to think about the classroom setting is to organize the events which take
place there and those which take place in the halls or cafeteria within Goflinan's (1959)
framework of interaction versus performance. According to Goflinan, interaction is

defined as the "reciprocal influence of individuals upon one another's actions when in one

67

another's immediate presence" (p. 15). Performance, is defined as "all the activity of a
given participant on a given occasion which serves to influence in any way any of the
other participants." The performance is pre-established; it is a routine of sorts from
which social relationships arise. For example, in one classroom in which I observed
Yemeni boys and girls conversing easily with one another in both English and Arabic, one
of the boys, when I inquired about their lack of conversation in the cafeteria, informed me
that if someone (of Arab/Yemeni background) were to come in and see the students sitting
as a group and him talking to Saba, he would be questioned about his actions. Saba agreed
but added that she, as a girl, would suffer the consequences and not he. He continued to
say that the lunchroom really showed the way things were [whereas the classroom is the
anomaly]—the boys "hang out with the clan and that this is nature and natural"

(F ieldnotes, 3/24/98). This example shows that neither the boys nor the girls were
concerned about anyone seeing them chat along with other classmates during class. It was
unlikely that a parent, community member, or other Yemeni students would enter the
class and observe the interaction among the students. The classroom was a safe zone, an
oasis—it was not easily entered or exited. Furthermore and according to Goffman's
thinking, whereas the lunchroom and cafeteria gave rise to the " enactment of rights and
duties attached to a given status," (p. 16) which the performer routinely reenacts for the
same audience, the classroom invited varieties of face-to-face interaction, especially

among girls. In the classroom, as many of the teachers pointed out, the girls were at their

68

best academically and often much more social than in any of the other school settings. '4
Hallways and the cafeteria were places where behavior was sanctioned by cultural and
religious practices and where power, as was explained in chapter one, was exerted to a firll
extent by the male gaze in much the same way that it was in the streets of the Southend

or in a village in Yemen.

The Cafeteria

The hijabat placed a high value on school life, high enough to perform according to
their community's norms both socially and academically. Continuing their high school
education meant being firlly conscious of themselves as Yemenis in the cafeteria and
hallways. Therefore, the girls and boys did not sit near each other and do not talk to or
look at one another. This reflected cultural norms both in the Southend and in Yemen,
where men and women usually dined in separate rooms in restaurants. The hijabat at
Cobb sat at tables that were in a small cluster in the middle of the cafeteria. This cluster
was buffered by tables at which non-Arab boys and/or girls, or Arabs (Palestinians,
Iraqis, or Lebanese) sat. The Yemeni American boys sat far away on one side of the room
in a row of tables, while the newly arrived Yemeni boys (surreptitiously called "boaters"),
who made up the majority of the bilingual program, sat on the adjacent side of the room.

Figure 2 illustrates a typical lunch hour in the cafeteria.

 

” By classroorrr, I do not include in that physical education classes or music classes. These are exceptions
and do not necessarily count as cases. More will be said in chapter four.

69

 

 

“Boaters” (boys) or bilingral students
Non-Arabs o 9 g -
Co 0. . n .
. - Yemeni boys
0 ., .,
CE}. 00
' 0.0 0
on 0'
Hijabat(searfed girls)

 

 

 

Figure 2: Cafeteria

The Yemeni boys who were part of the bilingual program were especially watchfirl of the
hijabat, and both boys and girls took notice when the two sexes drew near each other. ‘5
The girls kept their eyes away from the sides of the room, while the boys stayed away
from the cluster. Only brothers or close cousins conversed with the girls, and sometimes,
husbands talked to their wives but this usually did not occur within the cafeteria but in

the halls.

 

1’ Sometimes the Yemeni boys reacted negatively towards girls or women they did not know. I
encountered this distrust during my second year of shadowing Aisha. Aisha approached me firrtively on the
day I was to shadow her and said, ”I have to tell you something. There's this guy. He's my cousin. He
saw me talking to you at lunch yesterday and he asked me why you were talking to me. He went to my
house after school yesterday and told my mother that I should not talk to you, or my reputation will be
mined. So, can you please not shadow me today?" Of course, I agreed, but I reminded her that I had her
mother's consent to shadow her. She said, ”I know. He's been saying things to me since last year. But
now, he went to my mother. I'm really sorry. I'm so embarrassed. No one knows about this. None of
my fiiends. You won't tell anyone? I reassure her that I will not, but I ask if I may still sit at her table
during lunch since other girls in the study will be there. She responds, "That's just it. He isn't in that
lunch period, but yesterday he was. But you can eat with us. You know Layla and those guys." Aisha
seemed fiightened during the entire conversation. She fears her cousin, who is younger than she is. I'm
not sure what to make of this. I'm awed by the power her tenth grade cousin exerts over her (Fieldnotes,
112 1/99).

70

The girls explained their behavior in the cafeteria in one of two ways: shame or
fear. Saba, who was more religiously-minded than the other girls and who could quote the
Qur'an at length, asserted that "shame and not fear [was] what the girls feel around boys"
(F ieldnotes, 3/24/98). In the Qur'an, she argued among her fiiends, it was stated that girls
should be modest and must act so in public places, such as the cafeteria. Consequently,
most of the girls not only shied away from the Yemeni boys during lunch but also all
other males, including the teachers. It was rare to see one of the hijabat waving to a male
teacher or principal or even saying hello as other non-Arab girls did. In addition, the
hijabat rarely sat with students unlike themselves. For example, an aerial view of the
cafeteria would show white or black scarfed heads in small circles, all leaning towards the
center of the table, much like closed flower blooms. When a non-scarfed girl sat among
the hijabat, it was immediately noticed and noticeable. Consequently, when a girl who
once wore the hijab and then decided not to wear it, she was cast out of the hijabat group
and was usually no longer welcome by most of the girls. This occurred to Hannah, a
Moroccan girl who had worn the scarf for two months at her fiiends' urging, but found it
alien to her, especially since she had never worn one in Morocco. Hannah complained
that the Yemeni girls no longer talked to her and thought her shameless. She made fiiends
elsewhere, among the non-scarfed Lebanese and non-Arab girls.

Shame was a powerfirl incentive for proper behavior or performance in the
cafeteria because it was grounded in Yemeni culture and religion. In public places, unlike
the classroom, all the hijabat were modest in their mannerisms, movement, and speech.

They kept to themselves within a specific area of the cafeteria. The only exception to

71

this performance occurred when there were fights between Arabs and non-Arabs. For
example, when a non-Arab boy threw food at one of the hijabat, the Yemeni boys hurried
to protect the hijabat by fighting with the non-Arab boys. Exhibiting shame or modesty,
then, was a public performance, one which was demanded by Yemeni culture (and
expected by the boys) and enacted by the girls. But, why and how was this behavior
sustained over time? What mechanism reinforced the cultural enactment of shame when
the hijabat were also part of American social norms in the cafeteria?

While shame was a publicly enacted performance to be seen again and again in the
cafeteria and other public places, fear of being found without "shame" prompted the girls'
public performances. The hijabat often acted out of fear. Amani, one of the hijabat with
aspirations to become a nurse pointed out, "They'll (guys) just talk about you. They'll
like ruin your rep. Like for us, the most, like, well, not the most important thing but we
have to like, you know, watch our reputations really, really carefirl" (Interview, 2/10/98).
Fear of gossip prompted the hijabat to perform according to what was expected of them.
In fact, they were quite supportive of one another in that endeavor, both in the hallways
and in the cafeteria. Even when one of the hijabat was quite alone in the hallway or the
cafeteria, she was very conservative in her behavior. Goffman (195 9) has remarked that
"when a performer guides his private activity in accordance with incorporated moral
standards, he may associate these standards with a reference group of some kind, thus
creating a non-present audience for his activity" (81). The hijabat automatically assumed a
different role when they were in the cafeteria and did so as a group which differed

significantly fiom a "clique." Again, Goffman is useful here because he links performance

72

to the notion of team. In the case of the hijabat, they were first and foremost members of
a team through their dress and importantly, their scarves. In addition, a teammate "is
someone whose dramaturgical co-operation one is dependent upon in fostering a given
definition of the situation . . . . Similarly, a girl at a party who is flagrantly accessible may
be shunned by the other girls who are present, but in certain matters she is part of their
team and cannot fail to threaten the definition they are collectively maintaining that girls
are diflicult sexual prizes" (Gofi’man, p. 83). In effect, the hijabat's fear of gossip was
rooted in how they were perceived as sexual entities. They all denied that possibility.
During lunch they ate with one another and never faced outward, only inward within their
cluster of tables. They collectively formed a private sphere which was dificult to enter

or exit without the hijab.

The Hallways

The hallways of Cobb High School posed a challenge for the Hijabat. Hallways,
by definition, are places of movement, both fast and slow. And, not all hallways are the
same. For instance, hallways can become congested as was often the case in B Hall or, as
the Hijabat will often say, the "Boater Hall." This hall was usually congested by the
recent Yemeni arrivals simply because all of their social studies classrooms were located
in this hall. The hijabat were especially carefirl in this hall, where they usually lowered
their eyes, walked quickly but not too fast, avoided body contact, and kept quiet. Just as
in the cafeteria, the girls feared the new arrivals much more than the American-bom boys

of Yemeni descent. The so-called "boaters" were the ones who reported back to families

73

in the Southend. For example, the following observations illustrate the very real
perceived threat the hijabat feel on a daily basis:

After lunch, Saba and I walk down the hallway. She tells me about "this
guy, Jeff. "

"He saw me and said, 'Saba, you look nice today.‘ He tried to put his arm

around my shoulders, but I moved away and he said that my shoulders got

wider. I just stepped away before he touched me. But, then, there was

this boater and he looked at me when this happened. But I don't think he

knows who I am. I won't wear this outfit (purple abaya and scarf) for two

months" (F ieldnotes, 1/20/99).

Several days later, Saba sees the same Yemeni boy again in the gym class in

which she is one of the student leaders. She tells me that the "boater"

who saw her almost hugged by another boy is in the class and he looked at

her. Now, he knows who she is. I ask her whether it's the new Yemeni

boys or all of the Yemeni boys who threaten the girls with "telling." She

says that it's the "boaters" usually. "They feel it's their duty. The ones

who are born here, a few do, but most don't" (F ieldnotes, 1/26/99)
As a Muslim girl, Saba could not be seen interacting at any level with a non-Muslim boy
by a Yemeni Muslim boy. The fact that the "boater" gave her a "look" meant to Saba
that he noticed the interaction and blamed her for Jeff s behavior even though she was the
recipient and not the instigator of J effs compliment. She moved away because she could
not be touched by a man who is not her father, brother, uncle, or very close cousin. Yet,
although Saba behaved appropriately, the Yemeni boy witnessed the scene and was
likely to remember her and find out her name later if he noticed her again. In the
meantime, Saba, who did not want to be noticed, decided not to wear the same abaya and

scarf for a long time. She did not want to provoke this Yemeni boy to speak against her

to her family. Secretly, Saba told me that she was pleased by J eff's compliment but had

74

the presence of mind to perform according to cultural norms, yet her fear was very real
and escalated when she found out that the "boater" was in her gym class.

Although the hijabat were watchful in the hallways, they were less likely to
maintain the cluster group from the cafeteria all the time. In the hallways, some of the
girls walked and talked with their non-Arab fiiends and other hijabat; they tended to be
louder and to joke more. They had a favorite bathroom in A Hall, in which they stopped
to fix their scarves, gossip, and snack. This bathroom was generally firll of cigarette
smoke, although the girls swore that they never smoked since it is forbidden in the
Qur'an. This was puzzling because it was never clear who was smoking in there. In
general, then, hallway life was less constrained than that of the cafeteria, but fiom this
emerged a different type of watchfulness—the girls watched one another more, in much
the same way that Goffman describes the promiscuous girl at a party being watched by
other girls in case she goes too far and hurts the team. Nadya, who was a ninth grader
during my first year of fieldwork, was especially watchfirl of other girls' behavior in the
halls. New to Cobb, Nadya worried about being proper in the hallways and cafeteria,
even though she was quite boisterous in class.

We leave English. In the hallway, we see a scarfed Arab girl giving an

exuberant hug to a girl with long blond hair who is not Arab. Both girls

laugh hard and loudly. Nadya comments, "Some of the Arab girls in this

school, I don't like. They're all messed up. They do stuff with boys, bad

stuff, like talk to them, go out with them" (Fieldnotes, 2/10/98).

Nadya's comment was telling. Being loud and laughter were associated with overt

behavior which then indexed inappropriate behavior with boys. Nadya did not know

either of the girls she observed, yet the exuberance they exhibited indicated to her that the

75

Arab girl was "all messed up" and that she probably "does stuff with boys." The
implications Nadya drew fiom her observations seem unreasonable, yet they reflected the
teachings of the Arabic School she attended and perhaps her own family's admonitions
about overt behavior. She was also struggling to fit into her new school and to understand
the cultural limitations, both American and Yemeni, which she faced in difl’erent contexts.
The example below illustrates that although the hallways may have been less constraining
because movement was categorically manifested, there was still a certain degree of
watchfulness among the girls which reminded Nadya that an adequate performance
regardless of audience was still important.

As we walk, we see a girl who covers her face, except for the eyes. She

notices that Nadya's scarf isn't covering her completely and that some skin

just below the neck is showing. She exclaims rather loudly, "Haraml," and

points an index finger at the spot of skin that's showing. Nadya hurries to

cover herself, before anyone sees. I notice that Nadya seems rather

anxious that her scarf wasn't just right. She tugs at it surreptitiously

throughout the day" (F ieldnotes, 2/10/98).
The loud exclamation in Arabic for "forbidden" by the girl who noticed the spot of skin
would normally have beem thought of as too loud, but in this instance, because it called
attention to the personal appearance of a fellow hijabat, the loudness was not even
noticed. Nadya was gratefirl that she could repair the damage before anyone else noticed
the uncovered spot and hurt her reputation. The hallways of Cobb, like all hallways in
various high schools, were lively and loud. The students were usually rushing to get to
their next class on time and paid little attention to the people in whom they bumped or to

the laughter they heard. Among the Hijabat, however, hallway life was different.

Although they did meet fiiends at their lockers and walked together to class, they

76

maintained a distance from the goings-on of their non-scarfed peers. They did not take
part of the same play and their performance was meant to be witnessed by an audience
which was likely to approve of them as modest and good girls. This alone made the
hallway an important social context for the girls. In the section below, I discuss how the
classroom itself was perhaps the most liberating of all social and academic environments

in the high school.

Classroom as Oasis

The classroom, regardless of subject matter, is the only space within the high
school in which Yemeni boys and girls talked to one another. Teachers observed that the
girls were quieter than the boys and sat apart fiom them, but there was much more
interaction among them than in any other space. The hijabat were more likely to speak
fieely to the American-bom Yemenis but would ignore the boys who are part of the
bilingual program. '6 The hijabat also interacted more with the non-Arabs in the class.
The teachers sometimes enforced mixed seating (and more will be said about this in
chapter four), which decreased the level of talk and interaction in class, but when this is
not the case, interaction among the students followed two distinctive phases, each of

which is made up of two possible scenarios.

 

’6 The students in the bilingual program, for the most part, attended ESL classes in the various subjects
taught by bilingual teachers (Arabic and English). Once the students were assessed to have the required
English skills, they were allowed to attend mainstream classes. Some of the Yemeni boys, however, came
to the US very well educated in mathematics and were able to become part of the mainstream math classes
with relative ease. Others were allowed into the art classes since art is an elective.

77

Hijabat
Scenario 1 Sggngrig 2

 

 

 

 

 

.0. O OO
O O: 8008 O 0. .000
.00. .00.
O .0 O O.

\

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Non- Arab students

Figure 3: Classroom Phase 1

Figure 3 shows that the students arranged themselves in one of two ways when
they first arrived to class. Scenario 1 was the more likely scenario, where both the hijabat
and the Yemeni American boys sat on one side of the room and the non-Arabs sat on the
other. Scenario 2 is the case in which the hijabat sat on one side of the room and the
Yemeni boys sat on the other, while the non-Arab students sat on both sides. In both
scenarios the hijabat and the Yemeni America boys sat as two distinct groups, without
mixing with one another or the non-Arab students. The non-Arab students were either
organized by gender or were mixed, but they all talked to one another. While these spatial
arrangements may seem to extend, at first glance, cafeteria cultural norms into the
classroom, that was not so. Once the teacher took attendance and the lesson began,
whether it was a lecture, film, individual seat work, or group work, the students moved in
astonishing ways which would be impossible outside the room. Moving was voluntary

among students and usually occurred once the teacher assigned a task. For example,

78

Figure 4 below shows phase 2, an interactive setting where gender, ethnicity, language
(Arabic and English) mixed together in what most teachers and students would recognize

as a typical American classroom full of adolescents.

Scenario 2

 

 

 
 

OOO: 0 %.OO

"oOoooo
so 90

    

 

 

 
 

 

OO:O O£@8

. I
OOOO’e @ 0 @O , Non-Arabstudents
. . . PrYeinenl boys

 

 

 

Figure 4: Classroom Phase 2

In general, the hijabat were more comfortable in the classroom than elsewhere in
the school. Unlike Finder's (1997) study, in which she found that only girls who have
popular power feel most comfortable in class, that was not the case among the hijabat.
These girls, who normally kept to themselves in all public places, were unusually
interactive in the classroom. The boys were also more open with the hijabat and the non-
Arab students. The excerpt below fi'om fieldnotes is an example the social interaction that
usually occurred in the classroom.

On one side of the room sit all the Arab girls. Layla was moved by
the teacher across the room because she talked too much to Sumayya.
Once Mr. Fallstein begins his lecture, she moves back next to Sumayya
and Aisha. One of the hijabat sits by herselfin the comer. There are 8 girls
with scarves. 2 Arab boys are absent because they’re at the mosque. One
Arab boy sits by himself in a corner. Sumayya tells me that she doubts
that these two are really at the mosque praying. She then talks to a non-

79

Arab boy next to her about homework. He wants to borrow her
homework.

In the meantime, Mr. Fallstein covers senators and representatives'
qualifications for the job on the board. He has his back to the class and
talks over the conversations in the room.

Layla gets teased by a boy who is across the room from her and
talks to another non-Arab boy and non-Arab girl near her. The boy across
the room asks if he can sit next to her.

The non-Arab boy comes to sit by Layla and says hi to me. He
teases her and Sumayyah by asking them out to a rave and on dates. They
giggle and tease back, saying that they'll meet him on Friday night at the
party. They're both embarrassed that I'm listening. Layla and Sumayya
tell me in the hall later that they’re just friends with him and they always
talk to these boys in class (F ieldnotes, 5/15/98).

The question one must ask, then, is why was the classroom such a unique space

for the Yemeni American students? How did they reconcile two such distinct ways of

being within the school building walls?

One salient way to distinguish the classroom from other high school spaces is to

understand that the classroom did not require a performance, the enactment of codified

roles either by the hijabat or their male counterparts. Their identities became those of

students rather than someone else. In the classroom, interaction among the students was

often spontaneous; thus, gender relations tended to be of a lesser import during subject-

matter activities. Furthermore, there was an adult, the teacher, such as Mr. Fallstein, who

sanctioned acceptable and unacceptable behavior, and the students did not necessarily

have to be responsible for themselves when they had a teacher who set classroom policy

for interactive engagement. (Also and in general, the teachers at Cobb lectured or used

recitation strategies or what Cazden (1988) calls three-part sequence questions which

include teacher initiation, student response, and teacher evaluation. Asking students a

80

question and then responding by saying "right" or "wrong" was most common. There was
very little sustained discussion in the classrooms I observed and once the teachers
assigned a task, students did individual seat-work. This type of academic interaction
actually fostered more social discourse in the classroom.) In other words, real world
cultural norms were suspended in the classroom for the Yemeni American students, and
other types of norms took over, ones that were common to most high school classrooms.
Yet, how did the hijabat and Yemeni American boys make sense of their own discourse in
and out of the classroom? It would seem that inner conflict over proper behavior and the
maintenance of "good girl" status would ensue. However, this was not the case.

"In class it's different. We talk to each other," Aisha said (Fieldnotes, 5/15/98).
As Aisha's comment suggests, the classroom as different and there were three common
arguments the hijabat gave for their contrary behavior in the classroom versus that of the
hallways and the cafeteria. First, there was the "we know each other; it's like talking to a
brother or cousin" argument. The girls pointed out that they had known the boys with
whom they spoke in the classroom since they were small children in the neighborhood,
and therefore, these boys seemed much like family. Second, there was the "it's safe—no
one talks" argument. The hijabat thought of the classroom as a haven from prying eyes
and gossip. And, interestingly enough, the goings-on of the classroom, even those that
included teasing among boys and girls as in the example above, remained in the room. One
teacher noted that when she had just girls in her class, they sometimes removed their
scarves to be more comfortable, something that would never occur anywhere else outside

their homes unless they were among women at a party or wedding. Third, there was the

81

"we're just talking about school stuff and there's nothing wrong with that" argument given
by the hijabat. This argument as often used by the girls when they explained themselves
to a person of authority, such as a teacher or family member.

All three arguments above helped the hijabat negotiate two different worlds and to
make an oasis of the classroom. By temporarily giving the boys in the classroom the
status of family member, they bridged the gap between home and school to make life at
school more "normal" and home life less threatening. The fact that the girls felt safe from
gossip encouraged them to engage more openly both in academic talk, that is, talk around
school work, and social talk, talk about social events and relationships. Their openness,
however, was predicated by the reciprocity of the Yemeni boys in the class. Their
comfort level decreased as the number of "boaters" increased. They were much more
comfortable with Yemeni American boys than with the newly-arrived immigrants. In
fact, when the girls found themselves in a classroom with mostly "boaters, " they were
less likely to move around the room and to chat with fiiends, but they were still more
interactive than in the halls or the cafeteria. For their part, and with few exceptions, the
recent immigrant boys kept to themselves. '7 Although the hijabat were always wary of
the boys' watchfirl gaze, for the most part, the classroom still offered a safe zone, an

oasis.

 

'7 I should note, too, that I often observed that when one of the hijabat finds herself alone in a classroom,
she is likely to drop the class and find one in which she is certain there will be other scarfed girls. This
occurred among a few of the older girls, who found themselves alone in the more advanced math,
economics, or science classes. These girls are generally good students, whose friends sometimes drop out
of school or don’t see the point of taking the "hard" classes when they know that they will not continue
their education after high school.

82

It is important to consider why the boys might have felt freer to speak to the girls
in the classroom. They, too, gave similar arguments as those of the girls. The classroom
was less constraining and the presence of the teacher, a third party, as was commonly
said by both boys and girls, "keeps the devil away. " Additionally, some of the Yemeni
American and recent immigrant boys were engaged or married. 18 Therefore, talking to the
girls was not a sin because they said they could control themselves, i.e., their lust, in their
married status. For instance, one eighteen-year-old Yemeni American boy who had two
children and was married at fifteen to a girl fi'om Yemen, said, "IfI didn't get married, I'd
be lost. Marriage controls hormones. That's what my father says. Life is different here.
We have a house and my mother helps with the children" (F ieldnotes, 5/11/98). A fiiend
of his who was sitting next to me and Nouria, the girl I was shadowing that day, added,
"I'm going to Yemen this summer and marry a girl there. It's too hard to get married in the
US. If I didn't marry, I'd be lost and start drinking, smoking. Marriage fixes everything"
(F ieldnotes, 5/11/98). At least for some boys, another argument to be made for the more
open classroom interaction was that they were already married and therefore the talk was
innocent. For the hijabat, the classroom was a space that counted tremendously in their
daily lives. It was the only space in which the girls openly interacted with people unlike
themselves, as in Mr. Fallstein's classroom. To an observer the classroom became an

extraordinary setting, one which defied the perforrnative norms that defined all other

 

'8 I was not able to get an accurate number of students who were married or engaged, since both categories
are ambiguous unless there are children and because most Yemeni students did not want to divulge such
information. Layla, for example did not wear a wedding ring at school. However, the school

83

spaces in the high school. The classroom could be characterized as a space of mutual
social engagement and interaction which was spontaneous, whereas the cafeteria and halls
called for a performance for a very strict and threatening audience, whether real or
imagined. It was no wonder that the hijabat looked forward to school with both
anticipation and trepidation. The girls often felt that home life in general, and especially
during summer vacations, was boring for them because social and spatial relationships
were limited to family and close family fiiends within the Southend, whereas school

offered more, and the classroom offered even more in relative safety.

 

administration, teachers, and the hijabat, did tell me that while there was a small married male minority, it
is unusual for boys to be married while in high school, whereas the opposite is true for the girls.

84

THREE

"In-betweeness": Religion and Conflicting Visions of Literacy

Saba and I went shopping at the mall. She wanted to buy gifts for her fiiends and
family for the El Eid holiday. I parked the car in the lot in front of JC Penney and moved
to open my door. Saba raised her hand without saying anything and I stopped moving.
She closed her eyes and her mouth began to move silently. I surreptitiously glanced at
my watch and saw that it was nearly noon. Saba was doing her noon prayer right in the
front passenger seat, while I sat there not knowing what to do. I caught a few sounds, but
her lips moved silently for ten minutes. When she finished, Saba praised God aloud, took
ofl’ her seatbelt and unlocked the door (F ieldnotes, 1/15/99).

In this chapter, I examine the multiple uses of religious text at school, home, and in
the community. Specifically, I focus on how the Yemeni American high school girls
employ religious and Arabic texts as a means for negotiating two worlds, home and
school. These texts can be characterized as "in-between" texts, or forms of discourse
which are manifested in different contexts and which bridge, subvert, and recreate Yemeni
and American social and cultural norms. By discourse, I mean more than talk, or speech
acts. Gee’s (1989) sociolinguistic analysis differentiates discourse (stretches of language)
from "Discourses": "ways of being in the world; they are forms of life which integrate
words, acts, values, beliefs, attitudes, and social identities as well as gestures, glances,
body positions, and clothes" (p. 7). Gee asserts firrther that a Discourse is an "identity
kit" which a person takes on as a role and which is immediately recognizable to others. In

the tradition of Gofl‘man (1959), Gee suggests that Discourse is really a presentation of

the self, both past and present. In a very real sense, then, Gee's definition of Discourse

85

describes culture. According to Geertz (1973 ), culture "denotes an historically
transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, 3 system of inherited conceptions
expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and
develop their knowledge about attitudes toward life" (p. 89). Hence, culture is both a
temporal and local phenomenon. It is certainly not static because the enactment of
Discourse or culture as performance is localized continuously over time and is therefore
dynamic. The locus of such a performance can be an individual or group of individuals,
who, as stated in the previous chapter, assume culturally-laden roles which require certain
texts, behaviors, mannerisms, etc. The example of Saba (a twelfth-grader), whose
experience I chose as a symbolic entree into this chapter, illustrates that she, as a devout
Muslim, is following the strictures governing the five pillars of Islam—one of which is
prayer five times daily—closely.l9 At the same time, her oral text is mediated by the
space she occupies and creates something which is representative of both her
surroundings and her culture. Saba's discourse can be described as "in-between" and her
performance is symbolic of adaptation to her immediate context. The cultural pattern is
explicit yet somewhat changed to account for differences, both in identity and in space.
The localization of Saba's prayer was unexpected, at least to me, as we sat in the
mall parking lot, yet her actions symbolized an identification with something other than
the tangible objects in the immediate space of the car. Under normal circumstances, Saba

would have found a quiet area at home or at the mosque, washed her hands and feet, laid

 

'9 The five pillars of Islam include salah (daily prayers), saum (fasting), hadj (pilgrimage to Mecea), khurns
(the one-fifth tax on savings), and mkah (the alms-tax).

86

out a small rug, and knelt facing east on her knees to do her prayer. Instead, she
improvised as best she could and made use of the car, which was facing east toward
Mecca, and prayed silently in Arabic. This improvisation, a performance, identified Saba
solidly with a people and a religion. Her actions, which were both textual and spiritual,
transcended her immediate space and occupied an "in-between" space which was neither
Yemeni nor American but was, instead, a hybrid, an alternative possibility carved out of a
particular time (afternoon) and place (the car outside the mall). Bhabha (1994), who has
written extensively on culture in the post-colonial era and about the boundary spaces
which minority populations occupy, characterizes this "in-betweeness" as the locality of
culture. He notes that

this locality is more around temporality than about historicity: a form of

living that is more complex than 'community'; more symbolic than

'society'; more connotative than 'country'; less patriotic than patrie; more

rhetorical than the reason of State; more mythological than ideology; less

homogeneous than hegemony; less centered than the citizen; more hybrid

in the articulation of cultural differences and identifications than can be

represented in any hierarchical or binary structuring of social antagonism

(140).
In other words, "in-betweeness" or the locality of culture signifies the immediate
adaptation of one's performance or identity to one's textual, social, cultural, and physical
surroundings. Saba, much like the girl who exclaimed "Haram! " at Nadya's show of skin
in the previous chapter, engaged in ritualistic performances which were influenced by the
immediate conditions of the interaction. In effect, the result was neither conventionally

Yemeni/Muslim nor was it commonly American but somewhere in between. In this

chapter, then, I examine the discourse and textual practices of the Yemeni girls in and out

87

of school by considering more closely both their use of language in the cultural and
religious locus and their use of texts (reading, writing, and oracy). In so far as literacy is
concerned, and as the title of the chapter implies, visions of literacy do conflict with one
another because the girls occupied the "in-between" spaces of two cultures and this
necessitates negotiation, which, in tum, influences ritual performance. Scribner's (1984)
definition of literacy into three metaphors—literacy as adaptation, literacy as power, and
literacy as a state of grace—is a propos in the case of the Yemeni American girls. I will
use these metaphors as I describe the girls' use of text in several places and how "in-
betweeness" was manifested at school, weddings and parties, Arabic school, and

Muhathara or lecture

Hidden Texts in School

Scribner notes that the "the single most compelling fact about literacy is that it is a
social achievement" and importantly, that "literacy is the outcome of cultural
transmission" (p. 7). Among the Yemeni students in the Southend, being literate meant
being able to call upon multiple literacies in order to perform appropriately in the
contexts they inhabited. School, for example, may have created an imbalance in the lives
of Yemeni American students by challenging their cultural traditions and by challenging
their primary (or home) Discourses (Gee 1989). Whereas the Muslim Yemeni family
promotes loyalty based on kinship ties, American schools tend to privilege individual
opportunity over collective responsibility. American schooling teaches youngsters to

value personal response, individual reasoning, and the expression of a highly personal

88

voice (Grafl‘ 1995; Portes and Rumbaut 1996). An example of this is found in the 1995
Michigan English and Language Arts Framework standards in which students are strongly
encouraged to form an individual voice such that they can question texts and form
arguments about them, thus often disregarding their own beliefs or values about the
content and ways to talk or write about it. Home or family culture is necessarily divorced
from the students’ learning at school in order for knowledge to be disseminated most
efficiently. This type of critical reading of texts, when it does take place and which Gee
calls ‘a liberating metaknowledge or literacy’ and which carries an ideological message
(italics found in Gee, p. 16) may run counter to Yemeni Muslims’ views about the
sanctity of religious text, i.e., the Qur’an, in relation to their quotidian Discourses both at
home and at school.20 Knowing how to read at school is difl‘erent fi'om knowing how to
read at home, where the Qur'an is the primary source of reading. Reading the Qur'an and
being able to recite it endows a person with both knowledge and holiness, or, in Scribner's
words, "a state of grace." In fact, in the Qur'an itself, there is a passage which states,
"This is a perfect book. There is no doubt in it," which makes it impossible for students
to be critical of the word of God. Both Yemeni boys and girls at Cobb told me that all I
needed to do was to read the Qur'an in order to know what success is. In other words
and according to them, the text of the Qur'an contains all, and if one reads it, that person

assumes that same knowledge.

 

2° It is important to note that Anyon (1981) argues that the critical analysis of texts in the classroom is rare
and is influenced by social class practices. Her researach shows that knowledge is often fragmented and
isolated fi'om meaning.

89

The literacy practices which I am about to describe and with which the hijabat
engaged were clearly influenced by their religion. Street (1995) defines literacy practices
as "behaviour and the social and cultural conceptualizations that give meaning to the uses
of reading and/or writing" (p. 2). They incorporate literacy events, which refer to how a
piece of writing is integral to a reader or writer's interaction or interpretation of it (Heath
1982). Street's definition of "literacy practices" is part of a larger framework stemming
from various disciplines called "New Literacy Studies." According to Gee (1999),

The New Literacy Studies approach literacy as part and parcel of, and

inextricable from, specific social, cultural, institutional, and political

practices. Thus literacy, is, in a sense, "multiple": literacy becomes

difl’erent "literacies," as reading and writing are differently and distinctively

shaped and transformed inside different sociocultural practices.

Additionally, these socioculturally always have inherent and value-laden,

but often difi’erent, implications about what count as "acceptable"

identities, actions, and ways of knowing. They are, in this sense, deeply

"political" (p. 356).

In other words, as Barton and Hamilton (1998) have pointed out, literacy is integral to its
context. At school, where the intersection of multiple cultures and literacies was most
evident, Yemeni American girls learned to adapt various texts to different situations. The
most direct way that they did this was by organizing some behaviors and speech events
into three categories which stem from the Qur'an and religious teachings. The three
categories were: /haram/, meaning forbidden; Ihalal/ meaning lawful; and, Imahkrul,
meaning not written as forbidden in the Qur'an but condemned by the Prophet
Muhammad. All things haram are written in the Qur'an. Drinking alcohol, for example, is
haram. Things halal are good deeds, which include learning and being learned. Things

mahkru include wearing make-up before marriage or listening to music. The mahkru

9O

category is controversial and is therefore the marked category. Many of the hijabat wore
nail polish or eye liner even though the Prophet forbade it. However, because nothing is
written in the Qur'an about such things, Islamic scholars and ordinary Muslims debate
these issues constantly.

At school, the hijabat used "haram" and "halal" liberally, especially when one's
modesty was in question. The students argued about what was haram when semething
was called into question, and advice was often sought fi'om people such as Saba who was
respected for her knowledge of the Qur'an and the Hadith.21 The category halal also
governs food consumption. For example, Mariam did not eat meat prepared at
restaurants or school if it had not been prepared according to Islamic custom (the blood
must drain from the animal and a prayer is said over it). Her parents, however, ate meat
in restaurants. Mariam explained, "It is mahkru to eat this meat but because there is a
verse which can be interpreted as letting Muslims eat meat that hasn't been prayed over.
It's a controversial issue and people can do as they like" (Fieldnotes, 2/ 5/ 98). Girls who
were pious or wanted to appear pious did not do or say anything that was likely to be
considered mahkru. In fact, except for some girls who studied and read the Qur'an, the
category mahkru was not known or well-understood by most girls and boys. For the
hijabat, most of life fell under haram or halal, and when scripture did not provide an

answer, there was always the Yemeni "folk Islam, " occult beliefs (and/or magic) which

 

2' Hadith, or ”Traditions,” are the recorded words, actions, and sanctions of the Prophet Muhammad.
Unlike the Qur'an or the Hadith Qudsi (Divine Hadith), the Hadith are the Prophet Muhammad's own
words which help explain and clarify the Qur'an and to give practical application (1991a; 1991b).

91

helped explain and remedy problems. More will be said about "folk Islam" in chapter
five.

Arranging school life into religiously motivated textual categories gave the hijabat
the opportunity to maintain Yemeni social status and norms within the confines of
school. Yet, school also gave the girls the chance to stretch home and community
imposed limits. For example, unlike most teenagers, the hijabat were often not allowed to
listen to American Rock or Pop music (in the mahkru category), and they were also not
allowed to read teen magazines, or anything that might be sexually explicit or imply
sexuality. At school, however, whereas the hijabat and some of the boys might not have
been familiar with movies which teachers discussed in class, there was still a significant
amount of underground reading which took place during lunch, the most social event of
the day. I observed that the active engagement with text which took place outside the
classroom was not usually present in relation to subject matter within the classroom. In
fact, as I show in chapter four, the hijabat would sometimes refirse to participate in
watching fihns or discuss texts if the content was "risky," meaning that it crossed a
certain religious or cultural boundary. This lack of engagement in the classroom usually
occurred if and when the presence of "boaters" was strong and the hijabat had to maitain a
proper social peforrnance while the teacher tried to engage the class in the text. Socially,
as I describe in chapter two, the classroom was still an oasis for the hijabat, but different
rules applied under specific conditions, and therefore, their experiences in class were not
uniform. The merging of identity and literacy was quite complex and multifaceted in all of

thecontexts the hijabat inhated. In their cafeteria cluster of tables, which was buffered

92

from the Yemeni American boys and "boaters" and by the non-Arab students, the girls
brought forth their contraband: teen magazines, yearbook pictures which could only be
seen by them, and fable-like poems and stories (such as chain-letters) about girls who
nrisbehaved. They gossiped around these texts, sharing personal information about their
marriages, their families, the men they would like to marry, and their fiiends. During one
such instance, both Aisha and Layla, two eleventh graders, suggested that I read Princess
by Jean Sasson. This was a popular biography about the tragedies experienced by a Saudi
Arabian princess who manages to escape her family and country to tell her story. Both
Layla and Aisha identified strongly with the woman in the story and talked about her at
length. This was not a book they openly discussed or read at home because, as Saba
noted, "It makes Islam and Muslims look bad" (Fieldnotes, 11/20/98). All of the hijabat
in this study reiterated that there is a difference between religion and culture. They
argued that Princess Sultana's story by Sasson is a story about culture and not about
religion: "there's only one true Islam and that's in the Qur'an, and not in that book," Saba
said firmly (Fieldnotes, 11/20/98).

The distinction made by the girls between religion and culture is an important one.
It means that to them that while their religion and their Holy Book cannot be questioned,
their culture and cultural acts can. For instance, when the hijabat were upset or angry
with family decisions dealing with education or marriage, they were very careful to blame
it on Yemeni culture and not on Islam. According to them, religious texts sanction
meaning, but people were likely to misinterpret words and actions found in the Qur'an,

and therefore, the girls limited their public discourse and interaction with others in order

93

to protect themselves. It is easy to see, then, the significance of the relatively safe
classroom or the isolated cluster of hijabat within a crowded cafeteria. Those places
offered a haven for sharing secret texts, texts which were American and which represented
American values. Sometimes, however, these texts reinforced Yemeni cultural values.
Here is an example about dating taken from fieldnotes:
I sit with Amani and the other girls during lunch. A poem is

passed around the table about a girl who goes out with a boy even though

her parents don't allow her to date and expect her to be at a school dance

that night. The boy has been drinking heavily and crashes into another car.

At the hospital, as the girl lays dying, she asks the nurse to tell her parents

that she's sorry. The nurse doesn't say anything as the girl dies. It turns

out that the car that the girl and her boyfriend had crashed into had been

occupied by her parents, who were both killed instantly. All the girls

around the table react to this poem with loud exclamations of "haram! " To

them, hurting their parents through their actions is forbidden. They admire

the girl for taking a risk, but they all agree that it's better not to take such a

risk and that "religion knows what's right." The poem is folded and put

away and is shared again later in the classroom with other girls (F ieldnotes,

9/17/98).
The example of the poem about dating illustrates the significance of private spaces (a
small cluster of girls in a large cafeteria) within the school, and it reinforces the teachings
of the Qur'an. It also recreates, bridges, and subverts different cultural norms and is
therefore a good example of "in-betweeness." Private spaces were places and times during
which the hijabat could voice their concerns, reify their beliefs, and sometimes put their

doubts to rest. Public spaces (the cafeteria in general or the hallways), however, were

indexed only by the culturally laden roles and by religious texts spoken in Arabic or in the

94

English translation, which was not typical of every day American English speech.22 In
other words, throughout the day, the girls' talk was peppered with Arabic and English
excerpts of the Qur'an, and the use of "haram" and "halal" was rampant. At the same
time, the hijabat found moments during the school day to address topics and issues which
were never discussed at home or in their community. The combination of religious textual
reference and the clandestine quality of the hijabat's use of non-religious texts was unique
at Cobb. In fact, during an interfaith roundtable (Diversity Day) organized by the high
school administration to improve relations among Arab and non-Arab students, when the
students were invited to depict pictorially who they are, without exception, every
Muslim student (eighteen out of forty-three students) drew a crescent and a star, symbols
of Islam. None of the non-Arab students drew a religious symbol (F ieldnotes, 5/7/98).

Even though the hijabat claimed that their culture is independent of their religion,
the evidence suggests that the two were intertwined in very elaborate ways. Ifculture can
be defined as performance according to both Goffman and Gee, then so can religion, which
is a very specific set of symbolic actions. Geertz (1973), who has written about religion
as a cultural system, defines it in the following fashion:

( 1) a system of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive,

and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating

conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing these

conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the moods and
motivations seem uniquely realistic (italics found in original, p. 90).

 

22 For example, some girls not only memorized the Qur' an in Arabic, but they could also recite parts in
English. The English version is a sophisticated spoken register which is an almost literal translation of the
Arabic version.

95

The hijabat were not only visibly symbolic of their religion because of their dress, they
also embodied their religion with their actions and speech. For example, to Saba, religion
was her life, and she talked the talk of militant Muslims: "Islam has permanent solutions
to primary problems. And Islam is set to where if anything is forbidden, it blocks all
avenues leading to the forbidden thing" (Interview, 2/3/98). Saba, like all the hijabat,
strived for a state of grace in her daily life especially as she struggled to persuade her
family to allow her to marry a young Black man who had converted to Islam. She
retreated into the text of the Qur’an not only for spiritual reasons but also as a means of
protection and power against her family's racial prejudice. By embodying the work of the
Qur'an, she did not think that her family could hurt her. The text sanctioned her
relationship to the young man even if her culture and family would not. Reading the
Qur'an, as Saba did each day or as Layla did with her father each night, led to three
results: being more knowledgeable about the contents of the Qur'an and therefore more
respected by one's family and community, reaching a state of grace by virtue of the fact
that the reading it endows a spirituality or holiness, and empowering one's self against
culturally biased acts. In fact, parents took pride in the fact that their sons and daughters,
but especially their daughters, read the Qur'an and prayed. At a school/parent meeting
about school violence, one father praised his son's success (a high GPA) in school but
chose to describe his daughter's success at being prayerfirl, "She prays more than I do"

(F ieldnotes 3/24/98). In other words, although most of the Yemeni families desired both
their male and female children to know the Qur'an and to pray, these characteristics were

especially valued in girls because they reflected on the family's honor. It was the girls'

96

responsibility to maintain religious values, thus reinforcing a gendered notion of religion.
The girls knew this and were genuinely involved in their religious practice, but they were
also cognizant of the power one assumed with the thorough knowledge of the Qur'an. As
Saba explained, "Usually, the time I really concentrate on reading the Qur'an is when I
have a problem because that purifies my heart and just makes me feel so much better.

It's, it's unbelievable the way it touches my heart" (Interview, 2/3/98). At home, Saba
constantly quoted fi'om the Qur'an in order to persuade her family, for example, to let her
marry the person she chose.

If reading the Qur’an incited a state of spiritual grace and power, reading other
texts allowed the hijabat to adapt and become part of American social and cultural life.
This was most easily done at Cobb, where the interaction among public and private
spaces allowed the girls to maintain cultural and religious norms and to indulge in the same

texts, both oral and written, that other students did.

Music: The Text of Parties

As a contrast to school life and reading the Qur'an, it is important to consider
other social settings within which the hijabat enacted cultural and/or religious performance
through texts. Parties, which often took place within the Southend were segregated
according to gender, and the most controversial text was the music to which the girls
listened or danced. Parties were often organized around birthdays and weddings. The girls
printed out invitations (written in Arabic and English) which were passed out at school.

For weddings, everyone in the Yemeni community was invited. These were important

97

occasions and the entire Yemeni community knew about them. For a party, such as the
sweet sixteen party Nouria (a tenth grader) had at her house, the hij abat generally arrived
wearing the hijab and the abaya or very loose pants and large shirts. In the Southend,
since most homes had basements which included complete kitchens, the girls gathered in
the basements while the older women chatted upstairs in the living room. The basement
room was usually arranged so that the guests sat along the perimeter of the room. This
allowed a vast space in the middle to remain unoccupied until the dancing began. The girls
and young women (some of whom are married and had young children with them) sat
around the perimeter, and as each guest arrived, she would walk along the perimeter and
shake every guest's hand and say hello in Arabic. Guests who were fiiends or kin kissed
each other three times on one cheek. Arab music was played and as in Nouria's party, the
girls danced with Nouria's mother's encouragement. The dancer tied a long scarf or belt
around her hips and moved to the music, with most of the movement centered around the
hip area, as in a belly-dance.

Even though parties took place in the privacy of Yemeni homes and were
segregated by gender, they did in fact manifest "in-betweeness" in concrete ways, through
clothing, talk, and music. For instance, most of the hijabat at Nouria's party removed
their scarves and abayas, revealing the American clothing—jeans and shirts—which were
quite tight underneath. Their hair, although long, was done in the latest fashion: straight or
up with wisps of hair around the face. The women began to ask Nouria and her sisters for
American music and a fiiend brought a compact disc player with American dance mixes.

The girls danced but were shy around me, a stranger in their midst. Some of the young

98

married women did not remove their scarves and talked instead about the lyrics in the
songs, describing them as "haram" because of the sexual messages in them. Most of the
high school girls could not listen to this music at home and dared not tell their parents that
Nouria allowed it at her party. Other girls openly opposed the music and remained
covered. Saba, who wore very tight outfits at parties and who was proud of her figure,
had turned away from "regular" music." Her explanation below reflects and represents
other girls' perceptions, misgivings, and doubts about both American and Arab music.

I used to listen to regular music such as, you know, FM98 and tapes and
stuff. But I stopped and now I listen to only Islamic music. And Islamic
music is only, is only the drum but nowadays there's so many groups of
talented Muslim, like rappers, singers, that the music is so beautiful that
you can really dance to it (Interview, 2/3/98).

Saba explained further that there are American or Western musicians and singers who
make music to which she can listen because it is based on Islamic teachings. She gave
singer Cat Stevens as an example and shared an article about him in which he explains the

reasons for his conversion (Stevens, n.d.).

So like, cause from before, the music wasn't, I mean, you could only listen
to it, you couldn't really dance it. But now they became more talented.
Like there's this one guy, his name was, his name is, one guy that you're
probably familiar with. Cat Stevens, a British rock star. Well, now he
converted to Islam and he makes his own. His name now is Yusuf Islam
and he is so talented. Like his music is so nice. He has these songs for
little kids and they only do with the drum but you won't think it's the
drum. You'll think it's other music, too. But it's the way he uses other
drums, different types of drums and they make different kinds of sounds
and he makes sounds with his vocal chords so it makes it look like real nice
(Interview, 2/3/98).

In effect, Saba listened to a hybrid type of music, music which is composed of Islamic

teachings and Western rock. Again, "in-betweeness" characterized the music and musical

99

texts to which the hijabat listened, danced, and sang. Saba pointed out that she listened
to Islamic music because it connected both American and Yemeni cultural and religious
spaces.

It's Islamic music but it's American. Some is [fi'om the Middle
East], like the ones I found, like the one's that's Arabic but there is...
usually the ones I buy, the American music is about the people that
converted. These three rappers, Joshua, Jesse, and _ converted. And
they're real talented rappers They're called Sons of the Crescent. And they
have like really good rap and like dealing with Islam and to better yourself
in the future and better yourself in this world. It's really like, it's mainly
rap that doesn't concern all the negative... you know, these, about women
or this and this and that. Things that shouldn't be said (Interview, 2/3/98).

Saba and most of the other hijabat did not listen to other types of American music
because of the possible negative consequences on their reputations.

Because I, sometimes you can say probably like if there's, fiom the
olden days, it's a nice, decent song. Innocent, it deals about like love, it's
nice, it's beautiful. Because nowadays, I find that music nowadays is very
distracting in a way where they have like things that, I don't know. I'm a
very modest person and I don't like to hear like I wanta, you know, this
and this and that. Because I don't, I don't think that's modesty and I just, I
prefer to listen to something I can benefit from. And I prefer to listen to
something that won't be held against me in a way like... you know, cause
you control what you hear, you control what you see, you control what
you say. So if I can control to hear something good than negative, then
why not. The main music nowadays is not innocence, not decent. I mean,
they're just. . .(Interview, 2/3/98).

Music among the hijabat served one main purpose: it helped connect American and
Yemeni life more concretely and it did so through religious texts or musical instruments

such as the drums.23 The hijabat listened to other music but not openly. They did at

 

’3 Islamic music is characterized by the beat of drums. The drums, unlike other musical instruments, do
not provide harmony or melody and, therefore as it is implied by devout Muslims, drums do not suggest
corporeal movement.

100

Nouria's sweet sixteen party, although some of the young women did not participate in
the sing-along or dancing.

Most of the hijabat talked and gossiped at parties. The talk centered around
pregnancy and life in Yemen, and the girls were very open about their attitudes toward
their homeland. For example, one of the girls who worked as a receptionist at a doctor's
office told the story of a woman who found out that she was pregnant but did not want
to tell her husband. All the guests exclaimed, "Haram! " The girl said that the next time
she saw the husband, she congratulated him on the new baby. All the girls nodded their
approval at this and the conversation shifted to Yemen. In other words, it was sinfill for
the woman to keep her pregnancy a secret and the receptionist thought only to act
according to the teachings of her religion by informing the husband.

The talk about Yemen centered around how backwards their villages are. All of the
young women at Nouria's party went back almost yearly and some went back to get
married. The girls talked about how restaurants were segregated by gender and about how
women in the street were always covered. Nouria shared a story in which she and her
uncle had entered a restaurant and she was told to eat by herselfin the women's room
while her uncle ate with the men. She did this for ten minutes and could no longer "stand
it," so she went back to her uncle and sat by him. They were told to leave the restaurant
within five minutes of her rebellious action. All the girls and women laughed at this story.
One woman who attended the nearby community college stated that that people in the

Southend are three hundred years ahead of those in Yemen" (F ieldnotes, 2/7/98).

101

Parties were important events in the Southend because they allowed young
women to socialize safely. Birthdays were always celebrated. Women found these
opportunities to gather in the safety of their homes for a conversation with neighbors and
family a highlight of their daily lives. Among the high school hijabat, these gatherings
offered the opportunity to partake in American cultural norms, such as listening to music
and dancing. Because parents did not usually approve of American music (and the Imam,
the religious leader at the mosque, was against it), the hijabat compromised by listening to
"in-between" music. This type of music often included Arabic and English lyrics and
sometimes French ones. The music had a fast heat, but it contained musical influences
from the Middle East or North Afiica which were immediately recognizable as "Arab"
and were therefore deemed appropriate by the girls, even if their parents disagreed.
Within the basement spaces at parties, the girls enjoyed this music without worrying
about being either too American or not American enough.

Weddings were another type of special occasion during which the hijabat indulged
in unrestricted behavior and listened to different types of music and "in-between" lyrics.
At school, the girls talked of nothing else but the upcoming wedding, whether the bride
and groom (who are already married) are cousins, whether the marriage will be
consummated during the night of the party. This talk was preceded by the bride handing
out invitations to all of the Yemeni girls at school. The girls then took these invitations
home and showed them to their mothers, most of whom could not read in Arabic or
English. In this fashion, the news of a wedding spread quickly and efliciently. A wedding

was a community affair in the Southend and generally everyone was invited. Since many

102

families were related and/or had village affiliations in Yemen, it was taken for granted that
everyone would send someone from the family to the wedding. The invitations were quite
elaborate and included English and Arabic script. The example in Figure 5 begins with a
short prayer in Arabic praising God and is followed by the announcement of marriage and
its locations in both Arabic and English.“ The celebration is to take place in two different
places, one for men and the other for women. At the bottom of the invitation, the
families requested in Arabic that small children be left at home. The wedding invitation is
an example of an in-between text in both language and form. The wedding celebration was
a significant event because it announced that the bride and groom could live together and
consummate their marriage. For the hijabat, the celebration gave them the opportunity to
dress up in their finery and enjoy an evening out in safety. A Yemeni wedding in the
Southend generally began at six in the evening on either Saturday or Sunday. The women
were driven to one location by the men, and the men drove to their own celebration site.
If a hall was rented, the men loitered outside the hall to ensure that all was well, while the
women and children found places to sit at the tables.

At one of the weddings to which I was invited (see Figure 5) and which I describe
here, at least 200 women attended (F ieldnotes, 11/1/98). All of them were covered upon
entering the hall and many of the hijabat fiom Cobb High attended to celebrate their
fiiend's marriage. Nouria arrived with two non-Arab girls who were the only women with

long dresses held up by spaghetti straps. Nouria's fiiends felt uncomfortable with their

 

2’ The invitation was scanned from the original. Names of people and places have been blacked out to
preserve anonymity.

103

 

1

$44.13...

w Hui-gnu”

9‘4“” "7 J19?
*Wt wit-*twfi‘r 51w alt-5n pg amyMUiMMf-mwlw’a,
33* aim 1M.) at: strum ’ utpwfihwifle‘u Kerr-V.) salami

Mr. W and Family a
Mr. H and Family
request the honour of your presence
at the weddtngreceptton of their children

56953 65" gadr

On Sunday. the ls: afflowber face at 6:00 at the evening
For Men: Stefan's antiquarian '

   

For Ladies: Heritage acne:-

Jrr'ir ()3 [3 JJ‘E:

 

Figure 5: Wedding Invitation

104

 

 

exposed shoulders, but no one commented on their dress. The women settled in their
seats and waited for the bride to walk ill, which she did with her husband. He wore a
white tuxedo with red bow tie, and she wore a Western-style, white wedding gown with a
firll skirt. The fathers of both groom and bride were dressed in traditional Yemeni
dress—red jackets with white shirts underneath, pants which were loose to the knee and
then tightened fi'om knee to ankle, and long swords at their sides. The mothers were not
part of the march into the hall, but other male relatives accompanied the bride and groom
along with six covered (with hijab and abayas) bridesmaids and a few small children. The
groom and bride danced their first dance to Arabic music and were photographed, then all
of the men left the hall and the women removed the hijab. The older women wore
beautiful, intricate jewelry made of gold. Some wore huge belts made out of gold around
their hips and waists. They also wore colorful traditional dresses and everyone wore
make-up, even the unmarried girls. The bridesmaids all wore burgundy dresses.

The high school girls wore outfits ranging fi'om conservative (with short or long
sleeves) prom-like dresses to traditional Yemeni dresses. They also had gold jewelry.
Layla, one of the girls in the study, showed me her shorter hair, which she had been hiding
fi'om her mother for a long time (her mother could not attend the wedding). Most of the
women had very long hair that reached to the waist. The unveiling caused a stir among the
women, for some had not seen each other without the hijab in a long time and comments
were made about appearances. Non-Arab guests, such as teachers or students from Cobb
exclaimed that they now knew what their students and fiiends "looked like. " They

danced the debka (a line dance) and couples belly-danced. Each girl danced with the

105

bride—hand and hip movements to the beat of the music. One of the girls commented that
dancing to flute music is "haram" because it makes people do things, yet the women and
girls danced to many kinds of music throughout the evening. Every time the (male)
manager of the hall walked in to check that all was well, the women would hurry to cover
their heads, sometimes with the table linens if the hijab was not immediately available.
When the groom came back at 8:30pm to cut the cake, all the women covered for the
duration. There was no advance warning, so there was a flurry of activity in getting heads
covered. Chicken, lice, salad, humus, bread and wedding cake were served. I sat at a table
with the high school hijabat, who discussed Yemen and traveling there. They advised that
women should always cover when visiting, and they explained that the city of Aden is
much more"technological" than Sa'na. They told me never to go to Yemen alone and to
always be with a man, otherwise I would get pinched, harassed, and mistreated. They
said, "You can go to the beach if you swim in pants and t-shirt." The bride's fiiends also
discussed her wedding night quite openly. For instance, Nouria divulged that the bride
was too fiightened to consummate the marriage that night and would rather wait until the
next day. Throughout this conversation, it was evident that a conflict over music had
ensued near the audio tape player, and the hijabat soon left the table to take part in the
argument. The older women wanted traditional Yemeni music so that that they could

line-dance, and the younger women wanted fast Arabic music and Rat music.25 For

 

2’ Rai' music is a ”mixture of Western instruments, local Algerian popular longs and rhythms, American
disco, songs of Julio Iglesias, Egyptian instrumental interludes, and Moroccan wedding tunes. . . .The
lyrics [as Marc Schade-Poulsen argues] reflect the contradiction between the desire of young men to
establish love relationships with women and the fact that this implies a questioning authority of their

106

instance, one of the songs to which the girls wanted to listen, "Aicha" by Khaled, has a
combination of French and Arabic lyrics. The older women refilsed to dance to it and the
younger women refirsed to dance to traditional Yemeni songs. In the end, a variety of
songs were played and each group of women danced to difl‘erent appropriate songs.

It is clear that weddings and parties offered special social opportunities to the
hijabat. In these situations, the girls' performance were private ones, where dancing and a
variety of talk about school, Yemen, the bride's wedding night experience with her
husband, and listening to music could take place without serious infringement upon their
public reputations. The Discourse (after Gee) surrounding the various texts—music,
print, or talk—can be characterized as "in-between" or a hybrid of two cultures and
languages. Furthermore, the locality of this performance was expressed through states of
dress. The hijabat were always wearing both Yemeni/Muslim and American clothing.
The appearance of one or the other was dependent on the context, both temporal and
situational, of the perforrnative event. Conflicting ways of being were resolved by the
adoption of certain texts to the exclusion of others or a blending of texts. This facilitated

life at home and school.

Muhathara
So far in this chapter, I have examined textual practices at school and at one

important social event, parties and weddings. Within those categories, I have touched

 

mothers" (Wulff 1995). The girls were not aware this music is called " Rai'" music or that it originates in
Algeria or among Algerians living in France.

107

upon literacy practices within the home, such as reading the Qur'an or knowing it well
enough to argue one's case during conflict (such as marriage). One of the most salient
literacy practices within the home also included the reading and paying of bills. Every
single girl in this study had the responsibility of informing her parents of incoming
information in English and in Arabic. One of the hijabat, Aisha, for example, kept records
and did the accounting for the rental properties her father managed in the neighborhood.
The hijabat were all aware of their parents' financial status because the parents were not
literate and relied on their children to read and write for them. In addition, the girls also
followed the academic progress of their siblings and were responsible for ensuring their
success in school by helping them with homework. Therefore, in order for these Yemeni
families to survive in the United States, their daughters' (sons usually work outside the
home) knowledge of English and Arabic was crucial. These literacy tasks, characterized
by Scribner as adaptation, enabled the Yemeni families to firlfill mundane tasks, such as
signing papers sent home from school or paying the electricity bills. Yemeni parents,
however, also encouraged their daughters to be just as versatile in Arabic as they were in
English. Consequently, the hijabat also attended Arabic school till the seventh grade, and
they did this on Saturdays and Sundays. Some of the girls also attended lectures
(Muhathara) and discussions organized by women in the community. Arabic school and
Muhathara emphasized knowledge of the Arabic language and religious education and
morals. In both of these settings, reading, writing, and recitation of text fi'om memory
were key practices, and because parents were fearful that their daughters would become

American, they insisted on such instruction for as long as possible before marriage.

108

Muhathara (lecture) was a unique space for the hijabat. It was a time and place
for learning and socializing within the context of reading. The lectures, which a few groups
of girls attended, took place either at the mosque or in a private home. The ones at the
mosque functioned much more like a traditional lecture, where a woman speaker
addressed women's issues in front of an audience and the audience participated in a
discussion at the end. The Muhathara held in someone's home, however, was quite
different. In the Southend, I was introduced by Saba to Mrs. Bouzain, a woman who led
Saba's lecture group. Once a week on Mondays, five to eight high school hijabat and
young women fi'om the community gathered in Mrs. Bouzain's basement from five till
seven in the evening. The girls arrived and removed their shoes, and because it was time
for evening prayer, they found a quiet comer and prayed before the lecture/discussion
began. After the early evening prayers, the lecture began. Each of the girls brought
something specific to read from the Qur'an or from a book on Muslim religious conduct.
This group firnctioned much like a book club, but reading or reciting text aloud was
emphasized and was followed by a lecture on morality. During one meeting, Saba began
the lecture by reading a prayer from the Qur’an. Mrs. Bouzain mouthed the prayer
silently with her eyes closed as Saba read. Then, Saba recited the hadith in Arabic and its
translation in English. This particular hadith dealt with being thankful. Mrs. Bouzain
proceeded to explain the hadith, its meaning, and why expressing thanks was important.
She continued by admonishing the girls in English and Arabic, "You should not be as you
are in school. You should take Islam seriously and you should not laugh while studying

Islam. You should bring your hearts to Allah. You're teenagers and you love life, but you

109

have to be serious. In the Arab community, you have to be like a queen. When you walk,
people will watch you walk and talk about you" (Fieldnotes, 11/2/98). Mrs. Bouzain
reiterated the girls' biggest fear: being watched. Because she had daughters at Cobb, Mrs.
Bouzain understood that the girls were much more open and perhaps less vigilant about
their reputations while at school. Therefore, she used Saba's reading from the Qur'an as a
segue into a lecture on modesty and good behavior. She reminded the girls that the most
important prayer of the day is the one at 5:30 in the morning because " [they're ] waking
up especially for God," and they should remember that upon their death, the first
question they'll have to answer is the one about prayer. The girls listened raptly and
inquired about husbands who do not pray. Mrs. Bouzain replied that if the husband does
not pray, the wife has the right to ask for a divorce from the Sheik, a local judge of Shari'a
law. "A good husband fears Allah and he shows it through prayer. If the husband beats
the wife or does not provide for her, the Sheik will say to the women to be patient."
Mrs. Bouzain explained that she divorced her first husband, the one her family chose for
her, after sixteen years of marriage and nine children, because he was not a good man. She
noted, "The devil makes us do bad things," and she warned the girls that looking at boys
in the eye more than once is a problem in the United States because "boys at school are
not husband material." Upon hearing this, one of the hijabat laughed and said, "I can't
help taking a second look at school because some of the guys are very good looking. "
Mrs. Bouzain exclaimed that she should not look, "A girl is like glass. If you break it,
you can't put it back." Mrs. Bouzain was persuasive because the laughing girl became

somber immediately and especially after she was reminded of her duty to her parents.

110

Mrs. Bouzain urged the girls to be good to their parents because "death can come at any
time." Once Mrs. Bouzain finished her lecture, one of the hijabat read aloud in English
about wickedness. Then, it was time to stop for dinner. Mrs. Bouzain made Lebanese
chicken sandwiches for everyone. After dinner everyone left to go home (F ieldnotes
11/2/99).

Muhathara gave some of the the hijabat yet another opportunity to socialize but
within a strictly textual and religious context. There was no room in this setting for
outsiders who did not want to learn the Qur'an.“5 The Muhathara was also a haven for
the girls because they trusted Mrs. Bouzain to keep secret their confidences. Although
there was an explicit emphasis on recitation and the Qur'an, much more took place
implicitly during these meetings.

Muhathara provided an occasion for textual inquiry and response. The hijabat felt
they could talk to Mrs. Bouzain because she had daughters their age in their school and,
importantly, because she was learned. She could read and write in Arabic and recite the
entire Qur'an. She had achieved the state of grace into which the girls wanted to enter.
She was a teacher to them and a fiiend who did not betray them to their parents. For
instance, the girl who admitted to looking at boys would never have said such a thing to
her own mother, but in Mrs. Bouzain's basement and in the context of reading fiom the
Qur'an, one could openly discuss the "in-betweeness" the girls experience in and out of

school. Although the girls did not disagree with the text of the Qur'an, they sought to

111

understand it in the context of their daily lives. So, they were not afraid to disagree with
Mrs. Bouzain and her opinions or interpretation of the text, and this fostered more
discussion, which sometimes soothed the girls.

Muhathara was important for another reason. In a world of fast-paced multi-
media , the sanctity of the Qur'an was preserved both emotionally and intellectually, as
well as physically. For example, a girl who was menstruating could not touch the Holy
Book and therefore could not read from it. She had to distance herself from it until she
was "clean" again. Below, I have included an excerpt from fieldnotes of another meeting
at Mrs. Bouzain's house. It illustrates the powerful connection the hijabat made between
purity of mind and body. Reading was delimited in unusual ways which suggest a clear
link between the purity of the Book and those who read it. This excerpt also shows the
intertextual nature of reading, religious talk, and gossip within the group.

At Mrs. Bouzain's the girls recite surat (verses fi'om the Qur'an)
one after the other in round-robin fashion and refer to the text only when
they forget the words. The Qur'an is passed around but Saba doesn‘t
touch it. I volunteer to read and the girls inquire if I can touch it. I realize,
then, what they mean. I read the text in Arabic, while Saba recites next
from memory.

Purity and "touching" is the next topic of conversation. We talk
about why the girls don't shake the principal's hand. Mrs. Bouzain says
that when she didn't work and stayed at home, she felt beautifirl, but when
she started to work around men in her restaurant, she grew ugly.
Touching, Saba says, is disrespectful and she shouldn't have to lose
respect for herself by shaking a man's hand just because he's Dr. Principal.

One of the girls reads from the morality book It's a section on
gossip. Gossip is haram, they say. The girls have a heated discussion
about this, especially when I say that we gossip every time I have lunch

 

2’ Although I had inquired about these meetings, I was not invited to attend till I had lived in the
community for more than a year. When it was established that I wanted to learn more about Islam, I was
welcomed into the group.

112

with them. I'm told that there's a sura in the Qur'an that says that hell is
full of gossiping women. Also, on judgment day you'll have to eat the
person you've gossiped about and this is a horrible punishment. This
becomes a joke later when we eat dinner and the girls gossip about a boy at
school.

We also talk about zunna. It takes five steps to commit this
ultimate sin of having an affair. All the girls chime in, "It takes a look, then
a smile, then flirtation, then talking, and finally, the warmth of bed." All
the girls laugh at this and jokingly say that they've smiled and looked and
flirted. They argue about this. Some don't know what zunna is and really
want to know. Mrs. Bouzain explains that the word in Arabic means
adultery.

Mrs. Bouzain also says that watching a show like Bay Watch can
lead to zunna. Saba interjects that since girls aren't allowed to see each
other from waist down, it's wrong to see the women on Bay Watch in their
swimsuits. The other girls say that they're going swimming through
Arabic school and would wearing swimsuits be a problem? Saba
responds, "Not if you're covered to your knees."

We talk about the scarf. Mrs. Bouzain says, "When a woman
covers herself, she respects herself. She feels better about herself, more
secure. When she's covered, she's pure."

After the Muhathra, we eat dinner, chicken, rice, and fruit. The
girls gossip about some of the boys at school and about who's been
traveling in Yemen. I'm invited to come back and I give all the girls a ride
home (Fieldnotes 11/16/98).

Within the repeated Monday event of Muhathara, the hijabat constructed a

routine: late afternoon prayer, recitation of text, lecture fiom Mrs. Bouzain, gossip and

discussion, and conversation with gossip during dinner. The pattern did not change and

became more significant as the hijabat continued to meet. In effect, Muhathara became a

system of communicative forms, or genres. In describing genre as dynamic, fragile,

provisional, and plastic, Freedman and Medway (1994) point to the social interplay

between text and context. Clearly, prior knowledge, such as knowing the Qur'an, served

to shape the genres of Muhathara. Interestingly enough, genres have boundaries or limits

which make them recognizable, e.g., a business letter, or one of the surat in the Qur'an,

113

but these boundaries are permeable, allowing for individual or group appropriation within
specified contexts. According to this view of genre, the composition of texts, oral or
otherwise, becomes a social process, whereby knowledge is created and recreated. In the
case of the hijabat, they learned something new every Monday night by attending
Muhathara, but the system by which they communicated remained consistent as did their
intention. Bazerman (1994), in his analysis of US patents, has thoughtfillly described this
form of enactment of genre as

The intention, the recognition of the intention, the achievement of the

intention with the coparticipation of others, and the firrther actions of

others respecting that achievement (that is treating the realized intention as

real and consequential) all exist in the realm of social fact constructed by

the maintenance of the patent system and the communicative forms

(genres) by which it is enacted (p. 82).

By replacing "patent system" with "Muhathara," Bazerman's observation would
accurately describe the intentioned realization of the interactions set in motion every
Monday night by the hijabat and Mrs. Bouzain.

It is clear from the example of one of the Muhathara meetings at Mrs. Bouzain's
house that the hijabat's culture and religion had a tremendous impact on their school lives.
Many teachers simply did not understand the cultural and social limits within which
these Muslim girls negotiated their American and Yemeni selves. It is fair to say that that
community/family values (both implicit and explicit ones) sometimes differed
significantly from those at school. Reading during Muhathara become meaningful because

it endowed a state of spiritual grace upon the girls and also allowed them to talk openly

about their religious or cultural concerns. This was very different from conversation at

114

lunch time around magazines or other "contraband. " The conversations at Muhathara
were characterized by the girls as more intellectual and religious. They saw the reading of
the Qur'an and the conversation which ensued around the readings as knowledge to be
learned rather than just talk among fiiends or "stufi‘ you learn at school." These groups of
girls grappled with disturbing religious and moral issues for a purpose: to stay true and
pure to Islam and to show their community that they were good Muslim girls. This type
of gathering difl‘ered from the safe conversations among peers which took place in the
classroom or in the cafeteria because the intent was the study of religion. Although not all
the hijabat participated in Muhathara, for those that did, it ofl’ered them a venue both
social and intellectual activity. Other hijabat attended Arabic school, which was not as
informal as Muhathara. In fact, Muhathara is akin to classroom life in Arabic school,

where language and religious instruction are co-taught.

Arabic School

Arabic or Islamic schools have a long history. The golden age of Islam (AD 750-
1150) was marked by the establishment and maintenance of a large network of educational
institutions, including Islamic schools (Shamsavary, Saqeb, and Halstead 1993). Classical
Islamic education was organized into six types of schools, all of which were primarily
religious and most of which taught boys. Remnants of these schools are still visible, both
in the Middle East and North Africa, and in the United States. For example, The maktab
or kuttab (writing school) focused on reading and writing. The instructor would teach

children literacy skills. As the number of these schools grew, they became instrumental in

115

spreading literacy among Muslims both in the East and West. Eventually, the maktab
curriculum also included literature, grammar, proper etiquette and manners, calligraphy,
swimming, and horsemanship. The halgha (circle school) focused on a particular
teacher’s teachings. The teacher usually sat on a cushion against a wall while students sat
around him in a semi-circle. The closer the student sat to the teacher, the higher the
student’s status in learning. Notebooks were usually checked by the teacher and
discussions were characterized by controversial issues and passionate arguments and
debate. The palace school, a school for royalty, had a similar curriculum to the maktab.
However, in addition to a standard curriculum, the palace school focused on preparing its
students for higher education, upper-class society, and employment in government and
administration. Students were trained in the social sciences and taught how to be effective
orators. The masjid (mosque school) was the most common and long-lasting form of
elementary education in Muslim societies. These schools were most effective in
combining worship with learning. During the early period of Islam, there were 3,000
mosque schools in Baghdad, and 1,200 in Alexandria. These schools played a significant
role in transmitting knowledge and learning to Muslims. They continue to do so today.
The madrasah (university of public instruction) provided a more sophisticated
curriculum and education than any of the other five types of school. These schools were
often dedicated to the promotion of religious and political education, along with general
education and specialized training. They attracted the best professors and included vast
libraries. Unlike the other schools, the madrasah was supported by generous state

filnding. Finally, the last type of Islamic school was the bookshop, which was essentially

116

a literary salon. These institutions were exclusive to the highly educated classes. With the
expansion of bookshops across the Islamic world, book-dealers and copyists were
firndamental in making books available to the general public, students, and centers of
learning. From the bookshops, there evolved libraries, which students were free to use.27
In the Southend, Arabic school was a blend of the maktab school, which focuses
on reading, writing, and manners, and the masjid school, which combines learning with
religious education. Arabic school was also organized according to gender and ethnicity
and was located in the mosque. There were several Arabic schools in the Arab
community of Detroit, but in the Southend, because of the predominance of Yemenis in
the community, almost all of the students were Yemeni, while the Lebanese and Iraqis
attended other schools. The boys entered fi'om one side of the mosque and the girls from
the other. The girls were always covered from head to toe in an abaya or very loose long
shirts and pants and the hij ab, while the boys generally wore Western clothing but never
shorts. Arabic school included grades K-7 and met on the weekends from 8:30am till
noon for instruction, after which lectures were scheduled. Each grade was organized by
literacy level in Arabic rather than by age, so some of the hijabat such as Nouria were in
the fourth grade. Each grade level had one room, and the small rooms were quite
overcrowded. The desks stood against one another, making it almost impossible to stand.
Although each grade was generally organized according to pupil age in much the same way

public school is, anyone fiom the Yemeni community could register for Arabic school,

 

’7 For more detail about these schools, please see (Shamsavary, Saqeb, and Halstead 1993). I have also
provided this description of the Islamic schools in an encyclopedia chapter on American Arabs and

117

and therefore, there ere often students of various ages at each grade level, and if the girls
failed a grade, they repeated it until they passed. Each morning before classes began, the
teachers, who were Yemeni, Egyptian, and Iraqi, met in the teachers' room. They sat on
chairs arranged along the perimeter of the room, facing the principal's desk. When the bell
rang the teachers went to their respective classes. After mid-morning recess, the teachers
changed rooms as they switched from teaching Arabic to religion or vice-versa. The
students remained in the same rooms. This organization was modeled upon schools in the
Middle East and in Europe. The teachers moved fiom class to class, while the students
remain in the same room.

All of the instruction revolved around reading, writing, and the Qur'an. In efi‘ect,
the students were taught to read and write in Arabic so that they could read the Qur'an,
and in the upper grades, the Qur'an was used as the main textbook. In the lower grades,
the teachers helped the students with memorizing various surat from the Qur'an. Oral
production, recitation, and listening were emphasized in all grades. Importantly, because
Arabic vocabulary is based upon a three-letter root system to which afixes are attached,
much time was spent learning different roots in the younger grades. For example, in the
second grade, the teacher passed a worksheet on which was listed sets of three letter
sounds out of order, and the students were to recognize the letters and the words they
made. So, for the sounds /th/, /h/, and /b/, make the word thahaba , to go (F ieldnotes,

10/24/98). The children learned that any word with these three sounds in that order will

 

education. See Sarroub 1999.

118

have one basic meaning, " going. " Other exercises include syntactic sequencing and
conjugation of verbs. The upper grades focused more on grammar, such as learning the
parts of speech by rhyme, and spent most of their time reading the Qur'an and
memorizing it.

Instruction at Arabic school differed from that at Cobb in that it was all teacher-
centered. The students did not address their teachers by name but as "Teacher" or
"Moualima. " Because the classrooms were so overcrowded and it was so easy for the
girls to talk to one another, the teachers usually yelled at the top of their voices during the
lessons. In fact the hijabat were much louder and laughed more in Arabic school than they
did at their high school. The teachers were often aghast at their behavior and became
harsher, calling the girls donkeys or camels in front of the whole class. Literacy
instruction took the form of the teacher telling the girls what to do and how to do it with
little opportunity for discussion or questions. For assessment, the teachers gave the girls
homework such as grammar exercises and the surat (verses from the Qur'an) to memorize
for the next class. Each month, the upper grades took an oral exam, which consisted of
reciting from memory difl'erent parts of the Qur’an. The hijabat often grew impatient
with this type of instruction and constantly criticized the teachers for their lack of
innovation. But there was little they could do during literacy instruction. However,
during religious instruction, they tended to ask many questions about the text and demand
an explanation from their teachers. This was distinctly different from classroom
instruction at Cobb, where questioning the text and the author was taken for granted

because the teachers usually asked questions. In the context of the Qur'an, the hijabat

119

were willing to accept it as the word of God, yet they wondered at the reasons behind
their religious practices. For instance, a seventh grader in her late teens asked the teacher
why she could not wear a ring on her index finger. The teacher explained that wearing a
ring on that finger is mahkru because that finger is used during prayer and signified one
God. Therefore, it was better if it is not adorned (F ieldnotes 10/24/98).

Religious instruction in Arabic school was characterized by a more open, but
teacher-centered environment and by the chanting of various sections of the Qur'an. This
was especially so at the upper grades, where some of the hij abat were young mothers.
There was more discussion which was generally led by the questions the students asked.
The teacher reminded the hijabat in Arabic and broken English to wear their scarves
wherever they went and to pray five times so as to be good role models to the younger
girls. During one class a young woman asked if a bride should pray on her wedding day.
The teacher replied, "Yes, and on her wedding night, too, before her husband even kisses
her. He should, too. Everything should be baraka [good] and not haram on the wedding
day" (F ieldnotes 10/24/98). The teacher said that in the old country many new brides
died on their wedding nights because they were so afraid of what was about to happen, so
it was better to pray beforehand. Almost in an afterthought, the teacher commented that
this is why grooms are allowed to marry relatives of the bride. Discussions such as this
one usually took place at the beginning of class, and the teachers allowed the hijabat to
explain their concerns. Then, the teachers moved on to the planned lessons. On one
occasion, the students chanted in unison a section of the Qur'an about charity. The

teacher explained, "This is about taxation and what happens when Muslims conquer or

120

invade without war. Money gets disbursed among the poor, the leaders, and the members
of the government." Below are excerpts taken from fieldnotes of a fourth grade
classroom during which one teacher lectured and led a discussion on the hijab and another
teacher led a discussion on cleanliness. In both cases, the instruction led to confirsion and
disbelief among the hijabat.

The teacher hands tests back; she has to quiet down the class
several times. She does this by counting to three very loudly in Arabic.

The class chants a prayer. Some of the girls follow along in their
books, while others chant from memory. The teacher Chants fiom memory
as she counts the money fiom candy sales.

After the chant, the teacher asks the class in Arabic and English, “If
someone asks you why you wear a scarf and why you’re covered, what do
you say? You may say it’s because of my religion.”

The teacher then makes an interesting analogy. She says that
“expensive chocolate is covered—in olden times good, expensive chocolate
was covered. Allah created feelings in a man. Even if a woman is
completely covered, a man can smell her perltlme and his feelings will
cause him to harm her. We have to cover ourselves. We have to protect
ourselves like candy to keep the flies away. In the old days, in the US,
there was less rape because women wore long dresses and skirts and this
kept men fi'om raping women. Little House in the Prairie, Dr. Quinn are
examples of women who cover themselves and avoid harm. Girls today
should cover for the same reason.”

The teacher says that among women, “Women have to cover
themselves from waist to knee, or in some cases, from chest to knee. In
front of men everything must be covered, like expensive chocolate.”

The girls listen to what the teachers says with avid interest.
Nouria does not look convinced. One girl asks the teacher whether
watching TV is haram. The teacher says, "No, it’s not harm, but women
on TV and in magazines are asking for rape and make life unsafe for
women."

Next, we chant more ayas fiom the Qur'an. The girls repeat after
the teacher who doesn’t look at the book at all (F ieldnotes, 11/1/98).

The teacher in the excerpt above was obviously interested in the girls' safety and by using

examples from American media and Muslim teachings, she interacted with the girls with a

121

mixture of "in-between" texts. Her words carried a greater import in the context of
religious instruction, and her use of popular media to persuade the girls of her viewpoint
helped her identify with their daily lives. In the excerpt below, the teacher prepared a
reading comprehension lesson which focused on cleanliness. This teacher had trouble
managing the class and the girls took advantage of the situation by talking over her. This
was a sharp contrast to their behavior at Cobb High.

At 9am, another teacher comes in. She literally yells most of the
time while she conducts class. She writes sentences on the board and tells
the students to write them in their notebooks. She moves one of the girls
to sit up fi'ont, and this girl complains aloud and in English that she hates
to sit up front because this teacher always smells.

This teacher speaks in Arabic the entire time. She lectures on
cleanliness. She tells the girls when they should shower, after
menstruation, after having a baby, etc. She tells them how to wipe their
feet should they step on cat or dog feces. There are ways to wipe off feet
on water, grass, rock, and snow.

Several times, the teacher interrupts herself and really screams at
one of the girls. She turns to Nouria and asks her what she’s doing in
class. Nouria says that she’s been in the 4th grade all this time, but the
teacher never noticed her until today. It is so crowded in this tiny room
with nearly forty girls that the teacher could easily miss someone's
presence.

After the lecture, the girls ask the teacher questions in Arabic. The
teacher puts questions on the board with answers and the girls are told to
copy them.

At one point, the teacher thinks one of the girls is passing a note,
but the note is really the copied questions on the board which is passed to
a girl who can't see the board. The girl protests but the teacher rips the
paper up without looking at it.

Unlike public school, the girls in this class are very loud and much
more active (F ieldnotes 1 1/1/98).

In Arabic school, the hijabat learned and improved their Arabic, but they also
heard and learned lessons which were not easily reconciled with those they learned at

Cobb or through American media. Like the Muhathara, Arabic school in the Southend

122

utilized the context of reading to instill fear and mistrust. This had grave consequences.
When the girls were told to think of themselves as wrapped chocolate or as fragile glass,
the implication was that they did not have power and therefore they could be hurt. It is
no wonder that they were so fiightened of marriage or of talking openly in the school
cafeteria. Arabic school did ofl‘er them the opportunity to discuss many important issues
relating to their religion, and they did so boisterously and with a certain level of
irreverence for their teachers (which did not characterize their relationships with Mrs.
Bouzain during Muhathara), but they also received mixed messages about their status as
women, their education, and their firtures as workers in the world or the home. Arabic
school was an "in-between" place where the girls interacted intellectually although
passively with their teachers. The discourse of Arabic school, much like that of
Muhathara, was a threatening one, for it positioned the hijabat as victims of society, and
in some ways, it hindered the negotiation process of living in two worlds. Public school,
on the other hand, offered a mixture of possible discourses and certain fieedom to choose
among them to reach both academic and social success, from classroom content to
cafeteria conversations around secret poems. It is no wonder that the hijabat preferred
that space to Arabic school, even though they all agreed that knowing Arabic was

important to them and to their families.

Conclusion
The hijabat dealt with conflicting visions of literacy on a daily basis. However,

they adapted to their situation by adopting an "in-between" text. This allowed them to

123

perform successfirlly or enact cultural norms which were acceptable and valid in the given
context. At the same time, however, striving to be both American and Yemeni, boy or
girl, could be a struggle. The Discourses that accompanied these identities are complex
and complicated, affording the hijabat little power but endowing them with grace within
public spaces. Knowing the Qur’an and being modest bestowed grace upon the
individual. Within the private spaces, whether at school or elsewhere, grace often fell by
the wayside as the hijabat attempted to connect their Yemeni to their American selves.
This could be as easy as shedding a layer of clothing at a party or as difficult as reading a
book or poem clandestinely. In either case, the girls were told at muhathara and Arabic
school that these actions were wrong and perhaps sinfill. Yet, the hijabat continued on,
finding more and more "in-betweeness" situations within which to live.

It is clear that the hijabat negotiated their home and school lives in unique ways.
They adapted to a given situation by creating or adopting "in-between" texts which
helped them bridge two cultures. As in the example of Saba and her prayer in the car, "in-
betweeness" helps satisfy the demands which the girls face as they attempted to succeed
at being good Muslims, good daughters and wives, and good students. In the next
chapter, I examine more closely how Cobb High School and its teachers accommodated
their Arab population, which comprised 40% of the student population. "In-between"
texts become all the more salient as teachers and school administrators struggled to

maintain a sound learning environment for all students.

124

FOUR
The Tensions Teachers Face: How Cobb Accommodates a Yemeni Muslim
Community
The growing population of Yemeni students at Cobb has led teachers and
administrators to consider careth the dilemmas of cultural pluralism within their school.
In particular, it has led them to struggle with the issue of accommodation to the cultural
traditions of Mu slim students more generally and Yemeni Muslim students in particular.
Both at organizational and personal levels, high school and district personnel have
inevitably met certain challenges which called for conciliatory measures to ensure a sound
learning environment for all students. With a growing population (40% at the time this
study) of Muslims, the majority of whom were Arab "newcomers" of Yemeni descent
who had little long term presence in the surrounding neighborhood, Cobb High found
itself, from 1997-1999, in the middle of cultural and religious strife between the Arab and
non-Arab communities. This conflict was occasioned by (or at least encapsulated in) two
incidents, one having to do with a district-wide memorandum fi'om the superintendent to
principals over a Muslim holiday in April 1997, and the other with a cafeteria food fight
on December 2, 1997. Although these incidents escalated tensions among various groups
within the school and in the community, teachers at Cobb had begun the process of
unpacking and addressing the tensions among their staff and students long before, in the
late 1980's and early 1990's, when the number of Yemeni students soared dramatically,
from a miniscule percentage to almost 30%, following the war in Lebanon, Yemen's

political turmoil, and the Gulf War. The incidents of 1997 served to accelerate the course

125

of accommodation already in place in interesting ways. In this chapter, I examine the
ways in which teachers and administrators dealt with the cultural, religious, ethnic, and
gender tensions which arose as their minority population slowly increased. The chapter
is based on an analysis of field observations specifically around accommodative measures,
interviews conducted with 22 "mainstream" and bilingual program teachers, school
counselors, and social workers, as well a wide array of documents, ranging from district-
wide memos, to daily school bulletins, school memos, and local newspaper articles. The
chapter is divided into two parts, the first of which deals directly with the mandates and
policies of the school and district with regard to their Arab population. The second part
of the chapter presents the teachers' perceptions of the accommodations they made and

the impact of the accommodations on students.

Formal Accommodation in Historical Context

In 1992, Cobb High School formed the Committee on Cultural Understanding in
order to explore students' perceptions of peer relationships. The committee included the
principal and several teachers. Their goal, as stated in a report fi'om an external task force,
which was invited to help begin the process of cultural understanding, was to ensure that
"students [would] demonstrate an understanding and acceptance of all cultures".28 The
report states that after consultation with the Southend's community center, a multiple-

choice and true-false "Multi-cultural Survey" was administered to the Class of 1995, all

 

2” Cobb High School [pseud.]. 1992. Multicultural report, in Mr. Laramy's [pseud] files.

126

ninth graders, to test their cognitive knowledge of mainstream American, Middle Eastern,
Asian, and Hispanic cultures. The following are sample questions from the Multi-
Cultural Survey:

1. An Arab is . . . .
A)anyone from the Middle East
B)a believer in Islam

C)a native speaker and writer of Arabic
D)all of the above

2. What is an "Hispanic"?
A)a person who speaks Spanish
B)an American whose native language is Spanish
C)a person from a Spanish-speaking country
D)none of the above

4. Lebanon is about the size of which U. S. state?
A)Texas
B)North Carolina
C)Connecticut
D)California

8. How many countries have Spanish as their omcial language?
A)10
B)20
C)30
D) none of the above

26. Akimono is. . . .
A)a garment
B)a temple
C)a city
D)a fi‘uit grown in Asia

36. America is an older nation than China. (T/F)
39. Arabic nations are basically communist nations. (T/F)

46. Generally, compared to Middle Eastern families, US families have
fewer children. (T/F)

127

The survey was given to 197 students. The mean score (fiom a possible of 60) was 28.3
and the range was 8-52. Based on this data the task force observed that although the
survey did not deal with student dispositions, students were uncomfortable with the test
procedure. The task force recommended "more interactive student, parent, and
community involvement in planning would facilitate strategies that are more student-
oriented and owned rather than teacher directed." The task force also noted that Cobb
should consult other schools and districts who had "undergone adaptation" to cultural
diversity and that teachers should participate in staff development sessions on cultural
diversity and the filnction of the bilingual program. Finally, they recommended that the
district support Cobb 's efforts through policy and firnding. In addition to the survey,
during the winter of 1993, focus group interviews were held with randomly selected Arab
American and non-Arab students regarding their perceptions of their inter-ethnic
relationships at school.29 Based on the combined results of the survey and these
interviews, Cobb began to implement formal and informal curricular strategies to better
accommodate the Muslim students and to forge links between the school and the Muslim
community, especially the parents.

The process of accommodation has been by no means an easy one. As in British
schools whose largest minority consists of Muslim students, Cobb initiated a series of
reforms, broadly construed as informal and formal curricula (Haw and Harlif a 1998). The

formal curriculum included: resource material about Muslims, the bilingual program,

 

‘9 Cobb High School [pseud]. 1993. A discussion with Cobb students regarding their perceptions of inter-
ethnic relationships in the school, in Mr. Laramy’s [pseud.] files.

128

Friday afternoon leave for religious instruction, consultation and sensitivity to religion,
adaptation of the physical education curriculum, and sensitivity to swimming
arrangements. The informal measures included dietary accommodation, the establishment
of a diversity club, the use of dual language signs within the school, and recognition for
Muslim holidays. To facilitate home and school connections, a community/school liaison
was hired in the fall of 1998, and regular consultation with the mosque and community
center was implemented. Unlike Britain, which is not as aggressively secular as is the
United States with its public schools, prayer facilities and the appointment of Muslim
staff were not included in Cobb's curricular changes.

Although the process of adaptation to the Yemeni population began when the
Yemenis fiom the Southend began to be bussed approximately 6.5 miles to the high
school in the late 1980's and early 1990's, the development of more thoughtful
accommodation strategies took a serious turn in the fall of 1997, as a result of confilsion
and misinformation over religious observance. On April 14, 1997, the superintendent of
the Davis school district sent to all the principals and assistant principals a memorandum
in which he stated that Muslim families should be encouraged to delay their holiday
celebrations:3o

This Thursday, April 17, is an Islamic holyday/holiday
commemorating the event when God asked Abraham to sacrifice his son as
a test of Abraham's faith.

While our school district is committed to respecting the religious

Observances of its children and their families, there is a major consequence
if student attendance is abnormally low this Thursday.

 

3° Cobb High School [pseud.]. April 14, 1997. A Muslim holiday memo to principals and assistant
principals fiorn the superintendent of the Davis School District [pseud.].

129

In Michigan law, if a school district's total attendance falls below
75% on any one day, the district forfeits state aid for that day (snow days,
or "acts of nature," so to speak, aren't counted, up to a certain point). One
day's state aid for us in [Davis] is about $340,000. We could avoid this
loss by scheduling an extra day of school at the end of the year, but that
would obviously require the consent of our employee groups.

Without being insensitive to the importance of this religious
holiday, if there is a way for you to encourage your Muslim families to
delay the holiday celebration till the weekend it would be beneficial to our
district.

P.S. Please remember that in order for a religious holiday absence
not to count against a student's attendance record, a written parent excuse
is necessary, verifying that the absence is for this purpose.

This memorandum prompted a backlash from the Arab community in Davis. In response
to the protest, two days later, the superintendent sent the principals another
memorandum, apologizing for appearing insensitive:

I have received much criticism today for my previous memo
regarding the Muslim holiday, student attendance, and state aid. Some of
this criticism has hit you directly as the "messenger" of my message.

Many of our Muslim staff and parents feel I have been insensitive
in suggesting that their holy day can be moved around and postponed till
Saturday. It was suggested that, if December 25 fell on Thursday, this
would be like asking students to delay celebrating Christmas until
Saturday.

I admit that I was acting somewhat out of ignorance. I had been
told that the upcoming Muslim feast was four days in length and thought
that the celebration for students could be delayed till the third day,
Saturday. I was not aware that the first day was the most important and
consisted of religious ceremonies in the mosque.

I am sorry ifI created a problem for you by asking you to relay my
earlier message to students and their families, and I apologize to our
Muslim staff and parents if I appeared to be insensitive to the nature and
importance of this religious holiday. 3’

 

3‘ Cobb High School [pseud.]. April 116, 1997. A Muslim holiday memo to principals and assistant
principals fiom the superintendent of the Davis School District [pseud].

130

These memoranda fueled the mounting tensions between the school and its Arab
population just as Cobb was grappling with issues of integration among Arab and non-
Arab students within the building and in the community.

On December 2, 1997, some eight months after the holiday fiasco, a fight broke
out between an Arab American boy and a non-Arab American boy in the cafeteria. In a
letter to the mother of the Arab American boy, one of the assistant principals stated that
her boy would be suspended for ten days because he had initiated the fight in the hallway
by saying to the other boy, "What all you white honkies doing? " to which the other boy
took offense and called him an "Arab."32 This exchange resulted in a fist fight between
the two students. The principal stated that "this happened after a major warning had
been given all students here at Cobb about ethnic slurs or intimidations. " The Arab
American boy also threatened to "blow up the school" as he was dragged away from the
fight.

The "cafeteria incident," as it was subsequently called in all school correspondence
and media reports, marked a turning point in Cobb's short history with its Yemeni
population. Much to the surprise of the school and community, at a Board of Education
meeting on December 8, 1997, one of the Yemeni American hijabat declared that she had
been "knocked down, kicked and hit with racial/ethnic slurs" during the fight.” These

accusations had not been made on the day of the fight, and as one of the assistant

 

’2 Cobb High School [pseud.]. December 1997. Letter to parent fi'om an assistant principal at Cobb

[pseud.].
Cobb High School [pseud.]. December 8, 1997 . Memo to Superintendent from an assistant principal at
Cobb [pseud.].

131

principals pointed out in his memorandum, ". . . Several students and staff were astonished
at her statements to the Board of Education. Many thought this was less than honest and
it has left a bad feeling among staff and students." Cobb was contacted on December 23,
1997, by the Director of Education and Outreach for the American-Arab Anti-
Discrimination Committee in Washington, DC. The superintendent responded to the
Washington group with the following explanation:

I have met several times with a group of 18 district stafl’, including 8 from [Cobb],
to discuss what needs to take place at Cobb (. . .and elsewhere in our school district) to
increase the understanding and respect students and adults have for each other. The Cobb
members of this group, working independently, have come up with a plan for their
school, which plan received the approval and support of the whole faculty at a meeting
on January 12, 1998. I am also discussing with our Social Studies department the
development of some special teaching units

. . .I cannot end this letter without asking you to believe me that the information
you received about the Cobb cafeteria event is not entirely accurate and that you received
some extremely exaggerated reports. I am not proud of what happened there but the
vicious scene of mob rule and outright physical aggression against innocent Arab female
bystanders is not accurate. Teachers and other cafeteria supervisors who were present at
the scene were absolutely dumbfounded to read the allegations contained in your letter.34

While the Davis School District tried to deal with multiple allegations of wrong-
doing fi'om internal and external sources, Detroit area newspapers portrayals included
descriptions such as, "strife," "ethnic turmoil," "conflict," "understanding is needed,"
"ethnic fighting," "cultural clash, " and "unrest, " just to name several of the more
prominent themes. Within the walls of Cobb High School, teachers and students were

struggling in their own negotiations for improvement of relations among the students and

faculty which mirrored media descriptions. On December 12, 1997, a small group of

132

Arab American students, all of whom were of Yemeni descent and most of whom were
hijabat, met with teachers and principals to discuss their concerns. Their list of
grievances below dealt specifically with the principals, the secretaries, and the teachers: 3’

Administration:
-Administration say Arabic students are a pain in the neck
-Using words like "you guys" when dealing with situations
-Telling Arabic students to "not push their luck" when asking about their holidays off
-Arabic students get harder discipline than Non-Arabic students
-Administrators lie to Arabic students
-Annual Arab/non-Arab fight expected - administrators do not take any actions to
avoid it -Student's know it's coming

Secretaries:
-Secretaries give Arabic students dirty looks when they come into the ofiice
-Secretaries ignore Arabic students when they come into the office

Teachers:
-No teaching of Arabic culture/no mention of Islamic holiday.
-Staff makes little effort to force mixing of students - particularly in lab or group
-Arabic students go to teachers to complain and nothing happens - teachers do not
listen to Arabic students but will listen to non-Arabic students
-Some teachers allow students to say ARAB and other offensive words without
punishment

General Concerns:
-The handling of the cafeteria fight was not done fairly
-Yearbook not representing the Arabic population - yearbook photos getting lost or
misplaced.
-There is a lack of understanding of the Arabic culture by students and staff
-Arabic students don't feel welcome in after school clubs
-When asked the question, named some good teachers who they said treated them
with respect, dignity, and appeared to treat ALL students equally

 

3‘ Cobb High School [pseud.]. January 23, 1998. Letter to Director of Education and Outreach, Ameriean-
Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, Washington, DC. fiom superintendent of Davis School District

[pswd]

Cobb High School [pseud.]. December 12, 1997. Small group of Arabic student concerns expressed at
12-13-97 meeting, in Mrs. Barnabey's [pseud.] files.

133

Many items on this list perplexed administrators and teachers alike, whose experiences
with the Yemeni and Yemeni American students had made it clear that the students, and
the girls in particular, could not and would not engage in many academic and social
activities at school and/or in class. What was more interesting to teachers and
administrators alike was that the hij abat were the students who were the most vocal about
making changes in the school to accommodate the Arab students. Students such as Saba
attended meetings and demanded reform. Unfotunately, in the case of Saba, she
allienated several teachers when she called them racist and the principal had to bar her
from attending certain meetings. Based on the meeting regarding the list of grievances and
the previous incidents, Cobb created a plan of action for intervention at three levels: a
parent intervention, a student intervention, and a staff intervention (see Appendix B)“6
The parent intervention emphasized hiring a community liaison who would meet regularly
with community group; converting English documents into Arabic; providing shuttle
services fi'om the Southend to the school during Open House and Parent/Teacher
Conferences; and translating the Curriculum Guide, Student Code of Conduct, and other
important documents fiom English to Arabic and other languages if necessary. The
student intervention focused on blending students early on from the two middle schools
who feed into Cobb so that the predominantly Arab American population at one middle
school and the predominantly non-Arab students would have an opportunity to adjust to

one another earlier; creating an Ambassadors Group for the orientation of new students in

 

’6 Cobb High School [pseud.]. January 20, 1998. Plan of Action (in response to student and parent
concerns regarding Cobb High School [pseud.].

134

the school; organizing meetings for teachers, administrators, and students around school
concerns; increasing involvement in the Student Leadership area; making curricular
objectives changes at the middle school level with re-enforcement activities at Cobb;
exploring diversity through writing assignments in ninth and tenth grade
English/Humanities courses; forming a "Diversity Club;" and working alongside
community centers to educate new immigrant students in some of the more general
aspects of American schools. Staff intervention included in-service or school
improvement days on diversity education; the practice of heterogeneous grouping and
seating charts; and an intervention to improve inappropriate language related to diversity.
Following the dispersion of the action plan to community members and school faculty,
the principal wrote a memorandum to the faculty in which he, once more, emphasized the
management of Students in classrooms:37
At the last Faculty Meeting I spent some time discussing the

Action Plan a committee of staff members developed in response to

community concerns. At the close of the meeting, consensus was given to

implement any and/or all points listed. We have started the

implementation of some items (i.e. increasing student leadership,

investigating the formation of a diversity club, routine meetings with

students, planning for a new freshmen orientation program). One item that

I wanted to emphasize from the action plan is the forced mixing of

students whenever classroom activities are occurring. 1 would like all staff

members to take professional responsibility to culturally mix students

whenever classroom activities are occurring. The optimum plan would

include culturally mixing students in seating charts as well. Your
cooperation in this effort will be appreciated.

 

’7 Cobb High School [pseud.]. February 4, 1998. Cultural diversity action plan memorandum to all Cobb
High School [pseud.] faculty from Principal.

135

This memorandum caused much consternation among the teachers who had Yemeni
hijabat and Yemeni boys in their classrooms. As I suggested in chapter two, segregated
seating was important to the hijabat and fi'om that stand point, they then could decide
how easily and safely they could partake of the normative classroom practices. Although
the students had called for more integration measures within the school, teachers
recognized that the reality of classroom life and Yemeni cultural norms would not allow
them to freely mix the boys and girls as the principal suggested. Regardless of the
institutional efforts made by the school and district, teachers would be caught in the
middle, as enforcers of unenforceable measures and as inadvertent agents of American

culture.

Teachers and Administrators' Perceptions of the Accommodation Process
Bargaining for grades: Why it's not like haggling for beans

It's hot. Your mother has sent you to the Souk (market) to buy some
beans for tonight's dinner. She tells you not to spend more than what's
right. You walk around the stalls and hardly pay attention to the men
yelling out their wares and prices. You do notice, though, that the prices
seem different from yesterday when you were here to buy potatoes.
Finally, you get to the bean stand and you ask the merchant how much for
a kilo. He gives you a number and you shake your head. Then, the
haggling begins. You say, "C'mon! That's too much. I didn't even pay that
much last week. You can do better. You know me. I come here every
week." And so, it goes for twenty minutes, back and forth, back and forth.
It's a game and you try to outsmart the crafty merchant until you come to
an agreement and you get your kilo of beans. At the end you may still
have some money left over fi'om what your mother gave you, but not
really enough to impress anyone with your bargaining skills.

Ali sits in the back row of the classroom and he's surrounded by six other
Yemeni boys. This is math and Mrs. Jenson is handing out the graded

136

tests. She's on the other side of the room where all the scarfed girls, five in
all, sit together and apart fi'om the other students. All that can be seen of
one girl are her eyes. The girls talk quietly in their softly accented Davis
Arabic English to one another while Mrs. Jackson walks around the room
handing out tests and reacting to the smiles and groans with a stoic
expression. The boys talk in Arabic teasing each other about being smart
and dumb.

Ali gets a C on his test and groans aloud. He follows Mrs. Jackson around
the room and says, "Mrs. J, why d'I get a C?

"You didn't study hard enough."
"C'mon, you know me. I study. Change it."
"No, you'll just have to do better next time. It's not the end of the world."

"C'mon, Mrs. J! What'll it take? Give me a B—. I deserve a B-. You know
me.

"I told you, Ali, that's your grade.
C'mon, a C+. You can do that. A C isn't right.

"Ali, go sit down. I told you before that I don't change grades. You and
your fiiends never learn. Just study more."

Ali goes to his seat, his posture stiff and angry. He turns to me and says,
"Look, wouldn't you give me at least a B?

"I'm not your teacher, Ali. I'm just shadowing today."

Ali turns to his fiiends and speaks to them in Arabic, commenting that
Mrs. Jackson is a bitch. They all laugh.

It's clear that although Mrs. Jackson doesn't understand what they say,
she senses their resentment towards her. She remembers her first
experience at the beginning of the year when she acquiesced and changed
Shalif’s grade. It never stopped. She'd give him two extra points and he's
beg for three more and so it would go on. She'd ahnost torn her hair out.
No respect, that's what this is. She knows that some other teachers feel
the same way. Well, she'd have another story for them today at lunch. As
she looks around the room, she thinks to herself, "At least the Arab girls

137

are conscientious. They study hard and always behave." She begins the
new lesson on the board.

In the meantime, Asya stares disappointingly at her grade. Another B.

It's going to ruin her GPA if she keeps taking this math class. She
whispers to her closest fiiend and cousin, Amina, who got a C, and they
both agree that if it's too late to drop they'll switch to a different teacher
next semester. Asya says that she'll have to miss two weeks this semester
when she has her baby so it's really better to drop if She can so that her
GPA doesn't get worse. Amina agrees and says that she'll have to tell her
parents that math doesn't really matter when you want to be a nurse.

In the meantime, Ali makes plans for a ride with Sharif after school. Both
boys work from 3:30p to midnight at a restaurant in Greek Town. Their
grades matter but only to the degree to which it may affect getting their
diplomas and graduating on time. Working is what matters.

The bell rings and the students file out of the room noisily. The hijabat
keep to themselves and the boys push and shove. The non-Arab students
do the same, although they don't all file out in boy/ girl groups.

The teacher breathes a sigh of relief even as she wonders at the Arab words
left hanging in the air as the door shuts (F ieldnotes, 11/16/98).

The vignette is an example of the day-to-day negotiations teachers engage in with

their Yemeni and Yemeni American students. From haggling over grades to having married

and pregnant hijabat in class to implementing a seating arrangement which will

accommodate both school mandates and cultural norms—these are just some of the

tensions teachers face each day. In part two of this chapter, I explore the kinds of

accommodations teachers, administrators, and counseling stafl‘ make on an individual and

personal basis in their dealings with non-Arab and Arab Americans in their school. They

made these accommodations to ensure that all their students had the opportunity to

succeed in school. As will be illustrated, there was a range of expectations for conformity

from and dispositions toward their Students among the teachers and staff. I begin with an

138

analysis of the roles the teachers have vis a vis their students. Then, I examine specific
types of accommodation, ones made on the basis of gender, physical space, language,
religion, and culture.

Teachers at Cobb High School viewed their roles in one of two ways with regard
to their relationships with the Yemeni populations. These roles are intimately connected
to the teachers' own ethnicity and ties to their own communities. The majority of
teachers, all of those who were ethnically non-Arab, described themselves as teachers
who have the same expectations of all their students, regardless of ethnicity, and whose
main objective is to teach their subjects. This is the classic liberal view of equity—treat all
students the same—that characterized American racial dispositions in the 1960s It is in
stark contrast with either multiculturalism or cultural particularism, the more current
views of diversity. Overall, these teachers did not see themselves as invested in their
students' personal lives and made clear demarcations between school and community and
home life. The hijabat felt this separation and told me that they sometimes "really talked"
to or confided in five non-Arab teachers in the whole building. The Arab American
teachers, most of whom taught in the bilingual program and had very little interaction
with the Yemeni American hijabat, included the metaphor of being a parent to their
students and of feeling a sense of obligation and responsibility toward their Arab and
Arab American students. It should be noted here that not all Arab American teachers
welcomed this added responsibility, but they understood that in many ways, they were
indeed surrogate parents and agents of American and Arab cultures to the newcomers,

especially since many of their students were illiterate in Arabic and had never been to

139

school before. As Mrs. Ishmael, one of the bilingual program teachers said, "You know,
sometimes I feel I'm part of the family. I mean like a family member. And, usually, these
kids, they look at you like, like a father or a mother or a Sister, whatever" (Interview,
9/15/98). Another teacher, Mrs. Ali, also reinforced the parent family and parent
metaphor:

I think they [Arab community] expect us to teach them the
language, the content, manners, because back home, [the] teacher was like a
second mom or dad for those students. I think their expectation is the
same thing. We send them to you, you are in charge. And I've had, I've
had parents where they tell me, listen, if he doesn't listen to you, spank
him. Hit him. Like a parent. So, and we do act like parents sometimes,
when we sit down and teach them morals and respect and values and you
cannot talk like that, it's wrong. You have to go to school. You know,
like, like that because we know they're not getting that at home
(Interview, 9/15/98).

Mrs. Ali, as an Arab American teacher, accepted the responsibility of being a "parent" to
her students in the bilingual program, but she was also troubled by her students' lack of
adaptation to American norms. In fact, she was often embarrassed by them. Her
statement below illustrates the difficulty she experienced in her role as parent and as agent
of American cultural norms:

See, now, if I talk to the father, I will say maybe he doesn't understand
because he's not good, he's not here so he doesn't see how Americans are
and how... so he doesn't know, maybe understand. But these kids are here.
They see Americans, how they are. They are with the Americans. They
see how clean they are. How they smell, how they, you know,
everything. You know, it's like they are the same thing as their parents.
And I have students we have two years, three years, you would expect
they would learn something from the way they are here. No. What's here
stays the way it is, that's it. I'm gonna dress that way. This is the way I'm
gonna smell. This is the way I'm gonna look. No change. This is
something I, you know, I was shocked. I mean, I am shocked about.
Because when we came here, it was different. We didn't shower every day

140

back home. These things were not available for us. But when you took
gym, it was mandatory, everybody has to shower. Everybody has to do
that. I don't know. And we tell them, you know, you guys gotta be in the
mainstream, you know, we don't look bad. We are all, you know, they're
gonna think all Arabs are like that. Why you say that, why you do that.
You have to change. I mean, you come and, this is, now we are in heaven.
In the winter time, it's freezing outside and can't open the windows. We
have 35 students smelling like that, you know how bad it is? You know
how embarrassing it is to us when the principal comes into our classroom?
Or a teacher comes in the classroom? It's embarrassing. We don't know
what to do. And if I open the window, we are fi'eezing. They don't have
decent sweaters to wear. And there, some of them come in with the same
clothes 3, 4 days a week. The same clothes they're going to work with,
same clothes they sleep with, probably the same clothes they're coming to
school with. This is a big, and teachers, they raise this problem, during
faculty meeting about the hardship (Interview, 9/15/98).

Mrs. Ali expected her students, the majority of whom were boys, to adapt to American
cultural norms fiom their interaction with their American peers and thus accepted her role
as "paren " to help the students become more American. In addition, as an Arab
American, She was concerned about her students' images as Arabs among her colleagues
and her principal. The embarrassment she felt along with the need to be a surrogate parent
were inner conflicts she experienced as a teacher in the bilingual program on a daily basis.
Mr. Yasser, also a teacher in the bilingual program, resented being put in the
position of parent or role model. ". . . They [Arab community and parents] believe that I
should be the role model, the perfect person. Okay? I don't think that's true. . . . I'm too
Americanized for them" (Interview 9/15/98). As an American teacher of Lebanese
descent, Mr. Yasser found little in common with his students. Like most teachers at
Cobb, teaching this new population meant learning the mores of another culture and

adapting his teaching to fit with his students' expectations. Below, he explains an incident

141

which changed how he would normally conduct informal classroom discussions with the

Yemeni boys.

You know, a lot of the kids, when they first came here, I had the worst
time in the world. It was such a bad teaching experience because I had
never taught Yemenis before. And I had to find out a lot about their
culture. Prime example is that I always felt that, okay, the last ten minutes
of class we'll speak English. And so like how are you today, you know,
everybody one day was like how are you. You know, next day, what did
you do last night? Finally, I said well, how's your mom. And how's your
mother, the whole class went silent. The kid got very embarrassed and
verbally abusive. Why are you asking about my mother? Who are you?
And I didn't realize that you don't ask about their mothers. It's like, right. I
mean, any, Lebanese culture, Syrian culture, you know, you see somebody
and you're fiiends with them, well, how's your mom and dad doing? You
know, no qualms about anything. But in this one particular culture, you
know, it's different. Even the Iraqis, I can ask the Iraqis, well, how's your
mom doing, you know. You meet some of these parents and they're like
wonderful. Oh, she's doing good, you know (Interview, 9/15/98).

The bilingual teachers' experiences with the new immigrant population in their school
were challenging, as illustrated above by Mr.Yasser's comments. An Arab American
himself, Mr. Yesser did not readily identify culturally with his students, whose culture
and ways of interacting differed substantively from his previous experiences with other
Arab populations fi'om the Middle East. He and other teachers in the bilingual program
had to maintain a precarious balance as professionals and as representatives of the Arab
American community. In many ways, the teachers and their students were isolated from
others in the building because the bilingual program and classes were situated in one part
of the building, away from the "mainstream" and their Yemeni American peers.

Since the newcomers worked long hours for the remittances they would send home and

for money to support themselves, they did not participate in after school activities; thus

142

they really have no opportunity to interact with the other students. All the teachers at
Cobb were aware and understood that the Yemeni boys attended school only for the
diploma and worked around the clock to support themselves and their families, yet
tensions were not eased, as Mrs. Ali pointed out. Her roles as caretaker and teacher
sometimes collided because she could not engage her students in high school social and
academic life. For example, another Arab American teacher, Mrs. F ahzel, who taught
mainly boys in the bilingual program, remarked, "Mainly, the student population that I
have here, for the most part does not come specifically to learn. First of all their main
purpose in coming, their main goal is to work and, and by the way, or on the wayside,
along the way, they earn a degree which is also prestigious for them to take home"
(Interview, 9/15/1998). As I stated in chapter one, the newcomers were sojoumers,
gaining access to a high school diploma in order to have a better life in Yemen.

The tensions teachers experienced at Cobb as the number of students of Yemeni
descent increased is multifaceted. Although this study did not concern itself with the
Yemeni newcomers but with Yemeni Americans, the newcomers were an important
aspect part of school life, as noted above and in the previous chapters. Furthermore, the
segregation of the bilingual program in a section of the high school building helps to
explain the spatial and language divide among the Arab American and non-Arab American
teachers. These two groups of teachers did not eat lunch together or interrningle at staff
meetings. They self-segregated and this was due, in part, to the fact that the bilingual
program was located in one section of the building, away from other subject matter

classrooms. The second reason for this self-segregation is that the Arab American teachers

143

were mostly of Lebanese descent and enjoyed eating together, sharing homemade food,
and speaking a mixture of Arabic and English. Finally, these teachers were simply not
comfortable with the other teachers. Mr. Ackerrnan, a non-Arab teacher, commented that
although he ate lunch with his colleagues "upstairs, some of them will say they don't want
to come down here because they feel they're not welcome" (Interview, 10/15/98). Some
Arab American teachers contended that teachers at Cobb were prejudiced and "could do a
better job of acknowledging Islam" (Interview with Mr. Jaber, 9/15/98). Although there
existed an obvious and explicit social divide among the Arab and non-Arab teachers,
which included the way in which Arab American teachers related to their students, it was
also true that all teachers were concerned with improving academic and social achievement

for their students.

Faculty Accommodations

Accommodation at Cobb involved the logistical and culturo-religious. Perhaps one
of the most startling examples of both is the degree to which administrators respected the
hijabat's corporeal space. For example, at the Underclass Honors Assembly, during
which 197 students received awards, 54 were Arab, and among those, 41 were Yemeni
American; 15 Yemeni American girls received an award for having high grade point
averages (F ieldnotes, 10/20/98). The hijabat sat in a cluster at the front of the cafeteria
during the ceremony, while the Arab boys sat together in the back, and everyone else,
including parents, sat in mixed gender groups throughout the cafeteria. It became

immediately noticeable that as the first of the hijabat walked forward to the principals,

144

she began to extend her hand and then noticed that the principals put their hands over
their hearts and made a slight bow before giving her the award pin. As the rest of the
hijabat followed suit, they all understood that they were not expected to shake their
principals' hands. It turned out that a few of the hijabat, Saba, among them, had
complained in the past that having to shake a man's hand, even if he is the principal, did
not show respect towards them as pious Muslims. As a result, on all public occasions,
including the graduation ceremony, the principals would send a letter to the hijabat's
homes warning that they would be extending their hands at the event, and that if the girls
did not want to make contact, they would have to wear gloves. On this particular
occasion, the principals had not sent notification early enough to the girls, so they
accommodated the situation by a hand to the heart and a bow.38 This example shows the
extent to which the school will accommodate its students, even when administrators
forget to send letters home. However, teachers still grappled with gender bifirrcation in
their classrooms and religious and cultural accommodation.

The two most significant tensions teachers faced at Cobb were the self-segregation
of the hijabat and the Friday afternoon leave for prayer. Teachers reacted to the hijabat in
different ways. During the two years of fieldwork, every single teacher with whom I
spoke remarked on the hijabat's good study habits. According to the teachers, the hijabat

were far more diligent about their school work than any of the other students in the

 

3’ I would argue that this is not a genuine accommodation. It is more an accommodation to the school's
inefficiency (not sending home the letters in time) than to the cultural norms of the Yemenis. It was often
awkward for the hijabat to know exactly what to do for ceremonies when they had not been alerted ahead of

145

school. While the teachers' admired the girls for their hard work, they were fi'ustrated and
confilsed over what they perceived to be family versus cultural issues. One English
teacher, Mr. Sajek, commented that "a lot of teachers at Cobb are trying to get a feel for
what's cultural and what's coming from the family" (Interview, 2/24/98). This had a direct
impact on his teaching. "In other words, when we do art, we might have Michelangelo's
David. It's a nude. And I've had three Arabic girls sitting next to each other and one will
say I’m not allowed to look at this. And all three of them are Yemenis and will ask, you
know, can I leave the room or put my head down and the others will look. You know, is
that cultural or is that family? (Interview, 2/24/98). It is this teacher's perception that
"Arabic boys blend into the classroom" but the hijabat are "faced with living in two
worlds." Another teacher, Mr. Laramy, who also teaches English Shared Mr. Sajek's
assessment. Mr. Laramy's classroom was an oasis for the hijabat. Cultural and religious
norms were often suspended, but those norms also depended on content context, which
made the suspension of norms more complex and nuanced. This complexity made
classroom life less uniform for both teachers and students throughout the year. In the
example below, Mr. Laramy comments enthusiastically about the hijabat's lively
engagement with content.

...The most ironic thing, I think, that I've done in the last year was last

year when I was teaching The Crucible and I had all these Arabic girls in

class. . .they watched it here and they loved it and we read it, but I thought

to myself, what must be going through their heads as they look at these

girls, who because of their religion and culture were so, you know, penned
up and unable to express themselves. And then here they are, in exactly

 

time about how they would be received by the princiapals. In chapter three, I discuss why hijabat such as
Saba would rather not be touched by men, regardless of context, even at scth award ceremony.

146

the same situation, which is why sometimes when we, at least the last

couple years, when we had problems in the school of any kind, they

tended to be prolonged by the Arabic girls. They're the ones that wouldn't

let it die and I thought to myself, maybe it's because for once they can

kinda step forward and they're getting some attention and stuff (Interview

10/22/98).
In making connections between the hijabat's lives at school and the literature they were
reading in his class, Mr. Laramy was able to make some sense of his observations and the
girls' demands for religious and cultural accommodation in the school. He was surprised at
how vocal the girls could be with regard to change in the school and admitted that school
was probably the only place where they could openly voice their concerns because the
stakes were so high for them. In order to stay in school and maintain good grades, there
had to be some religious and cultural accommodation. Going on a field trip, for example,
could be problematic because the girls refirsed to be seen sitting in a car with their teacher
and/or boys on the way to a museum. Or, as in the case of Mr. Sajek, who knew that his
students could not get the help they needed at home for their homework, he was
fi'ustrated by the fact that the hijabat asked for help but were not allowed in his room
alone after school. What was most fi'ustrating for the teachers is that the hijabat were
good students, if not exemplary students, yet they could not participate in school
activities or even in some discussions on literature and other content matter, thus making
classroom life complicated for their teachers. Below, Mr. Saj ek describes this situation as
he attempted to think about what being a student entailed:

Your heart goes out in a way to the female students because I have heard

conversations and I've had conversations in the classroom where it's been

indicated we wish, we wish we could do some of these things. You know,
attend after school activities. And I don't mean dances, but, you know,

147

take part in more activities at school. I‘ve had girls in my classroom who

have broken down and cried because, you know, dealing with literature

you deal with the concept of love, falling in love on your own. Whereas

you know, and I've had students say, you know, I don't want someone to

pick the person that I'm going to many but I have to. . . .your heart goes

out and you see the pain of your students. It's not all of them, some are

very happy (Interview with Mr. Sajek, 2/24/98).
Teachers were troubled by the fact that their Arab population did not participate in after
school activities. Because of its size, with over 1400 students, Edward Find was expected
to compete in Division I Class A school for Sports and other extra-curricular activities,
but this was almost impossible when more than 30% of the school population did not
participate. Teachers attempted to engage their students in school activities, in getting the
necessary help after school, and in working in mixed ethnic and gender groups, but the
result was usually failure because the students refirsed to participate. Teachers then just
let their students work in a manner which was most comfortable to them, regardless of
school mandates because they could not control the likely consequences of those
mandates. For example, Mr. Sajek explained, "I have a female student who, the most
recent one was a few weeks back where she's a great student but her uncle came from
Yemen and when he heard that she was going to a school with boys, they're sending her
back to Yemen. You know, and this teacher was broken hearted" (Interview2/24/98).
Teachers never knew when they might lose a student because of Yemeni cultural norms,
so they treaded lightly and learned as much as they could during interactions with their

students, although the hijabat were not often forthcoming about cultural or religious

issues.

148

AS I stated earlier, teachers at Cobb reacted to their minority population in
different ways. Most teachers were frustrated because accommodation entailed giving up
their own cultural norms—changing the cafeteria food to include humus instead of pork or
pepperoni or not posting any kinds of religious symbols or words during the traditional
winter holidays. In fact, teachers also contended with moving the spring holiday (or
Easter) to include El Eid during Ramadan, and this caused them to have a different holiday
than their children, who attended other schools the Davis school district. Although the
teachers grumbled about these accommodations, they did acknowledge that since they had
to bus the Yemenis so far fi'om home, that "it [was] only fair to recognize them and their
cultural and religious practices." However, there were teachers who were angry and
expressed themselves openly in their anger. Many resented the Yemeni and Yemeni
American boys. As the vignette at the beginning of this section showed, the boys were
always trying to negotiate the system. Mr. Seely, a math teacher, noted, "I get some
Arabic boys that always want to negotiate their grade. That's what they're interested in.
And I tell them this is not a negotiation process. This is what you earned" (Interview,
10/20/98). Mr. Laramy, who admitted that he is sexist, said that he did not expect much
from the boys, but

we accommodate them grade wise. We have a number of Arabic students

[boys] who pass who shouldn't. . . . We've lowered the bar educationally. .

. . But you go down to the counseling omce, the first two weeks after the

semester starts, 90% of the students who were there were Arabic. Most

of those students want to get changed out of a class because they didn't get

the teacher they wanted, because they think it's gonna be too hard, or they

want to be moved in with their fiiends who are in another class. And I

would have to say most of these accommodations are made for them. And
once the word gets out, oh, you can just go down and get out of this class

149

and go over here where you're. . .then it becomes wholesale and it causes

all kinds of problems early for the teachers particularly. The fact that an

Arabic girl sometimes doesn't understand the assignment won't stop her

from doing 30 pages on it. . . . The boys, on the other hand, don't, cheating

is just second nature to them for the most part. It’s a Situation we have to

deal with (Interview, 10/22/98).
The lines which formed outside of the counselors' offices at the beginning of each
semester did include mostly Yemeni students, and more often than not, the hijabat did not
want to be in classes by themselves, so they switched to be with others like them.
Overall, the teachers respected their hijabat for their diligence and good grades.
Concerning the Yemeni and Yemeni American boys, the teachers took a more critical and
sometimes hostile view. Mr. Laramy exclaimed once that he "never felt so totally
helpless in all [his] life" as when he found out that one of his best female students was
going to drop out of school because of a bad grade, while the boys could continue school
with really low grades. He understood that getting good grades allowed the hijabat to stay
in school, but the fact of the matter remained that for him the accommodation process
went too far if teachers had to give students good grades to keep them in school.

Other school personnel complained about the boys, especially in the cafeteria.
One Lebanese American staff member, Mr. Yasseen remarked,

To be blunt, they're not civilized here. At the other high school, they're

third and fourth generation. Here they're fresh, new. If you tell them, ok,

you're suspended for three days, they say, c'mon, give me one. Ifyou tell

them, here you have a C, they'll tell you, C'mon, give me an A. They have

no respect for anything. They're always negotiating and not learning how

things work (F ieldnotes, 10/27/98).

Some teachers, such as Mr. Dodge, who teaches science, was quite critical of the Yemeni

students in the school and described them as "a firndamental, uneducated, ignorant group."

150

He said, "If you treat them like dogs, they're fine." In addition, the principal's policy of
integration in the classroom is part of "a pretty world and we don't live in a pretty
world. " In describing the hijabat, Mr. Dodge noted that "their direction is Simply
breeding" and that " [they] have a diflicult time at being successful because of their
appearance." Finally, Mr. Dodge commented that "we get edgy with difference. It's like
hanging out with retarded people. We don't want to be like them" (Fieldnotes, 2/11/98).
These types of comments from a teacher elicited angry responses from students, who did
complain to the administration about prejudiced teachers, and from Arab American
teachers, one of whom stated, "Some teachers, they have to have more acceptance. And
some, what you call, they call them white trash, they should be, they should be white,
not trash" (Interview, 9/15/98).

While some teachers were openly prejudiced and hostile, others simply struggled
to understand and to accommodate the situation. Gym class is a prime example. Cobb
had made some formal curricular changes such that the hijabat could firlfill their physical
education requirement without worrying about the presence of boys in the class.
Unfortunately, when the changes were first instituted, a male teacher was inadvertently
assigned to an all-female class, thus causing an uproar. Eventually, the school ensured
that those classes would be taught by women instructors and that swimming would also
be taught separately to boys and girls. Nonetheless, these teachers were extremely
frustrated by their students' behavior, as Ms. Soretsky’s comments suggest:

I try to learn from them and I try to allow room for their differences. I let

them wear whatever they want. So some are totally covered. But some
boys walked by and they want to stop running. Well, my first instinct is

151

no, you don't stop running. And I knew it was one of those where I might

as well just adjust a little bit and two girls were very concerned about it. I

let them pause and I said, ok, you owe me a minute. . . . I know that many

of them have said we are not allowed to, to do anything physical in front

of guys. I had to struggle a little bit. Do I push them, do Ijust let it go?

And I'm not sure why the concern has heightened to the extent that it is

but they were late for class several days in a row and I'm like, you guys,

what are you doing? You can't be late. They said, well, there were guys in

the hall. We didn't wanta walk across the hallway. You know, now we're

getting to such extremes. I want to be considerate of the differences, I

wanta be as helpfirl and, but I can't, I can't get to the point where kids can

be tardy because they won't walk across the hallway when they're clothed

any way they wanta be clothed" (Interview, 2/24/98).
Ms. Soretsky was at her wit's end in her attempts to implement her curriculum and to
engage her students in class. She could not assign homework assignments to her students,
such as running during the weekends, because the girls laughed and told her that they were
not allowed to run. She wondered about their home life, "I think they're two different
worlds and I would be curious how in tune to this the parents are. And how many
internal struggle these girls have, particularly the girls, that there's no one there to help
them with." Ms. Sortetsky also commented that she had heard "many teachers say I'm
moving out of Davis because it's basically being overtaken with the Arab population.’
Growing up in Davis, especially Mayor H years and years ago, when I was a kid, it was
so much Davis being the racist, all White community. No Afiican Americans allowed.
It's kind of funny how it's changed and stayed the same." This teacher questioned her
own receptiveness toward the Yemenis in her classes. But, she also worried about the

girls who failed the course again and again because they failed to dress appropriately

(even when she allowed them to cover completely) and instead of taking three semesters

152

of gym, they enrolled in the course for four years, and then she had to give them a passing
grade (another accommodation) so that they could graduate.

The most interesting yet subtle accommodation school counselors made was to
encourage the hijabat to enroll in family life education courses, which include foods
classes, parenting, career success, interior design, and sewing. As one of the life education
teachers, Mrs. Barnabey, noted,

Over the years, because the mere numbers of Arabic children in this school

has grown, I have seen a larger number of Arabic students, both boys and

girls. More girls than boys in my classes. I think. . . for two reasons.

Number one, because the lower ability student, not only Arabic, but

Arabic and non-Arabic children alike, are encouraged to take these classes

where they might have success because it's more hands on. And secondly,

I think that counselors encourage the Arabic girls to take it because many

of them are going to be homemakers. And thirdly, I have a lot of repeats.

I have a good relationship with them and they sign up again (Interview,

2/10/98).

At their discretion, counselors did make recommendations based on individual students'
needs. One counselor commented that "the girls are basically the same as their mothers.
They follow their mother's upbringing. And being home right after school, they're
basically doing the same thing as the mother" (Interview with Mr. Abdullah, 9/15/98).
This was not an accurate depiction of the hijabat; all of them, unlike their mothers, were
literate in Arabic and English and far more educated. But, early marriages and pregnancies
and pressure from parents to be competent as homemakers convinced teachers and
counselors that the family education classes were a valuable asset for the girls. All of the

hijabat in this study, for instance, took one or more of the family life education courses

and two enrolled in sewing because their parents told them they would need those skills

153

in Yemen. Layla and Aisha, for instance, learned to sew just in case they moved back to
Yemen and needed make clothes for themselves and their families. In effect, the high
school supported the development of competencies the girls would need once they left
high school.

The counselors had much more interaction with the Arab community than did the
teachers. When problems arose, they were carefirl not to refer potentially serious cases to
the health clinic in the Southend's community center because of the likelihood of breach of
confidentiality within such a tightly knit community. Also, they knew that the students
might be sent back to Yemen, so they protected them as much as possible unless there
was no alternative. On the other hand, the counselors did utilize the community center as
a resource, especially in the bilingual program, where the students participated in
workshops on drugs (especially for those students who chewed Qat) and alcohol.
Importantly, the counselors facilitated parent meetings with the school. For example,
because many parents were poor and could not drive the distance to school or work at
night, one of the counselors had an Open House in the elementary school located in the
Southend. This provided a means for parents to communicate with school personnel.

Other than the gender bifurcation issues which had troubled and frustrated
teachers, the most controversial issues revolved around the inclusion of more academic
content on Arab cultures and Friday prayer.39 AS to the first issue, Cobb's Action Plan as

described above called for an increased emphasis on Arab and Islamic cultures as part of

154

the curriculum. This confilsed teachers because the purpose of the increased emphasis
was not clear to them. As one English teacher, Mr. Zanak, was quick to point out, none
of the students was literate in his or her own culture, so an increased emphasis did not
serve any purpose.

You know, people talk about cultural literacy. That's one of our, that's
one of the things you hear a lot about, especially when you've got a diverse
culture or a diverse population like this and people say, well, you have to
do, you know, teach more about the Arabic culture to the other kids and
this is something we've heard before. And you know, one of the
arguments against that is look, these kids aren't literate in their own
culture. Arabic kids aren't literate in their own culture. White kids aren't
literate in their own culture. It's, you know, it's a level of literacy across
the board. And they don't know their history. They don't know where
they came from. They don't know what was written by anybody in either
culture. And yeah, that's one of our, you know, we have the humanities
programs. I'm a big advocate of that because you know, we're, we're
teaching art, music and literature rolled together. And at some point, I
think you arrive at a level of cultural literacy there (Interview, 10/22/98).4O

Another teacher insisted on focusing more on American culture because he thought an
increased emphasis on Arab culture would not be as useful for the school's Yemeni
population.

I don't know if secluded is the right word, but they have asked us to instill

or keep part of the Arab culture. And, in world history, that's very simple

because we did that anyhow. But the one thing, this is purely opinion.

This is opinion. I honestly think that many of the Yemeni, when they
come here, they always seem to tell me that they're going back to Yemen

 

’9 Some teachers also complained about hearing too much Arabic spoken in the hallways. With the
exception of the students in the bilingual program, English was usually spoken in the classroom. Only in
special circumstances, as noted in previous chapters, did the students speak in Arabic during class.

Very few teachers identified students as White and Arabic in opposition to each other, as Mr. Zanak does
here. The Yemenis are considered to be Caucasian although they did appropriate the opposition of White
and Arabic and referred to themselves as Arab or Arabic. Mrs. Barnabey, noted a conversation she had with
one of her students on this topic, ”Sometimes, when they call themselves, they'll say, let's see, they call
like the White students, and I say what color are you? Well, I don't know. I say, well, you are considered
Caucasian, too. So, I don't know what you're talking about. Well, you know the American. I say really?
What country were you born in? Well, America, but you know what I mean" (Interview, 2/10/98).

155

and that's the reason for us, asking us to teach some of the Arab culture.

And I suspect many of them will not be going back to Yemen. I suspect

many of them might think they're going back but they really will stay here.

And that' 8 one reason whey I also teach the American culture. Now,

maybe that's prejudice on my part, thinking that American culture is a

culture that's going to keep them here. . .(Interview with Mr. F allstein,

9/21/98).
Both of these teachers' comments are interesting because the teachers seem to have missed
the action plan's objective in suggesting a more distinct emphasis on Arab culture. Such
an emphasis was not for the purpose of educating the Yemenis about their own cultural
and historical background in World History, although this could be a by-product of the
curriculum. The plan suggests a more deliberate approach to Arab culture and civilization
in order to enlighten all students for the purpose of common understanding between
Arabs and non-Arabs. This was one strategy among the many outlined in the action plan
to bridge the cultural and religious gap among students and staff Most teachers missed
this point entirely in their responses to this particular accommodation as it was laid out in
the plan because they understood the accommodation process to be one-Sided, an
accommodation for the Yemeni population in the school. They did not take the view that
non-Arab students could benefit from changes in the social studies curriculum and that
this might ease tensions among all students. In other words, if there was a deficit in
knowledge, it existed among the Yemeni students rather than in non-Arab students. This
view is narrow in scope because logistically not only does the curriculum reform fail to

accommodate the growing immigrant population, it also fails to include the equally

important non-immigrant population.

156

A ccommodating Friday Prayer

One issue which drew much resentment from all teachers, Arab American and
non-Arab alike, was the policy of student absence for religious reasons. On Fridays,
during fifth and sixth hours, Muslim students were allowed to leave school to attend
Friday prayer at the mosque. More than any other district-wide policy, this one has
angered teachers and some community members. In the fall of 1996, the Davis School
District made a decision regarding the release of students on Fridays for religious
instruction. Many Muslim students, mostly boys, had requested release time for Friday,
the Muslim holiday, each week. Following a consultation with the school attorney, the
superintendent sent a memorandum stating that a parent's request to release a student for
religious instruction for up to two hours per week must be accommodated. These
absences would not be penalized."1 Between the fall of 1996 and 1998, students took
advantage of this privilege and as many as fifty boys would leave school on Fridays.
Girls generally did not leave the grounds because they had no way of getting to the
mosque, while the boys could share rides amongst themselves. In fact, the girls said that
they could pray on their own or go to the mosque after school. Their religious identities
were not dependent on the mosque as a physical space because women in the Southend
often prayed at home while the men prayed at the mosque. In the fall of 1998, when
Cobb hired a community and school liaison stafl' member, the Friday release policy

changed. The liaison staff member held a meeting in the Southend for parents who

 

‘“ Cobb High School [pseud.]. November 19, 1996. Friday Release for Muslim Students memorandum
from superintendent to high school principals and assistants.

157

wanted their children to attend Friday mosque during the school day. Parents were invited
to attend and sign their names, thus giving their permission for their children's release
from school. The school received approximately twenty-four signatures, and from then
on, these boys went to the mosque where attendance was taken by one of the more
responsible boys under the liaison staff member‘s supervision. Although this schoole
related release improved under the leadership of the school/community liaison person,
teachers were still imitated that the students could leave during the school day. It came to
their attention that within the Muslim religion, it was not necessary for the boys to pray
between noon and two-twenty in the aftemoon, that they could just as easily pray after
or before school on Fridays. Teachers characterized this accommodation as "bending over
backwards." Some questioned the constitutionality of the release, but as long as religious
practice did not take place on school grounds, the state of Michigan and the Board of
Education of the Davis Public Schools allowed two hours of religious instruction a week
(see Appendix C). The comment below from Mrs. Barnabey is representative of the
teachers' reactions to the Friday religious release. She thought that the community and
religious leaders should stress attendance in school rather than religious practice during
school hours.

See, well, I'm tolerant and I celebrate all religions, I truly do. But I think

that we have gotten, well, let me back up. I have talked to some Muslim

teachers at this school and they said nowhere in the Koran does it say that

you have to stop on Friday, between noon and one to pray. That can be

made up. This is relatively new. Again, I personally feel that it would be

more beneficial because I feel a child's primary responsibility now is to get

an education. That, but so when you miss fifth and sixth hours every

single Friday, you are missing one fifth. To be honest, I do know that our
school is particularly sensitive to the Arabic issue. And it seems that

158

most of the things that are asked for are accommodated. The girls' gym

class. The boys being off on Friday. Instead of saying, you know, we

understand this and we appreciate this but the facts are that the Imam

[Muslim religious leader] should have said education first. We pray to

God later in the day. God would want you to be in school. To me, that

would be, but again, you know, maybe the Imam is coming from his point

of view, where he feels it is more important for them to be there. So they

have to get a written permission and they do that. It's a bone of

contention, I will tell you, as you can imagine (Interview, 2/10/98).
In her comments Mrs. Barnabey listed some of the ways in which the high school
accommodated the "Arabic issue, " and it is clear that to her, Friday leave was a step in the
wrong direction. The Friday release for religious purposes continued to be a controversial
issue, but under the supervision of the new school/community liaison staff member, it
was no longer abused.42 The school had also decided that if and when other students
requested a leave for holidays or religious instruction, as one Jewish girl did, they would
be excused without any penalty (Interview with Mrs. Jakowsky, 10/22/98). The district

worried, however, that if too many students left on any one day, they could lose

substantial state filnding for that day.

Accommodating Dress
It is important to note that Cobb High School accommodated its Arab students in

one other significant way, by letting them dress as they pleased. In a memorandum from

 

‘2 The community/school liaison stafl‘ member also did lunchroom duty and kept a watchful eye on the
both the Yemeni and non-Arab boys. He was also called upon to give advice regarding proper behavior
and dress for certain occasions, such as when an car accident occurred and a Yemeni American boy was
killed. He sent a memorandum to all the teachers advising them how they and their students should dress
for the funeral at the mosque in the Southend.

159

the principal to the teachers in January 1997, the principal reinforced the school's
openness to dress for religious reasons with some strict guidelines.43

Just before the holiday recess, I was approached by a Muslim male
student who asked if he could wear a "kufiia" which is a religious hat-like
structure. I gave him permission, providing (as with our female students
wearing scarves) he will never be seen not wearing his kufiia. My reason
for this is that we do not allow students to wear hats in school and if a
kuflia is being worn in a similar fashion as a hat, then it falls under this rule
structure. I explained that should he be caught not wearing his kuflia, he
would be disciplined for insubordination. He assured me that this would
not happen since this was a religious decision he had made and would not
be without his kuflia.

This past week, I have noticed two or three other male students
wearing kuflias. My intention is to treat them the same as the student
mentioned above. However, I am not in a position to track these students
throughout the day. Therefore, I am asking your assistance in my being
consistent with this situation.

If a male student is wearing a kufiia in your class, please dong; ask
him to take it off. Instead, ask to see him in private and show him this
memo (or explain my position in private). Then keep a daily watch on
this student to make sure he continues to wear it. If on any fixture day he
does not wear his kufiia, please refer him to me directly (via referral) for
insubordirmign. I will personally handle the situation.

Your cooperation with the content of this memo will be greatly
appreciated.

No_te: Some students wear the kufia into and out of school in a
similar fashion as a hat. This is not the same as wearing it throughout the
school day and should be treated the same as any student wearing a hat in
and out of school.

Unlike the hijabat, the boys rarely wore religious or cultural dress at school. They all
wore Western dress, while the girls were rarely seen without their scarves. Many of the
female teachers found this differentiation in dress exasperating and often commented that

it was interesting that the boys outwardly seemed to embrace Western values by wearing

 

‘3 Cobb High School [pseud.]. January 7, 1997. Muslim boys wearing religious "kuffia" memorandum to
all Cobb High School [pseud.]faculty from Principal.

160

the latest fashions, while the girls had to maintain their reserved and conservative
appearances. Mrs. Sorestky, one of the gym teachers, said that this was unfair and that
religious dress contributed to the hijabat's separateness and lack of participation in
various activities. Dress did indeed prohibit the hijabat from participating in most
activities and reinforced their identities as "good" Muslim girls within the school. This
was an image the hijabat wanted to sustain in order to navigate sucessfirlly among home
and school worlds. By accommodating their dress and the hijab and by being sensitive to
this issue, the school administration inadvertently also helped reinforce the hijabat's
identities as religiously and culturally different and therefore separate from the rest of the

student body.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have examined the process through which the high school
adapted to its growing minority population of Yemeni and Yemeni American students.
By examining specific primary sources, it is clear that the process was complicated and
complex and that both teachers and administrators faced challenging issues and charges
from their communities and students. In the second part of the chapter, I focused on the
teachers' perceptions of the accommodation process and on their understanding of the
hijabat's identities within the school. There is a range of responses fiom teachers, from
descriptions of heart-breaking experiences, to confusion, to open hostility when they
think the administration has gone too far, to ignorance of cultural and ethnic differences.

The teachers understood their students' precarious balance in "two worlds,” but they

161

wanted some limits imposed. Most teachers were disturbed by the Yemeni students'
imposed gender segregation and the self-segregation of the Yemeni community. As one
teacher put it, "They just don't buy into being an American" (Interview with Mrs.
Barnabey, 2/10/98). This was troublesome for teachers who made great efi‘orts to be
accommodating and to give their students opportunities to succeed academically, only to
find their hopes (and those of their students) dashed to the ground. Yet, at the same time,
as a school, Cobb made some strides in the last decade to diversify its approach toward
its population of students of diverse background and to welcome and improve educational
opportunities for all. I think teachers would do well to learn more about the Yemeni
community and to find opportunities to have discussions with their students and parents
about participation in school activities and the relationship between subject content and
the students' culture. Also, it might benefit the high school to diversify its faculty by
assigning its Arab American teachers "mainstream" classes rather than only classes in the
bilingual program. More open and infomal conversations need to occur among faculty
around accommodation issues examined in this chapter. Importantly, teachers need to be
aware of the heavy responsibilities the hijabat bear as they negotiate their complicated
domestic lives within their community and their social lives within the high school. The
process of accommodation and understanding is by no means over, and questions linger
among teachers about the secularity of the strategies used in the last several years. The
school took a step in the right direction in hiring a community/school liaison staff member
who would be able engage the school and community in productive conversation and

action. As it turns out, there was a similar staff member position at Finkle High School,

162

the school with approximately 7 5% of its students who were of Lebanese descent, for
years. Only by giving the accommodation process more time, by comparing itself to
other schools and districts in similar situations, and by continuing to involve parents and
the community in its reform for cultural understanding will Cobb High School be able to

judge the fi'uition of its efforts.

163

FIVE

From Aspiration to Desperation: Living in Ambiguity

"I’m not going to be nothing when I grow up. I 'm a yum-yums. I 'm going to be a
house wife" (F ieldnotes, 1998).

Like when I was young, a lot, I would like always, I always like would play with my
cousins. I always would be a teacher. But as they years pass by, you know. I was
thinking of the easy way out, if I could ever continue my education. You know, if were to
be able to go to college, how long does it take to be a nurse and how long does it take to be
a doctor? A teacher? I 'm really concerned right now with my education. It 's easier to be
a teacher or nurse" (Interview with Aisha, 2/11/98).

During my two years of fieldwork in Davis, it became clear that as the hijabat
grew older, they perceived their futures as increasingly bleak and uneventfill no matter
how successfirl they were academically or in maitaining their cultural and religious norms
intact. All of the high school girls I shadowed—Nadya, Nouria, Saba, Amani, Aisha, and
Layla—regarded their filtures fearfully, not really knowing if they would be able to realize
their dreams and goals. The hijabat intended to become nurses or teachers, occupations
which met the expectations of the community and even their school. Yet for most of
them, developing professional careers was not likely to occur, and therefore, they looked
to graduation with trepidation. In this chapter, I argue that the intersection of public
school and home expectations for success is a turbulent space for the hijabat. As they
successfirlly negotiated the academic and social expectations at each grade level, they also

had to attend to their community and parental expectations for success, and these sets of

expectations did not complement one another. As a result, the girls' dispositions towards

164

school, their families, and themselves became more and more negative as they approached
graduation. Their desperation was heightened by their realization that they had little say
in the decisions made about their futures. They lived their last two years of high school in
ambiguity, for they did not know whether they would be sent to Yemen to many or
finish high school and even be allowed to pursue careers. In this chapter, then, I examine
the hijabat's changing dispositions toward their futures in conjunction with the teachers'
perceptions of the girls' lives throughout high school. I will show that although the
hijabat become quite desperate about their status as Yemeni women in their American
world, they maintained their grade point averages in the hope of continuing their
education after high school. Doing well in school, no matter what their firtures had in

store for them, allowed them to hope.

The All-important GPA

As ninth graders the hijabat had strong aspirations for their futures. They saw
themselves graduating from high school and then attending college. By the time they
reached the twelfth grade, however, they were desperate to stay in school and maintain a
high GPA. They compared their lives to those back home, in Yemen. Layla, fi'om the
class of 2000, commented, "If you live in Yemen, you get married because there's nothing
else to do. Here you can do things with your life" (F ieldnotes, 2/14/98). Knowing that
obtaining an education might give them opportunities they would not have elsewhere, the

hijabat worked very hard at school in order to be able to stay and perhaps continue their

165

education. Table 2 below shows the grade point averages over two years for the class of

 

 

 

 

2000 at Cobb High School.
Female Male Arab Non-Arab Non-Arab Arab
Females Females Males Males

Fall 2.713 2.301 2.694 2.718 2.357 2.195
1997 N=l45 N=196 N=30 N=115 N=129 N=67
Spring 2.702 2.286 2.756 2.688 2.340 2.187
1993 N=146 N=189 N=3l N=115 N=123 N=66
Spring 2.855 2.495 2.957 2.829 2.537 2.401
1999 N=l30 N=155 N=26 N=104 N=107 N=48

 

 

 

Table 2: Class of 2000 mm GPA's (N = total number of students)
Table 2 shows that the mean grade points of all the high school girls were higher than
those of the boys.44 By the spring of 1999, the Arab girls' GPA's were higher than those
of the non-Arab.” The class of 1999 had a similar distribution although the non-Arab
girls were slightly ahead in the spring of 1999 with a mean grade point of 2.972, while the
Arab girls had a mean grade point of 2.840. The classes of 2001, 1998, and 1997 also
showed a distribution where the non-Arab girls were slightly ahead of the Arab girls.
Overall, the boys' GPAs were lower than those of the girls and the Arab boys' GPAs
were lower than those of the non-Arab boys.46

The Arab American girls' (most of whom were of Yemeni origin) relatively high

GPA's are the result of several factors. As I mentioned in previous chapters, the fact that
the hijabat did not work outside the home and did not participate in after-school activities

and sports ensured that they had more than enough time to complete their school work.

 

‘4 The mean grade points of the girls and boys are significantly different based on a z-test of 4.089 at a =
0.05

‘5 Arab girls did not differ significantly from non-Arab girler in terms of GPA, t = 0.77, p>0.05.

166

Teachers often described the hijabat as diligent students who handed in work either on or
ahead of time. Second, being a good female student in the Yemeni community was
equated with being a " good girl", one who upholds the family honor. Third, doing well in
school meant having a possible ticket to a career outside the home and community.
Unlike the Yemeni boys, for whom high school meant getting a credential (diploma),
getting by with a passing grade was not enough for the hijabat; they were not allowed to
work outside the home and/or community after high school. But, having the opportunity
for more education was still a viable option, especially if scholarships were available for
college. For example, both Sabrina and Mariam were able to attend nearby universities
because they were awarded scholarships. In Sabrina's case, her father negotiated, as part
of the marriage agreement with her Yemeni husband, that she would be allowed to finish
college. In Mariam's case, her older brother attended college and this enabled her to go.
Both of these young women, unlike most of the hijabat, were able to continue their
education because they had excellent grades while in high school and because in their case,
the men in their families supported this decision.

Teachers at Cobb did notice the hijabat's preoccupation with grades. For example,
Mr. Ackerman, one of the social studies teachers remarked that he did not understand
their obsession with grades: "I don't see them going onto school once they leave here

because my perception is that these Muslim girls don't go onto higher education. You

 

‘6 The mean grade points of the Arab and non-Arab boys were not significantly difi'erent based on a z-test of
1.049 at a = 0.05 level of significance.

167

rarely hear them speak about what they're going to do" (Interview, 10/15/98). Mr.
Ackerrnan described one of the hijabat in his advanced placement history class:

I know these girls are, they study very hard. I know that each of
them is keeping track, every time I pass a paper back, they get a little grid
out and they write everything down to keep track of where they are and if
something comes back, and they get like a calculator out to try to figure.
And, I‘ve tried to say to them, you know, don't do that because they, I'm
trying to get across to them that different grades mean different things in
terms of like . . .cuz the multiple choice tests will be 1/3 of the grade,
essays are 1/3, notebooks are 1/3 and they're just looking at oh, my gosh, I
got a bad score here. I'm not doing well. And I say, you know, you can't
do that. You've got to wait until the end of the marking period, look at it
overall, and if a grade here seems low, you gotta remember that this is
coming in later and that most likely will boost the grade because of what
it's going to be, this type of thing. And I've had to do that several times to
try to reassure them that they're, that they're doing better than what they
think they are. I got this sense for this girl that there was, there was
pressure from home to have a higher GPA I got that sense. Because she
mentioned her dad a couple of times, you know (Interview, 10/15/98).

The hijabat experienced a lot of pressure (fiom themselves and their parents) regarding
grades. Layla's mother, for instance, said that she pushed her daughter to get good grades,
otherwise what was the point of letting her stay in school (Interview with Layla Mrs.
Nasser, 9/15/98). She also thought that teachers were "too easy" on her daughter and
should make her work harder. Nouria's mother was perplexed about her daughter's lower
grades in comparison to those of her older daughters and told her to write as much as
possible (Interview with Nouria's mother, 9/24/98). Mr. Ackerman was one of several
teachers who observed that if they could not maintain a high grade point average, the girls
were likely to drop the class. It is important to note, too, that while the hijabat's fathers
made final decisions about maniage, mothers were also a strong influence with regard to

school and grades. Layla's mother, for instance, wanted her daughter to attend college and

168

bemoaned her daughter's less than perfect GPA (Interview with Mrs. Nasser, 9/15/98).
Aisha's mother, on the other hand, preferred to see her daughter married and out of
school, so Aisha was under constant pressure from both parents and had to maintain her
4.0 average every semester—she put pressure on herself because if she faltered even
slightly, she would have to drop out and get married. At one point she confided, "I'm like
in a bad position because my father wants to marry me in like one year and forever. I'm
gonna be a senior and they want to leave [to go back to Yemen]. And that just, I've been
so depressed about that" (Interview, 2/11/98). Her school counselor, Mr. Vestsy,
commented that he "push[ed] the girls' families to let their daughters take the PSAT by
telling them that their kids could possibly go to college for free" (F ieldnotes, 10/19/98).
He persuaded Aisha to let her family know that she could get a scholarship once he
noticed how depressed she was about the possibility of not being able to finish school
and not going to college. Aisha, like most of the hijabat, was willing to be a teacher or
nurse because any other career path would take too long and would try the patience of

her parents. However, the notion of attending college remained a question in her life.

The Power of the Curse

It is clear that the hijabat's success at school—having a high GPA and behaving
according to Yemeni cultural and religious nonns—was intimately connected with their
status as " good daughters" at home and in their community. Being successfirl at school
meant that the hijabat spent their time wisely by studying a home and being helpfill with

housekeeping, thus doing little else which would elicit questions from their families and

169

community. There were times, though, when the hijabat openly disagreed with their
parents' decisions, and the consequences could be harsh. Other than being forced to
many, the hijabat feared the curses their families would throw at them. During my two
years in Davis, it was apparent that curses was a taboo topic and that the curses rested
on an underlying belief system that parallels that of Islam. One of the women who
worked in the community, for example, told me that the Yemenis believe in good and evil
spirits and that when one of the hijabat was sent to Yemen for misbehaving, she would
come back a different person—with physical (and sometimes mental) symptoms of
having been cursed. These curses, according to community members, would be said while
the intended person ate something, which could be drugged to produce the desired effect,
such as a rash or a stupor. For example, the high school hijabat often warned me not to
drink tea served by the old women in the Southend or in Yemen.

In school, the belief in curses manifested itself in interesting ways. Saba, the girl
who wanted to marry someone of her own choosing, spent a week at the hospital after an
altercation with her mother in the Southend and her uncles in Yemen. Her family refilsed
to acknowledge the man she had chosen. Upon her return to school, Saba stated that she
feared her family's curses, which had sent her in a fit of depression in the first place
(F ieldnotes, 1/14/99). Several of the hijabat in the community commented that the curses
could affect their GPA's, so they had to be carefirl about everything, and make sure that

the "boaters" never looked them in the eye.47 Those hijabat who worried about curses or

 

‘7 Talking about curses in the Southend was diflicult The hijabat did not discuss the topic Openly with
me unless they were under great pressure, as in Saba's case. These curses are part of what is commonly

170

evil spirits recited the Ayat El Qursi and the Surat El Baqara fiom the Qur’an each night
in order to ward them ofl‘.

Negotiating home and school expectations within the Southend was no easy feat
for the hijabat. Maintaining a good GPA, constantly performing within cultural and
religious boundaries at school, cooking and cleaning and looking after siblings, managing
the household finances, coping with husbands' housekeeping and personal demands (if
married), pregnancy, avoiding marriage as long as possrble, and being carefirl not to incite
any curses—these practices defined the hijabat's lives while in high school. By doing all of
these well, they had the chance to realize the firtures they envisioned. However, as I
stated above, getting to where they would like to go would not be easy, and sometimes, it

was impossible.

F atalistic and Depressed

The teachers at Cobb High School characterized the hijabat's dispositions from
ninth to twelfth grade as steadily more "depressed," "low morale, " and "fatalistic," while
most of the Yemeni boys would "barely get by and get the diploma" and left school
pleased at the prospect of working and in a few cases, go to college. The girls often
expressed their fi'ustration at not knowing what they would do after graduation as their

families decided their firtures and their teachers could only listen. The hijabat were never

 

known in the Western world as ”folk Islam,” which denotes a belief system that includes spirits, such as
witches, genies, etc, in addition to the use of the medicinal properties of certain herbs and plants.
Unfortunately, I was not able to get any kind of response from the hijabat's parents regarding the curses.

171

really aware of how their teachers felt or reacted to what they said. Mr. Dodge, one of
the science teachers, said,

Girls' filture, I see them the girls and what I've heard them speak of it, it's
very fatalistic. Yemenis leave after school and go back home. To the
fatalistic environment. This my fate. I will go home and I will make
dinner. I will clean this. I will care, watch my brothers. You know, that's
what they'll tell you, too. If you ask them" (Interview, 2/26/98).

According to Mr. Dodge, the hijabat's future outlook was not an optimistic one. One the
school counselors, Mr. Abdullah, pointed out that the hijabat's grades might slip as their
morale slips:

Their grades are slipping, the morale slips, the enthusiasm slips. They
know, even if they get a diploma, they're not going anywhere with that
diploma because they're not going to college. They're gonna raise a family,
a large family, and whatever the husband says goes. So, the majority of
the time, even if they can get that diploma, there's no use for that diploma"
(Interview, 9/15/98).

Another teacher, Mrs. Barnabey simply said, "The girls cannot dream" (Interview,
2/10/98). She reiterated that some do go on to more education, but for most, the future is
a "bleak" one. One of the more poignant observations was made by one of the gym
teachers, Mrs. Soretsky:

I see dramatic change in the girls from ninth to twelfth grade. Not just the
usual changes of the kids growing up. I see such a pattern of these girls
getting very, a lot of them seem to get depressed their senior year. A lot of
them get very withdrawn. 1 watch their personalities change dramatically
and I always thought that it was due to the fact that they would be leaving
school and many of them, their lives will drastically change if they're not
going on to college. I had one student, before she graduated, she stood and
she's talking to me and she said, you know, she said I look at all of these
awards that are in the hallway, the athletic awards, she said, and I would
have bee so good at basketball and I would have been so good at, I don't
know what other sports she named. She said I wasn‘t allowed. And she
said I will never, ever forgive my parents for that. And for her to be even

172

open enough to say it cause many, they feel they're not honoring their

parents and not being appropriate by voicing something like that. But it

just broke my heart, just broke my heart (Interview, 2/24/1998).
Like the other teachers, Ms. Soretsky felt helpless as she listened to her Yemeni
American female students. She pointed out that "there's a kind of push and pull to
maintain [their] culture but yet fit in . . . There's two different worlds" (Interview
2/24/2000). The conflict the hijabat faced as they dared to speak out about their
desperation was prohibiting. One of the Arab American teachers, Ms. Ishmael, suggested
that the hijabat kept everything inside because they were afi'aid of the consequences of
speaking out.

. . . the conflict stays inside. It's not outspoken. She'll never answer her

mom, you stay out of it, you keep out of it. No, there's no such thing.

She'll cry and feel depressed inside without nobody knowing it. So

everything's kept to themselves. It's not out. Because if she speaks out,

that means you're not raised well. You are bad. You've become a bad

person. You're not following your religion. You are dada, you know, and

then you are not good for the community not good for the family and if

people find out about you, they're gonna think you are bad. So, it's all

hush, hush, hush (Interview, 9/15/98).
Ms. Ishmael, like Ms. Soretsky, understood the hijabat's reticence concerning their
private struggles to deal with their firtures. At the same time, teachers who would
normally be encouraging their students to take all the necessary steps to attend college
could not do so with the hijabat who were good students. This ran counter to the school
and teachers' expectations about what should happen to their high achieving students.

The teachers could only remain silent when the hijabat expressed the dissonance of home

and school worlds.

173

Desperate and Living in Ambiguity

The six high school hijabat and their fiiends expressed their desperation about the
future in different ways over the two years that I spent in the community. Nouria, fiom
the class of 2000, wanted to divorce her husband. She said, "I hate my life. I want to get
the hell out of this place” (Interview, 10/20/98). Amani, from the class of 1999 said that
she wished that she could remove her scarf and wear short sleeves and become a nurse or
teacher (Interview, 10/23/98). Aisha, a top student fiom the class of 2000, was finally
happy to learn, during her eleventh-grade year, that she could finish high school, although
her family arranged for her to marry and go to Yemen following her graduation (Interview,
10/26/98). Layla, also from the class of 2000, said that she worried about her grades
which were average and did not know if she could go to college especially as she was
trying to divorce her husband, who was also her first cousin (F ieldnotes, 1/28/99). Nadya,
from the class of 2001, knew that she could go to college because her older sister was
manied and enrolled in college, but she did not know if she would be allowed to go
because her grades were not as high as those of her sister (Interview, 10/23/98). Saba,
from the class of 1999, talked about her unwillingness to go to Yemen and many, "I
believe that victory comes with those who are patient. IfI, I let it get to me, it will eat me
alive. I'm being patient in the sense where I'm not, you know, committing suicide"
(Interview, 10/29/98).

In contrast to the hijabat's desperation about their firtures, the two boys who
allowed me to interview them expressed markedly different views about their futures.

Fateh, from the class of 1999, said, "I can do anything I want now. I can do anything

l74

(Interview 2/10/98). Malek, fi'om the class of 2000, stated, ". . .all I want to do is finish
high school and then don't worry what I do. Whatever I do, happens. I don't know. I'm
not looking for the future yet. I'm just looking to get my education and do whatever feels
right for me to do" (Interview, 11/10/98). These responses fiom the boys illustrate that
they had a choice to pursue more than one option after they graduated, although both of
them were expected to have good grades and to work after school. Yet, as their comments
suggest, there is a lack of pessimism, depression, and fatalistic outlook, which
characterize the girls' responses. i

The ambiguity with which the hij abat faced their futures conflicts with their
school's goal of producing educated citizens who will contribute to society. As Peshkin
(1986), noted, "The artistic, literary, social, and religious riches of our society, are a
product of minds able to operate under relatively open conditions" (p. 287). As long as
the hijabat are constrained by the expectations of the Southend and Yemen, they are
unlikely to benefit from or contribute to American society. Even as they express
themselves in the "in-between" spaces of school and home discussed in chapter three, or
even as they engage more freely in classroom life, as I noted in chapter two, the fact is
that as members of the Yemeni community in the Southend, for most of the hijabat, their
lives will be cognitively and socially limited by the spaces they occupy, mostly the home
and immediate neighborhood, and the ever-present Yemeni village. As long as they
continue to marry men fi'om Yemen who have little or no education, they are likely to
relive their parents' lives in the Southend. Of course, as one of the school counselors

noted, perhaps the hijabat will return to school once they have children. That is a

175

possibility, but whether this will happen and whether they will become the teachers and

nurses they would like to be, remains an open question.

176

CONCLUSION

Implications

Some broader implications can be drawn from this study. Perhaps the most salient
implication is that key concepts such as success, identity, ethnicity, and gender must be
understood as shifting processes in which the dynamic enactment of culture and religion
remain highly nuanced. Research on the relationship between homes, communities, and
schools ought not be limited solely to the study of social class differences. Even though
the hijabat came from low socio-economic status homes in which the parents were
predominantly print-illiterate, they still succeeded academically and maintained relatively
high grade point averages. If anything, the hijabat's sometimes complex, self-
contradictory, and individually variable experiences illustrate the multifaceted and
emergent nature of identity, self, and literacy. For example, each of the chapters
demonstrates that notions of success and how they are related to teenagers's views of
formal education, the use of language, college, the delay of maniage, Yemen, and the being
in the US—are often contradictory. The contradictions actually reflect the polyvocal and
conflicted discourse around schooling and education in the hijabat's families, community,
and among teachers.

Another implication drawn fiom this study is that the Yemeni American
immigrant relationship to Cobb High School runs counter to the common sense view of
"non-mainstream" cultures and public schools in general. Previous research cited above

on immigrant and minority populations in the US has shown that schools historically

177

have resisted adapting to the needs of their new "non-mainstream" populations and have
not, in general, embraced the notion of multi-cultural curricula. In this study, Cobb High
School accommodates the Yemenis and the hijabat in remarkable ways. The process of
accommodation remains ongoing and illustrates that schools, when need be, can reform
both formal and informal curricula in order to meet the needs of all students. In addition,
the high school has proved to be the hijabat's greatest source of opportunity for self-
expression and openness. The openness of Cobb High afi‘ords a unique space for identity
development. Understanding this, the hijabat took an active role in shaping their
environment in order to ensure that they would remain in school and therefore attempt to
firlfil filture aspirations.

School, however, was not a uniformly liberating experience for the hijabat or their
teachers. Home and school worlds sometimes collided. The hijabat's interactive
performances as students, girls, Muslims Yemeni American daughters, sisters, and wives
were all context dependent and highly variable, and that variability in identity impacted
their social and academic lives. The high school itself, as an institution, remained highly
fiagmented because teachers, administrators, and parents' visions for schooling and
education differed. This fragmentation was evidenced in two ways: 1) the Arab American
and non-Arab teachers held themselves responsible for their students' lives differently,
thus creating a professional separateness within the building, and this often caused
tension; 2) at times, the school actually reinforced the hijabat's gendered and religious
identities, which could be construed as less than liberating. In such instances, in order to

avoid stereotypes and ambiguity, teachers and administrators should attempt to learn

178

more about the communities whose children they teach and find ways to connectmore
productively with their students and each other.

Many ethnographies, monographs, and histories have been written about people
who occupy the often figurative and sometimes physical "border" lands. I chose "in-
betweeness" as a concept for the jijabat because it ties together notions of text, literacy,
space, gender, ethnicity, and identity. "In-berweeneness" is really an elusive concept
which attempts to create real or imagined boundaries around to describe what people do
to survive and get along with one another on a daily basis. The use of such a concept
demarcates, however peripherally, an epistemological if not situational marker for
understanding home and school worlds as a set of relationships in the hijabat's lives. As
such, "in-betweeness" is a nebulous concept. The implication of this characterization is
that for "in-betweeness" to remain in between, it must shift as its borders shift. I suspect
that this occurs over time and with each succeeding generation of immigrants. The lives I
"uncovered" while I lived among the hijabat in Davis are among the most unusual I have
ever experienced. As they continue to navigate home, and perhaps school spaces, I
remain optimistic that schools will also experiences shifting "in-betweeness" rather than

remain in the same place, producing static intellectual, academic, and social spaces.

179

REFLECTION

The Role of a Non-threatening Presence

I ended my fieldwork at the Olive Garden restaurant, in the company of Saba,
Aisha, Layla, Nouria, Nadya, Sabrina, Mariam, and Mrs. Dunbar, my main contact in the
Yemeni community and who introduced me to the hijabat and their families. We chose
the Olive Garden because it was close to the girls' homes and because several in the group
had never had American Italian food. As we sampled the calamari, spinach dip, and
various pasta dishes, the conversation ebbed and flowed around topics familiar to all of
us: weddings in Yemen, Hollywood films, and school gossip. At the end of dinner, I gave
each of the girls a journal as a gift and a pretty scarf to Mrs. Dunbar. I wrote, "They
seemed to like these small gifts, and I am sad to be leaving them behind in the lives I've
uncovered. It's very hard to just leave." I knew my work in the field was finished when
we stopped at my apartment on the way home, and I gave my TV and some other
household items to one of the newly married young women.

As I think back to that last dinner, I find it remarkable that their parents allowed
me to take the hijabat away fi'om the Southend, however briefly. We left the smokestacks
behind and feasted happily beyond the prying eyes we all knew fi'om the community and
school. A few of the girls even considered removing their scarves in the restaurant before
discarding that idea. Of course, the presence of Mrs. Dunbar testified to the safety of the
event, but I knew that this dinner could not have taken place a year or even two years

before, when I first arrived in the field. As I paged through my fieldnotes, there were

180

three key events, which I think lend some perspective to my presence and observer
participation in the field and during this particular dinner. I call these, "the non-
threatening presence" and the "quest for the mailbox," and "the limitations of being a

woman at a fimeral."

A Non-threatening Presence

I anived at Cobb High School right after the "cafeteria incident" (see chapter four)
and during a time of high tension and fi'ustration for the teachers and students. This was a
coincidence, of course, although I viewed it more as an opportunity to learn something
interesting. No one knew what to make of my presence, and teachers were quick to
complain about me when I first began to "shadow" the students. They worried that I was
there to evaluate their instruction and that I would report back to the administration about
what I observed in their classrooms. However, even before that, when I was first
introduced to the principal by one of the Davis School District directors, I remember
sitting quietly in the principal's oflice while he and the director discussed what I would be
doing. At one point the director said, "It's really a coincidence that she's here when we've
had all these problems. She didn't know about them until this week. I don't think this
will be a problem. She has a non-threatening presence." The principal readily agreed to
this estimation of my appearance (and character?), and I was on my way. It took a little
more time to convince teachers that I was, in fact, keeping my observations notes to

myself and that I was indeed non-threatening.

181

Over time, I found that having a non-threatening presence worked to my
advantage in collecting data, even when I had to meet with teachers after school one day
to talk one more time about what I was doing in their classrooms. I remembering agreeing
to sit or stand wherever they thought I should and to be as unobtrusive as possible.

After that meeting, the principal told me once again that my non-threatening presence had
helped tremendously and that I could carry on.

Although I was immensely relieved to gain access to the teachers' classrooms
when I shadowed students, the test to my non-threatening presence occurred with my
first interview of one of the high school hijabat, Saba. A natural leader, Saba would
determine the course of my relationships with all six of the high school hijabat. She knew
that I was familiar with the Arab world, that I was born in Algeria and could read and
write in Arabic. This had eased some of the tension before the interview. However, one
of my goals was to record the interviews, but this would not have been possible if Saba
had not agreed to let me record her interview. I remember scratching at my interview
protocol, trying to keep up with Saba's comments; I remember telling her that I was a
faster typist than writer, but I hadn't thought about typing the responses to the
interview; I remember looking at her in fiustration as I attempted to write exactly what
she said. Finally, one third through the interview, she did say, "Ok, Loukia. I trust you.
I know that if you record this interview, it will be anonymous. Plus, you don't look like
someone who could be threatful. " I let out a whoosh of relief and turned the tape recorder

01‘].

182

I was gratefirl to be characterized as non-threatening. By the end of my fieldwork,
my non-threatening presence enabled me to thank the hijabat properly, by going out to

dinner in relative privacy and by talking openly.

The Quest for a Mailbox: Becoming an Insider

One of the more difficult aspects of conducting research as an outsider in a school
on a daily basis is not having a place through which one can collect information or have
others leave information. During the first year of fieldwork, I did not have a way to
collect daily bulletins and other materials unless I found the material posted on the wall,
or I hunted it down in teachers' classrooms and photocopied it and returned it to the wall
or to them. I had also made photocopies of notes to teacher alerting them about a
classroom visit when I shadowed one of the students and had no place to put those either.
Finally, halfway through the first year, one of the secretaries agreed to keep a folder for
me on her desk and I could check incoming mail there. Unfortunately, teachers would
never remember this folder when everyone else received mail in mailboxes specifically
designed for daily mail. So, during that academic year, mail was not delivered to me—I
anticipated its delivery and picked it up instead.

When I returned to school during the second academic year, much to my surprise,
I was given one of the empty mailboxes alongside those of the teachers. This changed my
life at Cobb in a dramatic way. Teachers could now leave me notes or respond to
inquiries. I would get a copy of the daily bulletin and other materials. More importantly, I

felt as if I finally became an insider, part of the school culture and privy to the

183

information others were getting. It was easier for me to take note of scheduled meetings
and to plan around teachers and students' schedules. My quest for a mailbox ended and I'll

be forever gratefill that the secretaries in the main oflice finally gave me one.

lhe Limitations of Being a Woman at a Yemeni Funeral

One of the most heart-wrenching moments in the field was the day I attended the
funeral of one of the hijabat's brothers. She was one of the six I shadowed and her younger
brother died in a car accident in float of the school one day. I remember rushing to the
school to see if I could give any of the girls a ride to the mosque to attend the services,
and then rushing back to the mosque for the noon prayer. I worried that my scarf did not
adequately cover my head, but when I arrived, I saw that other women, who did not
usually cover their heads had the same problem, so I just let mine slip and would pull it
back when necessary. I sat in stuffy, basement room with hundreds of women from the
community and the school. We listened to the voice of the Imam over the loudspeaker and
prayed silently. I sat near the hijabat, holding the hand of one of them.

I was confirsed about what we were all doing in the stufi‘yl basement room of the
mosque when the body of the boy was upstairs. I was finally told that only the men
could be with the body, while the women remained downstairs. Finally, we were told that
we could go outside and watch the procession from the mosque to the Muslim section of
the large cemetery in the Southend. What I experienced outside shocked me and it was

then that I felt the limits of being a woman during this event.

184

We wait outside and I notice that across the parking lot, there are
school buses. I walk over there and in doing so, leave the hijabat behind
and find myself in a sea of men and boys. They all stare, but I walk over
with the Lebanese American teachers. The buses are full of football
players and cheerleaders bearing flowers. They’re not sure what to do and
they don’t know that they’ve missed the prayer.

I watch the front of the mosque. The hijabat do not walk over and
the Lebanese American teachers tell them that it’s ok to come to the fi'ont.
But the girls hang back as a group and say that there are too many men.
While the men walk around in the parking lot and in fiont of the mosque
staring at the women, the hijabat stand in one large cluster in the back,
craning their necks to see what is happening. Many are crying. Yet, they
stand together in a group of more than seventy-five, clustered together as
the men walk past and around them, staring.

Finally, men walk out of the mosque carrying the casket. All the
men (over 300) crowd around it as they all walk to the cemetery. The
women hang back and very hesitantly walk toward the cemetery. The
Lebanese teachers urge them on, but even Amani doesn’t go into the
cemetary, and she's the sister of the dead boy. Instead, the women stand
on the edge of the parking lot and look across the street into the cemetery.

In every sense, the women are outsiders in this drama of grief.
They fear stepping forward and becoming part of the fimeral procession,
and they fear being close to the men in the cemetery. They watch while the
men carry out the process. They are stared at as if they are alien. At one
point, a photographer photographs them, and I see what he sees: a group
(about 75) of covered women (in black and white) standing so close
together that one would have a hard time walking through. The men, on
the other hand, are dispersed, in clusters of one to six men and walk
wherever they please. The women’s movements are dependent on that of
the men. They maintain the appropriate distance.

The Lebanese women tell me that they’ve never been to a funeral
like this one where women don’t stand where they like and around the
grave. They say that this is haram and sad. One of the teachers says that
this mosque was built by the Lebanese years ago and women never had to
cover themselves if they didn’t want it so. Now, everything has changed
since the Yemeni population has grown and taken over.

Other outsiders include school officials and non-Arab students.
They stand out as different, not Arab, and they don’t understand what
they should do. Their clothes are different and their stance is different.
They’re confused. The football players’ heads are shaved, a sharp contrast
to the bearded heads of the Arabs.

I can’t see the casket being lowered. There are too many men
around the grave. I ask some of the girls when it is that women can go to

185

the grave. They point out to me that there are some women standing to

the right side near the grave. I see a few scarfed heads, but immediately

around, it is only men I see (F ieldnotes, 10/3 0/98).

I still don't know how the hijabat dealt with their grief fiom the distance they had
to maintain at the funeral. Their space was clearly demarcated by the positioning of the
men—they feared the consequences of breaking away from their cluster and walking to
the grave. They became observers in a drama of grief in which only the men participated
and in which the women only marginally participated. As one of the women present, I,

too, took on the role of observer. I could only watch, keeping my own emotions under

control, as did the hijabat.

186

APPENDIXA
Methods

Conceptually, this dissertation is based on an interdisciplinary approach.
Methodologically, it is as well. The research conducted during the first year of fieldwork,
in 1997-1998, was the beginning of a conversation between the published literature and
actual field experiences. Prior to being out in the field, notions of ethnicity, identity,
culture, gender, etc., seemed relatively clear and uncomplicated. However, negotiating
researcher space and identity in the contexts of both the published literature and the field
created a dynamic and complex problem. Roland Barthes has written that
“interdisciplinary work, so much discussed these days, is not about confronting already
constituted disciplines (none of which, in fact, is willing to let itself go). To do something
interdisciplinary it’s not enough to choose a “subject” (a theme) and gather around it two
or three sciences. Interdisciplinarity consists in creating a new object that belongs to no
one” (quoted in Clifford, 1986, p. 1). In more ways than one, this project is a new object,
not only for me, the researcher, but also for my informants in the school, home, and
community of Davis.

Furthermore, as Kondo (1990) so aptly put it, my own identity was beginning to
fragment according to different contexts. One case in point was the uncertainty that the
boys in my study would continue to participate during that first year of fieldwork. Only
two out of six at the community center agreed to speak with me and only one allowed me
to shadow him once. My very presence as a woman in their school and home lives

constituted social embarrassment and peer harassment. The fact is that as a woman, my

187

work made sense to the Yemeni only in the context of women’s lives. As a researcher,
this was troublesome. One way to deal with this problem was to be less intrusive (not do
interviews with the boys) and simply observe while shadowing girls. This might not have
been the best way to gather needed information, but in order to preserve the rather fragile
balance of being both a woman and a researcher in a male-dominated culture, I did just
that. With the teachers at Cobb, negotiating my role was an endless process. At the very
worst I was considered a spy taking note of their teaching. At the very best, I am
someone who wanted to help. With each individual teacher, the process began anew as I
conducted interviews or observed in the classroom.

In the community I introduced myselfas a graduate student from Michigan State
University. When asked about my religious and national background, I responded that
my parents are Muslim and Christian, that I was born in Algeria. This helped me gain
access in the community, although I was told that some considered me to be a spy from
the US government or from Iraq. I became known as “that Algerian woman.” The
students called me “the white woman doing research.” This was interesting because they
are also White or Caucasian, but they considered themselves “Arab” and everyone else in
the school is “White.” At first, I was accepted and tolerated among these students but I
am not one of them. This was both a positive and negative aspect of the fieldwork. It
was positive because it allowed me fieedom to move about in the community without
adhering to all the rules of modesty, although movement in the community was difficult
since there was not a man (such as a husband or father )present to sanction my behavior.

It is negative because the underlying assumption among my informants was that I would

188

not understand them if I was not really Muslim as they were. As an outsider, I could
never capture their reality. Wolf (1992) explains this dilemma and suggests that that it is
possible to capture that reality.
Obviously (or so it seems to me), anthropologists can only convey

their own understandings of their observations in another culture in their

ethnographies. The better the observer, the more likely she is to catch her

informants’ understanding of the meaning of their experiences; the better

the writer, the more likely she is to be able to convey that meaning to an

interested reader from another culture. Some kinds of cultural meanings

may only be accurately understood and reported by one who has learned

them without realizing it, but much of the cultural onion may be easily or

even more easily picked apart by a carefirl analyst who is not of the

culture (p. 5).
Selection of Participants

Student participants were contacted through the Davis community center and
with the help of key contacts: Mrs. Dunbar, who worked at the community center, and
two Yemeni American college students, Sabrina and Mariam. At first, contact with
student participants was mediated by these contacts. Because the school district would
not allow me to contact students through Cobb High School, I found a different venue for
doing so. Davis is the home of the most successfirl Arab social services center in the US.
By contacting the youth and education director there, I was able to meet and invite ten
students who attended Cobb to participate in my study. Seven of the students (see table
below) were tutors in a reading/writing program at the community center and helped
newly arrived Arab immigrants (elementary and high school aged) with English and math.

In October and November of 1997, I spent most of my afternoons at the community

center getting to know the students. It soon became apparent to me that this was the

189

only place other than school where I could possibly meet and speak with them. Although
I was invited to parties and other social occasions in their homes in the ensuing few
months, their home worlds remained relatively closed to me although that began to
change, as more of the students' mothers invited me to their homes. However, the
community center served as a perfect and safe place for the hijabat to talk to me.
Fieldwork at the high school officially began after I obtained human subjects
agreement approval in December 1998. Ten students, representing a range of ability and
an array of dispositions towards their home and school lives, were interviewed and
observed in the community and school. These students included the two college hijabat,
the six high school hijabat, and the two Yemeni American boys. At the beginning I
experimented with the idea of having a focus family and actually proceeded to interview
one of my key informants and her two siblings. However, the parents refused to
participate and the idea of a focus family became less important as other informants and
their parents agreed to participate. At the high school I interviewed twenty-two teachers
and counselors over the two years of fieldwork. Teacher/counselor participants were
chosen in accordance with student participants and teacher participation was voluntary

and was mediated by the district and school administration.

Data Collection
Data collected included semi-structured interviews with open exploratory
questions (see below). Funneling (Smith 1995) was the main organizing technique for

interview questions. Participant and non-participant observation was conducted at

190

school, in the community, and in the home. Focus students were “shadowed” at school.
Artifacts such as school work samples, personal work samples, community demographic
information, daily bulletins, memoranda from district superintendent to and from
principals, memoranda from principals to faculty, memoranda from the community
liaison, media information, were collected. Intensive fieldwork took place over 18
months. I was invited to homes on social occasions such as birthday parties and talked to
mothers informally. Of course, all social occasions which took place in the home were
with women, since men and women do not socialize together. In the school, I followed
the six hijabat fi'om class to class and one of the boys once, all the while observing them
and their interactions with the teachers, their peers, and the content taught. I conducted
interviews with the teachers attended staff meetings, Open House, a school play, school
pep rallies, and a couple of football games.

At the community center, I conducted the interviews with the students and
observed their interactions and language practices. I also participated in activities such as
delivering food to poor Iraqi families during holidays, community center dinners, and
reading/writing sessions with the tutors. In addition, the girls have a special group called
Octe (sister). From time to time, this group met to talk about issues ranging from
sexuality to school problems. It was important for me to continue these kinds of activities
and to be seen as an integral part of the community. The informants all understood my
research goals, but at the same time, they seemed to appreciate my participation in the

work they did.

191

Several times I accompanied some of the hijabat to the nearby mall and to Arabic
school at the mosque on weekends. Oftentimes, I would go to the mall by myself and
walk there for a few hours, observing the various groups of people, especially when I
knew that some of the Yemeni families had planned outings there. At Arabic school, I
accompanied Nouria either on a Sunday or Saturday morning and observed second
through seventh grades. The teachers there were rather suspicious of me at first but
welcomed me back and were pleased to learn that I could read and write in Arabic, but
they did suggest that I needed more Arabic language classes and said that I could enroll

there.

Data Analysis Procedures

Analysis included the audio taping. and transcribing of interviews and the coding of
interview data. Observation fieldnotes were also coded. The coding was a long and
arduous process. I coded in two ways. After experimenting with coding by using the
Nud*Ist software, which I found cumbersome and time-consuming, I turned to a very
simple hypercard program called Meyer's Hanna's Text Machine. This was a very
helpful program which complemented my own color sticky labels and cut and paste
method of coding. I literally spread pages and pages of notes and interviews on the floor
and color coded with both markers and sticky labels and then used Hanna's Text Machine
to organize the codes thematically. I had written long analytical memos to myself in the
field and these helped focus the process of sifting through fieldnotes. The analytical

memos served two filnctions: 1) They related the data to the formulation of theory, and

192

2) they helped me gain analytical distance from the field itself (Miles and Hubennan
1994; Strauss and Corbin 1990). In addition, a case study design (see Bogdan and Biklen
1992; Erickson and Shultz 1992) was used to document the discourse practices of each of
the Yemeni students and to obtain a deeper and richer understanding of their day-to-day
lives at home and school. Attention to the particulars of each case illuminated their
construction of their identities across contexts.

Also, and importantly, during data collection, I met with my two Spencer research
mentors once a month to discuss with them methodological issues as well as substantive
ones dealing with my field experiences and readings of the published literature. I took
notes during these meetings which guided me in not losing sight of my goals as I became
more and more immersed in the Yemeni community.

Triangulation was applied among interviews, fieldnotes, and various artifacts. A
constant application of member checks (especially with key informants in the study)
across time was conducted. I sent copies of my chapter to Mrs. Dunbar to read and as I
wrote the dissertation, I often called the hijabat on the weekends to read sections to them
or to ask questions about my understanding of the Qur'an or other Arabic texts. I also
attempted to get in touch with teachers, but most said that they were interested in the
final product and would want to see the dissertation once it was completed.

Briefly, analysis conducted included the following:

(1) Afiixing codes to a set of field notes drawn fi'om observations or
interview
(2) Noting reflections or other remarks in the margin

193

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

Sorting and sifting through these materials to identify similar phrases,
relationships between variables, patterns, themes, distinct differences
between subgroups, and common sequences

Isolating those patterns and processes, commonalties and difi‘erences,
and taking them out to the field in the next wave of data collection
Gradually elaborating a small set of generalizations that cover the
consistencies discerned in the database

Confionting those generalization with a formalized body of knowledge
in the form of constructs or theories (Miles and Huberman 1994, p.

9).48

 

‘8 Although Miles and Hubennan have organized these sequentially, the organizational nature of the data
may call for a different sequence.

194

APPENDIX B

COBB HIGH SCHOOL
PLAN OF ACTION
(in response to student and parent concerns
regarding Cobb High School )
1-20-98

The Cobb H. S. committee met to finalize intervention methods to address concerns of
parents and students regarding diversity issues at Cobb High School . Based on registered
concerns at both the building and district level, the District-wide committee felt three
areas (i.e., Parents, Students and Staff) needed examination as to possible interventions.
With those parameters in mind, the CHS committee developed an Action Plan designed to
pro-actively address these concerns. The following improvement methods have received
consensus approval from the faculty at Cobb High School and therefore will be initiated
according the guidelines submitted.

PARENT INTE NTI N

- To bridge the gap between perception and reality with community members, the
addition of a COMMUNITY LIAISON person is needed. Once in place, this person
along with CHS administrators would set up routine meetings with community groups
to discuss concerns, clear up questions, and open lines of communication.

The CHS committee would like to work with the community to find out what their needs are prior to
hiring a liaison person. Flamed community meetings at Edina and CHS will be scheduled and
advertised. The purpose of these meetings will be to begin dialogue with community members
regarding specific moods. Information from these meetings will assist the committee in developing
and/or refining the liaison job description. The committee will then begin the process of selecting a
person to fill this position. Our committee would like to have this person in place and operational by the
beginning of the 1998-99 school year.

- To accomplish better communication with immigrant parents, we need the necessary
computer program(s), to convert English documents to other languages spoken by
families in our attendance area. Currently we wait as much as a week or two to get
documents converted. We need the ability to convert documents on site.

Our committee has already started the process of looking for programs that will satisfy our needs. We
will be contacting vendors and asking for demonstrations. We hope to have the ability to convert at least
English to Arabic by the end of this school year.

- The Cobb High School attendance area encompasses roughly 10 miles from the Eastern
most section to the Western most section. Though not exact, CHS sits near the center
of this 10 mile span. Attendance at Open Houses and Parent/Teacher conferences in
often low since transportation for parents in both the Eastern and Western most

195

sections is a problem. Our committee believes that running a “shuttle bus service” on
the nights of Open House and Parent/1‘ eacher conferences is a workable solution.

The CHS committee will develop plans to pilot a shuttle bus service on the parent/teacher conference
night scheduled for Tuesday, April 21, 1998. We will work closely with our transportation department
as these plans are being developed A focus of these plans will be advertising the service. Perhaps the
community meetings and students meetings will serve as our best vehicle.

- Translate the Curriculum Guide, Student Code of Conduct and other important
documents into languages other than English which are spoken by families in the CHS
attendance area.

The Student Code of Conduct is already converted and will be available in the near future. The CHS
Curriculum Guide will converted during the summer printing process (if not before).

STUDENT INTERVENTIQNS

— The blending of students from two different middle schools has proven to require a
significant adjustment period these past few years. An orientation program that affords
structured blending of students fiom Sloan and Smith middle schools is needed.
Suggestions include: having ninth grade students begin school a day earlier than the other
students so that planned mixing activities and a better acclimation to CHS could be
accomplished; OR having students from Sloan and Smith begin mixing during the
months of May or June at a facility outside the school setting (i.e., the golf course
facility, the Civic Center). Our Student Leadership students would be the main
planners deve10ping this program.

The committee decided to approach this intervention fiom two different levels. First, we would like to
coordinate a full day orientation for students from both middle schools. This would take place in late
May (target dates 5/27 or 5/28) at an outside facility such as the Civic Center. Teams of staff and
students from CHS would develop activities designed to begin the process of acceptance of each other and
feeling of unity as students of CHS. Major areas affected which would require fimding decisions for this
type of intervention would include transportation, lunch, materials for activities, and substitutes for
teachers involved. All identified effected parties would be included in the planning process.

The second intervention method would involve these same students in August when they pick up their
schedules. Students would not just pick up their schedules and leave as in the past. All freshmen
students would be involved in a combination schedule pick-up and orientation day. The orientation
would focus on building layout procedures and routines. Students would also be given an Opportunity to
have questions answered and be given an opportunity to walk the building to get a feel for the physical
layout.

- Creation of an Ambassadors Group which would deal with the orientation of any new
students. These ambassadors could come from clubs, teacher/counselor
recommendations, Bilingual program, or be recommended by present student leaders. A
list of Ambassadors could be compiled and given to the counseling staff. An
ambassador would be assigned to each new student. This ambassador could take the
new student through their schedule, eat lunch with them, and answer any questions the

196

new student might have. The length of time spent with the student could be determined
between the two and monitored by a counselor. Time spent as ambassadors could also
be credited for club membership or community service.

We would begin this initiative with the beginning of the 1998-99 school year. The committee believes
time will be required to identify interested students and provide training as to their role in this process.
Target date for implementation of Ambassador program would be the end of the first marking period.
This program would be designed to facilitate the needs of new enrollees which join CHS after the
beginning of the school year.

Administration and other selected staff members would meet routinely with students of
all grade levels, ethnic origins, etc. These meetings would be “breakfast type meetings”
where small groups of students would be asked in an informal setting to provide input
into issues and other concerns at CHS. Feedback fi'om these meetings would be
routinely discussed at forums such as CHS Curriculum Council, CHS Faculty Meetings,
CHS Departmental meetings, CHS Student Leadership meetings, etc. Routine action
plans would be developed to address these concerns and provide feedback to students
where necessary.

Plans for this intervention are already underway. Dr. Principal will lead this effort with plans on meeting
with small groups of five to ten students on a monthly basis beginning in January, 1998. Students to be
interviewed will at times be random and at times will be selected according to areas of interest for student
feedlack

Increasing current involvement in the Student Leadership area by adding
Representatives who would meet routinely with elected student leaders to discuss
concerns, brainstorm strategies, or develop plans for Student involvement at CHS.
These representatives would consist of those students who unsuccessfully ran for an
elected office but are interested in a leadership role within the school setting.

Mr. Sajek our leadership teacher has already received consensus approval from our leadership students to
advance this concept. We will be notifying and meeting student representatives by the end of January.
This will be an ongoing process with regular meetings schedules.

The committee recommends that the focus of firture curriculum objectives should be
placed at the Middle School level with re-enforcement activities taking place at CHS.
Unfortunately, the examination of World Religions which was being offered at the tenth
grade level through World Civilization courses was moved to the twelfth grade due to
HSPT requirements. The committee recognizes that students coming to CHS need
exposure to diversity as it relates to various religions. However, other than creating an
elective course (which all students wouldn’t be exposed to) similar to the World
Cultures course offered at Groves High School, we cannot see how it will fit into the
curricular objectives of current tenth and eleventh grade Social Studies courses.
Exploration of diversity issues could be emphasized through writing assignments in
ninth and tenth grade English/Humanities courses.

197

The committee will be asking our Social Studies Department chair to take this issue to the system-wide
department meeting as a discussion topic. We certainly will take responsibility for any education piece.
We nwd to discuss how and where we can fit it into our curriculum.

- The formation of a “Diversity Club” similar to the one at Churchill High School is being
explored by students and staff.

Our social worker has agreed to take the initiative and contact Churchill’s sponsor. A visitation of some
of our students to look at their program is a strong possibility. We will officially form a Diversity Club
with goals focused on awareness and tolerance of all types of diversity related issues. Target date for the
formation of this club is by the end of this school year.

- Because we enroll a number of students who are unaware of many American customs
including American schools, we feel that the community could take advantage of an
opportunity to work with the schools in preparing immigrant students for their
educational careers at CHS. Perhaps the community, through various community
centers, could offer programs specifically designed to educate new immigrant students
in some of the more general aspects of American schools. This would greatly assist and
expedite the educational process as our Bilingual teachers work with students to obtain
language and other educational skills with these students.

This will be a topic that will be explored with community members as we begin our community
meetings during this semester.

STAFF INTERYENTIQNS

- A heavier emphasis should be placed on future in-service days or school improvement
days focusing on diversity education for staff. The focus of this training would be
toward providing staff members with practices, activities, etc. which are designed to get
students to become more aware of cultural differences. This emphasis would also
include field trip opportunities for staff to visit cultural centers in the Detroit
Metropolitan area.

Will be exploring diversity as a topic for our last In-service day this school year. Diversity, as it relates
to staff working with students, will definitely be included in our school improvement plan and be the
focus of In-service training next school year.

- Work with staff to establish heterogeneous grouping based on sex, grade level, and
cultural and/or ethnic backgrounds. The emphasis would be on planned grouping
whenever activity based classrooms (i.e., labs, groupwork, partners) are involved in a
project. Seating charts would also be developed to accommodate heterogenous

grouping.

This initiative is already in progress. 1 have already discussed this topic at a faculty meeting and will
continue to stress that it is professionally obligatory on our part to take an active role in heterogeneous
grouping whenever possible.

198

- Discuss and develop intervention methods to improve inappropriate language relative
to diversity issues.

This initiative is already in progress. This topic will be the focus of a future faculty meeting where
awareness and procedure will be explained One of the assistant principals will lead this effort.

199

APPENDIXC
policy

BOARD OF EDUCATION STUDENTS
DAVIS PUBLIC SCHOOLS 5223/page 1 of 1

ABSENCES FOR RELIGIOUS HOLIDAYS AND INSTRUCTION

The Board of Education desires to cooperate with those parents who wish to provide for religious
instruction for their children but also recognizes its responsibility to enforce the attendance requirements (1‘
the state.

Upon the signed request of a student’s parent, the Board will allow exceptions to the student’s continuous
attendance at school:

A. for religious instruction outside the school building for no more than two (2) class
hours per week;

B. for attendance at confirmation classes provided the child is between the ages (1‘
twelve (12) and thirteen (13) years of age and the instructional period is no longer
than five (5) months in either of those years;

C. for observance of a recognized religious holiday.

This day’s absenteeism will not count toward the student’s absenteeism record or
jeopardize their eligibility for attendance awards.

A student must be properly registered and a copy of such registration must be filed with the principal.

The time for release for religious instruction or education shall be arranged by the Superintendent in
keeping with the regulations of the State Board of Education. S/He will also assure the appropriate
continuance of the instructional program in the public school during such release time.

No solicitation for attendance at religious instruction shall be permitted on District premises. No member
of the staff shall neither encourage nor discourage participation in any religious instruction program.

M.C.L.A. 380.1561 (3c)
A.C. Rule 12340.71, 11340.74

Revised 12/11/95
Revised 3/97

200

APPENDIX D

Consent Forms and Interview Protocols

Date
Dear Mr. and Mrs. Parent:

I am inviting you and your child, Layla, to participate in a research study about
school success. The purpose of the study is to explore students, parents, and teachers’
expectations for success and achievement both at home and at school. I am especially
interested in examining Layla’s and your perceptions of cultural and language differences
at school and home that may either hinder or support your child’s intellectual grth and
development. This may help me understand better how Layla continues to learn and to
negotiate multiple cultural contexts at home and at school.

In order to carry out my study, I am seeking permission to observe Layla in her
classes at Cobb High School without in any way distracting her from her work or that of
the teacher. I would also like to interview her when it is convenient for her and her
teachers. I also plan to spend a lot of time at the community center where I would like to
get to know your community and the students better, so I hope to have to opportunity to
talk to Leila and/or to you there. As Layla’s parents, you are an important part of her
life, and since I understand the significance of the family in Yemeni culture and tradition, I
would welcome the opportunity to interview you with regard to your perceptions of
Leila’s achievement and learning in school.

If you are willing to participate in this study, please sign the Consent Form on the
following page. I have outlined exactly what will take place as I get to know your
daughter through interviews and observations at school and at the community center.
Please return this to Ms. --- at the community center. I’ve provided you with a stamped
envelope. Ms. ---- has generously offered to ensure that you receive this letter and to
return the consent form to me once you’ve agreed to participate.

Please feel free to contact me at any time at ----- . I shall be visiting the
community center often, so we can always meet there if you would like to talk to me. I
am always trying to improve my Arabic, since I was born in Algeria and would welcome
the opportunity to talk with you.

Sincerely,

201

Statement of Informed Consent to Pagigipate

We agree to participate in the study “Home and School Expectations for School
Success,” and we agree to allow our child to participate in this study.

We understand that Loukia K. Sarroub will conduct research to explore my views
and my child’s views regarding cultural and language differences at school and home that
may either hinder or support my child’ s intellectual grth and development and success
at home and school. We understand that Ms. Sarroub considers this study to be a learning
opportunity and a way to better understand the cultural continuities and discontinuities
that your child experiences in the different worlds of home and school. This study may
discern ways of educating and enabling the success of similar populations in the US,
especially as more and more refugees fi'om the Middle East make the US their permanent
home and as minority students and all students and their teachers continue to struggle be
become masterful learners and thinkers.

By agreeing to participate in this study, we understand that Ms. Sarroub will
request interviews with me and my child. These interviews may be audio taped. We
understand that she will observe, take notes, and audio tape classes in which my child is a
participant. We understand that Ms. Sarroub may also collect samples of my child’s
work, such as papers, journal entries, oral presentations, drawings, etc.

We understand that Ms. Sarroub will analyze the data collected in observations
and interviews. We understand that she will also write and speak about the research to
scholarly audiences. She will always use a pseudonym for my name and my child’s name
both in the data she collects and when writing or speaking about the research. In addition,
she will observe the precautions in how she stores and handles the tapes and the
fieldnotes in order to protect my privacy. She will also always use pseudonyms for me
and my child and for other identifying material such as the school or district in which my
child is enrolled. She will keep all research materials in a secure place in her office or
home and not permit other people to view or use them without her direct supervision.
When she reports the study, it will be for research or teaching purposes, and she will
include in those reports examples frommy interview or my child’s interview or work
samples.

We understand that my participation and my child’s participation in this project
is voluntary. At any time during the study, we may refuse to provide information or
discontinue our participation or our child’s participation without giving a reason and with
no negative consequences to me or my child.

We agree to participate in the study in the manner described above.

Parent signature:
Name of child:
Date:
Researcher signature: Date

 

 

 

 

 

202

Date

Dear Mr./Ms. Teacher:

I am inviting you to participate in a research study about school success. The
purpose of the study is to explore students, parents, and teachers’ expectations for
success and achievement both at home and at school. I am especially interested in
examining Muslim students’ and your perceptions of cultural and language differences at
school and home that may either hinder or support your students’ intellectual growth and
development. This may help me understand better how Arab Muslim students continue
to learn and to negotiate multiple cultural contexts at home and at school.

In order to carry out my study, I have asked the Davis School District and your
school principal to allow me to conduct my research in your school, and they have
graciously accepted. However, I am also seeking your permission to observe focus
students in your classes. My aim is not to distract you or them fiom the learning at hand,
but simply to observe their classroom activity and learning. I would also like to interview
you when it is convenient to get a sense of your perceptions regarding these students’
dispositions, abilities, literacy practices, and potential success.

If you are willing to participate in this study, please sign the Consent Form on the
following page. I have outlined exactly what will take place as I get to know you and
your students through interviews and observations at school and in the community.
Please return this to me at ----- . I’ve provided you with a stamped envelope for your
convenience. As soon as I receive your consent form, I will get in touch with you to
schedule a time for an interview. Please let me know whether it is more convenient to
contact you at school or at home.

Please feel flee to contact me at any time at the addresses above. I shall be in

Davis often, and I look forward to our conversations.

Sincerely,

203

mn fInfrmed nn P ii te:T h ii in

I agree to participate in the study “Home and School Expectations for School
Success.”

I understand that Loukia K. Sarroub will conduct research to explore my views
regarding cultural and language differences at school and home that may either hinder or
support my students’ intellectual grth and development and success at home and
school. I understand that Ms. Sarroub considers this study to be a learning opportunity
and a way to better understand the cultural continuities and discontinuities that my
Muslim Arab students experience in the difl‘erent worlds of home and school. This study
may discern ways of educating and enabling the success of similar populations in the US,
especially as more and more refirgees from the Middle East make the US their permanent
home and as minority students and all students and their teachers continue to struggle be
become masterful learners and thinkers.

By agreeing to participate in this study, I understand that Ms. Sarroub will
request interviews with me and my students. These interviews may be audio taped. I
understand that she will observe, take notes, and audio tape classes in which her student
informants are participants. I understand that Ms. Sarroub may also collect samples of
my students’ work, such as papers, journal entries, oral presentations, drawings, etc.

I understand that Ms. Sarroub will analyze the data collected in observations and
interviews. I understand that she will also write and speak about the research to scholarly
audiences. She will always use a pseudonym for my name and in the data she collects and
when writing or speaking about the research. In addition, she will observe the precautions
in how she stores and handles the tapes and the fieldnotes in order to protect my privacy.
She will also always use pseudonyms for me and students and for other identifying
material such as the school or district in which I work. . She will keep all research
materials in a secure place in her office or home and not permit other people to view or
use them without her direct supervision. When she reports the study, it will be for
research or teaching purposes, and she will include in those reports examples fi'om my
interview.

I understand that my participation in this project is voluntary. At any time
during the study, I may refirse to provide information or discontinue my participation
without giving a reason and with no negative consequences to me.

I agree to participate in the study in the manner described above.

Teacher printed name:
Teacher signature:
Address:
Telphone number and/or e—mail address:
Date:

Researcher signature: Date
Date:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

204

W (adapted in part from Raissiguier, 1994)

Name: Grade:

 

Date: Gender: Age:

 

 

Background:

1)What is your nationality?
Were you born here?
Where were you born?
2)What is the nationality of your parents?
Were they born here?
Why did they move to the US, to Davis?
3)How many brothers and sisters do you have?
How old are they?
Who lives at home?
4)What does your mother/father do for a living?
5)Do you have an idea of the monthly salary your father/mother earns?
6)Can you please tell me what your mother’s/father’s education level is?
7)Can you tell me if you’ve ever repeated any grade?
Which one and how many times?
8)How fluent are you in Arabic? Your English?
Speaking: fluent good fair minimal
Writing: fluent good fair minimal
Reading: fluent good fair minimal
Your father’s Arabic?
Your mother’s Arabic
Speaking: fluent good fair minimal
Writing: fluent good fair minimal
Reading: fluent good fair minimal
Your father’s English?
Your mother’s English?
Speaking: fluent good fair minimal
Writing: fluent good fair minimal
Reading: fluent good fair minimal

Questions about Cobb High School

9)What do you like about school? What don’t you like about it?
10)What are your favorite classes? Why? Least favorite courses?
11)What do you see yourself doing in the future, after high school?
12)How are you school experiences difi’erent from male students?

205

13)Were there any courses that you didn’t take because you’re not allowed to? Which

ones and why?

Were the boys allowed to take those classes?

14)I know that you’re Muslim, and I’m wondering whether Cobb High School
accommodates your religious an cultural practices in any way? What does the
school do?

What are you, aren’t you allowed to do?

How do teachers and administrators react to these practices?
15)Do you speak Arabic during school? When? Why?

When do you usually read, write, and/or speak Arabic?
16)When you speak Arabic, what are your fiiends’ reactions?

Your teachers’ reactions?

17)Tell me who most of your friends are at school? Why them?

l8)What kinds of extracurricular activities do you participate in?

19)How do you know when you’ve been successful at school?

If you were to show me evidence of your success, what would you show or
tell me?

Questions about community center
20)Can you tell me what you usually do after school? Why?
21)Do you sometimes spend time at the community center? How often? Why?
What do you learn there that’s different from what you learn at school?
22)Who do you usually hang out with at the community center?
23)How do your parents feel about the community center and the fact that you spend
time there?
How do your teachers feel about the community center?

Questions about home
24)What do you usually do at home?

Will you please describe a “typical day” for you?

Is this different from other people in your family?

Do you think that your fiiends at school have the same kinds of typical days

and responsibilities?

When you think about your home life, how do you feel about it?
25)How is your home life different fiom or the same as your school life?
26)Tell me where you usually go when you go out, cafes?

Who do you usually go with?

When do you go?

How late do you usually stay out?
27)What kinds of books do you usually read?

What kinds of music do you usually listen to?

TVprograms you watch?

Movies?

206

Magazines?
28)How are you different from your parents?
29)Can you tell me what you think your parents think of their lives and their work?
30)Do you speak to your parents about school?

What do they think about your education and school?

What do they want you to learn?

Do they help you with your homework? Tell me about that.

Would this be different if you were a boy/ girl? How?

Is this different from how you perceive your education and schooling? How?
31)How do you know when you’ve been successfirl at home?

If you were to show me evidence, what would you share with me?
32)Let’s imagine you could do anything you want, what would that be?

Do you think this is possible? Why or why not?
33)Is there anything else you’d like to tell me?

Thank you!

207

Tmhgr Imem'gw

Name: Institution:
Date: Gender

 

 

General questions

1) How long have you worked at Cobb High?
What subjects do you teach?
2) In general, what do you expect from your students, i.e. school work, dispositions,
behaviors?
How is this different or the same for Arab and non-Arab students?
3)What do you think the Arab community expects of you (with regard to their children)?
4)What do you have to know about your students, and especially about the Arab
students to do your job well?
5)I’m wondering whether the high school accommodates, in any way, Muslim religious
and/or an cultural practices?
What does the school do?
How does this affect non- Muslim students?
How does it affect Muslim students?
How do other teachers and administrators react to these practices?
Questions about students:
6)In your opinion, how are Arab or Arab American students the same or different from
non-Arab American students in Davis?
How are girls different from boys?
How are their views for school success different or the same?
Tell me about ...... ?
7)What language is usually spoken in your classroom among the Arab students?
Can you tell me whether you’ve noticed specific instances when Arabic is spoken instead
of English?
How often does this occur?
When is English usually spoken?
Tell me about
8) In your opinion what do the Arab students like about school? What don’t they like?
9)How do you think they envision their filtures?
What do they do to ensure that filture?
Is this different for boys and girls?
Tell me about
10)What kinds of activities or sports do the Arab students participate in at school?
Is this same or different for boys and girls? Specifically about ..... ?

Questions community and home:
11)What do you know about the community center?

208

How involved is the high school with the community center?
Can you tell me anything about your students’ involvement with the community
center?
12)How do you think parents feel about their children attending school?
13)Have you ever had an opportunity to visit with some the families/parents Of the Arab
students? Tell me about this.
What do the parents do for a living?
How do the children spend their time at home?
How are the boys’ home life different from that of the girls?
What language is spoken at home?
14)Are you familiar with the types of books, movies, tv shows, and music the Arab
students engage in?
Is this the same for boys and girls? Specifically, about
17) In your Opinion, how are the students different from their parents?
How does that affect home life?
How does that affect school life?
How does that affect your teaching at school?
18)What do you think the parents want their children to learn at school?
19)What do you think they want them to learn at the community center?
20)What do they want them to learn at home?

Thank you.

209

Parent Interview (ask these questions in Arabic if necessary)

Name: Date:
Mother’s age: Father’s age:

 

Background
1)What is your nationality?
Were you born here?
Where were you born?
When did you move to the US?
2)Why did you move to the US? To Davis?
3)How many children do you have?
Are they all here in Davis?
4)What do you do for a living?
5)Are you happy with the work you do? Why?
6)Can you please tell me how much formal education you’ve had?
7)Tell me about the Dearbom community. How is it different from your home country?
How is it the same?
What kinds of social and work-related activities do you participate in?
What language(s) do you usually speak and when?

Questions about Cobb High
8)What do you like about your children’s school? What don’t you like about it?
How do you feel about their classes?
Are there some that you find more important than others? Why?
How do you feel about the teachers?
How do you feel about the students, both Arab and non-Arab?
9)How do you think your daughters’ experiences with school are different fi'om those of
your son(s)’?
10)What do you envision your children doing in the firture?
11)I know that your family is Muslim, and I’m wondering whether the high school
accommodates your children’s religious an cultural practices in any way?
What does the school do?
What would you like the school to do?
12)How well do you think your children’s teachers know the Arab community?
Have you had any opportunities to speak with the teachers?
What did you talk about?
How did these conversations affect your perceptions of your children’s
leaming?
13)What kinds of extracurricular activities do you allow your children to participate in?
Why?
l4)How do you know when your children are successful at school?

210

If you were to show me evidence of their success, what would you show or
tell me?

15)Do your children ever talk to you about their homework from school? Tell me a bit
about that?
What kind of help do they usually seek?
What do you usually help them with?

Home and Community life
16)Can you tell me what you usually do after work?
Are there any places in the community that you visit regularly?
How often do you go there?
Why is this important to you?
Do your children accompany you there?
17)Do you ever spend time at the community center?
What do you usually do there?
How often do you go there?
18)If your children spend time at the community center, can you tell me why you allow
them to do that?
19)When your family is at home, what do you expect of each member? What are their
“duties?”
What do you expect of your daughters?
What do you expect of your sons?
Can you please describe a typical family day?
20)In your opinion, how is home life different from school life for your children?
21)What do you envision yourself doing in the future?
22)If you could grant your family any wish, what would it be?
What do you wish for each of your children?
Is this possible?

Thank you very much for participating in this interview.

211

REFERENCES

1991a. An-Anwawi's Forty Hadith. Translated by Ezzedin Ibrahim and Denys
Johnson-Davies. Beirut, Lebanon: The Holy Koran Publishing House.

1991b. Forty Hadith Qudsi. Translated by Ibrahim, Ezzeddin and Johnson-
Davies, Denys. Beirut, Lebanon: The Holy Koran Publishing House.

Abraham, N. 1978. National and local politics: A study of political conflict in the
Yemeni immigrant community of Detroit. Dissertation, Anthropology, University of
Michigan, Ann Arbor.

Abraham, S. and Abraham, N. 1983. The Southend: An Arab Muslim working-
clas community. In Arabs in the new world: Stud’es on Arab-American communities,
edited by S. Abraham and N. Abraham. Detroit: Wayne State University Center for
Urban Studies.

Anyon, J. 1981. Social class and school knowledge. Curriculum Inquiry 11 (1):3-
42.

Aswad, B. and Bilgé, B. eds. 1996. Family and gender among American Muslims:
Issues facing Middle Eastern immigrants and their descendents. Philadelphia: Temple
University Press.

Barth, F. ed. 1969. Ethnic groups and boundaries: The social organization of
culture dzflerence. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company.

Barton, D. and Hamilton, M. 1998. Local literacies: Readingand writing in one
community. London: Routledge.

Bazerman, C. 1994. Systems of genres and the enactment of social intentions. In
Genre and the new rhetoric, edited by A. Freedman and P. Medway. London: Taylor and

Francis.

Bernstein, B. 1977. Social class, language and socialization. In Power and ideology
in education, edited by J. Karabel and A. H. Halsey. New York: Oxford University Press.

Bhabha, H. K. 1994. The location of culture. London: Routledge.

Bogdan, R and Biklen, S. 1992. Qualitative research for education: An
introduction to theory and methods, second edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

212

Bourdieu, P. 1977 . Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In Power and
ideology in education, edited by J. Karabel and A. H. Halsey. New York: Oxford
University Press.

Bourdieu, P. 1986. The forms of capital. In Handbook of theory and research for
the sociology of education, edited by J. G. Richardson. New York: Greenwood Press.

Bourdieu, P. and J. Passeron. 1997/1990. Reproduction in education, society, and
culture. London: Sage Publications.

Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. 1976. The origins of mass public education. In schooling
in capitalist America. New York.

Brown, L. and Gilligan, C. 1992. Meeting at the crossroads: Women 's psychology
and girls' development. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Cazden, C. B. 1988. Classroom discourse: The languages of teaching cmd
learning. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann Educational Books, Inc.

Clifford, G. 1989. Man/Woman/Teacher: Gender, family, and career in American
educational history. In American teachers: Histories of a profession at work, edited by D.
Warren. New York: Macmillan.

Clifford, J. and Marcus, G. E., eds. 1986. Writing culture: The poetics and politics
of ethnography. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Connel, R. W. 1987. Gender and power. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Cummins, J. 1997. Minority status and schooling in Canada. Anthropology &
education quarterly, 28 (3):411-430.

Degler, C. 1980. At Odds: Women and the family in America from the Revolution
to the present. New York: Oxford University Press.

di Leonardo, M. 1984. The varieties of ethnic experience: Kinship, class, and
gender among Califomia Italian-Americans. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Eisikovits, R. A. 1997. The educational experience and performance of immigrant
and minority students in Israel. Anthropology & education quarterly, 28 (3):394-410.

El-Or, T. 1994. Educated and ignorant: Ultraorthodox Jewish women and their
world. Translated by Haim Watzman. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

213

Eldering, L. 1997. Ethnic minority students in the Netherlands from a cultural-
ecological perspective. Anthropology & education quarterly 28 (3):330-3 50.

Erickson, F. 1987. Transformation and school success: The politics and culture of
educational achievement. Anthropology and education quarterly 18 (4):335-356.

Erickson, F. and Shultz, J. 1992. Students' experiences of the curriculum. In
Handbook of research on curriculum, edited by P. W. Jackson. New York: Macmillan.

Finders, M. J. 1997. Just girls: Hidden literacies and life in junior high. New
York: Teachers College Press.

Florio-Ruane, S. April 4, 1998. Prevailing ideas about culture in the social sciences
that underlie educational foundations. Presentation given at Socio-Cultural Group meeting
at Michigan State University.

Foucault, M. 1977. Discipline and punish. New York: thage.

Freedman, A., and Medway, P. 1994. Locating genre studies: Antecedents and
prospects. In Genre and the new rhetoric: Taylor and Francis.

F riedlander, J. 1988. Introduction. In Sojourners and settlers: The Yemeni
immigrant experience, edited by J. F riedlander. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.

Gee, J. 1999. Reading and the new Literacy Studies: Reframing the National
Academy of Sciences Report on Reading. Journal of literacy research 31 (3):355-3 74.

Gee, J. 1989. Literacy, discourse, and linguistics: Introduction. Journal of
education 171 (1):4-25.

Geertz, C. 1973. Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture. In
The interpretation of cultures, edited by C. Geertz. New York: Basic Books.

Geertz, C. (1983). Local knowledge: Further essays in interpretive anthropology.
New York: Basic Books.

Gibson, M. 1997. Complicating the immigrant/involuntary minority typology.
Anthropology and education quarterly 28 (3):431-454.

Gibson, M. and Ogbu, J ., eds. 1991. Minority Status and schooling: A
comparative study of immigrant and involuntary minorities. New York: Garland.

214

Gibson, M. (1988). 1988. Accommodation without assimilation: Sikh immigrants
in an American high school. Ithaca: Cornell University.

Gillborn, D. 1997. Ethnicity and educational performance in the United Kingdom:
Racism, ethnicity, and variability in achievement. Anthropology & education quarterly, 28
(3):375-393.

Gofiinan, E. 1959. The presentation of the self in everyday life. NY: Anchor.
Goffman, E. 1981. Forms of talk. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Gordon, M. 1964. Assimilation in American life: The role of race, religion, and
national origins. New York: Oxford University Press.

Graff, H. J. 1995. Conflicting paths: Growing up in America. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press.

Greene, M. 1997. Exclusions and awakenings. In Learning fiom our lives:
Women, research, and autobiography, edited by Anna Neumann and Penelope Peterson.
New York: Teachers College Press.

Grumet, M. 1988. Pedagogy for patriarchy. In Bitter milk. Amherst: The
University of Massachussetts Press.

Hammersley, M. and Atkinson, P. 1996. Ethnography: Principles in practice,
second edition. London: Routledge.

Hassini, Mohamed. 1997 . L'école: Une chance pour lesfilles de parents
Maghrébins. Edited by L. Priencipe. Vol. 46, Migrations et changement. Paris:
L'Harmattan.

Haw, K. 1998. Educating Muslim Girls: Shifting discourses. Edited by K. Weller,
G., Weiner, and L. Yates, Feminist educational thinking. Philadelphia: Open University
Press.

Haw, K. and Hanifa, M.. 1998. Schooling for Muslim students in contemporary
Britain. In Educating Muslim girls: Shifting discourses, edited by K. Haw. Philadelphia:
Open University Press.

Heath, S. B. 1982. What no bedtime story means: Narrative skills at home and
school. Language and society 1 1:49-76.

215

Heath, S. B. 1983. Ways with words: Language, life, and work in communities
and classrooms. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Hoffman, N., ed. 1981. Woman 's "true " profession: Voices fiom the history of
teaching. Old Westbury, NY: The Feminist Press.

Jackson, P. W. 1968/1990. Life in classrooms. New York: Teachers College Press.

Kondo, D. K. 1990. Crafting selves: Power, gender, and discourses of identity in
a Japanese workplace. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Labaree, D. F. 1997. Public goods, private goods: The American struggle over
educational goals. American educational research journal 34 (1):39—8 1.

Lareau, A. 1989. Home advantage: Social class and parental intervention in
elementary education. London: F almer.

Lewis, P. 1994. Islamic Britain: Religion, politics, and identity among British
Muslims. London: 13. Tauris.

Metcalf, B. D. 1996. Introduction: Sacred words, sanctioned practice, new
communities. In Making a Muslim space in North America and Europe, edited by B. D.
Metcalf. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Miles, M. and Huberman, A. 1994. Qualitative data analysis, second edition. New
York: Sage Publications.

Moll, L C. 1992. Bilingual classroom studies and community analysis: some
recent trends. Educational researcher 21 (2)120-24.

Moll, L. C., Amanti, C., Neff, N., and Gonzales N. 1992. Funds of knowledge for
teaching: Using a qualitative approach to connect homes to schools. Theory into practice
31 (2):]32-141.

Moll, L. C. and Conzalez, N. 1994. Lessons from research with language-minority
children. Journal of reading behavior 26 (4):439-456.

Molyneux, M. 1998. Women's rights and political conflict in Yemen 1990-1994.
In Women, ethnicity, and nationalism: The politics of transition, edited by R. Wilford and
R. L. Miller. London: Routledge.

Naff, A. 1985. Becoming American: The early Arab immigrant experience.
Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press.

216

Naff, A. 1994. The early Arab immigrant experience. In The development of Arab-
American identity, edited by E. McCarus. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Ogbu, J. 1982. Cultural discontinuities and schooling. Anthropology and education
Quarterly 13 (4):290-307.

Ogbu, J. 1988. Cultural diversity and human development. New directions for
child development 42: 1 1-28.

Ogbu, J. 1982a. Origins of human competence: A cultural-ecological perspective.
In Annual progress in child psychiatry and child development, edited by S. Chess and A.
Thomas. NY: Brunner/Mazel Publishers.

Ogbu, John U. 1993. Difi’erences in cultural frame of reference. International
journal of behavioral development 16 (3):483-506.

Ogbu, J. 1997. Variability in minority school performance: A problem in search
of an explanation. Anthropology and educatation quaterly 18 (4):262-275.

Perlmann, J. 1988. Ethnic diflerences: Schooling and social structure among the
Irish, Italians, Jews, and Blacks in an American City, 1888-1935. Edited by R. F. a. S.
Themstrom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Peshkin, A. 1986. God 's Choice: The total world of a fimdamentalist Christian
School. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Portes, A. and Rumbaut, R. G. 1996. Immigrant America: A portrait, second
edition. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Proweller, A. 1998. C onstructing female identities: Meaning making in an upper
middle class youth culture. Albany: State University of New York.

Raissiguier, C. 1994. Becoming women, becoming workers: Identity formation in
a French vocational school. New York: State University of New York Press.

Rosaldo, R. 1993. Culture and truth: The remaking of social analysis. Boston:
Beacon Press.

Rury, J. L. 1989. Who became teachers? The social characteristics of teachers in

American history. In American teachers: Histories of a profession at work, edited by D.
Warren. New York: Macmillan.

217

Ryan, M. P. 1981. A sphere is not a home: Woman's larger place in the city at
midcentury. In Cracfle of the middle class: The family in Oneida County, New York, 1 790-
1865. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sarroub, L. K. 1999. Education. In Arab American Encyclopedia, edited by A.
Ameri, and D. Rarney. Detroit: Gale Publishing.

Sawyer, K. Forthcoming. A discourse on discourse: An archeological history of
the intellectual concept. Critical Inquiry.

Scribner, Sylvia. 1984. Literacy in three metaphors. American Journal of
Education 93 (1)26-21.

Shamsavary, P., Saqeb, G, and Halstead, M. 1993. Islam: State, religion, and
education. In World religions and educational practice, edited by W. Tulasiewicz and C.
Y. To. New York: Cassell.

Shultz, J ., Florio, S., and Erickson, F. 1982. Where's the floor? Aspects of the
cultural organization of social relationships in communication at home and at school. In
Children in and out of school: Ethnography and education, edited by A. Gilmore.
Washington, DC: The Center for Applied Linguistics.

Siu, P. 1952. The sojoumer. American journal of sociology 58:34-44.

Smith, J. 1995. Semi-structured interviewing and qualitative analysis. In
Rethinking methods in psychology, edited by J. Smith, R. Harré and L. Van Langenhove.
London: Sage Publications.

Stevens, Cat/Yusuf Islam. n.d. Cat Stevens: How I came to Islam. In J. D. C.
Series on Islam. J eddah: Jeddah D'awah Center.

Stevenson, D. L., and Baker, David P. 1991. State control of the curriculum and
classroom instruction. Sociology of education 64 (1): 1-10.

Strauss, A. and Corbin, J. 1990. Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory
procedures and techniques. London: Sage Publications.

Street, B. V. 1995. Social literacies: Critical approaches to literacy in
development, ethnogrcmhy, and education. London: Longman.

Swanson, J. 1988. Migration and rite of passage in a highland Yemeni town. In

Sojourners and settlers: The Yemeni immigrant experience, edited by J. Friedlander. Salt
Lake City: University of Utah Press.

218

Taylor, C. 1996. Sources of the self? The making of modern identity. Cambridge:
Harvard University Press.

Thome, B. 1997. Gender play: Girls and boys in school. New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press.

Van Zantan, A. 1997. Schooling immigrants in France in the 1990's: Success or
failure of the Republican model of integration. Anthropology and education Quarterly 28
(3):351-374.

Varisco, D. 1986. On the meaning of chewing: The significance of Qat (Catha
Edulis). In International journal of Middle East studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Wolcott, H. F. 1994. Transforming qualitative data: Description, analysis, and
interpretation. London: Sage Publications.

Wolf, M. 1992. A thrice-told tale: Feminism, postmodernism, and ethnographic
responsibility. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Woods, P. and Hammersley M., eds. 1993. Gender and ethnicity in schools.
London: Routledge.

Wulff, H.. 1995. Introducing youth culture in its own right: The state of art and
new possibilities. In Youth cultures: A cross-cultural perspective, edited by V. Amit-
Talai and H. Wulff. London: Routledge.

Zogby, J. G. 1995. Arab American Demographics. Washington DC: Zogby
International.

Zogby, J. G. 1990. Arab Americans today: A demographic profile of Arab
Americans. Washington, DC: Arab American Institute.

219

     

lllllllll IIll/11111111111llllllllllllllll

312,930