4‘ Ill I'll-Illu- 1 l Ullllllllllll" This is to certify that the dissertation entitled EASTERN EQUATORIA AND THE WHITE NILE TRADE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF A FRONTIER, 1840-1900 presented by Abannik Ohure Hino has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D degree in History [1/ Major/{)rofessor ' F Date 2? All} kl]? MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 LIBRARY Michigan State University EASTERN EQUATORIA AND THE WHITE NILE TRADE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF A FRONTIER, 1840-1900 BY Abannik Ohure Hino A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of DOCTOTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1997 ABSTRACT EASTERN EQUATORIA AND THE WHITE NILE TRADE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF A FRONTIER, 1840-1900 by Abannik Ohure Hino Until about the early nineteenth century, the region that today constitutes Eastern Equatoria was an isolated region of Africa with little if any contact with the outside world. The isolation, however, came to an end with the opening of the White Nile to modern navigation in 1839 and the introduction of the White Nile trade. Both these developments were initiated by the Turco-Egyptian colonial state in Northern Sudan to exploit the natural resources of the Upper Nile regions. From then on, foreign commodities of high local value (glass beads, cowrie shells, copper bracelts, cotton cloths, etc.) flowed into the region. Thus began the integration of Eastern Equatoria and other isolated Upper Nile regions into the expanding international trade. The broad aim of this study is to examine the social and political impact of this interaction on Eastern Equatoria. Unlike the existing literature whose main focus is the activities of foreigners (merchants and succeeding colonial governments) in that interaction, this study focuses instead on local responses to the process. It argues that the activities of the outsiders in the region were only part of the equation and that local participation was never as passive as the existing literature makes it out to be. On the contrary, local actors/agents (who were by definition local elites) often took the initiative to advance and protect their political and economic interests not only within their local societies but also against those of their foreign counterparts. The high point of their autonomy was in the 1840-1860 period, when they monopolized all of the trade in the hinterland. Even after the foreigners seized the initiative, local factors continued to be important throughout the process. Copyright by Abannik Ohure Hino 1997 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study would have been more difficult to realize without the support of certain individuals. First and foremost I would like to extend my thanks and gratitude to my major advisor, professor Harold (3. Marcus. Not only was tireless in his support of me throughout my graduate study at Michigan State University, he was a constant source of insight, encouragement, assistance and guidance throughout the course of this study. For this and more I am thankful and deeply indebted to him. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, professors David Robinson, Alan Fisher, and John Hinnant. They too gave me encouragement and support, while their searching questions and comments were all helpful in giving this study a sense of direction. I am especially thankful and grateful to professor David Robinson for his detailed comments and penetrating criticisms. His contribution will last beyond this study. Finally, I would like to thank professor Jay Spaulding and his wife, and my colleague, Dr. Stephannie Beswick. I am grateful for their moral support and informative comments and suggestions. Spaulding’s generous contribution went further than that, however. He willingly agreed to substituted for professor Alan Fisher when commitments abroad made it impossible for the latter to attend my oral defense of this study, for which I am grateful. anniedgment grilgures million an if in Tum: lithe Wt Chaplet Chaplet lat l The Wl Etualo Chaple Chapl. Chapl Chap Chai Acknowledgments ......... List of Figures .............. TABLE OF CONTENTS IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII .Ilrnlloanlo-o-Iuoot I‘I'IIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII Introduction and A Note on the Sources ...................................... .. Partl The Turco- -Egyptian Colonial Political Economy: The Origins of the White Nile trade ............................. . ...................... Chapter One Chapter Two Turco_Egyptian Colonial Political Economy .......................................... Colonial Commerce and the White Nile Trade: Opportunities and Constraints of a Colonial Economy ............................ Part II The White Nile Trade and the Political Economy of Eastern Equatoria ........... Chapter Three Chapter Four Chapter Five Chapter Six Chapter Seven Chapter Eight lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllll The White Nile Trade and the Local Trade Network ............................................... The Establishment of Permanent Trading Stations. . .......................................... State Intervention and the Annexation of the Southern Sudan ................................. East Equatoria and the End of the Turco-Egyptian ColonialRule ................ Eastern Equatoria Under the Mahdist colonial Rule ..................................... Summary and Conclusions .................. vi PAGE vi 18 19 66 98 99 129 165 206 246 279 amlograph'l Bibiography ................................................................. 297 vii T OF FIGURES ure Page p 1 Sudan ............................................................... .. ix p2 Map 3. Gondokoro and Surroundings 1859-1862 ........ x viii Map 1 ' ""‘"““W“‘“ 'AdmmnnaMe . j EGYPT I......gnlrl ©1995 Michal . . I., I . _ Port Sudan . I"~ LII-|.I..-..................E Northern I ---- 2 Eastern 0 l.“‘ a. '. ..... ...... ....... rtoum ...... l CHAD: SUDAN Metemma Omdurman \Kha II-I-..,...'. I 2““, Jebel Aulia \ Khartoum 3 ; i I . . s . 5 ,i n" . g . . :, iGenelna (North) El Obeld .. ~ 3 . u“ 'I -: , 5‘ ' ......... :: (North) . ' :i 2' mt. Da'rfur : Kordofa'h'm' T‘ana “ ° . . Hayk’v '.‘ Nyalla‘ ....... DIIIIng , ~. "a (South) (South) . {In-"g :3, El Muglad KaduglI 3 g ........ Ii '. Abyel,....l ---- - - ........ 1' . V. 5 NyamIell‘ ..... -' Pen Hits-“N B a h r ‘ AWelI “3-59: . '“3 EhGhazal . ' . . =3 , " '1 .;' W3” Rumbek . nepuapib fig “um;% I I ‘v (Western) II....-|I!.lln.q-|l'£ (:1 , .r .\Ill\‘ ‘ I-I-I' , , ".I-.-o-". W4?! (Easternigfllfifl‘i ZAlRE "TTi wmflm ‘ Area under study Sudan Irce: Human Rights Watch, 1995 Map 2 ' e \U ‘0 uND"-,// ‘7 Rouge-:11" 7-? (a? .............. Speke's route DES?:I%§.5 “1&3 “i“: -A—t— Binder’s route -7‘N / C‘ —-—-— Morlang‘s route -+—-0- Miani's route tribal boundaries as then shown I.- “~_a—‘ ‘\ ....... Miles TSCHIR / cans) \ I 0 I I' s I' \x’ r ‘L’ \ 1’ I‘\ JANGEBAR. \g 0 ~-----__.‘,a, 01' ‘1 fl: 9 3 ~ - Sl'EI ' S "carnival“? nun ale-.115: Map 3. GONDOKORO AND SURROUNDINGS x859—I862 (from M. T. van Heuglin, Raise in da: Gebiet de: Weisxen Nil) INTRODUCTION Until about early nineteenth century, Eastern Equatoria was an isolated on of Africa with little if any contact with the outside world, and was therefore tively untouched by the bustling international trade that had been penetrating I-Saharan Africa from about 1400.1 The isolation is due to several graphical factors, the first of which is its distance from the sea. Eastern Iatoria is located almost in the center of the African Continent and, therefore, of the farthest regions from the African coasts.2 Consequently, it was one of last regions of the Continent to be penetrated by the international trade. end, the distance from the coast. was compounded on one hand by the opian highlands and the East African RIft Valley, hampering it further from the I Sea and the Indian Ocean international trade. An additional major obstacle the rugged and arid conditions of northwestern Kenya. Closer home, the main barrier to Eastern Equatoria's communication with autside world was the w. A vast region in central Southern the area of the I of Maine, the guy is swampland whose maze of floating islands of ztation block the river channel for most of the year. It was therefore a barrier of nunication not only with lands to the north but also within Southern Sudan Consequently, while northern and western areas of Southern Sudan were Icting (albeit exploited) with the Islamic states of Darfur and Funj by at least Eastern Equatoria was shielded from these interactions by the sudds title: It: was iazutlllli i'IIaI :IIII’III By 1800, however, Eastern Equatoria‘s relative isolation came to an end, jthis de-enclavement was a result of penetration from two regional trades, The II was the so-called Fazughli-Fadasi trade, which came from the northeast. The zughIi-Fadasi trade probably originated from two sources: one from Northern den, and the other (finally) from the Ethiopian highlands via Oromo (Galla) untry. The two streams then converged on the Sobat—Pibor River Valley into e trade. From there, it crossed the flood plain and finally entered Eastern ,uatoria via Lafon, with the Anuak (Vinco‘s Gnaghi?) and Murle being the main ermediaries with Lafon.4 While the trade—goods of the so—called FazughIi-Fadasi de may have been of many kinds, blue glass beads appear to have been the st important. And while it is difficult to assess the socio-economic impact of the zughIi-Fadasi trade on Eastern Equatoria, a stratum of oral traditions within the lion suggest that it was socially disruptive, causing conflict and break—ups of al communities and kinship groups.5 At about the same time as the Fazughli-Fadasi trade, or shortly thereafter, Zanzibari trade also entered Eastern Equatoria from the south via the East can kingdoms of Buganda and Bunyoro.6 And perhaps because of its superior mization, as well as because of the kingdom's relative proximity, the Zanzibari e eventually eclipsed the FazughIi-Fadasi trade. Even Lafon itself was Itually drawn into its orbit. But it was the White Nile trade that decisively put an end to the isolation of em Equatoria. This latter trade was introduced by the Turco—Egyptian colonial 'nment in 1841, and the regime's objective for introducing it was to exploit the ~.\) Illllllfi lei: It It. ry and other natural resources of the Upper Nile region for its coffers. To this Id, the government annually organized trading expeditions to the upper reaches the Nile, shipping large quantities of beads, copper bracelets, and other luxury lOdS to be exchanged for ivory and other valuable local products. The White Nile Ide thus initiated a period of more direct and intense relationship between Istern Equatoria and the Turco-Egyptian colonial state in Northern Sudan, and 3 relationship led eventually to its annexation in 1870. Meanwhile, the dramatic increase in the foreign luxury goods tended to Imote trade contacts among the various socio-linguistic groups inside Eastern uatoria itself. The first to benefit from this trade were naturally middlemen from :ieties along the Nile. But as their "stores" of ivory and other resources got Iausted, they turned to the hinterland and made trading missions there, often ng established local exchange networks. In time, local demands began to late as to the types of goods that could be exchanged. For example, while iron— cient areas might prefer exchanging their ivory with worked iron, others might ead prefer livestock or grain. It is in that sense that the White Nile trade often omes an extension of the local subsistence- and utility-oriented exchange orks. To that extent, these local products ceased to have a purely sistence or utility value, thereby opening up limited trading opportunities to sant producers. In the final analysis then, the White Nile trade had far- :hing consequences for Eastern Equatoria (and Southern Sudan generally) ernally as well as internally, and it is all these issues that are the focus of this ertation. The dissertation is divided into two parts. The first part comprises chapter I I II, and it is devoted to the examination of the political economy of the Turco— Iptian colonial state in Northern Sudan.7 The premise for part one is that the Iins of the White Nile trade are found in the problems and imperatives of the 'co-Egyptian political economy. Chapter One focuses on agricultural policies. It starts with a short 'oductory background on various aspects of Northern Sudan's pre-conquest anomy, and then moves on to a detailed examination of the fiscal policies of the rco-Egyptian colonial regime. It argues that the overriding goal of the colonial te was to make the colony economically viable and self-supporting, and that to tieve this objective it needed to transform the colony‘s labor and productive ources. Hence the introduction of a high tax regime and compulsory cash-crop Iduction policy. It further suggests that despite these measures, state coffers Itinued to suffer serious budget deficits, and the introduction of the White Nile ie was part of its efforts to find other sources of revenue to meet the budget uirements. The chapter also examines the effect of the fiscal policies on the peasants, concludes that despite attempted reforms, the lot of the peasants continued to ariorate, and that by the 18403 many of them were driven off the land. Initially, Ie of the losers sought employment in the new service sector or with the arnment. Others, however, took to trading in the frontier. This economic cation intensified in the 18503 and 18605, which coincided with the lifting of al monopoly of the White Nile trade. Many of the uprooted peasants this jrjjllOllS Op: fell! mGSllj' i Snail fit Die 00.”. ,n: heal I! at with al :5 view to I it new cor tsl. lllOllEf titan-259 I iltSllI’IOIEI 3:". IC EXBI stugge aI Intel 0 In ol ll in Pal 53:I Ilia :lJSIOIla it my, tuitous opportunity and entered the employ of the White Nile traders, serving 3m mostly as soldiers. Chapter Two continues with the theme of political economy, but with a :us on commerce. It examines how the establishment (as well as the economic d fiscal policies) of the colonial state helped promote trade and commerce. It Irts with an analysis of the conditions of the Sudanese peasants and traders with eview to determining the factors that enhanced or hindered their participation in a new commercial opportunities. It concludes that partly because of their lack of sh money, and paItly because of the system of state monopolies, only a few danese benefited from the opportunities. Consequently, the beneficiaries were Istly foreigners, especially Europeans and Levantines. The chapter then moves to examine the reasons for the ascendancy of these foreign traders, their Iggle and eventual success against the state monopoly system, and their eover of the White Nile trade. The rest of the chapter is then devoted to the sly of the history and development of the Khartoumer side of the White Nile le. Part II of the Dissertation comprises Chapters Three through Seven, with h chapter focusing on the different aspects of developments in Eastern atoria since the introduction of the White Nile trade. Chapter Three examines local network of the White Nile trade. It starts with a general overview of the al structure (and their underlying ideology) in Eastern Equatoria in efforts to erstand the economic and social basis of the local trade network. It observes recognizing the economic importance of the White Nile trade as a new and new ttttttt Iiilabll Inn: is all lIaSi llti it unprecedented source of high—value items, with equally unprecedented opportunities for accumulation of wealth (and therefore its potential for estabilization), the traditional elites in the region took control of the trade and onopolized it for themselves. The rest of the chapter then moves to examine ach of the local networks radiating from Gondokoro. Chapter Four deals with the phase of the White Nile trade during which the oreign traders (Khartoumers) established trading stations in Eastern Equatoria :self. It starts with an analysis of the reasons-—both structural and locaI--for the hift, and then proceeds to examine the varying local responses and reactions to Ie alien intrusion. It then moves on to assess the sociopolitical significance of this hase of the White Nile trade. It concludes that the conflict that ensued with the lien intrusion was not just over control of the trade; it also represented a subtle rocess of local social transformation, as the Khartoum traders gradually extended 1d then established themselves as rulers over large areas of the region. Chapter Five deals with the state intervention and then annexation of stem Equatoria and, indeed, Southern Sudan as a whole. It starts with an amination of the driving motives behind the move, which were (a) to suppress e slave trade, and (b) to exploit the commercial and agricultural potential of the Iuatorial lakes region as urged by the recently arrived explorers John Speke and mes Grant. After an assessment of the two factors, it concludes that although ppresslon of the slave trade was the expressed motive for the annexation, oloitation the region‘s economic resources was, in fact, the primary motive force. hen discusses the evidence to support this contention. The rest of the chapter Ilnen I apeaal int PI WISE Iltlfl Itltt then devoted to an examination of the government of the province, focusing pecially on the governorships of Samuel W. Baker, Charles G. Gordon, and tin Pasha. The policies and plans of these governors are examined, and an sessment of their successes and/or failures made. Chapter Six focuses on the collapse of the Turco—Egyptian colonial rule in stem Equatoria in particular. It argues that the collapse of the regime was a sequence of the economic problems which beset Egypt beginning at least in amid—18703. The result was a steady reduction of financial support from Cairo. make up forthe shortfall, officials in the Sudan had to raise taxes. In Equatoria, Never, the problem was exacerbated by the 52% which blocked the river in 78 and for eighteen months thereafter prevented the delivery of salaries and er needed materials for the province. Consequently, increased taxation (or ter tribute) in Equatoria had a sense of urgency about it. But its implementation I/oked local resistance, thus began a vicious resistance-suppression cycle :h ultimately destroyed the basis of government in the region. But the final v was the Mahdist revolution which overthrew the Turco—Egyptian colonial me in 1885, thus destroying any hope of relief for the beleaguered forces in atoria. Most of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of these events in tern Equatoria. Chapter Seven examines the Mahdist rule in Eastern Equatoria. It start with ef narrative on the background of the Mahdi (Muhammad Ahmad), and then as on to a discussion of the socioeconomic conditions in Northern Sudan that a possible the outbreak and success of the Mahdist revolution. Most of the time Still} Inter chapter is, however, devoted to an examination of the Mahdist efforts to establish their rule in Eastern Equatoria. It argues that the fundamental problem confronting the Mahdists was basically the same as that faced by the previous regimes-~lack of supplies. And like their predecessors, the Mahdists had to take the supplies by force, thus repeating the same destructive cycle that ultimately undermined the Turco—Egyptian regime in the region. However, the final blow to the Mahdist regime was the European colonial onslaught gripping Africa at the end of the century. For Omdurman, the end came with the crushing defeat of its forces in the battle of Karari. While in Eastern Equatoria, the combined Anglo-Congolese force under Colonel Cyril Godfrey Martyr did the job. A Note on Sources A student of Southern Sudan history has remarked that Southern Sudan has been the cradle of modern social anthropology as it has developed in Great Britain and elsewhere," and that "any student of African ethnography may now be axpected to attain a familiarity with the cardinal texts on the Azande, Nuer and )inka, the works of the late Sir Edward Evans—Pritchard and his proteges.“8 Jnfortunately, this rich ethnographic literature has not been replicated in the area If history. Thus, whereas the historiography of most regions in Africa has grown Iy leaps and bounds over the last half-century, that of Southern Sudan has been Iarticularly anemic, probably for quite understandable reasons.9 Many general secondary works have been consulted for this dissertation, ut only a few of them were particularly important for our understanding of lorthern) Sudan's nineteenth century political economy. Two of them are by Jay Spaulding and Anders Bjorkelo.10 Although Spaulding's work focuses on pre- nineteenth century, it however provides a good picture of the evolution of Sinnar's political economy until the Turco—Egyptian conquest in 1821. Bjorkelo's, on the other hand, focuses on Northern Sudan's economy during the Turco-Egyptian regime. Although these authors do not make that connection, this dissertation argues that the chronic economic and fiscal problems bedeviling the Turco- Egyptian economy in Northern Sudan forced the authorities to launch the White Nile trade. Furthermore, Khartoum's dogged determination to maintain its control over it underscores the trade's importance as a significant source of official revenues. These policies do therefore establish a clear connection between Eastern Equtoria and the Turco—Egyptian colonial economy. With regards to Eastern Equatoria itself, the only important secondary sources are the pioneering history works of Richard Gray and Robert Collins.11 hese two books are particularly Important because they cover the period studied n this dissertation. Although they are excellent works (in fact, they are still the tandard textbooks for the nineteenth century history of Southern Sudan), their nain shortcoming is, however, their preoccupation with the activities of alien forces n Southern Sudan (the Khartoumers, the Turco-Egyptian' government, and the llahdists), and the contribution of the local people to that history seemed econdary or even incidental.12 This dissertation attempts to redress this hortcoming by focusing instead on the local responses to both the opportunities nd dangers which these alien forces presented. This approach offers a balanced icture of the interface between the local peoples and the alien forces. ElDllllBl‘ ”€5.38 l H I. filtlil it I iii: l iii as genera trial ltll However, the main sources for this dissertation are the reports of travellers, plorers, and even traders who rushed to Eastern Equatoria (or Southern Sudan nerally) following the opening of the Nile to modern navigation in 1840. These Ivellers and explorers often published their observations of the life and customs the people they came in contact with. While some of their observations were accurate, others were quite on target. However, since it is not possible to give a ief assessment of the contribution of each report, I will therefore indulge in some :neralization by way of grouping them. The first set of primary documents are reports by traders who participated in a White Nile trade. Some of these traders wrote books and/orjournal articles on air travels many of which are rich with accounts of the life and customs of the :ople they came in contact with. While there are many of such accounts, the es with direct relevance to Eastern Equatoria include those by Antoine Brun— Illet, John Petherick, and Andrea de Bono. ‘Not all traders published their counts, however. Instead, some left their accounts in the form of letters to ends and relatives. This latter group of documents have been collected and alished by Paul Santi and Richard Hill as _T_h_e_ Europeans in the Sudan.13 The second set of primary documents are reports and letters by Catholic sionaries who worked in the Sudan beginning in 1846. Some of these sionaries made visits to Eastern Equatoria between 1846 and 1851, all in rch of suitable places to establish their mission stations. However, the first sionary to settle in Eastern Equatoria was Fr. Angelo Vinco. He came in 1851 stayed in Bilinyang under the protection of the royal family there. Vinco died It I85 :a'llE Ii SIIII'IK smut cattle tire ' not It biillli iii: in ”I Id was given an elaborate royal burial in Bilinyang in 1852. Other missionaries me in the following years, and by 1856 they had established a mission in >ndokoro complete with a school. Some of these missionaries left written counts of their travels and stay in the region, and these accounts have been lected and published into a book entitled The Opening of the Nile Basin.14 The third set of firsthand accounts are by travelers and explorers. While re were many of these travelers and explorers in the Sudan, the most ortant, as far as Eastern Equatoria is concerned, are by John Henning Speke; uel White Baker; Wilhelm Junker; Gaetano Cassati. John Henning Speke and James Grant were sent to East Africa by the Ial Geographical Society to "discover" the source of the Nile. After a long and JOUS journey through modern Tanzania, they achieved their objective. They Ifollowed the Nile and eventually reached Gondokoro in February 1863. Their aunt of this northward journey” is useful for information on people south of Idokoro. Samuel Baker also travelled to the Sudan for exploration. He and his wife hed Gondokoro in February 1863. just days before Speke and Grant arrived . Speke and Grant urged him to continue with his journey and fill in the gaps they had left. However, because of insecurity problems on the road to the , the Bakers were forced to make an eastward detour through Latukaland. there, they travelled to Acholiland and then to Bunyoro, where he vered" Lake Albert. Their travels in the region lasted two years, after which returned to Khartoum, and then to Europe. Baker later published these aiieniu Elam _‘ 3L": ‘1 a (I ltSlEll raters llaiar I” ‘l v33; Etta It adventures,16 and his information is very useful for understanding the situation in the eastern and southern districts of Eastern Equatoria during these early years of aenetration of the hinterland by the traders. Wilhelm Junker came to the Southern Sudan twice. The first time was in l876—1878, during which he explored the lower reaches of the Sobat River and the vestern tributaries of the Nile. He came back in 1879 to explore the Nile-Congo vatershed region, a task which he finished in four years. Junker stayed in Ilakaraka district for a significant part of this four—year exploration, and his Iccounts of his sojourn there provides a valuable information on the western listricts, especially Makaraka, during the period of Turco-Egyptian colonial rule in he South.17 The next significant explorer was Gaetano Casati. An Italian geographer, )asati was sent to the Southern Sudan by the Milan Geographical Society in sponse to a request by the Governor of Bahr el-Ghazal province, Romolo Gessi. asati's job was to map out the Bahr el-Ghazal River, and one of the terms of his ployment was that the province onld pay' his living expenses. Unfortunately r him, shortly after his arrival in Bahr el-Ghazal, Romolo was recalled and entually dismissed from the service. Casati was left behind, literally abandoned. most destitute, he retired to Mangbetuland (in eastern Central African Republic) ere he lived for nearly three years. Governor Emin Pasha rescued and brought to Equatoria, where he entered the service as Captain. Casati's account18 vides also important information on the western districts, especially Makaraka, title If”: VIV It; ring the Turkiyya. It also contains a significant amount of information on events it led to the collapse of that regime. The last important traveller was J.A. Mounteny—Jephson. He was a member staff of the Relief Expedition led by Henry Morton Stanley to rescue Governor tin Pasha who had been cut off in Equatoria by the Mahdist revolution. He ached Eastern Equatoria in 1888, visiting several garrisons there to talk to the diers explaining the new orders from Cairo to evacuate the province. His :ount of the expedition which he later published19 is therefore an important Irce of information on conditions in the country in the last years of the Turco— yptian regime in the province. Finally, the last important set of primary sources are writings by government cials who had served in the province. The most important of these officials 'e Samuel Baker, Charles G. Gordon, Emin Pasha, and Romolo Gessi. Except Romolo Gessi who was governor of Bahr el-Ghazal, these officials served as ernors in Equatoria. Gessi himself served in Equatoria before his appointment e governorship of Bahr el-Ghazal province. Other important officials in this gory are Gaetano Casati and Col. C. Challis-Long. Although these sources t be treated with caution because of certain official or political biases of their ors, overall they are reliable. s and References lthough very little is known of the history of Eastern Equatoria prior to the nineteenth century, it is idered that its present peoples are a product of a ural process of interaction of peoples of Nilo— . . r ~p *7 \ n. --~ ' " . ‘ b .I n 5 ‘H'V \ I .a-t-I. H.» \n- F n... . -. ‘v..-' a nuns‘. I .v-u. \u“ aharan and Afroasiatic group of languages, and. that this rocess dated back to about 3000 B.C; See Christopher tret, "Population Movement and Culture Contacts in the )uthern Sudan," in John Mack and Peter Robershaw (eds.) flture History, pp. 19—48; and Peter Robertshaw, "Eastern matoria in the Context of Later Eastern African ehistory," in Ibid., pp. 89—100. In fact, the Continentls geographical center, Source Yubu, :in Southern Sudan, just west of Eastern Equatoria. For the relationships between these parts of Southern dan with the Islamic savannah states of Darfur and Sennar, e Rex O'Fahey, "Fur and Fartit: The History of a Frontier," Mack and Robertshaw, Culture History in the Southern dag: Archaeology, Linguistics and Ethnohistory (Nairobi: itish Institute in Eastern Africa, i982), pp. 75—87; and tricia Mercer, "Shilluk Trade and Politics from the Mid— venteenth Century to 1861," in Journal of African History, L XII 3(1971), pp. 407—426. For the Greek and Roman oeditions, see L. P. Kirwan "Greek and Roman Expeditions to a Southern Sudan," in John Mack and Peter Robertshaw (eds.) lture History in the Southern Sudan, pp.71—74. "Angelo Vinco, First Christian to Live Among the Bari. His Journeys, 1851—1852" (hereafter "His Journeys"), in .as Toniolo and Richard Hill (edts. & trans.) The Hung of the White Nile Basin: Writings by Members of the holic Mission to Central Sudan on the Geography and micity of the Sudan 1842-1881 (London: Oxford University 65 1974)), p. 90. Vinco's observation regarding Lafon's de with people to the east or northeast seems to be ported by Latuka oral tradition.which says that before the te Nile trade, there existed a bead called amulle. In uka, Murle country was called "Mulle," and this may gest that "amulle" came front Murle Vcountry. A second irect 'evidence of this trade is suggested by the term la." In most of Eastern Equatoria, white or light plected people are called "gala," or "gila." The primary ning of this term is racial. It denotes light~complected ole including Europeans. The secondary meaning denotes social sphere of modern government with its technical and :cive power. Writers (including this one) have argued : the term suggests contact (probably commercial) between region and the Oromo (until recently called "Galla") of cpia. See Abannik O. Hino, "A History of Plains-Otuho, l~1920," (unpublished lM.A, rThesis, Institute <1f African Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 1980), pp. 83—84. further reference to the Galla—Lafon trade, see (Antoine) v ' ’ l " I "‘ _. 'Fov‘ , a..." .rr'. .,f- .. u...- 1 pr Y'n a r'~‘ rv . uni-» M we. a duo»... “AAA Iva-1 uni-r. - 00‘ u” R. v.3, N'I. \ ‘0~ Ln. u. . M. Brun-Rollet, Le nil blanc et le Soudan: Etudes sur lflAfrique centrale; moeurs et coutumes des sauvages (Paris: Lflnairie de L. Maison, 1855), p. 113; and Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster: Dualism, Centralism and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan (Leiden and New York: E. J. Brill, 1992), p. 45. A possible alternative explanation for the team however, may be that it originated from the "wikalat" or'egency" system of the White Nile traders. 5.The disruptive nature of the trade is perhaps best symbolized by that eloquent motif, quite widespread in the region, in which the daughter of the chief (in others the daughter of two sibling brothers) accidentally swallows a beat The bead, as it turned out, belonged to the chief's brother, who demands that the bead be restored back to him. He was so adamant in his demand that he refused to accept any kind of compensation. In the end, the chief was forced to disembowel his daughter to retrieve the bead and restored it toifls litigant brother. However, because this resolution fwd exacted such a high price, the two brothers broke up and went their separate ways. & Trade goods from the East African Coast did not reach Buganda until the reign of Kabaka Kyabuga (c. 1763—1780). hntially, Buganda obtained these trade goods in return for Wory it raided from her weaker neighbors, which explains why t took long for the Zanzibari trade to reach Eastern Equatoria. For the trade between the East African Coast and drican Slave Trade (Nairobi: The East African Publishing— muse, 1967), pp. 14—15, and 22—23. . Until the annexation of the South in 1870 and Darfur in 874, Egypt's original colony in the Sudan comprised the rovinces of Dongola, Berber, Sinnar, and Kordofan. Partly ecause of their earlier annexation, and partly because of heir proximity to Khartoum, these provinces were better ntegrated into the colony's structure than others. . John Mack and Peter Robershaw, "Introduction," in Culture istory in the Southern Sudan: Archaeology, Linguistics, and Hmohistory (Nairobi: British Institute in Eastern Africa, 982)! p0 10 , The main obstacle appears to be the forbidding research ndronment imposed by the civil war that has persisted there .nce 1955. L Jay Spaulding, The Heroic Age in Sinnar (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1985), and Anders Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif: Shendi in the Nineteenth—Century (Bergen: University of Bergen, 1984). 11. Richard Gray, A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839—1889 abndon: Oxford University Press, 1961), and Robert O. Collins, The Southern Sudan, 1883—1898: A Struggle for Control (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1964). These books are on Southern Sudan as a whole, but they contain substantial parts on Eastern Equatoria. 12. However, in fairness to Richard Gray and Robert, it has to be pointed out that their two works belong to the first generation of African history when the focus seemed to have been what outsiders (foreign traders and colonialists) did in Africa. l3.lt (Antoine) Brun—Rollet, Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan: Etudes sur 1'Afrique Centrale; Moers et coutumes des Sauvages (Paris: Librairie de L. Maison, 1855); John Petherick, Egypt, Hm Soudan and Central Africa; With Explorations trom_ Umrtoum on the White Nile to the Regions of the Equator, king Sketches from Sixteen Years' Travel (Edinburgh and bndon: William Blackwood and Sons, 1861); Mr. and Mrs. ktherick, Travels in Central Africa and Explorations of the kstern Nile Tributaries, 2 vols. (London: Tinsley Brothers, 869); Andrea de Bono, "Voyage au Fleuve Blanc en 1861," in buvelles Annales des Voyages de la Géographie, de l'Histoire t de 1'Archéologie (n. d.); and Paul Santi and Richard Hill, he Europeans in the Sudan, 1834-1878 (Oxford: at the larendon Press, 1980). Of course, not all the traders left ritten records of their observations and/or business ctivities in Southern Sudan- And if all of them did, at east not all the records by everyone of them has come to ight. & Elias Toniolo and Richard Hill (trans. & Eds.) The anng of the Nile Basin (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1974). 1 John Henning Speke, Journal to the Discovery of the Jurces of the Nile (London: 1864). & Samuel W. Baker, The Albert N'Yanza: Great Basin of the inand the Exploration of the Nile Sources, 2 vols. bndon: MacMillan & Co., 1866). . Wilhelm Junker, Travels in the Years 1875—1886, 3 vols. rans. A. H. Keane) (London, 1890) . Gaetano Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return l6 .— ith.Emin Pasha, 2 vols. (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 891). 9.;LA” Mounteny—Jephson, Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at imaEquator (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & dvington, 1890). 17 PART I The Turco—Egyptian Colonial Political Economy and the Origins of the White Nile Trade 18 CHAPTER ONE TURCO-EGYPTIAN COLONIAL POLITICAL ECONOMY The Turco-Egyptian colonial conquest of the Sudan in 1820-21 was a itershed point in the history of the Sudan. The relatively brief military mpaign by the conquering armies of Muhammad 'Ali, Ottoman Viceroy of wt, brought an abrupt end to the political independence of the peoples and igdoms of the Sudan. The most important of these kingdoms was the almost funct Funj Kingdom, or Sultanate, of Sinnar, whose territories became the re of the new colony.1 By the mid-18703, the colonial government was :ognized over most of modern Sudan. It was however in the social and economic areas that the impact of the lonial relationship was felt deepest by the Sudanese. The conquest had been ertaken largely for economic motives, and required the transformation of or and its redirection for the benefit of the capitalist interests. To gauge the we of this social and economic impact, an outline of the pre-conquest ioeconomic conditions in the Funj Kingdom is necessary. Pre-conquest Political Economy On the eve of the Turco-Egyptian conquest, the Funj Kingdom of Sinnar gin the process of transforming itself from a feudal social order to one in :h capitalist institutions and relations dominated. The birthplace of these talist institutions was in the enclaves of lslamic religious communities, which become quite common by the mid—eighteenth century.2 Part of the credit for 19 litter capaclf taint iIIITIIC reign IRIS IE Sill I)?! is development is attributable to the King of Sinnar himself. Acting in his pacity as patron of Islam in his Kingdom, the king undertook to foster and cilitate the activities of Muslim clerics and missionaries in his state. One way which the king expressed this concern was by making land endowments to ligious leaders. These endowments were permanent and irrevocable, and re to be held by the holy men as mflk (private property) as defined by Islamic . Given the nearly feudal, agrarian structure of the society, the endowments aresented the ultimate gift that the monarch could make. The endowments became a critical resource, indispensable to the ependence and sustenance of the religious communities. Furthermore, they 'e to be held by the holy men as mmiflg (private property) as defined by Islamic . The royal cessions were unprecedented in terms of the Funj kingdom's land ire system. Traditionally all land belonged to the king, although his subjects d hold it as usufruct. The royal monOpoly was dramatized in such formal . occasions as the appointment of state officials or the creation of new ‘inistrative districts/provinces. During such occasions. the King's proclamation was accompanied by the ance of a land charter to the new offices. In contrast to the lands ceded to eligious leaders, however, such charters did not represent permanent ation but entitled the beneficiary to exploit the labor and produce of his cts.3 The king still reserved the right and the power to revoke that privilege, eed often happened when the grantee died or fell out of favor. All this was .\) F.) rmarlti 63336 ilierp' rimca IIICBS that trip arsit iii): III marked contrast to the permanent nature of land donations made to the aders of religious enclaves. The holy men did not however rest content with their freehold but sought her privileges that would further consolidate their economic independence and ilitical autonomy. Their accumulation of rights and privileges was a gradual acess. For example, the holy men sought and obtained immunity from secular thorities, as well as personal exemption from taxation. In time, the tax-exempt Itus was extended to residents in their religious enclaves, enabling them to vote their energy and resources to meeting their religiously sanctioned igations, including payment of the f_itr_a and the z_akah. The religious leaders also won exemption from restriction of movement side of one's jurisdiction, a ban imposed on the rest of the society. This right novement, along with the right to trade and to sponsor markets, to own slaves ', in due time, to purchase land, all these facilitated the movement of goods property between the religious members. Their overall impact was to form the religious community into a social entity markedly different from that 6 general society. Its hallmark was the right to private property and its sition unencumbered by the sociopolitical rigidities of Sinnar's feudal social r. Naturally, the primary beneficiaries were leaders of these communities enjoyed administrative and judicial powers. First and foremost they kept fees and fines from litigations. Second, as religious figures, they ulated wealth and land through endowments. And third, they acted as tors for those unable to take charge of their own affairs.4 EllalllS ii: he was IBIIQIDII tiling) trial time The holy men thus controlled large landholdings, which could be rented to tants who paid "land tax" (Khurj).5 If the tenants lived in the enclave they also id the fire and the zakah. The profits and other proceeds so derived were nvested in land or other economic ventures. The land accumulations by the igious leaders gradually eroded the almost sacrosanct notion that all land longed to the king, an idea which constituted the cornerstone of the extant Idal order. In time the "virus" caught on the wider society, resulting in a iimentary market in farmland. The ability of the religious leaders to appropriate the privileges and nforts of the nobility was not lost on some of their immediate secular ghbors, who sought their protection, and some even began paying taxes to 11 rather than to their higher secular authorities.6 So important did the jious leaders become that ambitious men aspired to the position. They had earn lslamic scriptures and law sufficiently well to leave the original enclave to lbIISh a new one elsewhere in the Kingdom. The multiplier effect of this ess on the social fabric gradually weakened loyalty to the established feudal I order. Geography, however, imposed certain limits on the growth of religious unities, especially in the desert region north of the confluence of the White he Blue Nile. This region suffers from a relative scarcity of farmland, with lture possible only through irrigation. The upshot is that farming is ed largely to the river valley. Naturally, this limited resource base could not e the continuous stress and strain of exploitation made necessary by the emandlr first it in it i tattle lliiug lllSIIll' Egiile r4 1 z ixpanding human population. Under the conditions of material deprivation in rhich the northern desert region often found itself, social adjustment took the m ofincreasing individualism and competition for the limited resources. The second factor influencing the north’s response relates to Egypt, which ad often sought to exert its religious and political influence on the Sudan. though that objective sometimes led to direct and overt political action,7 it astly was served through peaceful intercourse with the peoples of the Sudan. jyptian Muslim missionaries traveled back and forth between the two countries )selytizing. On the other hand, Sudanese aspiring to a clerical vocation often ined access to Egyptian religious educational institutions.8 But perhaps Egypt's greatest influence came through trade. As an agral part of the bustling eastern Mediterranean, Egypt imported from the tan slaves, camels, ivory, ostrich feathers, rhinoceros horns, gum arabic, etc.9 ile many of these products were consumed domestically, others were =xported to Europe and the Orient and thus comprised a significant source of pt's foreign exchange earnings.10 Sudan's growing importance to the ptian economy is reflected in the surge of trade between the two countries ughout the eighteenth century.11 Sinnar‘s feudal classes wanted the same privileges and rights that had granted to the religious leaders. The more powerful of them, especially the 'ncial lords, began to defy the king's monopoly over long-distance trade. started organizing caravans to regional and international markets, all in malt iremga lClIlDII ifilallC EIDKEC sill Ills II Eiléll Elf a SISIEI aster Sill mtravention of the established Funj rule. that such trade was the royal "erogative. But defiance of the King's monopolistic trade policy was not just an :onomic act of self-interest. It was also, in the final analysis, a political fiance, an abrogation of the King's power. The contest, though fundamental, oked no dramatic struggle with the king. and its outcome was foregone as a wk of the apparent weakening of central authority. Powerful provincial or local is were then able to treat their particular land grants as private property, never 'ievable by the king at his wish. Thus the nobility joined the clerics in fostering d alienation and commercialization, forging an ideological alliance with them. The nobility was unwilling, however, to completely embrace the open tem implied by the ideology of the clerics. On the contrary. they were armined to preserve their privileges of birth and found it necessary to redefine social status of the clerics. The result'was a three-tier social structure, with nobility at the top, commoners at the bottom, and clerics in the middle. ln ‘, traders and businessmen were also assigned to the middle social tier. This I engineering was formalized through a legal idiom, according to which the le classes were subject to Islamic law, while the peasants and commoners nued to be ruled under traditional Funj law. The change required the intment of Islamic judges into the national judiciary. 12 The long-term consequences of these developments were disastrous for onal authority. Defiance of the Sultan's prerogatives over critical areas of nd trade by his subordinate seriously undermined the central government. Whatever the King's initial resistance to that ongoing ideological rebellion, it had evidently become muted by the second half of the eighteenth century: by then he requirement for the King's confirmation of any land transaction was largely gnored. In time even the formality of the confirmation by a local official also isappeared, hence the political disintegration of the kingdom. ode and Ma 91 Exchange The social and political impact of the bourgeois influences was less 'amatic, in fact even conservative, in the realm of exchange. Throughout the st two centuries of its existence, the Funj Kingdom hardly used any coinage in (exchange system. By the early eighteenth century, however, coined money egan to make a significant appearance, mostly in the Kingdom's capital city, inar. The coinage was not minted by the national treasury but was brought in visiting foreign traders (Khawajas) and remained largely restricted to their ds. Only a limited number of indigenous Sudanese officials in charge of the 9's trade13 had some access to the foreign money. Nevertheless, the coins did not assume the role of an "all-purpose" ium of exchange. Instead they were absorbed and incorporated into the hange system and became one of several varieties of units of exchange, h included gold, livestock, dhurra (grain), beads, and dammur (locally made n cloth).14 The exchange capacity of each of these was open-ended but e could only be used for purchasing certain types of goods. To this extent, fore, all such units of exchange, including the foreign coins, were ed-purpose" or "special—purpose" money. atallIICi E'J'TIBIS lilifi- i I'll 56 The vast majority of the units were themselves commodities, creating an ilytical problem, in that a transaction contracted through such currencies fers an ambiguity of whether or not the exchange was a barter transaction as ll'ld in pre-capitalist economies. The distinction is important because simple rter in pre-capitalist economies is oriented towards subsistence needs, areas in market-oriented economies, exchange as well as production of mmodities emphasizes the profit motive. It is, however important to point out it these two modes of exchange are not necessarily mutually exclusive. In :t, they can and indeed do often coexist. But in situations of coexistence, ibiguity is removed by the existence of an "all~purpose" medium of exchange. the case of the Funj economy under study, the ambiguity of the units of change (i.e., as subsistence goods on the one hand, and as currencies on the Ier) tends to obscure the capitalist relations that had become common by the :er part of the eighteenth century. Nonetheless, certain commodity currencies gradually emerged as the ferred media of exchange. Dhurra, for example, became the most common dium of exchange in the northern desert region, due in large part to the ennial shortage of locally produced food. Next In frequency was the Lop im_ur (locally produced cotton cloth).15 As a rule, both gm and ga_mm_u_r a used for small purchases, whereas livestock such as cattle, camels, goats teep, and also Spanish dollars (Maria Theresa or Carlos lV Dollar) were I for large transactions. 26 ESE ale reason mam The evolution of commodity currencies in the southern rainland region is ess clear, largely due to a paucity of information. Nonetheless, there is no eason to suppose that it was different from that of the north, for despite the drift oward political disintegration, there was still a measure of acceptance of the ing as nominal head. To this extent, therefore, there was a degree of political nd economic integration. In fact, the southern region became the main supplier ffood items for the north. Merchants from there supplied northern markets with rge quantities of dhurra and dammur,16 thus indicating that these two ommodity currencies were equally dominant as media of exchange in the authern rainland region. An important development in the evolution of media of exchange was the tempt, also in the latter half of the eighteenth century, to introduce a national >ined currency.17 The policy behind the introduction was to enhance and refine 8 exchange system so as to promote the economy, and also to better control inflow of foreign currencies and their possible negative impact on the onomy. Unfortunately, the scheme eventually fell through: because of its high ality, the newly introduced national coin was bought up by foreign traders for purpose of melting them down. By the end of the eighteenth century the coin virtually "fled" the country and was nowhere to be found in the Kingdom. country thus reverted to being coinless, while Spanish dollars continued to centrate in the cellars of the few big local and foreign traders and some state ials. —-c mayor: goods radii: snaita haiir iopul lllUlll The Sha'il System Dependence upon commodity currencies as media of exchange had one major drawback which ultimately led to far—reaching social consequences. A good example in this regard is dhurra. As an essential commodity, the Funj traditional distributive system guaranteed its supply, especially in times of food shortages. The institutional workings of distributing dhurra to the people required that in times of famine the nobility distributed stored grain to relieve the affected population. But with the onset of capitalism, the nobility tended to rescind the injunctions of this traditional "moral economy," opting instead for the lure of arofit. To this end they appropriated more and more of the tax grain for :ommercial purposes. The venality of the nobility denied the Sinnarians, )articularly the lower peasant strata, a critical source of survival. This state of affairs enriched the merchants. They bought up most of the rain and, when there were food shortages, sold it to needy families under the ‘edit institution called the sha'il (literally, "carrying" but generally translated as e "Iien"). The specific workings of the _s_hgjj system consisted of the following: Jring periods of food shortage, impoverished peasants could go to a big erchant and contract from him the needed amounts of QM. The contract tdertaken committed the family to repay the merchant at the end of the harvest. hile the repayment was to be in dhurra, the contract did not specifically state s. Repayment was given in monetary terms, and the estimate given was well ove the actual market value of the borrowed dhurra, which enabled the rchant to garner profits. 28 satin mule 0" lsla DOWBI lBlE Based on the available sources, the shall system was quite widespread, ticularly in the northern desert region. There, the combined impact of oulation increase, fragmentation of landholdings due to increasing acceptance Islamic laws of inheritance, and land aggrandizement by the wealthy and the werful, all became socially quite telling. Complicating the economic process re weather fluctuations, which often brought famine. Unable to expect relief from state officials anymore, the poverty—stricken asants had no option but to place themselves at the mercy of a M contract. e debt often became a vicious cycle, as it extracted more and more dim 'Jthus helped to perpetuate the food deficit situation among the peasants. sperate people moved south to the rainland region where there was a relative Andance of available arable land. Another option was to move to towns or bad to Egypt to take a chance at the growing service industries there. This te of affairs remained relatively unchanged until the Turco—Egyptian conquest 820—21. ,Post—conguest Political Economy The Turco-Egyptians had undertaken the conquest of the Sudan primarily economic reasons, but found their new possession lacking resources. The ad wealth of gold and other precious minerals was nowhere to be found; a were not even slaves. The conquerors concluded that to make the colony e required transformation of its productive and labor resources. To achieve abjective required developing an appropriate administrative and fiscal ture. 29 rt Sud eramnl rtFu 3T: tire 'I rtnlr; Fiscal policy was of immediate and criticai importance, Underthe Funj, Sudanese paid a variety of taxes. in the northern riverine region, for imple, the traditional watenNheel, or m, was critical for eking out a living. a Funj rulers therefore decided to tax each sggiya five Maria Theresa dollars. the other hand, in the rainland region, where arable land was relatively ntiful, taxation was based on the estimated harvest; and among nomads ation on the number of animals owned. Over and above these regular taxes ne dues and obligations such as presents. corvee, and other services owed to local lord or landlord. This contrasted rather with the structure of taxation used in Egypt where peasants paid several taxes: to the central treasury, to the local landlord, and he local district administration, They also paid a capitation tax, house tax, fessional tax (eg. on trade and crafts), and taxes on animals and date trees. rddition, there was land tax rated according to class. The colonial government sought to institute the Egyptian tax structure, I some modifications to suit Sudan's locai circumstances. However, like their j predecessors, Cairo did not envisage its uniform application throughout the ny. In the northern riverine region where social and property relations were a clearly defined, the Egyptian tax structure was found to be more or less ible. in the southern rainland region and among the nomads, on the other I, the new taxation consisted of a subtle blend between Egyptian and existing Funj tax practices. A3901 tillai irlla Drop WU lili (.7 There is no unanimity of sources regarding the precise tax rates, however. According to the "Funj Chronicle," the rates fixed were 15 dollars per slave, 10 dollars per head of cattle, 5 dollars per sheep or donkey, and between 12 and 23 dollars per _s_a_qi_yg.18 But according to G.B. Brocchi, people with no appreciable property were taxed five dollars each. In the southern rainland region, taxation adopted pre-existing Funj practices. For example, while land was not directly taxed, each village furnished M. the quantity of which was based on the area of land cultivated. Another charge was placed on the harvest, and each village paid a surtax, often in sheep and butter. Taxation in the southern rainland appears to have been largely notivated by the army's need for food.19 To the majority of the poor Sudanese, these taxes were exorbitantly high. Existing market prices of some of the items at the time seem to justify this onclusion. For example, the price of a cow was about 6 dollars; that of an adult ale slave about 20 dollars, while that of a youthful female slave was about 30 ollars.20 Furthermore, a comparison of pre-and post-conquest w tax nderscores the magnitude of the increase. In the Funj days, the §a_q_iya tax was ssessed at about 5 dollars, whereas the Turco-Egyptian rulers required etween 12 and 23 dollars. Added to the high cost was the initial insistence by e authorities that the taxes be paid in specie, itself a major problem for a ish-scarce country. 31 liilei COlllU srar't m _a_ng Rebellion There was immediate and spontaneous reaction to this taxation policy. ilent rebellion broke out in February 1822, a mere four months after the npletion of the conquest and the introduction of the taxes. The rebellion .rted first in the Gezira ("Peninsula" districts between the Niles) and spread iidly to other parts of the colony. Isolated military garrisons were attacked and an destroyed. in response, government troop columns crisscrossed the length 1 breadth of the colony putting down the rebellion. By the autumn of 1822, lence had ebbed, only to be reignited in October by the assassination in andi of lsma'il, son of Egypt's Viceroy and Commander of the army in Sinnar. 'ould take nearly two years more before the rebellion was finally brought ler control. Nonetheless, the rebellion was not universal. There were groups or viduals who opposed the regime but who were unwilling to risk their lives. e people chose passive tactics, the most common of which was to flee from rnment-controlled areas to hideouts near and far. The wholesale exodus of ted groups proved enormously harmful to the economy, for it significantly drastically reduced the taxable population base.21 On the other hand, there were those who chose collaboration. The most inent of these collaborators were the Sha'iqiyya. Although the first to offer ance to the invading Turco~Egyptian forces, after surrendering, the jiyya became indispensable supporters of the regime, being employed as ar soldiers and tax collectors. For their collaboration, they were awarded serted lands of the rebellious Abdallab, former overlords of the northern 32 magi rgin rim (’1 LL: _ s? riverine region. In many ways, the support of the Sha'iqiyya was crucial for the successful suppression of the rebellion. Post-Rebellion Policy: Appeasement fl Co-option The post-rebellion days were sobering for the government. The magnitude and length of the rebellion brought home the vulnerability of the regime itself. The government therefore found it necessary to conciliate the p0pulation and entice the fugitives to return home and reoccupy their lands. 'Uthman Bey Jarkas al-Birinji, the new Daftardar (military Commander— General), admitted candidly in early 1825 that the tax assessments were indeed be high and that they were the cause of the rebellion. He therefore decided to ower the rates and so notified Cairo.22 By June of the same year, his successor, /lahu Bey, after consultation with a number of Sudanese notables, went one tep further: he decided to waive cash payment of taxes for three years.23 tonsidering the fact that cash money was scarce, the decision itself represented major concession. To make up for the shortfall, the government decided to raid peoples ayond the frontiers for anything valuable that could be resold for cash. For tample, in 1825 the nomads of Qadarif lost 3,000 camels, which were bsequently sold for 27,000 dollars.24 Slave raids into the southern Blue Nile iion, in the Nuba mountains, or against the Nilotics up the White Nile, showed e same objective.25 Meanwhile, the government found that what it needed was an ninistrative infrastructure that would give it a measure of legitimacy in the 33 r'ior near each lilllilt it c tor I}! eyes of the Sudanese. The existing administrative structure consisted, broadly, of four provinces (ma'muriyya): Dongola, Berber, Sinnar, and Kordofan, each headed by a governor or Ma'mur. in 1826 the latter title changed to Mudir, and each became an autonomous province or mudiriyya. ln 1833, centralization was implemented, and the title "M of the Sudan" was introduced. In 1835, the "commissioner" but has been generally translated as "Governor-General." For the first time the colony had an overall local head to whom the provincial governors were now accountable. Below the mudiriyya was the Kashiflik (or district), whose head was called he M, and the ga'imagamate (subdistrict). There were 10 or so a‘imagamates in a Kashflik, and each of them was headed by an official called ga'imagam. At the bottom of the structure was the village under the control of sham (village chief); a group of 10 or 15 villages constituted a ga'imagamate. Sudanese participation in this administrative structure was mostly limited the position of village M0526 although some locals became collaborators. rhaps no group typified that collaborationist role more than the Sha'iqiyya. er surrender, the Sha'iqiyya were incorporated into the colonial forces as gular soldiers and were used as militia. They also performed certain -security tasks, the most important of which was tax collection, a grim affair the public. The exercise lacked order and regularity, in some ways mbling a raid. 34 Ola! Not employed on a paid basis, their remuneration came in the form of commissions on the taxes they were able to collect. The more taxes they collected, the higher their remuneration. The Sudanese concluded that the Sha'iqiyya were traitors who were hurting rather than representing the interests ftheir fellow Sudanese. The usurpation of the lands of the Abdallab, for xample, all in reward for their collaboration with the invaders, was for the udanese a grim reminder of the extreme extent to which the Sha'iqiyya would o. It was these kinds of resentment-causing behavior by government that the ew policy attempted to minimize. The reevaluation and weighing that naturally llowed in the aftermath of the 1822 rebellion resulted in some significant modification in the administration. The government decided to allow a measure fSudanese participation in government, inaugurating a policy of cooption. Under the new policy, the office of ga'imagam was abolished and its nctions and duties were transferred to a variety of Sudanese traditional ruling rsses.27 This shift did not, however, necessarily imply the reestablishment of a old traditional hierarchies with their attendant loyalties and/or alliances. turally. the government ruled that possibility out, and it did so through its Jointive powers.28 Consequently, the government tended to appoint from ong the lower traditional elites who, as a result of their weaker position, were to cooperate with the government. The main ingredient of the appeasement policy required the involvement udanese in both the assessment and collection of taxes through a system of lgovernment in the form of councils of notables at both local and provincial E Bile east: ait‘n sou; Sill! JED: levels?9 To facilitate the interchange between the government and the councils, each provincial council elected a MD al-mashaykh (paramount sh_aykh) as an intermediary. Once this new local government system was in place, the colonial authorities had the machinery to effect the kind of social transformation they had sought all along. At the outset, it was vitally important to repair the deplorable condition of the country wrought by the consequences of the rebellion. Serious depopulation had occurred, severely reducing the tax base. It became important or the authorities to resettle the large displaced and refugee populations on their ands. The collaboration of Sudanese notables in that endeavor proved ndispensable, and many successfully persuaded their constituents to return tome. Nonetheless, it remained official policy that the Sudan should pay the cost f its own administration and development. In addition, it was expected to remit 'ofits to the mother country's treasury in Cairo. In light of the scarcity-~indeed >sence--of exploitable mineral products, it became increasingly clear that the iurces of those revenues and profits would have to be found elsewhere. avenues from customs and trade dues, as well as from the service sector in neral, were inadequate for these institutions which were not yet ll~developed. Agriculture was therefore deemed the main sure source from ich the requisite revenues would ultimately come. First, following Egyptian agrarian practices, the state encouraged greater loitation of the land already in the hands of the peasants. To this end, they U) 0‘\ made a more comprehensive list of cultivable land, using the feddan (an Egyptian measurement unit) as the basic unit of land tax. To ensure the success of that policy, cooperation of the local leaders became crucial. Several incentives were offered to the chiefs for that cooperation, the most important of which was tax exemption. The "Funj Chronicle," reflecting the view of the Sudanese notables, sums it up tersely in the following lines: The Shaykh Abd al-Gadir advised him [the Governor— General] to exempt the chief men among the people from taxation in order to obtain their good will in the development of the country. And he did so, and the result of this policy was apparent, for, as an example, if he exempted one of the fakis or chiefs from payment of ten Kada'as, the man so exempted at once reassured the people and persuaded them to return to their lands so that Khurshid Agha [then Governor—General] obtained from them one or two hundred Kada'as or more: Thus owing to his wisdom and the farsightedness of his advisors [i.e., the notables] the development of the country progressed and the population increased.30 Apart from underlining the critical importance of the cooperation of the :hiefs in the execution of this agricultural policy, the above quote also makes it :lear that land taxation remained the cornerstone of the new economic policy. 'hat is, while the taxable item base may have remained stable, or may have ven fluctuated depending on contingencies, land taxation acquired renewed 'ucial importance. Thus, whereas land taxation was to be the cornerstone of e government's fiscal policy, cash-crap production would help generate further venues for the government and put monies in the hands of the producers amselves and thus turn them into potential consumers. The peasants were couraged——in fact compelled--to devote portions of their farmlands to )duction of the selected cash crops: indigo, sugar cane, and cotton. 37 w'nen iii product unused. worried acquire crnslru econor alrcall ile llOI island rarer irerel ilrdi iildli it! fly- The singular importance of the cash-crop policy was further emphasized ten the government established large public schemes for agricultural )duction. Lands on which the schemes were established generally had been used, but some of them had been bought up or expropriated and were now rked by government slaves. in the northern irrigated districts the lands so juired were not always prime land, and in order to make them productive, istruction of large numbers of sagiyas was undertaken. The cash-crop policy, however, produced certain significant social and nomic consequences. First and foremost, the selected crops required the cation of three critical and often scarce resources: land, water, and labor. in northern riverine region where these resources were not abundant, the t-crop dissipated food production. Moreover, the cash-crops consumed a lot ater, requiring on the average a sagjya per m. Resource investment presupposed the availability of flood plains or ds, where water was relatively easy to obtain. Such choice land was rally in the hands of the wealthy landowners. The new cash-crop policy, fore, imposed painful cutbacks on lands usually devoted to food crop iction. Those with insufficient farmland decided to devote their small 193 to cash-crop production, and therefore had to find some other land for :rops. The latter generally were poorer in quality and frequently needed labor to improve them,31 and this may have been the main reason for the se in the number of sagiyas in the colony, especially in the northern 38 ovenne produce C0lllp9l r for l to gm nor a article even ll tiring rotor toe in onion toll: riverine districts. The net result of this process was less and less food being produced. Despite all this, by the end of harvest time the cash crops had few if any compensations for the exertions of the majority of the peasants. The main villain n this was the official monopoly requiring the producers to sell the cash—crops to e government. Besides being the sole buyer, the government also decided the rice at which the crops were to be sold. Consequently, the prices were always rtificially low, usually 30 percent below their real market value, and sometimes en lower. Some peasants experienced a further disadvantage in that the ising of cash crops often necessitated building saqjyfi at a tax of 20 dollars iece. which cut further into what little profit, if any, they were able to make. in 9 final analysis, the government was the direct beneficiary of the cash-crop olicy, and the peasants were the losers. The net long—term result was declining food productivity. The occurrence years of food shortage and famine became increasingly frequent by the late 303. For example, in the years 1835-1837 a severe famine hit the country, i the Governor—General in Khartoum had to act like the good Funj lord of the days: he opened the we to feed the starving immigrants from the ntryside. Poorer peasants often got ruined, and as often had to pick up what left of their belongings and emigrate south to the rainland districts; others ght alternatives in the service sector in towns. As time went on, there was a growing peasant outcry over the cash—crop y, which, however, did not seem to evoke much official sympathy. Social ritten govern: ions c too in tram ii Becao rate i orriy 330.00 tom; oolrj 09.35 to roll erentiation had intensified in post—rebellion days, with Sudanese local vernment functionaries greatly profiting from the existing situation both in ms of money and land aggrandizement. Merchants also tended to benefit m the colonial economy, especially during food shortages, which enabled m to bring into play the mechanisms of the profitable M institution. cause of their prosperity, these two important local groups had too much at ke in the system to want to overhaul it. Consequently, the peasants' growing cry against the cash-crop policy went unheard, and the deterioration of nomic conditions for them continued. The viceroy's visit to the Sudan in 1838-39, however, offered an >ortunity which the peasants sought to exploit. Throughout his journey to rrtoum, Muhammad 'Ali was continuously assailed with the demand to abolish ipulsory indigo-growing.32 Disturbed by the depth of resentment against the :y, the Viceroy relented and ordered the abolition. Unfortunately for the sants, their victory was short-lived. Fearing the measure's negative impact avenues, Khartoum waited until Muhammad 'Ali was back in Egypt and then aeded to reinstate compulsory indigo—growing.33 in the long-run, however, it was a combination of natural and economic rs that eventually brought an end to the compulsory aspects of cash-crop ation. Of primary impact in this regard was the deleterious effect of indigo ugar cane cultivation on the soil. Apart from their insatiable demand for these two crops also tended to exhaust the soil rather quickly. Under )nal agriculture, the way to restore the fertility was to leave the soil fallow 4O iorsevr ofniml ioweve mei'nor roialio rial i ECOllO error ilO for several years; another method was to scatter—broadcast a generous amount of nitrous earth on the land. Under the pressures of colonial agriculture, however, it became increasingly difficult to keep up with these soil resuscitation methods. The growing land shortage did not allow for fallow practice or crop rotation except in large landholdings. Even the application of nitrous soil tended to fall into neglect because the amount of labor required often far outweighed its economic advantages. Since nitrous soil was found only in a few places, soil exhaustion made for a significant reduction in productivity. Transportation difficulties were another major hindrance to cash-crop )roduction. The main means of transportation was the camel, and to move housands of tons of processed indigo and raw cotton to markets in Cairo equired mobilization of large numbers of camels, which in turn, called for a large oaintenance expenditure on the animals themselves. in the long run, this aquisition of camels reduced the pool of available animals. Not surprisingly, rerefore, by the 18403 stockpiles of produce could be found lying in arehouses for years, awaiting transportation. Declining cash-crops, combined ith transportation constraints, led the government ultimately to abandon its onopoly policy and to relax compulsory cash—crop production. @ Development pf Farm Slavem While the cash-crop policy was devastating to many peasants, some with id and water resources benefitted significantly. They could and did mobilize oir economic assets to acquire labor.3’4 Despite the growing d—impoverishment, the labor market had hardly begun to take root. The 41 Funj. limit loser seem and i expo oolio tier marl cons and oral o’et Daj Sol Sudanese still regarded as demeaning the idea of working for others to earn a ving. Potential employers therefore had to depend increasingly on the slave iarket. Slavery antedated the Turco-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan. in feudal unj, however, owning slaves was a prerogative bestowed upon the King and a nited number of the nobility. Even then, the institution of slavery was directed serving military and bureaucratic purposes.35 Over time, particularly by the econd half of the eighteenth century, these feudal strictures began to crumble, Id individuals outside the nobility began to own slaves.36 Farm slavery panded rapidly in the nineteenth century as a consequence of the economic licies of the colonial government. Crucial to this institutional transformation of slavery was the practice by r colonial government of dumping, directly or indirectly, surplus onto the open rket. The goal of officially organized slave raids was to capture slaves for iscription into Muhammad 'Ali‘s army. The annual raids were very successful, I surplus slaves over and above those needed became too expensive to ntain.37 Meanwhile, as the state coffers were empty, and continued to suffer ilitating liquidity problems, the army went for months or even years without 38 To solve this problem, the government decided to compensate the 'ers in slaves, which they promptly sold for cash. The state continued to use ype of compensation until the end of government—sponsored slave raids in 8403.39 The surplus slaves attracted estate owners interested in the comm irons. lilt immercial agriculture, and many acquired large numbers to cultivate their rms. Although slave ownership was expensive because of the attendant slave x and the necessary maintenance costs, there were advantages which itweighed these costs. For one thing, slave labor freed the slave master from ependence on surviving forms of traditional labor organizations, such as the ldfl, which entailed the sharing out of the proceeds among the contracting embers.4o By contrast, slave labor enabled the master to keep all of the oceeds of his produce. Secondly, investment in a sigh/a involved high capital d overhead costs in addition to tax. Land owners could substitute the number M possible on their lands and substitute that with slave labor. Thirdly, we labor freed the slave master from a variety of domestic and agricultural ties, thereby enabling him to spend his time and energy either in leisure or onomically profitable activities, principally trade and commerce. Finally, farm very led to the prosperity of commercial agriculture, particularly in food crops. 2 growing impoverishment of many peasants, especially in the northern rine provinces, coupled with expanding urban populations, guaranteed a e market and profits for commercial farmers. Recent historical studies indicate that most of these slaves were imported Sinnar and Kordofan.41 Farmland in these two regions was in relative dance, but the relative scarcity of labor was a major constraint to expansion riculture. The injection of slaves into the economy helped to reduce this 43 51ml bor bottleneck. During his travel through Kordofan in the 18403, John etherick observed farm slavery there: [The farmer wants] a slave to assist him in the cultivation of his Iand...To make up for the deficiency of labor amongst the free population, those who can afford it resort to slavery: and it is for domestic, but more popularly for agricultural purposes that it is required. The majority of the population are therefore slaveowners; a few families possessing less’than two or three, while many own from fifty to a hundred slaves.4 ibservers estimated that government slave raids (ghazwas) brought some 3,000 to 12,000 slaves annually to Kordofan, not including those imported by 'ivate individuals, groups, and/or merchants.43 ln Sinnar, the town of al-Masallamiyya is usually given as an archetypical temple of agricultural expansion in that province.44 The town was inhabited ostly by merchants; in that sense it was representative of how people with nilar means took advantage of the opportunity proffered by the slave labor arket. They bought scores of slaves, settled them in villages, and with their oor successfully exploited the possibilities of both rainfed and irrigated 'iculture. Expansion of the latter was underscored after the colonial conquest the introduction of sagiyas in the province.“ However, the relative agricultural prosperity enjoyed by the southern annah provinces could not obscure Sudan's continuing long-term economic ine. Egypt continued to look to the country as a source of materials and ies to support Muhammad 'Ali's industrial and agricultural undertakings. For iple, thousands of oxen were exported from the Sudan in the 1830s for use aft animals on irrigation projects in Egypt, at a time when the Sudanese 44 were oioo'i irar __\ (by) D) C” than Til/Bl oil were required to grow cash crops.46 The loss of draft animals tended to hurt the productivity of irrigated agriculture over the long haul. Also, in the wake of the disappointing results of the mineral exploration during Muhammad 'Ali's visit in 1838-39, officials apparently decided to wring the monies from the people themselves. Thus, whereas following centralization in 1833, an estimated revenue of 25,000 Q (purse, each 500 piastres) was collected from the colony as a whole, under governor—general Ahmad Pasha (1838—43), the annual estimate rose to 33,000 k_i_s_ in addition to 7,000 kip from the slave raids.47 This trend was even better highlighted by the annual revenue estimates of the Berber province. in 1821-22, Governor Mahu Bey put his province's annual revenue estimate at 1,587,000 piastres (or 3,174 gs). By the late 18305 and early 18405, the figure rose to between 2,950,000 and 3,000,000 piastres, or tearly double the 1821-22 figure.48 A further burden was the tribute that Cairo lemanded of the Sudan from time to time. Authorities, however, often found it lard to find the money because of the poverty of the people. For example, overnor—general Khurshid Pasha wrote to Muhammad 'Ali explaining why he auld not get much money to send to Cairo: "If my Sinnarians [i.e. Sudanese] iltivated ten times more than they actually do, they will have nothing but cereals ld animals to give you, and no money at all."49 Muhammad 'Ali shot back in a inner betraying ignorance of the financial difficulties with which the local thorities in the Sudan were grappling: i do not conceive how each time that i ask you for tribute, you object on the grounds of the poverty of the subjects, whom I have given you to govern; they have got two Niles whereas I have got 45 oiirl ii only one; make these lazy ones work like l do in Egypt, and they will become rich. in 1841-42 Cairo demanded a tribute of 10,000 ounces of gold. The official price of an ounce was 350 piastres, but the high demand doubled the gold's market price. In order to collect the tribute, every shaykhship or group was made to contribute, and those who failed to meet their quota of gold were charged at the market rate of 700 piastres for every ounce not collected.51 The amount of gold thus collected far exceeded the amount requisited, but in the process many people were ruined financially. The 18405 also saw the weakening of Muhammad 'Ali's personal power due to senility and poor health, and he died in 1849. Some officials in the Sudan took advantage of the absence of his decline to unleash their own abuses. But perhaps more important, Muhammad 'Ali's successor, Abbas l (1849-53), was a conservative who sought to depart from some of the progressive policies of his predecessor. He undermined efficient government in the Sudan by appointing, in rapid succession, four weak governors-general. Furthermore, he reverted to Jsing appointment to the Sudan as a means of banishing political enemies or indesirables.52 Naturally, such officials were in no mood to perform their duties ith a sense of commitment. Instead, they were more apt to compensate temselves through fiscal and financial irregularities. The negative, cumulative effect of all this became very apparent on the nd. Hamilton graphically captured this deterioration process: The banks of the Nile between Chartum and Berber are little cultivated, the watervvheels [i.e., sagiyas] for irrigation are rare, and the people principally subsist on the abundant crops which they 45 Elli) Still mal oi VlE can raise without labour by sowing after the rains. This neglect of the immense natural resources of the country is in some ways attributable to the slothful character of its black inhabitants, but still more to the exactions of the government which paralyze industry, and are gradually causing an emigration of the people southwards. This emigration was not just a movement from one part of the colony to another; frequently it took the form of flight to frontier lands beyond government control. The depopulation caused a corresponding drop in tax revenues. To make up for the loss, the government had either to increase individual tax rates rto impose higher revenue quota on the remaining local communities. These easures, in turn, caused more people to emigrate, continuing the vicious :ycle.54 The situation did not improve much under Muhammad Sa'id Pasha, for ie Sudan did not seem to enjoy priority in his preoccupations. During his official isit to the Sudan in 1856—57, however, Muhammad Sa'id was so appalled by hat he saw that he introduced administrative and tax reforms: (a) the administration of the Sudan Was decentralized; (b) restrictions on movement were removed, land tax rates were to be reduced, and taxation on local communities (i.e., communal quotas) would, where it occurred, have to take into account the factor of emigration; (c) decisions on tax rates were to be made in conjunction with local shaykhs, who, rather than the irregulars (pefihibazug), would be in charge of measuring lands. counting sagiyas, etc.; (d) a council of notables would be established to advise the provincial governor and to negotiate taxes with him, thus mediating between him and the shaykhs; (e) nomads who also cultivated would pay tax on their farmland; and 47 ' 10? E coni not stir in or we lllli (f) corvée and other extra levies were to be abolished and anything the government wanted would be paid for at 2 percent above its market price. The reforms attempted to address popular grievances. The government, for example, viewed emigration as flight from the land, and did not hesitate to onfiscate and dispose of the "deserted" lands. On the other hand, kinsmen did not wish to give up the patrimony left behind by the emigre. They therefore struggled to maintain and pay taxes levied on these abandoned lands, thus ncurring more labor taxes and burdens. The guarantee of freedom of ovement along with the reduction of taxes by the Viceroy was therefore a elcome measure that helped mollify this sore problem. Similarly, the proposed volvement of local leaders and notables in policy, assessment, and collection ftaxes appeared also to have been a big relief because it reduced the arbitrary ehavior that frequently characterized the government's conduct. Having said this, however, it is also apparent that the reforms had one ajor weakness, in that they tended to deal almost exclusively with agricultural xes. Consequently, as observers and critics suggest, the tax reform program mounted to substituting agricultural taxes for the poll tax. For example, the mads had their taxes cut by half.55 This reduction made the government more pendent than ever on agricultural taxes for its source of public revenues, with result that most of the tax burden fell on farmers. This feature of the reforms to a drop in government revenues and hence serious budget deficits. .refore, unless Cairo was prepared to send in state grants and other subsidies ake up for the shortfall, officials found themselves compelled to renege on e aspects of the reforms. Reversal seems mostly to have affected the 48 it. or SSCBl stir farmers, with the predictable result that they began to clamor for reinstatement of the lold tax structure.56 On the other hand, many more abandoned their land to escape these onerous taxes. The net result was growing food shortages, skyrocketing prices, and further economic deterioration. By 1862 the whole of sa'id Pasha's reforms had to be reversed, as it was blamed for deepening the economic difficulties. Musa Pasha Hamdi, the new Governor-General, therefore reintroduced most of the essentials of the pre-1857 system. As described by V. Heuglin: Formerly only peasants and Arabians [nomads] were taxed directly...and the taxes were collected by their own Sheikh [Shaykh], on whom no proper check could be kept and who pocketed as much as he pleased. This system is now being changed by the appointment of paid tax collectors, and a revision of the assessments themselves has been set on foot...Now merchants and manufacturers, all officrals, servants, sailors. etc. are to be taxed.5 The trouble was that the government's efforts at reform were subverted by he higher taxes. Many were tripled or even quadrupled, resulting in the avenues rising by as much as 125 percent.‘58 Yet, this rather extravagant policy as not tempered by undertaking any economies. On the contrary, the overnment increased the size of its salaried personnel by pressing thousands of irm slaves into the army. And because the projected expenditures were not lways matched by actual revenues, the shortfall was made up with loans from airo--so much so that by 1865 Khartoum owed Cairo 163,000 fie. But equently, the monies had to be somehow squeezed from the Sudanese xpayers themselves. Matters became worse When, by 1866, Cairo demanded ayment of the loans. To repay, Governor—General Ja‘afar Mazhar Pasha odor so 0] and lien is Still as est or (D adopted the policies of retrenchment, expenditure cuts, and tax rises. According to one observer, Ja'afar Mazhar Pasha increased the taxes in 1866-67 by one- and two-thirds. These tax increases drove many peasants off the land, many of them entering the service of the White Nile traders as soldiers.59 In the years that followed, official efforts were exerted to neutralize the fiscal policies of Ja'afar Mazhar. The efforts were primarily administrative and consisted of yet another attempt at decentralization, coupled with the appointment of two native Sudanese as provrncial governors.60 it was felt that, as natives of the country, these Sudanese governors were in a unique position to establish rapport with fellow Sudanese; they enjoyed better insight into the root :ause of the continuing agricultural crisis and would be able to prescribe the right solution. The seriousness of the prevailing financial crisis situation was nderscored by the fact that despite the increase of taxes in the period 863-1871, by a factor ranging from 60 percent to over 90 percent, most experienced significant deficits in their budgets. Berber province, for was 8,000 _k_i_§ in arrears in 1870.61 The contemplated tax reforms focused on the need for a new and fair survey, which was undertaken in 1870-1871. Compared to the survey since the 1820s, the new one allowed more land per sagiya. As a of its implementation, however, the provinces' annual revenues a further drop. Alarmed by the drop in revenues. Cairo ordered the of the old system. This reversal of a well-conceived reform policy highlights the kind of dilemma the authorities were faced with--choosing oetiii or iii between the welfare of the people, on the one hand, and budgetary necessities on the other. In almost all cases, the latter inevitably triumphed. By the 18605, talks of or attempts at fiscal reform became even more unrealistic in light of the government's expansionist policies. The decisive step happened in 1863, when the government anneXed the predominantly Shilluk country up the White Nile to the mouth of the Sobat river, and dubbed it the White Nile Province, with headquarters at Fashoda.62 In 1871 Equatorial Province, a vast region stretching south of the latter provrnce and into what is today northern Uganda, was annexed.63 ' Similar efforts were set in motion in 1869 for the annexation of the Bahr el—Ghazal, a move defeated by the slave traders and merchants led by Zubayr Rahma Mansur. Faced with this formidable power, the government delayed the region's annexation until 1873, when it settled on the artifice of appointing Zubayr as governor. Finally, the Kingdom of Darfur was annexed in 1874, making the boundaries of the colony roughly coterminous with those of the nodern Sudan Republic.64 ’ ‘ Although the imperial expansion was in many respects intricately onnected with pressures from the international anti—slavery movement, it is portant to bear in mind that the relationship between these two movements as generally a fortuitous one. The contemplation of the creation of an Egyptian entral African Empire dates back to the days of Muhammad 'Ali himself, and e driving force behind that quest was Egypt's incessant search for, and control . important economic resources, especially minerals. in fact, as early as 1836 liili iiiat tors Gov r‘rr Muhammad 'Ali had considered taking control of the source of the Nile, believing that minerals might be found there. Driven by the pseudo—science of his time, he hoped to turn Central Africa into an El Dorado, and to this end he wrote to the Governor—General of the Sudan: The sources of the Nile should be on the same latitude as [South] America. Now, as metals are found in abundance in America, no doubt they will also be found at the sources of the Nile. But you need a capable man to go there with troops at his command to search for the gold deposits...lf you and your troops attain your goal. you will perpetuate among men the memory of your deeds till the end of time. You will add a glorious page to the history of our Egypt...65 This dream of minerals in Central Africa was, in 1863, replaced by the attraction of its commercial potential. On June 1 1863, Captains John Speke and James Grant had an interview with Isma'il, the new viceroy. The two officers had come down the Nile after 'discovering“ its source. They presented an attractive picture of the commercial Jotential of the Great Lakes region.66 Khedive Isma'il seized this to extend Egyptian control into that region. It would seem therefore that Cairo's imperial xpansion was inspired by Egypt's economic self—interest and not the result of ie anti-slavery movement. Extension of Egyptian control of the Red Sea Coast uring the same period was similarly inspired. The annexation of these territories proved, however, expensive. Samuel ker's expedition to annex the Equatorial Province, for example, cost the yptian treasury some £1,000,000."37 And although the annexation of Bahr Ghazal and Darfur received less international publicity, they were equally pensive, especially because they involved long military campaigns. But 0" k) sl: perhaps more important was the financial difficulty of maintaining the administration of these frontier provinces. it proved difficult for the government to generate the necessary revenues for the upkeep of the provinces. For example, tribute levied on the White Nile province generated only £15,000 per year.68 This sum was too small to compensate for the expenses of military campaigns which the government often undertook to suppress local rebellions. Even more expensive were the government's efforts to suppress the slave trade. Until the intrusion of the colonial government in the early 18705, the Khartoum traders controlled large areas of the South, and slavery and the slave trade were basic factors sustaining their commercial establishments there. But following annexation suppressing slavery and the slave trade became a major objective of the government, thus dealing a major blow to the commercial interests of the traders. First, since the ivory trade was often the cover for the lave trade, the government declared official monopoly over ivory in order to liminate that pretext.69 However, because the traders posed a real threat to the government on ccount of their large private armies, officials decided to drive a wedge between hem so as to undermine their unity. On one hand, the government offered to 1corporate these private soldiers into its army as irregulars, and on the other it oreatened to deport those who refused the offer back to the North. For the 'aders, the message was clear: since they were banned from trading in ivory nd slaves, they were in fact being asked to quit the region. Those who were too eak to resist packed up and left quietly. But the powerful ones like Zubayr wad side dot in it Rahma decided on resistance but eventually lost. Most, however, relied on more subtler instincts; they tried to hold their followers together while temporizing with the administration and biding their time for an opportune moment to reassert themselves. But in the end, the defection of many of their followers to the government side foredoomed any prospects of an organized resistance.7O For most of the defectors, the foreclosure of the business enterprises meant the loss of their livelihood. The immediate problem confronting them, therefore, was what to do next. Most dreaded the idea of returning to the North, simply because they had very little, if any, to show for their long employment with the traders in the South. They had been paid in kind, e.g. linen, coffee, sugar, tobacco, caps, cattle, and slaves,71 at artificially inflated prices. In the late 18505 and early 18605, for instance, the salary of a soldier serving with a trader was 10 shillings a month, and by the 18705 this was increased to £2 (or 195 piastres, hereafter pts.).72 Nevertheless, this apparent increase did not keep pace with inflation. For example, a piece of cotton cloth costing £1 (or 97 1/2 pts) in Khartoum had a market value of £6 (or 585 pts.) in the trading stations in the South. Therefore, if the same cotton cloth was used in payment in lieu of cash, it would have been worth several months of pay. With this and other kinds of clever devices, most of the traders' soldiers were financially broke. George Schweinfurth, a contemporary traveller to the area, observed: It is very seldom that the man are Wary enough to keep independent of the agent [of the trader] in their requirements, or are able, even in the course of maany years, to lay in Khartoum any considerable amount of money. 54 for coil and 9X3 Sill] COi ii Most of the items received as salary were commodities evidently destined for immediate consumption rather than resale. The exception was slaves, which could be resold for cash. But more commonly the slaves were kept for domestic and farm chores, thereby providing a semblance of dignity to their masters. For example, exploitation of slave labor might lead to the production of food surpluses, which the master could then sell to itinerant traders for cash or consumer goods. In other words, slave-ownership offered the soldier the possibility of a comfortable existence including wealth.74 Nevertheless, even this modest lifestyle was in danger of being lost to the new government demand. Rather than face the ignominy of returning home penniless and re-entering a life of poverty and political subjugation, most of the traders' men opted for integration into government service. Naturally, the main attraction here was the allure of regular pay and the prestige associated with it. This long overview of the political economy of Northern Sudan reveals that for the overwhelming majority of the population, the social and material conditions continued to deteriorate, especially during the Turkish colonial period. Driven off the land by both land commoditization and excessive taxes, many rural populations, mostly the more productive segment, migrated to towns to try their hands at jobs in the government or private sector. Others, however, sought opportunities in trade not only within the colony, but also in the frontier regions, especially in Southern Sudan following the opening of the White Nile trade in 1839. These trading opportunities and the traders' collective or individual successes or failures, were themselves products of the colonial political 55 econ int i and sup; pro'i iii the economy. Therefore, to better understand the development and significance of the White Nile trade, we need to proceed to examine the transformation of trade and commerce under the colonial political economy. Moreover, efforts to suppress the slave trade, an integral part of the ongoing White Nile trade. led to protracted conflicts and confrontations with the traders, resulting in further expenditures. All this seriously undermined any kind of profitable exploitation of the commercial and natural resources of the region. And in many cases the government in these frontier provinces, unable to provide even for the basic needs of its troops, resorted to a predatory form of economy along with tactics that were not much different from used by the slave traders. On the other hand, the intrusion of the colonial government into the Upper Nile regions dealt a major blow to the commercial interests of the ivory and slave traders. Indeed, slavery and slave trade were basic institutions that sustained the commercial establishments of the White Nile traders in those regions. Many people depended upon these institutions for a crucial part of their services and ncome. But following annexation, slavery and the slave trade came increasingly nder attack. The first, and perhaps most important step was the declaration of ivory as government monopoly.” Since the ivory trade was the cover under which lave-trading was carried, the imposition of government monopoly over it liminated that pretext. What is more, the monopoly seriously undermined the conomic and political power base of those big and powerful traders for whom ory was the primary source of wealth. Moreover, suppressing the slave trade, an ii {iii} BBC sla an integral part of the ongoing White Nile economy, led to protracted conflicts with the traders, resulting in further expenditures. All this seriously undermined any kind of profitable exploitation of the commercial and natural resources of the region. And in many cases the government in these frontier provinces, unable to provide even for the basic needs of its troops, resorted to a predatory form of economy along with tactics that were not much different from those used by the slave traders. 57 P”, l A“! a Y'- -4- ran - .u. .g' \-.4 Notes a_n_d References 1. The Various "tribal" districts (or Dars) had asserted their independence and were under varying degree of control by their local lords. Any suzerainty that might have been still accorded to the sultan was no more than symbolic——so much so that during the conquest, the sultan's attempt to rally the various local lords against the invading armies received little heed. Consequently, initial resistance tended to be local. 2. Unless otherwise stated, much of the analysis that follows in this segment is based on Jay Spaulding's The Heroic Age in Sinner (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1985). 3. For a comparable and illuminating situation in which this socio—political relationship is analyzed, see Gene Ellis, "The Feudal Paradigm as a Hindrance to Understanding Ethiopia," in The Journal of Modern African Studies, 24, 2(1976), 275—295. 4. These disabilities included old age, youth, and physical or mental disabilities. 5. Due to scarcity of specie, the religious leaders often accepted the payment of taxes in kind. In this way, they were not different from their secular counterparts. 6. Spaulding, The Heroic Age in Sinnar, 171. It is important to note that for this process to happen, it often needed the explicit or implicit blessing of the local secular leader. 7. The Baqt, a treaty signed between Egypt and Christian Nubia, stands out as a good example of formalized political relations between the two countries. 8. The Azhar Islamic University was the main training institution that regularly offered scholarships to Sudanese students. It even established the so—called Sinnar House for the accommodation of Sudanese students. 9. For a detailed study of the Sudan—Egyptian trade, Terence Walz, Trade Between Egypt and Bilad al—Sudan, 1700—1800 (Cairo, 1978). 0. Abannik O. Hino, "Sudan in the Political Economy of gypt in Early Nineteenth Century: a Preliminary Survey," Mimeographed paper (1984), 1. .__- v ‘I"’ 11. Walz, Trade, 32—39. Because of its proximity to Egypt, and also because of the scarcity of arable there, the northern desert region of the Funj kingdom, was involved more in this trade than the southern provinces. 12. Jay Spaulding, "The Evolution of the Islamic Judiciary in Sennar," in International Journal of African Historical Studies, 10, 3(1977), 408—426. 13. In feudal Sinnar, three recognizable and relatively autonomous spheres of exchange existed. For information see Jay Spaulding, "The Management of Exchange in Sinnar, c. 1700," in Leif O. Mangger (ed.), Trade and Traders in the Sudan (Bergen: Department of Anthropology, University of Bergen, 1984). See also Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns, "Pre—colonial Trade Between States in the Eastern Sudan, ca. 1700—1900," in African Economic History, No. 11 (1982), 29-62. 14. Anders Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif: Shendi in the Nineteenth—Century (Bergen: University of Bergen, 1984), 58— 59. 15. Ibid. Commenting on these commodities/currencies, Jay Spaulding argues that in general, when they were bought in large quantities, a commercial intent was assumed. On the other hand, smaller purchases presupposed directing items so purchased towards subsistence or use values. 16. Ibid., pp. 40, 45, and 54. 17. Spaulding, Heroic Age, 236—37. 18. G.B. Brocchi (1825) suggests that the taxes were estimated at 15 dollars per slave, 15 dollars per cow, and 15 dollars per beast of burden. Brocchi gives the estimates in pound sterling figures, but I have converted them into dollars on the basis of contemporary exchange rates, which was 4 shillings to a Spanish dollar. For the varying if conflicting tax figures, see Richard Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 1820-1881 (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), 14. 19. Ibid., 14~15. 20. Ibid., p. 15. 1. The estimates of Sudanese dead as a consequence of the ebellion vary. Some put the overall figure at 50,000. aturally, the extent of destruction varied from region to 59 ”I.‘ u._. .u.‘ -__ v-A‘,‘ L... 'r. n... .-. H." ‘P‘ u.» \PA ~..¥ region. For example, Shendi district appears to have suffered most of the casualties, largely because the people there were directly responsible for the assassination of Isma'il, the viceroy's son. Consequently, the casualty rates there were probably the highest in the colony. R. Harmann, a traveller who arrived in the colony several decades after the rebellion, puts Shendi's casualty figures at 30,000, while Pucker—Muskau (1843) asserts that half the population of Shendi was killed. In addition to these casualties, the rebellion caused depopulation through flight. Indeed, many whole communities took this strategy. For example, some 12,000 Arakiyin, along with their leader Shaykh Ahmad al— Rayyah, fled to the Ethiopian borderlands. They returned ten years later, and only because the authorities promised them amnesty and lenient taxes. So common were wholesale flights that an observer estimated that by the late 18305 only one— third of the pre—conquest population remained in their homes, with the rest having fled or migrated to Ethiopian borderlands, Darfur, or other hideouts beyond the reach of the government. This is no doubt exaggerated insofar as the estimate is meant to stand for the colony as a whole; however there may be merit to it if applied to certain districts like Shendi. 22. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 20. 23. Ibid. 24. Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif, . 162. 25. Reda Mowafi, on the other hand, claims that the objective of these raids was to secure slaves for recruitment into the army to be stationed in the Sudan itself. According to her, garrisoning the Sudan with Egyptian troops had become a heavy charge on the Egyptian treasury, and that Muhammad 'Ali decided to reduce this cost by replacing Egyptian with black battalions. However, the small number of slaves captured in these raids do not justify the expenses the government incurred. In 1827, for example, a three—month expedition against the Dinka of the White Nile brought in 500 slaves only, while another in 1830 against the Shilluk brought in 200 slaves. The results were the same with expeditions against the Nuba or the Ingessana in the Blue Nile region. And yet in the 1822—1823 raids the government was able to garner 30,000 slaves, and the key to their success was because those raids were undertaken expressly for the capture of slaves for Muhammad 'Ali's military campaigns in Syria and the Hijaz. These comparative figures suggest that the raids Reda Mowafi discusses were undertaken mainly 6O -n.l| 'rv '. --o N 'f F f .n‘ a roam, a. ' .-.h o I?” un...‘ uln..- for booty. See Reda Mowafi, Slavery, Slave Trade and MxflitiOn Attempt in Egypt and the Sudan (Malmdt: Esselte Stadium, 1981), 18-23. 26. There were rare exceptions to this. For example, in September 1820, Tanbal Muhammad Idris, Mak of Argo, was appointed to Kashif and allowed to continue to rule his (fistrict under the latter title. 1e was, however, responsible to his superior, the Egyptian governor of [mngola province. This appointment appears to have been a reward for his submission to the invading colonial army. However, it seems that the main motivating factor was an attempt to undermine any long—term resistance of the fugitive bbmlukes, erstwhile rulers of that district. The latter had arrived in the district around 1811, after their failed attempt to overthrow Muhammad 'Ali's government. As these renegade soldiers fled Doongola in the face of the Egyptian invading army, it naturally became important to erase any muhming Mameluke political influence there. And because the local population were heavily oppressed under the Mameluke rule, the appointment of a local prince might have been :kemed as the best way to undermine any such Mameluke political traces. 27. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 23. The government, lowever, avoided the use of traditional Sudanese titles and :hus, in effect, abolished them. 8. Besides, most of the troublesome local leaders were ither killed during military encounters, or had fled the ountry. 9.Efill, Egypt in the Sudan, 20. ). H. A. MacMichael, "Funj Chronicle," in his A History of ELArabs in the Sudan, Vol. 11 (London: Frank Cass and Co., $7), p. 394. While the author of the "Funj Chronicle" is ill unknown, apart from the fact that he is believed to ve been a native Sudanese, he was not necessarily an ardent itic of the colonial government. Indeed, he seems to have an a man with multifaceted sympathies. As a government Dloyee, he tended generally to side with government :hority. On the other hand, he appears to have been a ms Muslim and to this extent was unsympathetic to things 5 Islamic. And as a Sudanese, he tended to present mostly Sudanese point of View of things. See Hill, Egypt in the in, 96, fn. 1. ~ Only wealthy individuals were able to overcome the labor 61 pmoblem by purchasing slaves for farm labor. 32. Richard Hill, On the Frontiers of Islam: Two Manuscripts Concerningthe Sudan Under Turco—Egyptian Rule (London: The Clarendon Press, 1970), 66—67. 33. Bjorkelo, From Kingto Kashif, 131—32. 34. Ibid., 117. 35. Jay Spaulding, "Slavery, Land Tenure and Social Class in the Northern Turkish Sudan," in International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. XV, I (1982), 8w9. Also, finrsome theoretical perspectives, though not necessarily specific for the Sudan, see Paul E. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge: Chmbridge University Press, 1983). 36. The number of such private slaves, however, was very small. In the region north of the Niles confluence up to the Egyptian border, for example, there were about 4,500 slaves, cu‘4 percent of the total population. But even then, most of these slaves belonged to the noblemen and were used as retainers. By the end of the nineteenth-century, however, slaves in the whole of northern Sudan were said to constitute one-third of the population, almost all of whom were employed as agricultural slaves. See Spaulding, "Slavery, Land Tenure and Social Class," 8—9. 37. The annual estimates of slaves captured were between 25,000 and 40,000. 38. Cairo was always slow in sending salaries, and when they CUd deliver money it was always inadequate for the many gxwernment employees, some of whom had not been hired through the proper channels. 39.£hithat time, private interests had become organized mough to take over the business and organization of the lave trade. 0. Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif, 118-122. 1. Ibid.; Spaulding, The Heroic Age; and Hassan Abdel AZiZ Imed, "The Turkish Taxation System and its Impact on rriculture in the Sudan," in M}ddle EaSt Studies, VOl. XXVI, 1980), 105-114. . Jehn Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan and Central Africa finburgh and London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1861), 62 I’ ’1 7 .u~l .' ' . 7‘ '..I -3. . h' r r V- u-.. 9' ‘ — -5 ..I u. I' a u . - 3 .eV 5| .. u :I ”r. '1 'I: " Iv»?- ...... 108, 128. 43. Ibid., 244, 248—249. It is, however, probable that his remarks about the extent of farm slavery in pre—colonial Kordofan are exaggerated. 44. Hill, On the Frontier of Islam, 32—36. 45. Spaulding, "Slavery, Land Tenure and Social Class,” p. 14; Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif, 14; Hill, On the Frontiers of Islam, 29—31. 46. Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif, 144. 47. One kig was about 500 piastres. Bjorkelo, Ibid., 159. 48. Ibid. 49. As quoted in Spaulding, The Heroic Age in Sinnar, 240 50. As quoted in Bjorkelo, From King to Kashif, 159. 51. Hill, On the Frontiers of Islam, 55*56. 52. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 84—89. 53. J. Hamilton, Sinai, the Hedjaz and Sudan, Wanderings around the Birth—Place of the Prophet and Across the Aethiopian Desert from Sawakin to Khartoum (London, 1857), p. 381. Note, however, the seeming contradiction in the line "and the people principally subsist on the abundant crops which they can raise without labor by sowing after the rains." According to Bjorkelo, Hamilton is referring here to a growing reliance on flood land along the river banks for raising crops. He also suggests that emigration was mostly by the productive segment of the population, leaving the less productive, mostly women, children and the elderly. 54. Bjorkelo, "From King to Kashif," 136—37. 55. Ibid., pp. 167—68; Hassan Abdel Aziz Ahmed, "Turkish Taxation System," 109—110. 56. Petherick, Egypt, the Sudan and Central Africa, 130. 57. Theodore von Heuglin, "Travels in the Sudan in the Sixties. Translations from Petermann's Mitteilungen. Letters from Th. v. Heuglin to Dr. Petermann, July 1862 to January 1863," in Sudan Notes and Records (hereafter S.N.R.) Vol. XXIV (1941), 145—46. 63 .1 -’Y’ ., . y ,... .. ' V .--- r P , — -‘I‘-..’ " .- -r'- I J' — \ -g..-. . . u u ,. 'I' v7, ' fi..o--v .. ‘7» r __ th‘ .s.» |l - _ ~r' . , ”5E??- .. .. F v...\.-.._ 7"” Yr r ‘- v-..\, syn-L -A;‘\ -. 7‘ ~-. V-) - .. - P .. uhl .'_ \w.‘_ -‘ A“. r. r. y‘, -5 , f T‘ .., _ ‘1‘. -- . '\ «, .,_Y‘ "K‘JV' ’. H P‘ L \\. . r. tr ' n». ‘ 'u r n I V“ x.‘ '4 §-| «_ . y‘ . .\ .‘n ~5H ‘o \I ‘~ \. ‘\‘ ‘R S ‘ \i \s \. \ \‘ 'A 58. Bjorkelo, "From King to Kashif,” 172. 59. Thibaut, cited in G. Douin, Histoire de regne du Khedive Ismail, Vols. iii/1 and iii/2, (Cairo: 1933—1941), 455. The peasant flight from the land by peasants obviously hurt agriculture, and the deteriorating situation resulted in the famine of 1864—65 during which the price of dhurra in Khartoum rose to 120 pts. per argabb. And just as during the famine years of 1835—37, the government had to distribute dhurra among the destitute of Khartoum, Kassala, and Berber. 60. The first Sudanese to occupy a provincial governorship was Muhammad Bey Rashikh; he was made governor general of the combined provinces of Khartoum and Sinnar. Another Sudanese general governor was Husayn Bey Khalifa al—Abbadi, who became governor of Berber in 1869, and general governor of the combined provinces of Berber and Dongola in 1871. 61. Bjorkelo, "From King to Kashif," 174. 62. Richard Gray, A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839—1889 (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 74. 63. Ibid., chapters 3 and 4. 64. The extended Sudanese colonial state included parts of modern Uganda, Zaire, and the Central African Republic. 165. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 32. 66. Gray, History, 78—86. 67. Ibid., 103. 68. Ibid., 99. 69. Samuel W. Baker, Ismailia. A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa for the Suppression of the Slave Trade ( London: MacMillan and Co., 1874) 70. Ibid. 71. Romolo Gessi, Seven Years in the Sudan (London: Sampson Low, Marston and Company, 1892), 51. 72. Lawrence Mire puts the retainer‘s salary at £6 a month. See Lawrence Mire, "Al—Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade in the Bahr al—Ghazal, 18555—1879," in John Ralph Willis (ed.) Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, Vol. 11 (London: Frank Cass, 1985), 113. 64 ~rv 4..- n41 Ar 73. The slaves thus owned locally by the traders were generally employed in three main occupations: (a) as attendants of their masters; (b) farm hands; and (c) domestics, mostly young attractive females. See Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Vol. I (London: Sampson and Martston and Company, 1874), 136; also Mire, "A1— Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade”, 113 74. Few slaves were, however, available for private ownership by the subordinate staff. This limited supply of slaves was partly by design, for the trader feared that allowing employees to own many slaves might enable them to establish their own power base, thereby hurting his own political and business interests. On the other hand, the limited availability was also in part due to a diminishing supply. In the early years, the violence that followed in the wake of the alien intrusion in the South produced a large supply of slaves. The Azande wars of expansion also contributed to it. While the kings and princes retained many these slaves for local exploitation, others were sold to the Khartoum traders. However, by the 18605, and through the subsequent period, the level of violence had abated and a degree of equilibrium and relative stability had been somehow achieved. The anti—slavery campaign by the government contributed also to the decline in the numbers of slaves. Even in Bahr el—Ghazal, where the traders were more firmly established, the most number of slaves that a soldier owned was three. See Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Vol. II, p. 420. 75. Samuel W. Baker, Ismailia .London: MacMillan and Co., 1874) 65 DP w SOC 50 CHAPTER TWO COLONIAL COMMERCE AND THE WHITE NILE TRADE: OPPORTUNITIES AND CONSTRAINTS OF A COLONIAL ECONOMY The previous chapter examined the Turco-Egyptian colonial political economy and its impact on the subject population. The deep and pervasive socioeconomic frustration, evident in widespread dislocation and emigration of rural communities, was clearly the hallmark of that impact. However, that melancholic picture leaves unexplained the fate of the victims as they struggled to win survival in what was clearly an unforgiving sociopolitical environment. While the opportunities and strategies of adaptation in that struggle were limited, trade and commerce presented an attractive choice for many people. it is this arena on which this chapter focuses. It examines how colonial policies helped transform ‘rade and commerce, and how both the victims and the beneficiaries of the new ociopolitical dispensation took or attempted to take advantage of the economic pportunities it proffered. The harsh economic problems brought on by colonial rule imposed ansiderable stress and strain on traditional social institutions and networks of utual support, undermining them as instruments of survival. indeed for some eas and regions, the notion of "subsistence" no longer held sway as the "market nciple" took center stage. As peasants got pushed off the land or became arginalized. it became imperative for the victims to look elsewhere for pplemental resources, or even a new livelihood. 66 Ill These coping strategies were many and intricate, with each household combining and coordinating them according to its labor capacity. But the backdrop to all of this activity was the continuing expansion of market exchange relations which perforce affected or became increasingly a dominant factor underlying most of the economic behavior. Increasingly, therefore, survival strategies by peasants involved the acquisition of commodity products for sale in the marketplace, which in turn contributed to further expansion of commerce. It is ironic that expansion and transformation of commerce laid in no small measure in the economic difficulties of the peasants, a fact significant enough to merit some discussion. The perennial stimulus to commercial activity for most of the peasants was the rising cost of living forced by tax, tribute, and corvée obligations. The persistent demand (occasionally compromised according to local exigencies) that these political obligations be paid in cash, forced many people to sell some of their assets to meet them. The initial impact of the demand may not have been keenly felt, due largely to the cushion (usually thin) provided by the variable nature of peasant production. The diversification was based on the one fundamental feature of peasant production, which is that each household produced most of its ieeds, often with some surplus storable in one form or another. It was this thin nargin of surplus which tended to mitigate the initial impact of the government's scal policies. As capitalist relations intensified under the aegis of the colonial tate, however, the thin safety margin vanished rapidly. Indeed as the food-deficit ation increased, peasants were forced to market whatever urban dwellers, erchants and caravans would buy.1 67 l 3 ye rismg regard l; liiEll l Oppl Elli mi WE The rebellion which broke out in the Autumn of 1822, and came to an end two years later, accentuated the erosion of the peasant economy. Indeed the rising was itself the culmination of a deep—seated frustration the peasants felt regarding their declining economic status. lts purported objective, unarticulated as it may have been, was at least to redress their grievances if not to drive out the alien conquerors altogether. But its outcome was a resounding defeat for the rebels, thereby freeing the colonial authorities to proceed with their plans to establish firmer foundations of capitalist social relations. From the perspective of the government, therefore, the rebellion and its outcome provided a rare opportunity to extinguish still lingering obstructive feudal and other pre—capitalist tendencies. In the previous chapter, reference was made to the rebellion's negative impact on the demographics of the colony. Here, however, we want to examine how it impacted on trade. Needless to say, the destructive impact of the rebellion as immense both in human and material terms. The resulting destitution forced eople to sell anything that could be bought. And so long as the struggle for urvival lasted, the marketplace continued to provide them some reprieve. The general economic decline was reflected in the denigration of the term , trader. That is, whereas previously "jallaba" generally described a llaba uccessful if at times modest Sudanese trader, during the Turco—Egyptian colonial eriod the term lost the prestige associated with it. Henceforth the Arabic term a‘ir (pl. tgja_ar, lit. "merchant"), or the more colloquial Khawaia2 (a term applied to reign and usually light complected traders), were adopted to describe the 68 wealthy E ategone were for were left (Sing. ml the marl /n<|'_—:-=&-m—-l DFObli Dbpu semi Seille 00in WOU wealthy Sudanese merchant. But the field was swarming with all sorts of other categories of traders whose status was below that of the jallaba. The latter group were for all practical purposes hawkers and peddlers, and in the local vernacular were referred to as sababa (sing. sababl), tashasha (sing. tashashi), or musababin (sing. musababi). Despite these different terms, however, the roles they filled in the marketplace were, according to Anders Bjorkelo, indistinguishable: The traders who operated on a small scale, both in terms of goods and number of markets visited, and who formed the majority of the itinerant traders, were called §ababi (pl. sababa). tashshashi (pl. tashshasha) or more often musababin (sing. musabbabi). The latter were seen everywhere, with their donkeys and small selection of commodities obtained from the nearest town, roaming from village to village. These traders need to be distinguished from the jallaba.3 it is not surprising, therefore, that remarks by nineteenth~century observers testify to the presence of traders of all categories, including hawkers, peddlers, brokers, speculators, and, of course, merchants and traders of more substance. Market days in urban or local centers provided a veritable arena for the mingling of all these categories. That curious scene was further heightened when variously ,garbed peasants and nomads from the hinterland joined in the whole market fray, bringing with them all sorts of items for sale or barter.4 The rebellion and the overall declining economic conditions were problematic to commerce in yet another sense. A significant portion of the affected opulation was forced to move to frontier areas particularly on the eastern, outhern, and western rim of the colony. In retrospect, however, these immigrant ettlements turned out to be economically important. They became collecting oints for ivory, coffee, ostrich feathers, gum arabic, slaves, etc. Visiting traders ould buy them for resale in the market centers in the colony. As the frontier 69 expans expan perilo' W35 l C3! settlements emerged as important commercial centers, the colonial state sought to bring them under its own suzerainty. After annexation, they were transformed into staging posts for further expansion of the colonial frontier. The large numbers of participants in the marketplace says more about expansion in exchange relations than it necessarily explains economic growth and expansion. Indeed, the evidence is ovenrvhelming that the economy remained perilously stunted. The increase in the number of domestic traders, for example, was not accompanied by corresponding growth in the number, quantity and quality of customers and commodities. In fact most of the trade and commodity exchange was in small, low value and low bulk articles. The economic fragility derived partly from problems arising from the government monopolies and the process of monetization. The ability to participate in the market depended upon an individual's possession and access to certain critical resources. Foremost in this regard was cash money. After the conquest, the colonial authorities tried to rationalize the media of exchange by introducing Egyptian currency and establishing its exchange rate in relation to other local media of exchange. The rates thus introduced were then enforced through the government's fiscal policies and institutional workings. The Sudanese soon succumbed to the logic of the situation and began to evaluate their assets and commodities in monetary terms.5 Thus unlike in pre—conquest days, there was now an "all-purpose" money, access to which determined an individual's economic status. Whll and busine landed to c are cases rri specie. producers ruuntrysic tribute to respectiu ldtle liquir Tl generall unhealll limited ‘ lures: public 5 Error SYSTEII While monetization was in itself a positive development, certain economic and business practices by both rich merchants and high government officials tended to deny many of its benefits to the less wealthy. Hoarding and speculation are cases in point. Hoarding cash removed from circulation substantial quantities of specie. affecting substantial sections of the population, particularly the primary producers, who received little cash money. And what little cash circulated in the countryside, was extracted through taxation. At the national level, periodic cash tribute to Cairo by the national treasury or, in times of decentralization, by the respective provincial treasuries, completed the absorption of cash money and left little liquidity in the economy as a whole. The combined impact was to weaken primary producers, who were generally unable to exploit the opportunity offered by a cash-poor economy. This unhealthy situation reduced investments in the secondary and tertiary sectors and limited the availability of customers and clients. Government sugar and indigo processing factories did not help the local economy as labor there was filled by public slaves. 6 Moreover, the products of these factories were shipped for sale in Egypt rather than consumed locally. In addition, the government's monopoly system also handicapped the economy. M M_0n._£0 0.1' mwltjmgnlrfls The system of government monopoly over trade had been an established practice in the Ottoman empire. With the encroachment of European powers into the empire in the early nineteenth century, however, the system came increasingly under attack until its final abandonment by the Treaty of Balta Liman of 1838.7 However. i the Sudan was sustai Sin Err Ali. as an prr Mr expedien l. i824 govemrr demand pul on ' indigo. appoint Ulpr'we were r on m dlexa same prohi- liar l ladw However, the application of the treaty to the Sudan was blocked by the fact that the Sudan was the personal property of the viceroy of Egypt. In 1845, this claim was sustained in a Paris ruling: Sinnar and Kordofan, having never formed part of the Ottoman Empire and being the spoils of a personal conquest by Mohmmad Ali, could not be included in the terms of the treaty of 1838. Further as gum Arabic and senna were the spontaneous products of deserts and uninhabited land, they should be considered as the exclusive property of the Egyptian Government.8 Muhammad Ali consequently sought to substantiate this plausible legal expediency. In a letter to the daftardar. 'Uthman Jarkas aI-Birinji, dated November 1. 1824, the viceroy announced that exports were to be controlled by a government monopoly.9 Any product in the Sudan that commanded a high demand in the international market or in the domestic market in Cairo was to be put on the monopoly list.10 These included gum Arabic, ivory, ostrich feathers, indigo, senna, and slaves. The producers of these items had to sell them to appointed government agents, whereas the other goods were left to the enterprise of private merchants and traders.11 Because of Sudan's anomalous legal status, customs dues on, say slaves, were paid at Aswan, an Egyptian border town. On the other hand, customs dues on imports entering Egypt from overseas were paid at Egyptian ports, principally Alexandria. On entering the Sudan, customs dues on the imports were paid at the same rates.12 Consequently, the price of imported goods in the Sudan was prohibitively high, which was hurtful to Sudan‘s economic interests. The point is hat in their import/export relations, Egypt treated the Sudan not as its colony but rather as a sovereign state independent of Egypt. See represents raiders. lr oompellec impact or monopolr by erecti impeded was to a i back to parcel lermlnr domin preser lluba and p wber esla l'an'r fiber Seen in conjunction with the monopoly rule, this import/export relationship represented an appropriation of Sudan's resources to benefit Egyptian state coffers. In order to make up for these losses, the colonial government was in part compelled to impose high taxes on the subject population, which had a negative impact on Sudan's domestic trade. That is, having lost revenues through the monopoly ban, officials in the Sudan sought to meet their budgetary requirements by erecting customs houses throughout. the colony. But since this proliferation impeded trade, the only way to overcome the economic weakness of the colony was to alter, albeit gradually, the fundamental structure of the monopoly system. The presence of private European traders in Turco-Egyptian Sudan dates back to the early years of the conquest itself. In fact these traders were part and parcel of the general influx of Europeans into the Ottoman empire following the termination of the Napoleonic wars in 1815. For many veterans, the Ottoman dominion with its newly-introduced modernization programs (the Njgam aiga_dig), presented an opportunity to continue and perhaps even advance their careers. Muhammad 'Ali employed many of them in government, especially in the industrial and public work departments. But it was in the military arena, especially in Muhammad 'Ali's territories, where a few of these men were accorded special prominence. There, they helped establish and staff military academies, and acted as instructors and advisors in the various military units.13 Upon their retirement, a grateful Muhammad 'Ali granted them the privilege of trading in his empire, even in those articles prohibited under arguir (7) the monopoly ban. Jean—Marie F. Vaissiere, for example, had been useful in Muhammad 'Ali's wars in Arabia. He had performed an outstanding job advising and fighting alongside Ibrahim Pasha, the commanding officer and viceroy's son. When in 1824 the monopoly policy for the Sudan was announced, Muhammad 'Ali wrote to the then M of Kordofan exempting Jean-Marie-Francois Vaissiere, arguing that "this officer was with my son at the siege of Da'riya; I look upon him as "14 Although this statement by Muhammad 'Ali has a an old acquaintance. personal ring to it, it is likely that the privilege he bestowed on Vassiere was none other than an appalto. Helen A. B. Rivlin defines the appa/to as: an arrangement by which exclusive privilege was given to one or several merchants to deal in a particular item of commerce. A contract between the government and the appaltore (contractor, farmer) was entered upon for one or more years and stipulated that the total quantity of the product in question would be delivered to the appaltore at a price fixed in advance. The appaltos were put up for auction and the farmer often used his privilege to compensate himself for the price he paid.15 Other prominent French Egyptian servicemen turned-traders included George Thibaut, Alexandre Vaudey, J.A. Vayssiére, and Messrs. [?] Vigoreux (elsewhere spelled Vigoureux), [?] Chiron, and [?] Petitjean.16 Others, as Ferdinand Lafargue, came from the Egyptian civil service or started off as employees of established traders, as was the case of Antoine Brun—Rollet and the Poncet brothers. A few others, such as Edouard de Cadalvene and J. de Breuvery, did not have the military or civil service connection, but started off as independent traders. In fact de Cadalvene was the representative of French banks in Cairo, and it is likely that all these traders were also appaltor/s. The fee a merchant paid for his appa/to probably varied according to the particular product 74 he was I? for exar awe l annum french flamin Europ prepo M M llalra llnd inE $9 Wr he was permitted to trade in, the quantity stipulated, and the duration of the period. For example, in 1813 the viceroy granted Carlo Rossetti exclusive rights over m from Sudan in return for a price of 150 purses, or about £3,500 per annum.17 The European mercantile presence in the Sudan was not exclusively French: of the Italian traders, Adolofo Antognoli, Angelo Castelbolognesi, and Flaminio Magrini were the most prominent. As a matter of fact, of the various European nationality groups represented in Egypt, Italians were numerically preponderant.18 Their influx to Egypt was largely the result of the wars of the Risorgimento (which broke out periodically between 1848 and 1866) and of the Giovine Italia movement a decade or so earlier. The upshot of all this was that Italian became the lingua franca of the Europeans both in Egypt and the Sudan.19 And along with French refugees or ex-servicemen, many Italians gained positions in Egyptian military and civil service.20 But regardless of whether they were in the government service or pgrla fig traders, Europeans exercised a disproportionate influence on the Sudan trade on several counts. First, they had wider and better connections with the capitalist world and were well attuned to its culture and workings, especially with respect to financial and credit institutions. Expansion in Egyptian import and export trade attracted European traders to Egypt, with the result that several European banking companies established branches in Alexandria. For example, the Anglo-Egyptian Banking Company Ltd. had a branch there?1 French banks also sought to profit from this E in Card w Se lbrougb ' respectii example 1829'. J Bulus. 1 Austria an oifrr lbbd; reprer from this expanding Egyptian import-export trade, and to this end set up an office in Cairo with Edouard de Cadalvene as their representative.22 Secondly, European traders enjoyed the protection of their countries through their respective consuls and consular agents in Cairo and Khartoum respectively. Indeed, some of these officials were themselves traders. For example, the trader George Thibaut was French consular agent in Khartoum since 1829; John Petherick became Britain's vice-consul in Khartoum in 1858; Jirjis Bulus. a Coptic merchant, was consular agent of Persia; in 1859 Franz Binder, an Austrian trader, was acting Sardinian vice-consul in Khartoum. He also acted as an official of the Austrian consulate at Khartoum in 1852, 1857—58, 1861-62, and in 1863; and a certain Copt active in the White Nile trade with four boats of his own represented the United States.23 The advantages these traders-cum-diplomats enjoyed are best exemplified by the flrmans issued by viceroy 'Abbas Pasha to Konstantin Reitz when the latter was appointed Austrian chancellor to the Khartoum consulate in 1851. The firmans assured Reitz of (1) exemption from payment of customs when entering Nubia; (2) access to transport at government prices and permission to use the official courier service between the Sudan and Egypt; and (3) a land grant in Khartoum where the permanent consulate would be built.24 Considering the fact that these consular officials came to the Sudan with cargoes of trade goods, exemption from transit taxes must have been the ultimate privilege. Even in Cairo some of these traders-cum-diplomats—-such as Annibale Rossetti representing Tuscany, and Mikhail Tossitza representing the new Kingdom of the Hellenes- 76 were business assocra‘ eren granted Rossetti = same which seemed t The European Sudanese traders substantial capital out banks in Cairo or Ale course for those Eurr eg. ferdinand Latarg gowemment service gain. Indeed their to them want to supple dB Gad. upon as GouemorvGeneral c merchandise to the the extent of reso officials were well-r The effects the”) to the marg SUCCesstul of the example. some European “Eden were business associates of Muhammad 'Ali himself. Indeed, Muhammad 'Ali even granted Rossetti a private monopoly over the marketing of gum arabic and senna, which seemed to contradict the government monopoly ban.25 The European diplomatic and business networks negatively affected Sudanese traders. Commercial success came increasingly to depend on substantial capital outlay. European traders had access to credit institutions and banks in Cairo or Alexandria. In fact, access to financial credit was a matter of course for those European traders that operated as agents of commercial firms, e.g. Ferdinand Lafargue and Angelo Castelbolognesi. Furthermore, Europeans in government service were not above using their public positions for commercial gain. Indeed their low remuneration (as they perceived it) along with greed, made them want to supplement their incomes by trading on the side. For example, Dr. J.B Gad, upon accepting the offer to work as a personal physician to the Governor—General of the Sudan, departed for the post carrying with him cash and merchandise to the value of 100,000 piasters.26 This figure is a good indication of the extent of resources a well-placed government official (and most European officials were well—placed) could mobilize. The effects of all this on native Sudanese traders generally was to push them to the margins of commerce. Indeed, Sudanese traders, even the most successful of them, started at the bottom and worked themselves up. For example, some of them began as employees of the wealthier Levantine or EurOpean traders, and it took them time before they could save up sufficient capital to launch their own independent trading career. The European and Levantine traders were radars. They supplied which they were to sell used this relationship t the much needed my: Sudanese to work for their relationship was and other wealthy to 7% rates.” uwmueaad Despite their European traders ya like George ThibaL profits while many r the traders in Febr Convention of it monopolies in the complete. it never interests. And wt Richard Hill writer During thr Ii e. from traders he trading in blazed th SIElves ar Levantine traders were content to have partnership relations with Sudanese traders. They supplied their Sudanese counterparts with goods and commodities which they were to sell in return for a percentage of the profit. Sudanese traders used this relationship to advance their profession, since it allowed them access to the much needed imported goods. Adolfo Antognoli, for example, employed 11 Sudanese to work for him in eastern and western Sudan,27 and it is very likely that their relationship was based on partnership. Another method was for European and other wealthy foreign traders to provide credit to Sudanese at high interest rates.28 mmwmmmmmqmvonooouade Despite their comparative advantage over their Sudanese counterparts, European traders were not always successful. Indeed, with the exception of a few like George Thibaut and Ferdinand Lafargue, most of them made only modest profits while many others ran into bankruptcy. The situation changed favorably for the traders in February 1842, when, according to the Anglo-Ottoman Commercial Convention of 1838, the Egyptian government formally abolished its trade monopolies in the Sudan.29 Although the lifting of the monopoly ban was less complete, it nevertheless provided traders the opportunity to expand their business interests. And what is more, the abolition attracted an influx of foreign traders. As Richard Hill writes: During the ten years since the death of Ahmad Pasha Abu Adhan [i.e. from 1843 to 1853] a steadily increasing number of foreign traders had come to Khartoum attracted by the relaxation of the state trading monopoly. Salim Qapudan's voyages up the White Nile had blazed the trail of trade and the easy profits from the commerce in slaves and ivory had emboldened the traders to ask for what they 78 deemed to be was stilt restra Ottoman Sulta Needless to say. In traders to exert pres remaining commod rtr Govemmentr and quickly reducer gum Arabic from the 44.928 kgs). and Alexandre Vaudey. gum Arabic, Vaude' Arabic, paying pyoc piastres per qantar the cargo. to Cairo ftlty piastres per ( eXpenses he had Clearly, then. the revenues. The goverr lace provoked let and Khartoum, r HOWewey the hex deemed to be their rights. They complained that the government was still restrainingtrade and that its servants were corrtépt...The Ottoman Sultan's writ, they alleged, did not run in the Sudan. Needless to say, the market became more competitive, and lower profits led traders to exert pressure on the government to abolish its monopoly on the few remaining commodities. Government monopolies on ivory and gum Arabic were finally lifted in 1842, and quickly reduced government revenues. For example, the annual export of gum Arabic from the Sudan was between 30,000 and 34,000 ga_ntar§ (1 qantar = 44.928 kgs.), and profits which a gum trader could make is exemplified by Alexandre Vaudey. In 1849, when the government abolished its monopoly over gum Arabic, Vaudey traveled to Kordofan where he bought large quantities of gum Arabic, paying producers thirty piastres per qantar. He then paid "Beduins" forty piastres per qantar to take his goods to Cairo. In all, three hundred camels carried the cargo, to Cairo and Alexandria, where the market price was two hundred and fifty piastres per qantar. Thus, whatever customs duties and other incidental expenses he had to pay en route, clearly Vaudey turned a handsome profit.31 Clearly, then, the abolition of monopolies represented a huge loss of state revenues. The government therefore reversed the bans in 1843. However, the volte face provoked loud protests from EurOpean traders and their consulates in Cairo and Khartoum, and forced the government finally to yield in March 1848. However, the next years, to offset revenue losses, Governor-General 'Abd al-Latif Pasha issued an order which stated: 79 r. That the €9th of current con-tn: Piasters 99" Can‘ 2, {that} in cas Merchants they advance of DTIC quoted price AS punishment wrl cowhide whip} 5 Piastres per 0a The key in this : rntorce. the price paic price in the internatir qantar, which brougr stood to lose huge n minimum purchase p device to offset the minimum price woul agents 0n the otl make dealing in gur lb comer the gum r GovemoruGeneraI in example. dealr to pay onethird of consulates mount having any direct i It would r monopolies in l 1. That the Egyptian Government will henceforth receive in payment of current contributions & arrears, from the Natives Gum at Sixty Piasters per Center, at all their Depots. 2. [That] in case the Natives prefer disposing of their Gum to Merchants they are at liberty to do so, provided they obtain an advance of price, but if any individual is found to sell under the quoted price (sixty piastres) the sheigh [shaykh] of his village in punishment will receive one thousand curbaches [lashes with cowhide whip] & the vender for every Piastre that he sells under sixty Piastres per Cantar, one hundred curbaches. The key in this order was the minimum price. As long as the monopoly was in force. the price paid to gum producers was 25—30 piastres per qantar, while the price in the international market was up to two hundred and fifty piastres per qantar, which brought huge profits to the government. Clearly, the government stood to lose huge revenues by abolishing the monopolies. The imposition of a minimum purchase price well above the local market price seems to have been a device to offset the damaging effects of abolition. That is. the sixty-piastre minimum price would induce the producers to dispose of their gum to government agents. On the other hand, the same price was too high for private traders to make dealing in gum Arabic worthwhile. Consequently, the government was able to corner the gum market without formally imposing a monopoly. As for ivory, the Governor-General also took measures to retain control over the White Nile trade. For example, dealers were required to organize themselves into consortiums and to pay one-third of their ivory to the government. In response, the traders and their consulates mounted pressure on the government and, by 1852, succeeded in having any direct government interference removed.33 It would seem therefore that when the government finally lifted the monopolies in 1852, it did so as much In response to European diplomatic 80 pressure as because n C policy of rationalizing ar traders as well as mile the small monred cias commodities in the Sur transaction involving el have traveled...to Kha most important consrr government budget r increased taxation we well. since the tax therefore. it would abolition of monopoI that because of the were therefore bettt Sudan. Therefore. would inject large i would tax the Whit Abd charge them c AS ll. tumec ElItelldlture. Thy Whit or abroac pressure as because it concluded that abolition was consistent with its long-term policy of rationalizing an unsatisfactory economy. Indeed. despite the influx of traders as well as monetization, the circulation of cash was generally restricted to the small monied classes. As Endre Stiansen observes, "ivory [and other commodities in the Sudan trade] changed hands as part of a more complicated transaction involving elements of barter because it is doubtful that [traders] would "34 have traveled...to Khartoum carrying thousands of dollars. But probably the most important consideration in abolishing the monopolies was the worsening government budget deficit. The usual solution of remedying the problem by increased taxation was counterproductive not only politically but economically as well, since the tax burden often resulted in land abandonment by peasants. Therefore. it would seem that, rather than depend on this traditional solution, abolition of monopolies seemed to offer a better way. First, the government felt that because of their access to banks and other financial institutions, the traders were therefore better able to exploit the new tradlng opportunities in the Southern Sudan. Therefore, by allowing them free trade. the government hoped the traders would inject large funds into the Sudanese economy.35 Second, the government would tax the White Nile trade and also extend facilities and services to the traders and charge them one-third of their ivory for these services. As it turned out, trading in the Upper Nile region required even more capital expenditure. The merchandise in demand in that region had to be secured in Egypt or abroad, and transportation costs included the hire of boats, crew, servants and Other re expressed by Mom A yestefday l did my expenditure cost and. to 9" van that l have to me from M Upper Nile feg Alexandria W In three able at once 1 return ‘0 59“ it to return here want to winte procure much the White riv' peODIE are nr equipment. fC Jean-Alexant practical situation. for example. he SDI provisions. excludit White Nile trade t trader-cum-banker was associated v Alexandria. and if business advahta the following note In the yea hlanutactt uriderstan servants, and other required personnel. The process of trade is perhaps best expressed by Adolfo Antignoli writing to his mother from Khartoum: Yesterday I did good business in guns and I have more than doubled my expenditure. l have also sold beads at three times what they cost and. to give you some idea of the earnings, it is enough to tell you that I have sold 150 boxes of percussion caps which I had sent to me from Marseilles by a ship which leaves tomorrow [for the Upper Nile region]... Twenty guns which cost me 12 dollars each in Alexandria have sold for 30 dollars each to the same ship. In three or four months I hope to have sold the goods, if I am able at once to buy a few thousands dollars—worth of ivory I could return to sell it in Cairo. And then, about August, I could leave Cairo to return here because next year I can fit out a ship for myself. want to winter on the White Nile for it is there that people can procure much ivory against beads. But what would you! To go on the White river I need at least srxty jolly servants and now these people are not satisfied with 3 gudi a month, besides, I shall need equipment, food and ammunition... Jean-Alexandre Vayssiere, however, represents the process in a real practical situation. During a trading expedition in the Upper Nile region in 1853-4, for example, he 'spent over 20,000 piastres for the purchase of merchandise and provisions, excluding the cost of hired boats and personnel.3~7 Clearly. the Upper White Nile trade favored the trader with means. a situation most suited to the trader-cum-banker. Antoine Brun-Rollet IS a prime example in this respect. He was associated with a British trading firm, Joyce, Thurburn & Co., based in Alexandria, and their business relationship went back to 1839. The financial and business advantages which Brun-Rollet derived from this relationship is clear from the following note by Joyce written in 1851‘ In the year 1839, we [Joyce Thurburn & 00.] made Advances in Manufactures & Cash to Mr.- Brun Rollet, a Sardinian subject, on the understanding that the Manufactures should be sold and that the proceeds together with the Cash advanced should be invested for Joint account in the products of Sennaar & Kordofan which were forwarded to us for realization. , The result our operatio' Ivory were ti further sum of li/lanutactl Not surprisingly. E expedition consist 480.000 piastres} Another tr Alexandria was tr Binder came to E as a carpenter ll tandauer & Co. behalf of the cor piastres in readi 90 UP the Nile tr Khartoum in la‘ aheady sailed l Wales in the Nt “‘9 exr>edition Alabic and N0 Binder Emmi-“lent \I Fr. Ignaz Kni missmanes ....The results having proved satisfactory we were induced to renew our operations on a larger scale especially as the trade in Gums & Ivory were then declared to be free. We consequently advanced a further sum in Cash to Mr. Rollet together With a large consignment of Manufactures on the same understanding as in 1839.3 Not surprisingly, Brun-Rollet and Alphonse de Malzac fitted out a big trading expedition consisting of three boats and costing the sum of 120.000 francs (or 480,000 piastres).39 Another trader who benefited from association with a trading firm in Alexandria was the Transylvanian, (Karl) Franz Binder.40 A pharmacist by training, Binder came to Egypt in 1850 literally penniless. and worked as a baker and then as a carpenter in Cairo. In 1851 Binder got a job with the merchant house of Landauer & Co. in Alexandria, to take goods from Egypt to the Sudan to sell on behalf of the company. In addition to the manufactures, Binder was given 500,000 piastres in ready cash for running expenses, and one of the plans was for him to go up the Nile to participate in the ivory trade in Southern Sudan. Binder arrived in Khartoum "in late November 1852.’ but by that time the annual expeditions had already sailed to the South. Binder had therefore no choice but to dispose of his wares in the North, using most of the proceeds for buying gum Arabic. And when the expedition returned, he bought ivory. All told, he had 137 camel loads of gum Arabic and ivory which he took to Cairo.41 Binder did not renew his contract with Landauer & Co.. however his next employment was with the leader of the Roman Catholic Mission to Central Africa, Fr. Ignaz Knoblecher. His job was to be interpreter and agent for a group of missionaries heading for Khartoum: in return, he received free transportation and an interest-free loan. Binder took advantage of these favorable terms and his stocks were among I? Khartoum. Once 39E to dispose of his war buy Sudan goods in he took to Cairo whe Binder was 1 group. and then rel enough capital to e as the richest Eurr credit sector, and. usually above thir Principal creditors In Bahr rel-Ghazal 393W 0009 be: raiders in Souths that he employer the “93‘0" price South as sew” blOught to the a owed him, and 1 There W the" 0W“ busrn the Dillarg‘ the stocks were among the four hundred camel loads that the missionary group took to Khartoum. Once again, Binder arrived too late to go down South, but he was able to dispose of his wares in markets around Khartoum, and he used the proceeds to buy Sudan goods including three lions, two leopards, and a civet cat all of which he took to Cairo where he sold them at handsome profits. Binder was soon back in Khartoum, leading another Catholic missionary group, and then returned back to Cairo After these successful trips, Binder had enough capital to expand and diversify his business, and he eventually emerged as the richest European merchant in the’Sudan. He was active in the financial credit sector, and, considering the high interest rates in the Sudan which were usually above thirty-six percent, his profits were high. As one of de Malzac's principal creditors, at his death in 1860, Binder bought the latter’s trading stations in Bahr el-Ghazal for 2,500 dollars or 50,000 piastres Richard Gray considers this a paltry price because de Malzac was one of the biggest ivory traders and slave raiders in Southern Sudan; in fact de Malzac's trading empire was so extensive that he employed interpreters for five languages.42 Endre Stiansen suggests that the "paltry" price can be explained as de Malzac having used his assets in the South as security against the loan. Therefore, when de Malzac's estates were brought to the auction block in the Austrian consulate, Binder deducted the amount owed him, and the 2,500 dollars he paid was the difference.43 There were, however, other traders who were wealthy enough to finance their own busrness enterprises, as did John Petherick and Alexandre Vaudey. For the others, there were two avenues open to them. First, soon after the abolition of the monopolies, ivory government would the tees charged for the because it enabled tl secure the necessar with an investor.45 Given the co tried their hands a Europeans. Howr relatively small; f. consortiums prose receiving the rem traders.46 These 5 1800‘s, but until t Situation, This stage dominated phase this he preoe by the absence “0 the White Nil Iorrwo reasons WWW Se aterm Whei the monopolies, ivory traders were required to form a consortium to whom the government would then provide services such as boats and escort.44 Although the fees charged for the services were quite high, the traders found it worthwhile because it enabled them to pool their resources. The second option was either to secure the necessary capital from credit institutions, or to enter into a partnership with an investor.45 Given the considerable capital requirements, only a few Sudanese traders tried their hands at the ivory trade, and then only through a consortium with Europeans. However, their contribution in this consortium must have been relatively small; for whereas their European partners received 1/4 of the consortium's proceeds, the Sudanese partners received 5/12, with the government receiving the remaining 1/3 as taxes and fees for services it rendered to the traders.46 These superior-subordinate roles were eventually to reverse in the mid- 1860's, but until then the native Sudanese traders had to make the best of their situation. This stage of the White Nile trade may be regarded as the European- dominated phase. In its early stage it followed a pattern that had been established during the preceding government monopoly phase. That is, it was characterized by the absence of established permanent stations. Traders sent their expeditions up the White Nile in November-December, the best period for trading in the South for two reasons First, it coincided wrth se‘asonly winds which facilitated navigation southward. Secondly, the dry season in the South generally begins in December, a period when the all-absorbing agricultural tasks have been completed and People could then W“ often entertaining 950‘ In short. itwas the mos Once the boats shores of the Nile. mo rest When the tradin May. the Khartoum probably as a down certain advantages ii arrived too late for tl sell their ivory and 0‘ customers from tar : middlemen: or the l to customers there over to the trader \h I“ the Competition the thinking of the Le Deu de Sétour assi amMm Vehdaient amlS infii d'inteiméd 0U bien d= dans le E balmms ' The grow Damupanng I n people could then turn to a more leisureiy lifestyle or to other less demanding, often entertaining, economic pursuits such as hunting and fishing, or even trading. In short, it was the most suitable period for trading. Once the boats arrived in the South, they would work up and down the shores of the Nile, mooring at strategic places to trade with local communities or to rest. When the trading season ended with the onset of the rainy season in April or May, the Khartoum traders often left their remaining stocks with middlemen, probably as a down or advance payment against goods promised. There were certain advantages in this arrangement. First. some ivory dealers from the interior arrived too late for the trading season, and therefore these late-comers could still sell their ivory and other local products to the middlemen. Second, during the year customers from far and near could still come and dispose of their products with the middlemen; or the latter themselves traveled to the interior to sell the trade goods to customers there. The accumulated proceeds Were then stored and handed over to the trader when he returned the next trading season, providing a head start in the competition for market share of the ivory trade. Brun~Rollet best expresses the thinking of the traders in regard to this issue when he said' Le peu de durée de la saison séche ne nous permettait pas un seiour assez long pour nous mettre a meme d'établir des relations avec les tribus voisine, d'ou ies Bary [Bari] tiraient l'ivoire qu'ils nous vendaient. Je Cherchai done a me créer chez eux des relations, des amis influents, actifs, intéressés, qui pussent nous servir d'intermédiaires ou de courtiers aupres des peuplades de I'intérieur, ou bien de protecteurs zélés pour les gens que je pourrais laisser dans Ie pays pour continuer mes achats jusqu'au retour de mes barques. 7 The growth in the White Nile ivory trade. as well as in the number of traders participating in it, is evident in the increase in the number of boats arriving in 86 Gondokoro annualbl- rose to 40'. and then I by a conespOIlenQ g Petherick. the volumr i859.“8 Growth c representative at Kh to 135-158 ionsl of The influx of profit margins. By ‘ ol exchange begar Nile depleted the demand lessened several traders trie into hunting eleph Increasing solution, 00W9ve' ‘0'000 EleDharits ever-increasing r was not endogh Penetrate Mime “mtg as tradi gamsons of an 01 Northern Su Gondokoro annually. In 1852, only about a dozen came, but in 1856. the number rose to 40, and then to 80 by 1859, and 120 by 1860 This increase was matched by a corresponding growth in the quantity of ivory shipped out; according to John Petherick, the volume of ivory rose from 400 quintals in 1851 to 1,400 quintals in 1859.48 Growth continued thereafter. for in 1866 the Prussian consular representative at Khartoum reported that on average from 3.000 to 3,500 qantars (or 135-158 tons) of ivory arrived in Khartoum from the White Nile.49 The influx of traders led to a reduction of their respective market share and profit margins. By 1855, the markets were so gtutted that beads and other media of exchange began to lose their purchasrng power. As "stores" of ivory along the Nile depleted the European recession of 1858 added to the difficulties, since demand lessenedsoz In efforts to overcome this problem of shrinking profits, several traders tried to increase the ivory output by shifting away from trading and into hunting elephants. Increasing the output of ivory through hunting proved to be a short—term solution, however. Endre Stiansen estimatesthat in the peak years, more than 10,000 elephants were killed in the Upper Nile Basin;51 however, considering the ever-increasing numbers of traders flocking to the region, even this large slaughter was not enough to sustain significant profits for long. The traders had therefore to penetrate further and further into the interior, and establish hinterland hunting camps as trading stations, locally called zaribas; Their establishment required garrisons of armed men to guard, run, and maintain them; hence the recruitment of Northern Sudanese to fill those roles. However, this development occurred in Bahi eIGhazal and. tr region, In Eastern Er maintained largely bec local trade network we The first Euro; Malzac. He establish aiiver bank station at business network. 0 muskets and ammur De Malzac's tradin languages. Not surprisii EuroDean traders. Austrian and actin Bartheiemy. John Ambioise and in: Levantine origins. While We do not established dunr manning them, I Bahr el—Ghazal and, to some extent. in the Sobat basin in today's Upper Nile region. In Eastern Equatoria, meanwhile, the river-based. trading system was maintained largely because, as will be argued in the next chapter, the established local trade network was still holding there. The first European trader to initiate this novel system was Alphonse de Malzac. He established a hinterland station at Rumbek. In addition, he also set up a river bank station at Meshra er-Rek, which acted as a debouche to his hinterland business network. De Malzac employed some 200 armed men equipped with 180 muskets and ammunition, and two canon and hunting muskets.52 So far-flung was De Malzac's trading network that he employed interpreters for five different languages. Not surprisingly, de Malzac's methods were soon emulated by other European traders. The latter included the Englishman John Petherick. the Austrian and acting Sardinian vice-consul in Khartoum. Eranz Binder, Delphine Barthelemy. John Kleincznick, Jean Alexandre Va'yssiere. and the two brothers Ambroise and Jules Poncet. There were also traders of Maltese, Ionian, and Levantine origins,53 most of whom maintained their respective stations (ge_ribis_). While we do not know the exact number of river and hinterland trading stations established during this time, nor the number of agents and armed personnel manning them, Romolo Gessi estimated in 1879 that each m in the Bahr el- Ghazal had between 200 and 300 riflemen.54 Gondok [DEW—E The fulcrum 0t village of Gondokoro. ‘ the Bedden and the navigation impossible government expeditic been welcome after tt edensive maze of so But perhaps r themselves and thei Zanzrbar trade throu government exoedit: the local Bari chief, long wide blue c Predlsposed the Ba goods desired by tt While trave- have dlSCc courage mil means Otd generous; Slde a hos oxen. anirr emtinge t Thls fnend 0f GondokOro m expedlllOns 58m Gondokoro: Tm Epicenter o_f A Eadiflg [#3th The fulcrum of the White Nile trade in Eastern Equatoria was the Bari village of Gondokoro, the terminus of the navigable stretch of the White Nile, as the Bedden and the Fulla rapids a couple of miles upstream made further navigation impossible. Gondokoro was first reached in 1841 by the third government expedition. The serene panoramic view of its environs must have been welcome after the onerous difficulties attending the crossing of the sudd, the extensive maze of swamps and "floating islands" in central Southern Sudan.55 But perhaps more important was the friendly attitude of the local people themselves and their ability to deliver ivory and other trade goods Indeed, the Zanzrbar trade through Buganda and Bunyoro had penetrated Bariland by the time government expeditions began arriving there. and this was evident in the fact that the local Bari chief, Loganu, wore laces of blue glass beads, copper rings and a long wide blue cotton shirt 55 This prior commercial contact apparently predisposed the Bari to trading, for they readily came up with ivory and other trade goods desired by the expedition: While traversing about 130 miles more than the previous year, we have discovered certain strong peoples, whose numbers and courage might have been a source of danger, consrdering 0er poor means of defence. We were prudent and they showed themselves generous, and the small gifts we made them procured for us on their side a hospitality worthy of the "nature! man“. ..They brought us oxen, animals of all kinds and elephant tusks of excellent ivory to exchange for glass beads.5 This friendly and positive encounter set the stage for the central importance of Gondokoro in the White Nile trade. Virtually all the boats of the annual expeditions sent by the government during the monopoly phase headed for 89' Gondokoro. And the several other Europea' lattude 4° North .55 Gondokoro's g missionaries. particula excitement among the the successful penetr White Nile to naviga mission stations in r opened in Khartoum establishing the Visa Doing Christi: difficulties bedeviled the mission in Khar successful fund rai: directed towards or two of the mission eondOkoro with rl mission. The Ct ”‘0“090lr and 0rd The Circun Abd al-Latit had ”fissure lTOm t Gondokoro. And the out-take of ivory was so significant that Brun-Rollet and several other European traders began talking about colonizing the region south of latitude 4° North.58 Gondokoro's growing commercial importance was not lost on Christian missionaries, particularly the Roman Catholics. Indeed, missionaries showed the excitement among the European scientific community that followed in the wake of the successful penetration of the White Nile in 1841. They saw the opening of the White Nile to navigation as an opportunity that could enable them to establish mission stations in central Africa. A Roman Catholic mission was immediately opened in Khartoum in 1842, and on April 3, 1846, a Papal decree was issued establishing the Vicariate Apostolic of Central Africa was created .59 Doing Christian work in the Sudan, however, was no easy task. Financial difficulties bedeviled the enterprise right from the beginning, forcing the closure of the mission in Khartoum in 1845. It was however reopened in 1848, after some successful fund raising, principally in Austria.60 Almost immediately efforts were directed towards opening a mission station at Gondokoro. In the winter of 1849, two of the missionaries in Khartoum accompanied the government expedition to Gondokoro with the intent of leaving one behind to lay the foundations of the mission. The colonial authorities, however, were worried about their ivory monopoly and ordered the two missionaries back to Khartoum. The circumstances were, however. more auspicious the following year. Abd al-Latif had been dismissed as governor general as a result of intense pressure from the traders and their consulates,“ easing the rules about monopolies. AS did W boats borrowed from adjacent to Gondokorr t855 the mission's g' school was opened in All in all. the generally and Barilar suggests that the he Consequently the K and establish tradir persist in Eastern E the Nile Valley in S trade network in E2 VFW Important as 5 one Pall of the eq their networks Tr this Its fiver—bag trade “Bhuortr its pmdUClS Droduce extensive exam in monopolies. As did the traders, for Fr. Angelo Vinco sailed to Gondokoro with two boats borrowed from Brun-Rollet On arrival he decided to settle in Bilinyang, adjacent to Gondokoro and also the residence of Nyigilo and his royal family. By 1855 the mission's grass-thatched structures gave way to brick houses, and a school was opened in 1856.62 All in all, the river—based trading system still held in Eastern Equatoria generally and Bariland in particular until about 1862, and its persistence there suggests that the terms of trade were still favorable for the Khartoum traders. Consequently, the Khartoum traders did net see the need to penetrate the interior and establish trading stations there. Why did the river-based trading system persist in Eastern Equatoria when it had become a thing of the past in the rest of the Nile Valley in Southern Sudan? The answer to this question lies in the local trade network in Eastern Equatoria itself. To be sure, the Khartoum traders were very important as suppliers of high—value foreign luxury goods, but they were only one part of the equation; the other half comprised local traders themselves and their networks Therefore, to complete our understanding of the White Nile trade during its river—based phase, the analysis must now proceed to examine the local trade network itself: its features. organization, principal actors, the types of products prodUCed and how they were produced. These objectives merit an extensive examination and are therefore treated in the next chapter. Notes and References ' of":f "v;. 1 " 'P-vr - JI‘J -a-l-r’ ' -l -.n l v "v A ' A p- A vr‘n‘. P r -‘lrtw «V‘-. 4...! Jun.-.» .. — v-Pv‘ 'v A » VH;V /r' -4-- ’.'-' v u-JU-n-—u J ' - A! n ‘vfi Orr" VP .p’ " "'\ -.ov-¢vv ..“u n... . ’ V '- ..owhy ’" ' r '- -5- l..-., ~¢--v-y . air-7}? n” Y‘“:Ir ‘ 0 Jill»... ~u-..¢...- ___—— ' ' F A» “M are crate _,.. V‘JJU an' u-u~~ .. v . - , ’- ”sassy ; x3, VIVV‘U‘V'J '- -hfl- — v . .. .. no ”1,, ”at: :: Woo and a..-“ . “'i‘C‘ r - .. vs/dv-ut- CA, - . A ~ A'- .2 as Q \-~ v.llL/..u~—v ' ~ v v, .A "" -va elf; r »- -u..,' —. u..v - K a‘ “ . - o--- A \:~'::" - "v— 5. gp\\.-a- apex-n» :‘rct't"c" *” 2‘ ‘ dva-l‘huvx‘ s.» ., s.“ '\ IN r _‘I_rqflv~‘m‘: 1“- fit»; v.l\.-\Jj .ayv y- 5..» r u.‘ g,‘ . A .,__ ~ A ‘5‘ "y- ’5 r ya» . ‘ D\P ~\, \ r, -\ ., 5.: Vkuu-v‘ - Q T ‘ R A A A ‘A-'1RA “423‘ .b “He—’- \°‘ » --s, \«xa. K \ 1 .F .a‘rcv‘~~,. :~~v ‘_ r- -“ .a-..-vu..‘ ~¥\..\ 1‘ VI- ~ LYQHNA -. - ‘V‘v..lv: *‘P ‘. ‘ V‘“! ‘- .‘lfirl “AAA _ l '_ l "r A l* ' ‘ *~~., - xv ‘»\~ VG...“ '! V. -A _ r r k .Kh“ ~ “’V «\cbl ' l,‘ka,., ‘L-‘. (r (i) ( ( n 51 U) I 1 ) \A I; v‘\‘ '5 ‘o —r E (I: Notes and References 1. In 1838, Ignatius Pallme visited the market—place of El-Obeid town and provides a vivid picture of itS’ organization and lay—out. Most of them came from peasants, and they included camels, cows, sheep, goats, asses, sour milk, butter, lard, garden and wild fruits, food grain e.g. dukhn (bulrush). Of particular significance, however, were wood and grass dealers. Pallme observed that their stands occupied a large part of the market—place, for, he comments, as wood and grass may be collected by anyone, there is considerable competition in this branch (my italics for emphasis). See, Pallme, Ignatius, Travels in Kordofan (1844), 267 and 287. 2. Several students of the Sudan have in recent times attempted to study the processes leading to the emergence of the various categories of native Sudanese traders. For more eloquent statement on the subject see, Jay Spaulding and Lidwien Kapteijns "Pre-colonial Trade Between States in the Eastern Sudan, 1700—1900" in African Economic History, No. 11, 1982, 29—62; Terence Walz, Trade Between Egypt and Bilad al—Sudan 1700—1800 (Cairo, 1978); Anders Bjérkelo, From King to Kashif: Shendi in the Nineteenth Century (Bergen: University of Bergen, 1984), 219—222. 3. Anders Bjérkelo, "From King to Kashif," 221-222. 4. For an idea of articles sold in markets see footnote no.1 above. In some of the more prosperous towns, such as al— Matamma, articles sold were more diversified and included many valuable items e.g. gold, silver, cotton stuffs, etc. 5. Jay Spaulding, The Heroic Age in Sinnar (East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1985), 244. 6. The secondary sector of the economy was represented by the small number of light industries such as soap, indigo, sugar, and cotton—ginning mills. 7. For a detailed treatment of the system of monopoly in Egypt under Muhammad 'Ali, see Richard Hill, Egypt in the Sudan (London: Oxford University Press, 1959). 8. Quoted in Paul Santi and Richard Hill (trans & ed.) in the "introduction" to their The Europeans in the Sudan, 1834—1878 92 " , . (Oxford: at the c; , 9. Richard Hill, 3 University Press, 10. Felix Mengin,’ oe Mohamed—141v v 11. However, a I the orohibiteo go The concession 5: services renders: e 12. Hill, EMS 13. There were, , viceregal goverm the NaPOleonic w Ottoman Empi re a by the failed re 14. Hill, EEK 15. H9161] A. B. W (Ca 16. Hill, m full namES Cf \7j omission makes Indeed, they at WW 1970). NEVerth they were FISH: El. J.L Buerr Lhe high Emma} .‘ a ic SUQQEStg ahpalto SYSIQm lit had muCh if filming SystEm 1F.waspart an vnlch Muhammad i-E t is, 710m: (hen only a as many kinngm; under the 1'11}: (Oxford: at the Clarendon Press, 1980), 13—14. 9. Richard Hill, Egypt in the Sudan (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), 49. 10. Felix Mengin, Historie de l'Egypte sous 1e gouvernement de Mohammed—Aly (Paris: 1823), Vol. II, 433—35. 11. However, a few European traders were allowed to trade in the prohibited goods, e.g. Rossetti, John Petherick, etc. The concession so granted was usually in recognition of the services rendered by the grantee to the viceregal government. 12. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 42. 13. There were, of course, other Europeans employed by the viceregal government especially Italians. Since the end of the Napoleonic wars, more and more Europeans came to the Ottoman Empire as refugees, escaping the upheavals brought on by the failed revolutions of the 1840s. 14. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 49. 15. Helen A. B. Rivlin, The Agricultural Policy of Muhammad Ali in Egypt (Cambridge, Mass.: 1961), 180. 16. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 78. Hill does not give the full names of Vigoreux, Chiron, and Petitjean, and this omission makes it difficult to establish their full identity. Indeed, they are not even listed in his Biographical Dictionary of the Sudan (London: Oxford University Press, 1970). Nevertheless, their last names suggest clearly that they were French. 17. J.L. Burckhardt, Travels in Nubia (London, 1822), 49. The high annual tax paid by Rossetti for his appalto in gum Arabic suggests that gum was a very lucrative commodity. The appalto system was also significant in one important respect— —it had much in common with the traditional iltizam (tax— farming system) found in the Ottoman Empire. To that extent, it was part and parcel of the revenue—generating institutions which Muhammad 'Ali crafted to finance his expanding regime. 18. It is nonetheless important to remember that Italy was then only a geographical expression, divided as it was among many kingdoms and principalities, some of which were even under the jurisdiction of neighboring countries. 19. Santi and Hill (trans. & eds.), European Traders in the ’ I A” F-"’. \v‘r' , /' JuJ‘.A’ / ? I a? T,-syvf: YV' ‘ - .., :;,_,-..-rvv fin : pry'” ' ‘ f“ r- '— wv-c'z' g, , a--- Lunar-V" ‘ —' .. 'r I‘ -v F H‘ ,- .r 'f" F‘J\p --J.‘ J v ~— 4 -.. v .4“ " " -- ’VA ..' ‘7’ " ._, ..-.. “-0 «41-». ‘fi .. . v" “(m-v a ‘ "' ibfi hid-J.A..) o, - v- » n" 1 , ,R‘, ’ ‘ ; -~ » ‘Lu -----’ .. ~-vv- .. ._ . . — - - fir . _r~.r f5 hinyf hill ..V- ~aVU-vh-o.‘ :-‘.-, --VJ-C AY‘ h“ \"P\ oer ;_ A- 9" f‘ .F‘ A-Kv--va “‘4‘; ‘.9 w - ‘ ‘ p v ’ r .3?" "15" A“ \‘ r‘ 4.14 “\1- y»..~v-u- .. . . ‘5“ -~ 9. -. v A v _ (r’diflh ’t— P ~--»A.'yu\VAl -..~ -...A- - . - . who”: : ~- -»v»-u~’ -5 -~ ‘ .5. . .. . \P‘lc"‘l(“‘ f-zW- w- .1 MI¢UJC -311.-- \ . - »v , ‘ ' .- va.‘y w”: t; ‘ VH9- , ..yo. ..y - A V: ‘ ~ ,.fi"f\ rqyp o‘u- - ‘ JvathV\ “:5 3 . '7‘ , RTIZV‘F.“ “WK *- ’- ~u.u.Lc‘ c ‘I .‘v x; “As “ ‘I ‘ ' ‘|_\SE .” A‘ I“ by -— ‘J-L- \_- ,~ ‘ | _ . -. HL|?:Y7""' . 'Pw 0- --~-.~a. '. so -- ‘ (- TIER; ‘ VA¢AYA A'- -L.u.'.\, ‘- '_ ‘— v- .. “ ‘\"\--\r¢xv\ ”1":an f‘ — \ _Il'\l , V -- ' cane"? ‘ pr‘ 5 v0 -Vu“ ‘ o ’1, 1"- \ h A «VA IN Lcu ghu‘t b,» w ~ . 5‘ uv‘fiyfi U1 4, ”x .d ‘kbl'Uth‘. g, :1. R \v ' .-, .. .U. '--§‘E€ \‘ \«y..-__ . “‘A .y-“:\;' Vv‘ ‘- 'k _. ‘ ‘ h.‘ ‘ 7 . 5“ L, . . A. . “‘ ‘r 5 l LC. \:“+. - kg“; fl“ 0 ‘ v.‘ “u." ‘H '3 "\ . ‘_ ~ ‘ h\ N . ‘g‘v" M, st“ u ‘ ,‘ “' ‘EC \ V ‘N . ‘ 1 ‘ “Lg YN‘“ \r.\“.‘: ‘ ~ ‘ . \\ \n 5‘ -\ k¥t \zv‘.‘ ~ "\ \ \‘ikl‘lt* ‘1 g \- B ‘ 5 ~. o. “\ ‘extar f ‘ ‘A It .3‘ n ~. ‘\ . ’\Ll ‘\ \ \s . 4\ .5 H . - N . ,.\‘Q,‘\-‘ ‘ \kb ‘5: ‘s | 4“. I"‘ Q . “‘I u H x ‘u‘.\‘ o .' I\ ~ "Hal“. \. §\§\ ‘Y‘\ \‘\‘- I‘ ‘ k ‘\ ‘b‘ ‘Vv C). (I) Sudan, 8—9. 20. Paternostro, as Secretary General to the Egyptian . Minister of Foreign Affairs, was the highest ranking Italian in the Egyptian government. 21. Santi and Hill (trans. & eds.) The Europeans in the Sudan, 192. 22. Hill, A Biographical Dictionary, 93. 23. For biographical information on these individuals, see Hill, Biographical Dictionary. Even the United States of America was no exception in this system of trading consuls, and her consular representative in Khartoum was a Copt. Although the name of the latter is not mentioned in the records, it is very likely that it was a member of the Shenuda family. Samuel Baker comes close to giving his identity when he said: "one of the [slave] traders [in Gondokoro] was a Copt, the father of the American Consul at Khartoum; and to my surprise," he continues, "I saw the vessel full of brigands arrive at Gondokoro, with the American flag flying at the mast—head." The Pethericks also make a reference to him in their book. See Baker, Albert N'Yanza: Great Basin of the Nile and the Exploration of the Nile Sources (London: MacMillan & Co., 1866), Vol. I, 68 and; Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels, 152. 24. Endre Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism: European Trade and Economic Change in the Sudan in the Nineteenth Century," (Ph.D. Dissertation submitted to the University of Bergen, Norway, 1993), 227—28. 25. Ibid. Also see footnote no. 10 above. 26. Santi and Hill (trans. and eds.) Europeans in the Sudan 1834—1878, 27—8. 27. Ibid., 198. 28. In 1860, the interest rates were 36%. Three years later, according to Samuel Baker, they were even as high as 100%. See Samuel Baker, Albert NjYanga, Vol. I, 12. 29. A year later, however, the government sought to retain monopoly over senna and gum Arabic, arguing that the two were products that grew naturally far out in the desert in no— man's land. Although the re~imposition of government monOPOly over these two products was challenged by the traders as an abrogation of the 1838 treaty, the government's 94 - A r- of #.rrrY’ "' -V...‘— . . a. w'Y .. r ,. xv" , IV" 'I‘ ’- ‘ -‘v Jute-0" -.l V“ no .7 . -LI . Th ‘-~l ju~FY" [fl 7.1.43.1“. ..\»—_§ .. I. v F v‘¢.4.\,u-v-vw .L-L‘V mum’s“ ever—C stéyyyu ~udu»- -. . . p qxnn anhwmr *c\' -.;U.. VL.\. .A'V.. . x. ‘ ' fi- — Av“ .nr- VIC vap‘u— \ ~0an booL \— vu»-~ ’ 'Yfi‘v‘fl‘ ~:; CC- bu-U Val ‘y‘uanuys s u A F ‘ a ‘ ‘L LV‘NY" \‘~ -V; o— .- -| —..\A;» ~5-L....- A. f‘ 3 .. fl“ 'Y"v" t \ A- ~ . h— ‘V. b-C\.’ :‘a .A‘: I vs V ‘ l i:&.f\v’\ :‘I‘I~-.c‘.c- “ \N- ~u..\\,‘~‘ . , . “522‘ w2¢~e~n .-yuyVe ‘*L‘\A\t l.“ "VA . ‘ n ‘ >- A a ._ F‘HSL‘VS “~11“.- TTI""‘-Y ...\ ._‘ /' ’ F “Jubtt‘ “K. ‘ k ‘- “ ox ‘ ' I .“2 Nfi-' V *I ' .- .‘huuv‘cl I€S~. \— ‘5“ at . ‘ _ \bh. . — Lvl‘ :jcrh "\ . ..l ‘ \-—\ I '. ,. in 7's ‘ "v| :1 Q, (2" A. ‘ *vuL ‘ \ ..._ ‘ Mk 1‘ . ..e‘ ‘,Y‘. \“r‘. .L.‘ \a;‘»* ; N \ \H‘Q: .. a, _ W L... ave—K \' -’ ‘ s o 1‘ ~ "fr - .9. N-s"..- “\. \\ “‘I \.:--~ . - .. ._ “a...“ -.“‘\ h. ““u ‘C nK "-_ (‘x \‘g. ‘N ~ :: ,\\~a‘\ . u k . g k \\\_\' .“_‘ - ¢.,\‘ \\ 1 ‘\\‘ u“‘ . N I suck.“ . A - "x \V " . ‘ .. rm. -. . ‘K‘ 0“ ‘U, v . ‘-:t I". ~ .. ~ “' w ‘k N; "M\.. ~ N . \e \ \‘~._‘ K5 " Q‘n‘ “‘ fi "K “St“ \ ‘ x I. ~. N . t‘l b‘y‘“~ ~A:.«e- 5“.' ‘Q ‘ U- ‘ _ mo“: u . \ \‘ I: »v V- v " _, .... 'V’" i 1 (). H H ) :_ 1 U‘ point of view was sustained in a Paris court of arbitration on the matter. For details leading to the Paris court decision, see page 7 above. 30. Richard Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 86. 31. One qantar was the equivalent of 44.928 kg. 32. Petherick to Murray, Kordofan, 21 June 1850, quoted by Stiansen in his "Overture to Imperialism," 79—80. 33. According to Stiansen (p. 83), by the time 'Abd al— Latif's order was revoked, the pattern of European traders had shifted from the gum to the newly~opened ivory trade in Southern Sudan. He also argues further (p. 147) that although ivory was (in effect) one of the monopolized commodities prior to 1852, the fact that European traders persisted suggests either that the monopoly price was pegged high enough for merchants to find ivory trade attractive; or that the traders were able to avoid government monopoly through clandestine export to Egypt or the Red Sea. 34. Endre Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism," 94. 35. Gray, A History of the Southern Sudan, 1839~1898 London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 23. For example, whereas the richest native Sudanese trader might have no more than 30,000 piastres worth of merchandise, a European, by contrast, could muster worth 400,000 piastres or more. For a comparison of financial resources between Sudanese and European traders, see Bjorkelo. From King to Kashif, 226. 36. A letter of Adolfo Antignoli to his mother October 18, 1857 in Santi and Hill (trans. a eds.), Europeans in the Sudan, 194—5. 37. "The Journal of Jean—Alexandre Vayssierre, 1853—4 in Santi and Hill (trans. & eds.) The Europeans in the Sudan, 122. 38. Joyce, Thurburn & Co. to Murray, Alexandria 15 April 1851, quoted in Stiansen "Overture to Imperialism," 51—2 39. Ibid. The exchange rate was 1 franc to 4 piastres. 40. Much of the information on Franz Binder here is based on Stiansen's "Overture to Imperialism," 95—106. 41. Stiansen, p. 99, estimates that one camel carried five qantars of ivory, and seven of gum Arabic. 95 ,— 0-!” ,-.v '-v-V nvf‘ . V ~r ‘ .- -.. w.--v v. rw r: w“ ... as * e w“ v. iv A . F.U.. . .5 .1 . .5 ..r. ..,. no a» -.m nu .r . .fu. ”w V. . .. r . to . ..- .Q' Va“" A- a. s, "C ..V {vow hi9 HAW dev.u~. “C h v-’ ~1‘~Ro - :Uvdys y-...v T - \. «nova? u -.V 42. Gray, History, 51, 47—48. 43. Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism," 102—3 44. Elias Toniolo and Richard Hill (trans & eds.) The Opening of the Nile Basin (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1974), p. 45. Stiansen distinguishes three types of partnership: (a) that in which the investor hires the services of a trader; (b) that in which a trader/borrower hires capital (the financial partnership proper), and; (c) the real partnership in which all members contribute both capital and services. However, he cautions that these categories are ambiguous in real life, and that "the nature of any given partnership will also be affected by whether the partners have committed themselves to limited or unlimited liability." Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism," 32—3. 46. Ibid., p. 96. In 1851, the government reportedly charged 1,300 piastres a month for each of its boats rented, suggesting that the White Nile trade was an important source of income to the government. 47. (Antoine) M. Brun—Rollet, Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan: Etudes sur 1‘Afrique Centrale (Paris: Librairie de L. Maison, 1855), 186-7. 48. Gray, History, 31—32. 49. Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism," 88—9. 50. For the effects of this recession, see Adolfo Antognoli's letter to Dr. Nicolao Ceru and Ign. Domenico Ceru, dated June 11, 1858 in Santi and Hill (trans. & eds.), The Europeans in the Sudan, 201. 51. Gray, History, 31—32. Stiansen, 89 and 190. 52. Adolfo Antognoli's letter to his brother Amadeo, dated Khartoum, May 10, 1858, in Santi and Hill (trans. & eds.) The Eflfopeans in the Sudan, 199—200. "‘ 53. At the time Malta, Ionia and the Levantine were under British dominions. See John Petherick Egypt, the Soudan and Central Africa (Edinburgh London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1861), 132. 54. Romolo Gessi Seven Years in the Sudan (London: Sampson Low, Marston & Company, 1892). 96 .rV'V pr Pip" w - v.\ .. ,- c»: ;;:.;..—J— .zu‘ V- - 1' 'f r '. v .5 r A ,-. .. ,..-wv u . - <0 . V’ rr h ‘P . r -, . ‘r— ( _,..- , .. .a..-— V ‘ - __——- cP" "’ r’.” o-v’v ' ‘-". v; v‘ ' ' ” ' ..J r‘fi ..‘o -~-‘§‘" _ ‘ , “.--.» A'vfi' 2'»: . \.— ~ -— yubv.£.— v, '-r --v ' "‘"A' “9‘0. 0 , n P‘ y‘J-..vc vnyu be. .. [’A- ,- - ”P "(O r, A or‘ ’- ~ u J...u-..u J-» e. . .- “AAP\ Ar ”VA n‘ I] P .- f“ “Va..; \u.. 5..» yvu . , r A- - o- 0 _ V if n)», :5: '- F' \ I " van»- ~.. 5"» ~‘ . - . c- . JR -'-\v\ 7 h-¢yp t'“c .— uV- ..I .- wuv..\_ Av‘ .r-J- v-I --V~»\.\.-\... Lu ,, L 3" n A'— igfi A: v.5“ };“di'lt’ -Is.¢ 1». o W" r-‘n . l A -.. CI: -.1: I *1": \A‘ A . _ '— 5‘ :1? ”IV" h‘VF'V‘.’\\r'~ .. H.«Lt. y- \. . ":— “Yf‘i‘crw- Av . nu» :u-b\.\,\,¥v‘ \ Pv-w- ' k-|(:h-‘h* .-Ac . ”Vv»..\-.. “3‘ ‘F: ‘q-..AY ‘ cub ‘U\\t- “C‘ s A A- A. -VC--C“: \ , I.“ ‘1 “AA 1 ‘HD-v ‘V‘\ K —‘ Lb ' 1 n V y. --. k“. ”Uta ‘1,- ‘w. ’Las _‘__' hid; ‘ 16 “more .; L-\ O— K L» T“QQW'A " . h - . “‘;‘V-\L. C‘ ‘h \44 A .. ~ . "‘ lefiflfi‘ L - » “VHUCN y: o.“ 5.. , r". "‘o. 1 H1 - x‘ . I “*“’ .3‘\-,- _ v k h; f‘ . I‘VH.. v. | \‘c c 55. Gray, History, 17 and 37. 56. Ibid., 18. 57. In A.C. Beaton "A Chapter in Bari History", in Sudan Notes and Records (Khartoum: 1934), 185—6. 58. G. Melly, Khartoum and the Blue and White Nile (London, 1855), 112. 59. Ibid., 27. The boundaries of the Vicariate were extensive, stretching from Abyssinia in the east to the Guinea coast to the west, and southward to the Ruwenzori mountains (also referred to as Ptolemy's Mountains of the Moon) on the Uganda—Zaire border. For the history of this early phase of the Catholic Church in the Sudan, see D. McEwan, A Catholic Sudan——Dream, Mission, Reality; A Study of the Roman Catholic Mission to Central Africa and Its Protection by the Hapsburg Empire from 1846 to 1900 (1914) (Rome; 1987). 60. The funds were raised in Austria with the help of the Austrian Emperor, Franz Josef I. Traditionally, France was the protector of the Christians in the Ottoman Empire. That protection was extended to the Prefecture of Abyssinia when the latter was created in 1839. Therefore, the Apostolic Vicariate of Central Africa based in Khartoum should have been under France. However, the Hapsburgg Monarchy argued that the protection it offered since the Franciscan mission (Mission of the Thebais) in Upper Egypt should therefore be extended to the Apostolic Vicariate of Central Africa. 61. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 85. 62. Gray, History, 24—7 and; 36-44. The White Ni PART II The White Nile Trade and the Political Economy of Eastern Equatoria 98 THE WHi" The previous side of the White Nil supply situation in E opportunities. the V‘ did Therefore. this Nile trade with the nature of its opera Existing lite reveals that it was political, cultural. White Nile trade. reproduction of ti gaining such an Thetheor 0* a given socie eDononiic resoi 99Deraliy) and pillduction. am most societies developed her CHAPTER THREE THE WHITE NILE TRADE AND THE LOCAL TRADE NETWORK The previous chapter was devoted to the study of the external (Khartoum) side of the White Nile trade, whose success depended on the local demand and supply situation in Eastern Equatoria. Without favorable local trading opportunities, the White Nile commerce itself may not have survived as long as it did. Therefore, this chapter is devoted to the study of the local side of the White Nile trade with the view to identifying its network as well as understanding the nature of its operations. Existing literature on the nineteenth-century ivory trade in East Africa reveals that it was largely under royal control, but also determined by a nexus of political, cultural, and customary practices. Therefore, to understand Equatoria's White Nile trade, it is important to know the nature of production and reproduction of the societies in which it operated. The tool often employed for gaining such an insight is the theory of social formation. The theory of social formation calls for a detailed description and analysis of a given society with respect to its production (that is, the exploitation of its economic resources--land, livestock, fishing, hunting, gathering and fauna generally) and reproduction (that is, the society's superstructure, relations of production, and the panoply of supporting ideologies). By the nineteenth century most societies in Eastern Equatoria, as indeed in the rest of East Africa, had developed beyond the level of the domestic economy, and into complex social 99 organizations, Eact politically based meC the elites in much: generally described One of the 52 than economics. pla production. For ex: which rights and du considered recipror leadership. ritual p. agricultural land) in belong to a palm the traditional elite economically. Similarly. rt Production proceg exlilained and pe the Elites were b. 5Ullerhatural her the society: Th powers it was e tribute and givin organizations.1 Each had a superstructure complete with ideologically or politically based mechanisms for the appropriation of "surplus" for the support of the elites. In much of the literature of this period, these societies have been generally described as "tributary societies." One of the salient features of "tributary" societies is that ideology, rather than economics, plays a primary role in the reproduction of the social relations of production. For example, kinship ideology operated as the mechanism through which rights and duties were clearly defined, and all kin relationships were considered reciprocal and therefore non-antagonistic. Likewise, the right to leadership, ritual performance, or to the means of production (such as agricultural land) were determined on the basis of kinship, that is, one had to belong to a particular descent group. In the final analysis, then, the position of the traditional elites is generally determined ideologically rather than economically. Similarly, the division of labor and the position of the elites in the production process was determined by certain ideological constructs which explained and perpetuated their dominant position in the society. For example, the elites were believed to be mediators between the society and the supernatural world, able to intercede with the supernatural powers on behalf of the society.2 Therefore, to ensure benefits and blessings from the supernatural powers, it was essential for the society to maintain good relations by paying tribute and giving gifts on chance misfortune. This ideology thus became the mechanisms for the appropriation of "surplus.“3 100 Among the Lat spiritual and tempera acertain portion of tt hunting season was were exclusively for during the rest of the tusks. leopard-skins In addition to all oft “surplus" labor thro Apart from t' rainmaker receivec example, litigation: The last were mac hides, skins, and 4 Below the i Mi. The mc Who pertomted ri (head ot the villa: WE! who Ward Ofi pests at candidateS sele. M” Like the r; Among the Latuka, for example, the rainmaker (M) was the supreme spiritual and temporal head of the society.4 At the end of the harvest he received a certain portion of the crops from each of the villages under him. Also, the hunting season was inaugurated with the "royal hunt" (called M), whose kills were exclusively for the rainmaker, and he continued to receive a portion of meat during the rest of the hunting season. Moreover, he monopolized elephant ‘ tusks. leopard-skins, and lion-skins, and he took half of various valuable hides. in addition to all of these royalties and tribute, the rainmaker also appropriated "surplus" labor through corvée. Apart from the royalties and tribute payments outlined above, the rainmaker received payments for "administrative" and judicial duties, for example, litigations, petitions, fines, and, most important of all, payments for rain. The last were made in kind—grains, livestock, metal (mostly worked or rust iron), hides, skins, and elephant tusks.5 Below the rainmaker were other ritual functionaries called Mk (sing. a_bo@n_i). The most important of them were am_onye-mij_i (head of the village"), who performed rites for the settlement's health and fertility; firm-W (head of the village ward or moiety), who performed similar rites for this unit; and mic-Lag who performed rites to insure success in hunting, in war, and also to ward off pests and predators.6 These positions came from certain lineages, with candidates selected not by the rain-maker but by the ruling warrior class (m— m_i'Li). Like the rainmaker, aballok also enjoyed certain royalties and privileges. 101 important to CL labor based on 899 a elders performed oer ones such as death) junior males, on the looking after calves 1 addition to certain as deemed as socially and this belief justif over junior males- While the pa generalized for all a that difterences thz At any rate, with It Nile exhibit a less: east of the Nile. ir Whatever particul nevertheless clea jealously Sought . privileges?" The chief. unlirecedented : °DP°ilunities for Important to our understanding of "tributary" societies is the division of labor based on age and sex at the level below the elites. Among males, the elders performed certain duties in the process of production, usually the heavier ones such as clearing the land for farming. They also looked after cattle. The junior males, on the other hand, were usually assigned lighter tasks, such as looking after calves or goats, while women did virtually all the housework, in addition to certain agricultural tasks such as weeding. The elders' duties were deemed as socially more important than those performed byjuniors and women, and this beliefjustified the domination of the male elders over women as well as overjunior males.7 While the particularities of the Latuka social structure cannot be generalized for all societies in Eastern Equatoria, it is, nonetheless, safe to say that differences that existed among them were largely of degree rather than kind. At any rate, with the exception perhaps of the Makaraka, societies west of the Nile exhibit a lesser degree of the features of the Latuka model; whereas those east of the Nile, including the Bari, can be said to conform to that model.8 Whatever particular differences existed between these tributary societies, it is nevertheless clear that the chiefs were its beneficiaries, and not unnaturally, they jealously sought to maintain the system along with their exclusive rights and privileges.9 The chiefs recognized the economic importance of the trade as a new and unprecedented source of high-value items. with equally unprecedented opportunities for accumulation of wealth. it was an opportunity because of the 102 potential tor wealth an! political problems it 00 controlled, the econon have easily undermlnt exclusive rights and D The chiefs thei decision on the basis accumulations. the c‘ at trade also had an direct contact with th activities of the toreir The Bari chie along the Nile, espe when the first gover loyal house becamr White Nile was Nyig 5911101 Person in thi diplomat, between 3dominant role in in 1841, Ny impressed the first expeditions contin 1119 White N116 tra‘ #7 potential for wealth and power it offered; and it was a challenge because of the political problems it could unleash for the chiefs. Unless it was somehow controlled, the economic opportunities that the White Nile trade offered might have easily undermined the established tributary social order, and the chiefs' exclusive rights and privileges. The chiefs therefore imposed monopolies over the trade, and justified the decision on the basis of the established tributary ideology. Given their prior accumulations, the chiefs came to dominate the trade.10 Secondly, this pattern of trade also had an added if unintended advantage, in that it put the elites in direct contact with the White Nile traders. thus enabling them to watch the activities of the foreign traders closely. The Bari chiefs had the greatest advantage because of their location along the Nile, especially the royal house at Bilinyang. From the start in 1841, when the first government expedition broke into the local scene, the Bilinyang royal house became entwined with the White Nile trade. The central figure in the White Nile was Nyigilo, the brother of Chief Logonu of Bilinyang. As the most senior person in the royal house after the king, he became the contact man, or diplomat, between the royal house and the White Nile traders11 and came to play a dominant role in the local White Nile trade. In 1841, Nyigilo's diplomatic skills and friendly demeanor had so impressed the first government expedition to reach Bariland that subsequent expeditions continued to seek his friendship and assistance. His importance in the White Nile trade is further indicated in 1844, when he went to Khartoum on 103 invitation or the 9W9” impress him with the 0 spur him to become a was hoped that Nyrgilc which would help him expeditions. Nyigilo s with the trading exper Nyigilo prompt asamiddleman. and their unsold merchar merchandise either t travel to the interior ' expedition when the The success “ailing exoed‘rtron c N the trading days He [NyigilOl year he had that...the D“ preceding 0 And Nyigilo trading network th traveled trequentl establish a missic disappointed to fr invitation by the government's trading expedition. First, the expedition sought to impress him with the power and material wealth of the government, which would spur him to become a better local middleman for the government. Secondly, it was hoped that Nyigilo would also acquire a knowledge of the Arabic language, which would help him to communicate more effectively with the government expeditions. Nyigilo stayed for a year in Khartoum, returning to his native land with the trading expedition of 1845.12 Nyigilo promptly and enthusiastically embarked upon his newfound career as a middleman, and from then on, the government's annual expeditions left their unsold merchandise with him. During the year, Nyigilo would sell the merchandise either to visiting customers from the interior, or he would himself travel to the interior to barter them there. He would then give the proceeds to the expedition when the latter returned the following year. The success of Nyigilo's trading ventures became evident during the trading expedition of 1850. Fr. Emanuele Pedemonte, who then witnessed one of the trading days in Gondokoro in that year, had this to say: He [Nyigilo] was busy trading ivory throughout the day; during the year he had gathered together as much ivory as he could, so that...the present expedition obtained more ivory...than the preceding one.13 And Nyigilo's success was such that by 1851, he had a well-established trading network that encompassed Lafon and Latuka in the east, to which he traveled frequently.14 In 1851, for example, Vinco made a trip to Gondokoro to establish a mission there with the support of Nyigilo. But on arrival there he was disappointed to find that "Nyigilo had gone off to Lotuka (sic) to exchange the 104 beads given him by 1“ Thus he was absent it Both Nyigilo ar these extensive comr determined to maintz against local compet There were thus twc government in Khan However. in ‘ private traders. The culmination of the E Empire signed at B among other things because the abolit revenues, Khartou however. a large r 1° attempts to by-r Suliltliers. AS the pres increasingly diffrc was, tor the outsi had escaped Khi 110 the local rule beads given him by the [government] expedition for oxen, rams and other things. Thus he was absent when I arrived."15 Both Nyigilo and the royal house must have benefited immensely from these extensive commercial contacts. Therefore, the royal house was determined to maintain control of the local trade, a policy directed not only against local competitors, but also against the White Nile traders themselves. There were thus two monopolies over the White Nile trade, one by the colonial government in Khartoum, and the other by the local rulers in Southern Sudan. However, in 1851, the colonial government lost control of the trade to private traders. The collapse of Khartoum's trading monopoly was largely the culmination of the Commercial Convention between Britain and the Ottoman Empire signed at Balta Liman in August 1838. That Convention provided, among other things, for free trade throughout the Ottoman Empire. However, because the abolition of the monopoly policy would lead to the loss of significant revenues, Khartoum resisted its implementation. With its abandonment in 1851, however, a large number of private traders rushed to the South. Competition led to attempts to by-pass the middlemen to establish commercial relations with suppliers. As the pressure of Khartoum traders grew. local rulers found it increasingly difficult to maintain control. First the destruction of local monopolies was, for the outside traders, a matter of political principle. That is, since they had escaped Khartoum's control, there was no reason why they should concede it to the local rulers. Secondly, it was also a matter of econOmic survival for 105 them. in that they want therefore importer)i tot them with ivory and ot' Evading local n tor there is an increas with all sorts of peool reports of 1859. in ti Gondokoro to Bibio t Neangara and Lung; Neangara and Lung The presenci the White Nile trade than inheritance. bl the basis of succes they were chiefs ir chietship was past LUhgasuki Nile, south ot so, m“ddhlttan in the other trade items district. HlStradi he Was 1003lly [6 am he gamed 11 them, in that they wanted to secure a significant share of the local market. it was therefore important for the Khartoum traders to trade with anybody able to supply them with ivory and other required items. Evading local monopolies appears to have occurred after the mid-1850s, for there is an increasing reference to the Khartoum traders transacting business with all sorts of people. Another indirect evidence can be found in Fr. Morlang's reports of 1859. In that year, Morlang accompanied a trading expedition from Gondokoro to Bibio (on the Yei river), where he met two Bari immigrants— Neangara and Lungasuk (Morlang's Lungashu). According to Morlang, both Neangara and Lungasuk were chiefs and businessmen. The presence of these Bari immigrants in Yei district was connected with the White Nile trade. Their chiefships were obviously based on something other than inheritance, because, as indicated earlier in this chapter, one’s lineage was the basis of succession to the office. Secondly, since there is no evidence that they were chiefs in Bariland prior to their migration, it is safe to assume that their chiefship was based on their wealth. Lungasuk was originally head of Mokido village on the west bank of the Nile, south of Gondokoro. Sometime in the 18503 he became an important middleman in the White Nile trade, supplying the Khartoum traders with ivory and other trade items collected from areas west of the Nile, including the Yei river district. His trading activities carried him throughout the western territories, and he was locally renowned as a traveler.16 Yei district’s centrality attracted him, and he settled there. 106 ln conclusion. It the information he 93“ Yei district was princrp some lowly Bans migt upon a lonely road of commercial interests White Nile traders. T establish themselves tluidity of social strur Having said t inaccurate in reterri ot Nakaraka. socie' anywhere in Easter political units. Cor positions or power he called chiefs. ‘ have laid outside ' Wealth thell accur which in the local ‘Chletsf One other institution in the in conclusion, it can be said that in general, Lungasuk's career, as well as the information he gave Morlang, suggest that the movement of Baris into the Yei district was principally in connection With the White Nile trade. Thus, while some lowly Baris might have been forced by certain misfortunes, such as famine, upon a lonely road of migration, others were, by contrast, goaded on by commercial interests, traveling to the interior as agents and middlemen of the White Nile traders. The fact that some of these migrants eventually managed to establish themselves as “chiefs” in their new communities says much about the fluidity of social structures in the Yei district itself Having said that, it is, however, possible that Morlang could be somehow inaccurate in referring to these Bari immigrants as chiefs. For, With the exception of Makaraka, societies in the Yei district seemed more segmentary than anywhere in Eastern Equatoria, and clans seem to have been autonomous political units. Consequently, it was clan heads who held political and religious positions of power and authority, and, therefore, it was only they who could thus be called chiefs. Therefore, the basis of chiefship of the immigrant Baris must have laid outside this clan—based social structure. As already mentioned, the wealth they accumulated from their trading activities made them “rich men,” which in the local vernacular was often translated as “big men,” or simply as “chiefs.” One other possible explanation for the chiefships of these Bari immigrants in the Yei River district was their rainmaking. Apparently, rainmaking was a new institution in the district, and it seems to have been introduced there by Baris. 107 indeed. until ouite rece ancestry 1", lt is possi to the Yer river district vernacular. as well as the concept “rainmakr tenet Wit—e Nil—e Nyigilo. Neal)! Bari participants in tl traders that connect Nile through Gondo penetrated Yei first pioneering ettorts c el-Ghazal river in t deeper, both soutl empire twice. rear 801'8 Naturally Y trom southern Be The existir trade. which led hunters. The m 3W1 Chlel Nean Indeed, until quite recently, many of the rainmakers in Yei district had Bari 17 ancestry. it is possible that Lungasuk, Neangara, and other Bari immigrants to the Yei river district might have claimed to be rainmakers, and in the Bari vernacular, as well as in the vernacular of the Bari-speaking people generally, the concept “rainmaker” was synonymous with “chief.” The Local White Nile Trade Network l_n The Xej River District Nyigilo, Neangara, and Lungasuk, as well as being important examples of Bari participants in the trade, were also an example of the network of local traders that connected local trade in the Yei river district with that of the White Nile through Gondokoro. However, the White Nile trade appears to have penetrated Yei first through southern Bahr el—Ghazal, apparently due to the pioneering efforts of John Petherick, who was one of the first to ascend the Bahr el-Ghazal river in 1855. Shortly thereafter, the firm penetrated deeper and deeper, both southward and westward. Petherick himself visited his commercial empire twice, reaching Zandeland in 1858, probably the first European to do 30.18 Naturally, Yei district was drawn into the local trading networks entering it from southern Bahr el-Ghazal. The existing information provides some insight into the impact of that trade, which led first to the emergence of a small group of professional elephant- hunters. The most important of these elephant-hunters were Umba Weri-Benetit and Chief Neangara of Bibio, and their elephant-hunting appears to have been a well-coordinated activity. For example, Umba Weri-Benetit and his hunting band 108 would go hunting 10‘ 9'" hunts. witnessed by Mr. Their success c Gondokoro. which en: hunters had two optio southern Bahr el-Gha most of Yei's ivory we Ghazal. and then to Unfortunately Umba Weri-Benetit testive atmosphere object of celebratio provided for the vill hand, the primary 1 tUichase the luxur Apart from 0fYWISNNPONanc WW sin in Bibi: Participants cam. met to sell th struck With the c Etemmr 5‘”le on mm. but would go hunting for elephants for days at a time. in one of their successful hunts, witnessed by Morlang, the band killed four elephants.19 Their success coincided with the arrival of a trading caravan from Gondokoro, which enabled them to dispose of the ivory locally. in the past, the hunters had two options to dispose of the ivory: travel to trading stations in southern Bahr el—Ghazal, or wait to sell it to some passing middlemen. initially most of Yei's ivory went to Petherick's trading stations in southern Bahr el- Ghazal, and then to Gondokoro as its importance grew. Unfortunately, Morlang failed to record the actual transaction between Umba Weri-Benetit and the visiting caravan.20 Instead, Morlang records the festive atmosphere in the wake of the successful hunt, and suggests that the object of celebration was the quantities of meat that the four elephant kills provided for the village.21 Nevertheless, for Umba Weri-Benetit and his hunting band, the primary goal of elephant-hunting was to secure ivory with which to purchase the luxury items of the White Nile trade. Apart from the presence of professional elephant—hunters, other evidence of Yei's importance in the White Nile trade exist as well. For example, during his short stay in Bibio, Morlang observed a brisk market activity, and says that the participants came from all ranks of life, with many people making two days' journey to sell their farm produce in Bibio market. Morlang was particularly struck with the cheap prices offered in the market: Everything is very cheap here, and in trade beads are counted singly one by one. I bought plump hens, long-haired billy goats, corn, butter, flour and lndian corn. etc. ..22 109 Despite his boss to note whether or not seems safe to assume week. This assumotv trader and rniddlemar luxury items either he therefore required th caravan irom Gondc market with stocks t certain aspects ot ti those observed in E llorlang wrote One day a E away, btoug Kurdutan [p isle.) selling 01 beans to manshur by Elsewhere 999 heads Oboe commodities ster with the tact that tor the local and ThMinnie The easl t . he written feet Despite his positive impression of the Bibio market, however, Morlang fails to note whether or not it operated on a daily or some other regular basis. it seems safe to assume that it operated on some regular basis, at least twice a week. This assumption is based on the fact that Neangara, being a prominent trader and middleman, was likely able to procure a fairly regular supply of the luxury items either from Gondokoro or from southern Bahr el-Ghazal, which therefore required their disposal at some regular interval. At any rate, the trading caravan from Gondokoro with which Morlang traveled must have filled the market with stocks that took at least several days to exhaust. Interestingly, certain aspects of the market, particularly the standard measures used, recall those observed in Shendi by Buckhardt in the early 18205 in Northern Sudan. Morlang wrote: One day a group of [people] coming from Tubu, about one day's journey away, brought white durra, beans, honey, a certain fruit like fu/ of Kurdufan [peanut], which tasted like chestnuts, to the market and was [sic] selling at a cheap price They were selling twelve cupped handfuls of beans for two borjok beads, four handfuls of groundnuts for one manshur bead. 23 Elsewhere, Morlang was able to buy a pot full of corn for only two pigeon— egg beads. Obviously, the main reason for the low prices of these basic commodities stemmed from the productivity of the land. This abundance, along with the fact that ivory was relatively plentiful naturally made Yei a favorite place for the local and White Nile traders.24 —--—~_—_—_——________‘_— The eastern districts were also a major source of ivory supply in fact, if the written record is anything to go by, the eastern districts may have been 110 perhaps more impor monopoly over NOT} eastern districts be! The Gondokoro-La As tar as La made it possible it data l collected in Some intor gave the other to monye—miji (age-1 their common prr dispose of it as i Payment for rain two seemingly c disposal of elep while the seem method ot diso the rainmaker. Chiefs in QEner the White Nile area, perhaps more important than Yei until the government effectively abolished its monopoly over ivory in 1852. Certainly Nyigilo's frequent trading visits to the eastern districts bespeaks of their importance as a source of ivory.25 m Gondokoro-Latuka Rad—e As far as Latukaland was concerned, the tributary system outlined earlier made it possible for the chiefs to accumulate large quantities of ivory. in the oral data I collected in 1977 and 1979, there was much controversy over this matter. Some informants argued that the killer of the elephant took one tusk and gave the other to the rainmaker. Others held that the other was given to the monye-miji (age—set) of his amangat (i.e. ward or moiety) to be kept by them as their common property. They went on to say that while the moiety was free to dispose of it as it saw it fit, they usually gave it to the rainmaker (hobu) in payment for rain. However, from my analysis of the data, it appears that these two seemingly opposing positions represent two different practices governing the disposal of elephant tusks. The first way was for people living in the capital, while the second was for the people outside the capital.26 But whatever the method of disposal of elephant tusks, eventually most of the ivory ended up with the rainmaker. And as has been discussed earlier, it is not surprising that the chiefs in general, and the rainmakers in particular, dominated the local side of the White Nile trade. For all of these reasons, Latukaland was a productive region for Nyigilo's ivory business, which may explain why he frequented the area. 111 But the trade way traffic. as chiefs business reasons. to Gondokoro in 18 very likely that he s traders themselves sought to establist traders, even invit’ completion of his Loronyo with a pa Participatie monopoly of Late elsewhere were ; TinanStore. in it Legge for a pass geographical loc while telling his hOmEiown tie . this incident sh raises the pose in the past, At] Kamiru himsei paniCipam in 1 But the trade between Bariland and the eastern districts was also a two- way traffic, as chiefs from the eastern districts often visited Gondokoro for business reasons. For example, Mayyia ll of Loronyo is reported to have come to Gondokoro in 1851.27 While the details of his stay are generally wanting, it is very likely that he sought to secure the luxury goods directly from the White Nile traders themselves, bypassing such middlemen as Nyigilo. The visiting chiefs sought to establish good business and personal relations with the White Nile traders, even inviting the latter to visit the eastern districts. Thus, upon the completion of his visit to Gondokoro, Mayyia ii is reported to have returned to Loronyo with a party of the White Nile traders.28 Participation in the Gondokoro-Latukaland trade, however, was not the monopoly of Latuka chiefs based in Loronyo alone. Other Latuka chiefs elsewhere were also active participants, particularly the Hujang faction based in Tirrangore. in 1861, Andrea de Bono traveled to Liria to negotiate with chief Legge for a passage to Lafon. De Bono appeared to'have known the precise geographical location of Tirrangore, for he pointed at the Lopit mountains, all the while telling his companion, Dr. Alfred Peney, that Kamiru's (his Comotro) hometown (i.e Tirrangore) was located near the foot of the mountains.29 First, this incident shows that de Bono knew Kamiru personally. Secondly, it also raises the possibility that de Bono might have been to Tirrangore at some point in the past. Alternatively, he could have learned all of the information from Kamiru himself, possibly in Gondokoro. That Kamiru was an important participant in the White Nile trade became clear in 1862. in that year, according 11?. to Samuel Baker. K8 trading station in Tin However. it w this for two reasons nineteenth-century dynasty based in Le compared to that o‘ valley of the Hoss a respectively). The: Samuel Baker. whl wildlife that he refs The Latuka importance of the and fauna. the the reasons. the Latu! tradition, the territ whose main came the Latuka eventl eighteenth-centu Particularly fish a mWed into the a to Samuel Baker, Kamiru personally played a role in the establishing of the trading station in Tirrangore.30 However, it would seem that Loronyo supplied more ivory than Tirrangore, this for two reasons. First, after the break up of their kingdom sometime in early nineteenth-century, the majority of the kingdom remained loyal to Mayyia's dynasty based in Loronyo, and this meant that Loronyo's tribute base was larger compared to that of Tirrangore. Second, Loronyo controlled much of the middle valley of the H053 and the Hinatye rivers (on maps Koss and Kinatti respectively). These areas are rich in wildlife, especially the Hinatye valley. Samuel Baker, who passed through the area in 1863, was so impressed with its wildlife that he refers to Latuka as a game country.31 The Latuka themselves seem to have recognized the economic importance of the Hinatye middle valley-net only for wildlife, but also for its fish and fauna, the most important of the latter being the doleib tree. For these reasons, the Latuka sought to take control of the territory. According to their oral tradition, the territory belonged originally to a people whom they call Segelle, whose main center was Faciti. However, following a series of military campaigns the Latuka eventually wrested effective control of the territory during the I eighteenth—century. Thereafter, they exploited the resources of the area, particularly fish and wildlife. And in the nineteenth century, settlers from Loronyo moved into the area to establish Lohiri settlement.32 Thus, although fish may have been the original reason for wresting control of the territory, its rich wildlife, including elephants. tur introduction of the Whit The Lafon—Gen trade with the Latuka located at the lower v river which. in its mid Consequently. in me for all practical purpi ends. the floods rec perennial water-hot elephant grass, me Like Latuka hunting was eSpee personal and pub 116iillently sought to ensure a great There is r hoWever. i aggur this Chapter?“ | Wildlife Pleducti including elephants, turned out to be a bonanza for the chiefs following the introduction of the White Nile trade. me Gondokoro-Lafon Tale The Lafon-Gondokoro ivory trade may have been more important than the trade with the Latuka. As already mentioned above, Lafon is strategically located at the lower valley of the Hinatye and the Hoss rivers. The Hinatye is a river which, in its middle course, tends to flatten out into a flood plain. Consequently, in many places during the rainy season the flood plain becomes for all practical purposes a sheet of water. However, when the rainy season ends, the floods recede into the many deep and wide depressions. These perennial water-holes along with the presence of very good vegetation including elephant grass, make the area a prime grazing ground for all sorts of wildlife. Like Latuka, the people of Lafon exploited wildlife and fish. Elephant hunting was especially important, since elephant killers enjoyed so much personal and public respect and prestige that their opinion and leadership was frequently sought in public matters.33 Naturally, the effect of such a custom was to ensure a great supply of ivory. There is no information available on the distributive system in Lafon; however, i assume that it was a variant of the tributary system outlined earlier in this chapter.34 if so, the Lafon chiefs must have had a lot of ivory and other wildlife products which were sought in the White Nile trade. in fact, this supply may have been the reason why so many traders sought to travel there. 114 The important 1851. indeed. it ma- there. i had already but my effort prejudices th Angelo Vinco was f escort of thirty mer journey within the l of that vrsit. Vinco Gondokorotafon information on the indeed, the most The peopli giraffe‘s he won, salt a While in L Widespread man that until the intr (long-distance) ' Lafon dealt witi lived in the cou introduction of Gondokoro? is very likely it impohahce in The importance of the Gondokoro-Lafon trade was apparent even before 1851. indeed, it may have been that contact which inspired Fr. Vinco to travel there: i had already tried to penetrate into their country many times before but my efforts had failed, because of the many and serious prejudices the Beri [Lafon] entertain against white men ...35 Angelo Vinco was finally able to fulfill his dream on 24 June 1851, when an escort of thirty men arrived to guide Vinco to Lafon. This was Vinco's first journey within the region since settling in Bilinyang in that same year. Because of that visit, Vinco was uniquely qualified to comment on the nature of the Gondokoro—Lafon trade. Unfortunately, he seems not to have left much information on that subject, perhaps because he was not a man of details. indeed, the most he said on the subject is: The people of Berri [Lafon] traded principally in tobacco, ivory, giraffe's hair, tame bulls and hides of wild bulls, while the Bari have iron, salt and beads?6 While in Lafon, Vinco made an important observation regarding the Widespread nature of trade contacts in the region. For example, he observed that until the introduction of the White Nile commerce, Lafon had little if any (long-distance) trading contact with Gondokoro or Bariland in general; instead, Lafon dealt with people Vinco calls Gnaghi (probably Anywak), who apparently lived in the country east or northeast of Lafon. However, following the introduction of the White Nile trade, Lafon's trade was re-oriented towards Gondokoro.37 Since Lafon was well endowed with wildlife including elephants, it is very likely that it became a main source of ivory flowing to Gondokoro. Lafon‘s importance in this regard is suggested by the fact that in 1861 Andrea de Bono, 115 probably the most prr negotiated with Chief the event. the requee passage was tantarr Curiously. de the last time Lafon 1 about Lafon should important in the ivo that Lafon had dive points on the Nile. established his tra [hetoko a-GOnc The Lokoy mountainous COU particularly endo sought control of were renowned ' with significant 5 Secondh and this wealth on it by raiding ihdeed‘ Lokoy: probably the most prominent ivory trader in Eastern Equatoria at that time, negotiated with Chief Legge of Liria in order to be allowed passage to Lafon. in theevent, the request was rejected, because, as will be discussed later, such a passage was tantamount to ceding to de Bono Legge‘s important source of ivory. Curiously, de Bono's failed negotiations with Legge seems to have been the last time Lafon was mentioned in the written record. However, the silence about Lafon should not be viewed as indicating that it had ceased to be important in the ivory trade. instead, the silence can be explained in two ways: that Lafon had diverted much of its trade to Liria, which is likely, or to some other points on the Nile, especially Bor, after lbrahim Baaz, a Syrian trader, had established his trading firm there. m Lokoya-Gondokoro TLde The Lokoya occupy a territory between the Latuka and the Bari. A rugged mountainous country with hardly any perennial rivers, Lokoyaland was not particularly endowed with elephants. The chiefs therefore adopted a policy that sought control of the ivory trade passing through their country. And since they were renowned for their military prowess. they were able to enforce the policy with significant success. Secondly, the White Nile trade appeared to bring prosperity to Bariland, and this wealth may have excited Lokoya's cupidity, and they sought to cash in on it by raiding and rustling Bari cattle, thereby intensifying ethnic hostility. indeed, Lokoya-Bari wars were quite frequent throughout the early 18503.38 116 That Nyigilo was able the Lokoya and othe By the early 1 during his tourney tr chiei Tombe oi Toll: actually seen many six weeks before m many times during chiefs' active partic successful adapta' intermediaries int Lukya's trade polii ammur The contin competition and ' diticulties that dt t850s. At the cc several consecu the drought is F had lived in Gor amp ‘0 LII-18,31 WES. all victii famine. Mortar That Nyigilo was able to skirt this hostile atmosphere in his trading contacts with the Lokoya and other peoples in the east is a testimony to his diplomatic skills, By the early 1860s, Lokoya chiefs were active traders. For example, during his journey from Gondokoro to Latuka through Liria, Samuel Baker met chief Tombe of Tollogo, whom he recognized at once as the chief he had actually seen many times before in Gondokoro.39 Baker had been there only for six weeks before making the journey, and that he saw chief Tombe in Gondokoro many times during that relatively short period says a great deal about Lokoya chiefs' active participation in the White Nile trade. Indeed, it may have been this successful adaptation that eventually helped establish them as effective intermediaries in the Lafon-Gondokoro ivory trade. However, since the details of Lokya's trade policies relate to the next chapter, we will defer them until then. E3_rnin_e Crisis jg Bariland fl it_s Impact on the Local Trade Network _- ._ .-_._..._ ___._ __ The continuing influx of traders in Eastern Equatoria led to stiff competition and reduced profits. What made matters worse, however, were difficulties that developed in the local supply situation in the closing years of the 18503. At the core of these difficulties were economic crises touched off by several consecutive years of drought and famine. The source of information on the drought is Fr. Franz Morlang who, by the time he made these observations, had lived in Gondokoro for about four or five years. In July 1859, Morlang made a trip to Liria, and, enroute he found the road strewn with human skeletons and bodies, all victims of drought and famine. Commenting on the devastation of the famine, Morlang wrote: 117 A5 in prVlOUE Bari began in of rain. the PE herbs which t had been dra and the worn morsels of E miserable de affected....El The drought definition, rainmakt fertility of the land. consequences for observed by Vincc This chief j dangerous die....Likel is able to l: however. i' in his but. Wield That was late 18508 implte 0W“ Survival, an the chiefs were CO”infarct-a dEtt The trad tr3de stations tears earlier in Eastern Equat favorabje lem As in previous years, also this year the hunger months among the Bari began in the months of April, May and June. Owing to the lack of rain, the people have even been unable to find the leaves and herbs which they normally cook and eat. The cattle, whose blood had been drawn off and sold, were dying of weakness. The girls and the women surrendered themselves to the merchants for morsels of l_~\l;i; ~T\-\ “K (edits. & trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 83—85. 39. Baker, Albert N'Yanza, Vol. I, 115—17. 40. Morlang, "South—Eastwards from Gondokoro to the Lirya," in Toniolo and Hill (edits. & trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, p. 110. Also, Fr. Anton Kaufmann, "The White Nile Valley and Its Inhabitants," in Ibid., 189. 41. Angelo Vinco, "His Journeys," in Toniolo and Hill (edits. & trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 77. 42. Quoted in Gray, History, 43, footnote no. 4. 43. For positive remarks on the Bari, see Emanuele Pedemonte, "A Report on the Voyage of 1849—50," in Toniolo and Hill (edits. & trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 61, 62, and 63. See, also, Anton Kaufmann, "The White Nile Valley and Its Inhabitants," in Ibid., 179. 44. See, Morlang, South—EaStwards from Gondokoro to the Lirya," in Toniolo and Hill, (edits. & Trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 110. 45. Ibid. 46. Anton Kaufmann "The White Nile Valley and Its Inhabitants," in Toniolo and Hill (edits. & trans.), The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 181. 47. Quoted in, A.C. Beaton, "A Chapter in Bari History," in Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XVII, (Khartoum: 1934), 181. 48. Quoted in Gray, History, 41. 49. Anton Kaufmann, "The White Nile and Its Inhabitants," in Toniolo and Hill, (edits. & trans.) The Opening of the White Nile Basin, 184. In 1859, Morlang joined a caravan of Petherick's men going to the Yei river area, some 100 miles west of Gondokoro. The caravan had over 100 Bari porters, and probably most of them offered their services in return for food. 50. For reference to the role the Bari played in facilitating the penetration, see Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels in Central Africa, 267; and Robert Brown, Story of Africa and Its Explorers, Vol. II, (London: 1892—5), 111—12, THE ES The shift: was a short. iogi continuing influx share. and cons European races that downward . itself. The ioca apart-time has pan of their tir mainly from he local "produce Nile traders ( eodowmeni or weapons user was esS‘ential d‘dWiencou lncrea: involved. her CHAPTER FOUR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT TRADING STATIONS The shift of the White Nile trade from riverside— to hinterland-based stations was a short, logical process. In the previous chapter, reference was made to the continuing influx of traders into the region, the increasing competition for market share, and consequent declining profit margins for the traders, especially after the European recession of 1858.1 Two local factors were equally, if not more, crucial in that downward spiral. The first of these had to do with the nature of local supply itself. The local White Nile trade was a "gathering" activity, undertaken largely on a part-time basis. That is, although a few of the traders like Nyigilo devoted a good part of their time in its pursuit, most of the trade goods, especially ivory, came mainly from traditional economic activities such as hunting. But the ability of the local "producers" to secure these commodities at a rate satisfactory to the White Nile traders depended on two factors, foremost of which was the natural endowment of the area concerned. But perhaps more important was the nature of weapons used in the procurement of these hunting products. Elephant-hunting was essentially a risky business, and the primitive nature of traditional weaponry did not encourage many people to participate on a regular or professional basis. Increasing the supply of ivory required a significant reduction of the risks involved, necessitating the transformation of local elephant-hunting techniques. The only realistic way to achieving that goal was through the introduction of 129 firearms. not. an. afiect the balanr therefore to mow persistent proble The secc spiral was the e chiefs major p Because of the naturally had However bece chiefs were 01 White Nile trac lie Estevan As. the ineilective es responsibilitv the famine or The penetrai of an exped firms entere Henoeiorth. oileiafing in firearms, not an attractive proposition for the traders, since that would radically affect the balance of power in favor of the local peoples. The traders chose therefore to move into the interior and, through use of firearms, help reverse the persistent problem in the local ivory supply. The second and probably the most important local factor in the downward spiral was the extended drought and famine of the late 18503, which caused the chiefs major political difficulties and debilitating consequences for the trade. Because of their power and ability to command resources and labor, the chiefs naturally had become the mainstay of the local White Nile trade network. However, because of the political difficulties brought on by the famine crisis, the chiefs were often locked in a struggle for their own survival, causing the local White Nile trade to suffer.2 T_he Penetration gf me Hinterland As the famine crisis eliminated or rendered local agents and middlemen ineffective, especially in Bariland, the White Nile traders increasingly assumed the responsibility of "producing" the required trade items themselves. It was therefore the famine crisis that precipitated the new policy—the penetration of the hinterland. The penetration of the interior was at first cautious and this caution took the form of an expeditionary phase, which lasted from about 1858 through 1860. As the firms entered the hinterland, they required armed contingents for their security. Henceforth, the creation of private armies became standard practice of all the firms operating in the region. 130 in its operator ioliowing: during the men into the interior then brought back it rading season. at i markets in Khartoc year during the ex; it appears exclusively to Yei the traders met y inendly attitude e“liliecl relative' struck with the i The clir healthy there is and uni Seconi I“ I“at distric re9km as a atiliculturai beheen tt (ITSpuyeS a. conflicts a, In its operation, the structure of the expeditionary phase consisted of the following: during the off-season, the overseer dispatched groups of his armed men into the interior to procure ivory and other products. These products were then brought back to Gondokoro. where they were stored until the end of the next trading season, at which point they were shipped for disposal in the commercial markets in Khartoum and/or abroad. This process was repeated again for each year during the expeditionary phase. It appears that at first the expeditionary phase was confined almost exclusively to Yei district. Interestingly, with the brief exception of the Makaraka, the traders met with no hostile reception anywhere in the district. The apparently friendly attitude towards the traders was not perhaps accidental, for the district enjoyed relatively stable economic and social conditions. In 1859, Fr. Morlang was struck with the fertility of the land and the relative abundance of food there: The climate of the area arbund the river Yei appears to be quite healthy and the soil fertile. There is only one month a year when there is no rain...There is an abundance of [cultivated] edible plants and unlike Bari country there is no yearly famine here...3 Secondly, the easy penetration was partly due to the acephalous societies in that district. In Yei lived some of the most segmented ethnic groups in the region as a whole. People lived in small clusters of clan— or kinship-based agricultural communities, each with a Chieftain or clan head, who mediated between the community and the ancestral spirits and in family or infra-clan disputes and insured the fertility of the land. Thus, in addition to mediating in conflicts and disputes, the clan head acted aiso as a fertility priest.4 For exam; oi both the rain- power and authi makers appear i tact. many offir institution was i such. rain-make tended to resid coordination be ata disadvanta Thirdly. Bahr el-Ghaza can be explair Dally becausr not escape (y “Corporation trade may he therefore exp The e inilitating the Bariland A demographr For example, among the Kakwa, Pajulu, and the Nyangbara, the institution of both the rain-maker and clan head exist; but the latter enjoyed more actual power and authority than the former. As a matter of fact, rain—making and rain- makers appear to have been relatively new institutions borrowed from the Bari. In fact, many offices in Yei district were of Bari origin, and rain—making as an institution was not well integrated in the power structure of these societies. As such, rain-makers existed only as private individuals.5 The result was that power tended to reside in a series of small and highly localized entities, with little or no coordination between them. That sociopolitical fragmentation inevitably put them at a disadvantage vis-a-vis the power of the traders. Thirdly, Yei had been in contact with the White Nile trade for a long time via Bahr el—Ghazal, where penetration had occurred much earlier.6 This long history can be explained partly by Yei's geographical contiguity with Bahr el-Ghazal, and partly because of the relative abundance of elephants there,7 a factor which did not escape the attention of the White Nile traders. Therefore, the extent of its incorporation into the merchant capitalist structure represented by the White Nile trade may have been far stronger than is perhaps realized. Prior exposure may therefore explain its receptiveness to the penetration of the traders. The expeditionary phase worked reasonably well for the Khartoum traders, indicating that ivory reserves were still available in countries beyond the chaos in Bariland, A measure of how well the process worked can be seen partly from the demographic shift in Gondokoro‘s population: whereas its Bari population decreased as a result of the famine, by contrast its foreign commercial community 132 rose railldlll to a phase is further From the 40 boa rapid expansion and supply DTOb to raise the sta establishing trar The trar keen competiti lohn Petherick mineralogist. a Kordofan until trader in Kordi the decline of once again th Like it Supply situati Government Sudan "five lwo hundrec tubes." By hunters II] It rose rapidly to about 700 by 1859.8 The relative success of the expeditionary phase is further indicated by the rise in the number of boats visiting Gondokoro. From the 40 boats arriving there in 1856, that number doubled by 1859.9 With this rapid expansion and the resultant competition, local supply could not keep pace, and supply problems developed again. Thus, by 1861, the White Nile traders had to raise the stakes even higher by finally taking the unprecedented measure of establishing trading stations in the region. The transition from riverside— to hinterland-based trading stations and the keen competition that developed is perhaps best demonstrated in the career of John Petherick himself. He had been employed by the viceregal government as a mineralogist, and prospected for coal in Upper Egypt, the Red Sea hills and Kordofan until 1848. Upon leaving government service, he became a gum arabic trader in Kordofan and, in 1853, he moved to ivory trading on the White Nile. With the decline of profits in the last half of the 18503, the survival of his company was once again threatened. Like his competitors, Petherick believed that the problem lay with the local supply situation, and he decided to establish his own hunting units.10 He asked his Government to intervene with the Egyptian authorities to allow him import into the Sudan "five hundred muskets, eighty elephant-rifles, and two tons of lead for his two hundred men located," he went on to say, "amongst turbulent and warlike tribes." By 1862, some of the weapons he obtained were used by elephant- hunters in his station in Yei district.11 Other traders their military wares; only limiting factor Prussian Baron Har he found "the three lull possession of d MM 1% As outlined Nile traders was m the trade and had not particularly wel penetrate their cor They did or missionaries static Vinco's visit as an passing from the ambush and. mm 1859. Fr. Moria Morlang sought r religious ideas b. his visit because Perhaps Partly i: Other traders did not have to seek permission from any authority to import their military wares; they simply went about their business as they pleased. The only limiting factor for them was their means and abilities. Indeed, when the Prussian Baron Harnier ascended the White Nile and reached Gondokoro in 1860, he found "the three notorious dealers, de Bono, Shenuda, and Khurshid Age, in full possession of despotic authority over the negroes of that country".12 As outlined in the previous chapter, the hostility of the Lokoya to the White Nile traders was motivated largely by their desire to protect and maintain control of the trade and trade routes passing through their country. Since their country was not particularly well endowed with elephants, the Lokoya refused to allow traders to penetrate their country. They did not apparently differentiate between the White Nile traders and the missionaries stationed in Gondokoro. In 1851, for example, chief Legge perceived Vinco's visit as an attempt by a Khartoumer to break into Liria's control of the trade passing from the eastern district to Gondokoro. Not surprisingly, he ordered an ambush and, but for a timely escape, Vinco almost came to a sorry end.13 In 1859, Fr. Morlang was accorded similar, if perhaps less hostile, treatment. Morlang sought to propagate Christianity in Liria, as evidenced by the exchange of religious ideas between him and the people there. However, he had to cut short his visit because of demonstrated indifference, if not in fact hostility, towards him. Perhaps partly because of that frustration, Morlang came out with an unfavorable 134 impression of Chief 1 say that Legge was E Richard Gray company of a trad coldly.15 if the rece consistent with Lok maintaining control the policy brought t The first oc western district. the Upon arrival. it was were concerned tl might ultimately l denying direct ac Accordingly, the 1 Lina. The expec number of local I which it then plz encounter. 130 ( survivors were u numbers of then that enCoumel, S' impression of Chief Legge, describing him as "a wild—looking man." He went on to say that Legge was about seven feet tall, and had between thirty and forty wives.14 Richard Gray claims that Morlang's visit was, in fact, undertaken in the company of a trading expedition, but that all such expeditions were received coldly.15 If the reception was indeed cold, the attitude so displayed was certainly consistent with Lokoya's policy. Indeed, subsequent hostile actions suggest that maintaining control of trade remained Liria's long-standing policy. Not surprisingly, the policy brought Liria into conflict with the Khartoum traders. The first occurred in January 1860. Having successfully penetrated the western district, the traders sent an expedition, whose size is yet unknown, to Liria. Upon arrival, it was attacked, losing five of its men and the rest fled.16 The traders were concerned that such hostile actions would increase if left unchecked, and might ultimately lead to abandonment of expeditions to the interior, thereby denying direct access to lucrative sources of ivory in the region as a whole. Accordingly, the traders organized and sent a large punitive expedition against Liria. The expedition consisted of some 150 armed men, plus an unspecified number of local Bari allies. Liria rose to the occasion, assembling a large force which it then placed in ambush in its narrow ragged mountain valley. In the encounter, 130 of the traders' men perished in the attack, and many of the 20 survivors were wounded. The rout did not spare the Bari allies either, as untold numbers of them shared the same sorry fate as the Khartoumers. The outcome of that encounter stopped the traders for more than a year.17 135 The next mov Maltese trader. Andrr Bono traveled to er safe passage to La political shrewdness legge was accomp with traditional wea cautiously detacher Unfortunately for dt as Chief Legge ref wrote: ...il nous dit nous lui aur [Lafon]fait Legge reg; iusrrneu. Sinceh hands ongroan-ed Participating in th the r the Violenc hinterland. Lina l l862. for exam Kuku. and confr Ledge for ivory. M0”first. sun in {Ollowg The next move came in April 1861, and was undertaken by the notorious Maltese trader, Andrea de Bono. Accompanied by the physician Alfred Peney, De Bono traveled to Liria with a small retinue in order to approach Chief Legge for safe passage to Lafon. De Bono was able to witness first hand both Legge's political shrewdness and his military power. When he came to meet de Bono, Legge was accompanied by an army of several hundred men, all of them armed with traditional weapons. And as he approached the negotiating "table,” Legge cautiously detached a small contingent to stand guard during the proceedings.18 Unfortunately for de Bono, the outcome of the negotiations was a disappointment, as Chief Legge refused safe passage to Lafon. Reporting on the results, de Bono wrote: ...iI nous dit qu‘iI ne nous aurait jamais donné un guide, parce [que] nous lui aurions enlevé Ie commerce de l'ivoire que la tribu des Berri [Lafon] fait a Lina.1 Legge regarded his strangle-hold of the eastern trade routes as fully justified. Since his country had no elephants, most of the ivory that fell into his hands originated outside of his country. Therefore, if he was to continue participating in the ongoing ivory trade, he had to maintain that strangle-hold. By the time violence and enslavement erupted following the penetration of the hinterland, Liria had become a major market for the spoils of war. In February 1862, for example, de Bono's men entered into hostilities with the Madi and the Kuku, and confiscated considerable property. Most of the cattle were sold to Legge for ivory, and some was given as presents, along with many slave girls. Fr. Morlang, still in Gondokoro, witnessed these proceedings and recorded them as follows: 136 An expeditior bringing slave lvladi and Cu seized ivory from the Lire keep a slave Samuel Bake Bonds abortive neg behind Legge's str most of Legge's iv (his Galla) countrie ivory with beads. c concludes: Although tt [Lina], there trader that traders] for But by th LOkOllaland. inder favor of the trade the eastern trac circumventing Lc Impact of this m and thus signific have affected h actually though Oonsiderable m amhonty IS QUII An expedition has arrived from Loki [Upland or Southern Bari] bringing slaves and cattle; it is said that they have been amongst the Madi and Cucu [Kuku], that they have killed people, burnt huts, and seized ivory and slaves. With the stolen cattle they will buy ivory from the Liresi [i.e. from the people of Liria], and if a chief wants to keep a slave girl they give him one or two. Samuel Baker, who passed through Liria in 1863, that is, two years after de Bono's abortive negotiations with Legge, was keen enough to observe the reason behind Legge's strangle—hold of the eastern trade routes. According to Baker, most of Legge's ivory came from Berri [Lafon] and, mistakenly, from the Oromo (his Galla) countries further east. He goes on to say that Legge purchased this ivory with beads, copper bracelets and hoes he obtained from Gondokoro. Baker concludes: Although there were few elephants in the neighbourhood of Ellyria [Liria], there is an immense amount of ivory, as the chief is so great a trader that he accumulates it to exchange with the Turks [White Nile traders] for cattle.21 But by the time Baker arrived there, the local political situation in Lokoyaland, indeed in Eastern Equatoria as a whole, had dramatically changed in favor of the traders. They already had broken through the Lokoya strangle-hold of the eastern trade routes and established trading stations in Latukaland, by circumventing Lokoyaland and penetrating southward through Acholiland.22 The impact of this move affected Legge's relative political autonomy and independence and thus significantly reduced his bargaining power. Indeed, the change seems to have affected his demeanor for Baker found him less than majestic; indeed, he actually thought of him as something of a buffoon. Legge nonetheless retained a considerable measure of influence and power over the traders themselves. His authority is quite apparent from the way the traders treated him as an ally rather I37 than a client. Bake tribute or customs dr lbrahim expl: came to ask the right of e! He charged large tusk. The tra of proximity of Liria Gondokoro. there legge also profrte the establishment goods. which the Asense of the p eastern trade rou Of allt excelled. face. [He Thus, wh crafting an after the White Nlte‘ to be reslt‘ecter than a client. Baker observed that the presents Legge received were, in fact, tribute or customs duties: lbrahim explained to him who I was, and he [Legge] immediately came to ask for the tribute he expected to receive as "black mail” for the right of entree into his country.23 He charged the White Nile traders the exorbitant price of 20 cows for a large tusk. The traders rationalized their acceptance in terms of the convenience of proximity of Liria to Gondokoro: "it is a convenient station, [and] being near to Gondokoro, there is very little trouble in delivering the ivory on shipboard."24 Chief Legge also profited immensely from the Violence and slave-raiding consequent to the establishment of trading stations. He provided a good market for the looted goods, which the traders provided in an attempt to curry his favor and friendship. A sense of the power still possessed by Legge, even after he lost control of the eastern trade routes, is quite apparent from Baker's graphic portrait of 1863: Of all the villainous countenances that l have seen, that of Legge excelled. Ferocity, avarice, and sensuality were stamped upon his face. [He is] about the greatest rascal that exists in Central Africa.25 Thus, whatever the extent of his waning power by 1863, Legge remained a principal player in the unfolding local drama. He was certainly responsible for crafting an effective policy that for a long time successfully thwarted and frustrated the White Nile traders wanting to enter Lokoyaland. In so doing, his people came to be respected, thereby sparing them from the violence and devastation that the traders habitually visited on other less formidable people.26 The penetr unchecked. Local t complex of factors. another. In some : deep sense of fear with what they pero with certain sectior Places, after an ir overbearing behav others, local host leadership to mar country. As we reQatdless of the t“toughen the co Thanks tc power over the traders, with a attention to the EXDBCtatIOnS C QTEar question Con“action With naVIgabje ”Vet Problem Thu. IE White [die Traders vs. Local Societies: A Struggle for Control The penetration of the hinterland by the traders did not always go unchecked. Local hostility and resistance to the traders was the outcome of a complex of factors, and the form and nature it took varied from one society to another. In some areas the hostility evoked by the traders was motivated by a deep sense of fear and suspicion that naturally arises when a people are faced with what they perceive as an invasion of their country. This response was general 27 In other with certain sections of southern Bari and neighboring Madi and Kuku. places, after an initial friendly reception, the traders provoked fighting by their overbearing behavior and demands. The Latuka are here a case in point. In yet others, local hostility was partly and largely motivated by the desire of the leadership to maintain control of trade and trade routes passing through their country. As we have seen, the Lokoya well characterized this situation. But regardless of the nature of local reaction, the traders had thereby gained footholds throughout the country. Thanks to their military superiority, the traders gradually extended their power over the region. Having been thwarted in the east by the Lokoya, the traders, with a greater sense of purpose and determination, now turned their attention to the south. Their resolve must have been well~informed with certain expectations. Curiosity about the territories south of Gondokoro stemmed from the great question of the source of the Nile. Efforts were therefore expended in connection with that quest, and Gondokoro, being the southernmost terminal of the navigable river, naturally became the advance post from which to tackle that problem. Thus besides the traders, Gondokoro also received a smattering of 139 travellers and explo fuller picture of the E The traders must have heard Bunyoro. their trad resources. With : move south. com adopted a tough a to break up any considerable loss late. Many sun/[y heaps of ashes.29 Further sc hostility, thanks t The leading Spin Bono. One of tr even more profit the interior. Tht among the Nya, had SEt Up and Madilandéb Ar such as Pether travellers and explorers, who in their varying ways and means, contributed to the fuller picture of the emerging geography of the region.28 The traders were naturally the beneficiaries of this scientific quest. They must have heard of the powerful interlacustrine kingdoms of Buganda and Bunyoro, their trade lines to Zanzibar, and their reputed wealth in ivory and other resources. With all such information carefully collated, the traders decided to move south, convinced that high commercial dividends awaited them. They adopted a tough attitude as they moved south, resorting to a liberal use of firearms to break up any opposition. The southern Bari suffered the most, with considerable loss of life. Further south, a section of the Madi experienced a similar fate. Many survivors were taken "prisoners," and villages were left as smoldering heaps of ashes.29 Further south in what is today northern Uganda, friendliness replaced hostility, thanks to the favorable local disposition left there by the Zanzibari trade. The leading spirit in the process of penetration was the Maltese trader, Andrea de Bono. One of the first to adopt the expeditionary system, he quickly realized that even more profits could be had through establishing his own permanent stations in the interior. Thus, by 1861, De Bono had established two trading stations in Yei, among the Nyangbara and the Makaraka respectively. In the same year, he also had set up another station at Gulufi in Madiland far to the south of Gondokoro. The latter station appears later to have been transferred to Faloro, also in Madiland.30 And before long, de Bono was jorned in this process by other traders such as Petherick, Khurshid Aga etcf51 Thus by the time of conflict between the 140 Lokoya and the trad its expeditionary phz was underway in ea The rush to rapidity that. by 18E at Tirrangore (Ba According to Bakt through Acholiland due to Kamiru.33 not only by Bake righthand man c Tirrangore. Howe Kamiru was crui Tirrangme and. t Fr. A Bru' Latukaland cam. White Nile trade LOkoya finally gj Brum's assent Comedian With station having t Dossibre that tr ‘ . mic-it'd»;— fi;.'-- :3": I“ Lokoya and the traders, the transformation of the trade in Eastern Equatoria from its expeditionary phase into one with "permanent" trading stations in the hinterland was underway in earnest. The rush to establish trading stations in the interior proceeded with such rapidity that, by 1862, even Latukaland had trading stations established. One was at Tirrangore (Baker's Tarangolle), the other at Loronyo, Baker's Latome.32 According to Baker, the initial penetration of Latukaland was from the south through Acholiland. Baker goes on to say that its accomplishment of that task was due to Kamiru.33 The latter was, indeed, a very influential person, as attested to not only by Baker but also by Latuka oral tradition. He was the brother and righthand man of Hujang II, the head of the rival Latuka faction based in Tirrangore. However, given his power and influence in the kingdom, it is likely that Kamiru was crucial in influencing the establishment of the trading station in Tirrangore and, by extension, Latukaland.34 Fr. A. Bruno, by contrast, claims that the establishment of trading stations in Latukaland came about only as a result of successful negotiations between the White Nile traders and the Lokoya. He continues that in these negotiations. the Lokoya finally granted the traders access to Latukaland through their territory.35 If Bruno‘s assertion is correct, the negotiations with the Lokoya may have been in connection with the establishment of a trading station at Loronyo. With a trading station having been established in Tirrangore, Loronyo needed one itself. It is also possible that the reverse process was the case, with Loronyo taking the initiative, 141 and Tirrangore teat contradictory staterr Soldiers and the LIE It is d'rfficultt Eastern Equatoria r by 1863. thanks 1 question of the e) some of the so-ca primarily for gainir transit station was succession, comp stations that wer designation of the stations, with no I to the south are r (mostly in Yei c [Btinue of soldier and the details a Nonethel StEitlons in East belongjng to Ar m the eastern c one in L0l0ny( and Tirrangore reacting to it similarly. If so, Baker's and Bruno's seemingly contradictory statements may both be right.36 Soldiers M the Hinterland Trading Stations: th_e Number Count It is difficult to establish the exact number of trading stations established in Eastern Equatoria at this early date. And although the picture becomes less blurry by 1863, thanks to the reports of Petherick, Speke, Grant, and Baker37, the question of the exact number of trading stations still remains unsettled. First, some of the so-called permanent stations were really temporary, used initially and primarily for gaining access into desired territories. Once entry was gained, the transit station was often promptly abandoned. Sites followed one another in rapid succession, complicating any attempt at pinning down the exact number of those stations that were "permanent." Secondly, some of the stations enjoyed the designation of the name only, but were in fact no more than transit points between stations, with no resident soldiers. Mugi and Doro between Gondokoro and Faloro to the south are cases in point.38 And thirdly, some of the more successful stations (mostly in Yei district) had several substations, each with an agent and a small retinue of soldiers. This kind of situation is only vaguely referred to in the records, and the details are therefore missing. Nonetheless, the data suggest that in early 1863 there were the following stations in Eastern Equatoria. In Yei district there were five major stations: two belonging to Andrea de Bono, two to Petherick himself, and one to Khurshid Aga. In the eastern districts there were two trading stations, both of them in Latukaland: one in Loronyo (Baker's Latome, from Mayyia's alias, Lotimoi) belonging to the 142 Coptic trader. Shenu KhurshidAga. In la‘ the Sudan sidei ow In the southern dis stations, both of the At the cen' complete with store height of the annue in the words of one Its panorama was adorned with "a ft altogether as ma including Gondok Related to soldiers. Whilet Suggest that the i had more than 2 "'9 bigger Statlor tbtal of mm en amounted to \ inter9'“er are Coptic trader, Shenuda, and the other in Tirrangore (Baker's Tarangolle) owned by Khurshid Aga. In late June 1863, the latter was moved to Obbo in Acholiland (on the Sudan side) owing to growing security problems for the traders in Tirrangore. In the southern district, on the other hand, there were, by 1863, two trading stations, both of them associated with Andrea de Bono.39 At the center of this sprawling commercial frontier was Gondokoro, complete with stores and depots of the various trading firms in the region. At the height of the annual trading season, life at Gondokoro picked up tempo, becoming, in the words of one writer, "a sort of Yukon gold—rush camp in the tropics." Indeed, its panorama was enlivened with a view befitting a major docking town, as it was adorned with "a flotilla of boats, with flags of many nations."40 There were thus altogether as many as ten trading stations in the whole of Eastern Equatoria, including Gondokoro. Related to the issue of the number of trading stations is the population of soldiers. While the exact count of soldiers remains elusive, the record seems to suggest that the average station had more than 100 soldiers, while the bigger ones had more than 200. Faloro in the south and Wayo in Yei district are examples of the bigger stations. Gondokoro, on the other hand, had about 700. Therefore, the total of northern Sudanese soldiers in Eastern Equatoria by 1863 may have amounted to well over 2000. When local auxiliaries (mostly slaves and interpreters) are added, the total zeriba population was probably more than double the 2000 figure. Over the years, the number continued to rise, but whatever the 143 increase. it never fl estimated at 550th The introdt motivated primarily of property and pe existing balance r then. hung delica that it was at an long as profits c peoples and the other. had begu at that point tl Introduced: and favor43 Secondr the Process of Capitalist Intere social fondant sOchoorrncar depehded on conflict With It hanslotrnatio increase, it never matched that in the Bahr el-Ghazal region which, by 1879, was estimated at 55,000.41 The introduction of the military element in the White Nile trade was motivated primarily by pragmatic considerations-to ensure the security and safety of property and personnel. It nonetheless had the immediate effect of altering the existing balance of power between the traders and the local peoples which, until then, hung delicately, prompting one prominent student of the region to remark that it was at an impasse.42 Although the stalemate was not necessarily bad, so long as profits continued to be made, the increasing conflict between the local peoples and the traders, as well as the internal chaos within Bari society on the other, had begun seriously to undermine the profitability of the trade. It was then at that point that the new system of hinterland-based trading stations was introduced; and with it, the balance of power shifted increasingly in the traders' favor.43 Secondly, the new hinterland-based system took on a more direct role in the process of transformation of the region's societies. The prerequisite was for capitalist interests to assume a dominant sociopolitical position in relation to local social formations. Given the particular form of that capitalist penetration and the sociopolitical realities of the local situation, the process of attaining dominance depended on military means. Not surprisingly, the process brought the traders into conflict with local societies. The violence reflected the underlying process of social transformation, of which slavery was a symbol, and a clash between the traders and local polities as and/or control of the Introduction of _S_I_a‘-_v A. [goal Servile l_n_s The instituti of the White Nile t' as war captives or more powerful or among the Makar Kakwa and Bart: Probably ‘ formal slavery or the north of the r misfortune or rr having neither notable Who W” “MS low Socia “Hills ‘0‘” Soci: protect and go be a m bet: the MS am such as Dink; and local polities as the latter tried to defend and maintain their political autonomy and/or control of their trade. The institutions of slavery and slave trade were absent prior to the coming of the White Nile traders. Nonetheless, clientage existed, and servile groups such as war captives or destitute groups/individuals were forced to attach themselves to more powerful or wealthy individuals. Examples would be the jggg (war captives) among the Makaraka; the We among the Kaliko; the kafl or 'ggpj among the Kakwa and Bari; and M wu_ri among the Pajulu; etc.44 Probably the best example of clientage in Eastern Equatoria approaching formal slavery comes from the Mundari, a small pastoral Bari-speaking group to the north of the Bari. The word for "client" in Mundari language is ti_mi_t (pl. ti_mi§_i or Tumonuk). According to Jean Buxton, a ti_mit was "a man who because of misfortune or misdeed has lost his kin group or has been expelled from it, and having neither property nor kin seeks to attach himself to a chief (ma_r) or other "45 While poverty may have contributed to the notable who will act as his protector. flmj's low social status, it was not however the principal reason for it. Instead, the M's low social status was fundamentally because he was an alien with no kins to protect and guarantee his rights and privileges. A fellow Mundari was less likely to be a m, because his kinsmen would quickly come to his rescue. Consequently, the timisi among the Mundari came mostly from neighboring ethnic communities such as Dinka, Atuot, Moru, Bari, Nyangbara, and Aliab. I45 In terms of tr client differed little cultivating their ma and kraal for goats the case with work in his journeys, at suggests further tr that removing the their cattle herd ir cattle wealth, clie incorporated into Several or First, it is clientag he was able to relationship amt Under the lien c among the Mur were incOrporatr Second, indigenous. T "limduced in tl Mahdists-that 06W Th In terms of their duties as clients, Jean Buxton observes that the work of the client differed little in kind from that of any adult Mundari. Their work included cultivating their master's fields, building and repairing their houses, grain stores, and kraal for goats. Their work was not usually rewarded with beer, as was usually the case with work performed by non-kin. The ti_m_it also accompanied his master in his journeys, acting as his guard, porter, protector, and messenger. Buxton suggests further that the Limits social status was inherited by his descendants, and that removing themselves from the stigma depended on their ability to build up their cattle herd independent of the master. After they had established their own cattle wealth, clientage diminished progressively and the m were eventually incorporated into the master's kinship group. Several conclusions can be drawn from this clientship among the Mundari. First, it is clientage and not slavery, because the low status of the flm_it ended once he was able to established himself economically.46 In this regard, the i—tim_it relationship among the Mundari is comparable with that of the creditor-debtor under the lien or the shell system. The difference, however, is that clientship among the Mundari was both a social institution and a process by which aliens were incorporated into the local kinship groups. Second, some aspects of clientship among the Mudari appear not to be indigenous. They seem instead to have resulted from the destructive chaos introduced In the region by the alien forces-slave traders, the Turkiyya, and the Mahdists-that came to the Southern Sudan in the second half of the nineteenth century.47 The destitution resulting from those chaos lent themselves to the avarice and 0990“” this fact. and Susie stability: From what was a highe have died c Mandari Is also made {However} survival fat In fact, in her la clientship, especi the Mundari, clie The relat' consequencesf White Nile trad tum, meant tha slavery and s soldiery. This traders obtain rimmed Open" Mime The s since the iii BStablishme in Eastern E avarice and opportunism of many, especially the strong. In fact, Buxton alludes to this fact, and suggests further that the institution weakened with the return of stability: From what the Mundari say it would appear that in the past there was a higher proportion of clients, many families of whom are said to have died out during the last century, when slave-raiding dispersed Mandari (sic) groups. Famine years and epidemics among herds also made it impossible for chiefs to provide for their retainers. [However] many conditions which made clientship attractive, or a survival factor in the past, no longer apply.48 In fact, in her later and more detailed study on the same subject of Mundari clientship, especially in those sections of the book dealing with the earlier history of the Mundari, clientship seemed nonexistent.49 The relative absence of indigenous institutions of slavery had far-reaching consequences for the region. It meant that, whereas the demand for slaves by the White Nile traders was strong, the supply side was not there to meet it. This, in turn, meant that the responsibility for introducing and maintaining the institutions of slavery and slave trade fell on the traders themselves and their associated soldiery. This state of affairs had direct bearing on the manner by which the traders obtained their supply of slaves: it meant that the supply side had to be "forced open" through violence "externally" directed by the traders themselves.50 B. Mt _an_d gag ‘I_'ra_d§: m Underlying Economic Rationale The slave trade had been an important part of the White Nile economy ever since the river was opened to modern navigation in 1839. However, until the establishment of trading stations in the interior, the incidence of enslaving activity in Eastern Equatoria was limited. Indeed, operations for obtaining slaves occurred 147 only during the ref clients who had cc thus unsuspecting Gondokoro and ge As the volu to the same slave reasons why, by . and robbers. Ar direct military cm the Sardinian Cc As a resi the White Niir correspondingh According to C Baht ei‘Gebel Equatoria] We ongloating fro yea]_53 GIver Southem Sur These than the ac“ Avstuan Co Sunni mar only during the return journey of the traders, and took the form of kidnapping clients who had come to sell items to the traders themselves. The victims were thus unsuspecting by-standers, and the areas affected were mostly to the north of Gondokoro and generally outside of the region under study.51 As the volume of trading increased, however, Bariland itself became subject to the same slave-stealing activity. This phenomenon may have been one of the reasons why, by 1852, the Bari had begun calling the White Nile traders murderers and robbers. And by 1854, the Bari, probably for the first time, entered into a direct military confrontation with the traders. In that encounter, Alexandre Vaudey, the Sardinian Consul in the Sudan, along with many of his men. was killed.52 As a result of the increase in the "slave-stealing" activity, the contribution of the White Nile region to the total volume of Sudan's slave trade rose correspondingly, although, relative to other areas of the Sudan, it remained small. According to Georg Schweinfurth, the total volume of slaves originating from the Bahr el—Gebel (the White Nile region south of the Shilluk country, including Eastern Equatoria) was estimated by 1860 at about 1,000 annually; whereas that originating from the Bahr el—Ghazal in the same period ranged from 4000-6000 per year.53 Given the large number of slaves in the Sudan, these figures suggest that Southern Sudan was still a minor source even by this late date. These figures have, however, been severely criticized as significantly lower than the actual numbers of slaves captured in the two regions. Josef Natterer, the Austrian Consul-Agent in Khartoum, for example, estimated that slaves sold in the Shilluk market town of Kaka by 1860 was about 2,000 annually. He goes on to 148 argue that this figure markets? Even with tl volume of Sudan's southern Blue Nile and the adjoining r no estimates are Nonetheless, it is have been high. 1 15000-20000 a volume of slaves more. With the raiding and trad and even a net That is, the sle SUbstantial an Surprisingly it eillieltdiiure fit The fr expenditure addition to u 55 post, An ir argue that this figure excluded those smuggled out to Khartoum and other northern markets.54 Even with the higher figure, the total was small compared to the total volume of Sudan's slave exports whose main catchment areas continued to be (a) southern Blue Nile (Ingessana) and western Ethiopia and; (b) the Nuba Mountains, and the adjoining districts straddling Kordofan and Bahr el—Ghazal. Unfortunately, no estimates are available for the numbers of slaves on the domestic market. Nonetheless, it is safe to assume that the volume of the domestic slaves must have been high, since exported slaves alone were estimated in 1860 to be about 15,000-20,000 annually.55 Such a high export figure would suggest that the volume of slaves retained for the domestic market must have been several times more. With the establishment of trading stations in the hinterland, however, slave raiding and trading ceased to be a casual activity. Instead, it became an important and even a necessary condition for the functioning of the White Nile trade itself. That is, the slave trade became an important facet of the White Nile trade, with substantial amounts of the profits being increasingly derived from it. Not surprisingly, It was pursued with intensity, fostered by the growing financial expenditure that the new White Nile trade imposed on the traders. The following examples may help gauge the extent of this growing expenditure. The average monthly salary of a station soldier was 10 shillings, in addition to transportation costs and other overheads incurred en route to the post.56 An important expense, for example, was a five—months' advance payment which new soldier steamer for duties traders to charge tr Unfortunate were not always c decline. Finance rates. Thus, in or borrow money in cutting further intr Indeed, thi TurcO-Eovptian l' Sudan. That is. flilancial resonic it) find ways to 0' make payment decadeS of the SUch as cotton etc,59 All impc Indeed‘ as One for the soldiers VeW iiltle, Set they pfOVided which new soldier recruits invariably demanded before they would embark on steamer for duties in the South. As a result, it became standard practice for the traders to charge this item to overhead costs.57 Unfortunately for the traders, however, these growing financial expenditures were not always offset by profits from ivory; on the contrary, profits continued to decline. Finance capital was also scarce, a problem reflected in high interest rates. Thus, in order to continue operating in the trade, the firms often had to borrow money from credit markets at rates that ranged from 36 to 60%,58 thus cutting further Into profit margins. Indeed, the dilemma the traders faced was not unlike that which the colonial Turco-Egyptian regime faced in the first 40 or so years of its existence in the Sudan. That is, maintaining a standing army called for the expenditure of large financial resources. Since the resources were generally wanting, the traders had to find ways to circumvent the problem. The most obvious solution was for them to make payment in kind, a practice adopted by the government during the early decades of the colonial period. The traders provided the overvalued merchandise such as cotton cloth, sugar, glass beads, salt, copper, tarabush (hats), cattle, etc..59 An important new item introduced among the merchandise list was slaves. Indeed, as one would expect, slaves became the most common form of payment for the soldiers. First, their capture was relatively cheap and therefore cost the firm very little. Second, acquisition of slaves by the soldiers became popular because they provided certain much needed services, such as domestic chores, farming, or 150 as wives or concu'ot became their masts seat when wrthin th being trained for a ' Third, slave fetched handsome the master‘s acco over to the masts trading stations 0 raid] an Arab solc these slaves wen retained for dome Chiming More With the local communit more generally "insinuating the local institution mechanisms tc occurred. a p phenomenon - as wives or concubines (wet nurses). And if those captured were young boys, they became their master's assistants, helping him in carrying his gun during trips or his seat when within the premises of the station.60 It would seem that these boys were being trained for a future military career as slave—soldiers.“ Third, slaves could be sold either locally or in northern markets, where they fetched handsome prices. In that case, the proceeds of the sale were deposited in the master's account in Khartoum. In that case, such slaves were simply handed over to the master's family or relatives in the North. For all the reasons above, trading stations organized slave—raiding. Mire says that at any one time (after a raid) an Arab soldier had between ten and twenty slaves on hand, and that most of these slaves were destined for sale. Only a few slaves (usually two to three) were retained for domestic or farm use.62 M Transformation With their soldiers, the traders were able to enter into direct conflict with local communities, whether through "provocation," or through aggression. But more generally, they took advantage of existing local traditional hostilities by "63 In view of the relative absence of "insinuating themselves in these conflicts. local institutions of slavery, the traders undertook raiding and war as standard mechanisms to acquire slaves.64 Meanwhile, a far more significant development occurred, a process, if perhaps forced, of local social transformation. This phenomenon seems important in light of the composite picture of the so-called Greater Nile Valley that emerges from recent studies. 15! The historica commerce in the " contradiction betwe and trade. This is political rule." The land and trade. in means of obtainir and for much the to their own loca lay Spaulding ca The devc subordinate all threatening the bwmam Upon potential between the s gradual erosic increase of pr considerations deprivation at as a ISSult 0y mmmm The historical literature regarding the process of development of trade and "65 reveals the critical importance of the commerce in the "Greater Nile Valley contradiction between the state (sultan) and regional lords for control over land and trade. This is the notion which Janet Ewald succinctly calls the "dilemmas of political rule." That is, while the sultan claimed the ultimate right and control over land and trade, in practice he had to transfer these rights to his regional allies as a means of obtaining and guaranteeing their support for the crown. For their part. and for much the same reasons, the regional allies, in turn. transferred these rights to their own local favorites. This process resulted in a structure of relations that Jay Spaulding calls as a system of sub—infeudation. The devolution of these rights could, and often did. enable the various subordinate allies to establish their own autonomous power bases, thus threatening the very foundation of the sultan’s power. In response to this threat or its potential, the sultan or regional lord often revoked the grant and conferred it upon potential allies. The result was a palimpsest of ever changing relations between the. sultan and various regional lords. The dialectic led ultimately to the gradual erosion of central authority and control over land and trade and to an increase of power of regional leaders. Perhaps more important, however, for the considerations of this study, was the sultan’s loss of control over trade. The deprivation enabled the emergence of private merchants who, in the long run and as a result of primitive accumulation, were eventually able to exert strong influence over the state. In the final analysis, therefore, the traders tended to thrive where a state with an infrast that particular sense Coming to ti seem to apply: tor trade, and standir army existed any summoned on _a_c standing army m the Power of the military Power. 5 i“ abUildaince. v individual but i! alienation and 5°0l0politicai d' Northern Sudai 50 doing, c0" obtaining in the From ti set-up Was in powers“. Cent Semi-try they unable to in SYSiEm 00m state with an infrastructure commensurate with their interests already existed. in that particular sense, therefore, traders followed the state.‘56 Coming to the Southern Sudan, however, the model outlined above did not seem to apply; for some of the state’s essential ingredients--regional lords, land, trade, and standing armies——were generally missing. For example, no standing army existed anywhere. Instead, there was a citizen-soldiery which could be summoned on ad [199 basis, that is, whenever the need arose. The lack of a standing army made these societies generally militarily and politically weak, with the power of the chiefs embedded more in ideological notions rather than in actual military power. Secondly, land--the primary means of production--was everywhere in. abundance, with the right of ownership and disposal invested not in any one individual but in the community as a whole.67 This situation inhibited land alienation and commoditization which, in turn, prevented the replication of the sociopolitical dynamics that "the dilemmas of political rule" unleashed in the Northern Sudan and Egypt. It certainly inhibited the rise of private traders and, by so doing, contributed significantly to perpetuating the tributary social structure obtaining in the Southern Sudan as a whole. From the point of view of the White Nile traders, therefore, the local social set-up was inadequate for their trading requirements. The relative absence of a powerful central authority, for example, was not reassuring in terms of the kind of security they required for their business. And because they were unwilling or unable to trust the local societies, the White Nile traders set out to establish a system cemmen3urate with their requirements, one that sought to "establish themselves as a ru' conflicting claims 0 their status. the ' exclusive comme outside the pale and political right taxes over the declared rulers c This COnc Bar el-Ghazal ti the trader Mam territory of the vow therein honey, and so and were reqi return for the Security hithe it is F Understood, prodUCiion it the enemal was being i "68 To avoid themselves as a ruling caste transcending the barriers of tribal society. conflicting claims over control of their territorial domains and, in a way, regularizing their status, the trading companies sought and bought from the government exclusive commercial rights over defined territories, even though these were outside the pale of government's authority. The traders then asserted property and political rights over their respective territories, monopolizing trade and levying taxes over the population therein. In other words, the traders became self- declared rulers over their territories5‘9 This conquest process was clear and, perhaps, even more complete in the Bar el-Ghazal than in Eastern Equatoria and, for this reason, can be instanced by the trader Mahjub al—Busayli. Having established himself the ruler of much of the territory of the Jur, Mahjub al—Busay‘li arrogated to himself the right to appropriate ivory therein. Furthermore, he claimed tribute in livestock. copper, iron, grain. honey, and so on. Local chiefs were coopted and assigned subordinate positions and were required to use their influence to provide all the needs of the station in return for the traders' support, which gave them internal power and external security hitherto unknown.70 It is partly in this context that slavery and associated violence can be understood. That is, the slave trade and the enclaves of the slave mode of production that emerged with the coming of the White Nile trade can be seen as the external manifestation of the subtle process of local social transformation that was being effected, if perhaps imperceptibly. Not unnaturally, the encounter was fraught with confli pretensions?" Scholars o cultural and racia' the local Souther significant consir However particu that conflict was trade. To effer expansion, the < socral basis of t promote a torr shifting existing To ach followed. Th. Undermining l dePendent for anchoring the 0f Dower bt’t The ti described as World. Not: fraught with conflict and violence, as local societies tried to resist the traders' pretensions.71 Scholars of the region have tended to explain the violence in terms of cultural and racial clashes between the White Nile traders on the one hand, and the local Southern Sudanese peoples on the other. No doubt, ethnicity played a significant consideration in that conflict, comprising potent emotive symbols. However, particularistic factors themselves do not explain the context within which that conflict was fought. The fight was fundamentally a struggle over control of trade. To effect a change in the structure of that trade, and thus ensure its expansion, the outsiders necessarily sought to modify or, where possible, alter the social basis of the societies within which that trade operated. That is, they tried to promote a form of social relations more favorable to merchant capital, thereby shifting existing local tributary social formations To achieve that goal, two alternative, often complementary, strategies were followed. The first was to effect some form of alliance with local chiefs and undermining their traditional bases of power through making them increasingly dependent for their rule upon the traders. To this extent, the traders succeeded in anchoring that power in their hands. The second strategy was outright usurpation of power by the traders, especially where the chiefs were weak. The traders, however, were bearers of a culture and an idiom that can be described as lslamic, an ideological prism through which to perceive the external world. Not surprisingly, that ideological construct became for the traders not only a paradigm for defining the nature of relations between them and the local peoples, but also an instrun local tributarv socia grew rigid so as t “ruled." This divis enjoyed. led iney Peoples. a phenc with slavery and 1 The proce was, at the sat region. the mos. Grant, and Bar come to know caused by War appreciation c recommudati Comlite-total p government t, Whole, The: Ch'ctpter. but also an instrument in the task of effecting the necessary transformation of the local tributary social formations. Accordingly, the dichotomy hAuslimf'Non-believer" grew rigid so as to be synonymous, wherever possible, with the "ruler" and the "ruled." This division, especially in light of the military superiority that the traders enjoyed, led inevitably to unrelieved tension and conflict with the various local peoples, a phenomenon that was synonymous with wars and conflicts associated with slavery and slave trading. The process of expansion of the commercial frontier in the Southern Sudan was, at the same time, accompanied by the geographical exploration of the region, the most important efforts of which were those of John H Speke, Jame A. Grant, and Samuel W. Baker.72 Thus, not only did the international community come to know about and be moved by the extent of violence and destruction caused by wars and slave trading, but it also acquired a better knowledge and appreciation of the strategic and economic potential of the region. In their recommendations Speke and Baker were especially emphatic about the South's commercial potential. The region's increasing potential caused the viceregal government to move toward the eventual annexation of the equatorial region as a whole. These and other issues and processes will be addressed in the next chapter. a A b ;.\I\ \ K‘ Vl"f‘--‘ h,- “\.r Notes and Referenc- ad“ a. A s that ‘Au _c re ~v..hk H\- .\ Ar “H it. «C. «in. s . .\~ D.» .x r; .i \. a . c a 1‘. . . 2.. S S t a «D :1 r .l e .G ”\. ‘ .. “. kw. «C .1 T. Q; s a ‘8 6 cc . T. e .1. r C C -n... ‘ e : . e :u S 4; ..i s- Q» v- x... s c \k v. tau 4 . .t . .. . hit up six” ‘k “Us ..4 it .l. ‘3 nulls. fix an D\. .\u 4 . tau -.t. m Q. nu «A. l.\. \U . ‘3 «C ‘D «a . : L ‘8 .u . . VA it. . «Q . .. u a. x a ‘5 .‘u .\g . a i a x nu rhU a r ca. T .. 8 URL, i av; . . ...h n u LL su. .. . NV QM s \. Notes and References 1. For Antognoli's complaint, see Letter no. 10, "The Letters of Adolfo Antognoli, 1856—1868" (Chapter 9), in Paul Santi and Richard Hill (edits. & trans.), The Europeans in the Sudan, 1834~l878, (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1980), 201. Also, see Chapter Two above, especially endnote no. 38 2. I am here referring to the general discontent of the people against the chiefs (alias, rain—makers) because of the drought and the resulting famine. The severity of the famine frequently rent society apart, and the onus for the crisis was generally put on the chiefs, often with fatal consequences for them. 3. Morlang, "South—Westward from Gondokoro to the Makaraka and Makarayang or Niam Niam or Cannibals", in Elias Toniolo et el. (edits. & trans.), The Opening of the White Nile Basin (London: C. Hurst & Co., 1974), 124. 4. Morlang refers to them as monye. See Morlang, Ibid., p. r‘ 3. Leonard F. Nalder (edit.). Tribal Survey of Mongalla Province (London: Oxford University Press, 193 ), 192—222. 6. See Chapter 3 above, endnote no. 18. 7. Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels in Central Africa and the Exploration of the White Nile Tributaries, Vol. I, (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1869), 267. 8. Morlang, "South—Westward from Gondokoro,? 110.; and Samuel Baker, Albert N'Yanza; Great Basin of the Nile, Vol. I, (London: MacMillan & Co., 1866), 110. 9. Richard Gray, History, 31. 10. The establishment of trading stations in the hinterland was first applied in the Bahr el-Ghazal region before it was used in Eastern Equatoria. Petherick was one of the major businessmen in southeastern Bahr eluGhazal, Whence he gradually extended his buSiness into the modern Yei area. 11. As British vice consul since 1849, Petherick used his official position to outbid his competitors. In 1859, for example, he applied for, and was granted, promotion to full Consul in Khartoum. In the letter outlining the reasons for 0" I , -44'\ "T 51.... 'V ‘vu; n p r'f" \ -—-'.n,r Inc v;v" :der- I RIG'.P"Y Ln,“ USE: _/' . p' f‘ .;,E.rv' Y'Y r o. M‘IJ 7T v-4 nf‘ l . . . .3 ..g ...x . . .. , a. .9 -.. .t .x -x a. a .h. .. Q» LII» h) ..HU Kc «nu ..Iuk m Ls “\k V t .5 ow. MW . H \V a: «D . i \\ a. A: ”I ,i - . «\x p . )3 O . . . J v . ‘ a ; ph. ..1 by . . a) t . .. A g . ‘ i x ~ fixes 2. \h u. a e Y. v.1. DO Ci. 7L .\ L m t a i . .L a.» . . 1 such position, Petherick mentions the importance of protecting British trading interests in the Sudan. Since he was the only Englishman trading there, apart from a few other British subjects from the Levantine, his solicitation for promotion was for self—interest——to protect his own business interests. See 'Abbas Ibrahim ’Ali, The British, the Slave Trade and Slavery in the Sudan (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1972), 24. And for information on how many of the traders—cum~diplomats exploited their official position, see Chapter Two above, especially page 15—18. 12. Muhammad Fouad Shukry, Khedive Ismail and Slavery in the Sudan (Cairo: Librairie 1a renaissance d‘Egypte, 1938), 125. 13. Angelo Vinco, "His Journeys", in Elias Toniolo et a1. (edits.), The Opening of the~White Nile Basin, 92. 14. Morlang, "South-Westward from Gondokoro,” 112—113. 15. Gray, History, 56. 16. Nobody knows the particular incident that provoked the attack. One source, Kaufmann, suggests that during their visit in Liria, the visiting traders abused women. 17..For references to the conflict between the Lokoya and the traders, see Gray, p. 56. ~Samuel Baker seems to suggest that another incident did occur in 1862 between Liria and the traders, and that the traders lost 126 of their men in that encounter. See Baker, Albert NLXanza, 120. 18. De Bono, "Voyage au Fleuve Blanc," 20—23‘ 19. Ibid., 23. " ' 20. Quoted in Gray, History, 57 21. Baker, Albert N'Yanza, 129. 22. Baker, Ibid., 101. 23. Ibid., 126—128 24. Ibid.,~129. 25. Samuel W. Baker, Ibid., p. 127. ,Nevertheless, it is also important to note that Baker is here indulging in hyperbolic racism. 26. The extent of military awe and respect the Lokoya p-r " ”6% f- .;L$-—-‘ '*‘ v' ’ 7" - .v P‘N i E'V. gave/MAC Yrvr A“ a. '1' m “ so. AiVS---‘.‘v :- rv‘l'ficf 1-x--.euv- J ‘J-J CY Au- 1 '1".- FA'P A.’ ‘04.. 0". tue \ A N;.. p— ~53; L 1mm: inspired can be seen fron1 the fact that the traders used them (in 1863) as a kind of bogeyman to frighten Baker away from following thenl to the east. In fact, the Lokoya maintained their relative autonmy (and hostility to the government) until 1874. In 1871, for example, they raided Gondokoro. When Samuel Baker took a reprisal action against them for the attack, the Lokoya responded by blockading the road between Gondokoro and Latuka, forcing communication between the two stations by a long detour route. The blockade was only lifted after Charles Gordon established good relations with them in 1874. In his report to Cairo about this accomplishment, Gordon said: Les Sheikhs natifs continuent d'apporter leur ivoire, une chose qu'on n[']a jamais fait auparavant et je suis tres bien aise de vous informer que je pense que j'ai établi des bonnes relations avec les tribus Loguias (sic.), si je réussis avec ca, la distance d'ici a Latouka sera 4 jours au lieu de 10 jours, il était nécessaire auparavant de faire une detour au cause de l‘hostilité des Loquias. See Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Equatoria Under Egyptian Rule: The Unpublished Correspondence of ‘Col. (afterwards Major—Gen.) C. G. Gordon with Ismail Khedive of Egypt and the Sudan During the Years 1874—1876 (Cairo: Cairo University Press, 1953), 198 and 219. 27. Gray, History, 59. 28. The list of such travelers and explorers is quite impressive and includes a number of prominent people, such as the wealthy Liverpool merchant Andre Melly; the American poet and diplomat Bayard Taylor; and the Dutch Heiress Alexandrine Tinné who, along with her entourage, visited the White Nile in 1859-1864; Prince Muhammad 'Abd al—Halim Pasha; Duc d'Aumont et de Villequier and his companion, Gavellot (1856); Eugene de Pruyssenaere; Guillaume Lejean; Marchese Orazio Antinori; Theodor von Heuglin; Hermann Steudner; Alfred Peney (1860); Carlo Piaggia (1853); and Angelo Bolognesi (1856—7); etc.. ‘ 29. Gray, 57; 30. De Bono, "Voyage au Fleuve Blanc," 17. Also, Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels, I, (London: 1869), 125. For information on de Bono's station at Faloro, see John H. Speke, The Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London: 1864), 454; Baker, Albert N'Yanza, 83 v '5 \r L 454‘ i . hvmwmn “.— up.“ o..‘.\..4u,;. .-Yhf" a ‘\ . under? H ”-0 r— . V.’ 1"? \Ca. 1 w p a-» . , a. NET. 5 «d ‘ ‘.- 5“ .e: ‘o ‘A in ,. L fix Hlk. «\x «\t «\e 31; For information regarding the trading stations in Yei district, see Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels, I, 125, 132, 141, 266—7, and 300. 32. The latter‘ name probably originated from Mayyia II's alias, Lotimoi, but which was then rendered by the traders, albeit wrongly, as "Latome." 33. Baker, Albert N'Yanza, 141. 34. Hujang was affectionately called Imui, a name rendered by Baker as "Moy." 35. A. Bruno, Storia Lotuko, (Milan: 1970), 176. This piece of information was translated by Dr. Peter Garretson who himself speaks Italian well, I am very grateful. 36. Another possible interpretation might be that the negotiations with the Lokoya was initiated by Khurshid Aga or his agent because the station at Tirrangore belonged to him. Khurshid may have found the route to Tirrangore through Acholiland long and circuitous and, therefore, expensive; whereas one through Lokoyaland. would. have been more direct, relatively short and, consequently, cheaper. Very likely, it was with a view to gaining access to this more direct route that negotiations with the Lokoya were undertaken. All this implies that Lokoya's blockade policy was then in force. In the negotiations, the Lokoya may have found themselves amenable to compromise because of the fait accompli in Tirrangore. That is, with the establishment of the ‘trading station in Tirrangore, it no longer made any Sense for the Lokoya to insist on maintaining their long— held policy of blockade, hence acceding to Khurshid's request. 37. For their travelogues, look at the bibliography under their respective names. 38. Speke, gournal, 468—69. 39. Ibid., 453, 469. 40. "Foreword" (a reprint from Chapter Five of Alan Moorehead's The White Nile,in Baker, Albert N'Yanza, XV; and Mr. and Mrs.’Petherick, Travels, 312. 41. Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Three Years' Travels and Adventures in the Unexplored regions of Central Africa, 1868—1871, Vol. II, (London: Sampson Marston and Company, 1874), 420. MO r. . . P; L. r: .51.. Cy C. .5 1m . .um . \ .. i . J . . x. r. . . . \ l «C Q. «C “H «C «E . c mg. “C .w . i fix 7 v. V. . r . v \\ .. . N V. GS V11 Cw. a .n... at .hu a: T; a s e s. at. t : Inna hki \NL \\ I wars. .1 .C— 4‘ S] i 1\10I\v . ”I s R 'v ‘. JV 1... A. \ U P.» F co ..x— .|J W“ ’9; . A- l I A1 V .\ U J (C V C .0 Li . . S 4... . .a. .r. . s 1 4 g I .. .y| I i S 7 [no 42. Gray, History, 46. 43. This shift in the balance of power was more evident in the Bahr el—Ghazal. There, indigenous communities within the sphere of influence of each zariba were virtual vassals of the Khartoumers. They cultivated the land, and supplied their gagiba with food and porters. In return for these valuable services (or because of them), they were protected from the slave trade. See Iawrence Mire, "Al—Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade in the Bahr al—Ghazal 1855— 1879," in John Ralph Willis (ed.) Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, Vol. II (London: Frank Cass, 1985), 111. 44. For reference to the question of servile groups in Eastern Equatoria, see L.F. Nalder (edit. & trans.), A Tribal Survey of Mongalla Province (London: Oxford University Press, 1937), 27. 45. Jean Buxton, "'Clientship' _Among the Mandari of the Southern Sudan," in Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXXVIII, 1957, 101. 46. Ibid. The current literature on slavery in Africa seems to support the conclusion regarding the relative absence of indigenous institutions of slavery in the region under study. Of importance in this regard are Paul Lovejoy's Transformations in Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983) and Claude Meillassoux's The Anthropology of Slavery: The Womb of Ivory and Gold Alide Dasnois, trans. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991). Lovejoy‘s definitional Chapter, "African Slavery" (especially p. 9) posits a social situation where slaves or servile groups exist but in.which the society as a whole was not based on slavery; or the situation where a few people owned a limited number of slaves as conspicuous examples of wealth but not as workers, in which case slavery was incidental to the structure of society and the functioning of the economy. The same conclusion. is also implied by Meillassoux. 47. It is interesting to note that some of the duties performed by the timisi are quite similar to those performed by slaves in the zaribas. See Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart ongfrica, Vol. I7_l72:178. See also Richard Gray, History, 61—62. 48. Buxton, "'Clientship' Among the Mandari," in Sugan_Ngt§§ and_§eggrds, 100—101. 49. Jean Buxton, Chiefs and Strangers: A Study of Political M] -.—-'—-' I ‘ A-‘7 .h '1 V’ LA;..-\ 0:: A» Assimilation Among the Mandari (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1963), 1—66. 50. The term "violent" is used here with qualification. I am specifically alluding to the fact that as a result of the absence of local institutional mechanisms of slavery, violence had. to be initiated and >directed. by the traders themselves to acquire slaves. And by "externally directed," I am referring to the fact that the capturing of slaves was always carried out by the White Nile traders themselves rather than by local peoples. 51. Fr. Ignaz Knoblecher, "The Official Journal of the Missionary Expedition in 1849—1850," in Elias Toniolo and Richard Hill, Opening of the Nile Basin, 54. 52. Elias Toniolo, "The First Century of the Roman Catholic Mission to Central Africa, .1846—1946", in S.N.R;, Vol. XXVIII (1946), 105, 108; Gray, A History of the Southern Sudan, 43. ‘ 53. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Vol. I, 429. 54. Gray, History, 53. It has, however, to be borne in mind that many, if not most, of the 2,000 slaves sold in Kaka that year originated from the neighboring Nuer, Dinka, and Shilluk areas, with few of them coming from Eastern Equatoria. 55. Ibid., 53. It has been also estimated that by the 18603 one—third of the population in ~the Northern Sudan were slaves. For this information,' see Chapter One above, especially Endnote no. 23. 56. Mire puts the salary at £6 a month. See Mire, "Alm Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade in the Bahr al—Ghazal, 1855—1879," in John Ralph Willis (ed.) Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, Vol. II (London: Frank Cass, 1985), 113. . 57. Baker, The Albert N'Yanza, 71—72. 58. With respect to interest rates, see Gray, History, 51. 59. Ibid , P. 51. See also Mire, "Al—Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade," 113 60. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Vol. II, 420. 61. Sometimes, there were too many slaves to go around. In 162 g~~v Zuoc»- or” -/ h,‘\7‘ 'bUl h ’- I l n Y e I C Y ‘ A A \. n .2 y 1 d \‘ I‘ h \ h o.‘. w .f‘h U0! 5 C A C ,I" .0— ‘V - L “H ..2v 2 Cut 0 .Nu xkx a s. v . \U . T i 1 i q ,- u T' b- I , A A C "h‘l yu.‘ .\ x k E- C V I 1 J c \r :1 q ‘1 XlSIECC‘ ‘1 .L ‘ QV‘m ‘Vd-ui' 5 ,— 5‘ ‘\ V u q A u p. I ‘O N \J ‘. Q V l C; e. a \a ‘Y \L 6 \r rh» C. . . l that case, the excess slaves were kept in "reserve" in the station and were considered the common property of the station as a whole, and were employed in ways that served the general interests, such as labor or even common defense. 62. Mire suggests that the Earibas' soldiers were the primary source of the slave traffic that still persisted after Samuel Baker became governor of Equatoria. See Mire, "Al—Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade," 113—114. 63. Janet Ewald uses this phrase extensively in what may be one of the best works yet written on pre—colonial Sudan. See her Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves: State Formation and Economic Transformation in the Greater Nile Valley, 1700— 1885 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1990). 64. The main reason for the long protracted "extraction" of slaves was, of course, the enduring demand for them both in the Northern Sudan and abroad, particularly in Egypt. The extent of failure in generating local interest in slaves is indicated by the fact that even where military action arose between traditionally hostile local societies, the capture of slaves, euphemistically referred to as "prisoners of war," never seem to have taken root at all. Even in situations of allied action with the traders, locals were more interested in taking cattle and/or other things than in capturing slaves. In fact, the kind. of brigandage that emerged in some parts of West Africa in response to the existence of local or longvdistance slave markets (Meillassoux, 1991: 143—323) failed even to materialize. 65. "Greater Nile Valley" is, paradoxically, a confining term, and refers specifically to Egypt and the Sudan rather than to all Nile countries that, at the very least, should include Ethiopia and Uganda. 66. This paradigmatic process is best articulated by Janet Ewald 1J1 her Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves, especially in Chapter 6. The theme also emerges in Spaulding's The Heroic Ag§~_in Sennar. (East Lansing:‘ Michigan State University Press, 1985YTTRex O'Fahey's State and Society in Dar Fur. (London: Oxford University 'Press, 1980) and; Terence Walz Trade Between Egypt and Bilad al—Sudan, 1700—1820. (Cairo: 1978). 67. This communal control over land was, however, either through clan—head, or through a council of elders. 68. Gray, History, 46. ”Nu“. Y‘. 1 . «V e v- u H -f".';f .— I .Q h--GVV-\. . p ‘0 L 1 mbfi '- " Yfi‘fi - 3C B‘..L\,.' Y “re A H B 69. Shukry, The Khedive Isma'il 119—20. 70. For this conquest process, see Janet Ewald, Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves, pp. 166—70; S. Santandrea, A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el—Ghazal. (Blogna: Editrice Nigrizia, 1964), 19; and Gray, History, 59. 71. Local resistance, often sporadic, was nonetheless long- drawn and protracted. It is, however, difficult to compress the story into a few pages, as that would do injustice to it. On the other hand, a more comprehensive treatment of the subject would be too unwieldy for this study. For a synopsis of the subject, see Abannik O. Hino, "Latuka Country: An Outline of the Process of Colonial Encroachment and Reaction to It — 1840—1900," in Northeast African S_t_udies, Vol. 4, 3(1982—83), 39—49. 72. Whereas Speke would have liked the Egyptian government to move in and take control of the region, Baker, for his part, preferred a European power. For a discussion of Speke's and Baker's views, see 'Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad 'Ali, The British, the Slave Trade and Slavery, 22—42. Also, see Baker, Albert N'Yanza, 515—16. M4 STATE INTER\ By 1869 Egypt finally 1 annexation of can be seen penetration of be seen as tl and the slave against the s the Khedlval lorced the E though spas Southern 81 The ollhal reg): in the early traders to' a long tin: annexatlo commgm Chapter. ( CHAPTER FIVE STATE INTERVENTION AND THE ANNEXATION OF THE SOUTHERN SUDAN By 1869, pushing aside any further hesitation. the Khedival government of Egypt finally decided that the time had come to make the bold move—the annexation of the Southern Sudan. From a long—term perspective, the decision can be seen as the logical culmination of the historical process of capitalist penetration of that region. From a short—term perspective, however, the action can be seen as the outcome of the interplay of two critical factors: the issue of slavery and the slave trade attendant on the White Nile trade. The international outcry against the slave trade and the consequent diplomatic pressure brought to bear on the Khedival regime-particularly by Britain and the British Anti—Slavery Society-~ forced the Egyptian government into adopting anti—slavery policies which, even though spasmodic and usually reluctant, ultimately led to the annexation of the Southern Sudan. The second factor was the increasing realization of the economic potential of that region. Indeed smce the abolition of its monopoly over the White Nile trade in the early 18503, the government had watched with much interest the influx of traders to the region and came to believe that they were making large profits. For a long time, however, the government was not In a position to undertake any annexation plans. With the return of the Speke Expedition In 1863, however, a commitment to annexation was made forthwith. As will be discussed later in this chapter, upon their arrival in Cairo, John Speke and James Grant were treated to a grand recePIIOn travelers painted Equatorial lakes the Khedive con Thus the annexation of ti trade was an i were never 00 they llOllBIIlEIt Muhammad F. [lln ordr the edit unavou reality Khano meSu Obviously thi historians wh humanitariar Emma The ' SDanned 0\ III-”landed; YEIuclani I EXISIenOe 1 me Sudan grand reception and interview with the Khedive himself. In that interview, the travelers painted a rosy picture of the agricultural and economic attractions of the Equatorial lakes region, and urged its annexation. Immediately after the interview, the Khedive commenced the process. Thus the economic factor was the more decisive in the run up to the annexation of the Southern Sudan. For sure, the attempt to suppress the slave trade was an important contributing factor, too. While the Egyptian authorities were never consistent about suppression because slavery conformed to Islam, they nonetheless capitalized on the issue to serve their imperial ambitions. Muhammad F. Shukry puts it best when he said that, [l]n order to succeed in this worthy effort [i.e. suppression of slavery], the adoption of a collateral policy of conquest and annexation was unavoidable: for the problem of suppressing the slave trade was in reality the same as that of strengthening the government at Khartoum, and the maintenance of Egypt's rights of sovereignty over the Sudan.1 Obviously this observation contradicts the view of some Egyptian and Sudanese historians who have argued that the annexation of Southern Sudan was primarily a humanitarian undertaking, driven by abolitionism.2 £9pr and the Suppression fthe Slave Trade The history and the process of the suppression of slavery and slave trade spanned over thirty years and was stimulated by government action sparked by humanitarian forces in Europe, especially Britain, and was largely forced upon a reluctant Egypt. Although the British Anti—Slavery Movement had been in existence for some time, the question of slavery and the slave trade in Egypt and the Sudan did not seem to catch its attention. This attitude changed in 1837, when the British Foreig Bowring on a fat Upon hE Foreign Office. however. publie Thomas Fowe Parliament. m2 Government 3 Sudan.4 The into exerting Society thus slavery and s lm‘oue anti-Slayers reasoned ar slave trade COl‘l'llltert‘,e l slave trade I an tact. poir suo "Le Ilade, am the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, dispatched the abolitionist Dr. John Bowring on a fact—finding mission to Egypt and its dependencies.3 Upon his return to England, Bowring submitted a detailed report to the Foreign Office, which chose to take no action. The British Anti—Slavery Society, however, published Bowring's report, which became a weapon for its cause. Thomas Fowell Buxton, the leader and spokesman of the Society's faction in Parliament, made copious use of the report, when, in 1838, he submitted to the Government a plan to help abolish slavery and the slave trade in Egypt and the Sudan.4 The nativism of the Anti-Slavery Society forced the British Government into exerting pressure on Egypt. The British Government and the Anti-Slavery Society thus began an organized and at times coordinated campaign against slavery and slave trade in the Sudan and Egypt. Imbued with their success abolishing slavery in the Ottoman empire, the anti~s|avers in Britain were naturally high in their optimism. Moreover, well— reasoned arguments were marshalled to prove that economically, slavery and the slave trade in the Sudan and Egypt were not so profitable as a "legitimate" commerce might be. On that basis, Dr. Bowring strongly argued that slavery and slave trade in Egypt and the Sudan could be brought to an end: I am much disposed to think that, if any commercial stations, or factories were introduced at Kordofan, Khartoum, and other central points on the Nile the slave trade would decay by itself, and be superseded by a peaceful legitimate commerce.5 "Legitimate" commerce, however, implied the existence of a system of free trade, and the abolitionists recognized that the government's monopoly system had to be destroyed, and they pushed Muhammad 'Ali in that direction. The latter disingenuoule I viceroy issued a the abolition of official slave—h liberated 500 applause at th t840. Intact. the measures abolish all the Howe when Dr. R Convention from the Su that M recognized undertaker that during Kordofanl lnt DUhlicityi ‘Ali's Crer Society, SBemed disingenuously responded favorably: during his visit to the Sudan in 1838/9, the viceroy issued an order abolishing slavery in the Sudan forthwith. He also ordered the abolition of the practice of paying soldiers in slaves and the gfizw, that is, official slave-hunting expeditions. And as if to underscore his sincerity, he liberated 500 recently captured slaves. The viceroy's actions were timed for applause at the General Anti-Slavery Convention held in London on June 12—23, 1840. In fact, at its conclusion, the convention officially praised Muhammad 'Ali for the measures he had taken during his visit to the Sudan, and exhorted him to abolish all the slave markets in his dominions. However, it was soon discovered that Muhammad 'Ali was duplicitous, when Dr. RR. Madden and Colonel Hodges, representatives of the General Convention in Cairo were told by Ignatius Pallme. a traveler who had just returned from the Sudan, that slavery and slave trade in the Sudan continued to flourish, that ghazwas were undertaken, and payment of personnel in slaves was recognized. Pallme reported that during the year ending August 1840, ghazwas undertaken by the government had netted over 10,000 slaves. He even asserted that during his visit to the Sudan, the Viceroy had ordered the governor of Kordofan to supply him with 5,000 slaves for his bodyguard.6 In fact, Muhammad 'Ali's orders had been calculated only to gain favorable publicity for him in the European press. This insincerity damaged Muhammad 'Ali's credibility in the eyes of both the British government and the Anti-Slavery Society. After being pressed hard by the British Consul-General, Muhammad 'Ali seemed to apologize, explaining that as an institution, the slave trade was "in conformity With Muhammad ‘Ali then on. it 00' authorities. In 1848 successor. At Western powe was hostile to both to Egypt And as it luc general and influence inE Abbas government the Sudan. general thei Consequen Tears. M0 deemed p. Was ROI Cl geheral ar rlothing h during his conformity with the Mohammedan law" and that he could not legally abolish it.7 Muhammad 'Ali's duplicity was a bitter experience for the anti-slavers and, from then on, it conditioned them not to trust the public statements of Egyptian authorities. In 1848, Muhammad 'Ali became senile and was retired from office. His successor. Abbas l, was conservative, even reactionary, and suspicious of Western powers, fearing that they wanted to undermine Egypt's sovereignty.8 He was hostile to Western culture generally, because he believed that it was inimical both to Egypt's established traditional ideas of government and to her way of life. And as if luck were on his side, the revolutionary events of 1848 in Europe in general and France in particular diverted much of European attention and influence in Egypt any way.9 Abbas's policies of reaction and retrenchment tended to undermine good government. Equally harmful to the morale of the government were his policies for the Sudan. For example, he was suspicious and distrustful of the governors— general there, fearing that they might establish themselves as independent rulers. Consequently, he appointed five governor—generals within a short period of only six years. Moreover, he viewed the Sudan as a place of banishment for officials he deemed politically subversive.1O The net result was a political atmosphere that was not conducive to a fruitful relationship between him and Western powers in general and the Anti—Slavery Movement in particular. And when he died in 1854, nothing had been done in the way of suppressing slavery and the slave trade during his reign. I69 lwuhamm education receh real step 10W? whmaddB annex the reg maintain. and i be withdrawn .1 The ne Sudan. Sa‘id Furthermore, whatever his 1859 he oh bodyguard, inhmdbs managed h cynicism w SSat mme the Wake oi the 80, White Ny the seizh Obsehiat Muhammad Sa'id, the next viceroy, was liberal, partly as a result of an education received from French tutors, In 1855, Sa'id consequently took the first real step towards suppressing the slave trade in the Sudan by sending a contingent of 800 soldiers to occupy the mouth of the Sobat river in an attempt to annex the region. However, the new territory was difficult for Khartoum to maintain, and in 1857 the enterprise was abandoned and the garrison there had to be withdrawn.“ The next attempt at suppression came that year, when during a visit to the Sudan, Sa'id declared the abolition of slavery and slave trade in the colony. Furthermore, he forbade the import of slaves from the Sudan to Egypt. But whatever his sincerity, he blundered the same way Muhammad 'Ali did. That is, in 1859 he placed an order for 500 black slaves, which he hoped to use as his bodyguard, with Musa Bey al-Aqqad, "a great trader in Cairo with whom he stood in friendliest relationship.” In the summer of 1860, the al—‘Aqqad Company managed to secure 92 of the slaves. This act may have further reinforced the cynicism with which the anti-slavers had come to view Egyptian authorities.12 Sa'id's measures were ineffective, as slavery and slave trade proceeded uninterrupted. In fact, both institutions gained momentum from 1880 onwards in the wake of the penetration and establishment of trading stations in the hinterland of the Southern Sudan. Indeed, it was believed in Khartoum that all traders on the White Nile either directly participated, or somehow connived with their agents in the seizure of slaves. The extent of the chaos is reflected by John Petherick's grim observation, made in May 1862: I70 maww end-sud they are populatic Under in government w: traders. In C Hamdi. ordere slaves. Furthe to furnish a lie month‘s salar identity of err from trading any given pa Ironic slavery mm United State outcome of 1863. the E slavery else In I Januaw‘ u Vienna ar Institution: In a word, legal commerce from Khartoum to Gondokoro is at an end-—such a thing as trading with the natives is out of the question: they are prepared for flight or fight according to the density of population, and circumstances... Under intense pressure from European consuls in Cairo and Khartoum, the government was compelled to undertake stronger measures against the slave traders. In October, 1862, for example, the Governor—General, Musa Pasha Hamdi, ordered a detachment of soldiers to the White Nile to inspect boats for slaves. Furthermore, all merchants wishing to sail up the White Nile were required to furnish a list of their servants (employees) and to pay a tax equivalent to one month's salary for each of item.14 The assumption here was that knowledge of the identity of employees would help to determine the identity of passengers returning from trading in the Southern Sudan. That is, it would help in determining whether any given passenger was or was not a slave. Ironically, Sa'id's laudable actions did not receive the attention of the anti— slavery movement, which was then preoccupied with the heated debate in the United States that ultimately led to the Civil War.15 However, with the successful outcome of the war for the ”anti-slavers" and the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, the British Anti—Slavery Society could now turn their attention to the issue of slavery elsewhere, especially in the Middle East and Africa. In Cairo. meanwhile, there was change of guard, Sa‘id having died in January, to be succeeded by Khedive Isma'il. The new ruler had been educated in Vienna and Paris, and as his predecessor, was anxious to introduce European institutions and technology. It would therefore seem that given his liberal background, Isma‘il would be susceptible to persuasion on the issue of abolition. 171 However. was the influenc and strategic if greater importa Speke and J6 “discovery" of I Isma‘il and told Bunyoro and K Theirs with civ the soi' the nor Initially opted for Brit; his "discover kingdoms, tI market for established east coast ehuaton‘al I therefore, the heh asc But DIODQSed However, perhaps more decisive than the viceroy's personal inclination was the influence of the second critical factor--the new realization of the economic and strategic importance of the Southern Sudan. This awareness assumed greater importance following the successful return, in 1863, of Captains John Speke and James Grant from their historic travels, which resulted in the "discovery" of the source of the Nile.16 On June 3, 1863, the two explorers met lsma'il and told him about the agricultural and commercial importance of Buganda, Bunyoro and Karagwe, which Speke summarized in the following terse lines: Their sovereigns evinced a keen desire for commercial intercourse with civilized countries, while the climate appears far superior to, and the soil more promising than those of any region adjoining, either to the north or south.17 Initially, Speke was open to an Egyptian annexation of the region, but later opted for Britain, hoping that it would take the commercial advantages proffered by his "discovery." He foresaw profitable trade contacts between the equatorial kingdoms, the Southern Sudan and Britain, as indicated by the considerable market for European products which the Equatorial kingdoms had already established through Arab merchants from Zanzibar. In his opinion, however, the east coast of Africa was not a good base of operations for opening up the equatorial kingdoms because of the long overland route involved. To Speke, therefore, the other line of communication, and indeed the only natural one between the regions in question and the sea, is from Egypt by ascending the great White Nile...18 But in order to better reap the commercial benefits of the region, Speke proposed the assertion of imperial control over much of Southern Sudan and the 172 establrshmen of the river immediate or sent to the c for the prod the world wc SpeI suppressior and slave t aboard, Sp checked. tl Zanzibar A colony oft Spr over the interview Furtherm. General, IS Euror: llEmainin was esp traders‘ establishment of legitimate commerce there, arguing that the power in possession of the river would virtually hold the country. Accordingly, he called for the immediate occupation of Gondokoro, from which place an embassy would then be sent to the court of Bunyoro. The equatorial kings were certain to "hail an opening for the products and manufactures of the world," consequently "the finest lands in the world would be open to Europe?” Speke also saw another advantage in his scheme-that it would help in the suppression of the slave trade. Grafting the question of suppression of slavery and slave trade onto his imperial scheme, which no doubt brought the anti—slavers aboard, Speke argued that unless the armed gangs of the White Nile traders were checked, they would "annihilate the Kings of the Equator...in the same way as the Zanzibar Arab traders have dethroned the chief of Unyanyembe and established a colony of their own at Kaze."20 Speke's vision galvanized Isma'il into actions to extend Egyptian control over the region so as to preempt any European efforts. Thus soon after his interview with the travelers, Isma‘il sent four steamers to patrol the White Nile. Furthermore. in November 1863, after a hurried visit to Cairo, the Governor- General, Musa Pasha Hamdi, trebled the tax on the White Nile trade. According to its European critics, this tax policy was undertaken with the aim of removing the remaining Western traders still involved in the White Nile trade. De Pruyssenaere was especially emphatic about the existence of such a plot to destroy European traders, citing various examples of discrimination in support of that assertion.21 173 One 5 and this to contemplatin presence of which westr Secondly, E Europe abo be used tol Britain as t trade in the or supplant is, the disc slavery an power cou The years exp his conde favor of SI One should not dismiss the claims of these European critics as groundless, and this for the following reasons. First, once the government began contemplating the annexation of the Equatorial regions, it regarded the continuing presence of European traders in the region as possibly creating vested interests which western powers might want to translate into an imperial ambition,22 Secondly, European traders were the main source of information filtering out to Europe about the Equatorial regions, and Cairo feared that this intelligence might be used to Egypt's own detriment. At least this was evident in the debate raging in Britain as to what method and who could best suppress slavery and the slave trade in the Sudan. The possibility that European powers might decide to obstruct or supplant Egypt in its imperial endeavor was at least implicit in that debate. That is, the discussion seriously questioned Egypt's sincerity or even ability to suppress slavery and the slave trade in the Sudan, thus implying that only a European power could be trusted to carry out the work. The debate intensified after Samuel Baker arrived from his more than two years' exploration that led to the "discovery" of Lake Albert Baker was outright in his condemnation of the Ottoman rulers in general and believed that Egypt was in favor of slavery. Arguing this point, he went on to say: I have never seen a Government official who did not in argument uphold slavery as an institution absolutely necessary to Egypt--thus any demonstration made against the slave-trade by the Government of that country will be simply a pro forma movement to blind the European Powers. Throughout his travels, Baker was always in the company of the White Nile traders, and he therefore knew a lot more about them and their activities and I74 attitudes tha' N’Yanza anc Bake incompeten‘ would be be ...the occc Turk the i the l Bec with the E naturallyf British imt lnpersonz May 1864 being any Prince k expressly includet Grant. ls actually belongir motivati. attitudes than did Speke and Grant. He published these experiences in his Albert N’Yanza and The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia. Baker was also contemptuous of oriental rule, believing it to be hopelessly incompetent. As a matter of fact, he thought that Egypt and Turkey themselves would be better off if they were brought under European government: ...there are no countries of the earth so valuable, or that would occupy so important a position in the family of nations, as Turkey...and Egypt under a civilized and Christian government. As the great highway to India, Egypt is the most interesting country to the English. 4 Because of his fame and prestige, and because his books were popular with the British reading public and opinionumakers alike, Egyptian authorities naturally feared that Baker might influence British public opinion in favor of a British imperial intervention in the Equatoriai region.25 The viceroy quickly moved in personally to profit economically from the departure of the European traders. In May 1864 he founded the Aziziyya Company, a business in whose interest, well- being and management he took a personal interest by appointing the Crown Prince, Halim Pasha, as its president.26 And while the company was founded expressly to trade in the Red Sea region, its operations secretly expanded to include the Upper White Nile region. Soon after his interview with Speke and Grant, Isma'il dispatched four steamers to Khartoum. And while the steamers actually belonged to the company, they were nonetheless represented as belonging to the Sudan government, thus reinforcing the European claim that the motivation of the policy was calculated not only to eject European traders, but also to benefit the viceroy personally .27 1'75 Andre regulations. and establis the sole pro had penetre Rionga age remote reg Ibrahim. TI Bunyoro's i rewarded I supporter. providedh Sec 'Aqqad Co the new pi business comDanie Andrea de Bono was one of the few European subjects to survive the new regulations, and this for the following reasons. He was the first trader to penetrate and establish trading stations in what is today northern Uganda, which made him the sole proprietor of large areas in Madi and Acholi districts. By early 1863, he had penetrated Bunyoro and embroiled himself in the civil war there, siding with Rionga against King Kamurasi. He was apparently alone in exploiting these remote regions until the arrival there in early 1864 of Khurshid Aga’s agent, lbrahim. The latter also found it advantageous to his business to get embroiled in Bunyoro's civil war, taking the side of Kamurasi. In November 1864, Kamurasi rewarded Ibrahim by giving him more than 300 gm of ivory. As Rionga‘s supporter, de Bono obviously required equally substantial amounts of ivory, which provided him with the wherewithal to meet the new tax requirements. Secondly, de Bono had developed good working relations with the al- 'Aqqad Company and eventually entered into partnership with it,28 sometimes after the new policy went into effect, probably in 1864. And the driving force behind that business merger was probably the hostile local environment in which the two companies were operating but which they themselves had helped to create: As the two rival companies [i.e. de Bono‘s and al—‘Aqqad's] had been forced to fraternize, owing to the now generally hostile attitude of the surrounding tribes, thelir] leaders had become wonderfully polite, exchanging presents, getting drunk together upon raw spirits, and behaving in a brotherly manner-according to their ideas of fraternity.29 It is not important here to know if the merger was brought about by genuine business considerations. The point is that, since the al-‘Aqqad Company was under the personal patronage of the viceroy himself, this political connection 176 certainly be establishmer But a worked to Sudanese t hdmahe Efiendi a European White NIIt lbrahim, E 'Abd al-S: In Southerr motivate forced s Andrea certainly benefited de Bono by giving him a close relationship with the establishment.30 But apart from that business association, or because of it, de Bono himself worked to accommodate to the Middle Eastern culture in general and to the Sudanese situation in particular. A sign of this self-adaptation is indicated by the fact that he was popularly known to fellow traders and to the establishment as Latif Effendi, a name given him probably in endearment. At any event, with most European traders pushed out, the stage was now cleared for the dominance of the White Nile trade by Arabs who included Abu Amuri, 'Aqqad, ldris Abtar, Wad lbrahim, Shenuda, Khalil Shami, al—Busayli, Kutchuk 'Ali, Ghattas, and Muhammad 'Abd al—Samad.31 In 1865, the government introduced more taxes on the traders in the Southern Sudan. Some historians have interpreted this measure as one motivated primarily by the desire to suppress the slave trade, since, they argued, it forced some of the traders out of their zeribas. Indeed, among those affected was Andrea de Bono himself, who was thus forced to sell to the government all his zeribas, valued at £25,000, for the trifling sum of £5,000. Interestingly, after acquiring the stations, the government then turned around and leased de Bono's stations to the al—‘Aqqad & Company at £3,000 per annum. Thus with de Bono's departure, the aI-'Aqqad Company became the sole "proprietor" of the whole of Eastern Equatoria, whose area was estimated to be 90,000 square miles. To exploit this vast area, the al—‘Aqqad Company established ten stations spanning its 177 5 length and i move out the None suppress th while the m was not its was fiscal. resulting fr an increas predomine the £150 meet the pmws remainec and the difficultie the shoe Howeve the lmi prompt SUDDTE MUhai length and breadth, and over 30 steamers were used to bring in supplies and move out the proceeds to Khartoum.32 Nonetheless, the question remains: was the 1865 measure introduced to suppress the slave trade by dispossessing the traders of their zeribas? Indeed, while the measure had the effect of forcing out some of the traders, that outcome was not its intended objective. In my view, the primary motivation of the measure was fiscal. First, by 1865 the government was having budgetary problems resulting from overspending and even mismanagement, which in turn was due to an increase in the size of the army. Also, the newly acquired White Nile Province-- predominantly Shilluk in its composition——became an expensive financial burden as the £15,000 collected in taxes from its native population proved inadequate to meet the cost of administration of that province. What is more, the government proved so inefficient in collecting taxes that, by 1865, £815,000 worth of taxes remained uncollected. Also, in 1865, a revolt by black troops broke out in Kassala, and the suppression of the revolt was costly. And the upshot of these financial difficulties was that the salary of many officials was six months in arrears. Indeed, the situation was so bad that Cairo felt obliged to send £130,000 in emergency aid. However, even this emergency fund proved quite insufficient, as it covered only the immediate budgetary needs.33 In my opinion, these financial difficulties prompted the 1865 measure. Second, had the introduction of taxes been motivated by the desire to suppress the slave trade, as Muhammad Fuad Shukry and Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad 'Ali claim, the government would not have leased abandoned stations 178 to traders wt as 1.868. al-' year. for exe his boats at produits s'il slave-tradin l_smajlig A lease the 8 ME.) The design wt region, th the plann Baker. th appointe as a me the cele ODDOttu an exp; IBSQ, t began per an to traders whose slaving credentials were well-established. Indeed, even as late as 1868, al-‘Aqqad Company was known to be involved in slave trading. In that year, for example, the French Consul, Georges Thibaut, upon observing fifteen of his boats arriving in Khartoum bringing 800 gem of ivory, commented: beau produits s'il n'etait point taché de sang humain."34 The extent of company—caused slave—trading and devastation of the country is well—documented in Baker's book, Ma. And yet it was to the al—‘Aqqad company that the government decided to lease the stations it had acquired from de Bono. m Expedition fl Annexation o_f Eguatoria The annexation of the Southern Sudan was one aspect of Isma'il's imperial design which extended to the annexation of the Somali Coast, the Nuba Mountains region, the acquisition of Massawa and Suakin through a lease from the Porte, and the planned but postponed invasion and annexation of Darfur.35 Ironically, Samuel Baker, the very man who contemptuously dismissed oriental colonialism, was now appointed to head that very annexation effort. In early 1869, Baker was in Egypt as a member of the entourage of the Prince of Wales, who was invited to attend the celebrations marking the opening of the Suez Canal. lsma‘il seized that opportunity to discuss his ideas with Baker, to whom he offered the leadership of an expedition to annex the Equatorial region. Baker accepted, and, on March 27, 1869, drew up the terms of his own contract of service with the Khedive. He began on April 1, 1869, and his contract was for a term of four years at £10,000 per annum.36 On 5 April 1869, Baker wrote his brother John that: ...after much consideration accepted the Viceroy's offer of the command of the greatest expedition of modern times ...it would be 179 %—_ folly tc prestv, The v Three stear commission ammunition ordered. AI Viceroy'sgr I an reint appi The launch the We the Cor tho: Cor hur det An SItL To cor Fo country, DIUDOSeC Country \ exciteme exliettitic folly to decline such a splendid offer which presents both fortune and prestige upon a path that I know well.“ The viceroy was also generous With respect to supplies for the Expedition. Three steamers and two steel life-boats were ordered from England and commissioned for the expedition. Steam saw-mills, rockets, and Snyder ammunition, and £9,000 worth of tools, necessities and trade goods were also ordered. Also, 1,500 troops were put at Baker's disposal. Reflecting on the Viceroy's generosity, Baker noted in the same letter to John: I am to have any number (thousands if necessary) of troops as reinforcements, and I have a "carte blanche" for all expenses, appointment and everything pertaining to the expedition.38 The preamble setting forth the considerations that led to the decision to launch the expedition were contained in a firman which read as follows: We, lsma'il, Khedive of Egypt, considering the savage conditions of the tribes which inhabit the Nile Basin; Considering that neither government, nor laws, nor security exists in those countries; Considering that humanity enforces the suppression of the slave— hunters who occupy those countries in great numbers;...We have decreed and now decree as follows:- An expedition is organized to subdue to our authority the countries situated to the south of Gondokoro; To suppress the slave trade, to introduce a system of regular commerce... For most Egyptians, especially those connected with the affairs of their country, as well as for the ordinary citizen knowledgeable in world affairs, the proposed expedition caused great excitement, as it was yet another sign that their country was poised for a higher place in the assembly of nations. However, that excitement was not without uneasiness, one centered on the fact that the expedition was entrusted to a foreigner, a Christian for that matter. Significantly, i80 the public utterance Sudan himself. Ja'z pointing out the dar in Africa.40 In spite and. Samuel Baker The expedit Cairo in April, but i. rear, finally arrived everything in place a preliminary force months. On Februar papyrus and liche through. the exp, Fashoda) on Apti station Tewfikeey son, MUhammad On SeIJter to secrye more 8 that the QOVSmO ordered from Cal called to and dISl hit is, 187,. the public utterance of this uneasy stirring came from the Governor—General of the Sudan himself, Ja'afar Mazhar Pasha. He submitted a report to the Khedive, pointing out the danger that lay in entrusting foreigners with important expeditions in Africa.40 In spite of that opposition, Khedive Isma'il would not change his mind, and Samuel Baker proceeded to carry out his duties. The expedition started off almost immediately. The advance column left Cairo in April, but it was not until the following January that Baker, bringing up the rear, finally arrived in Khartoum. When the governor-general was not able to get everything in place in time, Baker impatiently decided to leave for Gondokoro with a preliminary force of 800 men, 33 vessels and food supplies sufficient for seven months. On February 8, 1870, Baker reached the §_u_d_d, an area of floating islands of papyrus and lichens that obstructs the river channel. Failing to cut their way through, the expedition withdrew to southern Shilluk (about 65 miles south of Fashoda) on April 2 and established a temporary station there. Baker called the station Tewfikeeyah (Tawfikiyya), a name given in honor of the Khedive's eldest son, Muhammad Tavvfik Pasha.41 On September 15, 1870 Baker left for a brief visit to Khartoum, apparently to secure more supplies and boats. Expecting to find 30 vessels, he discovered that the governor-general had found only seven; nor had the steamers he had ordered from Cairo arrived. A disappointed Baker left Khartoum with what he had, called to and dismantled Tawfikiyya, and made for Gondokoro where he arrived on April 15, 1871. By then. Bal the gigantic task i Gondokoro. an en headman, a mar lilloron.42 Baker May20.1871.sur proclaimed the a monopoly and prr Bakerhac the Slave Trade" Memwmm the system ado: renukofmac labour to be per InCeMonf‘3 Above a province. Takii «the natural prr deeded that : aillICUItural pol Ihat he hoped ...a V8 atiricull Seeds I Centta A By then, Baker had used half the period of his contract, and he tried to hurry the gigantic task in the time left. His first task was to establish a garrison at Gondokoro, an endeavor in which he enlisted the support of Loro Io Loku, the Bari headman, a man wrongly referred to by Baker and subsequent writers as Alloron.42 Baker named the garrison lsmailia (in honor Khedive Isma'il) and, on May 20, 1871, summoning his troops to a grand parade and ceremony, he formally proclaimed the annexation of Gondokoro. He then declared ivory a government monopoly and prohibited the slave trade. Baker had a clear program for his province. Above all, he sought to ”crush the Slave Trade” [his italics], establish a "powerful government throughout all those tribes now warring with each other,” and to found a chain of trading stations "on the system adopted by the Hudson Bay Company." He also planned to establish a network of roads through corvée. In his own words, “tribute will be exacted in labour to be performed in opening-out roads, on the same principle as the road—tax in Ceylon."43 Above all, Baker was concerned about the economic viability of his province. Taking stock of his province‘s potential commercial resources, he listed "the natural productions [as] ivory, native flax, beeswax, and cotton," although he decided that agriculture was to be its economic backbone. The gist of this agricultural policy is contained in his letter to Lord Wharncliffe, in which he claimed that he hoped to effect: - ...a vast improvement among the tribes...by the introduction of agriculture and commercial enterprise. I have large quantities of seeds of all kinds that would be adapted to the climate and soil of Central Africa, and that will confer a great blessing on the country. No man she shall insist c to exchange Baker sougl one centering on required that "ev proportion to [its] and just as he he land and sowing farming seriously who could prod servants (both w interested in the On paper remarkably mor WII‘CII DIOmotel Combating SIaV Jamaica and l agllculture was The im: policy. ran min from logistical a “”‘er tashi CIOSSIIIQ the c beIIeI Dali r; -4 No man shall be idle under my rule. If I free them from slavery, I shall insist upon their working for themselves. They will then desire to exchange their surplus produce for our manufacturers.4 Baker sought more than just the encouragement of general agriculture, but one centering on corn and cotton. To this end, be conceived of a policy which required that "every tribe...cultivate a certain amount of corn and cotton, in proportion to [its] population".45 Thus shortly after arriving Gondokoro (lsmailia), and just as he had done in Tawfikiyya, he set his soldiers to clearing a piece of land and sowing it with various crops And in order to encourage them to take farming seriously, Baker induced competition by promising to give prizes to those who could produce the finest specimens of vegetables. Even the domestic servants (both women and boys whom he had earlier liberated from slavery) were interested in the challenge.46 On paper, Baker's ideas on the economic development of his province were remarkably modern. He was influenced by the idea of “legitimate" commerce, which promoted the idea of development of agriculture as the best means of combating slavery in Africa. Baker came from a family with plantation estates in Jamaica and Mauritius, and it is possible that his idea of development through agriculture was influenced by that background.“ The implementation of Baker's general objectives, along with his agricultural policy, ran into great difficulties, however. The difficulties stemmed in large part from logistical problems, since the expedition was not able to secure its supplies in a timely fashion nor in sufficient quantities. And then there was the problem of crossing the m, which forced the expedition to camp in southern Shilluk for the better part of the year, and which drained the expedition‘s already meager 183 resources AppatE Baker into an 39 Company“? Unfortunate deal. so that whe became even mo took them by tom 30.1871. Baker to negotiate with problems nonett Deputy Comma expedition shou twelve miles s provisions sufflc But the Company. hithr leading spirit of alter the death COmpany in th men Serving ti Was 80 strong The be Fm IIS Dun resources Apparently, this dire supply situation was a major consideration forcing Baker into an agreement with Abu Suiud, the representative of the ’Aqqad Company.48 Unfortunately for Baker, the 'Aqqad Company did not fulfill its part of the deal, so that when the Expedition finally reached Gondokoro, logistical problems became even more acute. Because the locals would not sell him supplies Baker took them by force, just like his predecessors, the slave traders. Thus, on August 30, 1871, Baker led a force of 600 men on Bilinyang where, after a failed attempt to negotiate with the inhabitants, he proceeded to burn down the village. Supply problems nonetheless persisted, and by December the situation was such that the Deputy Commander of the force, Muhammad Ra'uf Pasha, suggested that the expedition should be abandoned. Baker decided, however, to raid Bari villages twelve miles south of Gondokoro and, in a month-long operation, secured provisions sufficient for over a year.49 But the major problem confronting Baker stemmed from the ‘Aqqad Company. hitherto the sole government-authorized concern in the region. The leading spirit of the company was the ambitious and unscrupulous Abu Su'ud who, after the death of his father-in-law in 1871, became the sole representative of the Company in the Sudan. By 1869, the organization had an estimated 2,500 armed men serving the ten stations in this remote region.’ Abu Su'ud's hold over the area was so strong that he was referred by some 70f his followers as "Sultan."50 The basis for the company's hostility towards the expedition was two-fold. First, its primary objective was the suppression of the slave trade. Baker's 184 contempt for slave rxluld only be achi this end. he oppos province to ‘Aqqac imperium in impel not dissuade the ivory which could the Khedive won expiration on Aj: trading, provided Other tral “99d tor supplie the like. hopjng forced to wjjhd. hastened to his OI the kingdon am‘palhy and i In Spite 6,1872 Baker Bahama OI the EqUatl BunyorO in 1 contempt for slavery was solid and deep, and he believed that its suppression could only be achieved through a major reform of the White Nile trade itself. To this end, he opposed the government contract awarding sole trading rights in the province to 'Aqqad & Company, arguing that the contract recognized a formidable impen'um in imperio. Perhaps fearing that this essentially political argument might not dissuade the Khedive, he added that the contract deprived the government of ivory which could immediately help defray the expenses of the Expedition. Since the Khedive would not revoke the company's contract, it was agreed that until its expiration on April 9, 1872, the 'Aqqad Company would be allowed to continue trading, provided that it paid its taxes.51 Other traders were also hostile to the Baker expedition. They exploited his need for supplies by blocking delivery, by influencing against the expedition, and the like, hoping that the expedition would run out of supplies and eventually be 52 Accordingly, avoiding Gondokoro, Abu Su'ud forced to withdraw to Khartoum. hastened to his stations in the south and even paid a quick visit to Masindi, capital of the kingdom of Bunyoro, where Baker believed Abu Su'ud sowed seeds of antipathy and hatred against the expedition.53 In spite of the obstacles, and to the obvious dismay of Abu Su'ud, on March 6, 1872, Baker and 212 troops eventually arrived at Patiko, where he left half of his force with most of his ammunition. He hurried on to Masindi, since the annexation of the Equatorial kingdoms was his central objective. During his first visit in Bunyoro in 1864/5, Baker had allied with king Kamurasi against Rionga. With Kamurasi's son, Kabarega, now on the throne, Baker naturally expected Kabarega 185 to welcome him especially, that Ka to trade with Egyj May 14 1872. Bak Soon after apparent support against the indon the expedition wi the enemy's initia match for his Bu Although Subjec Foweira on the \ Obviousl Ol’etthrow Kabe alliance Which Baker then pm rePresentative Baker left tOr F The so Patiko‘ Baker allited me” SI kIIII'lB half oft worth £50.00 .4 to welcome him and support the objectives of the expedition. He hoped, especially, that Kabarega would welcome the opportunity to open up his kingdom to trade with Egypt. When Kabarega seemed to agree to all the objectives, on May 14 1872, Baker declared the annexation of Bunyoro. Soon after the proclamation, however, it became apparent that Kabarega‘s apparent support of the expedition was based on his need to obtain support against the indomitable Rionga. When Baker would not agree, Kabalega attacked the expedition with 6,000 men. At first, Baker had the upper hand, beating back the enemy’s initial assaults, but it soon became obvious that his small force was no match for his Bunyoro adversaries, and Baker ordered a retreat on June 14, 1872. Although subjected to harassment as it withdrew, the expedition finally reached Foweira on the Victoria Nile with amazingly few casualties. Obviously this turn of events threatened Baker's plan, and he decided to overthrow Kabarega and replace him with Rionga. Baker therefore negotiated an alliance which was formalized in a blood exchange ceremony with the latter. Baker then proclaimed Rionga king of Bunyoro and declared him the legitimate representative of the Khedive. Leaving a force of 65 men with Rionga in Foweira, Baker left for Patiko.54 The saga of rebellion did not end there, however, for upon arriving at Patiko, Baker faced yet another rebellion, this time by the 200 of Abu Su'ud's armed men stationed there. Although outnumbered, Baker crushed the rebellion, killing half of the enemy force in the station, and confiscating 1,500 kantars of ivory worth £50,000. Compared to the high enemy casualties, Baker's force suffered 186 only seven wounde armed bands of the I to realize his policy Surprisineg enemies. His "gre force, and he be serious local upr solution to the or his erstwhile ene lflhad re of Africa skeleton necessa act of c‘ than fet' For the being forced " South. Thus, Farrang‘la, 3‘ men from Gt I9 520 men Kabarega_55 Oh i Cong€rntor policy of E J only seven wounded. From that point on, he gained the military initiative over the armed bands of the 'Aqqad company, and was thus presented with an opportunity to realize his policy of expelling all the traders and their men from the province. Surprisingly, Baker instead acted magnanimously towards his erstwhile enemies. His "greatest expedition of modern times" had been reduced into a puny force, and he badly needed reinforcements, more so in the light of the many serious local uprisings and rebellions in Bariland, Bunyoro and elsewhere. The solution to the problem as he saw it was to seek to coopt into his army as many of his erstwhile enemies as possible. If I had refused the enlistment of all immoral characters in the middle of Africa, I should have had what is now known in England as a skeleton regiment...ln times of real weakness, it is frequently necessary to be severe...but after victory and success, I felt that an act of clemency might, even among half savages, be more binding than fetters.55 For their part, many of the impoverished renegades dreaded the idea of being forced to return to Khartoum with nothing to show for their sojourn in the South. Thus, of the 600 of Abu Su'ud's men, in the stations of Fabbo, Faloro, and Farrangia, 312 joined Baker's army as irregulars. After a reinforcement of 280 men from Gondokoro arrived at Patiko, Baker's total force in the four stations rose to 620 men. enabling him to reinforce Rionga and take the offensive against Kabarega.56 On closer examination, however, it is apparent that Baker's expressed concern for his puny force was at best a secondary problem. He certainly needed a larger army than he had, but he did not" have to abandon his long-advocated policy of expelling the traders and all their renegade soldiers from the province. indeed, he could among his many l clearly suggests tt it would se enemies. Baker maintaining efiec had from his str about the countr his army the Vt somehow constt is, their presenc pooulation thar the country sh rebellion.“ Th Confirmed ma. 9°Velnmem. But in part"dilation r Debple‘ may h“itself as r Dreirrdices 01 Africans Corr apparent in . A Indeed, he could have achieved that very goal through a recruitment program among his many local supporters.57 And yet Baker's rejection of the latter option clearly suggests that he had a different motive altogether. It would seem, therefore, that in choosing to treat with his erstwhile enemies. Baker was most likely actuated by the daunting problem of maintaining effective control of the country. There was advantage to be had from his strategy of inclusion, the new men had a lot of experience about the country, which he sought to exploit. Baker argues that having in his army the very men who had formerly terrorized the country would somehow constitute a deterrent against any attempt at local rebellion. That is, their presence in the administration would be a constant reminder to the population that these men might once more assume oppressive control of the country should his benign administration be forced out through local rebellion.58 Thus not only did Baker incorporate the renegades, but he also confirmed many of their high-ranking figures in responsible positions in government. But in rejecting the opportunity to anchor his administration in local participation in the military, Baker, in addition to his deep distrust of the people, may have been also influenced by his racial prejudice. Declaring himself as no "nigger-worshipper," Baker shared many of the racial prejudices of his time. He seems even to have harbored the notion that Africans could only prosper under the tutelage of others, a thought which is apparent in the following remark: In no instance has he [the negro] evinced other than a retro! without harness. h ln the final preserving many . because his eftor Gondokoro, his ir Yei river districts ways. By the tin marked only a 3 Richard Gray he he concluded: Virtually ; nominal over the item Charles his aPPOlntmr Equatoria H( sen/ice, Fore Emperor 0ft intemationay govemmenr, EQYDt‘ran au Septembef y J other than a retrogression, when once freed from restraint. Like a horse without harness, he runs wild, but, if harnessed, no animal is more useful.59 In the final analysis, therefore, Baker's change of policy had the effect of preserving many of the features of the system that existed under the traders. And because his efforts were confined to the stretch of territory along the Nile south of Gondokoro, his impact was not felt in outlying territories such as Latukaland or the Yei river districts. In these areas, the renegades continued to rule in their old ways. By the time Baker left office in April 1873, the administration he left behind marked only a slight improvement over the previous regime. This is probably what Richard Gray had in mind when, in assessing the impact of Baker's administration, he concluded: virtually all that Baker had accomplished was to effect the transfer of nominal sovereignty from Abu Su'ud to the government. Control over the scattered stations remained extremely slight...60 BE Governorship gf Colonel Charles Gordon Charles George "Chinese" Gordon had no connections with Africa before his appointment by Khedive lsma'il to the position of Governor—General of Equatoria. However, by then Gordon had enjoyed a distinguished career in foreign service. For example, as a young captain in the Royal Engineers on loan to the Emperor of China, his suppression of the Taiping rebellion in 1864 made him an international figure. His personal charisma also commended him to the Egyptian government. Shortly after Baker's return to Cairo on the expiry of his duties, Egyptian authorities offered Gordon Equatoria, which he formally accepted on September 5, 1873, seeing it as a chance ”to fight the slave trade."61 I89 Unlike Bakr lonnidable obstaclr cleared by an c supervision of the in Khartoum on l Gondokoro, arrivir only were the cor that government, upon returning tc and left Equatori Gondokoro in E disoosal. At first. l navigation, and ' 0i BUganda in c through Zanzib: inadequate to y Gondokoro. for Situation Which the iOWn Was ti He adoy “ad to establis com"lumcatior Unlike Baker, Gordon did not have to contend with overcoming the formidable obstacles of the sudd, as shortly before his arrival the barrier had been cleared by an operation employing hundreds of soldiers under the direct supervision of the new Governor—General, lsma'il Ayub.62 Thus, soon after arriving in Khartoum on March 13, 1874, Gordon made a quick get-acquainted visit to Gondokoro, arriving there in early April. His impressions were melancholic, for not only were the conditions of the troops stationed there appalling, but he also found that government, security, and revenue were non-existent.63 Not surprisingly, upon returning to Khartoum, he clashed with the Governor-General over finance, and left Equatoria. After the disappointed visit to Khartoum, Gordon returned to Gondokoro in September, determined to make do with the resources at his disposal. At first, his primary objectives was to open up Lake Albert to modern navigation, and then to press fonNard and secure communication with the kingdom of Buganda in order to capture its ivory trade "at present almost entirely directed through Zanzibar."64 However, since the security situation in the province was inadequate to permit a rapid advance, Gordon decided to stabilize authority. In Gondokoro, for example, Gordon's power was confined to a radius of half a mile, a situation which he must have found particularly piquing, considering the fact that the town was the headquarters of the province. He adopted a tvvo-pronged approach to the problem: on the one hand, he had to establish a chain of stations along the Nile so as to secure safe lines of communication;65 on the other, he needed to adopt a fair but firm policy towards 190 the people with a especially Bariland Bariland: Lado (r province in 1876'; iollowed a blend ready to take our presents or retur' results, so that between Gondr southern Bari. PIObably one c Gordon's elite s Belletonds 57 in Spitr 9°Vernmenr Cr PIOblem of Se frustrations In tried two Shor line between iaxalionrnyi, pulSUed that the people with a view to establishing security and tranquility in the province, especially Bariland. Gordon proceeded therefore to establish two more stations in Bariland: Lado (which eventually replaced Gondokoro as the capital of the province in 1876) and Rejaf. And as he built further stations to the south, he followed a blend of toughness and leniency towards the Bari. Thus, he was as ready to take punitive action against them as make lenient gestures such as giving presents or returning some of the captured cattle. This policy secured the desired results, so that by July 1875, it was possible for an individual to travel safely between Gondokoro and Kirri.66 However, sporadic resistance continued in southern Bari, especially in the Mugiri area. And on August 4, in what was probably one of their most successful attacks, Mugiri routed a detachment of Gordon's elite soldiers, killing all but four, but including the commander Linant de Bellefonds.67 In spite of these sporadic rebellions, Gordon gradually extended government control with each established station, but he continued to face the problem of securing provisions for his troops. Gordon was well aware of Baker's frustrations in this regard, and in order to avoid his predecessor's use of force, he tried two short-term remedies. The first was to establish a regular communication line between his province and Khartoum, and the second was to introduce taxation—in-kind to support the troops. Meanwhile, economic policies would be pursued that would spur local production, so that in time the government would be able to secure its necessities locally. UnfortunateI expectations. For and secondly. the taxation base was resort to force, rer the establishmen' Gordon had atter pattern of social C”Piling control leudal system 0' own feet."68 H0. success depenc But Gorc Pepples; the br also a major cc WOW than buy Charge of Dufi Mak hung a n: 0iiiCialS cared Oi Oi establish bounds 0f the °°mmentedt to CiViliSe the Unfortunately for Gordon, the realities of the situation did not meet his expectations. For one thing, communication with Khartoum remained irregular, and secondly, there was still much resistance to the government, so that the taxation base was both relatively small and unstable. Thus, Gordon himself had to resort to force, rendering the security situation tenuous and ultimately undermining the establishment of orderly government and progressive policies. For example, Gordon had attempted to introduce coinage, whose objective was to create a new pattern of social relations that would, in his opinion, free the people from the crippling control of the chiefs. In his words, the innovation would undermine "the feudal system of chiefs [by letting] their subjects see that they can stand on their own feet."68 However, this far-sighted policy was doomed to failure, for its ultimate success depended upon adequate security. But Gordon's failure was not entirely due to the insubordination of the local peoples; the boisterous and the arbitrary ways of his soldiers and officials were also a major contributing factor. For example, the soldiers would rather confiscate ivory than buy it, and they were brutal toward the people. Thus, the officer in charge of Dufile station was caught abusing his native interpreters, and Wad el- Mak hung a native chief for not supplying him with porters. Finding that few of the officials cared or sympathized with the concept of fostering economic development or of establishing a system of justice over the "pagan" tribes beyond the immediate bounds of the station communities, Gordon, in a note of frustration and deSpair, commented that the soldiers ”are about as likely to civilise these parts as they are to civilise the moon." Nevertheless, Gordon tried hard to bring discipline to his -J soldiers by puniShi the end he gave U' ...I can do change the be better fr themselves This comment su superior military meant, in effect t would continue tr ln Februe and left Equator Goslee Prout a retired, and by undermined wt flagrant abuse lbrahim Fawzy, leacted prnmp himwithEmrn A Siles medicine In y litter in Alb; Pioclaimmq apDOiIIted Cy soldiers by punishing here and dismissing there, but apparently to no avail. And in the end he gave up with resignation, commenting: ...I can do nothing more...and even if I did, I could not expect to change the habits of the officers etc. or of the natives. | feel it would be better for them to work out the problem of how to live together by themselves.69 This comment suggests that Gordon had thrown in the towel, and considering the superior military power his unruly officials and soldiers wielded, this resignation meant, in effect that, the establishment of an orderly administration in the province would continue to be a major problem. In February 1877, Gordon was appointed Governor-General of the Sudan and left Equatoria. He was followed in rapid succession by the Americans Henry Goslee Prout and Alexander McComb Mason both of whom became sick and retired, and. by August 1877, Ibrahim Fawzi, an Egyptian. Naturally, the turnover undermined what little administrative order there was in the province. Reports of flagrant abuse of power by local officials were rife. And even the governor himself, lbrahim Fawzi, was caught exporting slaves in government steamers. Gordon reacted promptly to this somber news, and in October dismissed Fawzi, replacing him with Emin Pasha. Ib_e_ Governorship o_f Emin Pasha A Silesian Jew born in 1840 .as Eduard Schnitzer, Amen Pasha had studied medicine in Germany and entered the Ottoman service, serving as a medical officer in Albania and Asia Minor for nine years before arriving Khartoum in 1875. Proclaiming himself a Turk and Muslim with the name Emin, he was in 1876 appointed Chief Medical Officer for Equatoria! province where he was sent to serve under Gordon t undertook diploma Governor, Henrv ( better attuned the Eastern governmr Emin cone economic develo factors. He worl was already exp promoted the cr collection of Ind which he could dreams were n for eighteen in. placing great i began expene the establishn on the comm eltorts lo redr the Victoria N Cut 0 PFObiEm mat under Gordon. Even as he was in the medical service, Emin successfully undertook diplomatic missions to Mutesa and Kabalega on behalf of his new Governor, Henry G. Prout. A man with gentle and patient manners, Emin was far better attuned than most of his European predecessors to work under a Middle Eastern government in Africa.70 Emin conceived of his responsibilities primarily in terms of promoting the economic development of his province based on two fundamental and interrelated factors. He worked to promote agriculture as the backbone of the economy. He was already experimenting with rice which he introduced from Buganda. He also promoted the cultivation of maize, coffee, cotton, and sugar, and encouraged the collection of Indian rubber. His second goal was to build communications, without which he could not see how any development could be sustained. Emin Pasha’s dreams were not to be realized: first, the Nile became blocked with the sudd, and for eighteen months (1878—1880) there was no delivery of badly-needed supplies, placing great strains on the administration. Second, the Egyptian government began experiencing serious financial problems, to the extent that it necessitated the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry in early 1878. Gordon, who served on the commission, soon became acutely aware of the looming problem and, in efforts to reduce government expenditure, ordered the evacuation of stations on the Victoria Nile.71 Cut off from Khartoum by the sudd as he was, the looming financial problem may not have been apparent to Emin Pasha in Equatoria. However, the crisis soon revealed itself in the form of dramatically reduced numbers of steamers 194 arriving at Lado. v trom1880 until tt boats arrived. anr than two boats e visited the provi' reduction of fine imposed severe implement his er Meanwhil Government mo until Gordon‘s r= traders forced influential, the 0Ppor'lunity for This rec harmonization discipline beg; exllansion olg term consequ emerging co ”pension. in: arriving at Lado, when the blockage of the sudd finally subsided in 1880. Indeed, from 1880 until the fall of Khartoum to the Mahdists in 1885, only a total of nine boats arrived, and three carried no merchandise at all. The new average of less than two boats annually, sharply contrasted with the past when tens of boats visited the province annually. Obviously the small number revealed a major reduction of financial and material support for the province, which inevitably imposed severe constraints on Emin Pasha's ability effectively to govern and implement his economic policies. Meanwhile, the province generally experienced relative peace, thanks to the government monopoly over ivory. Although initiated by Samuel Baker, it was not until Gordon's rule that the monopoly was fully enforced, and the remnants of the traders forced out of the province. Thus in areas where the traders had been influential, the evictions removed a major source of friction and provided the opportunity for ethnic groups to recover from the chaos of the past decades. This reconstitution allowed for better articulation of local interests and their harmonization with those of government stations. A measure of quiet and discipline began to settle in the province and, coupled with diplomacy, led to the expansion of government influence. Emin Pasha was the beneficiary of the long- term consequence of Baker's ivory policy, for which he took credit. But beyond this emerging core, however, violent expeditions continued to be the form of expansion, into the lands of the Lango and Buya in the east, and of the Kaliko to the west. 72 195 Although 9e and by security pr tranquility. Emin Pe tooting. He was or the light of the sur this determination secure for his pro Baker and Gordcr His dream previous August "dervishes" prev; he was far away learn of the Mah As the rebellion bad things to cor the main preocc Emin Pas obviously disap lesoumes, At . GhaZal, it did n prevailing there Although generally frustrated by declining financial support from Khartoum and by security problems that every so often ruffled the province's facade of tranquility, Emin Pasha was determined to establish the administration on a firmer footing. He was confident that this was both possible and worthwhile, especially in the light of the surplus of £5-6,000 that he was able to realize in his budget. With this determination in mind, he left for Khartoum in February 1882, intending to secure for his province the same autonomous powers that it had enjoyed under Baker and Gordon. His dreams were not to be: the Mahdist revolution had broken out the previous August, and in the early skirmishes with government forces, the "dervishes“ prevailed. Emin Pasha was, of course, unaware of these events, as he was far away in his relatively isolated Equatorial province. In fact, he did not learn of the Mahdists until he reached Sobat station while en route to Khartorrm. As the rebellion cast its ominous shadow across the landscape, thus portending bad things to come, it became clear that suppressing the rebellion was going to be the main preoccupation of the government. Emin Pasha‘s visit to Khartoum did not therefore accomplish much, and the obviously disappointed governor returned to his province to work with local resources. At first, and even though the rebellion was moving into the Bahr el- Ghazal, it did not influence Equatoria. Indeed, the province even posted another profit of £12,000 in 1883, thus strengthening the sense of relative tranquility prevailing there.73 But before long, the contagion of rebellion caught on, forever 1.96 tearing apart that rebellion belong tc tearing apart that false sense of security. The details and analysis of the Mahdist rebellion belong to the next chapter, and to it we must move. Footnotes and Re E I. . Y. .\ nu ~..\. “I“ u» H” «G .r m ..._ . Ma r. a z : ..r - .L uqr.. ...lb. ..rt. ”M S «d WW... "Us A . LL u» \NU - ..s .\ S n3 . . . fir. L p VI. “r. C «C i‘ K .4 «C .L At .t. . . Q x. I -l r. -r .7; . . . C E e l c C 3 \.. MC at in.” .4. MC MU «C v. Nu S \A ..l Cr. m 1-» .L an . . “H Re \C E. .«m ..\ T. l M- e r UM C 7.. a 9 MM n. Ma. ..Q a. a S h\ n, . . ml‘. 8 5|. 8 Arty Cw “mu AC ..QILJ MU» {i n\u e ‘AU MW .NC. “u Ink «G Mr C» ".lr. <. E r... n” .H. c uh r . 1 . -. . . 2. a h .hL «. c 3 r. c : we... 5 o . h r a a . ..W at .o m ,o . J. D. In. v weird. Mm 1.0m U. .l., :l... Hit a . an Tu k .. . s It Au .Krwo ...fl .‘r‘ s s .n e i mi. ..C r. r . ht o \ \rNiV WM. -..iitirtliir m ..r‘.»_ “if; a. Footnotes and References 1. Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Equatoria Under Egyptian Rule; Egg Unpublished Correspondence of Colonel (afterwards Major— Gen.) C. G. Gordon with Ismail Khedive of Egypt and the Sudan During the Years 1874~1876 (Cairo: Cairo University Press, 1953), 19. Egypt also used the pretext of suppressing the slave trade to annex nearly the whole of the west coast of the Red Sea and part of the Somali coast up to Ras Hafoun. See Reda Mowafi, Slavery, Slave Trade and Abolition Attempt, 76—80. 2. Foremost among these Egyptian and Sudanese historians are Muhammad Fuad Shukry, in his The Khedive Isma'il and Slavery ifl__EQ§, Sudan (Cairo: Librairie 1a Renaissance d'Egypte, 1938) and; Abbas Ibrahini Muhammad ‘Ali, The British, the Slave trade and Slavery in the Sudan (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1972). 3. This turning point was certainly significant, because it was in that same year that slavery in the Ottoman empire was officially abolished. However, although Egypt was a part of the Ottoman empire, the edict did not apply because of the special status and autonomy she enjoyed within the empire. This relationship was finally regularized by three firmans issued by the Porte in 1841, and supported by European powers. ’ . 4. Buxton followed up by publishing two books on the subject. Thomas Buxton had, by 1835, succeeded Sir William Wilberforce as leader of the humanitarian faction in Parliament. In the years 1835—7, he served as chairman of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on slavery and slave trade. Among his books were The African Slave Trade (London: 1839), and The Remedy, Being a Sequel to the African Slave Trade (London: 1840). 5. John Bowring, Report on Egypt and Candia, P.P. (1840), 100 and cited by Abbas Ibrahim in his The British, the Slave Trade and Slavery, 11. 6. Abbas Ibrahim The British, the Slave Trade and Slavery, 17. ' ' 7. Abbas Muhammad, op. cit., 19. 8. The value of Egypt hinged on its strategic importance as the communication lane between East and West. In fact, the W8 nr‘vcf" J-.'.-vv - v VJ.’.-V./ -.- P finrr‘lcf" ' Pb; «in, rein-r 1'?" 4L“..- :H «3 AU «C .s. A.» \.. C N h“ x-» C ”\t S E C C C r E -l .L S k“ e e. .0 e . i G 4 u p (G ”V. .h.. To . _ vv .. t- 1-. I .1 T. wt \ T. S Y. \ i . a T. 5 VJ X G: n“ ..i «c a no ,t O i . 5 \mm a x. I -.- I e e 0 no n N LC I ..W 0 .L a “11. . i .1 5. no 1. e .i .1 .i .C .i l 5 kn... . Q P, Av. \ x. a 0 .i 00 ..I. DA V D; «d We Wu Z v i .L vL 41 e . . m a m h» A: C . e n at r 5 . Y.\ . . . . w - 1 Id. CJ .1 .II. 0 e O .1; 6 h «G h“. 5v bl. ~ Ci \\o s: \K 11‘ AC .11. . -_ . i. S ab A-» dd . ,. ,i\ .li. Ln; 7; a c “H K «l; A .I a . . N L \ qt ‘ origins of the Suez Canal can be traced to when France sought to undertake its construction. To counter the offer, Britain proposed instead the building of two railway lines, one connecting Alexandria and the town of Suez, and the other connecting Alexandria, C iro and Upper Egypt. 9. Richard L. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 1820-1881, 84~85, and 87—88. 10. Richard Hill, Ibid., 84~89 and; Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il and Slavery, 96. 11. Richard Gray, History, 74—5. 12. Quoted in Gray, Ibid., 52. The question of Sa'id's order is also mentioned in Muhammad Fuad. Shukry, Khedive Isma'il. 115—121 and; Abbas Ibrahim, 19—20. 13. Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels in Central Africa, Vol. I, 142. 14. Gray, History, 76. 15. The debate is generally rendered, if perhaps simplistically, between the pro—slavery South and anti— slavery North. Obviously, the issues at stake were more complex than that. Perhaps the best work encapsulating this debate is Eric Foner's Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men; The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (London: Oxford University Press. l979 edition). 16. In this historic expedition to "discover" the source of the Nile river, Speke and Grant~ traveled overland from Zanzibar to the source of the river at Ripon Falls. From there, except for some stretches, they followed the Nile northwards until Gondokoro, where they boarded a steamer to Khartoum and then to Cairo. 17. Quoted in Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East agriga (London: 1952), 29. 18. Quoted in Richard Gray, History, 80. 19. Cited in Gray, Ibid., 80—81. 20. Gray, History, op. cit. 21. Ibid., 82 and; Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Ehedive Isma'il, 127—8. '_"—*m*_—"__7_ .- .4 ..4 \ WICCP ain‘t: - ”A u _ m. . . .C . . . . . . c C v . r. Phrb . . I . I Y. . .r I. ..L .c .wrwu. PV .m. 0 CL .‘ «Ha Au NV n. Y. A...“ v\\_ a 5 I ”K I... . I I.» .3 mm D. I E d 1K E -.l I 1- v. 1 C .Q C Q» . h... . 4 ma .3. I 5 d it C E e .i O - . u G. h“ 5 l. e E E .6 E a P 0 C C k. Fur .. c C a. S O h” C a. A: r. S S h. e D. T. 1K. 0. no r. C. C... a S -1 J“. ‘Q 3 C n. ..w C C -.L rt U. n; l E I .t 8 sh .d C r d A: r11“ .C C, Q. C. c n: ..L .h. -.l a .0 a . M IN. M e e ..l. 5 1Q e -.I. I 4. I. 33 k. a ‘5. Eh. hm n... a S .\ I hi :1. .Y‘ .vlq. In} C 2.x. Q. AM.» ~\v VI. d :l. )0 HUI. .1. .UIL ”VJ vs I. ‘ . ERG VI‘ Wu; “.1; NM NJ. on . . - «1.. n1 m C .L V. u a C .d - .0 C .. - . Ad 0. 11.. . c C. e L mm 0 .l. r“ at. KC 7. .7. mm .1 T. nu“ a mm TL vi u C 41. -WJA .. «u. RU n-.. Wu” .\C xi \l- a“ «we «0.; um .3. Nu ll TI. Y. 1/. .-/_ up.“ a... .L nu. .L H\ H .L. D. Put d/L \WL ab .1. 2 «K. x: 3 . ‘ «C RC . . L k . 1 ‘1 : 1 _ 22. Such apprehension could be read into the growing pressure on the government from some of the European consuls or consular agents regarding the.issue of slavery and slave trade in the Sudan. 23. Samuel Baker, Albert N'Yanza, Vol. II, (1962 edition) 517. 24. Ibid., Vol. I, xxix 25. Baker's two books, Albert N'Yanza, and The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia and the Sword of the Hamran Arabs (London, 1874), enjoyed "best seller" list for a long time. In fact, the former book ran into three editions and was reprinted at frequent intervals afterwards. 26. Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il, 138. 27. Most of the European traders found the new imposts too high to pay and left the Sudan. Only Andrea de Bono and the Poncet brothers, Jules and Ambroise, complied. But by the time the policy was effected, however, the European trading presence in the Sudan had begun to wane. For example, Antoine Brun—Rollet, Alphonse de Malzac, Jean—Alexandre Vayssiere and Jeremy Barthelemy all succumbed to the "murderous climate" of the Sudan. And of all the European traders, only Binder and Lafargue retired with comfortable profits. For details, see Gray, History, 72; and Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Rhedive Isma'il, 138, 142, and 144—5. 28. Regarding this partnership,' see- Andrea de Bono's biographical information in, Richard Hill, A. Biographical Qictionary of the Sudan (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 110—111. * . . ' 29. Baker, Albert N'Yanza, Vol. II, 483 and 488. 30. Regarding the friendly relationship between the viceroy and Musa Bey al—‘Aqqad, see Gray, Southern Sudan, 52. The 'Aqqad & Co. had a long trading history in the Sudan, with four of the family's prominent members involved: Hassan Musa al—‘Aqqad, Muhammad Ahmad al—'Aqqad, Muhammad abu Su'ud Bey al-'Aqqad (who was also a high~ranking government official in the Sudan), and Musa Bey al~'Aqqad (also a high—ranking Sudanese government official). In terms of its White Nile Operations, the company‘s most important agent there was Khurshid Aga. For biographical information on these individuals enui also (n1 Andrea cka Bono himself, see Hill, Biographical Dictionary 200 ’0' " v'r' I'" WPFY‘ Av— «FY H" l“_|_ uv-v . ! -pv ‘ l -... 1 Luv “V O ,. .ul '1 .c No C . i x F WW it C e a . AL . . ~._ .3 . i. h n .l. S e . o I C «3 a . r . nu . . 1 a .l .L ...- t e 1 r a . «G .\ . i it P. e .n . UN 0 m.“ in 2 C . .n .. x . l C .1 Q «L U DD no 3 cm .1 . . .l ...u C .i T . at .i I r UN. . I mat. CC C n... I n). P; .l r t O O 0 V] a I a a C. . .I. C . u «G . . nu. . ..Iu. . - MU. . \C .U . -Q Hi Q» C0 7 v1. 00 0-. O T. O S . C .1 . a: x a .nu \\t n A :1. «(J «.3 ..O ...3 \«J .1» O hL Tl. In? IA? TI. 0.3 N \ . ¢ In U \Q -iil — 31. Importantly, however, only a1—’Aqqad and de Bono himself were operating in Eastern Equatoria, while the rest of the traders were in the Bahr el—Ghazal. Inexplicably, however, although the nwtivation of the measure was the suppression of the slave trade, it was directed only at traders whose main route was the White Nile, rather than at all the Khartoumer merchants at work in the Southern Sudan as a whole. The result of this omission was that the overland trade routes extending from Kordofan into central and western Bahr el-Ghazal which were dominated mostly by Sudanese traders, were generally unaffected by the measure. Whether or not this lapse ultimately contributed to the rise of powerful Sudanese traders, such as Zubeir‘ Rahma, is a possibility that needs to be examined. 32. Gray, History, 84—5. Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il, 141—42, and 145-48. ' “‘ 33. Regarding the details of these financial problems, see Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 112. Also, Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il, 140—1. 34. Gray, History, 84—5. 35. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 134—5 36. Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Ehedive_Isma'il, 160 and 162. 37. B. MSS. S.W.B. to John Baker, 5/IV/69, as quoted in Gray, History, 87. 38. Quoted in Gray, History, 89—90. 39. Samuel Baker, Isma‘ilia, A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa for the Suppression. of the Slave Trade Organized by Isma'il, Khedive of Egypt (London: MacMillan & Co., 1890), pp. 3—4. Also, Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive ismaiii, 161—162. 40. Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il, 156. 41. For details of the struggle with the sudd, see Baker‘s Ismailia, 17—32. ' 42. For the real name of Alloron, see A.C. Beaton, "A Chapter in Bari History," in Sudan Notes and Records (1934), 189. In Bari, the term "aloron" means "bad." Now, Baker and/or the traders may have inadvertently rendered "Loro" as "Alloron." Or, more likely, Baker may have deliberately distorted the name into "Alloron" as a way of discrediting 201 -r ‘A. a F. A \. 3d D v-..\4- p-‘--y\ V -- -r. L.-G.. 9 m If" .JU 4' C .1 . u m\~_ C\ C F. I W. :1. C .k .t 1 I CV .1 6 Av . . W“ a. ‘ NC «PW k f—H\ «. . o V. v. .7 a; ..u d A: 1 MC. AC ab w.“ «L fin} -m r . \k .«U AL \. «k \I‘ .._ . .Q E e .x. 1 c . a 1 E m1 . e a at . .\ l . «c C . ,. K. a ..r. l W D n T ...l - 1C 3 .. w. 1 .1 a o \ -.. in a e... mu 1. v. C . C b O r 3 R1 qm. ml. nH ac .G v. .Q l a». m m NuJ LL m . ml. H «G ab F: «C «G vi «.0 . MLL 1 . ...11 . .. r.” C . . 3.. DD no mu e no I E a E .1 rt. .1 . MW. .9 . . LA. on . . . . .pvmvaw ems Roman OAhu. 1 2a C mm In ZJ ”.0 7.1 /... Mm mm M». HMO un nPwJ mm “M 0; v; .5. S 1). \fi .41. .\v I .No B 01. .\t E» DD Pb C4 I).- ll... I. , . 1 L I 1 ~ 1. v 11| .. him after the headman had deserted him and joined hands with the Expedition's arch—enemy, Abu Su'ud. If so, Loro lo Loku must have been proud to wear the name as a sobriquet. 43. Baker to Lord Wharncliffe, 22/X/69, in T.D. Murray and A.S. White, Sir Samuel Baker. A Memoir (London: 1895), 150— 53. The policy of substituting labor in lieu of cash taxes was not only practiced in Ceylon but also in parts of Turco— Egyptian Sudan, especially in Berber province under its native Sudanese governor, Husayn Bey Khalifa al—‘Abbadi. Interestingly enough, it was also practiced by many European colonial administrators in Africa early in the twentieth century. 44. Ibid. 45. Baker to Lord Wharncliffe, Ibid. 46. Baker, Ismailia, 111—12. I 47. Gray, Southern Sudan, 87—8. 48. This forced settlement at "Tawfikiyya” and the expenditure of the meager resources it necessitated must have made Baker realize the stark reality of the supply problem confronting the Expedition. This difficulty may have been the underlying reason for his brisk trip to Khartoum for the purpose of securing more supplies from the government. Having failed, however, Baker was forced into an agreement with the al-'Aqqad Company whereby the latter was to furnish. the Expedition witt1 its food requirements. Otherwise, the possibility of calling off the expedition was real. 49. To make sure the provisions would last that long, Baker sent back to Khartoum 800 ill and demoralized soldiers with 300 "dependents," leaving 500 behind. With this force, he was able to attempt the rest of his program. See Gray, History, 96—7. 50. For details of the relations between Baker and the al— 'Aqqad Company, see Baker, Ismailia, Vol. I, 140, 150, 156— 58, and Vol. II, 139—41. Also, Murray and White, Samuel Baker, 222; and Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Ismaiii, 148— 9. ’ 51. Gray, History, 99. 52. According to the agreement, the company was to supply Baker with provisions and, in ‘the event of war' with the o...- 1 ed Jarn I 8117?: 1191.20 RWOI HY U- A \ v z\ 1.. .C . .1\ . . _. . ..1 . C. n. . . i y .o C .Q ..o 1 C C T :1. ...x E I -C CC? I 1. n I L 1 . . : Q C C E .1 C Y. 7H1. Liv VI. A. V c& “V “.t \4 xak \ \fih S ht e at .1 ..-. a mu Rte 15. MW D. «t .. i Q. M. 3% S . .- .. {u an.“ . 711 I . . T . . .1. at 3.. To 1 i... ~ 1 v t a 1.1 .K .1. 1. H -l a H n. H m -D l . -. E .T I -C 1. C n. ..J a C. 5.. :3 «C a» ..i L at .u v. 3. .at e n. «L S on. ah. I C a m S W. S V S C. l . Km 1”. on. at a 1D. mm C 1.1 . W1. v1. . . \G 3.. Qt fix; .. 1. ..1 . L. $1.1. v . h“ t L . A: V1 .YL 01» .u. fin. QC 9.» new \n1 Q; v. 2o ‘5 T. .. DC ohm.“ M36 n VA. .WV A-» 01 a 1 —N ~ 1 1 iii . natives, it was to support the expedition with 1,800 irregulars. Thus when Abu Su'ud reached Gondokoro in June 1871, he knew exactly what tactics to adopt against the expedition——to starve it of supplies. See Baker, Ismailia, Vol. I, pp. 159—60 and; Muhammad Fuad Shukry, Khedive Isma'il, 167—8. 53. Baker, Ismailia, 403 and 406. 54. Late that year Rionga, supported by the detachment and Lango contingents, attacked ‘and, at least temporarily, defeated Kabarega, forcing him into refuge in a remote part of the kingdom. For details on this, see Baker's Ismailia, 403—5, and 432. 55. Ibid., 427. 56. Ibid., 423, 450—52. 57; For, if that was indeed his main concern, he could have drawn recruits from the many local populations that supported his administration. According Baker, the Acholi of Patiko and indeed the chiefdom of Payira in general under Rwot Jarma, were very supportive of his government. If so, they would have been more than willing to serve their "liberator." 58. Baker, Ismailia, 416—429. Indeed, in his contract with the al—'Aqqad Company, the latter Was not only to supply Baker with provisions, but also to "provide him with 1,800 irregular troops in case of war with the negroes." See Reda Mowafi, Slavery, Slave Trade and Abolition Attempt, 70 59. Baker, Albert N'Yanza, 211. In the same chapter, Baker comments at length on what he perceives as the character and personality trait of the black man, and his views betray him as indeed sharing a lot in common with his pro—slavery contemporaries. Inter alia, he had this to say: "The negro has been, and still is, thoroughly nusunderstood. However severely we may condemn the horrible system of slavery, the results of emancipation have proved that the negro does not appreciate the blessings of freedom, nor does he show the slightest feeling of gratitude to the hand that broke the rivets of his fetters." He also reached the conclusion that the black man was "imbued with a deadly hatred for the white men." see Ibid., pp. 208—216. ’ In fairness to Baker, it has to be pointed out that he recorded these views four years prior to his expedition, and was largely talking from a historical point of View. Even then, there is no indication that experience changed them. 2% . i . .11 . \ 11 I 71! u H4. 1: . .. 1. 1 . A o \\ . . v\a x\d ...\. fin n\‘ .V‘ “k; “1.1.1 O 1s k “K. NP 1‘1‘ a: «G .- . «Q 1.11‘ u .11. . _. .1 . AC «1C 1 ..\1. .10. ‘1“ I W. a I m1. 1. 1. .C at I ...\ 1C 1 1. E «C C h 0 A w Y1. hC ha; \C e . 1 _.- 2n .l‘ mu QC ‘L Q» 1Hk .\u .1 g a L «C «b MU; . 1 0H 1 1 11... C Q. :1. 1 «\C .1 I I «\C «L... «U a Q» 0U .11. .11‘ vi -11 ,hu 7L Wk NM 811. e e {0. 6 AL 71 ~ “1.11 u». k . . 1. s a 1 k... a t W». T1 wfi_¥ _., , This racial factor may have been an important consideration in his refusal to recruit locals into his army. 60. Gray, History, 103. 61. Ibid., 104—5. 62. Shukry, Equatoria Under Egyptian Rule, 29 63. Gray, History, 106. 64. Gray, Ibid., 107. 65. By the time Samuel Baker left Equatoria in 1874, his original force of 1,800 had been reduced to 500, and all of them were stationed nearly in the three stations of Gondokoro, Fatiko, and Foweira. By December 1874 Gordon expanded the force to 1,885, distributed as follows: Foweira with 100 regulars, 100 irregulars; Fatiko (250 with 100); Dufile (100 reg.); Labore (60 reg.); Rejaf (8 reg.); Makaraka (20 with 300); Lado (180 with 50); Latuka (100 with 100); Bohr (10 with 150); Rabatchambé (30 with 150); Nasr (100 irreg.); and Sobat (25 with 50). See Shukry, Equatoria Under Egyptian Rule, 40 66. Gray, 107—9. 67. The detachment itself consisted of most of Baker's former elite unit, "The Forty Thieves." See Gray, p. 111. Also Baker, Ismailia, footnote no. 1, 423—4 68. Gray, History, 109. 69. Gray, Ibid., 114. G.B. Hill (edit.) Colonel Gordon in Central Africa, 1874—1879 (London: 1881), 123 and 139. 70. Gray, History, 135—8. 71. Emin Pasha re—established the stations on the Victoria Nile in 1880, after Gordon ceased to be Governor—General, probably in efforts to attract and promote trade between his territory and the kingdoms of Bunyoro and Buganda. Ibid., p. 146. 72. Even though the capital of the province had been moved to Lado, chief Alloton of Gondokoro, despite his past hostility to the government, proved particularly helpful in this expansion process. For example, he successfully persuaded chiefs Bepo and Rugong of Bilinyang and Liria respectively to cooperate with the government. Other local 204 chiefs in the province did the same and/or even agreed to pay grain tax, e.g. among the Bari, Latuka, Pajulu, etc. Others even requested the establishment of a station in their areas. See Gray, 138-146. 73. Ibid., 154-60. 205 EAST EQUI The lat Egypt and the along the Red debts inourre: Ethiopia in it began to ex: early as 187! countries ani representath Dette“ estab was to SUpe Egypt‘s inte ultimately le With SUllllressing allied slave 1879. At Pretender ' Aiih0ugh CHAPTER SIX EAST EQUATORIA AND THE END OF THE TURCO-EGYPTIAN COLONIAL RULE The late 18703 and early 18803 were particularly difficult years for both Egypt and the Sudan. For the former, imperial expansion both in the Sudan and along the Red Sea coast became a costly exercise. And then there were the huge debts incurred in the building of the Suez Canal. Finally, there was the war with Ethiopia in 1877, which was both indecisive and expensive. Egypt consequently began to experience serious economic and financial problems. Indeed, even as early as 1875, debt repayment became increasingly difficult.1 In reaction, creditor countries and bondholders established the "Caisse de la Dette," composed of the representatives of Britain, France, ltaly, and Austria. In turn, the "Caisse de la Dette" established the "Dual Control," composed of Britain and France, whose duty was to supervise Egypt's revenue and expenditure and to insure the repayment of Egypt's international debt. The foreign control evoked nationalist resentment and ultimately led to the 'Urabi rebellion in 1882. With regards to the Sudan, substantial resources were expended on suppressing the rebellion in Bahr el—Ghazal of Sulayman w. al—Zubayr and his allied slave traders. The rising broke out in July 1877, and was not crushed until 1879. At about the same time another rebellion erupted in Darfur under a pretender to the sultanate, and it stemmed from discontent with increased taxes. Although it was suppressed, other disturbances, however, broke out again in 206 Darfur and Kor June 1881, eV6 the Sudan int eating up res colony, espec Furthermore. in Lado, and, The 9 forced soldie tor necessitii province, an medium of government necessities therefore, " province‘s The sPhere T allietwork through it the trade. maintain To this 9 Darfur and Kordofan in 1879. And finally, the Mahdist revolution, which began in June 1881, eventually culminated in the overthrow of the Turco—Egyptian regime in the Sudan in 1885.2 Naturally, suppression entailed high government expenditure, eating up resources and thus hamstringing any effective administration of the colony, especially in such remote provinces as Bahr el—Ghazal and Equatoria. Furthermore, in the six years preceding the fall of Khartoum, nine steamers arrived in Lado, and, of these, three brought no merchandise at all.3 The growing inability of the state to support its administration in Equatoria forced soldiers and government employees into dependence on local populations for necessities. Second, the decrease in trade—goods also hurt the economy of the province, and especially its revenues. Trade-goods long had become an important medium of exchange to secure ivory and other important local products. The government used them to pay its employees, who used them to purchase their necessities from traders or, more likely, from local producers. To this extent, therefore, the trade-goods were vital, not only for local trade but also for the province's revenues. Their importance went beyond their commercial value into the political sphere. That is, they were used by the administration for creating and maintaining a network of patronage relations between the government and the local peoples through their chiefs. The government would give loyal chiefs privileged access to the trade-goods, and, in turn, the chiefs would use the merchandise to secure and maintain a network of local followers, or for paying and/or rewarding their services. To this extent, therefore, the trade-goods were essential for local political stability. 207 Emin Pasha h when he said: If my e do. he person: take 0 governi In the indispensable growing scarc gauge its ow payment an1 employees. The : destroyed 8 food source: serious attei stores in Ki proved ditfi Emin‘s time “308' Popul introduce 1; apparently The SUV solc tlmi Emin Pasha himself admitted the political importance of this kind of patronage when he said: If my eventual successor does not interact with the chiefs the way I do, he will have a very difficult time, since all the chiefs...feel personal loyalty towards me because I am generous to them and I take care of them from my own pocket at times when the government has no money. In the final analysis, therefore, because these trade-goods were indispensable to the economic well-being and political stability of the province, their growing scarcity had far-reaching consequences. In order to appreciate and better gauge its overall impact, it is important to look in some detail at the system of payment and provisioning adopted by the government in the South for its employees. The administration wanted to avoid the logistical problems that nearly destroyed Samuel Baker's expedition. The government therefore sought its own food sources rather than to rely on the people, so to avoid conflict. Accordingly, a serious attempt was made under Charles Gordon to secure food from government stores in Khartoum. And in the event securing adequate supplies from Khartoum proved difficult, the next step was for the government to buy them locally. By Emin's time, however, this plan was carried a step further. That is, many of the local populations had submitted to the government, thus making it possible to introduce taxation (tribute) which was to be paid in food products. Its structure was apparently simple, and at its most ideal, it operated as follows: The owner of each hut was to pay a small basket of corn to [the] government, and this tax was collected twice a year. Small parties of soldiers commanded by some scoundrel of an officer would from time to time go out to collect it.5 ln pracl supplies this v1 the genius ofr praised for his administrator Many local B: of cattle coulc Thisb time to the 0 been for ove r then the be \ economic pr chief. Ringir productivity depend on households more than Junker's in Makaraka ( War mu: SUl'l age POT Ins SU”°Undn d In practice, however, few government stations succeeded in obtaining supplies this way, but In 1888 Muggi came close. The success there was due to the genius of Abdullah Agha Manzal, the district chief whom Mounteney—Jephson praised for his intelligence, honesty, and integrity. Manzal was the only district administrator able to protect his people from being robbed by his own soldiers. Many local Bari consequently sought protection in his territory, where large herds of cattle could be found, and the land was extensively cultivated.6 This better situation in Muggi in 1888 can also be extended farther back in time to the core stations in Makaraka district in 1878, where Wilhelm Junker had been for over a year exploring and mapping. Junker thought that Makaraka was then the best district in Equatoria province, both for its political stability and economic prosperity, thanks to the cooperation and industry of its people and their chief, Ringio. No doubt, this prosperity was in no small measure due to the productivity of the land. Thus, whereas officials in less productive lands had to depend on tribute and plunder, in Makaraka stations officials put their large households and dependents into agricultural production. The resulting produce more than compensated for any shortfall of rations from tribute/taxes. Indeed, Junker's impression of Wandi in 1877, could also apply to most of the stations in Makaraka district: Wandi presents an agreeable contrast to the Nile zeribas, being much more openly built in the midst of extensive plantations, and surrounded by slight enclosures, calculated more for protection against the nightly visit of hyenas than against the attacks of hostile population.7 In some situations, however, the equilibrium between the garrisons and the surrounding community seems to have been partly due to delicately balanced 209 power relation Tirrangore sta‘ by 20 men, v Gordon's gove at all clear the a position to their income ‘ district in 181 but that the a part of their 1 By cc stations whe power tippe conditions 1 carry on wit to practice means Dis 38 the pc incorporate to the gha. 0t conqueg Th1 Lado_ Will power relations. Such an equilibrium was certainly the case in the Lohila and Tirrangore stations in Latuka district. In 1880 Lohila became a station garrisoned by 20 men, whereas Tirrangore was a station dating back to the early days of Gordon's governorship. As for Loronyo, which Emin mentions as a station, it is not at all clear that there was a garrison there. At any rate, the few soldiers were not in a position to indulge in extortion; instead, they probably preferred to supplement their income by farming. Indeed, it is clear from Emin's report on his visit to Latuka district in 1881, that the community was very well—disposed to the administration, but that the soldiers themselves, both in Lohila and Tirrangore, produced at least part of their own food.8 By contrast, the worse abuses of the tribute system were perpetrated in stations where relations with the natives were not friendly, or where the balance of power tipped in favor of the soldiers. In this type of political environment, conditions were not generally stable enough to allow the soldiers and officials to carry on with any significant amount of farming. Consequently, it was not possible to practice the ideal tribute system, and raiding (ghazwa) became the principal means of securing food and other types of necessities for the stations. However, as the population submitted and the situation stabilized, the territory was incorporated into the administrative structure and accordingly became less subject to the ghazwa. By then, it was time to move further afield and repeat the process of conquest.9 There were other approaches to tribute collection, as, for example, that of Lado, which was observed by Junker in 1878: ....Corn in regu officials every ' accord the de| quanfit negroe stores three consur slaves it is in capital, it w; capitals (Fae which signif 1, because the governor h: between th respect tot better than, Avai was the ca paymenth the traders inadequate few. most SUdanese directly bL _: A ....Corn, which formed the staple of the food supplies, was given out in regular rations to the soldiers from the stores at each station; officials received, when feasible, a corresponding amount of meat every day, and the soldiers every second, fourth or sixth day according to the number of cattle at disposal....Wheri the tribute of the dependent negroes (nominally a fixed one) was insufficient, the quantity was made up by plundering the free [i.e. not yet annexed] negroes. At times there were 1,000 to 1,500 ardeb of durra in the stores at Lado, enough to cover the government rations for from three to five months, but far from sufficient for the whole consumption of many households, which counted their servants and slaves by the dozens... it is important to bear in mind that because Lado was a riverine provincial capital, it was therefore in some frequent contact with Khartoum. Provincial capitals (Fashoda being one of them) frequently received supplies from Khartoum, which significantly supplemented those from tribute and/or plunder. Second, because they were also the seat of the provincial government, the presence of the governor had a restraining influence, mitigating the usually harsh encounter between the government and the local peoples. This was certainly true with respect to Gordon and Emin, and the state of affairs in Equatoria was generally better than, say, in Bahr el—Ghazal or the White Nile province. Available evidence indicates that payment was mostly in kind; at least this was the case in remote provinces, especially in the South. The articles given in payment had local value and could thus be used in barter with the people or with the traders. Through barter, government employees hoped to supplement their inadequate rations. The exceptions to payments in lieu of cash were only a tiny few, mostly Europeans and, probably, some of the high ranking Egyptian and Sudanese officials. Even then, the cash payments were rarely remitted to them directly but were deposited in their "bank accounts" in Khartoum, 211 Put to! provisions SUC and were lSSl required regu steamer serv remote prow almost alwa) awaited ware On th mudii avail; chart recei mark Rive would have payment pi for two ma large exte streams \i impossihle wares to major tag was dlfiic The Upst Ultill the Put together, this payment system operated as follows necessary provisions such as cloth and articles for barter were provided by the government and were issued to the soldiers at the discretion of the authorities. The system required regular shipments from Khartoum, which were dependent on a regular steamer service. The usually irregular service meant that government stores in remote provinces remained for the most part empty, and employees there were almost always in arrears. Not surprisingly, the arrival of a steamer bringing in the awaited wares and provisions became an important occasion, as Junker notes: On the arrival of a ship, the officials received at the discretion of the mudirs and governors something in lieu of pay, in proportion to the available goods or to the wealth of the recipient, and his account was charged with the value set by the government upon the goods received. The value so charged was invariably higher than the market value in Khartoum. Riverain stations were the first to be paid, while the hinterland stations would have to wait until, presumably, there were leftovers. This meant that payment problems were generally much worse there compared to riverine stations for two main reasons: first, their contact with the provincial capital depended to a large extent on weather conditions. In some areas, for example, rivers and streams were so swollen and the land so flooded that travel became virtually impossible. And even where travel was possible, it was not wise to expose the wares to rain and thus risk their ruin. Second, even if the weather were not a major factor, organizing the requisite number of porters during the rainy season was difficult. since most of the local population was preoccupied with agriculture.12 The upshot of all these obstacles was that commodities remained in store in Lado until the dry season when they would be portered to their respective destinations. The hinterland and/or plunder As the negro t met....li salaries were 6 neighbi supenc But. as alread military balanc Neveit even by the 6 its long prese significant SOt uneasily to e variegation \ substantial, t linkage with l the Peeple8( But w! nonexistent, final analysi flfiancial Sui: decreasing s The hinterland stations consequently tended to depend almost entirely on tribute and/or plunder for their support. Once again Junker is on target when he said: As the government never sent a sufficient supply of wares into the negro districts, the demands of the officials could never be fully met....ln fact the government was often in debt for years for the salaries of some of the officials in the more distant stations, who were enabled to meet their immediate wants by fleecing the neighbouring negroes without any interference on the part of their superiors. But, as already discussed, where it was not possible to extort because of the local military balance, officials had no option but to farm their own food. Nevertheless, the overall picture is that of an administration whose basis, even by the end of the first decade of its rule, was at best shaky. That is, despite its long presence in the region, the government was not able to effect locally a significant social change on which to anchor its rule. It was therefore still struggling uneasily to establish its administrative bases. The major determinant of this variegation was the supply situation. Where contact with Khartoum was substantial, the government was able to satisfy its material needs. That is, the linkage with Khartoum made it possible for the government to build relations with the peoples on a less coercive or exploitative basis. But where linkage with Khartoum was weak, supply was inadequate or even nonexistent, reliance on coercion and exploitation increased in proportion. In the final analysis, therefore, a situation of increased or continuing material and financial support from Khartoum was critical to the success and well-being of the government in remote provinces. The blockage of the Nile and the attendant decreasing support from Khartoum beginning in the late 18703, therefore had far- reaching conset those in the Sou Economic Cons _———————'— The sew as well as by d for the survival a situation wh meant a rise increased ta) situation. Ta many of the winds, therel Mounteney-,' in Bariland) l The womr them time: This Obtained in and was 0 900d and i collection Stemining Nile and j reaching consequences for the administration in remote provinces, especially those in the Southern Sudan. It is to the effects of this that we must now turn. Economic Consequences of the Blockage The severe scarcities of necessities brought on by the blockage of the Nile, as well as by decreasing support from Khartoum, had far-reaching consequences for the survival of the regime in Equatoria. The government was now caught up in a situation where it had increasingly to live off its subject populations. First, this meant a rise in taxes (tribute) to offset the shortfall of supplies from Khartoum. Increased taxation drew local resistance, which in turn worsened the supply situation. Tax collectors became increasingly impatient, and the result was that many of the restraints on the collection of the tribute-taxes were thrown to the winds, thereby opening the tribute system to more and more abuse. In 1888, Mounteney—Jephson observed that in stations north of Dufile (i.e. in stations mostly in Bariland) had changed for the worse: The brutal soldiers would take goats, fowls and cattle, and even women and children from the natives who were afraid to oppose them, and they would often demand the payment of tax three or four times over in the year.14 This observation reveals a major departure from the situation which obtained in Bariland earlier, which was one of the first to submit to the government and was one of the districts where relations with the government were generally good and peaceful. Its administration was consequently stable and, therefore, the collection of the tribute-tax regular. But by 1888 Bariland was in rebellion, stemming from the acute supply situation brought on by both the blockage of the Nile and Khartoum‘s declining support. As might the countryside Khartoum slavi parts of the Eq under the con slave traders' force known a of the admini official tour t( the extent ( exclusively i Sudanese I‘ In Ea 0i tIOOps 5 Badland--L 300 Iegula Kiln had 7 Nigel so ad(led. in. fer Exam; on the of by the , became J As might be expected, the government's pacification campaign laid waste to the countryside, and the resulting devastation resembled the damage done by the Khartoum slave traders. This destruction was especially notable in the western parts of the Equatorial province (mostly Zandeland) where the state-apparatus was under the control of Danaqla volunteers recruited from the militias of the former slave traders.15 That is, these Danaqla recruits were constituted into an irregular force known as khuteriyya, whose main job was "to give more effect to the orders of the administrators and to look after the taxes levied on the crops."16 During an official tour to western Equatoria in 1883, Governor Emin was literally shocked by the extent of destruction and anarchy there. Because the khuten'yya were exclusively Danaqla, the pillage and plunder was naturally blamed on Northern Sudanese17 In Eastern Equatoria, Bariland was most pillaged owing to the large number of troops stationed there. By 1876, for example, there were six stations in Bariland——Lado, Gondokoro, Rejaf, Bedden, Kirri, and Muggi. In 1883 Lado had 300 regular soldiers [jihadiyya] and 70 tarajma (sing. turjuman, local interpreters); Kirri had 70 regulars and 10 tarajma; Gondokoro 20 regular soldiers (in 1881); and Muggi 90 regulars (in 1888). And when the dependents of these personnel are added, the total number increases by at least seven times. During Gordon‘s time, for example, the dependents were estimated at about eleven per soldier; Junker, on the other hand, reckoned that, by 1878, each soldier counted his dependents by the dozen.18 For Bariland, supporting such a large number of personnel became a daunting task. The TI eastern Eque there and the few Egyptiar seem to ha' Bariland, the and, indeed the steamei was short 0 had to sup; times their As i raiding ant Noting the a. ti is 5 no lacl Sure enoi imPact of Undennin the ranks Batraki. The role of the khuteriyya was less important in the administration of eastern Equatoria than that of the regular army, jihadiyya.19 By 1888 the jihadiyya there and their officers were predominantly Southern Sudanese themselves, with a few Egyptians and Northern Sudanese here and there,20 but neither of these facts seem to have mitigated the harsh taxation system in any significant way. For Bariland, then, the consequences of having to support a large number of troops, and, indeed, the whole state apparatus, led to the famine in Lado in 1878. Since the steamer bringing in supplies to Lado was then several months late, the town was short of food. For Junker himself, the scarcity of corn was so serious that he had to supplement his needs by purchasing some "old broken biscuits," paying 20 times their value.21 As early as 1878 Emin Pasha predicted the detrimental consequences of raiding and plunder still being carried out against Baris around Kirri and Muggi. Noting the disappearance of food, Emin plaintively remarked: this is the consequence of the system of plunder and robbery that is shamelessly carried out under the name of official proviSioning. If no prompt and energetic measures are taken, the Government will lack the basis to maintain itself here within a period of two years.22 Sure enough, by 1882 the situation was as Emin had foretold. The combined impact of the lack of food provisions and trade goods led to discontent which undermined the stability of the province. Ironically, rebellion first came from within the ranks of the administration, and it was led by Lieutenant Colonel Bakhit Batraki. 216 J The W ’ Batrak the employ c Batraki enter contingent 5' during the la and his unit Equatorial p and in 1875 then had fiv ln 1 (Danaqla/N the local pe assistants Northern E Agha in ct Wandi), w charge of Of Makara was a ma in "GUTUgur beCome. his alino Batraki was from the Nuba Mountains and originally came to Equatoria in the employ of the trading firm of John Petherick. Sometime in the early 18605, Batraki entered government service as a regular soldier. His unit was part of the contingent sent by the Khedive Isma'il to fight in Mexico alongside the French during the latter's campaigns against Juarez. Upon return from Mexico, Batraki and his unit were sent south with Sir Samuel Baker‘s Expedition to annex the Equatorial province.23 Baker transferred Batraki to the Civil Service Department, and in 1875, Charles Gordon appointed him mudir of Makaraka district, which by then had five stations (Wandi, Kabayendi, Makaraka Soughair, Rimo, and Ndirfi).24 In 1878, each of Makaraka's five stations had from 50—75 irregular (Danaqla/Northern) troops, an equal number of tare/ma (interpreters, mostly from the local people), and 30 regular soldiers armed with Remington rifles. Of Batraki's assistants in this district, one was Nuba (Fadl Allah, in charge of Kabayendi); one Northern Sudanese (Abd Allah Abu Zed, Nazir of Rimo); one Egyptian (Ahmad Agha in charge of Makaraka Soughair); one Turkish (Ahmad Atrush, in charge of Wandi), who was also Batraki's second man in command; and, finally, the officer in charge of Ndirfi, whose name and origins are not known. Batraki's administration of Makaraka district was apparently successful, for the district was prosperous and was a main food supplier for Lado.25 In 1882. however, Batraki was summarily replaced by lbrahim Muhammad "Guruguru" (a former slave trader in the region), whose assistant he was to become. Besides being a demotion for Batraki, more galling was the fact that until his appointment, lbrahim Muhammad had been Batraki's secretary.26 217 Nahna the end, he apparently in sent a force captured ant pnson unfilk VVhat rdenby deepw and Amwm enough for ineguhn a hexpeneni And,finaHj On subject, B assugges Naturally, Bakhit Batraki's reaction was to have none of it and to rebel. To this end, he mustered his troops in Makaraka and marched them on Lado, apparently intent on taking over the province himself. Emin acted promptly and sent a force which defeated him, although with difficulty. Batraki was then captured and sent in chains to Khartoum, where he seems to have languished in prison until killed by the Mahdists during their takeover of the city in June 1885.27 What can one make of Batraki's revolt? Was it an isolated incident of rebellion by one discontented but influential individual, or was it a result of some deeply and widely held grievance? This is a very difficult question to consider. And yet the basic elements that went into making the revolt seem important enough for one to speculate. First, his demotion, apparently unjustified, was as irregular as it was offensive. Secondly, his replacement was not only an inexperienced Arab, but one who until his appointment, was also his secretary. And, finally, his support was almost exclusively from the local population. On the basis of a critical examination of the historical record relating to the subject, Batraki's rebellion seems to have been a case of class and racial conflict, as suggested by Gaetano Casati: But contrary to the hopes of the native party that he [Emin] had raised in the Makaraka territory he had granted entire confidence and discretionary power to the Arab, Ibrahim Mohammed Guruguru....Lieut-Col. Bachit [sic] Bey, loved by the people for his common origin with themselves, and by the soldiers for his distinguished warlike virtues, could not submit to being placed in a position subordinate to a clever and celebrated slave dealer such as Ibrahim; he would not suffer the insult, and prepared to act.28 Casati was both an eyewitness and a participant observer in the administration of Equatoria. He therefore knew enough about the social conditions 218 of the provinc extent corrol district. JUHI relationship . As to district for a agent of Jo observed it Atrush. Bat The ass: slav inte The the of c of ' (Ar Arr ani sul Bc mistrust, administi l0 provic black ofi Agha, ai eXplicit SGems A of the province to merit his statement.29 Furthermore, his observation is to a large extent corroborated by Junker. In the course of his exploration of Makaraka district, Junker and Atrush became good friends, and through their close relationship Junker learned much about racial relations. As for Atrush, he was quite a reliable source because he had lived in the district for a long time. In fact, his stay there dated back to the time when he was agent of John Petherick's trading company 30 Therefore, like Casati, Atrush had observed what he described. According to information obtained by Junker from Atrush, Bakhit Batraki was generous to his subjects, whereas, by contrast, The Arabs, Egyptians and Turks in negro lands do not like associating in any way with the native; in him they see only a born slave on whom they seldom bestow a kind word; hence their intercourse with the natives is restricted entirely to official matters. The higher officials of negro origin, on the contrary, associate with the natives, who can more easily gain access to them, and therefore of course have more affection for them. The fundamental difference of views and opinions has made" the relations between the pale (Arab-Turk) and the black officials and officers very strained. Amongst the lower classes, the irregular Nubian soldiers (Khoteri'eh) and the drilled line troops (Gehadieh) this coolness between the superiors is augmented to envy and hatred...31 Both Gordon and Emin were aware of this race—based antagonism and mistrust, and were apparently concerned about its negative impact on the administration of the province. In an effort to mitigate the conflict, Gordon sought to provide some racial balance in his administration by promoting a number of black officers, thus the background to the appointment of Bakhit Batraki, Rehan Agha, and Nur Bey to positions of authority.32 Emin, on the other hand, was more explicit in his desire to reduce the influence of the Danaqla in Makaraka. He seems to have concluded that the main obstacle to the realization of Makaraka‘s 219 economic pc Therefore, 3 adopted a pa wrote to Gor aparadisegi Yet. Muhammad respectively secretary. Batraki is l received fr Whateverl perhaps if Shellali an they "Arab where the it is Without re Dnncipai. First he through [- economic potential were the Danaqla (Northern Sudanese) and their raiding. Therefore, soon after his appointment as governor of Equatoria in 1878, he adopted a policy which sought to remove or at least reduce Danaqla power. He wrote to Gordon, "I believe that under a rational system Makaraka and Rohl will be a paradise; it is essential however to eject the Danaqla."33 Yet, in 1882, Emin reversed that policy by his appointment of Ibrahim Muhammad and Yusuf Shellali to the mudirs/tip of Makaraka and Rohl districts respectively. Batraki, on the other hand, was demoted to assistant of his erstwhile secretary, lbrahim Muhammad. Why Emin took this irregular action against Batraki is a puzzle. Emin appears to have acted on the basis of complaints received from Atrush and even lbrahim Muhammad himself against Batraki. Whatever Emin's justification, the action was personally humiliating to Batraki. But perhaps more important, the appointments of lbrahim Muhammad and Yusuf Shellali aroused the suspicions and fears of the local people. For not only were they "Arabs," they had been also ruthless slave traders in those very same districts where they were appointed mudir.34 It is. of course, difficult to fathom the dimensions of this racial antagonism without reference to relevant concrete situations, especially those affecting the principal actors. In this regard, Bakhit Batraki's experiences become instructive. First, he was personally exposed to racial animosity almost on a daily basis through his lieutenant, Ahmad Atrush. Junker, who observed this rancor, noted: His wekii [sic], Atrush Agha, especially, who was a genuine Turk despite his lowly origin (said to have been a water carrierin Khartoum), felt himself greatly superior to the dark-skinned Nuba...35 Obviously. th' Atrush and B antipathy bec Atrust unlike Batrai was disbani employment Finally. whe zeribas to c the governi salary of t because tt the natives Oppressive positions, Makaraka Ho had once Company Contnbutc difficult it AtTUSh's Obviously, this racial antagonism was partly a result of power struggle between Atrush and Batraki and, in the final analysis, a manifestation of class conflict. The antipathy becomes clear in light of Atrush's background. Atrush had also formerly worked for Petherick's company in Makaraka, but unlike Batraki, however, he remained with Petherick until 1865, when the company was disbanded and forced out of the Sudan. Atrush then passed on to the employment of Ahmad al—‘Aqqad when the latter bought up Petherick's zeribas. Finally. when the government annexed Equatoria in 1870, and took over all the zeribas to consolidate the state ivory monopoly, Ahmad Atrush was coopted into the government and allowed to remain the administrator of Wandi station at a salary of £35 a month. Unfortunately, this arrangement proved unworkable because the cooptees, "with their ruffianly soldiers, were accustomed to oppress the natives with impunity.” As already mentioned, Gordon sought to reduce this oppressive behavior by appointing trustworthy senior black officers to superior positions, explaining why Bakhit Batraki and Rehan Agha were posted to Makaraka.36 However, Ahmad Atrush was very resentful, his pride hurt because Batraki had once been his former colleague, probably a subordinate, in Petherick's company. And, finally, there was the racial dimension which was a major contributory factor in the animosity. Put together, these considerations made it difficult for Ahmad Atrush to submit to Bakhit Batraki. I Indeed, as Junker observed, Atrush's "antagonism towards Batraki was obviously inspired by a rankling sense of thwarted ambition and official neglect." He goes on to say that, "[ejnvy and offended sell intrigues oil“ The c that it was n unhappy exi interracial re between wt is in this sei wider sociz spontane0i In the final and frustra Makaraka) appointme officers fez them to gs to the bad to the ion among of Overlooke labellion,E offended self-love tended to increase the friction [between them] and stimulate the intrigues of Atrush who was almost openly plotting for Bahit'sl[sic.] downfall."37 The overall conclusion that can be drawn from Bakhit Batraki's rebellion is that it was not the isolated incident it is generally assumed to be. To be sure, his unhappy experiences were in many ways personal. But given the larger picture of interracial relations of which these experiences were a good reflection, separation between what was personal or professional became difficult or even irrelevant. It is in this sense that Bakhit Batraki's personal experiences become symbolic of the wider social condition, explaining why his rebellion against Emin drew the spontaneous support of his fellow—soldiers as well as that of the local population. In the final analysis, therefore, Batraki's rebellion sprang from the pent up anger and frustration felt by many black soldiers and the local peoples (at least in Makaraka) on account of racial conflict and discrimination. At the very least, the appointment of lbrahim Muhammad and Yussuf Shellali roused in the black officers fear of a reversal of the policy which, until then, had made it possible for them to gain power and to advance in their careers. As they perceived it, a return to the bad old days would erode at their gains and perhaps once more confer them to the lower echelons of the government, Given this underlying racial conflict among officials, it is surprising that historians of Southern Sudan seem to have overlooked or perhaps even ignored the social aspects underlying Bakhit Batraki's rebellion.38 The Outbrea ..‘I—I—I/ them That February 1 Makarakalai government governmen‘ Petherick's and congei Arabic. toi whmma The ardent SU] Junker no Sudanf'a measure heiendei Operation able to ; according garrison R was me: [Sheliior The Outbreak of Local Rebellions A. IE Makaraka Rebellion The first major local rebellion in Equatoria occurred in Rohl and Shambe in February 1882,39 and soon spread to eastern Equatoria, starting with Makarakaland. The rebellion was led by chief Ringio, a surprise to many in the government, for he long had been regarded as a key figure and supporter of the government. Indeed, this reputation dated back to the early 1860s, when Petherick's trading company arrived in Makarakaland. Impressed with his power and congenial spirit, the company decided to take him to Khartoum, to teach him Arabic. to impress him with the power and material wealth of the city, including the culture that produced it, and ultimately to turn him into a self-interested asset. The gambit worked, for upon his return from Khartoum, Ringio became an ardent supporter of the traders and, subsequently, of the colonial government. Junker notes that Ringio "became quite familiar with the Arabic dialect current in Sudan," adding that he "was anxious to pass for 'a cultivated' Nubian." Perhaps a measure of the extent of his support for the government was the invaluable help he rendered to Gordon by transporting pieces of the steamer to the Albert Nile, an operation which cost the lives of more than 500 Makaraka. Furthermore, he was able to persuade his people to enroll as volunteer soldiers, so that by 1876, according to Felkin and Wilson, nearly all the volunteer soldiers in the Lado garrison were from the Makaraka district. Ringio thus came to be regarded as "a true servant of the government," and was made head of the interpreters (tarajma) of the whole of Makaraka district. His rebellion was a clear indication that the government had become oppressive, even to him. 85F assigned mi the rebellion B. matted At ti governmen' Lako ("Lori that Bepol moving spi toro was commoner Bepo, Lor Bhnyang; narratives relationSi have stio associate W Loro‘s tie mm m "Alloronf SITEmy ( iTOny. E to him, especially after the suppression of Batraki's rebellion.40 The newly assigned mudir of the district, Ibrahim Muhammad, moved fast and suppressed the rebellion ruthlessly, killing Ringio in the process. B. The fir] Rebellion At the end of 1883, the Baris exploded in violent rebellion against the government. Official records suggest that the rebellion was led by chief Loro-lo— Lako ("Loro son of Lako"; hereafter Lore.) of Gondokoro. But evidence reveals that Bepo-Io—Nyigilo (hereafter Bepo), the reigning rain-maker of Bilinyang, was the moving spirit behind the rebellion, although Loro was involved. In some respects Loro was to Bariland what Ringio was to Makaraka. Born in Gondokoro of commoner parents, he had a checkered career. Through his sister's marriage to Bepo, Loro came to be closely associated with the affairs of the royal family in Bilinyang and, ultimately, with the colonial state. As will be remembered from the narrative earlier in this research, the house of Nyigilo had a long history of intimate relations with the alien intruders.41 The Bilinyang. royal house came therefore to have strong commercial and political ties with the Khartoum traders. As a close associate of the royal house, Loro was part of this network. When Baker annexed Equatoria and sought to eject the Arablslave traders Loro‘s trading interests were also hurt. Consequently, Loro sided with the traders. Loro's name appears in Samuel Baker's and in subsequent official records as "Alloron," which in Bari means "bad." Given Loro's reputation then as a sworn enemy of the government, the distortion of the name was altogether a befitting irony. Eventually, however, Loro submitted to Gordon, and thereafter became one or the main I friend and i seem surpri The cattle. The the govern interpretatit Equatoria. The could not i nature oft the White large num official gh livestock: the case observed of the main government supporters in Bariland. Indeed, Emin called him my "great f,"42 a consideration which made his rebellion friend and most trusted Bari chie seem surprising. The rising was provoked by government seizure of 3,000 head of Bari cattle. The audacity of the raid is germane to the main thesis of this chapter--that the government was prompted into that action by its need for supplies. This interpretation becomes all the more persuasive considering the fact that, in Equatoria, Bariland was the government's core area. The seizure of 3,000 head of cattle was something which Loro or Bepo could not ignore, since the government hit out at their vital interests. The tributary nature of these societies and the process of accumulation since the introduction of the White Nile trade, had worked to the benefit of the chiefs, who had amassed large numbers of livestock. Moreover. in light of the destructive impact of the initial official ghazwas and cattle epidemics, they were often among the few whose livestock survived these raids. That this was often the casemay be instanced by the case of chief Hujang of Tirrangore in Latuka about whose cattle Emin observed, The breeding of sheep and cattle was once actively carried on here, but now, with the exception of Chief Mayae's [sic] numerous herds, only large flocks of sheep are to be seen Therefore, once the ghazwas were reintroduced or the tribute-tax system abused, naturally the chiefs stood to lose the most, and they were therefore often the first to organize resistance interests. Renewed ghazwas in the early 1880s was thus the background to local rebellions in Equatoria, certainly to that of the Baris in 1883. Indeed, the devastation of the raids in Bariland was such that in 2?”) places cattle cattle. It is chiefs then fomented th the gesture promptly ar But even 0: attributed tr Now haVi desl me. But produced the chiefs devastatic governme order the official rer governmr little too i and in De Ft 1884, w goods, f places cattle disappeared altogether and people stopped paying bridewealth in cattle. It is therefore likely that most of the confiscated cattle belonged to the chiefs themselves, especially to Loro and Bepo, explaining why these two fomented the rebellion. Although Emin ordered the restitution of 700 of the cattle, the gesture was not enough to sooth the anger of the people. Emin acted promptly and, on June 27, 1884, had chief Loro captured and summarily executed. But even on his death, chief Loro was as defiant as ever, as the following remark attributed to him indicates: Now that you have taken me prisoner, you are welcome to kill me. I have lived long enough. The fame of having been a source of despair for your Baker, who could never defeat me, is enough for me. But Loro's execution only made matters worse for the government, as it produced a Bari rebellion under the leadership of Bepo himself supported by all the chiefs and people from Bilinyang in the north to Kirri in the south. The devastation made the Baris all the more determined to rid themselves of the government. The ferocity of the rebellion was such that Emin had eventually to order the evacuation of Gondokoro.45 Chief Lako—lo—Rondyang (also known in official records as Abu Kuka) of Rejaf was the only one who remained loyal to the government, even contributing auxiliaries. But even so, the contribution was too little too late. Besides, his men soon deserted to the anti—government rebellion, and in December 1885, they killed chief Lako. Further north, the Dinkas of Bor district also rebelled, and on December 31, 1884, wiped out the garrison of 107 men stationed there, capturing personal goods, firearms and ammunition. According to Gaetano Casati, the Bor attack was undertal and of a not were in revo extent to wh the compos Gondokoro, the Bari, M were Bari-E phenomeni the govern repulsed w leader, pro 0 TE E The ultimately, leassessr Mahdist ii the South northern Understai 38 denyi reSlime. More 1 was undertaken by a coalition of Bor. Agar. and Aliab Dinkas, on the one hand, and of a number of Nuer sections, on the other.46 Further south, the Acholi, too, were in revolt. The ferocity and the ever—widening circle of local rebellion and the extent to which it shaped into some kind of coordinated movement is reflected in the composition of an attacking force on the government garrisons of Lado, Gondokoro, and Rejaf in October 1885. The rebels comprised contingents from the Bari, Mundari, Nyangbara, Pajelu, and Aliab and Bor Dinkas. The first four were Bari—Speakers, while the last two were Dinkas. This coalition was a new phenomenon, and it certainly bespeaks of the participants' common cause against the government. Nevertheless, despite their bravery, the coalition forces were repulsed with heavy losses, and among those killed in action in Lado was the Aliab leader, prophet Deng Tonj.47 0- I18. flat m o_f M81 w The turbulence and rebellion that swept the Southern Sudan and, ultimately. the whole of the Sudan, beginning in the late 187.03, calls for a reassessment because historical writing on the crisis tends to subsume it under Mahdist influence, ignoring or even denying the legitimate basis of local rebellion in the South and, in effect, treating the people there merely as passive instruments of northern political designs. It has had the effect, therefore, of hindering a proper understanding of the nature and background of the rebellions in the South, as well as denying their independent contribution to the demise of the Turco-Egyptian regime. In order therefore to put things into perspective and thus correct the picture, the following discussion is in order. Fhs alone reti rebehoni kn'Bahrr [finkains Governo indeed, reassenl peppies Njangul Dembo eventuz confinL inthe had d. Govei them Juw ' Bow cam] gaut the First and foremost, the chronology of the rebellions in the Southern Sudan alone refutes any notion that they were influenced or directed by the Mahdist rebellion in the North. Indeed, the notion of Mahdist influence does not even hold for Bahr el-Ghazal province. Thus, while the Mahdist rebellion broke out in 1881, Dinka insurrections had been on going in Bahr el—Ghazal since 1879. Although Governor Romolo Gessi was able to put them down, the problems continued. Indeed, after Gessi's departure in 1881, a wider and more ferocious rebellion reasserted itself in Bahr el-Ghazal. It started out, first, among the non-Dinka peoples in the western Bahr el~Ghazal province: the Togoyo in late 1881; the Njangulgule in August 1882; and the Shatt (in alliance with sections of the Bongo, Dembo and Shilluk Luo) in mid-January 1883 Although the government eventually won the contest, the victory was far from decisive. Indeed, the rebellion continued sporadically throughout 1883.48 In the meantime, the more serious and sustained Dinka rebellion, especially in the Rohl and Shambe districts, broke out in early February 1882, and by April had developed into a general Dinka rebellion The rebellion was so intense that Governor Frank Lupton had to recall forces from western Bahr el—Ghazal and lead them against the rebellious Dinkas. During the months of April, May, June and July his commanders (principally Mahmud al—Mahallawi, Rifa'i Agha, and Sa'ati Bey) marched and countermarched through Dinka country in seemingly endless campaigns to put down the rebellion. The seriousness of the rebellion can be gauged from the fact that when the Dinka attacked Daym Zubayr in January 1884, the rebel force was estimated by Mahmud Mahaiiawi at 50,000 men,49 which is “i probably a joined in th and besieg off, the goi Me: 1881. F0 military c throughoi them the early 18E jihad.“ support r was addi E‘ Yanqu y jebelQa mean it Madibbi attracts Dinkafi Conflict take a MEMO] probably an overestimate. Not to be outdone, the Nuer in Bahr el—Ghazal also joined in the rebellion. Mustering a force of several thousand men, they attacked and besieged Lang station for three days. Although they» were eventually driven off, the government nevertheless lost 500 men in the assault.‘50 Meanwhile, in the north, the Mahdist rebellion broke out on August 12, 1881. For over two years thereafter, the Mahdists were preoccupied with intense military campaigns in the North, particularly in Kordofan province. Muslims throughout the country answered the call to take the hijra to jebei Qadir, among them the chief of the Rizayqat Baqqara, Madibbu. He arrived at jebei Qadir in early 1882, and returned during the same year to summon hispeople to the jihad.51 When the Njangulgule, through chief Yanqu, sought and obtained the support of Madibbu in their struggle against the government, the Mahdist factor was added into the mix of the local causes of rebellion in Bahr el—Ghazal. Even then, it is questionable whether the support Madibbu extended to Yanqu was Mahdist-inspired. True, Madibbu had made the hijra to the Mahdi at jebe/ Qadir and had turned his people to the jihad. But that does not automatically mean that the assistance rendered was Mahdist in inspiration. On the contrary, Madibbu seems to have extended support for his own reasons. That is, he was attracted by the lure of booty, and upon entering Bahr ei-Ghazal, he began raiding Dinka for slaves. The Dinkas retaliated, thus turning the war into a Rizayqat~Dinka conflict rather than against the government. Governor Lupton moved quickly to take advantage of the situation and recaptured some of the garrison towns previously lost to the Dinka, including Rumbek. Thus Mahdist on major milit wadk including affairs the that the l groups, n Ti battle. F anything —-r—o-7‘l> from Li Even end 0 and a 0i th WES Thus, it was only after the summer of 1883 that one can perhaps speak of a Mahdist presence in Bahr el—Ghazal province. By then, the Mahdists had scored major military victories in many areas in the North, and had even taken over the whole of Kordofan province. It was therefore time for them to move further afield, including Bahr el—Ghazal province 52 And given the already turbulent state of affairs there, the situation could not have been more auspicious for them, as all that the Mahdists needed to do was to establish alliances with the various rebel I groups, many of whom already had caches of captured firearms. Thereafter the leaders of the local allies carried the Mahdist green flag in battle. Robert Collins comments "it is extremely doubtful if this influence was ever anything but superficial." He goes on to argue that, Although the tribes had eagerly listened to the exhortations of Mahdist agents to join the jihad, they had, unlike the Arab tribes to the north, made war on the Egyptian Government to win their independence rather than to promote the spread of Mahdism.53 Nevertheless, the grave military situation resulting from this alliance is clear from Lupton's letter of August 17, 1883, written to Wilhelm Junker: i am afraid that unless the Mahdi is killed or his power broken before the rainy season is over, we shall be heavily attacked when the rivers are low to allow troops to wade through them.5 Even so. Lupton managed to hold on. Indeed, the situation even improved by the end of the year, for in September the government received new supplies of arms and ammunition. But in April 1884 a Mahdist force of 5,000-8,000 men under the command of the emir Karam Allah Qurqusawi crossed into Bahr ei—Ghazal province. This was the first Mahdist military presence in the Southern Sudan, and, at least as far 230 .4 as Bahr el-Ghaz province.55 T0 (mostly Norther circumstances. it is all t army tak you. So manager For the and had nothi however, the p Mahdist occu; demanding th hastily held a delegation of Ghazal to s circumstance Neveit Mahdist inva: the iihadiyya soldiers in E. to resist the Bufii Weste Latuka and as Bahr el—Ghazal is concerned, it can be said to mark the Mahdist phase in the province.55 To make matters worse for Lupton, most of his soldiers and officials (mostly Northern Sudanese themselves) deserted to the enemy. Under these circumstances, he surrendered on April 28, 1884. To Emin he wrote: It is all up with me here. Everyone has joined the Mahdi, and his army takes charge of the mudirieh the day after tomorrow....Look out you. Some 8,000 to 10,000 men are coming to you well armed.56 The Situation i_n Eguatoria For the government, Equatoria's problems were almost exclusively internal and had nothing to do with the Mahdist influence.57 By the end of May 1884, however, the problems in Equatoria ceased to be entirely internal, for, following the Mahdist occupation of Bahr ei—Ghazal, Karam Allah dispatched letters to Emin demanding the surrender of the province. Panic-stricken, the officials at Lado hastily held a council on May 27, 1884, and decided unanimously to surrender. A delegation of six people was selected to travel to Daym Suiayman in Bahr ei— Ghazal to submit to Karam Allah.‘38 indeed, it was under these tense circumstances that the rebellion of chief Loro of Gondokoro occurred. Nevertheless, the month of June came and went without the expected Mahdist invasion of the province. Meanwhile, reports of Mahdist atrocities against the jihadiyya in Bahr el—Ghazal reached Equatoria. Naturally, this news upset the soldiers in Equatoria, and was certainly a critical factor in their decision, on July 3, to resist the Mahdists. To this end, all the northern garrisons (Rumbek, Ayak, and Bufi), western garrisons (Mangbetu and Zandeland), and those in the east in Latuka and Acholiland (Tirrangore, Lohila, Obbo, Pajuie, etc.) were withdrawn and concentrated i reinforce Make Meanwi On October 1( shortly therea under ‘Abd A and captured Amadi, a me following day fact, in all thr Aliahi as-Sar and, on Dec losses, while Frusti waited for re Commander proved insu Oh that day his brother for the rum which alter: the bSSiegr concentrated along the Nile. The majority of the soldiers were then sent to reinforce Makaraka and Amadi.59 Meanwhile, after taking Bahr el—Ghazai, the Mahdists turned to Equatoria. On October 10 letters demanding the surrender of the province reached Lado, and shortly thereafter an advance force of 1,600 men, armed with Remington rifles, under 'Abd Allahi as-Samat, crossed into Equatoria.60 The Mahdists first struck and captured the small station of Takfara, but on November 11, they failed to take Amadi, a major garrison with 1,100 regular troops. A second attack on the following day and a third on the 17th. were equally disastrous for the Mahdists. In fact, in all three assaults, the government suffered only one man wounded. 'Abd Allahi as—Samat therefore sought and obtained the support of the Aggar Dinkas and, on December 2, launched a fourth attack, which was repulsed with heavy losses, while the government lost 12 killed and 18 wounded. Frustrated in all their attempts, the Mahdists laid siege to the garrison and waited for reinforcements, which arrived in January 1885. The reinforcement were commanded by the deserter Uthman Effendi, formerly Emin's clerk, but they proved insufficient to throw back the sortie made by the garrison on February 2. On that day, the Mahdists lost 50 men, including 'Abd Allahi as—Samat himself and his brother Mahmud. At this point, all seemed bleak to the attacking Mahdists but for the timely arrival of Karam Allah himself with a reinforcement of 2,000 men, which altered the military balance dramatically in favor of the Mahdists. Even then, the besieged garrison refused to surrender and, instead, attempted to fight its way through the Me 25 March 1885 The ME advancing to demanding ti Khartoum an southward. 1 their withdrav could not the evacuated E The l temporarily Sllooression rally to the PEOpIe raiiii rebellion of Indeed, it is himself COL this switch The their atroci desenem. large nUn through the Mahdist lines. Only about 260 succeeded in breaking through, and on 25 March 1885, Amadi fell to the Mahdists.61 The Mahdists quickly followed this victory by taking over Makaraka and advancing to within a few hours' march of Lado. Letters were again sent there demanding the surrender of the province, one of which reported the fall of Khartoum and the death of General Gordon. Emin decided on withdrawal southward. However, by the time he reached Muggi, the Mahdists also began their withdrawal to Bahr el—Ghazal, as they had exhausted their ammunitions and could not therefore press their advantage. By the end of June 1885, the Mahdists evacuated Equatoria altogether, ending the first phase of their activities there.62 The Mahdists' advance into Equatoria seems to have had the effect of temporarily freezing local rebellions. In Makaraka, for example, after the suppression of the Ringio rebellion, one would have expected the people there to rally to the support of the Mahdists. But what happened instead was that the people rallied to the support of the government, and in Bariland, after the initial rebellion of chief Loro, a certain sense of quiet seemed to descend on the land. Indeed, it is interesting to note that two months after Loro's execution, Chief Bepo himself could still lend a hand to Emin in order to save the garrison at Bor. Why this switch from opposition to cooperation with the government? The people seem to have been initially inclined to support the Mahdists, but their atrocities in Bahr el-Ghazal and in Makaraka had a sobering effect. Jihadiyya deserters from the Mahdists, as well as other refugees, escaped into Equatoria in large numbers. They had witnessed or were themselves victims of Mahdist atrocities and ‘ Mahdists were Under the on governmentvi Soon: began once i indeed, bece Lado: and government: question of April 24, 18E Cons etc, as c senc of ai Sflhfi resc inde the evacui well treate ignored, 3 the raidin Bepo him Rejaf. Gondokc iii Barilar atrocities and they told people what they had seen. It was now evident that the Mahdists were not, in fact, the natural allies the people first thought they were. Under the circumstances, it became apparent that, if anything, the existing government was a lesser evil they could live with, at least temporarily.63 Soon after the Mahdist withdrawal, however, local rebellion in Equatoria began once more to build up, especially in Bariland, and for the same reasons. Indeed, because of the loss of Makaraka, which used to be a food supplier to Lado; and also because there was an influx of retreating soldiers, the government's food-supply situation in Bariland became worse. In fact, the question of lack of food was the main concern affecting the military decision of April 24, 1885: Considering that there is not corn enough in Lado, Rejaf, Bedden. etc, to support the men that have come from Makraka [sic] as well as our own people, that the next harvest is still far off, that by sending our foraging parties we should exhaust our meagre supply of ammunition and be left at the mercy of the negroes, while, _o_h he other hand, it is impossible t_g procure hy fly other means...it is resolved that the women and children shall be sent to the south...64 Indeed, when Emin left Lado on April 25 for the south in order to supervise the evacuations there, he left the most emphatic orders that the Bari should be well treated, lest they also should be roused to rebellion. But Emin's orders were ignored, and the soldiers proceeded to take food by force. Emin proved right, for the raiding produced a spontaneous Bari rebellion on October 4, 1885, led by Bepo himself. And on October 31, all the tarajma (i.e. Bari interpreters) fled from Rejaf. As a consequence, the government ordered the abandonment of Gondokoro. It is important to bear in mind that by the time the rebellion broke out in Bariland, the Mahdists had long left Equatoria. Thus, although the Mahdists had 234 sent emissarii unlikely that it In the end of Lake I the projected Bariland sinc Emin said: As l0i affairs comp amor Dana prete soidi comi Goni unde the l By 1888, ft The and dist this to i nor aln rot the thi. Tt OCiOber 65 sent emissaries to Bariland prior to their withdrawal from Equatoria, it is very unlikely that they had any role in the rebellion In the meantime, Emin was away in the south in Wadelai (at the northern end of Lake Albert), attempting to put in place an organization in connection with the projected evacuation of the garrisons to the south. Indeed, he had not been in Bariland since May. Commenting on the causes of the rebellion, an incensed Emin said: As long as I was present and prevented any interference with their affairs, and particularly any attacks on their herds, they remained comparatively quiet, though they were excited by the occurrences among the Dinka at Rumbek, and aften/vards by the war against the Danaqla [Mahdists], who, by sending emissaries with all kinds of pretexts, tried to incite the Bari to revolt. The complete defeat of the soldiers sent to Bor...but, above all, the proceedings of the commanders of the stations at Lado, Rejaf, and especially Gondokoro, who, in spite of all warnings, made requisitions of cattle under all sorts of pretences—-such are the causes which will lead to the loss of the whole Bari district;66 By 1888, the devastating consequences of this conflict for Bariland were evident in the many abandoned villages between stations: The Baris had long since abandoned their villages near the road, and had built new settlements behind a low range of hills lying some distance to the west. Emin's soldiers, by their overbearing ways and thieving propensities, ma de it impossible for the natives any longer to have their villages on the road. As we got further towards the north...l could see by the many marks of deserted villages, and the almost entire absence of cattle or goats, that the soldiers evidently robbed the natives to such an extent, that they were forced to leave their villages and cattle and remove their goods away from their thievish influence.67 Therefore, when the second Mahdists invasion of Equatoria occurred in October 1888, the Baris were receptive to the new invaders. For their part, as will be seen. the invasion in 18 be seen, the Mahdists learned from the mistakes during their first wave of their invasion in 1885, and did nothing that would risk alienating the local people. 236 Notes and Re / ;. l‘ll——r Notes and References 1. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan, 158. By June 1875 the Khedive ordered steps to be taken to recover all sums owed to the government. See P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan, 1881—1898, 2nd. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 29. 2. For these details, see Ibid., 27—36. 3. Gray, History, 140. Simon Simonse, on the other hand, gives a smaller number of steamers arriving in Lado during the same period. According to him, not a single steamer arrived in 1882, and that only one came in 1883. Thereafter no steamer came to Lado until those that brought the Mahdists in 1888. See Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster: Dualisnh Centralisnt and the Scapegoat King in Southeastern Sudan (Leiden, New York, Kobenhaven, Koln: E. J. Brill, 1992), 97. 4. Quoted in Simon Simonse, King§_of_Disaster, 98. 5. J.A. Mounteney—Jephson Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1890), 123. 6. Mounteney—Jephson's favorable impression of Abdullah Agha Manzal and his garrison stemmed from the fact that they were the only of Emin‘s soldiers who willingly agreed to evacuation in accordance with Stanley‘s mission. It is ironic that Muggi should be so exemplary. In the past, they were formidable opponents of the government. United under a spiritual leader named Moyok (in fact the followers called him juok), Muggi attacked reinforcements to Baker in 1874, killing 28 soldiers. In 1875 they attacked the government twice and wiped out elite troops. It was not until 1876 that they were pacified. 7. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in .Africa During the Years 187511818 (trans. A.H. Keane) (London, 1890), Vol. I, 498. Gaetano Casati, in his Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha, Vol. I (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 1891), was equally impressed with the extensive and rich fields of the stations of Makaraka, especially those belonging to Ahmad Agha Akhuan at Makaraka Soughair and to Ahmad Atrush in Kabayendi. He admired the industry of the local population whom he regarded as particularly '1 "A? f- 5. Eu; 0v " ~'-. (‘A "if brie u . 5‘ ‘f I 6..., . r4 "f '1 -— 1. D I A;4 A 1.1 M. J’o r ”“1"" 30 i“: 1 . ' emoioyeo I sistanc 10. Junk Heasured even tn: worst k: 11. Jun} F‘ 2. In Liria ( secure preferr porters 13. m1 14. Mm E n 1| £; - Of|ch .\ Sbflane ‘5 1. “ 0 .L‘ of w n. -‘ t“ L. provident. 8. For details of Emin's information on Latuka, see his "In the Country of the Bari and Latuka," in Schweinfurth et al., (edits. & trans.) Emin Pasha in Central Africa, pp. 214—243. Also, see his "From Gondokoro to Obbo," 289~ 97. 9. The government's roughshod tactics were generally employed against areas recently occupied, to break down resistance or recalcitrance. Indeed, the tactics appear to have been adopted. as a policy for creating an ever— expanding territory under government control. Muggi and Kirri are case in point. Both were established in 1876, but apparently because of resistance, they were subjected to such extensive raiding that by 1878 all cattle, grain, and sesame had virtually disappeared. 10. Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. 1, 497—98. An ardeb measured about 180 liters. With regards to plundering, even though Gordon criticized. it as "brigandage of the worst kind," he seemed powerless to counter. 11. Junker, Travels in Africa, Ibid., 497. 12. In Liria in July 1881, for example, chief Rugong of Liria (son and successor of Legge) found it difficult to secure porters for Emin, precisely because people preferred to work on their farms rather than to sign up as porters. See, Emin Pasha in Central Africa, p. 221. 13. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 497. 14. Mounteney—Jephson, Emin Pasha and the Rebellion, 123. 15. "Danaqla" was the term used by both government officials and the people in Equatoria to denote Northern Sudanese generally. 16. Wilhelm Junker, Travels ig_Af£i§a, Vol. I, 288. 17. In the case of the Bahr el—Ghazal, the consolidation of power and influence of' Arab settlers and traders following Romolo Gessi's departure was such that they recommenced their slave trading activities. In fact, the administration of Bahr el—Ghazal remained in the hands of the Danaqla until about 1879. For these details, see Gray, History, p. 155, 159; and Junker Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 284. ""“"f7 18. if . Mounteny- Equatgr, Standin January M.M. 18 his ret Equator. {Lieute- 18. In 1888, Mounteney—Jephson estimated that there were perhaps 8,000 of Emin's people in Equatorial Province. See his Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator, 110 and 238. See also Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 97; Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 498; and Schweinfurth et a1. Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 215. 19. To be sure, there were Northern irregulars (hotoriyya) in Equatoria, but they were not many. In fact, there were only 70, all of whom, for reasons of security connected with the Mahdist rebellion, were sent and confined to the two southern stations of Tunguru and. Mswa close. See Mounteny—Jephson, Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the E93293, 198- 20. Robert 0. Collins, The Southern. Sudan, 1883—1898: A Struggle for Control (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1962), 51. 21. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in Africa, 494. 22. Quoted by Simon Simonse in his Kings of disaster, 97. 23. Richard Hill's biographical information on Batraki in the period from 1863 through 1880 is as follows: "Bakhit Bey Batraki appears to have been a soldier of some standing as he was made sm. [sergeant major?] on 12 January 1863 during the voyage to Mexico and awarded the M.M. 1867 with promotion to 1 it. [First Lieutenant] on his return to Egypt, 28 May 1867, he served mainly in the Equatorial command where he rose the rank of lt.—col. [Lieutenant—Colonel]. In 1876 appointed governor of Makaraka only to be suspended in 1878 and reinstated about 1880 by General Governor Emin Bey. See Richard Hill and Peter‘ Hogg, A. Black Corps d'Elite: An Egyptian Sudanese Conscript Battalion with the French Army in Mexico, 1863— 1867, and Its Survivors in Subsequent African History (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1995), Appendix 1, 163—164. 24. Although transferred to the civilian department, Batraki, however, maintained his military rank and; 'ndeed, he continued to rise in the ranks. 25. Wilhelm,Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 288—89. Indeed, C01. Chaillé Long claims that Makaraka was reGarded by the soldiers as "Land of Promise," "the Eldorado of my Arab soldiers." See his Central Africa: An Eépedition to the Lake Victoria Nyanza and the Makraka on :(‘Yr A- that?" r. . .K ..Y Tr. C; I 1! .LI. . . C D “.1. C . PH. «C \O u 7i “II” D; 11 . ark . . Q» a In. ‘L . k . 1 xi ‘5.) a 5 vi +t O 1 O G I C 0 .li a e C e S «a e e l a .1 \. ‘ i S N v . Wu C e I a a a _ h e S .d l r... Y. -wJ. .l I .D U m. .T. O f . . .1 l G; W u h 1-. e C h .h.. I :1 ..L Us y. r. m 9 as C ‘ C T. Q. ..Q n e ...\ a, E U .K ..i. .i r. 0.. . C m :1 n . O n e h S -T.. “H S . a S a n. «a a e V. I .1 1D. 9 a a a a 0 e 00 -l -l -1. 0 01 e 5 .hu 5 l .l a e at e e h o). h l 51.. 0 e S ..L .-fla. T v B 4 -. 00 :1 Tu ml R h 1Q C AK F3 B rt B ‘Q .l. M vi 30 -h. :0. .L “L H \N . L Q. 3 llllln‘lllillli] I .ilir Niam—Niam West of the Bahr el—Abiad (White Nile) (New York: Harper‘ & Brothers, 1877), 247—48. See also Gray, Southern Sudan, 148. 26. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 413. 27. Gray, History, 159. Richard Hill suggests that Batraki was not sent to Khartoum in chains but that he was transferred there as second in command of a Sudanese battalion under another officer from the Mexican campaign, Faraj Bey Muhammad al-Zayni. He goes on to say that on Faraj Bey's promotion to Brigadier General during the siege of Khartoum by the Mahdist forces, Bakhit Bey, with the rank of Colonel, took commandof two attalions but that he was killed during the Mahdist assault of the city on 26 January 1886. See Hill, A Black Corps d'Elite, 164. Bakhit Batraki's fate at the hands of the Mahdists at the fall of Khartoum is explained in the letter of Emir 'Umar Saleh, the Mahdist commander at the head of the Mahdist force sent to take over Equatoria. See Mounteney— Jephson's Emin Pasha and the Rebellion, 245—253. 28. Gaetano Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, 284-85. Richard Gray seems to overlook this significant fact. To him, Batraki's rebellion only a demonstrated the difficulty Emin Pasha faced in exercising effective control over his officials. 29. In 1880 Governor Romolo' Gessi wrote to the Milan Geographical Society asking for a geographer to map out Baht el-Ghazal. The society sent out Gaetano Casati for the job. However, shortly after the latter's arrival in Bahr el—Ghazal, Romolo Gessi was recalled and eventually dismissed from. the service. Casati was left behind, literally abandoned. Almost destitute, he retired to Mangbetuland where he lived for nearly three years. Emin rescued and brought him to Equatoria. 30. Atrush is probably Chaillé Long's Latroche, the headman of a trading station in Makaraka in 1874. Long describes Latroche as "one of those veteran ivory—hunters that years before had reached this country at the head of Dongolawee [DanaqlaJJ' He goes on to say that Latroche "had successfully exploited ivory among the Makraka (sic.) Niam—Niam, had made many successful expeditions far into the interior," and that "when ivory had been declared a government monopoly, he had entered the government serVice." See Chaillé—Long, Central_Africa, pp. 257-58. ,_ 1 5 1 J T ~§ d 4.. ”H1 mu...“ C Qt .hu . I I I. P C .-l. «C F» C vI. NC. I- . . .1. . \. .r.. .I I- -. ..I I. At 1 II. - . n 1 . S . S I .G .11. D. . . Rh. .0. Nb 0 1I. G e .i 00 it a a .1 l u I “D e S m1 t n a e .L «.0 HFJ . Y; 1.1. av 1“ Wu... D I Y. 4.. min : .~ Db e a L k g.» l1 n r: Lnk 11 .w w G W .. w - .I. .1 m. .\ V. ..t r -. b C C u 8 .am mu .1 f e a. ...I— l. a a c a flu ‘IIM vVJ MIG OJ. -NV n AU “11 C..L e e Cfilflw m“ ..m m Mow. ‘IL 8; CIL e S S -0 r._ 3. Am. C)“ Mn N“ 6 “We % a MW mm Cu. 3 10 . 1. PE - .1. Ti 0 r b . -u 5... I. 1. Nu Ta 3 33 a) m». .V. 3 31. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 479. 32. Another Nuba officer sent to Makaraka along with Batraki was Rehan Agha, also a Nuba. He was stationed with Fadl Allah (a Nuba cooptee) in Kabayendi, presumably to supervise the latter. Indeed, Junker seems to indicate that Fadl Allah was the man in charge in Kabayendi, but that when the latter died in 1878, Rehan Agha assumed control of Kabayendi. As for Nur Bey, he was also Nuba, and was mudir of Lado district. See Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 288—89; and Gray, History, 148. 33. Gray, History, 147. 34. Wilhelm Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 393. 35. Ibid., 289. Like Casati, Junker also knew these two men well. In fact, he was a personal friend of Atrush and knew what he was talking about. 36. Ibid., 355-56. 37. Ibid., 355—356. 38. For Richard Gray, for example, the rebellion was an example of insubordination by government officials which only demonstrated the difficulty, for Emin, in "exercising any effective control over officials or Danaqla." See Gray, History, 159. 39. The Rohl and Shambe were predominantly Dinka districts, which had been brought under Equatoria province in 1881. Before then, they were under Bahr el—Ghazal. For this reason the rebellion in these two districts was in many ways connected with conditions in Bahr el-thazal. In fact, by April 1883, the rebellion spread to the rest of Dinkaland in Bahr el—Ghazal. And. the reason local rebellions broke out in Bahr el—Ghazal first was probably because oppression was worse there than in Equatoria. In fact, as has been discussed earlier, the state—apparatus in Bahr el-Ghazal was very much dependent on the khuteriyya. Indeed, the old administrative structure of the slave traders was more or less preserved intact. For example, the governorships of both Zubayr wad Rahma and that of his son and successor, Sulayman wad Zubayr, spanned the period 1870—1877. Even when the governorship finally passed on to Romolo Gessi and Frank Lupton, effective power remained in the hands of Arab traders and settlers such as ‘Uthman Bedawi and Abd Allah 'Abd ale Samad. Their power became virtually complete in the interregnum (of well over a year) between Gessi's departure in 1880 and Lupton*s arrival at the end of 1881. But because the rebellion eventually spread to the rest of the Southern Sudan, it thereby becomes difficult to separate rebellions in Equatoria fronI those in Bahr el— Ghazal. See Gray, History, 157—59. 40. In spite of his cooperation, however, Ringio was not without complaints against the government, especially about the demand for carriers which was continually made on his people. He also complained against the malpractices of the government which were perpetrated under the guise of taxes. As early as 1878, he confided to Junker that these grievances created considerable disaffection with his people. For these complaints, as well as for biographical information on Ringio, see Gray, History, pp. 147—49; Junker Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 304, 434, 481—82; and Vol. II, 452; and Casati Ten Years in Equatoria, Vol. I, 253. ' 41. See Chapter 3 for the relationship between Nyigilo and the traders. 42. Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 99. 43. Schweinfurth et al. Emin Pasha, 238. 44. Vita Hassan, Vol. II, 112, quoted by Simon Simonse Kings of Disaster, 99. 45. Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, Vol. II, 285; and Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 102. 46. Casati, Ibid., 299. The story leading up to the government disaster in Bor appears to be the following: in the frantic days following the Mahdist advance on Equatoria, Emin decided on evacuating his northern garrisons to the south. The soldiers objected, preferring instead to withdraw to Fashoda by an overland march through Bor enui Nuer‘ countries. While sticking tx> his decision, Emin nevertheless gave the false impression that he agreed with the soldiers. To this end, he sent a reconnoitring expedition of 180 men from Bor towards Fashoda. On reaching Bahr ez—Zaraf, however, disagreement broke out in the expedition over whether or not to continue to Fashoda. Those against continuing prevailed, and the expedition had to retrace their steps. But they were ambushed and virtually annihilated by Bor Dinka, who then followed their victory by attacking and taking over the station. / — r‘ A I" t ‘3’ Simonse ":T 0) rr 1 '9 Agha, V 1' 2"] o r) l .L') LII (7 I + (D (‘1 H DJ (3 t" (D Q) (I) ‘--4 f—‘ ‘ 47. Casati, Ibid., 330; Gray, Sguthern. Sudan, 161; and Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 99, fn. no. 74, 101. 48. However, because of their frustration with the lack of success against the government, some of these peoples, especially the Njangulgule under chief Yanqu, sought and eventually obtained the support of the Rizayqat under Madibbu. It was through this alliance with the Rizayqat that the Mahdist influence eventually came to Bahr el— Ghazal. For the details, see Collins Southern Sudan, 25— 8. 49. In July 1882, the greater part of the garrison at Shambe, along with its commander, was destroyed while taking part in a cattle razzia. And a Inonth later, a force of 75 bazingers (locally recruited soldiers) in Rohl was also wiped out to a man. By early 1883, many outlying stations in Dinkaland were overrun, including the garrison at Rumbek; and in September the government suffered a major defeat yet again, when lupton's lieutenant, Rifa'i Agha, was killed along with 400 of his men. See Gray, History, 155—60; Collins, Southern Sudan, 22-42. 50. Collins, Ibid., 34. 51. Holt The Mahdist State, 1881—1898: A Study of Its Origins, Develiopment and Overthrow (Orford: At the Clarendon Press, 1958), 74. 52. Bara had fallen on January 6, 1883; while the capital of tKordofan province, el—Obeid, fell on January 19. 53. Collins, Southern Sudan, 37, and 40. 54. Lupton to Junker, August 17, 1883, quoted by Robert Collins from R. Buchta's Der Sudan unter agyptischer Herrschaft (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1888), 286. 55. 7 Karam Allah Qurqusawi knew Bahr el~Ghazal province quite well, having been a leading merchant and slave trader there. In fact, he was in Bahr el—Ghazal as late as June 21 1883, when he escaped after a conspiracy against the government was uncovered. According to the conspiracy, hatched by a cwertain Dunqulawi faqi, Shaykh Ibnouf an—Nasri, all the Danaqla in western Bahr el—Ghazal were to gather at Daym Idriss on June 20, 1883. They were next to seize the 800 local tribes recruits. Once this was accomplished, all of them were then to defect en masse to the Mahdi. The plot was, however, discovered, and r: the c.-- TGCIuIIE This Ma Souther conside in Eque for the out t Ibid., 23‘ 58. my himsel SChOQl 1" oaha. -c& N“. bLQWEJ firx 1‘- ~.‘Ib ‘Ct Shaykh Ibnouf an—Nasri, his brother Muhammad an—Nasri, and Karanl Allah Qurqusawi were forced. to flee the province. See Collins, The Souther Sudan, 31—2. 56. Quoted 111 Gray, History, 159. After the surrender, the officials joined the ranks of the Ansar, while locally recruited soldiers and bazinqers were seized and reclaimed by some of the Danaqla as their former slaves, and many of them were sold. The Mahdists then established a system in which the subject population was required to pay tribute, preferably in slaves, or else be plundered. By June, Karam Allalh sent 1,360 slaves to Shakka. He also complained to the Mahdi that, As the slaves taken as booty are exceedingly numerous in this part, and are continually arriving at the camp of the mudir, we are much pressed in dispatching them and in looking after them. This Mahdist contempt for the soldiers and, indeed, for Southerners, alienated the jihadiyya, and was the main consideration in their determination to resist, especially in Equatoria. Indeed, that contempt was one of the reason for the popular uprising against the Mahdists that broke out throughout the South. See Collins, Southern Sudan, Ibid., 42 and 47. 57. Before this date, perhaps the first disturbance in Equatoria supposedly connected with any Mahdist influence was that of the Agar Dinka, who, on July 27, 1883, attacked and captured Rumbek. But, as already argued, the rebellion at Rumbek was part of the general Dinka rebellion whose causes were local rather than externally— induced by the Mahdists. 58. The members of the delegation so selected were: Emin himself, Dr. Vita Hassan, the Qadi of the province, the schoolmaster’ of Lado, Lt. Musa, Uthman. Arbab, and .Ahmad Baba. But later, Emin withdrew his name from the list. 59. While we have no knowledge of the total military force in Equatoria, it however include 2,000 long—time regular officers and men armed with Remington rifles. Schweinfurth et al., Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 467~68; and Collins, The Southern Sudan, 48. See PP- 60. Until the Mahdist takeover, ‘Abd Allahi as-Samad was a slave trader in Bahr el—Ghazal. In fact he owned 17 stations 'there. See Junker, Trayel§_j11 Africa, Vol. I, ammuni: mutiny report Khalifa Collins a prof looked 0" C‘- J- ,. N ". 0C 5. - I . A s 9 fa 412-32. 61. Schweinfurth et al. Emin Pasha in Central Africa, pp. 477—80; and Collins, The Southern Sudan, 50. 62. Collins, The Southern Sudan, 50—1. The Mahdists withdrew for three reasons: (a) they had exhausted their ammunition supplies; (b) there was a second jihadiyya mutiny in Bahr el—Ghazal; and © Karam Allah was asked to report to Khartoum for the investiture celebrations of the Khalifa. In assessing the reasons behind the success in Equatoria against the Mahdists, Collins cites two factors. The first is that unlike Bahr el—Ghazal, many of the officers and nearly all the men ofthe battalions in Equatoria were Southern Sudanese themselves. In view of the racial antagonism discussed earlier, to resist the Mahdists was, for these Southern Sudanese soldiers, to defend. the province for themselves. The second reason Collins gives is that these Southern Sudanese soldiers had a profound loyalty to the Khedive whom, he asserts, they looked upon with mystical awe. The latter reason is highly questionable, esecially because Collins does not give examples of the alleged blind devotion. 63. For examples of desertions from the Mahdists, as well as of the turmoil that resulted from the Mahdist onslaught, see Schweinfurth et a1. Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 477—87. 64. Schweinfurth et a1. Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 482— 83. The underlines are mine for emphasis. 65. Gray, History, 161. 66. Schweinfurth et al. Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 488 & 490. 67. Ibid., 98. AIthc unsettling s can be ins He was bc Sudan. HI from Prop mahhbn LaI awww educatior mmmm, AbdaIIah Muhamn Muhamn Sammar to the fa II the IimI Shaykh Aha Isl: CHAPTER SEVEN EASTERN EQUATORIA UNDER THE MAHDIST COLONIAL RULE Although the foundation of the Mahdist revolution lay ultimately in the unsettling socioeconomic conditions under the Turco—Egyptian regime, its origins can be in some sense traced to the psyche of Muhammad Ahmad, its progenitor. He was born on August 12, 1844 on Labab island in Donqula district in Northern Sudan. His family were very religious and claimed to be Ashraf, that is, descended from Prophet Muhammad, and his father, Abdallah, was a boat-builder, a trade that his brothers also inherited. Largely because of his religious upbringing, Muhammad Ahmad decided at a very young age to pursue a clerical career. He began his formal religious education in the Gezira under Shaykh al—Amin Suwaylih. Upon completing the program, he moved to Berber for further studies with Shaykh Muhammad al—Dikayr Abdallah Khujaii. And in 1861 he joined the Sammaniyya Order (tan'qa) headed by Muhammad Sharif Nur ad—Da'im. After seven years of service and training there, Muhammad Ahmad finally received the license to serve as a Shaykh of the Sammaniyya Order, and in that capacity he travelled about the country ministering to the faithful.1 In 1870, when his family relocated to Aba Island on the White Nile to exploit the timber there, Muhammad Ahmad moved with them. In 1872, he invited Shaykh Muhammad Nur ad-Da’im to settle at al-‘Aradayb on the river bank nearby Aba Island.2 Meanwhile, since beginning his clerical career, Muhammad Ahmad's reputation fc following, es His fl three Khalil Sammaniyy them, andt One circumcisio Muhamma rebuked hi undermine to preseiv Mu his meml Qurashii the leade burial of Pi0pheci. and,onc the secn future K t0 have reSpons reputation for piety and asceticism spread far and wide, attracting a very large following, especially among the Kinana and the Dighaym of the White Nile. His followers included 'Ali b. Muhammad Hilu, later to become one of his three Khalifas. in time his reputation began to eclipse that of the head of the Sammaniyya, Shaykh Muhammad Nur ad—Da'im, undermining relations between them, and the situation eventually degenerated into open hostility and conflict. One day, Shaykh Nur ad-Da‘im reportedly held a feast to celebrate the circumcision of his sons, during which music and dance were allowed. To Muhammad Ahmad this was an intolerable breach of the Shari’a, and he publicly rebuked his master for it. The humiliated Shaykh Nur ad-Da'im felt that the attack undermined his leadership as well as the discipline of the Sammaniyya itself, and, to preserve the integrity of the Order, he excommunicated Muhammad Ahmad. Muhammad Ahmad quit Shaykh Muhammad Nur ad-Daim and transferred his membership to a rival Smmaniyya faction under the old and ailing Shaykh Qurashi w. al-Zain. When the latter died in 1880, Muhammad Ahmad took over the leadership of that rival faction.3 it is believed that only after his return from the burial of his predecessor did Muhammad Ahmad begin to study the traditional prophecies of the Mahdi. As he read them, he began applying them to himself and, once convinced of his divine election to the sacred mission, began revealing the secret to a select few of his followers, including Abdullahi b. Muhammad, the future Khalifa. To convince them of his claims to this sacred mission, he claimed to have experienced a series of visions commanding him to take up the responsibility.4 ' Wha fundamente which he vi evident to general, he worldly pie: this come the just an But rather that the s: revolution Muslims tc Thl declared l claims, bl and, on A insurgent: military p dilatory Committe in fileoov of propaS ever lar: What is apparent from all these accounts is that Muhammad Ahmad had a fundamentally puritanical outlook, whose religious ideology became the prism by which he viewed and critiqued the world around him. Accordingly, it became self— evident to him that Sudanese Muslim society, and indeed the Muslim world in general, had abandoned the Islamic Faith and was immersed in corruption and worldly pleasures. And he felt it his moral and religious duty to purge the world of this corruption through an Islamic political revolution, hoping thereby to reestablish the just and equitable lslamic society as had existed under Prophet Muhammad. But rather than seek change through social and political reforms, he concluded that the solution to the problem was holy war (iihad). The Sudanese Mahdist revolution was a religious war, and because it was a jihad, it was incumbent on all Muslims to support it.5 Thus, on June 29, 1881, on Aba Island, Muhammad Ahmad publicly declared himself the Mahdi. The government first tried to dissuade him from his claims, but to no avail. The government then decided to suppress him by force and, on August 12, sent two companies of soldiers to arrest him. But the Mahdist insurgents ambushed and routed this military force. in this as in subsequent military planning and execution, the government proved particularly inept and dilatory By contrast, the Mahdists were highly organized and, above all, committed to their cause, factors which more than compensated for any inferiority in firepower. Moreover, the Mahdi proved to be extremely adept in the production of propaganda. This, in addition to their military victories, attracted supporters in ever larger numbers. Thus, by the time the government woke up to the seriousness victories6 bl cause. After second mo later, el-Ob the destrur whole expr to escape. Mahdist st Th conditions outsider r revolutior officer ar violence Turco-Er besides demand Slave tr; domest seriousness of the situation, the Mahdists had not only scored a string of military victories6 but also had succeeded in rallying a large part of the country to their cause. After a protracted struggle in Kordofan, the Mahdists captured Bara, the second most important town in the province, on January 6, 1883. And two weeks later, el—Obeid, the capital of the province fell. But perhaps the biggest victory was the destruction of the Hicks Expedition at Shaykan on November 5, 1883. The whole expedition of well over 10,000 men was annihilated; only 250 men managed to escape. Finally, on January 25. 1885, Khartoum fell, and with its fall began the Mahdist state. The Mahdist revolution would not have succeeded without the social conditions which made the Sudanese people receptive to it. Probably the first outsider (i.e. non—Mahdist supporter) ever to attempt a study of the causes of the revolution in some objective fashion was Na'um Shouqayr, a Lebanese military officer and member of the Condominium regime. He cites four causal factors: the violence which accompanied the destruction of property and killing of the original Turco—Egyptian conquest. The second factor, says Shouqayr, was taxation which, besides being high, was also levied by force and accompanied by all sorts of illicit demands. The third reason comprised the government‘s efforts to suppress the slave trade, which struck at an important source of wealth and the basis of the domestic and agrarian economy of the country. Fourthly and finally, the government jealousy of C Later agreeing or revolution. Mahdist st: dismisses t third factor his own wr moreover, Hot and the sl most prolr detail the asserting 0f the Ma‘ reaching 1 the case. Tc SUlipress ill the re! the Slave Egyptian government favored the Shayqiyya tribe and the Khatmiyya sect, arousing the jealousy of other social and religious groups.7 Later historians have reexamined Shouqayr's interpretations and, while agreeing on the facts, nevertheless disagree on their validity as causes of the revolution. For example, Professor Peter M. Holt, whose work on the Sudanese Mahdist state has been generally acclaimed as one of the most authoritative, dismisses the first, the second, and the fourth. However, he fully endorses the third factor, the suppression of the slave trade as the most important, forming, in his own words, "A much more specific and immediate cause of discontent; one, moreover, which affected all classes of society and every part of the country."8 Holt. argues further that, although sporadic demonstrations against slavery and the slave trade had been made by earlier viceroys, Khedive lsma'il took the most prolonged and concerted attempts at suppression. He then analyzes in detail the process of the suppression. On balance, Professor Holt is right in asserting the importance of the suppression of the slave trade as a primary cause of the Mahdist revolution. In order therefore to get a better understanding of its far- reaching import, i will attempt in the following account to demonstrate why this was the case. To begin with, by the time of this "prolonged and concerted attempts at suppression," the theater of the slave trade was in the Southern Sudan, especially in the regions of Equatoria and Bahr el—Ghazal. Also by then, the perpetrators of the slave trade were mostly Northern Sudanese with a significant representation of Egyptians, Syrians, and Turks. While the exact number of these slave traders (generally kr itwas never of the slavr province at 60,000.9 A: Bahr el-Gh: and more adverselya bv the ento As enforceme ei-Ghazai, Gordon, 5 annexed, indeed, be traders, sr there. It\ their contr events in lnil Ghazal ur an ailpoir Ghazal a (generally known as the jellabas) and their support staff and soldiers is not known, it was nevertheless very large. In 1868 Georg Schweinfurth estimated the number of the slave traders and other Northern Sudanese settlers in Bahr el-Ghazal province at 10,000, in addition to their slaves who numbered between 50,000 and 60,000.9 As regards Equatoria, while the figures were lower compared to those in Bahr el—Ghazal, they were nevertheless significantly high. Given their numbers, and more importantly their entrenched economic interests, the ja/labas were adversely affected by the annexation of the Southern Sudan in 1869, and more so by the enforcement of anti-slavery measures that were soon implemented. As has been already discussed in chapter six of this research, the enforcement of anti-slavery measures was more effective in Equatoria than in Bahr el-Ghazal, largely because of the efforts of Governors Samuel Baker, Charles Gordon, and Emin Pasha. By contrast, although Bahr el-Ghazal was also annexed. it nevertheless continued under the virtual control of the je/Iabas. Indeed, because of that control, Bahr el-Ghazal became a haven for the slave traders, so that those forced out of Equatoria by the anti-slavery measures fled there. it was not until 1879, following their rebellion against the government, that their control of Bahr el-Ghazal was brought to an end. To get an idea of these events in Bahr el—Ghazal, some details are here in order. initially, Muhammad al—Hilali, himself a slave and ivory trader in Bahr el- Ghazal until his appointment in 1869, was made governor of the same province, an appointment resisted by Zubayr w. Rahma, the most powerful trader in Bahr el- Ghazal and who was therefore unwilling to relinquish his supremacy in the area.10 1 His stance l assassinater who had be power Zub: confirmed l Zubayr inve Cairo in 18' security of Cairo. Me of Bahr 6 Governor away in E deputy. lr connivan Abtar‘s : Southen Govemr rebellior ( slavery Goverr 1877. His stance led to intrigues between Zubayr and al-Hilali until 1872, when he assassinated the latter. In 1873, Zubayr moved against and defeated the Rizayqat who had been threatening his communication with Kordofan. Aware of the military power Zubayr wielded in the region, Governor-General lsma'il Pasha Ayyub confirmed him as governor of Bahr el-Ghazal and Shakka. In 1874, however, Zubayr invaded and conquered Darfur and also claimed its governorship, going to Cairo in 1875 to plead his case to the Khedive. Afraid of the threat he posed to the security of the state in the region, Zubayr was immediately detained on arrival in Cairo. Meanwhile, his son, Sulayman w. Zubayr, remained as the virtual governor of Bahr el-Ghazal, a status confirmed by Charles Gordon, when he became Governor-General of the whole Sudan. However, in 1878, while Sulayman was away in Darfur helping to put down a rebellion, he left the province in charge of his deputy, ldris Bey Abtar, who declared himself governor, apparently with Gordon's connivance. Sulayman returned from Darfur and quickly put down ldris Bey Abtar's station, and then proclaimed his intention of not only conquering the Southern Sudan, but also of marching on Khartoum. Sensing the danger, Governor-General Charles Gordon appointed Romolo Gessi to suppress the rebellion and to take over the administration of Bahr el—Ghazal.11 Gessi quickly moved to suppress slavery and the slave trade. The issue of slavery and the slave trade was high on official agenda as never before, and as Governor—General, Gordon saw to it that this was the case. Moreover in August 1877, Egypt and Britain signed the Slave—Trade Convention, a document which, among othe Khedive'ste traders to r transactions 1878 Junk: province, a The mor priv. adn witi anc "ha ha\ witi Aft Bahr el-G appointm el-Ghaza FL traders v they wer to evict 1 Gordon 0i slave in the 5 COmply both ur . among other things, immediately terminated the slave trade throughout the Khedive's territory.12 All these developments made it increasingly difficult for the traders to carry on with business as usual, and because of the restrictions, transactions in ivory and slaves had to be carried out in secrecy. Thus, when in 1878 Junker asked a trader in Bahr el-Ghazal about the state of affairs in the province, and especially about the commercial outlook, the latter complained that, The good times for trade vanished when the government began to monopolize the traffic in ivory, formerly entirely in the hands of private dealers or commercial companies, and commenced the administration of the provinces. The whole business was carried on with much risk of loss, and the profits had considerably diminished and were steadily declining. The traders were obliged to give "backsheesh" [kickback] to all the government officials, or they would have to contend with one difficulty after another, and be threatened with ruin.13 After Romolo Gessi crushed Suiayman's rebellion and then took charge of Bahr el-Ghazal, the situation for the traders worsened considerably. Moreover, the appointment of conscientious Europeans to the governorships of Equatoria, Bahr el-Ghazal and Darfur further undermined the traders interests.14 Furthermore, the rebellion convinced Governor-General Gordon that the traders were, indeed, a serious security risk to the state, and that it was high time they were dealt with severely. To this end, he ordered the shaykhs of the Baqqara to evict those traders (je/Iabas) that had settled in southern Darfur and Kordofan.15 Gordon argued that these men provided the infrastructure for both the conveyance of slaves to markets in the North and fire arms and ammunition to the slave traders in the South. The shaykhs were instructed to harry any jel/aba who refused to comply with the order. in light of the recent conflict between them and the traders both under Zubayr and Sulayman, the Baqqara were apparently only too happy to 253 taxation. first. to f with slai twenties First, it t hurting l the gov needed I seethin Egypt goverr go through with the order. The abuse was so serious that it caused consternation in riverain Northern Sudan from which the vast majority of the jel/abas came.16 These prolonged and concerted policies hit at the very Vitals of the economic and political interests of Northern slave traders and settlers in the Southern Sudan. Not unexpectedly, they resisted the government's policies both passively and actively. The Sulayman rebellion of 1878—1879, was probably their best organized military effort at violent resistance. But since the rebellion was crushed and Sulayman himself executed, the traders and settlers waited for an opportunity and a leader to lead them against the government. Meanwhile in the North itself, the general economic and social conditions were far from satisfactory, and the main cause of discontent was increased taxation. As already discussed in Chapter One, high taxation caused emigration, first, to frontier lands beyond government control, and then to the South to work with slave and ivory traders. Furthermore, since emigrants were people in their twenties through forties, their departure had a two-fold impact on the economy. First, it took away the most productive segment of the agricultural workforce, thus hurting the peasant sector. Second, it reduced the taxable population, thus forcing the government to increase taxes on the remaining population in order to maintain needed revenue levels.17 in the final analysis, therefore, the whole country from North to South was seething with discontent. However, prior to the outbreak of the ‘Urabi revolt in Egypt in 1880. and especially under the Governor-Generalship of Gordon, the government was strong enough to put down any rebellion, as indeed happened in the South. But son. Muhamm following mo 1880, he resig in the Generalship in Harar. But dismissed hi experiences. seemed to ha trade, for he pr J.B. Messadag slave traders. traders, but ale Neverti the Sudan. Fr simultaneousl on 29 June n rebellion ever the Sudan thr the South. But in June 1879, Khedive lsma'il was deposed and replaced with his son. Muhammad Tawfiq. Disturbed by the deposition, Gordon left for Cairo the following month to personally acquaint himself with the new state of affairs, and, in 1880, he resigned from the Egyptian government service.18 in the meantime, Muhammad .Ra'uf Pasha assumed the Governor- Generalship in Khartoum. Ra'uf was familiar with the affairs of the Sudan, having served previously in Equatoria under both Baker and Gordon, and, during the latter's governor-generalship, he served briefly as Governor of Equatoria and of Harar. But apparently Gordon was not satisfied with his performance and dismissed him from each of his governorates. Because of these unhappy experiences, Ra'uf had little sympathy for Gordon‘s policies. For this reason, he seemed to have adopted a l_a_is5_e_z-f_aiie_ attitude towards the issue of the slave trade, for he proceeded to dismiss Governors Romolo Gessi of Bahr el-Ghazal and J.B. Messadaglia of Darfur, both of whom had been effective in suppressing the slave traders. These dismissals not only conciliated the hurt feelings of the traders, but also practically revived the slave trade.19 Nevertheless these actions by Ra'uf came too late to save Egyptian rule in the Sudan. For in 1881 the 'Urabi rebellion broke out in Egypt. Meanwhile, almost simultaneously with the 'Urabi rebellion, the Mahdist revolt broke out in the Sudan on 29 June when Muhammad Ahmad declared his Mahdiship. While the 'Urabi rebellion eventUally led to British intervention and occupation of Egypt in 1882. in the Sudan the Mahdists moved from victory to victory arid, in June 1885, almost 255 four years afte of the Sudan. Eguatoria gig As far Emin in Equa in the Sudan. All this Equatoria, thi barges, their third jihadiyya victorious. the awakening, r proceed with Conse send a contir so as to gair the country. people. abet if so, calculation. four years after their initial revolt, took Khartoum and began their thirteen-year rule of the Sudan. Eguatoria arfi me Mahdiyya As far as Equatoria is concerned, the Mahdist invasion began in April 1884, but in May 1885, the Mahdists withdrew to put down several jihadiyya rebellions in Bahr el-Ghazal. And by the end of the year they had left the South altogether to put down a Rizayqat rebellion in the North Thus, the tattered administration of Emin in Equatoria was the only surviving symbol of any Turco-Egyptian presence in the Sudan. All this changed in August 1888, however, when the Mahdists reinvaded Equatoria, this time by way of the Nile. They came aboard three steamers and six barges, their total number was 1,500 of which two—thirds were "Arabs," and one— thrrd jihadiyya. They faced a fierce battle in Bor, and although apparently victorious. the Mahdists nevertheless lost many men.20 The encounter was a rude awakening, reminding them not to take anything for granted, and instead to proceed with caution. Consequently, rather than proceed direct to Lado, the Mahdists chose to send a contingent of troops under Taha Muhammad to Latukaland to reconnoitre so as to gain a better appreciation of the overall military and political situation in the country. Moreover, like the Dinkas of Bor, the Latuka were reputedly a warlike people. about which Taha Muhammad himself must‘have been fully aware.21 if so, the dispatch of the military contingent to Latuka was a very astute calculation, and the choice of Taha Muhammad for the task Could not have been Samuel Baker, becoming a Equatona. he mudir of Latu Contra Mahdists. an sources are i received. Th Latukalandi to acquire Mahdistwoul Secor of the Latuka seats of Maj came from ll Mahdists at against his: Meal nevertheles The missio large quan better, for his knowledge and experience in the area was quite extensive. indeed, Taha Muhammad had originally come to Latukaland in 1863 as a horse-boy of Samuel Baker, remaining behind in the employ of the 'Aqqad company, eventually becoming a man of consequence. And when Gordon became Governor of Equatoria, he coopted Taha Muhammad into his administration and appointed him mudir of Latuka district??— Contrary to the view that the Latuka were from the beginning hostile to the Mahdists. and that they had to be brought under control by force of arms, oral sources are instead unanimous that initially Taha and the Mahdists were well-- received. The Latuka sought trade, for srnce the withdrawal of the garrisons from Latukaland in 1884, they had to travel to government stations in Bari- or Madiland to acquire trade-goods, particularly the blue-glass beads.23 They hoped the Mahdist'wouid save them the long journey. ' I Secondly, much of the friendly reception had to do with the internal politics of the Latuka themselves, especially the rivalry between Loronyo and Tirrangore, seats of Mayyia's and Hujang's factions respectively. in this regard, the initiative came from Wani, son of Mawia and heir-apparent to the throne He received the Mahdists at Lohiri village and provided them supplies. Wani next led the Mahdists against his arch-enemies, the Hujang royal house at Tirrangore. Meanwhile, Chief Ajaru learned of the ill intentions of Wani, but nevertheless decided to send a large deputation to meet the Mahdists at Abalwa. The mission was led by his two younger brothers, Lomoro and lhuli, and carried a large quantity of choice foods in addition to other presents. in fact, oral tradition A says that lhuli Arabic. On re leading the we the traders. C Mahdists who bound up and certain slavery These lslamic cultun center and, it two years (15 to absorb as may have be Kamiru in the indeed, Chie the throne. l fluently, and Elsev makes Ajarr Chiet royal custc he b [Boy Furtl man, for, a: says that lhuli was the interpreter of the delegation because he spoke fluent Arabic. On reaching Abalwa, they marched in order, with the standard-bearer leading the way. Significantly, the standard they carried was one formerly used by the traders. Oral tradition asserts that the mission made a big impression on the Mahdists who then turned around against Wani and his deputation. and had them bound up and marched to the Nile where they were shipped to the North and to certain slavery.24 These assertions by oral tradition. especially those pertaining to the Arab— lslamic culture, should not be surprising: for Tirrangore had been, 'first, a trading center and, later, government headquarters for Latuka district for at least twenty- two years (1862—1884). Obviously such a period was long enough for Tirrangore to absorb a significant amount of the Arab-lslamic culture. This cultural influence may have been deeper among members of the royal house who, since the days of Kamiru in the early 18603, were closely associated with these Arab-lslamic forces. indeed, Chief Ajaru himself spoke fluent Arabic, for in 1881. before succeeding to the throne. Emin remarked of him as "a bright young man, who speaks Arabic fluently, and who is in dress and manners the exact copy of a Khartoum dandy." Elsewhere, Emin records a fuller portrait which, for all practical purposes, makes Ajaru into virtual replica of a Khartoumer: Chief Ladjuri [Ajaru], the son of the old Moje [Imui] and the prince- royal, is...a naturalized Dongolawr, in language, as well as in customs and clothing. He even possesses donkeys to ride on which he bought from the Lopit who have brought them from the lrenga [Buya or Longarim]?5 Furthermore, Ajaru must have been a very ambitious but capable young man, for, as Emin observed, he had effectively taken control of the government in finangoie. Wh of the country. long history of the Mahdist. 'i lost once more "The D [Ajaru‘s sectior killed r cattle.‘ Having estab felt secure e Lado, which' they attacker As far better time. 1885. and l Bepo of Bill Rejaf garris And followir settle acco Lako-long the Equato For mistakeSd high taxes Tirrangore, while the old man, Chief Hujang, functioned only as the nominal ruler of the country.26 At any event, because of its Arab-lslamic cultural influence, its long history of association with the White Nile traders, and of Ajaru's ability to play the Mahdist, Tirrangore won over the Mahdists to its side, and Wani and Loronyo lost once more. Reflecting on these events, Governor Nalder concluded: "The Dervishes had a post at Tarangole [Tirrangore] in Chief Lajaru's [Ajaru's] time and with his help raided other recalcitrant Latuka sections, particularly that of Moya [Mayyia] at Loronyo where they killed many of the men and carried off large numbers of women and cattle."27 Having established a favorable position both in Bor and Latukaland, the Mahdists felt secure enough to move on to Bariland. On October 15, 1888, they reached Lado, which was deserted; they promptly occupied it and moved on to Rejaf, which they attacked and captured on the 19th. As far as the Bari were concerned, the Mahdists could not have come at a better time. They had been locked in a vicious war with the Equatorrais since 1885. and had driven them from Lado and Gondokoro. For this reason, Chief Bepo of Bilinyang joined forces with the Mahdists. indeed, in their. attack on the Rejaf garrison, the Mahdists were supported by hundreds of Bepo's Bari men. And following the fall of Rejaf, Bepo next moved against the village of Tokiman to settle accounts with them for the support they had given to his arch-rival, chief Lako-lo-Rondyang (alias, Abu Kuka) who was also the only Bari chief to support the Equatorial troops in their war with the Bari. For their part, the Mahdists seemed also to have learned from their mistakes during their first invasion of the South in 1884. They eschewed brutality, high taxes, and did not enslave the people This expediency was expressed in a letter of Octob ‘Umar Salih. As Emi have t anythin we wil discipli After ti remaining ga Nimule) in M there, and a four-day cont Wadelai nea Egyptian rul Egyptian sta' region seen oompying a Ava Tambia province wh Des: soon to exp because 01 although (h, they had lit p90ptes ht Calitured or letter of October 27, 1888 to the Khalifa by the Mahdist commander of Equatoria, 'Umar Salih: As Emin and his Arab and Christian followers are the main concern, l have postponed the question of the Negroid and did not take anything from them except by exchange. When Emin is done with, we will treat the question of the Negroids with a view to their discipline. which is not now complete.28 After the fall of Rejaf, the Equatorial troops immediately abandoned all their remaining garrisons in Bariland and withdrew to Dufile (near the present-day Nimule) in Madiland. But a little over a month later the Mahdists followed them there, and a hard-fought battle ensued. Although the Mahdists lost heavily in the four-day contest, the Equatoriai troops decided to abandon Dufile and retreated to Wadelai near Lake Albert. After this, the Mahdists sought to supplant the Turco— Egyptian rule and, to this end, they moved in and occupied the abandoned Egyptian stations between Rejaf and Wadelai. initially, their rule within this riverain region seemed secure enough, at least until 1891. They also succeeded in occupying all the abandoned Egyptian stations in Makaraka, with the aid of chief Aya Tambia. This man and his family were among the few people in Equatoria province who were genuine converts to lsiam during Mahdist rule.29 Despite this initial success at establishing the garrisons, the Mahdists began soon to experience difficulties extending their rule beyond their immediate environs because of the general security problems prevailing in the province. Firstly, although the'peo'ple had welcomed the Mahdists initially, it soon became clear that they had no desire to submit to yet another foreign rule. Moreover, many of these peoples had in their possession large quantities of firearms which they had captured or bought during their war with the Equatorial troops. 260 1 .1 But eve deserters. R: individuals ch Mahdists, oth often becomir But perhapst still organized Expedition a' (under Selim opponents th really wantec But ti convert the because Ma for its adher two terms w Ther achievrng C Mahdists oi between it total Mahc' recruitme” Indeed, as But even more perplexing were the large numbers of tarajma and jihadiyya deserters. Rather than withdraw to Egypt with the Stanley Expedition, these individuals chose instead to remain.30 And while some of them joined the Mahdists, others chose to roam the countryside attracting large followings and often becoming the main source of actual or potential resistance to the Mahdists. But perhaps the most important threat to the Mahdists was the relatively large but still organized remnants of the Equatorial troOps who refused to follow the Stanley Expedition and who remained at Wadelai (under Fadl el-Mula) and at Kavali (under Selim Agha Matara).31 it was this array of actual or potentially dangerous opponents that the Mahdists set out to conquer or, at the very least, disarm, if they really wanted their rule to rest on a secure base. But the Mahdists had not come to Equatoria only to conquer, but also to convert the people to lslam, for the driving force of Mahdism was lslam. And because Mahdism was a militant, fundamentalist religious ideology, it was difficult for its adherents to conceive of conquest as different from conversion. indeed, the two terms were for them synonymous. Therefore in light of the general insecurity prevailing in the province, achievrng conquest and conversion required a very large military force which the Mahdists obviously lacked. For in spite of several reinforcements from Omdurman between 1888 and 1890, the death rate among the soldiers was so high that the total Mahdist force in the province remained at about 1,500 men.32 Local recruitment was apparently unthinkable given the fundamentalist bent of Mahdism. indeed, as is clear from the following letter of 'Umar Salih to the Khalifa, Mahdism 261 seemed to re cause. There i is the r whom ' our rulr difficult By the change. for < addition to he exiles, the M: too small a ‘Umar Salihs The s which had t predecessor Omdurman, were diverts priority to o resorted to exhausted i afield. Nee had undem Thu: Makaraka, Mahdists l seemed to require that only Muslims could be trusted to join and fight for the cause: There is no possibility of any recrurtment or increase of the army, as is the case in other places in the Arab countries. Those Negroids whom we conquer cannot stand our customs, nor can they practice our rules, for they find our life strange. This religion of ours is very difficult for them to understand and follow and so they desert us.33 By the summer of 1890, however, this apparent precondition seems to change. for over 500 local recruits were enrolled in the Mahdist jihadiyya. in addition to new reinforcements from Omdurman. many of whom were, at any rate, exiles, the Mahdist fighting force rose to over 2,300 men. Although this was still far too small a force for purposes of conquest. nevertheless this is precisely what 'Umar Salih set out to do. The small army may have been necessitated by the age-old supply problem which had bedeviled the Turco-Egyptian regime before them. That is, like their predecessors, the Mahdists in Equatoria received little or no material support from Omdurman. In fact, the supply situation was worse because scarce resources were diverted to the war fronts in the northern and eastern borders which were a priority to Omdurman. To obtain their supplies, then, the Mahdists also inevitably resorted to the ghazwa. indeed, it is safe to assume that'by 1890, they had exhausted the countryside around the garrisons and therefore needed to go further afield. Needless to say, raiding set in motion'the very same centrifugal forces that had undermined the Turco-Egyptian regime. Thus, by 1890 Equatoria was the scene of many local uprisings. in Makaraka, for example, a revolt led by a local medicine-man so exhausted the Mahdists that they, along with chief Aya Tambia (now ‘Umar), were forced to N» 0 Ni st retreat to Reja supplies. Tha not, in fact, su Mahdists occr once and for Major Fadl el and the remn This s particularly tt to be. More numbered 0 than 500 w? rifles, and 1 two steame downstrearr was attacke and a few been the St! Who seeme ilhadiyya m in 8 led by pro StatiOns of retreat to Rejaf. And in the east the Mahdists raided Lafon in September 1890 for supplies. That they did not establish a garrison at Lafon is evidence that they had not, in fact, succeeded in subduing the people there. But the worst disaster for the Mahdists occurred in March 1891, in Wadelai, when they attempted to stamp out once and for all the remnants of the Equatorial troops still holding out there under Major Fadl el-Mulla. in this attack, the Mahdists suffered 700 of their men killed, and the remnants forced to withdraw to Rejaf.“1 This string of defeats soon convinced the riverain people in Equatoria, particularly the Bari, that the Mahdists were not so invincible as they first appeared to be. Moreover, the Mahdists were so decimated that by December 1891 they numbered only about 1,338, which, in terms of firepower, was as follows: fewer than 500 with Remington repeating rifles, 670 with single-shot, breech-loading rifles, and 173 with double-barreled rifles Thus, when the Mahdists dispatched two steamers under emir Hasib to collect ivory from avlocality two—days‘ journey downstream of Rejaf (probably somewhere in Mundari or Bor country), the force was attacked and cut to pieces. One of the steamers was captured, while the emir and a few of his men managed to escape to Rejaf. This defeat appears to have been the signal for local rebellion which quickly spread to Bariland, including those who seemed to have submitted to the Mahdists. And what was more, some of the jihadiyya mutinied and, taking their guns with them, deserted to their tribal areas.35 in Bariland, the stronghold of rebellion was Barajak in the south, and it was led by prophetess Kiden. Thus when the Mahdists attempted to occupy the stations of Muggi and Kirri in 1890, a fierce battle ensued, and, as the battle raged 263 on, many of ti" balance of P‘ victory agains desperate th evacuation vr relocated to i lncen: al-Haj Muha reinforcemer reoccupied i Bari. The B of oppositio much in cor and in May Kiden. Kid captured ar Sho the forces. Signed the llBEAC), n llOrth as L defined ter Africa Cor on, many of the jihadiyya, most of them Bari, deserted the Mahdists. This tilted the balance of power in favor of Kiden's force, enabling the Bari to score a major victory against the invaders.36 By October 1891, the situation had become so desperate that 'Umar Salih decided to abandon Rejaf and Bariland. The evacuation was carried through in December, and the whole Mahdist force was relocated to Bor. incensed by this withdrawal, the Khalifa replaced 'Umar Salih with the emir al—Haj Muhammad Abu Qarja, who was instructed to occupy Rejaf.37 When the reinforcements arrived at Bor, they quickly marched on Rejaf, which they reoccupied in April 1893, and then proceeded to reassert Mahdist rule over the Bari. The Bari continued to resist both passively and actively, and the main center of opposition was Barajak in the south, where prophetess Kiden was still very much in control. Nevertheless, the reassertion of Mahdist rule continued apace, and in May 1893, a force of 400 men was sent under llyas ‘Ali Kannuna against Kiden. Kiden’sr forces were routed, and she and thirty of her combatants were captured and brought to Rejaf, where they were executed. Shortly thereafter, a new menace to the Mahdists appeared in Equatoria-- the forces of the Congo Free State. On May 24, 1890, the Congo Free State had signed the "Mackinon Treaty" with the imperial British East Africa Company (iBEAC), which agreed not to take political action on the left bank of the Nile as far north as Lado, and to recognize the "sovereign rights" of the Congo State in the defined territory. in return, the Congo Free State ceded to the imperial British East Africa Company a corridor extending from Lake Albert—Lake Edward and on to the northern end penetrated th Fadl el-Mula service of thr was ordered Rumc fears of an Khalifa soug men under i sent in Aug facts, the N Free State . This major offer Khalifa. S immediate subdue the Thi: a major c threat oft 'Arahi Da‘: Equatoria on Octob northern end of Lake Tanganyika.38 Armed with this treaty, the Congo Free State penetrated the region gradually, and on October 4, 1892, signed a contract with Fadl el-Mula by which the latter and his erstwhile Equatoriai troops entered the service of the Congo Free State. Shortly thereafter, a force under Fadl el-Mula was ordered to travel to Dufile to reconnoitre.39 Rumors of these Congo Free State activities reached Omdurman, causing fears of an imminent "Christian" invasion of the Sudan from the South. The Khalifa sought for confirmation of these rumors. in response, an expedition of 480 men under Muhammad at—Tarayfi, and with the assistance 'Umar Aya Tambia was sent in August 1893 to Makaraka. When the expedition returned confirming the facts, the Mahdists held a war council at Rejaf and resolved on driving the Congo Free State out of Equatoria.4o This was the first time since 1891 that the Mahdists decided to undertake a major offensive. Command was given to 'Arabi Dafa' Allah, a relative of the Khalifa. Soon after his arrival in Rejaf on October 22, 1893, 'Arabi Dafa' Allah immediately set about unifying the rank and file, and by November he was ready to subdue the local populations before turning to the Congo Free State. This was the first time since 1891, that the Mahdists ever decided to go on a major offensive. However, this change was not perhaps entirely due to the threat of the Congo Free State, it was also in part due to the organizing ability of 'Arabi Dafa'Allah. The latter was a relative of the Khalifa, who had been sent to Equatoria to take command of the Mahdists there. Soon after his arrival in Rejaf on October 22, 1893, 'Arabi Dafa'Allah immediately sat down to unify the rank and file of the ME subdue the to On Nc this was a ra year it was s upon reach‘ Nevertheless inflicted a he were captur forced to St "bestowal o Mahdists, fr grea the l mak Durr stea the l Obv Mahdistsi them to cc into Equat 0t Rejaf tr the Gong the Mahd dECampe. a file of the Mahdists in Equatoria, and by November he was all set to move to subdue the local population first before turning to the Congo Free State. On November 11, 1893, a large force left Rejaf for Latuka. It is likely that this was a raiding party sent to secure food supplies, since about that time of the year it was generally harvest time. But whatever the objective, it appears that upon reaching their destination the Mahdists met a protracted resistance. Nevertheless, on December 22, 1893, according to Robert Collins, the Mahdists inflicted a heavy defeat on the Latuka and a large number of women and children were captured and enslaved. Collins goes on to say that the Latuka chief was forced to submit and accept Mahdism, as a symbol of which he was given the "bestowal of peace."41 The victory turned out to be a brilliant military stroke by the Mahdists, for, according to Robert Collins, the great victory over the militant Latuka brought the ready submission of the Bari and other riverain Tribes. Seven great chiefs came in to make their submission and were accordingly sent down to Umm Durman [Omdurman] under Maqbul ‘Abd Allah in command of a steamer taking 290 pieces of ivory, ninety of which had been given to the Mahdists by the chiefs as tribute.42 Obviously, this string of submissions by the local populations freed the Mahdists from any preoccupation with the local security situations, thus permitting them to concentrate on their efforts to check the advance of the Congo Free State into Equatoria. Thus, on January 10, 1894, the whole Mahdist garrison moved out of Rejaf towards Ganda, where the forces of Fadl el—Mula (now in the service of the Congo Free State) were stationed. On arrival there on January 25, however, the Mahdists learned that Fadl el-Mula and his erstwhile Equatorial forces had decamped already and left ten days earlier for Dufile. The Mahdists followed, and after four d8) Wadelai. wipir After ti to the Nile V: adepting any broken out ir offensive. l Mahdists un captured Ga the Congole forced to wit they abandr Mear 1894 they i Palembia r position thr Stare.43 e had begun end of the a reconna‘ 2,000 Spe routed this and its sh after four days of forced marches, overtook and surprised Fadl el—Mula near Wadelai, wiping out his forces. After this defeat, the Congo Free State decided to slow down their advance to the Nile Valley and to consolidate their position in the Wele Valley first before adopting any forward policy towards the Nile. Moreover, many local rebellions had broken out in the Wele Valley. By contrast, the Mahdists decided to go on the offensive. Flushed with their victory over Fadl el—Mula, a contingent of 700 Mahdists under the command of 'Ali Abd el-Rahman advanced westward and captured Ganda. And on March 12. 1894, they suddenly appeared and attacked the Congolese garrison of Mundu. Although they were eventually defeated and forced to withdraw, the forces of the Congolese Free State were so weakened that they abandoned Mudu and Akka and regrouped at Dungu. Meanwhile the Mahdists once again began infiltrating the west, and by June 1894 they had crossed the Nile-Congo watershed region and established a post at Palembia near the Congo Free State garrison of Faradje. From this advance position the Mahdists stood, so to speak, face-to-face with the Congolese Free State.43 By August, the Mahdist fonNard garrison at Akka under the emir el—Tahir had begun to organize a force which they planned to send against Dungu at the end of the rainy season. Learning of this, on August 21, 1894, the Congolese sent a reconnaissance force of 165 regular troops supported by local allies consisting of 2,000 spearmen and 150 riflemen. On September 2, the Mahdists ambushed and routed this force, capturing 50 Belgian riffles, 10 boxes of cartridges and a cannon and its shells, while losing 35 men. This w realize what 1894, they i December it of chief Zem December 22 Azande held to retreat to "pacifying" t until the er Mahdists ar The They had 0 Congo Fre. mention thr against the Population: Rejaf and the Wele definitely etiectrvely was SO al: reinforce,1 This was a critical moment for the Congo Free State, for if they were ever to realize what they set out to do under the Anglo-Congolese Agreement of May 1894, they had to deal once and for all with the Mahdist threat. Thus, on December 18, a column of Congolese force of 525 men supported by two platoons of chief Zemio's Azande irregulars, set out from Dungu against the Mahdists. On December 23, they joined battle with a 700~men Mahdist force. supported by 2,000 Azande belonging to chief Renzi. The Mahdists were roundly defeated and forced to retreat to Renzi's territory. Thereafter, the Congo Free State forces set about "pacifying" hostile populations, thus consolidating their position in the Wele Valley until the end of 1896, when they were ready to move decisively against the Mahdists and make a reality of what came to be Lado Enclave. The defeat at Nageru was a turning point for the worse for the Mahdists. They had overstretched themselves’and, despite their initial successes against the Congo Free State, the attrition rate began soon to tell on their numbers, not to mention the exhaustion of their military supplies. For not only were they fighting against the Congolese Free State, they also had torfight often against hostile local populations, rendering it difficult to maintain communications between their base at Rejaf and the chain of garrisons which they had established in Makaraka and in the Wele Valley. With the ever—present threat of local rebellion, the Mahdists definitely needed additional troops and military supplies for them to control effectively the line connecting these garrisons. Thus, by May 1895 the situation was so alarming that 'Arabi Dafa' Allah sent a frantic plea to the Khalifa to send in reinforcements and supplies. However, due‘to the difficulties with the sudd, 'Umar Salih did not i plea promptly These seven boats. Shilluk count until January much worse through, anc way to Bor. rendered in‘ the months Mea' his soldiers garrisons fr the Mahdis did not dis Allah decir withdraw ti force in Ec But Pressing j Bariland i 1885, If n Salih did not reach Omdurman until two moths later. The Khalifa responded to the plea promptly, but was able to mobilize about 1,000 men. These left Omdurman immediately, travelling aboard three steamers and seven boats. On arriving at Fashoda, however, they were diverted to fight in Shilluk country for several months, and they did not resume their journey to Rejaf until January 1896. When they reached Shambe, however, they were faced with a much worsened sudd. For months the group worked frantically to cut their way through, and it was not until May 1896 that the smallest of the steamers made its way to Bor. But by now, only 300 men remained, more than half of whom were rendered invalid as a result of fatigue. diseases. and privations endured during all the months of hard labor. Meanwhile, 'Arabi Dafa' Allah had become so concerned for the security of his soldiers that towards the end of 1895, he ordered the withdrawal of all the garrisons from Makaraka and the Wele Valley.44 Throughout 1896 the situation for the Mahdists was getting worse by the day. The sudd refused to budge; indeed, it did not disintegrate until late 1898. When 1897 came, therefore, 'Arabi Dafa' Allah decided to abandon the ongoing efforts on the sudd at Shambe and to withdraw the troops and those at Bor to Rejaf. So that all told, the whole Mahdist force in Equatoria was now reduced to 1 ,400 men. But the need for reinforcements and new military supplies was not the only pressing problem facing the Mahdists; there was also the problem of supplies. Bariland had been devastated by conditions of insecurity and war since at least 1885, if not earlier. indeed, the ruin seems to have been much worse under the Mahdists. As lands: to Lafc Kuku and Pat There problems. w local hostilih pressing wa into Zandelz (known in th Mahdists wr Whil State had i that by Oct on 13 Deer picked the went, ever February ‘ Nile. Afte station of Bedden v Congolesr Re 'Arabi D; Mahdists. As a result, many Baris fled their country and migrated to neighboring lands: to Lafon and Lulubo in the east, to Madiland and Acholi to the south, and to Kuku and Pajulu to the west.45 Therefore the concentration of forces at Rejaf aggravated the supply problems, which increasingly necessitated foraging raids but which only excited local hostility, often accompanied by further creation of refugees. indeed, so pressing was the supply problem that by January 1897, they decided to venture into Zandeland. The target was the indefatigable enemy, Chief Gbudwe Mbio (known in the records as Yambio). However, after a month-long war with Mbio, the Mahdists were driven out with a loss 120 men, including many emirs. While all this was taking place in the Mahdist camp, the Congolese Free State had been so successful in consolidating its position in the Wele Valley, so that by October 1986, they were all set to launch their expedition. The day came on 13 December 1897. On that day, the columns of the expedition left Dungu and picked their way slowly through Zandeland, recruiting local supporters as they went, even their formerly insuperable enemy, the Zande chief, Renzi.46 On February 10, 1897, the columns arrived at Mt. Bereka, one day's march from the Nile. After resting for four days, the expedition pushed on to the former Egyptian station of Bedden, which they reached at ten in the morning the same day. Bedden was only 17 miles south of Rejaf, and it was not. surprising that the Congolese patrols encountered roving Mahdist bands the same day.47 Realizing that the army of Congo Free State was suddenly upon them, 'Arabi Dafa' Allah responded by convening a war council, which resolved on '7'"“*T‘tr'~"2..s‘fiw.m. . _ __ immediate a Muhammad small forcec guard the b Mahdists brr conclusive. raged on fo was a resr disarray, le commands The at about 2 stronghold fighting, it head, tied Bu reorganizr Congoles Septemb each timr foraging 1898, in on Relaf immediate attack. On February 16, 1897, the Mahdists, commanded by Muhammad 'Ali Badi, left their Rejaf garrison and moved towards Bedden. Only a small force of 40 men under the command of 'Arabi Dafa' Allah was left behind to guard the base. At about 5:30 in the evening, the battle began. Although the Mahdists broke up and dispersed in this first encounter, the outcome was far from conclusive. At seven in the morning the following day, battle was again joined and raged on for about one hour, and this time around the outcome was not in doubt: it was a resounding victory for the Congolese. The Mahdists fled to Rejaf in disarray, leaving behind many of their men dead on the battlefield, including their commander, Muhammad 'Ali Badi. The Congolese followed the fleeing Mahdists in hot pursuit up to Rejaf and, at about 2:00 in the afternoon of the same day, attacked them in this Mahdist stronghold. Even though the Mahdists made a determined effort, within an hour's fighting, it was all over. The defeated Mahdists, with 'Arabi Dafa' Allah at their head, fled to Bor. But 'Arabi Dafa'Allah was not the kind of man to give up easily. In Bor he reorganized his forces, and by the summer he was ready to move against the Congolese now based in Rejaf. Thus three times during the months of August and September he moved to within a few hour's march of Rejaf but at the critical point each time he withdrew back to Bor. Meanwhile, raiding parties were sent to harry foraging Congolese parties or to destroy their isolated outposts. Finally, on June 4, 1898. in the middle of the night the Mahdists silently advanced and suddenly fell on Rejaf. Because they were caught unawares, the Congolese force lost over half wt», 5. 1L". ' I ’t x- dflwksddb daring but SL put, hoping i move. Buttl thejuggernz aheady ad\ forces inflic Dau,near and wound 1896. the wounding: VVh wenasflnl justin thi Novembe Godfreyl ‘ArabilDz sunende brought! Fl Condom? excesse of their soldiers killed; they even nearly lost the garrison to the Mahdists. After this daring but successful effort, the Mahdists retired back to Bor, where they stayed put, hoping all the while for reinforcements before they could make any further move. But the Khalifa was, however, in no position to save them, for by that time the juggernaut that was the Anglo-Egyptian forces under General Kitchener was already advancing against Omdurman On April 8, 1898, the Anglo-Egyptian forces inflicted their first major victory against the Mahdists in the battle of Umm Dabi, near the present—day town of Atbara, in which the Mahdists lost 7,000 killed and wounded. Five months later, in the climactic battle of Karari on September 2, 1896, the Anglo-Egyptian forces defeated the Mahdists, killing 11,000 and wounding another 16,000, thus destroying the Mahdist state. When the Mahdist state collapsed, 'Arabi Dafa'Allah and his small force were still holding out at Bor; they were the Mahdist state's only surviving symbol, just in the very situation that Emin Pasha and his Equatorials were. But in November 1898, an Anglo—Congolese force under the command of Colonel Cyril Godfrey Martyr moved out of Rejaf to crush this remnant of the Mahdiyya in Bor. 'Arabi Dafa'Allah was not obviously in a position to fight; neither would he surrender. Therefore, he and his men fled to Darfur through Bahr el—Ghazal, and brought Mahdist resistance to an end. For the Southern Sudan, the establishment of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium was in many respects the beginning of a new era. Slavery, official excesses and wanton destruction of life and property, which so characterized the . :. . . t— a." Tirxi‘ -.... .. , memmem Mahdiyya): b Notes and R Thomas African African 1977i. 6. Apar 0f gove local Decembe Support Jebel C men con 7. The 8. Tm. k0 rule of the past sixty years (under the slave traders. the Turco-Egyptians, and the Mahdiyya), began gradually to fade in the past. Notes and References 1. There were then two rival factions of the Sammaniyya in the Sudan, one led by Shaykh Muhammad Sharif Nur ad—Da'im, and the other by Shaykh al Qurashi w. al—Zain, an old and ailing man. 2. P.M. Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), 36—7. 3. Holt, Ibid., 48. In View of the age and ailing condition of Shaykh Qurashi w. al—Zain, some critics regard Muhammad Ahmad's change of loyalty as opportunistic. 4. Holt, The Mahdist State, 52-3. 5. For the wider ideological implications of Mahdism, see Thomas Hodgkin's "Mahdism, Messianism. and .Marxisnr in the African Setting," in P.C.W. Gutkin and P. Waterman (edsJ African Social Studies: A Radical Reader (London: Heinemann, 1977). 6. Apart from their first success against the two companies of government soldiers on Aba Island, the Mahdists defeated local opposition at Jebel Jarada (Oct. 24, 1881); on December 9, 1881, they routed a 400 men force from Fashoda supported by 1,000 Shilluks. .And on May 30, 1882, near Jebel Qadir, they defeated another government force of 4,000 men commanded by Yusuf Shellali. 7. These four factors are restated in Holt's The Mahdist State, 32. 8. Ibid., 33. 9. Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, 427. 10. Zubayr w. Rahma owned thirty zeribas in the province, each with a large following of northerners. Indeed, in his campaign against the Rizayqat in 1873 and Darfur in 1874, he was able to muster an army of 7,000 men, a figure which was probably a fraction of the military power at his disposal. See Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 401; Gray, History, 14. Apar governors an tner of Darin: was appoi 17. For North 5 condit1< 18. Go financi fall. governm it beca would i 122—23. II. For further details on the struggle between the traders and the government in Bahr el—Ghazal, see Richard Gray, History, 120—35. 12. Holt, The Mahdist State, 37. l3. Junker, Travels in Africa, Vol. I, 425. l4. Apart from Emin and Romolo Gessi who were appointed governors of Equatoria and Bahr el—Ghazal respectively, another Italian, G.B. Messedaglia, was also named governor of Darfur province. In 1881 the German Rudolf Carl Slatin was appointed governor of Darfur. 15. While Gordon would have preferred that this measure be carried out by Kordofan officials, it became apparent that the province did not have the necessary means to do so; so, he resorted to the authority of the Baqqara traditional chiefs. 16. Holt, The Mahdist State, 39. 17. For details of the history of increasing taxation in the North and the resulting deterioration of socioeconomic conditions, see Chapter One of this research. 18. Gordon's resignation was probably due to lack of financial support from Cairo following Khedive Isma'il's fall. Moreover, since the main preoccupation of the Tawfiq government was to make monies to service the national debt, it became clear to Gordon that his policies in the Sudan would inevitably suffer. l9. Holt, The Mahdist State, 40. 20. Mounteney—Jephson, Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator, (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1890), 242. 21. The reputation of the Latuka as ea warlike people is clear in the remarks of a number of Western observers who had been to the area, including Samuel Baker and Emin Pasha himself. On hearing of Muhammad Taha's entry into Latuka, for example, Emin remarked that Taha "must have at least 300 guns with him, for he would never dare to enter that country with less." Regarding the absence of the slave trade in Tirrangore and, by extension, Latukaland, he said: [Tirrangore] was opened up twenty-five years ago by 274 22. A: district (headquar See Schwe 23. Oral (Loronyo, Odwa Hawr At Latukalar Madiland soldiers that the trading mudir 0' Latuka t 24. Some can be i Of the l840-l9i 49. Al Simon S; Control Chief } country 196, gr Mahdist H- Aus Ehe Ur \ Danagla troops... and since that time...it has been a place for the exchange of ivory. I say expressly 'exchange' because owing' to the warlike character of the inhabitants the slave trade could not be carried on here. See Schweinfurth et al., Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 235— 36); and Mounteney—Jephson, Emin Pasha and Rebellion, p. 117. 22. At that time the territory encompassed by Latuka district consisted of the following subdistricts: Tirrangore (headquarters), Obbo, Kuron, Marangole, and dependencies. See Schweinfurth et al., Emin Pasha in Central Africa, 513. 23. Oral information by: Foccho Orryomo and Ottileng Anyah (Loronyo, 1979); Santino Oppyaha Itorong (Loudo, 1979); and Odwa Haworu (Torit, 1979). At the time of the arrival of the Mahdists in Latukaland, there were some Latuka in Lahore station in Madiland. It is not clear whether or not these were soldiers or employees of the government. It. is possible that they were visitors who had come to the station for trading purposes. But whatever they were, Emin ordered the mudir of Labore, Selim. Aga Matara to send them back to Latuka to ascertain the identity of the intruders. 24. Some of the details of the Loronyo—Tirrangore conflict can be found in Abannik O. Hino, "Latuka Country: An Outline of the Process of Colonial Encroachment and Reaction to it, 1840—1900," in Northeast African Studies, 4, 3(1982—83), 39— 49. Also, a version of these events can also be found in Simon Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 110—15. 25. Ajaru must have been als0 a very ambitious but capable young man, because, as Emin found, he had practically taken control of the government in Tirrangore, while the old man, Chief Hujang, functioned only as the nominal ruler of the country. For details, see Emin Pasha, Tagebucher, Vol. II, 196, quoted by Simon Simonse in Kings of Disaster, 113; and Schweinfurth et al., Emin Pasha, 236. 26. Schweinfurth, et al., Emin Pasha, 236. 27. Leonard F. Nalder (Comp.) A Handbook of Mongalla Province (London: 1937), 20. In 1898, Maj. Herbert H. Austin was told that the "Sultan of Latuka" had joined the Mahdists to save his country from devastation. See Herbert H. Austin, With Macdonald in Uganda: A Narrative Account of the Uganda Mutiny and. Macdonald Expedition in the Uganda the Mahdi in 1890, Omdurman 30. Simr Southern the Mahl mutinied abandon: Stanley Jephson were reI second i and disr for the 31. By Wadelai el‘Mula adminis troops, settled f the hundrec Colonia Protectorate and the Territories to the North (London: Edward Arnold, 1903), 153—168. For details of Mahdist activities in Latukaland, see Abannik O. Hino, "Latuka Country," 1982, 39—49. 28. Quoted in Collins, The Southern Sudan, 56. 29. Aya Tambia adopted ‘Umar as his Islamic name; he even fought many Mahdists battles. In fact, his help was critical in enabling the Mahdists to send expeditions over the Congo—Nile watershed and into the Wele valley. And when the Mahdists were forced to withdraw from Makaraka to Rejaf in 1890, Aya Tambia went with them, whence he was sent to Omdurman and presented to the Khalifa. 30. Simonse, Kings of Disaster, 101; and Collins, The Southern Sudan, 60, especially footnote no. 18. By the time the Mahdists arrived in Equatoria, Emin's soldiers had mutinied, since they were opposed to Emin's policy of abandoning the province and returning to Egypt with the Stanley Expedition. For three nmnths Emin and Mounteney— Jephson were placed under house arrest to await trial. They were released owing to the panic and crisis created by the second Mahdist invasion. It is very likely that the chaos and disorganization resulting from the mutiny made it easier for the Mahdists to take over Equatoria. 31. By March 1891, the remnants of the Equatorial troops at Wadelai were 1,500 men or more; they were commanded by Fadl el—Mula. Kavali was never brought under the Turco-Egyptian administration. Nevertheless, some of the Equatorial troops, who refused to go with the Stanley Expedition, settled there. And while there is no estimate of the number of the settlers in Kavalli, they probably comprised several hundreds. They eventually became the nucleus of the Uganda colonial force, the so—called Sudanese soldiers. 32. In one estimate, 'Umar Salih wrote to the Khalifa that the Mahdist troops in Equatoria were dying at the rate of about 20 a day. Obviously, 'Umar Salih exaggerated the death rate. For example, of the reinforcements sent in 1889, only one—third of them died, thus suggesting a lower death rate, 33. Collins, The Southern Sudan, 77. 34. Ibid., 82. 35. Ibid., 83—4. 276 ggggwHfifiafisfifluasn-_______ ’r_',,,.. 36. simon! 37, Hows? Qarja dan to the SC (Mdflfman aooarenti Baqqara OppoItUEl discovere the 88995 38. in ea and GA 11 0‘]? ion J “ l94’ i (T ('1 Congo 2T Fashoda lease we King Lec return, defined he lease British See C011 39. The rebellic them a Z 40. HOW troops . decided Mahdist station 41. Col able to region. source 0f the 36. Simonse Kings of Disaster, 102. 37. However, it does appear that the Khalifa considered Abu Qarja dangerous. As such, the real intention in sending him to the South was to get rid of the danger his presence in Omdurman posed. But even his tranfer to the South was not apparently enough, for the Khalifa secretly instructed his Baqqara loyalists to assassinate him at the earliest opportunity. Unfortunately for the Khalifa, the plot was discovered en route to Equatoria and a fight ensued in which the Baqqara were defeated. 38. In early 1894 the British rejected the Mackinnon Treaty, and signed, instead, the Anglo—Congolese Agreement on April 12 1894, with King Leopold. Britain agreed to lease to the Congo State the left bank of the Nile as far north as Fashoda and as far west as latitude 30 degree east, and the lease would remain in force for the duration of the reign of King Leopold. This territory became the Lado Enclave. In return, King Leopold recognized the "British Empire" as defined in the Anglo-German Agreement of July 1, 1890, and he leased to Great Britain a strip of territory connecting British East Africa with the North end of Lake Tanganyika. See Collins, The Southern Sudan, 93—4, and 121—124. 39. The Equatorial troops themselves helped to incite local rebellions by their insubordination and raiding, which made them a liability to the Congo Free State. 40. However, local revolts and the indiscipline of local troops had so undermined the Congo Free State that officials decided that it was not possible for them to confront the Mahdists. So, in December 1893, they evacuated the riverain stations of Labore and Dufile. 41. Collins, The Southern Sudan, 113~14. Although I was not able to conduct any oral interviews in the Imotong Mountain region, the battle may have occurred in Iloli since an oral source I collected there in 1979 fits in very well with many of the details described by Collins. 42. Collins, The Southern Sudan, 114. 43. Some of the most serious rebellions were at Bomokand, in which the irregulars massacred the regular soldiers and took over the station; the massacre of the Bonvalet-Devos column by the people of Bili; and there were mutinies within the forces of the Congo Free State itself. I ; h: f.— - divroe, 44. This may have been also the time when the Mahdist post in Tirrangore was withdrawn. 45. Simonse, Kings of Disaster, pp. 104—05. 46. After the Mahdists had been driven out of the Nile—Congo divide, the Congo Free State emerged as the most powerful force in the Wele Valley, which fact enabled it to impose stability in the region. 47. By the time the Congolese force reached Bedden, the raiding party which the Mahdists had sent to Zandeland had just returned to base in Rejaf. 278 This during ther a product colonial st: devoted tc colonial st of the Wh ln processc Sudan--ir Zanzibar region li commor and live and we condhk and fa trade, shells, lemon CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION This dissertation is about the political economy of Eastern Equatoria during the nineteenth-century. A central influence was the White Nile trade, itself a product of political and economic forces generated by the Turco-Egyptian colonial state in Northern Sudan.1 For this reason, chapters one and two were devoted to examining the economic and fiscal policies of the Turco—Egyptian colonial state with the view to understanding how its needs led to the "opening" of the White Nile trade. In this regard, the introduction of the White Nile trade accelerated the process of incorporation of Eastern Equatoria--and indeed the whole of Southern Sudan--into the expanding international merchant capitalism represented by the Zanzibari and Fazughli—Fadasi trade. Before then, most of the societies in the region lived in relative isolation. To be sure, there was a certain amount of commodity exchange in local products such as worked-iron, grain, salt, ochre, and livestock. However that local commodity exchange was limited in extent, and was a result of either scarcities brought about by adverse local climatic conditions, or of uneven distribution of raw materials due to differences in flora and fauna.2 With the introduction of the Zanzibari trade and the White Nile trade, however, foreign commodities of high local value (glass beads, cowrie shells, copper bracelets, cotton cloths, etc.) entered local economies in the region. And because these foreign commodities offered new opportunities for 279 wealth and DI the region, thl Dunng system in wh plied up an convenient lt pattern until season, at l preparations before the entrusted tc Wha expeditions half consis these midc would not the longer the new tr exlllanatic Wl have to agents n nature of wealth and prestige, the quest for them led to increased commercial contact in the region, thus breaking the relative isolation of the societies there.3 During its first two phases,4 the White Nile trade was largely a river-based system in which the Khartoum traders (and government expeditions before them) plied up and down the river, stopping here and there to do business at convenient locations, or for an overnight stay. The traders continued this trading pattern until the trading season came to an end with the onset of the rainy season, at which point they would return to Khartoum to make the necessary preparations for the next trading season. Sometimes the trading came to an end before the stocks were all sold. In that case, the leftovers were frequently entrusted to local middlemen or agents to dispose of during the rest of the year.5 What is apparent in this river-based trading system is that the government expeditions and the White Nile traders were only half of the equation. The other half consisted of local middlemen and agents in the region itself. Indeed, without these middlemen and agents, the system would not have worked, or at least it would not have lasted for as long as it did. When all is said and done, therefore, the longevity of this phase speaks of the effectiveness of the local response to the new trading opportunities proffered by the White Nile trade, which calls for an explanation of that response. While a more definitive statement on the nature of this local response may have to await further research, the background of the local middlemen and agents mentioned in the sources suggest that the key to understanding the nature of this local response is to analyze the social formation of the societies in the region “ relations of ti and justifyin! productive a minimum prc Not 5 their societie ritual functic realized tho it was this While man those sour other hide: of the elite in l was by Opportuni destabiliz main rea dlSpose sl’stem r elites. A °Wn aul the region. In other words, one has to look at the productive and reproductive relations of the societies in the region, as well as at the ideologies maintaining and justifying those relations. And the evidence indicates that both the productive and reproductive relations were such that they met at least the minimum profit requirements of all the traders involved. Not surprisingly, local middlemen and agents tended to be the elites of their societies. That is, they were kings, rain-makers, local or section chiefs, and ritual functionaries in general. These elites commanded large amounts of wealth realized through appropriating economic and labor surplus of their subjects, and it was this accumulated wealth which they disposed in the White Nile trade. While many items of their wealth were only of local value, others were precisely those sought by the Khartoum traders, e.g. ivory, leopard-skin, lion-skin, and other hides. Indeed, many of the latter products were frequently the prerogative of the elites.6 In the final analysis, however, the elites dominated the White Nile trade was by political fiat. That is, the commerce represented unprecedented opportunities for wealth, and the elites understood that it could also have destabilizing consequences on the established traditional social order for two main reasons. First, by making it possible for private individuals to obtain and dispose of goods and services through market mechanisms, an open trade system could seriously undermine the ideological basis of appropriation by the elites. Above all, it might make it possible for the nouveau riche to establish their own autonomous power base thus challenging the established traditional social order. There virtually made other products Howev exchange he also entered middlemen l bracelets, or obtain it for livestock, or purely sub opportunitre ln tl locally. Tl trade) in v This level hand, was subsisten amen be domin Bl When th trading order. Therefore, to preclude these possibilities, the White Nile trade was virtually made a prerogative of the elites through their control over ivory and other products sought by the White Nile traders. However, since the trade was itself an extension of existing local exchange networks, this meant that subsistence— and utility-oriented products also entered its orbit. For example, while it was perhaps easier for local middlemen to exchange ivory in certain local areas for glass-beads, copper bracelets, or other Khartoumer goods, in other areas it was instead easier to obtain it for worked iron (such as spades, spear heads, arrow heads, etc.) livestock, or grain.7 To that extent, many of the local products ceased to have a purely subsistence or utility value, thereby opening up limited trading opportunities to peasant producers but only at the local level. In the final analysis, then, one can see two levels of trade operating locally. The first was long-distance trade (i.e. the Zanzibari and the White Nile trade) in which both local and Khartoumer commodities were market-oriented. This level of trade was dominated by local elites. The second level, on the other hand, was local trade which was generally aimed at meeting or supplementing subsistence and/or utility needs, and it was therefore essentially the same thing as that between ecological niches. Consequently, peasant producers tended to be dominant at this level of trade. By the early 1860s, however, the river-based system came to an end when the Khartoum traders penetrated the hinterland and established their trading stations there. Existing literature argues that this change was in response to commodities l chosen media diminished m HOW€\ response to famine in the some of the backbone o it difficult to slackening, stations in l The Sudan, es increasing displaced the new h Th conseque establish Which ulf However and the response to a dramatic fall in the exchange value of beads and other commodities brought by the Khartoumers. In the words of Endre Stiansen, the chosen media of exchange of the Khartoumers began to experience the law of diminished marginal utility.8 However, this research argues that in Bariland, the change was in response to the chaos and insecurity resulting from a three-year drought and famine in the late 18503. The traditional elites were blamed for the drought, and some of them even lost their lives for it, e.g. Nyigilo. Since the elites were the backbone of the local-side of the White Nile trade, their political problems made it difficult for them to secure ivory and other local products. In response, to this slackening, the White Nile traders decided to penetrate and establish trading stations in lands beyond turbulent Bariland. The shift to hinterland stations coincided with peasant crisis in Northern Sudan, especially in Berber and Dongola provinces, where land alienation was increasingly driving peasants away from the land. A large number of this displaced population was recruited by the Khartoumers to serve as soldiers in the new hinterland stations.9 The shift from river-based to hinterland trading stations had far-reaching consequences for the trade and, indeed, for the region as a whole. First, the establishment of trading stations in the hinterland was the beginning of a process which ultimately led to the economic elimination of local agents and middlemen. However, the middlemen (who were by definition local elites) tried to hold on, and the result was confrontation that resulted in widespread violence, including slave raiding \ region. A para development According to land and t representath representati‘ the overall n Howe officials to sultanic so regional re newly appc "dilemmas graduallyt of control. private mi exerted st the socioy therefore, Cc appears " slave raiding which destroyed both emerging and evolving state formations in the region. A paradigm has recently emerged which attempts to explain the historical development of trade and commerce in the so-called Greater Nile Valley.10 According to the paradigm, while the state (sultan) claimed ultimate right over land and trade, in practice he delegated these rights to his regional representative so as to secure their support and loyalty. The regional representative, in turn, delegated similar rights to their local representatives, and the overall result of these structured relations was a system of sub-infudation. However, the delegation of these rights often enabled the subordinate officials to establish their own autonomous power bases, which threatened sultanic sovereignty. In response to such developments, the W, or his regional representative, revoked the assignee's grant and conferred it upon a newly appointed official. Janet Ewald refers to this inherent contradiction as the "dilemmas of political rule," and this palimpsest of ever changing relations led gradually to the erosion of central authority over land and trade. However, loss of control over trade seems to have occurred faster, leading to the emergence of private merchants who, in the long run, and through primitive accumulation, exerted strong influence on the state. Thus, the traders tended to thrive where the sociopolitical set—up was best in keeping with their interests. To that extent, therefore, the traders followed the state.11 Coming to nineteenth-century Southern Sudan, however, the paradigm appears to be quite inapplicable. First, with the exception of the Shilluk kingdom, the nexus of 5 Egypt or Nor’tl generally we: instrument 0 Consequenth notions rathe means of communally communal r preventing paradigm. preserve th whole. The incompatibl Of a power business,\ costs.13 Tl l to its GXpe Which it 0p Olll Conflicts t Were stror .v:*l‘;E“M-—.' V' ' ‘ M——— . ‘ I i the nexus of state, land, trade, and regional lords was not so critical as it was in Egypt or Northern Sudan. For example, in most societies there, state power was generally weak, largely because they did not have a standing army, the main instrument of state power. Instead, what one had was a citizen—army. Consequently, the power of the chiefs was embedded more in ideological notions rather than in actual military power. On the other hand, land, the primary means of production, was in abundance almost everywhere, and was communally owned.12 The combined impact of land availability and its communal nature was to inhibit the development of land alienation, thus preventing the emergence of the sociopolitical dynamics implied by the paradigm. It certainly inhibited the rise of private traders, thereby helping to preserve the tributary social structures obtaining in the Southern Sudan as a whole. The Khartoum traders saw this sociopolitical set-up as generally incompatible with their commercial interests. For example, the relative absence of a powerful central authority did not provide the necessary security for their business, while the proliferation of local authorities tended to increase overhead costs.13 Therefore, to effect a change in the structure of the trade with the view to its expansion, the traders found it necessary to alter the social basis upon which it Operated. One way was for the traders to insinuate themselves in local traditional conflicts by allying with one chief against another, especially where societies were strong. Although this strategy appeared to preserve the chief's traditional 285 power basis. i that power conquest anc vassals and while the chii meet the oth The ' themselves if to undersi themselves their respe takeover, t securing s in Norther Ex‘ terms of : Sudanes however To be s which n Undenyi lundam power basis. in fact it made the chief increasingly dependent on the traders for that power. Where societies were weak, however, the strategy was outright conquest and usurpation of power. In that case, the people were reduced to vassals and required to pay tribute in livestock, grain, honey, copper, iron, etc, while the chiefs were required to insure the collection of the tribute, as well as to meet the other needs of the stations.14 The traders clearly had, in the words of Richard Gray, "established themselves as a ruling caste transcending the barriers of tribal society." And as if to underscore this sociopolitical change, the traders divided the country among themselves and paid Khartoum an annual tribute in return for the right to exploit their respective territories.15 Needless to say, as local societies resisted this takeover, the result was widespread violence which the traders used, in turn, for securing slaves both for use in their stations as well as for sale in slave markets in Northern Sudan and abroad, particularly in Egypt and the Middle East.16 Existing scholarship has tended to explain this expanding violence in terms of a cultural and racial clash between the White Nile traders and Southern Sudanese. No doubt these factors played a significant part in that violence, however, they do not explain the context within which that conflict was fought. To be sure, the traders were bearers of an Arab-lslamic culture and ideology which not only set them apart but often also became potent symbols of the underlying sociopolitical transformation implied by the conflict. However, fundamentally, the conflict was a struggle for control over trade.17 286 The or European 990 on the source those of Jol community 9 economic ar about the er immediate: of much of after his ir which, by ' Southern: Hor difficult. and, acct Consequ foundatir struggle renegec POpulat Complir that thr The commercial expansion in Southern Sudan coincided with the European geographical exploration of East Africa, particularly the efforts focusing on the source of the Nile. Through the reports of these explorers, particularly those of John Speke, James Grant, and Samuel Baker, the international community got to know not only of the geography of the region, but also of its economic and commercial importance. Speke and Grant were so emphatic about the economic importance of the region that they went as far as to call for immediate occupation of Gondokoro and for the establishment of imperial control of much of Southern Sudan.18 It was not therefore by coincidence that soon after his interview with Speke and Grant, viceroy lsma'il initiated measures which, by 1871, culminated in the annexation of Eastern Equatoria and most of Southern Sudan. However, establishing an effective administration of the province proved difficult. First, Khartoum underestimated the problems of annexing the region and, accordingly, did not provide the expedition with the necessary resources. Consequently, Baker's efforts to establish a foothold and lay down the foundations of the administration of his provinceoften became a desperate struggle. Baker's problems worsened especially after the al-'Aqqad company reneged supplying the expedition, forcing Baker to take his necessities from the population all by force. The resistance which these actions provoked, complicated the situation further, and it was only due to its military superiority that the expedition survived, albeit barely. 287 The prob continued to be Gordon, atteml Gondokoro (,ar bring in regu‘ issued regula always come did not have and then 0 introduced year. This became r governme revenues of the be to the it l877-tt Bahr e revolut Centre alloca The problem of inadequate financial and material support from Khartoum continued to be a perennial problem, and Baker's successor, Colonel Charles G. Gordon, attempted to solve it by establishing a regular steamer service between Gondokoro (and later Lado) with Khartoum. Gordon hoped that the boats would bring in regular supplies which could be placed in government stores to be issued regularly to the troops as rations. However, the boat service did not always come with regular or sufficient supplies, which suggested that Khartoum did not have enough budget for the province. Therefore, to meet the shortfall, and then only after establishing a degree of security and authority, Gordon introduced taxes (or tribute) which was paid in dhurra and was collected twice a year. This taxation/tribute system became fairly established after Emin Pasha became governor. He was quite successful in establishing security and government authority over large areas, and the increase in tax (tribute) revenues which resulted from this extension enabled the governor to meet most of the basic food needs of his troops and civilian staff. Emin could therefore look to the future with much optimism. However, this optimism was not to be, for in 18774879 Khartoum was preoccupied with suppressing a series of rebellions in Bahr el—Ghazal, Darfur, and Kordofan. And what was more, the Mahdist revolution broke out in 1881. The suppression of these rebellions cost the central government scarce financial resources, resulting in lower budget allocations for remote provinces. The problem was further exacerbated for 288 Equatoria by 1878,makml Ther inLadoto n local resists taxtnbutei resonedto and count laxhnbute taxhnbute Bar taxhnbute mere. N underthr rebeMon ofwhmh spread t Eaaent rebemor Odnbe Lado.t and the et-Gha A Equatoria by the fig, which blocked the Nile for several years beginning in late 1878, making communication between Lado and Khartoum well nigh impossible. The upshot of these financial difficulties forced the provincial government in Lado to meet the shortfall by increasing the taxes (tribute). Higher taxes drew local resistance, which in turn worsened the supply situation for the troops. The tax-tribute collectors in turn became impatient with this resistance and frequently resorted to force to obtain supplies for the troops. The vicious cycle of response and counter—response ultimately led into a situation in which the collection of tax/tribute degenerated literally into a raiding exercise. And what was more, the tax/tribute was often demanded three or four times over in the year. Bariland was one of the districts that suffered most from the abuse of the tax/tribute collection because of the pressure to support the six garrisons based there. Not surprisingly, an organized rebellion broke out in Bariland in 1883 under the overall leadership of Bariland's principle figure, Bepo-lo-Nyigilo. The rebellion was triggered by the government's seizure of 3,000 head of cattle, most of which apparently belonged to Bepo himself. And by early 1884 the rebellion spread to the Mundari, Nyangbara, Pajelu and also to the Aliab and Bor Dinkas. Eastern Equatoria was thus already in the midst of a raging anti-government rebellion by the time the Mahdist advance force crossed into the province in October 1884. Although the Mahdists came to within a few hours' march from Lado, they however suffered high casualties. In fact, the losses were so high, and their position so tenuous, that by May 1885 they decided to withdraw to Bahr el-Ghazal. While the peOple might have been initially inclined to ally with the Mahdists, an rethink their 1 After ' bbwbupt in October 1 thereafter tl prompted tl And by 1f example, ir Bor, Agar, forces we continued concentra' October 1 such that Ho Equatoria l confronts the Mahr in 1888, fact, Eq 'Abdulla Which, il A Mahdists, and some even joined them, Mahdist atrocities caused many others to rethink their position and to rally to the support of the government instead. After the Mahdist withdrawal, however, local rebellions began once more to build up because of raiding by the troops. In Bariland the rebellion broke out in October 1885, led again by Bepo. The situation there worsened when shortly thereafter the Bari tarajma (interpreters) in Rejaf defected to the rebels, which prompted the government to abandon the less defensible garrison of Gondokoro. And by 1886 local rebellions gradually coalesced into one movement; for example, in their assault on Lado and Rejaf, the Bari were joined by the Aliab, Bor, Agar, Ciir, Mundari, Pajulu, and the Nyangbara. Although these coalition forces were repulsed with heavy losses from both garrisons, the rebellion continued nonetheless, and by 1887 Lado was evacuated and the troops concentrated in Rejaf. Therefore, when the Mahdists invaded Equatoria again in October 1888, the destruction, frustration, and anger suffered by the Bari were such that they quickly allied with the Mahdists against Emin's Equatorial tr00ps. However, no sooner had the Mahdists succeeded in supplanting the Equatorial troOps than they began to experience the same supply problems that confronted every regime in Equatoria. Indeed, the supply situation was worse for the Mahdists, for soon after their military successes against the Equatorial troops in 1888, Equatoria ranked low on the Omdurman's priority list; as a matter of fact, Equatoria became a place of banishment for the opponents of Khalifa 'Abdullahi. Above all, in 1889 Northern Sudan experienced a severe drought which, in combination with the effects of war and the resultant breakdown of law and order, diminished Omdurman‘s capacity to meet all the logistics and emergency situations of its troops, particularly those in distant provinces like Equatoria.19 Consequently, the Mahdists there to obtain their supplies locally. However, since the people would not contribute voluntarily, the Mahdists resorted to taking the supplies by force. But this imposition in turn touched off widespread resistance which, combined with the difficulties of securing provisions, forced the Mahdists to evacuate Rejaf (and by extension Bariland) and relocate to Bor. lncensed by the withdrawal, the Khalifa sent reinforcements and ordered the reoccupation of Rejaf, which was done in June 1893. I However, by the, a new power, the Congo Free State, had also entered the scene intent on taking over Equatoria. Faced with this new "Christian” invasion, Omdurman revived interest in Equatoria and determined to defeat the "Christian" threat by sending large reinforcements to the province. With these reinforcements, the Mahdists were able to quell local rebellions and to confront the Congo Free State. Even then, their control of the country remained nominal, for apart from periodic foraging raids sent to the hinterland, they were based almost exclusively in Rejaf in Bariland. It was therefore Bariland that suffered most from the Mahdist occupation, and to escape this constant sequestration by the Mahdists, many Bari communities fled to neighboring peoples. The emigration exacerbated the supply situation for the Mahdists. It would seem, therefore, that the decision by the Mahdists to establish their posts in the Zaire- Nile watershed was motivated as much by the need to confront the Congo Free State as by the desire to insure provisions from those fertile lands. 291 With the supply situation thus improved, the Mahdists were in a position to confront the Congo Free State. Initially, the Mahdists had the upper hand in the confrontation, but after the Congo Free State reorganized and consolidated its position in the area under its control, the fortunes reversed and the Mahdists lost ground steadily. Finally, on February 16 and 17, 1897, they were routed and their stronghold of Rejaf taken. The remnants retreated to Bor where they held out in the hope of receiving reinforcements from Omdurman. No help came, however, for Omdurman was by then engaged in a desperate struggle with the Anglo-Egyptian invasion of the Sudan that began in 1898.20 Despite their precarious position in Bor, however, the Mahdists continued to harass the Free State forces in Rejaf; indeed, in one of their surprise attacks, they came close to taking Rejaf. But in November 1898, an Anglo-Congolese force commanded by Colonel Cyril Martyr marched on Bor and forced the Mahdists to retreat to Darfur. Thus, by the end of 1898 the Mahdist regime came to an end everywhere in the Sudan. Footnotes and References 1. Indeed, as recent local studies indicate, Egyptian secondary empire in the Sudan produced forces that were felt in. areas and regions far beyond its confines. For analysis regarding the significance of this Egyptian secondary empire, see Janet Ewald's Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves: State Formation and Economic Transformation in the Greater Nile Valley (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1990); and Lidwien Kapteijns's Mahdist Faith and Sudanic Tradition: History of Dar Masalit, 1870-193O (London: 1985). 2. An example of exchange between ecological niches was that between Bariland and Lafon. Whereas Bariland had iron .-:s_. and salt deposits, Lafon had cattle, ivory, hides, and other animal products. Consequently, trade with Bariland became a vehicle by which Lafon acquired these two important products, iron and salt. 3. It is important to note that because they were keenly sought, these foreign luxury goods helped increase exchange in local products. For example, in order to take advantage of different demands, local or White Nile traders might decide to exchange these coveted goods for products such as iron, grain, livestock, salt, etc. These would then be taken to where they were in demand and sold for ivory. 4. The first phase was from 1841 to 1852. During this phase, the White Nile trade was the monopoly of the government. Accordingly, the government sent annual trading to Eastern Equatoria. The second phase began in 1852 when the government abandoned its monopoly of the trade and opened it to private traders. However, the trade remained a river—based system until 1861, when the traders penetrated. and established. trading stations :ut the hinterland. 5. Since it buns expensive to cwn1<1r hire a steamer needed to participate in the White Nile trade, only traders who could afford it were able to take advantage of the new trading opportunities. Consequently, a small group of European anmi Levantine traders came to dominate the White Nile trade. 'Their domination. was largely chma to three factors: (a) they had access to financial credit institutions in Cairo or Alexandria; (b) some of them were trading consuls (i.e. traders»cum+consuls) in Khartoum, the immunities and privileges of which position they exploited to promote their business interests; and to) those of them that were private individuals nevertheleSs placed themselves 'under time protection (If one cm: other (If the European consulates, which guaranteed them pmotection and rights under the 1841 Commercial Convention. 6. Among time Latuka, for example, leopand and lion skins were: the jprerogative of time rain—maker. The rain—maker also received one tnmflc of every elephant killed, and also half the hide of every giraffe killed. With respect to other societies in the Southern Sudan, the Nuer have the institution of leopard—skin chief, who is believed ti) have 61 sacred association with time land, and had thus the power to bless or curse the land. For this reason, the leopard—skin Chief was entitled to the leopard skin. .._“if"’;" The Shilluk, on the other hand, believed that the leopand belonged.ti> their sacred ancestor. Ckmsequently, anyone who was found involved in transacting a leopard skin was fined a certain number of cattle which was to be paid to the Reth. ' 7. During his stay in Tirrangore, for example, Baker found that he could. purchase supplies with salt enmi not ‘with g1ass~beads. ZUAKL :hn Liria he could purchase nothing for any article except molotes, i.e. locally made iron hoes. See his Albert N'Yanza, Vol. I, 129, and Vol. II, 224. 8. Endre Stiansen, "Overture to Imperialism; European Trade and Economic Change in the Sudan in the Nineteenth Century" (Ph.D. Thesis, time University (Hf Bergen, 1993), 179. On the other hand, Richard Gray argues that the change was due to a market glut in beads. 9. Indeed, it can be argued that without this economic dislocation, time establishment cu? hinterland. stations iii Eastern Equatoria might have been delayed. 10. Janet Ewald restricts the term "Gmeater Nile valley,” only to Egypt and the Sudan, and not to the whole Nile valley which, at the very least, should include Ethiopia and Uganda. 11. This paradigm is best articulated by Janet Ewald in her Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves, especiallgr in. Chapter 6. The theme also emerges in Spaulding‘s The Heroic Age in Sennaar; Rex O'Fahey's State and Society in Dar Fur and; Terence Walz, Trade Between Egypt and Bilad al—Sudan. 12. This communal control over land vmma. however; often exercised either through clan—head, or through a council of elders. 13. As they traversed the country, the Khartoumers were often required to make "presents" to chiefs. For example, while passing through Lokoyaland, Samuel Baker had to give presents to chiefs Tombe and Legge of Tollogo and Liria respectively, and time traders ‘travelling vdiit him. Moreover, the presents were quite substantial, for Baker gave Legge more than fifteen heavy copper bracelets and ten pounds of beads. See his Adbert N'Yanza, Vol. I, 118 and 126—128. 14. This conquest was more successful in western Bahr el— Ghazal and parts of western Equatoria than in Eastern Equatoria. See Gray, History, 46 and; Shukry, The Khedive 294 >¥— Isma'il and Slavery in the Sudan (Cairo: Librairie la Renaissance d'Egypte, 1938), 119—20. 15. Although the payments were in part to regularize one's position with the government, they can also be interpret as rent, suggesting that Khartoum was now farming the South out to private traders even though that region had not been annexed yet. 'Endre Stiansen sees the process as follows. First, the hinterland stations were used for hunting. However, as excessive slaughter emptied large areas of elephants (he says more than 10,000 elephants were killed in the Upper Nile basin in the peak years), these stations were later transformed into "centres of a system of exploitation which divided the country between the ivory merchants and made the indigenous population subject to the lords of the zaribas." For the details of his analysis, see his "Overture to Imperialism," 183—198. 16. With respect to 'the .increase :Ul slave raiding, the driving force was the demand for slaves in Northern Sudan, Egypt, and other countries of the Middle East. As for the indigenous people, there appears to have been no interest in slaves, and this disinterest is indicated by the fact that even during their raids, these people appear to have been more interested in taking cattle and other kinds of booty than in slaves. In fact, the kind of widespread brigandage that some historians believe emerged in parts of West Africa le response tx> local and ltmg—distance slave markets failed in Sudan to generate local interest in slaves. For an analysis of this phenomenon in West Africa, see Meillassoux, The Anthropology of Slavery: The Womb of Iron and Gold (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991), 143~323. 17. Local resistance, while often sporadic and not universal, vans nonetheless long—drawn.enui protracted. It is, however, difficult to compress it into a few pages; on the other hand, a more comprehensive treatment of the subject would be too wieldy for this study, as the examination and analysis of its issues would be too involved as to merit a separate study. For a synopsis of the subject, see Abannik O. Hino, "Latuka Country," in, Northeast African Studies, Vol. 4, 3(1982—83), 39-49. 18. While Speke seemed indifferent as to who would undertake the occupation, Baker, on the other hand, believed that only a European power could be trusted to do it. To Baker, the ability to exploit the region's economic resources depended to a very large extent on suppressing 295 Hi im. ~ Tare. the slave trade there. Therefore, since oriental powers uphold slavery as a necessary institution, occupation by them would instead lead to the destruction of the region. For a discussion of Speke's and Baker's views on this, see ‘Abbas Ibrahim Muhammad 'Ali, The British, the Slave Trade and Slavery in the Sudan (Khartoum: Khartoum University Press, 1972), 22—42. Also, S.W.Baker, Albert N'Yanza; Great Basin of the Nile, Vol. II, (London: MacMillan & Co., 1866), 515—16. 19. Rudolf C. Slatin Pasha, C.B., Fire and Sword in the Sudan: A Personal Narrative of Fightigcg and Serving the Dervishes 1879—1895, trans., F.R. Wingate (London: Edward Arnold, 1897) 20. Despite their steadfast defense, the Mahdists were no match against the invading army and went from defeat to defeat. However, the biggest defeats were in the battles of Umm Dabi (April 8, 1898) and Karari (September 2, 1898) in which 7,000 and 11,000 Mahdists were respectively killed. Indeed, it was Karari that sealed the Mahdist fate. 296 BIBLIOGRAPHY PUBLISHED PRIMARY SOURCES Austin, Herbert H. With Macdonald in Uganda. 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