PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove thIs checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or baton date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE .. 1.1 5 162 MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution encircmpma A MEASUREMENT OF AGRICULTURE'S PUBLIC INVESTMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF-l940 DECADE FARM-NONFARM HEGRANTS By Robert Jackson Bevins AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHIIDSOPHY Department of Agricultural Economics 1960 Approved 5% 8 W 7 7 v 11 ABSTRACT When people migrate they carry with them the investments which have been made in them. This phenomenon has long been recognized and the literature abounds with references and near references to it, but rela- tively little has been done to systematically estimate the transfer of social capital which off farm migration occasions. In this study an attempt was made to determine the magnitude of the unamortized agriculturally derived public educational investment which resided in off farm migrants of the 1940 decade. The estimating pro- cedures used involved making estimates of the educational attainment of the migrants and converting these to the number of years of elementary and secondary education and the number of years of college training. Appropriate adjustments were made to allow for the fact that presumably in time the investment in education amortizes itself. Estimates of the cost of education in 1940 were used to produce estimates of total public investment in the education of off farm migrants. Next, estimates of that proportion of the total public in- vestment derived from agriculture were used to produce estimates of agriculture's contribution. It appeared that the educational investment made by agriculture in the migrants was about $2.5 billion in 1940 dollars. This amounted to a little over $5 billion in terms of 1959 dollars. These estimates of agricultural contribution to the social capital of the nonfarm economy could be viewed in perspective only if it was ‘ ‘qu iii realized that this drain on agricultural incomes was only a small part of the total drain which resulted from excess population in agriculture. Conservative estimates indicated that family expenses far exceeded the agriculturally derived public investment in the education of these migrants. Government payments over the decade were about $4.5 billion in terms of 1940 dollars. This suggested that agriculture contributed more to the growth of the nonfarm economy than farmers received in government subsidy, for the drain on agricultural incomes occasioned I by the rearing of off farm migrants far exceeded the transfer payments F— by government to agriculture. Net new investment in physical farm assets for the 1940 decade was about $4.6 billion in 1940 dollars. Agriculturally derived public edu- cational investment embodied in the decade's off farm migrants was about $2.5 billion. This suggests that during the "forties" for every two dollars of net new investment in physical farm assets, about one dollar of investment by agriculture in the education of off farm migrants be- came part of the social capital of the nonfarm economy. This study clearly indicated that there is a flow of social capital from agriculture to nonagriculture. At the time of this study it appeared that the society was very cognizant of the nonfarm to farm income transfer through government agricultural programs and only slightly cognizant of the reverse flow of social capital. Should the nonfarm sector become aware of the contribution which it appears to be receiving from agriculture it is possible that attempts may be made to find ways by which more ”equitable" participation may be iv had in the costs of rearing and educating farm people who are destined to make their productive contribution to the nonfarm economy. The implications are many, but only those with respect to education are dealt with here. For states in which the off farm migrants remain within the state, state aid to schools could help reduce the heavy pressure on the agricultural sector. For those migrants who leave the state, there seems no alternative to federal aid to education, if the intent is to remove the heavy demands upon agriculture that have arisen (and will continue as out migration continues) as a result of the in- vestment that is made in the education of rural youth who then migrate to the nonfarm economy. From the standpoint of society as a whole there is considerable evidence that a much greater investment than is now being made in the education of most migrants would be justified. In view of the already heavy burden borne by agriculture, it is probably too much to expect that industry to substantially increase its expenditures in the educa- tion of off farm migrants, especially since the nonfarm economy would be the major beneficiary of such increased provision of social capital. A MEASUREMENT OF AGRICULTURE'S PUBLIC INVESTMENT IN THE EDUCATION OF 1940 DECADE FARM- NONFARM MIGRANTS By Robert Jackson Bevins A THESIS Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Agricultural Economics 1960 vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express his gratitude to the many persons who made the completion of this thesis possible. Thanks are due Dr. L. L. Boger for supplying financial assistance which helped make graduate work at Michigan State University possible. The help given by the members of the clerical staff was an important contribution. Those who contributed are too many to mention but special thanks are due Hts. Arlene King who directed the computations. hks. Kay Ralston is to be thanked for both the typing of this manuscript and for her gentle unsuccessful attempts at cynicism which eased the tension under which this work was completed. A real debt of gratitude is owed Dr. Dale E. Hathaway, the student's major professor for his able teaching and wise counsel. Thanks also go to Dr. Thomas Meyer, Dr. Ingram Olkin, Dr. F. W. Morrisey, Dr. Kenneth Arnold, and Dr. Lawrence Witt who served on the student's guidance com- mittee. Knowing these men has been a rewarding experience and has presented a real challenge to ”cast out into the deep.” Special recognition should be given to Dr. John Fischer, now of Montana State College, who more than a decade ago at the University of Tennessee aroused the author's interest in agricultural economics. To Dr. R. G. F. Spitze, the author's major professor during master's work at the University of Tennessee, thanks must be given for his some- times annoying habit of refusing to accept as final the author's decision not to do doctoral work. To the American taxpayer the author owes a real debt. The provision of a university, an assistantship, and a ”G. 1. Bill" represent a tre- mendous investment by society in the author. For this he is humbly thankful. For the "G. 1. Bill" he is doubly thankful, for without it he would most probably have never done graduate work or met his wife who was a graduate student when he met her. viii Finally, last but far from least, thanks must be given to the author's parents, his wife's parents, and his wife for the help and en- couragement they have given. A real debt is owed his wife who became a college professor to provide her husband with financial assistance. Her recent retirement to become the mother of a daughter was well earned. The encouragement which she gave contributed to the graduate work of the author more, perhaps, than even he realizes. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Problem and Its Background . . . . . . . Scope and Objective of the Study . . . . . . Reason for the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . II. THE ESTIMATING PROCEDURE . . . . - . . . . . . . Extent of Off Farm Migration . . . . . . . . The Educational Level Distributions . . . . Determining the Portion of Investment in the Education of Migrants Paid by Agriculture Weaknesses in the Procedure . . . . . . Data Needed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O 0 III. RESULTS "'|000.oooooeoeoooo The Amount of Education Transferred to the Nonfarm Economy . . . . . . . . . e . . . The Extent of the Educational Investment of Agriculture in Net Off Farm Migrants . . . Some Relative Comparisons of Agriculture's Investment in the Education of Migrants with Other Uses of Funds . . . . . . . . IV. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . . . . . . v 0 SWY O I O O O O I I O O O O O O O O O O O O BIBLImRAm 0 O I O I O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O APPEND IC ES 0 o o o o o O o I 0 e o o o 0 O o o O O O O Page 16 16 17 32 39 40 42 42 54 60 65 72 76 81 ix TABLE II II II III III III III III III III LIST OF TABLES Net change in rural farm population due to migration, MiChigan, 1940‘50 e e a o s o o o o 0 Net loss in rural farm population due to migrAtion; M1Chigan, 1940-50 s o e o s o o o s 0 Age groups of migrants and educational distri- bution with which they were matched . . . . . . . Estimated educational level of 1940-50 off farm migrants at time of migration, states and United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Estimates of number of years of education repre- sented in net off farm migration 1940-50, states and United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A comparison of the contribution to net off farm migration and years of education held by the net off farm migrants, by regions, United States, 1940-50 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Estimates of number of years of education repre- sented in net off farm migration, 1940-50, states and United States, adjusted to eliminate the contribution of those 50 and older when they migrated.o.................. Estimates of the total public investment in the elementary and secondary education of net off farm migrants less than fifty years old at migration, 1940-50, valued at 1940 costs of education°°”'°""°"""‘ Estimates of agricultural contribution to the public educational investment in net off farm migrants less than fifty years old at migration, 1940-50, 1940 costs of education ' - - - . - . - Estimates including $100 per year of college training of agricultural contribution to public educational investment in net off farm migrants less than 50 years old at migration, 1940 costs Ofeducation essence-essence... Page 18 20 29 43 SO 52 53 55 56 58 TABLE xi Page Net new investment in physical farm assets and agricultural investment in the education of off farm migrants, valued at 1940 prices, United States, 1940-50 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Loss of rural farm population due to migration, Michigan, 1940-50, by age and by state economic area; allocation of state economic area losses to United States economic subregions to which state economic areas belong; and losses to each United States economic subregion comprising Michigan,byage 83 Computation of the rural farm educational level percentage distribution for those age 5-9, Michigan 1950 O I O I O O D I C O O I O I 85 Computation of the rural farm educational level percentage distribution for those age 25-29, Michigan 1950 O O O I O I U 0 O 0 O I I O I D I 86 Computation of the rural farm educational level percentage distribution for rural farm people age 25 and over, Subregion 48, Michigan, 1940 . 87 Computation of age distribution of Michigan loss from United States Economic Subregion 48. . 89 Computation of education level of loss due to off farm migration 1940-50, Michigan portion of United States Economic Subregion 48 . . . . . 90 Estimated level of education at time of migra- tion of Michigan net farm loss due to migration, 1940-50 a o n I o e s e o o u o a I o a o o o a 92 Computation of number of years of elementary and secondary education and number of years of college education represented in net off farm migration, 1940-50, Michigan . . . . . . . . . . 94 School system data, United States, 1939-40 . . . 98 Computation of total state public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Computation of agricultural contribution to the public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants . . . . . . . . 101 TABLE Computation of agricultural contribution to the public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants . . . . . . . . . Computation of agricultural contribution to the public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants . . . . . . . . . Computation of total United States public in- vestment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants, 1940-50 . . . . . . . . . Computation of total agricultural contribution to the public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants, 1940-50 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Computation of total agricultural contributions to the public investment in elementary and secondary education of off farm migrants, 1940-50 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Consumer price index, United States, 1940-49 . . Realized net income of farm operators in- cluding government payments, United States, 1940-49 s I n o a o a o e a o a o e o o c o o 0 Government payments to farmers, United States, 1940-49 0 O. o o o I s o u o a o e n s s a o I e Page 102 103 105 106 107 109 110 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION]- The Problem and Its Background -It is generally believed, and there is evidence to suggest, that investment in the human factor is important in relation to the pro- ductivity of the society as a whole. In addition, it has implications for the productivity of sectors of society. If a nation is viewed as a single unit in which there is a large degree of equality in income and asset ownership, the source of invest- ment made in the human factor is irrelevant. However, when the economic structure of society is viewed as composed of more than one unit and when certain resources tend to flow in one direction, the extent to which a sector contributes to investment, the benefits of which accrue to the other sectors, becomes a relevant Consideration. Each year rather substantial sums are allocated by the agricultural sector for health, education, and welfare of youth who are destined to spend their productive lives in the nonfarm sector. When people migrate from the agricultural sector of the economy they carry with them the investments made in them by individuals and by the society as a whole. This, coupled with the tremendous off farm 1The noun agriculture and the adjectives and adverbs which can be de- rived from it are used frequently in the report of this study. These words are used in a very narrow sense. In this study, agriculture refers to farms and that alone. Frequent use has been made of the words migrants and migration. In every case, it is to be understood that reference is made to persons who physically migrated from farms and to the process of off farm migration, respectively. migration in the United States, 8,610,0002 for the 1940 decade, suggests the hypothesis that the agricultural sector of the economy provides a substantial contribution to the social capital residing in the nonfarm economy in the form of education. It may be argued that this social capital paid for by agriculture provides a gain for that portion of the economy receiving the migrants. To the extent that the educational investment in off farm migrants increases their productivity, the nonfarm sector benefits. Also, to the extent that the provision of surplus population by the farm sector negates the investment which the nonfarm sector must make in order to supply its labor needs, the nonfarm sector benefits.3 Stated alter- natively, the first proposition is, given that the off farm migrants go to the nonfarm sector, any increase in their productivity resulting from investment in the human agent by the farm sector will increase the benefit accruing to the nonfarm sector. The second proposition refers to the cost of obtaining labor which the nonfarm society would have had to incur had not the farm sector supplied increments of labor through off farm migration. The fact that the migration of people involves transfers of social capital is hardly a new phenomenon nor has it just been recognized. 2Gladys K. Bowles, Farm Population, Net Migration from the Rura - Farm Population, 1940-50, Statistical Bulletin No. 176, (Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service, United States Department of Agriculture, June 1956), p. 17. 3These two types of benefit are not necessarily mutually exclusive. The benefits which occur in the real world are a mixture of the two. Pareto calculated the preSumed economic loss to Italy resulting from emigration, a problem also investigated by Beneduce and Coletti.4 Since the beginning of the century, migratory movements, of particular importance in Italy's case, have attracted attention. Studies dealing with the economic value of emigrants, assimilation, and eugenic effects of emigration have been contributed by Savorgnan, L. Livi, DeVergottini, Gini, Mortars, Lasorsa, and Parenti and Pienfrancesco.5 Baker and Manny discussed the transfer of wealth from farms to cities and suggested this had been associated with the failure of wealth to be accumulated on the farms.6 Japanese industrial development, according to Tobata, owes much to agriculture for agriculture's education of youth who then moved to industry.7 - Brinley Thomas pointed out the boost which periodic injections of labor give to a developing economy and he implied that this assistance is greater because the recipient of this labor does not have to bear the cost of the up-bringing of the labor.8 4Allessandra Costanzo, ”Contributions of Italy to Demography", Chapter 10, The Study of Population, edited by Philip M. Hauser and Otis Dudley Duncan, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), p. 229. 5Loc. cit. 50. E. Baker and T. B. Manny, ”Population Trends and the National Welfare," Bureau of Agricultural Economics, United States Department of Agriculture, mimeo, 1935, p. 7. 7Seiichi Tobata, An Introduction to Agriculture of Japan, (Tokyo: Maruzen Company Limited, 1958), pp. 17-18. 8Brinley Thomas, Migration and Economic Growth, (Cambridge: The University Press, 1954), pp. 30-31. Henry C. Taylor suggested that the movement of population from country to city, which has been so great in recent years in the United States, resulted in the transfer of a vast amount of wealth from the agricultural industry.9 This wealth, according to Professor Taylor, must be replaced from some source if the wealth of farmers is not to decline.10 Likewise Hoffer pointed out that ”cityward migration of youth is a drain on the country.”11 Lewis argued that the area from which migrants come has to bear the cost of educating them only to lose them when they reach the pro- ductive years. As the young leave, the proportion of older people and dependents in the population rises and the demands on the remaining working age people is correspondingly larger.12 Here Lewis was referring especially to demands for publicly financed services such as education and health. In his Economics of Migration, Isaac stated that it has been argued that the source of migrants bears the cost of maintaining the migrants during their unproductive years while it is the place to which they migrate which derives the direct benefit of their productive energies. This, he suggested, was true and he pointed out that the gain may be considerable.13 9Henry C. Taylor, Outlines of figricultural Economics, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1925), p. 272. 10Loc. cit. 110. R. Hoffer, Introduction to Rural Sociology, (New York: Richard R. Smith, Inc., 1930), p. 36. 12W. Arthur Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth, (Homewood, Illinois: D. Irwin, Inc., 1955), pp. 359-360. 13Julius Isaac, Economics of Migration, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947) pp. 228-230. In a study of four townships in Whitman County, Washington, in 1931 and 1932, Yoder reported that the facts seemed to bear out the theory of some agricultural economists and rural sociologists that one of the results of migration of farm population to cities is the transfer of wealth from farming communities to the cities.14 Duncan suggested ”that there is a continued drain of agricultural wealth to the city in the form of the costs of education and rearing of the migrants who leave the farms at the thresholds of their most productive years.”15 An interesting observation was found in the work of Lively and Taeuber. ”Although the effects of net migration from country to city have generally been regarded as beneficial to both in terms of population redistribution and plane of living, whether the quality of the residual population is lowered has not been satisfactorily settled. Migration seriously depletes the wealth of rural com- munities which bear the cost of rearing children for the cities, while the payment of inheritance claims to migrants offers another channel through which rural wealth is lost to urban areas. More- over, where rural migration is both rapid and severe, it causes maladjustments in rural organizations and institutions.”16 1"Fred R. Yoder, ”Migration of Population and the Flow of Farm Wealth", Journal of Farm Economics, Volume XIX, No. 1, (February 1937), pp. 358-359 and Fred R. Yoder and A. A. Smick, Migration of Farm Popula- tion and the Flow of Farm Wealth, Bulletin No. 315, Agricultural Experi- ment Station, State College of Washington, Pullman, Washington, September 1935. 15Otis Durant Duncan, The Theory and Conseguences of Mobility of Farm Population, Experiment Station Circular No. 88, May 1940, Oklahoma Agricultural and Mechanical College, Stillwater, p. 21. 16C. E. Lively and Conrad Taeuber, Rural Migration in the United States, (Washington: Works Progress Administration, 1939), p. xx. Rutledge, after looking at Cache County, Utah, and examining some of the consequences of heavy outmigration concluded that while migration has been praised as a remedy for farm depression, there are negative aspects which have been overlooked, namely the purchasing power transfers which result.17 According to Professor Schultz, ”the necessary cost inherent in maintaining the social efficiency of the individual~-a cost that con- stantly rises in our society-—is, as things now stand, borne primarily by the family and locality.”18 This is one of the main reasons why the transfer of social capital from the farm sector puts pressure on that sector as it attempts to ”maintain social efficiency.” There is considerable justification for reporting that the litera- ture contained much reference to the flow of farm wealth as a result of off farm migration. The material just discussed certainly bears out such a contention. In addition, the literature contains much about peripheral problems, enough to justify the conclusion that the recognition of the phenomenon of investment transfers has been implied by writers who did not specifically mention it.19 17R. M. Rutledge, ”The Relation of the Flow of Population to the Problem of Rural and Urban Economic Inequality,” Journal of Farm Economics, Volume XII, No. 3, (July 1930), pp. 427 f.f. and p. 439. 18Theodore W. Schultz, Agriculture in an Unstable Economy, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1945), p. 206. 19For examples see C. T. Pihlbad and C. L. Gregory, ”Selection Aspects Among Missouri High School Graduates," American Sociological Review, Volume XIX, No. 3, (June 1954), pp. 314-324, and Gilbert A. Sanford, ”Selective Migration in a Rural Alabama Community,” American Sociological Review, Volume V, No. 5 (October 1940), pp. 759-766. Despite this rather wide allusion to the flow of farm wealth, rela- tively little has been done to either develop a satisfactory conceptural apparatus or systematically investigate its nature and its magnitude. One notable exception is the work of Dorner20 who investigated the loss of wealth to Tennessee farmers as a result of having reared excess popu- lation. The loss for 1949 was calculated at about $600 per farm and this calculation did not include the investment by society as a whole.21 In a kindred study, Tarver investigated the costs of rearing and educating farm children, but he did not go further and specifically relate to the social expenditures made by agriculture and involved in 23 the off farm movement.22 Baker has a related study which was con- ducted some years earlier. 20Peter Dorner, An Excess Farm Population and the Loss of Farm Wealth, unpublished master's thesis, Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology, University of Tennessee, 1953. 21Erven J. long and Peter Dorner, ”Excess Farm Population and the Loss of Agricultural Capital,” Land Economics, Volume XXX, No. 4, (November 1954), pp. 367-368. 22James D. Tarver, "Costs of Rearing and Educating Farm Children”, Journal of Farm Economics, Volume XXXVIII, No. 1, (February 1956), pp. 144-153. 230. E. Baker, ”Rural-Urban Migration and the National Welfare." Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Volume XXIII, No. 2 (June 1933), pp. 86-87 and Two Trends of Great Agricultural Significance, United States Department of Agriculture, Extension Service Circular No. 306, June 1939, p. 6. Marshall stated that ”the most valuable of all capital is that in- 24 vested in human beings” and he pointed out the difficulty that whoever may incur the expense of investing in developing the abilities of the workman25 finds in a free society this investment the property of the workman.26 From a study of the literature, it appeared that while there were references made to the investments made in the rearing and educating of farm people, somewhat less has been done in adequately relating this to off farm migration and the resulting transfer of agriculturally derived social capital. Scope and Objective of the Study In view of the widespread discussions in the public forum at the time of this study, it would have been desirable to investigate all the capital flows, both real and social, and all the income transfers which take place between the farm and the nonfarm economies. Unfortunately such was far too ambitious an undertaking, given the limits of time and other resources which, of necessity, had to be imposed upon this study. A much smaller area of inquiry, therefore, had to be delineated. 24Alfred Marshall, Principles of Economics, eighth edition, (London: MacMillan and Co. Ltd., 1956), p. 469. 25For a discussion of early calculations of the amount of capital inveStment made in people see footnote, Marshall, pp. cit. pp. 469-470. Here he refers to the work of Petty, Cantillion, Smith, Engel, and Farr. 26Marshall, 22. 339., p. 470. The problem, then, with which this study was concerned was an estimation of the magnitude of the agriculturally derived social capital transferred by the off farm migration of people who take with them public investment in their education. Stated alternatively, the pur- pose of this study was to estimate the contribution made by agriculture through the tax system to the education of rural people who then left agriculture and carried with them this investment as they joined the nonfarm economy. Such transfers of social capital represented, in a sense, a contribution by agriculture to nonagriculture. How large was this transfer? It was the hypothesis of this study that the amounts were considerable.27 Long and Dorner offered no evidence to the contrary when they stated the following: ”Finally, above and beyond these expenditures borne directly by families are certain expenditures borne only indirectly by the families in the form of public tax funds. There are, no doubt certain costs shared by the community as a whole with regard to such items as medical care and recreation. These items are con- sidered to be of minor importance and have not been incorporated in this analysis. Perhaps the largest item of this kind is the support of the educational system.” 27The writer was well aware of the fact that this was a hypothesis which could not be tested precisely for the reason that ”considerable“ was not quantitatively defined. Yet the alternative was to hypothesize that the amount was less than, equal to, or more than some arbitrary amount and there was little justification of this unless one wished to be ”scientific" in what is in reality a pseudo sense. Therefore, in one way of thinking this study had no hypothesis to test. It assumed the existence of a phenomenon and attempted to measure its magnitude. 28Long and Dorner, pp. cit. p. 367. 10 here Long and Dorner suggested that the support of education via the tax system was a relatively small portion of the costs which a family incurred in rearing children. They were not referring to the aggregative figure for the entire economy. Obviously, any measurement made had to be made for some definite time period. The period chosen for consideration was the 1940 to 1950 decade, a period during which rather substantial off farm movement took place and the most recent for which anything approaching adequate data existed. The geographical area covered in this study was the continental United States, the forty-eight contiguous states. Reason for the Study Off farm migration is a phenomenon of great importance and far reaching consequences.29 ”The movement of masses of people . . . is not a matter in which any government, given the widened conception of govern- ment now generally accepted, ought to disinterest itself.”30 A society viewing this or any phenomenon can devise rational response only if the nature of the phenomenon is understood. To add to the understanding of off farm migration, in the hope that this would provide a more adequate 29See, for example the following: (1) George M. Beal and Wallace E. Ogg, ”Secondary Adjustments from Adaptations of Agriculture”, Chapter 13, Problems and Policies of American Aggiculture, (Ames: Iowa State Univer- sity Press, 1959), edited by Earl O. Heady, pp. 226-249; (2) Glenn L. Johnson and Joel Smith, ”Social Costs of Agricultural Adjustment--with Particular Emphasis on Labor liability," Chapter 14, Problems pnd Policies _p§ American Aggicultugp, pp. pi£., pp. 250-271. 30A. M; Carr-Sanders, introduction to Julius Isaac, pp. cit., p. xi. 11 basis for intelligent response to the phenomenon, was the reason for undertaking this study. Was the transfer of social capital from agriculture to nonagricul- ture unique? Is it not common in our society for youth reared by one occupational group to enter another occupational group? Obviously, it is common, but the movement from agriculture was atypical in at least two respects. First, few movements of people from one occupational group to another have been as persistent or as consistent in direction as has the movement of people off the farm. Second, in few cases has an occupational group been the recipient of deliberate income transfers from the rest of society via government. Several facts appear to make relevant a study of the magnitude of the investment in the education of off farm migrants which is borne by agriculture. Such investment is a contribution to the social capital of the nonfarm economy and constituted a use of agricultural incomes which otherwise might have been used to provide increased physical capital for the agricultural industry, increased levels of living, or for other purposes. The income transfers which agriculture received were a similar drain on the income of the nonfarm sector. In view of the rather general concern for the costs of the farm programs and the extensive review the problem was receiving in the press at the time of this study, it seemed worthwhile to study the drains on agricultural income which were of benefit to the nonfarm economy, for it appeared that such phenomenae were not generally recognized. That an economist should choose to study pecuniary sums was not sur- prising, but why, it well may be asked, was this particular drain on 12 agricultural incomes chosen for study? Has investment in the education of off farm migrants some special significance? In an attempt to answer this question, it was necessary to build a framework within which the costs of rearing children could be analyzed. Costs were broken into two types -- capital or investment and noncapitol or noninvestment. The first type was defined so as to include (1) that minimal level of outlay for food, shelter, health, and clothing necessary to sustain life and (2) any sums spent for such things as health and edu- cation so long as these expenditures resulted in the increased produc- tivity of the individual. The second type included any expenditure not included in the first.31 In short, the capital items had implications with respect to the productivity of the human agent and the noncapital items had no such implications. It was reasoned that these capital expenditures, because of their contribution to the increased produc- tivity of the off farm migrant, had important implications_for the nonfarm society. Presumably, because the capital expenditures had been made, the gain to the nonfarm society through off farm migration was greater than it would have been had not the investment been made. Thus, it appeared that no segment of society could afford to ignore the im- portance of such capital or investment expenditures. 31While these two categories were set up as mutually exclusive, it must be recognized that a specific expenditure may involve elements of both. For instance, a pair of shoes in January may well be a capital item while a second pair would be a noncapital item. 13 Expenditures for education may be part investment and part noninvest- ment, or consumption, in nature. In some societies it may well be that a relatively large part of educational expenditure has been used to provide education for which the economy had little economic demand; however, in the United States our education has been such that it appeared that the expenditures for education were by and large capital or investment in nature. Of these costs of education there were two components -- that [ borne by the family directly and that borne by society through its contri- butions to the tax funds. The costs borne directly by the family were largely discretionary in nature,32 but those borne through the tax system were not so discretionary. The taxes levied on farm peOple to support the education of off farm migrants fell on both families from which there came off farm migrants and on families from.which there was no exodus to the nonfanm sector. In addition, there were families that furnished off farm migrants and contri- buted little to the tax support of their education. The varied sources and incidence of the taxes alluded to above made it clear that it was not possible to view them as voluntary consumption expenditures made by the families which contributed the migrants. 32The family borne costs were largely discretionary in nature only with respect to some absolute minimal level. With respect to some cul- turally acceptable level, a much smaller share of the family borne costs was discretionary. 14 Once a decision as to the level of public educational expenditure had been made through the tax rate,33 no real choice was left to farm people. Indeed, even the tax rate was not completely discretionary since certain minimal levels of education were imposed by society as a whole.34 These expenditures for education were by and large a commitment which was in- stitutionalized and had to be met. As a relatively fixed commitment, it was of special importance to farm people who found that it had to be met without regard to its return, a return which was to accrue mainly to the nonfarm economy through the increased productivity of the off farm migrant.35 Thus it seemed that the portion of public investment in the educa- tion of off farm migrants paid for by agriculture was of particular im- portance. It was a drain on the resources of the farm sector over which individual families had limited control and from which the nonfarm sector would derive the major benefit through the increased productivity of the off farm migrant. Indeed, it was a type of forced savings. Because of the implications for productivity, it seemed quite possible that a fairly small capital transfer of this nature, i.e., social capital, might well be of more far reaching importance to the society than a much larger volume of noncapital expenditure made in the rearing of off farm migrants. 33The decision as to tax rate was of particular importance to farmers since much of the school tax was raised from real estate taxes. That the real estate tax may not be according to earning capacity is well known. 34Indeed, it is doubtful if the farm sector was the instigator or even supported in early days the laws requiring school attendance of all children below a certain age. 35To avoid confusion, it should be noted that the topic of discussion here is the education of off farm migrants, not that of all farm children. J W. ’i; 15 From the public relations standpoint, it is to agriculture's ad- vantage that this and other contributions from agriculture to the non- farm economy be better understood and more widely recognized. It seemed likely that the society was informed about transfers made to agricul- ture but unaware or poorly informed about transfers in the other direc- tion. It was hoped that this study would contribute to a more general understanding of the fact that transfers from sector to sector were two way phenomenae. 36 When it was realized that according to some estimates agricul- ture in the two decades ahead was expected to require one-fifth to one- third fewer workers and that it was likely that there would be a one- fourth to one-third million net out migration annually during the period, it became very important that these transfers of social capital be recognized, for manpower adjustments affect both the area from which the migrants come and the areas to which they go and, in addition, they affect the operation of the entire economy.37 36J. Carroll Bottum, "The Impact of Anticipated Trends and Shifts of Population upon American Agriculture." A paper presented to the American Agricultural Industries Conference, Cornell, June 1956, Cornell University School of Business and Public Administration in cooperation with the New York State College of Agriculture, Ithaca, pp. 6-7. 37William H. Metzler, "Implications of Changes in Rural Manpower in the South", an address prepared for delivery before the Association of Southern Agricultural Workers, Brimingham, February 5, 1957, p. 7. 16 CHAPTER II THE ESTIMATING PROCEDURE The final aim of this study, as has already been pointed out, was to estimate agriculture's investment in nonfarm social capital which had its origin in agriculture's public investment in the education of persons who migrated from farms in the period 1940 to 1950. Extent of Off Farm Migration The first question with which this study had to deal was the number of persons migrating from agriculture during the period in question. The basic data on the extent of off farm migration were derived from the work of Bowlesi hereinafter referred to as Net Migration. Estimates of net loss by age were given for United States Economic Subregions, hereinafter re- ferred to as subregion . Estimates of the same type were provided for states. Lastly, estimates of out migration were given for state economic areas, hereinafter referred to as areas. No age estimates were given with the area totals. Prom table 5 of Net Migration, net out migration from agriculture was obtained for each state. This figure was also broken into age cate- gories. Thus it was possible to obtain for each state data like that in TABLE II-l. 1Gladys K. Bowles, Farm Population, Net Migration from the Rural Farm Population, 1940-50, Statistical Bulletin No. 176, (Washington: Agricultural Marketing Service,United States Department of Agriculture, June, 1956). ' 17 To clarify the above presentation, it should be noted that on the basis of criteria of economic homogeneity the United States was broken into economic regions; the regions into economic subregions; and the subregions into state economic areas.2 In Net Migration, data were given for each of these breakdowns and, in addition, data were given for states. The Educational Level Distributions The next step was to derive educational level distributions for off farm migrants so that these could be applied to the net change figures to produce estimates of the amount of education obtained by the migrants from agriculture. It was noted that the state boundaries were political in nature and thus did not necessarily enclose areas which exhibited a large measure of economic homogeneity. It was also reasoned that if the educational level of migrants from various homogeneous economic portions of the state significantly differed, any educational distribution for the state would yield misleading results unless migration from the various portions was at the same rate.3 2Donald J. Bogue and Calvin L. Beale, Economic Subregions of the United States, Series Census-DAB, No. 19, United States Department of Commerce and United States Department of Agriculture, June 1953, pp. 1-4. See this for a brief discussion of the criteria of economic homogeneity. 3The reasons for this will become clear a little later when the discussion to assume that migrants were representative of the rural farm population is discussed. Had it been possible to produce directly a state educational level distribution for the migrants, the use of state boundaries would have presented no problem, for the varying migration rates from different economic areas would have been incorporated in the synthesis of such a distribution. 18 TABLE II - 1 Net change in rural farm population due to migration, Michigan, 1940-50 Age in 1940 E333; 0-4 -+ 2 5-9 -12 10-14 -45 15-19 -46 20-24 -18 25-29 -3 30-34 _a 35-39 _ 40-44 -3 45-49 -4 50-54 -7 55-59 -10 60-64 -9 65 and over -10 Total -163 Computed Sum b. -165 8This indicates less than 500 in the category bThis sum was computed since due to rounding error the state total did not always equal the sum of the age groups. Source: Bowles, op. cit., Table 5. 19 Thus it was felt that state educational distributions might well be in- adequate. To get around the problem of intra-state economic hetero- geneity and still allow the use of available state migration data and the ultimate synthesis of estimates of state educational losses, it was decided to break each state into the subregions which composed it.4 Precisely, how this procedure was useful will become clear a little later. For each of the subregions composing a state, data similar to that of TABLE II - 1 were obtained from Table 7 of Net Migration. The next step was to obtain from Table 9 of Net Migration an estimate of not change in rural farm population for each state economic area. A tabular pre- sentation of this is shown in TABLE II - 2. A similar table was prepared for each state. Note that TABLE II - 2 shows net loss. For convenience, from here on the figures are given in terms of net loss, not net change as in the original data from Net Migration. This amounts to multiplying the original data by -1. Thus the absense of a sign indicates a net loss and the use of a minus sign indicates a net gain. In TABLE II - 2 the losses of each state economic area were allocated to the United States Economic Subregion of which the state economic area ‘was a part. Thus from TABLE II - 2 it may be determined that of the 120,000 migrants in subregion 66, 50,000 came from Michigan. Further, it may be seen that these 50,000 migrants came from Michigan State 4It should be noted that the subregions may not be entirely included within any one state. TABLE II - 2 Net loss in rural farm population due to migration, Michigan, 1940-50 U.S. Economic Subregions Composing Michigana # # # # Age in Michigan 66 49 50 48 1940 31000), (000) (099), $0002 $0002 0‘4 -2 4 - 1 -1 - -- 5'9 12 ll 6 2 21 10-14 45 27 20 8 24 15-19 46 27 22 8 10 20-24 18 12 8 3 2 25-29 3 5 1 --- --- 30-34 --- 3 --- -1 --- 35-39 --- 3 --- --- 1 40-44 3 3 1 --- 3 45-49 4 4 2 --- 4 50-54 7 5 3 1 --- 55-59 10 6 5 2 6 60-64 9 5 4 2 5 65 and over 10 5 5 2 ,7 Sum 163 120 75 26 88 Computed Sumb 165 120 75 26 88 Michigan Economic Area 1 10 10 2 9 9 3 9 9 4a 18 18 4b l3 13 5a A 22 22 5b 14 14 6a 8 13 13 6b 4 4 7 CDE_ 22 22c 8 F l6 16 9a 7 7 9b G 6 6 Sum 163 50 74 26 13 20 Michigan area losses allocated to sub- regions of which areas are part See following page for footnotes. 21 Footnotes to TABLE II - 2 ‘The subregions are not necessarily completely within Michigan. bThese sums were computed since due to rounding error the total loss for the states and subregions did not always equal the sum of the age groups. cMuskegon was in United States Subregion 50 but its designation, C, was such that it could not be separated from erroneous inclusion in United States Subregion 49. Since Maskegon was a relatively small component of 7 CDE the error introduced was small. Sources: Bowles, _p. 315., Tables 5, 7, and 8. I; 22 Economic Areas 1, 2, 4a, and 4b. It may also be determined that of Michigan's 163,000 migrants, 50,000 were from Michigan's portion of United States Subregion 66. The interpretation of TABLE II - 2 may be continued analagously. The data on losses in the state economic areas were given only as totals and without age distributions. This was unfortunate since from examination of the subregions, it was apparent that the age distribution varied widely among subregions. It seemed probable that, this being the case, there would be considerable variation between the state economic areas in one subregion and those in another. To preserve the effects of any variation in the age distribution of a state's migrants from dif- ferent subregions, it was decided to assume that the losses from that portion of a subregion within a state had the age distribution of the losses of the entire subregion. At this point, given the basic data and the assumptions already discussed, it was possible to synthesize an age distribution for the losses from each state's portion of a subregion. The next step in getting an estimate of the total education of the migrants should have been to apply to each age category an educational distribution of the relevant migrant population. Unfortunately, the literature failed to yield any such distributions and the only alternative became to develop a method by which the desired migrant educational distributions could be estimated. What was done was to develop an educational distribution for off farm migrants on the assumption that those who left the farm were representative of those who stayed. 23 This assumption of no selectivity with respect to education was open to serious question, for studies of off farm migration have pro- duced many hypothesis with respect to educational selectivity in migra- tion. For example, studies in Minnesota in which a comparison of net migration between cities and farms by economic and social groups sug- gested that the cities attracted the extremes while the farm attracted and held the mean strata in society.5 However, further study failed to substantiate a conclusion that farmers are declining in native ability due to migrations of a select group to towns and cities.6 Bogue and Hagood7 reported that migration to cities was highly selective with respect to education. "In addition to selecting those persons who were better edu- cated than persons of the same age at the place of origin, it also selected persons who were better educated than persons of the same age at the place of destination. The two major exceptions to this were migrants originating in populations which had a level of edu- cation considerably below that of the city. "(a) Although migration selected the better educated of the farm population, the average educational attainment of the farm population is still below that of the urban population to which they migrated. (b) Possibly because of the major social and economic 5Carl C. Zimmerman and 0. D. Duncan, "The Migration to Towns and Cities," Journal of Farm Economics, Volume X, No. 4, (October 1928), p. 506. 6Zimmerman and Duncan, pp. 515., p. 515. It should be noted that while these studies do not bear directly upon educational attainment, they do throw some light on it if, as seems likely, educational attainment is fairly highly correlated with class position. In fact, Zinnnrman and his students suggested that this was probably true with respect to education. See Otis Durant Duncan, The Theory and Conseguences of Mobility of Farm Population, Experiment Station Circular No. 88, May 1940, Oklahoma Agri- cultural and Mechanical College, Stillwater, p. 20. 7Donald J. Bogue and Margaret Jarman Hagood, "Differential Migration in the Corn and Cotton Belts", Subregional Migration in the United States, 1935-40, Volume II, Scripps Foundation Studies in Population Distribution No. 6, p. 57. fit. . _ . ? .15.: 24 changes under way in the South, the migration of the nonwhite Cotton Belt population contained disproportionately large numbers of the least well educated as well as the better educated.” Hamilton reported that migration rates from the rural farm areas for the 1940-50 decade were the heaviest for the lower levels of educa- tion.9 However, this same study revealed higher rates of migration from both extremes of education in North Carolina. Martin reported that positive educational selectivity of off farm migrants was important in the early years of a migrational stream and less important as the stream became developed.10 This and similar evi- dence11 led Hathaway to suggest that the pattern of educational selec- tivity may have changed.12 As late as 1959 Bogue discussed the paucity of data on migrants and pointed out that comparatively little information had been obtained about the characteristics of migrants in each stream.13 8222- 21.2. 9C. Horace Hamilton, ”Educational Selectivity of Rural-Urban Migra- tion: Preliminary Results of a North Carolina Study", p. 6. This paper may be found in Proceedings of the 1957 Annual Conference, Milbank Memorial Fund, pp. 110-122. 10Joe A. Martin, Off Farm Migration: Some of Its Characteristics and Effects upon Agriculture in Weakley County, Tennessee, Bulletin 290, August 1958, Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, pp. 6-9. 11Ben H. Luebke and John F. Hart, "Migration from a Southern Appala- chian Community," Land Economics, Volume XXXIV No. 1, (February 1958) p. 50. 12Dale E. Hathaway, "Migration from Agriculture: The Historical Record and its Meaning," Journal Article No. 2544, 1959, Michigan Agricul- tural Experiment Station, East Lansing, p. 5. This page number citation refers to a typed draft of the article. This paper was presented at the joint winter meetings of the American Economic Association and other asso- ciations and is soon to be published in the American Economic Review. 13Donald J. Bogue, "Internal Migration", Chapter 21, The Study of Population, edited by Philip M. Hansen and Otis Dudley Duncan, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), p. 501. 121 an alt bu; 25 The existence of such diverse conclusions regarding the educational selectivity of off farm migrants made the selection of an adjustment coefficient impossible. Indeed, it seemed that there might be some doubt even as to its direction. In view of this diversity of conclusions regarding educational selectivity of migration, the neutral assumption of no educational selectivity seemed the most reasonable choice. If positive educational selectivity did exist, that is, if increased amounts of education were associated with increased rates of migration, the amount of education held by migrants would be underestimated, a conservative error. If the migration process selected the extremes in educational attainment, there would result a compensating error in the underestimating of the contri- bution of the extremes and the overestimation of the contribution of the group with medium educational attainment. In either case, the error introduced seemed to be tolerable. Now, getting back to the computation of the educational distribution of off farm migrants by using data on the educational level of rural farm people, considerable effort was expended in searching various sources including the most obvious, the 1950 census materials. As might have been expected, the search of the census materials was most rewarding, but unfortunately, the 1950 census materials gave rural farm educational level data by age groups only for states. There were no data for the state portions of subregions and it was these that were needed if the already synthesized age distributions of migrants were to be used as a basis for estimating the amounts of education held by migrants. 26 Additional search of the published materials was conducted, but this time the 1940 census was included. For the rural farm group, twenty-five and older in 1940, the 1940 census provided educational distributions by county.“+ Since the counties in each state's portion of each subregion were known,15 it was possible to aggregate the county data in such a way as to produce distributions for state portions of subregions.16 It was assumed that those twenty-five and older in 1940 had com- pleted their education. Therefore, the 1940 educational distribution of those twenty-five and older was used as an approximation of the 1950 educational distribution of those thirty-five and older.17 Since there existed no county data for rural farm people under thirty-five in 1950 comparable to that in the 1940 census for those twenty-five and older in 1940, a compromise was made. The state data on rural farm educational levels were used.18 Implicit in this was the assumption that for this age group, there were no significant differences 14Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940, Population, Volume II, "Characteristics of the Population," Bureau of the Census, United States Department of Commerce, Table 27. 15Donald J. Bogue and Calvin L. Beale, Economic Subregions of the United States, Series Census-DAB, No. 19, United States Department of Connmrce and United States Department of Agriculture, June 1953, Table A. 16This procedure will be discussed more fully later. 17This ignored the fact that there were deaths in the decade. Since it must be assumed that death was selective of the older ages, a bias downward in the 1950 educational distribution was introduced to the ex- tent that the younger people were better educated than the old. This error was adjudged to be tolerable. 18Seventeenth Census of the United States: 1950, “Detailed Character- istics,” 1950 Population Census Report, Series P-C, Bureau of the Census, United States Department of Commerce, Tables 64 and 65. 27 among the educational attainments of the various state portions of sub- regions within a single state. That this was an unrealistic assumption was probably true, but it was felt that there were probably smaller differences for those under_thirty-five than for those thirty-five and older. With improving standards and amounts of education, it seemed likely that there might well be a lessening of the differences within a state. The only real alternative would have been to ignore all differences in educational attainment within a state and to do this would have robbed the analysis of any refinement introduced by the use of educational level data for state portions of subregions. It seemed preferable to use the more refined data even though completely comparable data were not available for those less than thirty-five in 1950, for by so doing the results of any disparity in educational attainments of various state portions of subregions were at least partially reflected in the final computations of the amounts of education held by migrants. Thus whatever the merits of the decisions, the basic data from which the educational distribution were computed were taken from county data in the 1940 census and state data from the 1950 census. Since the data on migrants from Net Migration used age categories as previously shown in TABLE II - 1, it was necessary to compute the educational distributions on the basis of these age categories. The 1940 ages, however, were inappropriate so ten years was added to each category to get an age category for 1950. These 1950 categories were then combined to make them comparable to the educational distributions 28 which could be computed from the census materials. These age of migrants in 1950 categories were the following: 10-14, 15~l9, 20-24, 25-29, 30-34, and 35 and over. A problem arose, however, for if the 1950 educational distribution of the migrants were applied to the comparable 1950 age group of migrants, this was tantamount to assuming that all migration took place in 1950. Such, obviously, was not the case. One way around this problem was to apply the 1950 age education distribution of five years less to each 1950 age distribution of migrants. This was the method chosen. This solution carried with it the implicit assumption that all the migration took place in 1945 or, what was the same thing, that the rates of outmigration in the various regions ware constant over the 1940-50 decade. This assumption of a constant rate of migration over the decade was a conservative one. Some data19 indicated otherwise, but when it was realized that such sources counted members of the armed forces as leaving agriculture when they entered service, the argument that many off farm migrants were counted prematurely had validity. One fairly minor problem arose with respect to the assigning of the educational distributions to be applied to the category of migrants thirty-five and older in 1950. To use an educational distribution of an age category five years younger gave a nonsense solution. What was an 195cc Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1958, United States Department of Commerce, Table No. 788, p. 611. 29 age category of thirty years and over minus five years?20 Thus, for this group the 1940 twenty-five and older educational distribution was used. Since most of those twenty-five and older in 1940 were through school, this departure from the use of five year younger educational distributions did not cause difficulty. After all, the reason for using a five year younger educational distribution in the first place had been to allow for education acquired after 1940. TABLE II - 3 shows the age groups of migrants and the educational distribution with which they were matched to generate estimates of the educational level of the migrants. TABLE 11 - 3 Age groups of migrants and educational distri- bution with which they were matched. Age of 1950 Migrants Number of Migrants Educational 1950 Distribution 10-14 xxx 5-9 15-19 xxx 10-14 20-24 xxx 15-19 25-29 xxx 20-24 30-34 xxx 25-29 35 and over xxx 35 and over3 8This is the 25 and older distribution computed from the 1940 Census. 2oThirty-five and over was the age category for the migrants. An educational distribution for a group five years younger was wanted. A discrete amount could not be substracted from an open ended category such as thirty and over. 30 The actual computation of the various educational distributions has been illustrated in Appendix A, but it will clarify this presentation to develop to some extent this procedure here. From Table A, Economic Subregions of the United States,21 herein- after referred to as Economic Subregions, the counties by state from each United States Subregion were obtained. For each of these counties an educational distribution of rural farm population, twenty-five and older in 1940 was obtained from the 1940 Census.22 A percentage educational distribution was then computed so that no years through four or more years of college equaled 100 percent.23 Such a distribution was obtained for the portion of each United States Subregion belonging to each state. The 5-9, 10-14, 15-19, 20-24, and 25-29 educational distributions, as has already been explained, were computed from the 1950 Census figures on the educational level of the rural farm population in each state.24 Figures for both the male and the female population were combined. Again, 21Donald J. Bogue and Calvin L. Beale, Economic Subregions of the United States, Series Census-DAB, No. 19, United States Department of Commerce and United States Department of Agriculture, June 1953. 22Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940, 22. c_1£., Table 27. 23This involved allocating the no report category to the other groups in the same proportion in which they occurred. This assumed that there was no educational level bias in the no report category. 24Seventeenth Census of the United States: 1950, "Detailed Charac- teristics," 1950 population Census Report, Series P-C, Bureau of the Census, United States Department of Commerce, Tables 64 and 65. 31 a percentage educational distribution was computed for each category so that no years through four or more years of college equaled 100 percent.25 Since the percentage educational distributions gave a percentage figure for such educational categories as 1-2 years, 3-4 years, 5-6 years, 7-8 years, 9-11 years, and 13-15 years; these percentages were evenly divided among the years included in the category. Thus an estimate was produced which had seventeen categories--no years through four or more years of college--and a percentage figure for each educational level category. The presentation of TABLE II - 3 and an earlier statement that the losses from that portion of a subregion within a state were assumed to have the age distribution of all losses from the entire subregion, im- plied the method of developing the estimates of the number of migrants within each age category for each portion of a subregion contained within a state. It will be recalled that losses from state areas were assigned to the subregion of which they were a part. (See TABLE II - 2, lower right.) Assuming that the loss had the same age distribution as the subregion to which it belonged seemed more justifiable than assuming the loss had the age distribution of the entire state. The subregions exhibited a 25As with the group twenty-five and older in 1940, this involved allocating the no report category to the other groups in the same pro- portion in which they occurred. This assumed that there was no educa- tional level bias in the no report category. 32 greater degree of homogeneity26 than did the states. One minor problem, however, did occur. The allocating of the losses had been done on the basis of the actual sum27 so that the fractions by which the loss was multiplied would sum to one. The final step in getting an estimate of the educational level of the migrants in each state was to sum the estimates for that portion of each subregion within the state. The step by step process by which the estimates for each state were derived is presented in Appendix A. Determining the Portion of Investment in the Education of Migrants Paid by Agriculture Once the state estimates of the educational level of the migrants had been computed, the next concern was the attaching of a "price tag" to them. The estimated educational level of 1940-50 net off farm migration was only an estimate of the years of education held by the migrants. Unfortunately, there was little clue as to when this education had been obtained. True, it was known that such off farm movement was essentially a phenomenon of youth28 but such was hardly sufficient knowledge to allow classification of the education as to the time at which it was obtained. Since such could not be done, it became impossible to value 26See Bogue and Beale, gp. cit. pp. 1-2 for the criteria for sub- regions. 27See Footnote b, TABLE II - 1. 28T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, (New York: Harper and Brothers, l9h6), pp. 186-187. 33 the educational investment in terms of its cost in public expenditure. Rather, there seemed to be no alternative to valuing the educational investment on the basis of the cost of education at some given time. The time chosen was 1940. The choice of 1940 as the date from which educational expenditures were taken was, to a rather considerable extent, an arbitrary decision. Yet there seemed to be some argument for the choice of 1940. From the age distribution of the migrants it could be inferred that a majority of the educational investment took place prior to 1940. Yet, much education of migrants did take place in the 40's when educational costs were rapidly rising. On the other side, a great deal of the education was obtained prior to 1930 but very little came before 1920. The large drop in school expenditures caused by the depression was in opposition to the rising secular cost trend. It thus became defensible to look at the 1920 to 1940 period as one in which the investment per pupil per year was relatively stable when compared to the years since 1940. The use of the 1940 figure then underestimates the cost of educational investment since 1940, but it overestimates that before 1940. The over- estimation error seemed to be larger, but since there had been a general rise in the price level over time, it did not seem unreasonable to value some of the education at more than its initial cost. When everything was considered the 1940 figure seemed the most reasonable. Yet the defense of the use of the 1940 figure did not have to be unassailable, for all that could be said with rigor was that the education was valued at cost of production in 1940. Thus, whatever were its merits and its demerits, the cost of education in 1940 was used. 34 Since, presumably public investment in education was self amortizing because of the increased individual productivity resulting from the in- vestment, it was reasoned that the unamortized public educational in- vestment for each migrant would decrease over the productive life of the migrant. To allow for this, the amount of education held by migrants was adjusted to eliminate the contribution of those fifty years and older at the time of migration.29 Had this not been done, the invest- ment in an eighteen year old migrant with twelve years of education would have been valued the same as that in a seventy-five year old man with twelve years of education. The differences in productive potential after migration certainly had to be accounted for in some fashion. It must be admitted that the use of fifty years of age as a cut off point was arbitrary. It seemed reasonable, however, for the alter- native of valuing the educational investment at a figure which decreased with the age of the migrant would have introduced some refinement, but only at the cost of rather considerable additional complications in compu- tation. To introduce and clarify the remainder of the computational pro- cedures, a brief preview is in order. Two estimates, designated Estimates 1 and Estimates 2, of the unamortized public investment in the education of migrants for states and the United States were made. To Estimate 1, three estimates of the percentage contribution of agricul- ture were applied to produce three estimates of the cost to agriculture 29For the computation of this adjustment, please see Appendix B. 35 of the educational investment in migrants. These were designated Transfer Estimate 1a, Transfer Estimate lb and Transfer Estimate 1c. To Estimate 2 two estimates of the percentage contribution of agricul- ture were applied to produce two estimates of the total contribution of agriculture. These were designated Transfer Estimate 2d and Transfer Estimate 2e. To produce Estimate 1 of total unamortized public educational in- vestment figures on current expense, interest, and capital outlay per rural pupil in average daily attendance, 1939-40 by states,30 were multiplied by the number of years of elementary and secondary education included in net off farm migration, adjusted to exclude those fifty and older at migration. This produced state by state estimates of the total public educational investment in migrants. In addition it was possible to get estimates for the United States, both by direct computation and by sunning the state figures. In order to estimate the amount of this investment which was paid for by agriculture, estimates of the percentage contribution of agricul- ture to the tax revenues were needed. Unfortunately, there were no available estimates of the percentage contribution of the agricultural sector to public revenues going for the support of the education of rural youth. Data did exist, however, which could be used to produce estimates which should give at least some insight into the nature of agricultural contributions. 30"Statistics of State School Systems, 1939- 40 and 1941- 42", s_1- ennial Survey of Education, Federal Security Agency, United States Office of Education, Volume II, Chapter III, p. 131. 36 Estimates of percent of receipts from taxation and appropriation from state, county, and local sources, by state, 1939-40, state school systems, were available.31 By combining county and local sources an estimate of the contribution of agriculture was made. Such an estimate failed to allow for contributions made to state and federal funds which were in turn returned and spent on education at the local level. On the side of overestimation, to the extent that the rural areas included tax paying nonagricultural establishments, there was an error. Thus, there were errors of both overestimation and underestimation. It was hoped that they might thus at least roughly compensate for each other and give a usable estimate, especially when aggregated, of agriculture's contri- bution to the educational investment of the off farm migrant. In any case this did present a measure of the local conmmnity investment in the education of off farm migrants. This estimate of the percentage of the total that the agricultural contribution comprised was multiplied by the total estimated investment, Estimate 1, in the education of the migrants and thus an estimate of the investment from agriculture was obtained for each state. The state estimates were summed for a United States total. This produced Trans- fer Estimate 1a. Because there was reason to believe that the data on percent of receipts from taxation and appropriation from state, county, and local sources might reflect differences in the tax structures of the states as well as differences in the ultimate source of public funds, other means of estimation were also used. 311b1d., p. 23. 37 To each state estimate of total public education investment, Esti- mate 1, the county plus local percentage contribution, United States average32 was applied. This then was summed state by state to give a United States estimate of agricultural contribution to public education investment of off farm migrants. This was designated Transfer Estimate 1b. Transfer Estimate lb was not open to the criticism of Transfer Estimate 1a regarding the possible reflection of variations in state tax structures, but to the extent that the percentages used to derive Trans- fer Estimate la reflected real differences in the ultimate source of public funds, the method used to derive Transfer Estimate 1b did intro- duce error. To evaluate these various errors was not possible. Never- theless, they had to be pointed out so that the reader would be aware of the problem. A third transfer estimate, Transfer Estimate 1c, was computed. This computation involved the use of a percentage estimate of the non- federal and nonstate revenues used in the financing of public schools in rural counties?3 This percentage, 47.2 percent, was multiplied by Estimate 1 of the total state public educational investment in net off farm migrants. The state estimates of the agricultural investment in the education of the migrants were summed to give a national estimate. 32E- 23- 33Statistics of Rural Schools, A United States Summary, 1955-56, Circular No. 565, May 1959, Office of Education, United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, p. 16. Admittedly, similar data for 1940 would have been preferable. It seemed, however, that the use of the 1955-56 figure would if anything underestimate the local contribution be- cause of the trend toward increased federal and state support. Thus the error was a conservative one. Despite the obvious inadequacies of the use of this estimate of local contributions as an estimate of local con- tributions as an estimate of the agricultural contribution, it was felt that its use could be justified on the basis of a lack of more precise estimates. 38 As was explained earlier two estimates of the total public invest- ment in the education of the migrants were generated. The first estimate, Estimate 1, gave both state and national estimates. Estimate 2, the computation of which has not yet been explained, yielded only a national estimate of the total public investment in the education of migrants. To produce Estimate 2 of the total public investment in the educa- tion of migrants, the total number of years of elementary and secondary education represented in the national migrant group, adjusted to exclude those fifty and older at migration, was multiplied by the 1940 United States expense, interest, and capital outlay per rural pupil in average daily attendance.34 Transfer Estimate 2d was produced by multiplying Estimate 2 of total public investment in the education of migrants by the 69.4 percent, the county plus local percentage contribution to receipts from taxation and appropriation from state, county, and local sources, 1939-40, state school systems, United States average.35 The computation of Transfer Estimate 2e differed from that of Trans- fer Estimate 2d only in that in place of 69.4 percent, 47.2 percent was used. 47.2 percent was the percentage estimate of the nonfederal and nonstate revenues used in the financing of public schools in the rural counties.36 34"Statistics of State School Systems, 1939-40 and 1941-42", .2- cit., p. 131. 351mm, 1). 23. 36Statistics of Rural Schools, A United States Summary, 1955-56, 22. cit., p. 16. Refer to Footnote 33, this chapter. 39 For a further explanation of the computation of the extent of the social capital transfers, see Appendix B. It should be noted that no account was taken of the investment in college education. This was necessitated by the lack of knowledge as to what proportion of the college training was obtained in publicly supported schools and how much contribution per pupil agriculture made to his education. This caused a downward bias but not a very large one since the college educated off farm migrant represented a small percentage of total migrants. Further mention of this problem is made in Chapter III. Weaknesses in the Procedure The writer was keenly aware of several weaknesses inherent in the estimating procedures used. It must be remembered, however, that one had to deal with data which were available or which could be produced within the limits of time and resources available. The first area of real weakness was the assumption of no educational selectivity in off farm migration. This assumption probably did not seriously bias the type of estimates made in this study, but were adequate data on educational selectivity, it would have been desirable to use them. Almost inevitable is criticism based on the failure to break the migration streams into white and nonwhite. The error introduced by this failure seemed tolerable. Remember that the object of this study dealt with educational investment, not numbers of people in various race cate- gories. Thus even in states where nonwhites represented a significant proportion of the off farm migration, the method used did not ignore them. The educational distribution of the rural farm sector took into » 'l. e " 40 account all race groups. The cost figures for rural educational ex- penditure were a weighted average. This meant that both the educational level estimates and the cost figures did include the nonwhite segment. Even if the findings of Bogue and Hagood37 held, the errors introduced would seem to be a conservative one of underestimation, for the positive educational selectivity of whites was opposed by disproportionately large numbers of the least well as well as the better educated nonwhites. Serious criticism may be directed at the estimates of the percentage contribution of agriculture to total public investment in the education of off farm migrants. Such criticism is not without foundation, but the problem faced here was a paucity of data. These estimates used were selected, not as the best estimates which could be produced by extensive research, but as the best estimates that could be made on the basis of existing information. To go further would have constituted an additional research effort using time and other resources not available for this study. Data Needed It became increasingly obvious that too little was known about the characteristics of the off farm migrant group. Census material did not even begin to adequately deal with this group. We need to have a ”before" and ”after” view of these people. The special tabulations of the 1950 38 Census gave an essentially "after" picture. 37Bogue and Hagood, 22. cit., p. 57. Se quote this chapter, pp. 23-24 38See United States Census of Population: 1950, Volume IV, Special Reports, Part 4, Chapter C, ”Population Mobility - Farm-Nonfarm Movers," United States Bureau of the Census, Washington, 1957. 41 Of particular interest would be a tabulation which shows the time of and age at migration. Adequate data of this sort did not appear to be available. I Migration is a phenomenon of groups as well as individuals. Ade- quate data are needed so that we may know to what extent there was migration of families as well as individuals who because of their youth have not established conjugal family ties. Despite the argument that the failure to breakdown off farm migra- tion by race did not seriously bias the results of this study, it was without doubt, desirable that adequate data by race be collected. Lastly, there was real need for state by state studies which in- vestigate the source and disbursement of revenues by economic sector. Only with such studies could reasonably reliable estimates of the con- tribution of agriculture to the education of off farm migrants be made. Had data of the type discussed in this section been available, it would have been possible to remove many of the "bugs" from this study. Until such data are available, studies of this type will find that too often an inadequate or even questionable method of attack is dictated by the necessity of using the data available. To be forced to develop methods which allow use of the data is seldom preferable to first developing method and then using data which fit the method. 42 CHAPTER III RESULTS The Amount of Education Transferred to the Nonfarm Economy The level of education of the off farm migrants of the 1940-50 decade was of interest. So far as the researcher knows no estimates comparable to those developed in this study have been published. TABLE III - l is a tabular presentation of these estimates. Be- cause of its nature this table might be particularly interesting to sociologists. It was of interest to know how many years of education were repre- sented in the net off farm migration of the 1940-50 decade. TABLE III - 2 gives estimates for states and for the United States of the number of elementary and secondary years of education and the number of years of college represented in net off farm migration. Data from TABLES III - 1 and III - 2 were used to make the regional comparisons shown in TABLE III - 3. The South appeared as the region of heavy off farm migration, but it showed up relatively less heavily as a contributor to the body of education held by the migrants at the time of migration. A group of midwestern states - Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Missouri - and a group of southern states - South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, and Alabama - had approximately the same number of off farm migrants. The migrants from-these midwestern states had approximately 1.4 times as many years of college training as did the migrants from this group of states in the South. Even so, the South (as defined in TABLE III - 3) accounted for more than half the years of education carried by off farm vouamaoo "cousom .CMMu mamas m an vouaoavow ma cowumsuHu «gnu use nouuanmom Baum emu cu nowumuwua :« use ea ouonu nomad oEom omm 3 A. ooo.~m ooo.HH ooo.m~ coo.na ooo.Hm ooo.wmn ooo.a¢ coo.aas ssnasmHs anew wmo we .oz Hao.H nnH mam NH¢.H osm.H HAN.H Has HsN.~ so>o was a ans as can Nae mao.H mmH.H mmN «Ne.H m mas smH can aaH.H HNH.~ sow.H Nan mmH.~ N Haw «NH Has HH¢.H ome.~ Hmo.~ was mHm.~ H oonHoo Ham.» msm.H omo.e on.mH HH¢.aH amo.m~ awa.m Haa.Hm a o~s.s sea am¢.H aom.s mma.s me.oH sam.H mas.aH m moo.n Hna smN.~ sm~.m aom.a moo.mu aHa.~ ooa.a~ N mam.o was an.~ Haw.m amm.a «Hm.o~ sos.~ maa.on H Hooaom ame «NH.oH NNN.H wNH.a .sHN.~H mom.~H oom.mn mma.a ooa.ms m ans.» mHs.H aaa.~ man.m was.» moo.oa «ma.m aNH.Hn a «HH.a ass mas MHn.m mqo.m mam.am aNm.~ amm.mm o oss.e Has men mam.m awo.m was.sm maa.~ aHn.o¢ m «so.n mos emN sam.~ Hoo.~ oea.o~ mam.~ moa.nm a sm¢.s «mm NsH sHN.~ anN.H mHm.n~ omm.~ mam.Hm m aan.m mom Hm sHo.~ Hum mao.H~ mmo.~ «Nm.m~ N Hoo.m «nu a- mHm.H son o¢m.mH oom.H oaH.m~ H Hoonom mnmucoaoam qu.s mHs NMH Hmo.m oao o~¢.mw «NH.HH Hum.am muss» .oz Cuban—Oak oum3mHOQ uDUHUUOQGOQ OUwHOHOU mHflHOMHHwU nmmfidxu< NGONH u< NEGQIH< GOHuMUfl—vm ”Ha: HmOHUHHom mo stag» mmoumum beams: was nousuu .:o«uquw«5 no oaHs um suamths stun moo om-osmH mo Ho>oH HscoHssuseo souaaHumm H - HHH mamas 44 ooo.mm ooo.mom ooo.mwn ooo.ona ooo.m- ooo.aMH coo.Hmu ooo.om coo.Hm¢ wunmuwas Show mwo mo .02 HNs sos.H Hao.N sHa.H «wa.H HNo.H amm.N «mm can.N uu>o new a on HNH.H mas.H omm.H wom.H mam msN.H one moo.H m omm Hoa.H oeo.N Haa.N aNo.n nam.H aNo.N som.H NmN.m N was mea.H mHm.n awH.s oam.s oaN.N can.m HHo.H mmH.m H owoaaoo mao.w www.mH ”ma.on omw.os soa.ms MHH.mN omm.ws mam.NH mom.mN a moa.N on.NH Hmn.NH on.HH amB.NH amm.a moo.aH woa.s mNN.om n Nam.m mmm.mH wea.sH mam.HH haN.sH sho.NH oam.eH omm.n mom.nN N Hno.e maN.NH Noe.mH «so.HH amm.eH «on.HH Hoo.oH moo.m Noo.Nm H Hooaum :me NnH.m nmm.MN maN.oa saN.mm «Hs.ma Neo.¢N omH.Hn onm.w Hoo.me m «ma.s mmo.mN HHm.ws “Ha.mN omH.Nm HmN.eH Hoo.om asm.m mmo.mm N mam.H soo.Nm sea.mm amm.o «NH.m cos.“ mNH.m Nmo.H osm.mq e mom.H mwN.Hm Hms.mN omm.e oom.N Haw.¢ NNH.m sam.H can.oa m «an NHw.om New.MN oNH.s Nm¢.s MHm.N cas.m moH.H mon.an q Nmo moa.aN «MH.HN mHN.m nms.m mmo.N NNo.s mam HsN.an m own moo.mN mmo.nH mNs.m oaH.m ans.H Haa.m Non mom.om N smN sso.mN aoN.mH msm.m «MH.m Nam.H mnm.m Nwo mam.eN H Hoosum hunucoEuHN «mm Hsa.mn me.sH Nom.m mom.m Hom.H «no.0 maH.H saN.os muuua .oz asoH nequaH mHocHHHH oaauH mwwumwm ocuumosvm UHaa HuUHUHHoa mo stun» moscwuaoo H - HHH mamo was a omN.H Nmm ans.H eN¢.H mmn.H “No oHH cos n aHm.H amm osH.m mam.N on.N NwN.H mHs «an N me.m «HH.H NaN.a mHa.N moa.m Nnn.N can Hem H omoaaoo moo.Nm oes.m Hes.es mom.aN me.nn «HH.mn HNa.m «NH.» s mMN.m amm.N wa.mH maa.NH woo.mH msm.HH Nam me.m n mmm.a NNs.m New.mH Hoa.NN ohm.nH noo.nH moo.H cam.m N Ham.m Nma.n aNN.aH onm.mN Noc.NH Hnn.mH oNN.H an.¢ H Hooeum new: mmo.mN Hoq.o nnm.He ems.om sHe.mo omm.am new nan.” o HNN.aH NHa.o msH.qm . oo¢.¢a Hmm.on mno.aH HmH oNN.m a oNo.m amn.N ssH.oH nHo.ms mHo.HH aHo.N esH- neo.m o awo.m msN.N NaN.¢H ano.me mmo.oH Nms.o mNm- ssm.e m mam.m mno.H mnn.oH nmm.wm mom.o on.s oHe- mom.N a on.N mam.H moo.a ooH.em Hno.n ama.N mNa- Neo.N n mHN.N ewm.H nan.a mmH.aN wan.s HoN.H ans- was.H N smw.N Nmm.H nNm.a Nom.oN ons.s was.H sue- mom.H H Hoosom hwuuaoaofim Hum.c nos.N ann.m nan.em «HH.a mum.H sac.H- an.H «use» oz oxnmunoz «amuse: «ascend: H «mnammfiz mucusncfiz no «god: unusuanuseunz mundane: couumoavu uHcm HmUHUHHoa no «snow mosauucoo H - HHH uqm¢8 46 ooo.OHH ooo.mn¢ ooo.NNH coo.mo ooo.o~ ooo.oH ooo.n muamuwwa Show wwo mo .02 «mo sow.~ wmo.~ oHo Hon mom mm uo>o van a Nmm me.H NoN.H mas mNH NNH on N Non.H Nam.H som.H aHe Non oaN an N moH.N Nm¢.N mNH.N sea can NNN Nm H uonHoo omq.NH nHN.NN HNH.nN «Hm.o mmw.n m¢N.N can a Hem.a maa.NN ooa.m NmN.N osH.H saw HNH m ass.m own.NN mNH.NH Hen.n maa.H 0mm mmN N Nmo.m NN¢.¢N me.oH was.n mam.H NNo.H NNN H Hooeom ame naN.aN HmN.¢s mNN.NN NNo.N ons.m me.N mos w onn.oH oom.¢m on.NH sac.“ onm.N NNH.H NHN N HoN.m anH.os HNN.n mnm.¢ Neo.H omn ANH o Nom.m Nso.se oNo.s mNo.a Nam emN an m NHo.n mNn.an oao.N moo.m nos soH ooH a Hmm.n Hmo.Nm sos.H NNn.N ass NN ma N NmH.m mam.mN sou mom.m oNs m as N mom.n «Na.mH non NHo.m nos HN- moH H Hoosom AnounoauHu Hmo.s ooN.oN Nan HNH.m NNN no- NNH sumo» oz nuoxmn muuoz usHHoumo nuuoz snow 3oz ooHXux suz hookah 3oz ouHsmmaom zuz uvn>oz :oHumoavm uHap HaUHUHHoa no mass» concHufloo H u HHH Ham<9 47 ooo.mm ooo.oom coo.H- ooo.mNH coo.sN ooo.mos ooo.moN usaaumHa Emu HMO NO .02 mmm mNH.n qu- mnN.N nan mwo.m hmn.N uo>o one a wNN me.H cm I nmm.H HNm NNn.N oHo.H m MMN.H o¢0.N cHH- mMH.N mmm oom.m «Nn.N N qu.N ooN.H mmN- mNm.N cow mnm.m MNH.m H oonHoo wmm.mH moo.MH How- mmo.nm Hoo.n acm.mm wnm.on a owN.o NNH.wH noHu Hnm.oH «mo.N coo.oN MHm.mH m oNN.o oqm.oH mum- mmN.mH nmo.m NNN.mN mo¢.0N N mmn.¢ HNo.mH NON- www.mH onc.n HmN.Hn ONm.mH H Hooaom amHm nwm.o~ mmm.mN mun- Hon.o¢ mne.¢ www.mo mmn.mm m wmn.NH moH.mm No HmN.mN oNo.N nwo.nc on.MN N NNm.m onw.mN N . OMH.m mom Noo.wN cmo.m o wmh.m Nwo.wN omH emm.N who omn.oN Hmn.o n mam.N www.mN mmH wnH.m mam mom.NH mHo.m a ohm.H NNo.¢N omN mmo.N we aoH.oH maa.H m Nnm.H «no.mH oNN oHH.H NmHu won.nH mos N moH.N woo.oH NmH mom oaNu mmN.mH Non H Hoonom munuouaon ess.m on.aN can com HNN- ooN.NN aNN scams 02 nuoxnm nusom mcHHouso nusom ocanH spasm chs>Hhun=om sowopo maommeo oHno 1| coHumusvm uHsD HmoHuHHom mo mums» voucHunoo H . HHH mqmo was a NNe ass Hos.H mmN can NNN.m mwN.H N NNH.H Hom.H NmN.N mos NHm Noo.a oON.N N woa.H oeo.N «HN.N mom oaN Nos.HH oe0.N H omoHHoo Ham.mH amm.oH wmo.HN nms.¢ an¢.m Nam.om msN.NN a oo¢.o Hom.s see.NH NsN.H NmN.N oHs.oo mHN.NH m NmN.m NoN.N mmN.sH NNN.N Hms.N NNo.oo NoH.NH N ooe.oH Nws.N smH.NH nHH.N NaH.N NmN.ms Nso.oN H Hoonom amHe moN.mN omH.HH NaH.eN Nms.o oas.N «Ha.Ha Hmm.mm m HNm.NH NNm.o mNo.NN amN.N osm.H mnN.NN Hmo.am N HHa.HH Hoa.H NnN.oN «NN.H NNN nmo.ms mes.HN o woN.a mos.H NmN.sN eao.H NoN NNN.Na maN.NN m mHo.s com mmH.mH ans mam mNH.os mmn.HN a mNm.¢ «NH «No.nH was was oaN.ms mmm.NH N mom.m mam- NmN.HH mHN can NNN.ms MNm.sH N NHH.N NmN- Non.oH NmN Nan HNN.Hs Nom.NH H mumuaoaon mHo.s HoH.N- Non.oH HNs «so.H nom.oa ssN.NH sumo» oz IrchkuH> uses scuwaHneoz chkuH> uaoauo> gnu: annoy commonsoa soHumosvm “Ha: HmoHUHHoa no stems voanHufioo H u HHH mgm<8 noumum voans emu now ounaHuwo .eonom .ooo.oHo.m Hears uoc noon anu nouns maanaou on use .uHmuOu mucus emu mo Han ecu uH aHnu menu ouozNH 49 oooo.Noo.N ooo.HN coo.HoN oooaomHa atom moo No .oz NoN.HN NNN NoH.H oo>o was a Hno.oo NoN HNN.H N NNN.ow NoN NNN.N N NNN.NoH Nos HHo.N H owuHHou NNo.oNo.H NoN.o NHo.NN o oNN.HNo omo.H NNo.oH N oNN.NNN NNN.H HNN.NH N NoN.Noo HNN.H moN.NH H Hooaom szz NNH.NNN.H ooN.N NNN.oN N NNN.oHo.H NHN.N NoN.NN N NNN.noo Now ooN.N o oNN.NNN Now oNN.N N HHN.NNs HNN NNN.N a NNN.NHo NNN NNo.o N oNN.NNN Non NsN.N N HNN.ooN NNN oaH.N H Hoozom humanoauHm N¢N.NHN NNN oNN.N aroma oz magnum ooUHsa wcHasxz :HwnOouHs noHumosvu oHoz HuoHoHHoz mo some» vuacHuaoo H n HHH mam<9 50 TABLE III - 2 Estimates of number of years of education represented in net off farm migration 1940-50, states and United States. Political Number of Years Unit 21 ~ Ljnd " ‘ , College Alabama 2,921,755 20,097 Arizona 259,428 5,155 Arkansas 2,501,971 14,300 California 741,990 17,463 Colorado 582,122 9,829 Connecticut 219,968 6,533 Delaware 86,208 1,192 Florida 571,315 7,897 Georgia 2,905,906 24,900 Idaho 486,862 8,559 Illinois 1,957,874 23,544 Indiana 1,262,583 14,975 Iowa 1,882,959 23,013 Kansas 1,518,964 22,491 Kentucky 2,456,801 21,371 Louisiana 1,718,335 15,472 Maine 345,107 4,409 Maryland 463,772 8,045 Massachusetts 93,544 2,756 Michigan 1,433,841 13,633 Minnesota 1,947,439 18,806 Mississippi 2,654,886 21,120 Missouri 2,218,257 23,162 Montana 401,915 6,669 Nebraska 1,197,987 14,640 Nevada 23,694 481 New Hampshire 96,328 2,239 New Jersey 164,810 3,769 New Mexico 386,111 5,923 New York ‘ 1,101,476 19,478 North Carolina 2,674,138 21,653 North Dakota 827,094 10,381 Ohio 1,903,092 23,057 Oklahoma 2,995,594 33,086 Oregon 262,611 4,387 Pennsylvania 1,635,643 22,254 Rhode Island —24,799 -1,230 South Carolina 1,758,666 22,095 South Dakota 674,722 9,156 Tennessee 2,205,055 19,103 Texas 6,012,202 81,660 Utah 204,572 4,288 May‘s-m .3..- TABLE III - 2 Continued 51 Political Number of Years Unit Elementary and Secondary College Vermont 229,500 3,445 Virginia 1,767,800 23,111 Washington 631,574 11,219 West Virginia 1,022,644 9,488 Wisconsin 1,662,289 16,496 Wyoming 172,475 3,112 United States 61,219,080 698,682 Source: Computed 52 TABLE III - 3 A comparison of the contribution to net off farm migration and years of education held by the net off farm migrants, by regions,a United States, 1940-1950. Percent Of Percent of Years of Education Held by Net U. S. Net Off Farm Migrants Re81°“ off farm Migration Elementary and Secondary College Northeast 5 6 9 North Central 25 30 31 South 64 57 49 West 6 ~ 7 11 8The regions were defined as follows: Northeast - Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania; North Central - Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Kansas; South - Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas; and West - Mmtana, Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, Washington, Oregon, and California. Source: Computed migrants. Thus the years of education were greatest in the South, but this was more than offset by the increased levels of educational ex- penditure in the regions outside the South. While the South contributed more than half of the migrants and more than half of the years of school attendance received by its migrants, it contributed less than half of the agriculturally derived public educational investment in the 1940-1950 off farm migrants.1 1This last part of the statement anticipates some of the data pre- sented later in this chapter in TABLE III - 8. It should be noted that the Appalachian, Southeast, Delta, and Texas-Oklahoma regions of TABLE III - 8 comprise what in TABLE III - 3 was designated as South. 53 vouamaou ”mousom .Huuou ououm ago no Ban onu Hears uoa hue Hausa meadow toads: on» uouno mdausaou cu once noa.mnm soo.mm~.am u.¢ .m .p HmH.~ Hew.om~ masses: «mm.a oaa.o0m nausea: oa~.HH naw.~m~.a gaseous“: «mo.oa ew~.mnm.a “Macaw“: use.o mou.mmm uaauwua> gnu: ~«m.wa oom.nm¢.~ “aaanmuuuaz was.m oma.mom noumusanus amm.n~ mac.mam.a «accused: mam.aa man.mam.a uaaamua> om¢.a auo.flmo.a cameras: “an.“ Noo.ooa uuoauo> Hom.a «no.mm nuuonuaouanuz anH.m Hom.aea an»: Nam.m Nam.mom gangsta: a~o.wo mao.am~.m mange Ha~.¢ moc.mmm menus mum.o~ wom.oma.a amouoaaos m-.ma mmm.m~m.a «assuage; has.» qu.~a¢ «pagan auaom mam.ma m¢m.~ma.~ sausuaue ~o~.aa Hou.amm.s uaaaouuo auaom cam.nH wmm.ooH.H assume Noe- moo.¢a- vamHmH ocean soo.ma onw.amm.~ mon can.ma oo~.mn~.a uuam>aamaaom onm.oH www.0em «cuanaH cam.a ¢H¢.mna cowouo oom.oa ome.nma.a saoauaaH mam.a~ s-.ohn.u maosaaxo asa.o cma.nnm onovH www.ma NAN.~oa.H cane ao¢.¢~ maamoam.~ mawuooo oqm.a mom.mao «posse euuoz emm.o m¢¢.¢ma «usuoam moH.aH aau.~mq.~ unsaoumo :uuoz “No mea.oa unusuaon Hmm.oa Haa.oao ago» suz mm¢.e mm~.e0a usuauouccou “Ho.q «no.m~m ocean: :uz m~o.o Naa.one evapoaoo mam.a nma.wm suntan 3oz cam.m mah.~ne maauomaamo Nag.” mam.am «paenaau: suz on~.~a can.omu.~ amuauxu< mmm mom.aa mum>uz om~.a Nom.m- acouau< maa.oa Ham.mmm manuunoz Nua.aa Nam.auo.~ maupmaa huovaouom humvaooom owoaaoo new humuaosuau «moaaoo was Auuusoaoau «hour we nonaaz awn: anuwuwuom muss» mo nonaaz uwflb Hmowuauom .vousuwwa aosu dos: nevus use on uaonu Ho noausnunudoo use ouodwaqao ou vouusnvm .woumum usage: one season .onnocau coaumumwa anew «no use =« voucouonmou soauuoavo mo wusoh no Hones: mo mauqauumu q u HHH flun an»: ana.maa.na Haanumnuna: «so.naw.~a couwsaeamz amc.m¢a.ona “sauces“: oom.mao.aw canawua> m-.woe.HOa nauseous mam.cwa.aH oceano> oNo.mw~.w nuuomsnoaauu: Hoh.mwe.aa anus «an.amm.mm vamaauux Naa.amo.ooa assay maa.ama.o~ onus: aaa.oma.am momuocaoa mna.wmo.maa unmana=QH oao.amh.aa muoan asaom ane.m~o.am sauauaoz omn.m¢m.mo aaaaouqo canon onm.wma.maa «manna “Nm.oem- ucmauH «were amn.onm.omH msoH oo~.mea.m~a cacs>aamcaum don.mwn.am unusuaH ~m¢.m~a.ma nomuuo m-.aam.so~ maoaaaaH oNa.moH.ow~ maoemaxo ”No.¢ma.an oaauu mna.omm.maa case «Ha.omm.caa uawuowo 4H~.¢ma.an «scam: nuuoz mmo.mmm.am «caucus Hau.moe.aaa masseuse :uuoz ohm.moo.aa oumsmaua Hem.ama.aoa snow zwz woo.aaw.o~ sauauoocuoo moa.ns~.nm ocean: zuz omm.wmn.~a ouauoaou nam.maw.~a assume 3»: Hnm.~na.mo uaauouaauo NNm.on.o uuaeaaaum smz ooH.oem.oa manauau< meo.nnq.n nua>oz oNo.mHo.mm ssONHu< mmm.mmo.oa usuaunoz aeo.ana.non maunma< usoaumo>=H oaansm «woos mo ouoauumm uwab mmowuwaom uaoauuo>cH owuosm annoy uo ousaauwu awn: Hmofiuwaom .aoHuoosvo mo wumoo coma us poaaw> .onuo¢mu .doaunuwwa us was uuooh human coon mesa nucsumaa Show uuo use no acqumoavo huovsooom vow zuouaoaoao ago :a uoosuno>s« oflansm HouOu ueu mo muuuaaumu n n HHH uAnuz amo.omo.mm nnm.ace.ma eem.ao~.ao ax.aupoz 3.33. S :NJQ . a" S». n2. mm 2.382 nom.mae.~e aam.oas.ao am~.oom.sm unsouuaz amo.oom.mm om~.a~a.~m H-.a¢c.o¢ seasonaauaz coa.ooa.ma aoa.mon.wofi woe.uma.aoa «sausage: emo.ama.aa oaa.o~m.oa mae.mom.am nauseous ~m~.~aa.m nom.~na.m ama.na¢.a auuoaanouuoax oua.noa.ma ouo.maa.m~ -o.moo.o~ sandman: oma.omo.a mma.aaa.¢a oc~.mo~.aa seas: -a.mom.mm aoa.~o¢.wa «Hm.m~a.m¢ «sausages moo.~mm.a¢ oan.cn~.mo ~a~.m~a.en escapees omm.aom.om o¢¢.aoa.~o oaa.~wa.moa manque mme.meo.ee mam.a¢o.na odo.Oma.nma mon o~m.mm~.~¢ “Hw.osa.~o nae.aam.mn aaaanaH Haw.mmm.am oaa.~ao.¢ea o~m.-a.oma .aoaaaau ~¢~.meo.aa mae.mam.m~ aca.~¢m.~m canon moa.naa.nm om~.~mm.ma “He.mam.aq weapons mna.aoa.oa ma~.-~.e~ mmo.oam.oa «vauoam a~o.sae.m omo.mno.m «wo.aem ouuauaon ooo.o~m.a mma.m¢¢.a~ oma.omm.ma usuauooqaoo moo.¢ma.aa anu.mmn.m~ mem.oao.oe oeauoaoo aoo.woo.aa osm.aaa.ao ~mo.mao.oa «asuouaamo «om.aa~.om ama.amm.mm amm.oaa.ae «mascara oma.amn.ma qo~.maa.- mam.mao.o~ «nouau4 aaa.aam.mqa sam.~ma.aaa oaa.o~meuam naupnac «N masseuse en usages.» ca ouuaaumm AH ouqaau.m «a «assays» nouussua nauseous nowasmua nonsense nauseoua awn: doowuuflom escauooavo mo auaou coma om coma .so«uoumwa as was undo» human dado «use mudouwastsuam «mo use aw uaoauuo>sa descauooneo uwaosm one an coausnauusoo dousunsuwumm mo nonmaauau o HHH mqm goo: aa~.n-.o~ moa.mms.mu amm.amn.oa aouwaunaaz ~oo.ma~.mm moe.~m~.om emm.ana.~m aaaawua> «am.Nao.a ~mm.amm.oH aan.-¢.~a uaosuos «Ho.e-.m omo.~ao.- mea.a-.oa emu: ae¢.ona.aaa oca.aa~.aw~ o¢n.n~a.mm~ canoe ama.mmm.mm om~.aom.mn “No.~so.mn consensus amm.m~m.m~ Noa.n~a.mn oma.oso.ma auoxmn gunom awn.mom.~m oeo.an~.m¢ mom.a~m.am uaaaouuo assom a~a.ma¢ - nua.~mo - . oao.amw - unuauu usage nan.nos.oo nmm.amo.mm hem.osm.ooa ua=u>aaaaaom auo.o¢a.a oaa.mos.oa mmm.aoo.ma cowouo asa.aao.mm w¢~.mma.¢- amm.aoa.aca «assuage aeo.amm.oa oao.maa.mca «No.aoa.mm cane oma.¢aa.e~ m~o.H0m.mm aao.mwa.me muosmn auuoz oun.aaa.nm aum.aaa.ae m~a.uam.mm mafiaoumo auuoz _ nam.mmm.ma om~.mmm.maa o~w.naa.oaa ago» smz » ow «unsung» cu oumaaunm ca uuaaauuu an masseuse «a ouqanumu ”Emu nauseous nounsoua nomasous nomnduua nomoaouh odd: Hooauwaom u .. a u . 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UHSD aQUHH—HHOA vascuusoo n u HHH MAMoH HuaoHuuoomo on moaoumo cha .muomouoo uuoauu on can no saw one oaoHa.aom venom emu mo «Hana emu so mouoaaoo one: muwuuaouuoa 6:80 . .muuv HoeHwHuo on» aoum conoo monome «mu «0 moouaouo can no moose Anna on on: 0.85 «23. .336 «mu Boom onus acuuon one um 53.3 menu can. .vouomaou 0.33 25a 0355 .co MHmHuov ouos_uuuu saunas www.ms . onm.m-mmm.~a u unease oz - saw canto cowooH mmn.~a mma.o mom.o mom.a om~.a ohm.a mae.a coo.» owe.“ omm.m emu mos cad mom cos oNs nan mea No.0 nu ma so.o cos as on ow ca ~m.a one.“ man man as mm m 0H am.oH omH.a mmu.m msa.~ owe oms as mm ma ca n¢.ma mse.ms cos.N omm.~ mmm.m cma.n man man no we mo.- on~.na mom can mam.~ msm.~ oam.m oom.m use can mmo.~. one.a sum oHn com uuomuu oz uo>o can a m N H umoHHoo o m N H Hoomum anm m n o m a m mm mm N mm mH H Hoonum huouooauHm n¢.od mNH.Nm mm OOH mom mm¢ o~m.~ m~m.~ oom.m Ooh.o mmN.o omw.o «your 02 o 33 a saw a- a a: .3 2-x a-“ a: mg... as as sin 833:3 spam no unsoa< xom moo uw< .onms sumaauuz .m-n «mu maogu you :oHuanuumHv ammueoouoa Ho>oH HueoHuoosuo Baum Hanan ago «0 aoHusunnaoo «N - < momuH HuaOHuounmu on unsound mHAH .huowouuo uuoaou on one mo Bum emu moaHa Eon venom on» no «Hana 0:» no vouanaoo one: ummmuououon unsu .ounv HucHwHuo emu scum muHmoo nanomHm may no muuuuuuu on» no 30050 mono .ouuu use :H a0>Hw one: abuuom emu no mean any .vuusaaoo ouoa mane «woman .ON ”HOQH. am ”OH—gum BORN @erfluflfi 0&0? 693 0609—96 on was uuosu mama s¢~.No u mas - msu.ne . unease oz mo sum - sum cacao oo.coa mos.ms Nem.a saw.m omn.o moa.m neo.a nmo.sa moa.m ooo.~ saw one saw and an mNE mm Has as so ”scams oz as.a st mow ma and man mm one mad mm uo>o was s . m~.m mm~.m has mam cam was mom see mes aom m-H .. an oonHoo no.ms mmH.m cao.a «mm ems omo.a «ma mas.“ oem.H man s os.m~ one.sa oun.~ «mm «mm asa.a amm.o aoo.~ amo.H ooa.a m-a ‘. . A 338 :3: M... 2.? ”8.8 mean ooaJ So; So... 938 Sax 21¢ warm «.5 . m¢.a a~8.s one «ms mam moo ham mus moo amm o-m . am.m Nam.~ ow. saw can mmm «am can omN mAN s-~ houuooauHm am.o Nsm on «a as cos em me mm mm mums» oz oonaman !mmwmwm1.um ammo oaomHuo zuuom _oosmauH oHomuHHHm nueuum u send mm ouu< _ mm uuu< oucouuom 89m - GOHumunmm a mo uoaoad :uwHAUHz .m¢ oonoqum cH moHuaaoo .oamH .awchon .mc aOHwounnm .uo>o was mu own «Hmooa anon Hausa now oOHuanuuuHo «monsoonua Ho>oH HueoHuounoo Show Hanan «no mo aOHumusmeoo _u¢ n d mamca 88 The next step was to take the state losses from each subregion and apply to them the age distribution of the losses for the entire sub- region. This is illustrated in TABLE A - 5. When the loss due to migration in the state's portion of each sub- region had been assigned the age distribution of the entire subregion and when the number of migrants in each of the six age categories had been computed, the next step was to apply the relevant percentage edu- cational level distributions so as to obtain for each portion of a subregion within a state an estimate of the number of migrants in the seventeen educational categories - no years through four or more years of college. The procedure is illustrated in TABLE A - 6. The result portion of TABLE A - 6 was obtained by multiplying the various constants (C's) by each of the percentages given in the relevant percentage educational level distribution. Since C1 : 0 (See TABLE A - 5), the 10-14 result row has only zero or no entry. CZ was not equal to zero and C2 times 0.62% 3 5. CZ times 0.43% = 3. Thus each entry in the result table was the product of a C and a percentage. Computations similar to that of TABLE A - 6 were performed for each state's portion of each subregion which comprised the state. Obviously the C's changed in each computation, but only the 35 and over percentage level distribution changed as computations for each state's portion of a subregion were made. To produce the final educational level distribution of losses from the state off farm.migration losses, the results of the various state portion of subregion computations were summed. Thus for a state the end 89 TABLE A - 5 Computation of age distribution of Michigan loss from United States Economic subregion 48. Age in Proportion of Loss Loss in Michigan's Number in Each Age 1950" in Each Age Cate- Portion of Sub- Category for Michigan's gory in Ub§' Sub- region 48 Portion of Subregion 48‘: region 48 10-14 0/88 13,000 0 = CI 15-19 5/88 738.6363595 = 02 20-24 21/88 3,102.2727099 8 C3 25-29 24/88 3,545.4545256 = 04 30-34 10/88 1,477.2727190 I C5 35 and over 28/88 4,136.3636132 = 05 ' 12,999.9999272 8Note that this is a 1950 age. Ten years were added to convert the 1940 age to the 1950 age.' bRefer to TABLE A - 1. These fractions were taken from the distri- bution of loss in the Subregion. Note that those 35 and older in 1950 have been combined into one category. The original source of this data was Source 1, Table 7. cThe total loss from the state's portion of the Subregion was multiplied by the proportion of loss in each age category (Column 2) to give the number of net off farm migrants in each age category. 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