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SOCIO-CULTURAL ELEMENTS IN THE BANAT AS
REFLECTED IN THE WORKS OF ADAM MULLER-

GUTTENBIEUNN
presented y

Elfriede E. Berg

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ABSTRACT

SOCIO-CULTURAL ELEMENTS IN THE BANAT
AS REFLEQTED IN THE WORKS OF
ADAM MULLER-GUTTENBRUNN

BY

Elfriede Elizabeth Berg

This study is an attempt to present the socio-
cultural elements of a society on the fringe of the
German cultural area. One-fifth to one—sixth of all
Germans around 1900 lived outside the political and
immediate perimeter of Germany. The literature of the
ten to fifteen million Germans outside these geographical
boundaries had been neglected for sometime.

The Danube—Swabians, the historically youngest
German ethnic group, were a good example of such neglect.
This thesis is a descriptive attempt to explore the
interrelationships among the Danube-Swabian individual,
family and community in their social and cultural settings
within the literary framework of Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's
"Heimatromane." In order to establish a "pattern" of such
typical relationships the thesis is divided into six
chapters: (1) the history of the Danube—Swabians and its

reflection in the novels of Mfiller-Guttenbrunn,

Elfriede Elizabeth Berg

(2) political organization, (3) the Danube—Swabian in the
novels of Mfiller-Guttenbrunn, (4) the family of the
Danube-Swabians, (5) the community of the Danube-Swabians,
and (6) the factor of religion.

Examining these communities as parts of a larger
societal whole, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn emphasizes numerous
kinds of social and cultural relationships. Recognizing
the severe limitations of these insular German communities,
the author attempts to sustain the Danube-Swabians through
their folk traditions and customs. Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's
compulsive need to create novels filled with Danube-Swabian
customs is not merely rooted in the socio-cultural history
of his people, but also in the literary tradition of the
"Heimatroman."

In their historical develOpment, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn
illustrates how a group of diversified people from various
parts of the Hapsburg empire advance to a definite and
homogeneous type of agrarian culture. Because of a
reverent disposition toward ancestral tradition, common
hardships, a common Christian religion, and the strict
rule of the Hapsburgs they succeed in developing a rigid
social structure. This ordered and prescribed existence
is exemplified and perpetuated in their family and com-
munity structure. Their religion also becomes merged
in social ritual and tradition, often promoting conserva-

tism. In his "Heimatromane" Muller-Guttenbrunn

 

Elfriede Elizabeth Berg

realistically depicts this lack of interaction between the
higher and lower parts of the Danube-Swabian society, due
in part to its tradition—bound, rigid social structure,

as well as to sociological, political and historical

factors.

SOCIO-CULTURAL ELEMENTS IN THE BANAT
AS REFLECTED IN THE WORKS OF

ADAM MfiLLER-GUTTENBRUNN

BY

Elfriede Elizabeth Berg

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of German and Russian

1972

 

© COPYRIGHT
Elfriede Elizabeth Berg
1972

ACKNOWLEDGMENT S

To Dr. George W. Radimersky I wish to express my
feeling of gratitude for his patient guidance and
invaluable assistance in the preparation of this work.

It is to him that this research is dedicated. I further—
more acknowledge my appreciation to the following members
of the Guidance Committee: Dr. Stuart A. Gallacher,

Dr. William N. Hughes, and Dr. Mark O. Kistler for their
continuous encouragement and helpful suggestions. I am
also greatly indebted to the Danube-Swabian scholars

Dr. Nikolaus Britz and Mr. Josef Mayer for their constant
readiness to aid in bibliographical investigation. With-
out the kindly and untiring help of the above mentioned
scholars, the realization of this manuscript would have

been an impossibility.

ii

 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

 

 

 

Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter
I. THE HISTORY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS AND
ITS REFLECTION IN THE NOVELS OF
MULLER-GUTTENBRUNN . . . . . . . . . 9
The First Migration and Der Grosse
' Schwabenzug . . . . . . . 15
The Second Migration and Barmherziger
Kaiser . . . . 25
The Third Migration and Joseph der
Deutsche . . . . . . . . . . . 30
II. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION . . . . . . . . 36
III. THE DANUBE-SWABIAN IN THE NOVELS OF
ADAM MULLER-GUTTENBRUNN . . . . . . . 58
General Characteristics . . . . . . 58
,Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Woman . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
IV. THE FAMILY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS . . . . 76
General Characteristics . . . . . . 76
Marriage and Inheritance Attitudes . . . 82
Roles of Family Members . . . . . . 88
V. THE COMMUNITY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS . . . 95
Village Structure . . . . . . . . 95
Customs . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
Baptism . . . . . . . . . . . 100
Wedding . . . . . . . . . . . lOl
" Klatta I. o o o o o o o o o o o 106

iii

Chapter
"Metzlsupp'"
"Spinnreih'"
"Kirweih"
Interaction .
VI. RELIGION . .

CONCLUSION . . .
FOOTNOTES . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . .

iv

Page
107
108
111
115
122
145
150

161

 

 

 

 

 

INTRODUCTION

In order to justify the present theme it is neces-
sary to briefly sketch certain pertinent historical and
geographical features. To begin, of the approximately one
hundred million Germans living around 1900, only about

four-fifths inhabited Germany proper. One-fifth to one-

 

sixth of all Germans lived outside the political and
immediate perimeter of Germany. The literature of the ten
to fifteen million Germans outside these geographical
boundaries had been neglected for sometime. Even though
many writers dedicated themselves to the task of writing
about these people, the Germans outside of the Bismarck
realm prior to 1890 were relatively unknown to the native
inhabitants. Not until the "Volksdeutschen" established
themselves historically as an organic part of Germany
were their intellectual achievements fully recognized in
the realm of German literature.

The Danube-Swabians, the historically youngest
German ethnic group, were a good example of such neglect.
The name "Donauschwaben" applies to approximately one and
one-half million Germans, who, until 1944, had their

homeland in Hungary, Rumania, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria.

 

 

 

For this specific ethnic group, Robert Sieger, professor

of geography at the University of Graz, was the originator
of the term "Donauschwaben." Prior to 1920, they were
referred to as "Sfidostschwaben," "Schwaben im Osten," or
"Banater Schwaben." The Hungarians and southern Slavic
peoples to this day consider all Germans, even the
Austrians, "Schwaben." How the ethnic name "Donauschwaben"
came to include all Germans is illustrated in the histori-
cal development of the area indicated above. The first
inhabitants in the Danube area who settled several decades
before the great migration under Empress Maria Theresa
were natives of Wurtemberg. Hence later settlers from the
various parts of the Hapsburg empire were likewise
designated as "Schwaben" by the natives of the area.a

The geographer Hermann Rudiger was the first to
demarcate the geographical boundaries of the Danube-
Swabians. The latest and most detailed geographical
boundaries are defined by Anton Scherer in his introduction

of the outstanding bibliography, Donauschwabische Biblio-

 

graphie, published in 1966. Because of numerous minor

migrations into the Danube area, he was forced to expand

the geographical limits set by Rudiger. He defines the

boundaries of the Danube-Swabians in the following manner:
1. die Ungarndeutschen mit Ausnahme der Ost-

Burgenlander die sich natfirlich den osterreichischen
West-Burgenlandern zugehorig ffihlen;

 

-‘_._ ._ .——v

 

 

2. von den Jugoslawiendeutschen jene aus der
Batschka, dem jugoslawischen Banat, der jugoslawischen
Barania, aus Syrmien, Slawonien, Oberkroatien, Agram,
Bosnien, Belgrad und Altserbien;

3. in Rumanien die Deutschen im rumanischen
Banat, in und um Arad, im Banater Bergland, im
Sathmarer und Marmaroscher Gebiet;

4. die Deutschen der Banater Tochtersiedlungen
in Nord-Bulgarien;b

 

 

As a fifth category, Scherer also includes the Danube-
Swabian settlers who either before or after 1944 migrated
to various regions of France, the United States, Canada,

Argentina and Brazil. In the broadest sense, he considers

 

all Germans who inhabited or migrated prior to 1944 from
the above regions of Hungary, Yugoslavia, Rumania and
Bulgaria members of the "Donauschwabentum."C
The assimilation of these people, both in languaged

and culture, originally from various parts of the Hapsburg
empire, into an ethnic unity took approximately two
hundred to two hundred and fifty years. Primarily an
agrarian society, the Danube—Swabians struggled for three
generations for mere existence, making the following
slogan a historical reality:

Dem Ersten der Tod,

dem Zweiten die Not,

dem Dritten das Brot.
It seems, conditions favorable to the develOpment of an
indigenous literature were greatly lacking. Actually,

Danube-Swabian literary efforts did not begin until the

middle of the 19th century.

 

The most eminent Danube-Swabian writer of his

whole generation was Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunn (1852—1923).
Under the pseudonym Ignotus he struggled many years to
achieve his fame as the "Erzschwaben." Born in Gutten-
brunn in Banat as the illegitimate child of a rich
farmer's son, who was not allowed to marry his poverty
stricken sweetheart because of the strict social order
observed by the farmers, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn was looked

down upon in his native village. His mother, accused of

 

being an accomplice to a murder, underwent much suffering
until she was declared innocent. She eventually re-
established herself in the village through her marriage
to the tradesman Nikolaus Lamert. Because of these
distressing circumstances Mfiller-Guttenbrunn was reared
at the home of a German civil service family in Temesvar.'
Besides receiving his education in Temesvar and Hermann-
stadt, he attended the "Wiener Handelsakademie" in 1870,
and in 1873 he acquired a position in a telegraph office.
Encouraged in his first dramatic attempts by
Laube, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn produced dramas similar in type
to the French "drama of manners." Eventually he became
director of the Raimundtheater in 1892 and the Kaiser-
Jubilaums-Stadttheater in Vienna in 1898. After his
efforts to create a national stage in Vienna had failed,
he turned to prose writing. His novels far surpassed his
dramatic attempts as well as his brief fascination with

German Naturalism.

 

 

When after twenty years the writer returned to

 

Banat, he found the social conditions there drastically
altered. His experience is reflected in the disappointment
of one of his literary characters, the engineer Trauttmann
who returns_to Banat to find his homeland transformed by
the nationalistic efforts of the Hungarians. This is the
theme of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's first "Heimatroman,"

Gotzendammerung. Ein Kulturbild aus dem heutigen Ungarn.

 

The Hungarian nationalism movement had captured many of

 

the intellectuals of the villages, and was now threatening
the agricultural class. Nationalism appears to some degree
in all of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's "Heimatromane." But in
spite of his preoccupation with Hungarian nationalism, the
novel mentioned above also presents a realistic critique
of the social conditions of the time.

Banat is the scene of all of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's
"Heimatromane." He considered all "Sfidostschwaben" as

"Banater Schwaben."e Glocken der Heimat, his second

 

"Heimatroman,' presents a small Banat community. Its
inhabitants have an almost mystic attachment to the soil.
The actual hero of the novel is the Danube-Swabian village
struggling to survive against the forces of nature. The
flood of Rudolfsgnad in 1908 was the historical basis for

this rather simple, yet charming peasant novel.

Der kleine Schwab, in many respects an autobio-

 

graphical short story, relates the education of Muller-

 

Guttenbrunn in Hermannstadt. His next novel, Meister

Jakob und seine Kinder, the most lyrical novel, is also

 

the most autobiographical. The author narrates the story
of a tradesman family and its position in the community.
The tragic story of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's mother is here
'depicted in the character of Susi Weidmann. The author
relates Susi's experiences as an unwed mother, and her
ultimate disgrace at being accused of a crime she did not

commit. The serenity and peaceful harmony of Meister

 

Jakob und seine Kinder are in marked contrast to his

 

detailed trilogy, Von Eugenius bis Josephus. Here,

 

Muller-Guttenbrunn turns to history and describes the
migration of the Danube-Swabians under the Hapsburgs and
the numerous hardships they endured during this endeavor.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn describes the Danube-Swabians
as simple, vigorous people living together from necessity,
compelled by certain discernible needs and wants to form
relatively stable associations. This interdependence is
the basis of the social order. Economic, familial,
community, religious, and political organization reflect
the human needs which gave rise to them.

Although such authors as Ludwig Rogl and Christine
Kohl have analyzed Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's political impor-
tance; and others, such as Kaethe Kostner and Hans Weresch,
have examined his works in relation to characterization,

plot, and style, our study is the first attempt at an

 

im 1-. 7 1.111 - ,7 , . .1...—

analysis of Danube-Swabian socio—cultural elements as
reflected in the works of Muller-Guttenbrunn. This is
not an analytical or critical study, but rather a
descriptive attempt to explore the interrelationships
among the individual, family and community in their
social and cultural settings. Only after such a descrip-
tive presentation has been accomplished do we feel that
an analytical or critical study can be undertaken. In
order to establish a "pattern" of such typical relation-
ships we shall present such theme-supporting evidence as
appears in: (1) the history of the Danube-Swabian
people, (2) political organization among the Danube-
Swabians, (3) the Danube-Swabian in the novels of Muller—
Guttenbrunn, (4) the family of the Danube-Swabians,

(5) the community of the Danube-Swabians, and (6) the
factor of religion.

To provide the conceptual framework essential for
this study, we draw upon the previously mentioned works
of Mfiller-Guttenbrunn. It is our wish to make more widely
known the works of Muller-Guttenbrunn, an author on the

fringe of the German cultural area.

 

FOOTNOTES : INTRODUCTION

aAnton Scherer, Donauschwabische Bibliographie
(Mfinchen: Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen Kulturwerks, 1966),
VII. Hereafter cited as Scherer, Bibliographie, plus the
page number.

 

 

b
Scherer, Bibliographie, IX.

 

c
Scherer, Bibliographie, IX.

 

"Das Saarpfalzische" became the national dialect
of the people of Banat. See Hans Hagel, "Das Saarpfalzische
als Mundart des Banats," Die Banater Schwaben, ed. Anton
Peter Petri (Mfinchen: Verlag des SfidOstdeutschen
Kulturwerkes, 1967), pp. 142-149.

 

eHe entitled his anthology "Schwaben im Osten."
The use of "Banater Schwaben" to include all of the Danube-
Swabians seems to have been a prevalent idea at the time.
J. Stein, Muller-Guttenbrunn's contemporary, also entitled
his literary history, Ffinf—undzwanzig Jahre deutschen
Schriftums im Banate, even though he also included
materials from other Danube-Swabian areas in his book.

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER I

THE HISTORY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS
AND ITS REFLECTION IN THE NOVELS

OF MULLER-GUTTENBRUNN

In the 18th century the Danube—Swabians evolved

from a group of German people with various cultural back-

 

grounds, who, influenced by the peculiar topography and
existing political structure of their new homeland,
developed into a homogeneous community through mutual
efforts at colonization. The development of the cultural,
environmental, and political achievements of these German
colonists in the Carpathian basin is the topic of Mfiller-

Guttenbrunn's trilogy, Von Eugenius bis Josephus. Ein

 

deutsches Jahrhundert in Osterreich.l In these novels,

 

the author illustrates how these settlers through organiza—
tion, perserverance and industry overcame immense obstacles
and produced agricultural and industrial leaders in their
new homeland. The first part of the trilogy, Der Grosse
Schwabenzug, illustrates the beginnings of these efforts

by focusing on the first great migration during the reign
of Emperor Charles VI (1711-1740). The second,

Barmherziger Kaiser, spans the time of Empress Maria

 

 

 

10

Theresa from 1740 to 1780. While the last one, Joseph der

 

Deutsche, deals with the final migration which took place
during the reign of Emperor Joseph II, approximately 1780
to 1790. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn paints a vivid and historical
picture of the times, emphasizing the political endeavors
of the three rulers. At the same time, he portrays his
Danube-Swabian comrades, not only as a group, but as
individuals struggling to adjust to their new surroundings.
Although the trilogy primarily deals with the three above
mentioned government-sponsored migrations, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn
gives a thorough picture of all land acquisition by the
Danube-Swabians by also mentioning several minor, privately
sponsored migrations.

In the course of history, the area described by
Muller-Guttenbrunn in his trilogy was ruled by numerous
states and peoples who were able to form only temporary
governments. Since each ruling power left remnants of its
reign, one finds widely diversified people living side by
side, many not even represented in the political structure.
As early as the 8th century, Germans inhabited the area
that has already been defined in the Introduction as the
later Danube-Swabian homeland. Scattered German settle—
ments were located as far west as the Plattensee in
Western Hungary. Although many of these German settle-
ments were destroyed by the Hungarian annexation of

territory in the area known as Burgundy, some still

 

 

ll

existed at the time of the German migrations in the 18th
century. After the 11th century, however, German coloniza-
tion began to flourish at the Western Hungarian border

from Strassburg to Saint Gotthard. These settlements

did not extend far to the east nor did they reach much
beyond the Neusiedlersee. Isolated German settlements

were located east of this area in Raab, Gran, Pest, Ofen
and several other places. Remnants of German culture were

present in Ofen until the city was captured by the Turks in

 

1541. Other German settlements also developed during the
Middle Ages in the area. Yet these German settlements
were of very little significance either numerically or
culturally to the later Danube-Swabians. As such it is
almost impossible to trace any Danube-Swabian heritage
prior to 1700.

Numerous historical and political events lead to
the development of the Danube-Swabians as an ethnic group.
In spite of the great disorganization of the social
structure of the empire, the Hohenzollern and the
Hapsburg dynasties blossomed in the 16th century as never
before in history. Through a series of advantageous
marriages, the Hapsburgs acquired Burgundy, Spain with
all her overseas colonies, as well as Hungary. In the
southeast the Ottoman Turks, after the conquest of
ConstantinOple in 1453, having destroyed the Hungarian

kingdom and the Christian states of the Baltic, advanced

 

12

in 1529 to the Very gates of Vienna. Here a small group
of defenders, approximately 20,000 men, bravely protected
the Hapsburg city against the invading Turkish army of
150,000 men. Even though the Turks were superior in the
art of minefwarfare, they were unable to cope with the
more advanced strategic art of the western Hapsburg domain.
The indecisiveness of the Turks along with several military
errors eventually saved Vienna, yet this attempted invaSion
by the Turks resulted in the tripartition of Hungary. The
greatest area of Hungary remained in Turkish possession
with Austria paying an annual tithe to the Turkish Sultan.
The Austrian position in Hungary remained insecure and
constant warfare was carried on until 1606, when the
Ottoman Sultan finally was forced to recognize the
political equality of the Hapsburg emperor.

A second attack of the Turks on Vienna took place
in 1683 marking the beginning of the Great Turkish War.
It was during this time that the house of Hapsburgs,
united with the Pope, the king of Poland, and the republic
of Venice in the "Holy League," finally defeated the Turks,
stopping a further expansion of Turkish influence in
western Hungary. During the decisive battle near Zenta
on the Theiss river, which resulted in the final peace
of Passarowitz in 1718, Prince Eugene of Savoy shattered

the military prestige of the enemy, regaining the kingdom

 

 

13

of Hungary for the Austrian crown. By his victories he
re-established Austria, the leading German state, to the
rank of a European power. The empire, which in 1648 had
almost completely perished under the attack of the French,
the Swedes and the Turks, was strengthened mainly by Prince
Eugene's military victories. The development of German
statehood within the boundaries of the empire was again
made possible. From that point on , the border between
Austria and Turkey became the Sawe and Danube rivers.
These newly conquered areas, all the free area north of
both rivers, including all of Banat and Belgrade along
with the northern part of Serbia, came under the immediate
rule of Vienna.3 Prince Eugene of Savoy brilliantly
organized these new territories into a stronghold for
the defense of the empire against the Turks.

The great victories of Prince Eugene at Peter-
wardein and Belgrade in 1716 and 1717 are commemorated
in the memorable stanzas of the Danube-Swabian dramatic
folk ballad—-"Prinz Eugenius, der edle Ritter."4 This
great Savoyan statesman and general, though of Italian
birth and French upbringing, is honored by the world as
the man who liberated Europe from French and Turkish
imperialism. He is especially honored by the Danube—
Swabians as the liberator of their homeland. Muller-
Guttenbrunn proudly mentions him in his fictional as well

as in his historical novels. He often refers to him

 

 

14

as the hero of the resurrected German idea of the
empire.

Der Karl von Lotharingen, der Ludewig von Baden,
der Carl Alexander von Wfirttemberg, der Max
Emanuel von Bayern--sie haben die kaiserlichen
und die deutschen Reichstruppen von Wien bis
gegen Belgerad geffihrt, und ihr grosser Schfiler,
der Prinz Eugenius, habe das Werk jetzt vollendet.
Er habe den Frieden diktiert nach einem dreissig—
jahrigen Befreiungskrieg. Glaube man nur ja
nicht, sagte der Kantor, dass der Frieden von
Passarowitz uns im alten romischen Reich nichts
angehe. Hat nicht der Franzose die Schwache des
Kaisers benutzt, der his in seine Residenz Wien
von den Tfirken bedroht war, und Strassburg
geraubt und das Elsass? Jetzt seien viele
gebundene Krafte wieder frei, und wer weiss, ob
der Prinz Eugen uns nicht Strassburg wieder
bringt. Schon beinahe vierzig Jahre ist es
franzosisch.5

Prior to the devastation of the Danube—Swabian
homeland by the Turks and its liberation by Prince Eugene,
the Hungarians were the main inhabitants of this area.
After the defeat of the Hungarian army in the swamps of.
Mahacs in 1526, however, the remaining Hungarian population
almost disappeared. During the Turkish domination, many
Serbians and Rumanians migrated to this area. But because
of their nomadic nature they made few cultural advancements.
Migrations to the Danubeland were thus encouraged because
of the sparse population within this devastated land.

These policies began with the conquest of Ofen in 1686
and continued until 1829, encompassing almost 150 years.

The majority of colonists who settled in the

Danubeland after the defeat of the Turks, were natives of

 

15

middle Europe, mainly of the Hapsburg empire. This
emphasis on Germans as colonists was politically inspired.
Immediately after the Hungarian crown fell to the
Hapsburgs in 1526, a strong opposition party to Hapsburg
policies arose in Hungary, encouraging hatred for the
AuStrians and forming alliances with the Turks against
Austria. Since many Hungarians, under Thokoly, fought
with the Turks against the Austrian army, it is under-
standable that the Emperor in settling the new lands was
interested primarily in loyal subjects who would strengthen
his position. So it became of interest militarily,
industrially, and culturally for the Hapsburg empire to

develop these conquered lands.6

The First Migration and Der Grosse
Schwabenzug

The first part of the trilogy, Der Grosse

 

Schwabenzug, depicts the development of Banat under

 

Governor Graf Claudius Mercy. It is through his eyes
that Muller—Guttenbrunn vividly describes this desolate
area with Mercy's optimistic hopes for the future:

Eine von der Natur gebaute Festung ist dieses
Land zwischen Donau, Theiss und Marosch immer
gewesen. Fur die Romer, die Goten, die Avaren,
die Hunnen, die Tfirken. Den Frieden aber hat es
nie gehabt. Wie dankbar mfisste dieses Stfick
Erde dem sein, der es in ein Kulturland
verwandelt! So sagte ich mir, als wir aus
unserer neuen Festung Arad und aus Lippa die
Geschfitze fiber die Heide herfiberschleppten, um
Temeschwar zu bezwingen. Eine wilde,
grossartige Pflanzenwelt fiberall und Urwalder,

. Ha. .la-ar'

16

das Klima sfidlich. Seit den Romertagen hatte
dieser Boden keinen Pflug mehr getragen. Die
elenden Dorfer waren ausgestorben, in ihren
Erdhfitten hausten die Wolfe. Kein Singvogel

im ganzen Lande, nur die Aasgeier kreisten in
den Lfiften, und Millionen Raben suchten nach
Leichen. Und wahrend unsere Kartaunen ihr
wildes Spiel gegen die Festung eroffneten,
gestand ich dem Generalissimus, der den
Oberbefehl fibernommen hatte, meinen heimlichen
Wunsch. So wie jenseits der Donau, in der
Baranya und in Tolnau im kleinen, so mochte

ich hier im grossen arbeiten. Ein Trajan

mochte ich diesem verkommenen Lande werden,

wenn wir es erobert haben. Alle Kulturen des
Westens und des Sfidens mochte ich hier begrfinden
dfirfen. Die Armee des Friedensstandes mfisste die
Vorarbeit leisten, und hunderttausend Ackerbauer
sollten das Werk vollenden.7

In order to bring about the cultural development
of the land as quickly and efficiently as possible, other
nationalities, mainly Italians, Spaniards, French and
Serbians were encouraged to immigrate. Many of the
Italians and Spaniards fell victims to the unhealthy
climate and eventually these nationalities disappeared.
Neu-Barcelona was an example of many such settlements.

Die Spanier, die da in der Uberzahl waren
angesiedelt worden, forderten diesen Namen.

Das alte, menschenleere, tfirkisch—serbische
Becskerek war ihnen ein unaussprechliches

Wort. Mit stolzen Hoffnungen waren sie in

das Reich ihres einstigen Konigs Karl gezogen.
Aber die Armen ertrugen auch hier das Klima
nicht. Der Kanal, der von Temeschwar zu ihnen
kam, ging durch hose Sfimpfe, sein trages Wasser
schlich um den Ort herum und konnte den Abfluss
nicht finden.8

 

17

Although many German immigrants also died of the fever,
later migrations helped them to overcome finally the
hazards of this infested swampland.

The German colonists were mainly farmers. Many
were eager to seek new horizons, for they were tired of
the social oppression they suffered at the hands of the
German nobility. Germany, devastated by the 30 Years War,
had little security to offer them. Their general dis-
satisfaction is expressed by the Danube-Swabian parish
priest and the teacher Worndle:

Meine Gemeinde ist wohlhabend, unter uns gibt

es keine Bettler . . . Nur die fibermfitigen

Herren sind schuld, dass ihre Untertanen

davonlaufen. Ihre Streit- und Herrschsucht

lockt immer wieder den Feind ins deutsche

Land; bald zinst man dem, bald jenem, und

wer gerade der Herr ist fiber die Leiber, der

meint auch die Seelen kuramissieren zu konnen.
These bitter words further illustrate the strong antipathy
of the peOple for the nobility: "Jeder Hase im Felde sei
mehr geestimiert als ein Mensch."10

Although social and political oppression was the
primary cause, other reasons existed for migrating.
Religious oppression was one such factor, even though
total religious freedom in the new land was not possible
until Joseph II. Many left for personal reasons: for
example, the Widow Frau Theresa Scheiffele and Jakob
Pless in order to marry; Jakob Melcher in order to make

an honest name for himself; the teacher Warndle out of

the spirit of adventure.

 

 

18

Just as numerous as their reasons for leaving
were the areas from which they came. 80, individual

characters in Der Grosse Schwabenzug represented various

 

regions of Germany: Trauttmann, for example, came from
the Palatinate; Therese Scheiffele from Wurtemberg;

Worndel, from Elsass. By the "Sieben Kurffirsten,’ an inn
in Temeschwar, people from the various regions of the
empire were conversing together:
. . . aus dem Schwarzwald, von Baden und Wfirttemberg,
aus ElsaSS und Lothringen, aus Trier und Fulda und
Bamberg, aus Luxemburg, aus der Pfalz und dem
Breisgau, aus Mainz und Ffirstenberg, Nassau, Franken
und Baden-Baden, aus Schwaben und der Schweiz, aus
Tirol und der Steiermark, aus Schlesien und Bohmen.ll
The eagerness to migrate had evidently spread
almost everywhere. Although some Germans did migrate to
America, Banat soon became the more desired destination.
For, although migration to this area was not without its
dangers, it seemed much less ominous than the horrendous

trip across the ocean. After all, would they not remain

under the protection of the Emperor if they migrated to

the Danubeland? For many this possibility offered a sense

of security.

In their eagerness to migrate, peOple were willing

to overlook geographical, cultural, and social boundaries.

Marriages, which would not normally have taken place,

became a common occurrence.

 

 

19

Eine Nassauerin und ein Bauernbube aus dem
Schwarzwald, ein Luxemburger Leineweber und ein
Schwabenmadel vom Bodensee waren wohl niemals im
Leben zusammengekommen, das war nur auf Befehl

in Regensburg moglich. Und so wie diese, mischten
sich die anderen Paare; in dem Hochzeitszug bei
der dreizehnfachen Kopulierung erklangen alle
Mundarten und glanzten alle Trachten aus dem

Sfiden und Sudwesten des Heiligen Romischen Reiches
deutscher Nation. Ob sich die Paare alle
verstanden haben? Das war nicht ganz sicher.

Aber wahre Liebe fiberwindet jeden Dialekt. Und
mit der Aussteuer war es bei dieser Eile auch
nicht weit her, ffir die musste wohl der Kaiserl3
sorgen, der diese Eheschliessungen anbefohlen.

With the prospects of a better future, many were
united in a common goal even before they reached the new
land.

The Austrian regime, under the supervision of
Mercy, set out with concise and regimented plans to develop
the area. Through Mercy's activities, almost 50 German

communities were established in Banat alone. Each family

was given 50 acres of land free, paying state taxes only.14

When they arrived in Temeschwar, the governor took care of

their problems.

Das Leben in der Stadt war freilich teuer. Sechs
Kreuzer taglich bekam denn auch der Hausvater,

sechs die Mutter, drei Kreuzer jedes Kind. Musste

man auf dem Lande warten, gab es zwei Kreuzer und

eine Halbe Mehl per Kopf, ffir Kinder ein Seitel

Mehl und einen Kreuzer. Aber es gab Arbeit fur

jeden. War das Haus, das einem fertig hergestellt

und auf Abzahlung gegeben wurde, noch in Arbeit,

so konnte man daran gegen Taglohn selber mitar— 15
beiten und sich noch sechs Kreuzer taglich verdienen.

 

20

Monetary needs were explicitly provided by the
Emperor. A person was even paid while working on his own
house. Even though the homes of these first settlers
were simple, they were sturdy and offered shelter.
Es gab nur gestampfte Hauser. Zwischen das dichte
Weidengeflecht, aus dem die Wande gebildet waren,
wurde der mit Spreu vermengte Lehmbrei geschfittet
und festgestampft. Aber die Vorschriften fur die
Ausffihrung waren streng, denn es gab Aufseher,
die mit den Zimmermeistern im Einvernehmen
schwindelten. . . . Elf Klafter musste jedes Haus
lang und drei Klafter breit sein, acht Schuh hoch
mussten die Wande aus der Erde herausragen und
Zimmer, Kfiche, Kammer und Stall waren vorgeschrieben.
. . . Zweihundert Gulden kostet so ein Haus, wenn
es fertig war, und der Brunnen, der immer zuerst
gegraben werden musste, war auch unter ffinf Gulden
nicht herzustellen. Mit dieser Summe wurde man
angekreidet im Rentamt, das hatte man in sechs
Jahren abzuzahlen.l6

One also received many other basic necessities from the

Emperor including a certain allotment of farm animals and

agricultural equipment.

The villages, like the homes, were orderly in
their design and layout. The same basic plan was used for
all, with only three variations in their construction:
the rectangular, the square, and the circular, with only
a few examples of the latter. The village was further
divided into quarters by the main road and two rectangular
side streets. Along the sides of every street ditches
were built to drain excess water. At each village inter—
section, there was a market square planted with locust or

mulberry trees. There, the church, school, city hall and

the big inn were located. In front of the church and at

 

 

 

21

the outskirts of the village stood a cross or a statue
of the Trinity. Even the division of the fields outside
the villages was uniform with fixed boundaries that
existed until World War II.

Such a typical Danube-Swabian village is painted

by Mfiller-Guttenbrunn in Barmherziger Kaiser, on the

 

occasion of Joseph II's trip through the area:

So jung diese zu sein schienen, fiberragte die
meisten doch schon ein Kirchturm. Die Dfirfer
waren in breiten Strassen gleichméssig angelegt;
vor jedem Hause, das seine zweifenstrige
Schmalseite mit dem Spitzgiebel nach aussen
wendete, standen junge Maulbeerbaume; die
eingezaunten Hofe mit den verriegelten Toren
boten ein Bild der Geschlossenheit und
Festigkeit. Die Wande der strohgedeckten

Hauser leuchteten in weissem Kalkanstrich; vor
den Fenstern gab es Blumen, und alte Mfitterchen,
die sich auf den Hausschwellen sonnten, hfiteten
die zahlreichen Kinder. Quer fiber so manchen
Hof dehnte sich rfickwarts schon eine Scheuer mit
dem Pferdestall; Schweine horte man grunzen und
Hennen gackerten fiberall. Leer waren die Dorfer,
nur da und dort horte man einen Schmied den
Hammer schwingen; voller gebfickter Menschen aber
waren die Felder ringsum. Sie hoben wohl die
Kopfe und schauten aus nach den Herrschaftswagen,
die da vorbeifuhren, aber viel Zeit hatten sie
nicht ffir mfissige Neugierde. Da bauten sie
Kartoffeln und Kukurutz an, dort sauberten sie
das junge Getreide von dem Unkraut, das so fiber-
reich gedieh und sich nicht wollte ausrotten
lassen, obwohl man es doch in jedem Frfihling
mit den Wurzeln ausriss, ehe es Samen bilden
konnte.17

This village is then sharply contrasted to a neighboring

Rumanian village whose main livelihood was herding sheep.

 

 

22

Man kam durch walachische D6rfer. Dem Kaiser
fiel sogleich auf, wie belebt die waren, und wie
leer die Felder. Und der Rat machte aufmerksam,
wie sie Kartoffeln anbauten. Mit einem Stock
bohrten sie ein Loch in die Erde und legten eine
Kartoffel in das Loch . . . Nur mit Hemden
bekleidet, die bunten Katrinczen (Selbstgewirkte
und mit orientalischen Mustern betrickte Schfirzen.)
vorgebunden, die schwarzen Haare gefettet, standen
die Frauen barfuss vor den Windschiefen Hausern
in den Dorfgassen und klatschten mit den Nachbarinnen.
Auf der Strasse wuchs Gras. Kinder, Ziegen und
junge Schweine tummelten sich umher; die Hfitten
waren planlos hingestellt, kein Zaun friedete ihre
Umwelt ein, und man hatte schwer entscheiden konnen,
was zu diesem, was zu jenem Haus gehorte. Der
Kaiser war ausgestiegen und ging zu Fuss durch
das Dorf, den jungen Popen an der Seite. Er
wollte nicht genannt sein. Aber er fragte viel.
Alles starrte vor Schmutz und Unkultur, aber die
hfibschen Weiber schienen geschmfickt zu sein . . .
Aus was die Hfitten gebaut waren? Aus Holzpfosten,
die Wande aus Weidengeflecht mit Lehm beworfen.
Warum nicht aus Lehmziegeln? Die zu machen,
lerne man jetzt erst von den Deutschen.18

 

In view of such poor conditions, Mercy attempted
to raise the housing standards of the land. He also
endeavored to increase the agricultural productivity of
the native Serbians and Rumanians. One of the immigrants
upon his arrival describes the poor conditions of
agriculture:

Hier sah er nichts als Korn, Kukurus, Kfirbisse,
Paprika und Viehzucht der allerniedrigsten Art.
Man kannte die Kartoffel nicht einmal dem Namen
nach. Er sah keinen Weizen. Von keiner der
besseren Feldfrfichte war auch nur der Same
vorhanden. Kein Obstbaum weit und breit! Und
keine Blume. Kein Singvogel. Holzapfel und
Holzbirnen gediehen am Waldesrand, doch niemand
ahnte, dass man sie veredeln k6nne.19

23

Through the untiring labors of the Danube-Swabians, fruits
and vegetables were introduced into this region. Potatoes,
perhaps the most important German staple, were also intro-
duced together with various other grains. Danube-Swabians
soon became world famous for their fine textured bread.
Even produce from southern European countries was success-
fully raised.

Die Italiener aus dem nahen Mercydorf brachten

die ersten Seidenkokons und ein paar kostliche

Melonen ffir die Tafel des Gouverneurs. Die

Spanier aus Neu-Barcelona sandten ein Abordnung

mit Reis und Feigen und Oliven. Es gedeihe

alles, sagten sie, nur gesund ware niemand von

ihnen. Auch Zuckerrohr mochten sie versuchen

. . . Das alles beschaftigte den Gouverneur fiber

die Massen, . .
With the production of fruits, vegetables, and grains
the Danube-Swabian farmer became an agricultural leader.
The skill in planting and caring for the vineyards along
with unsurpassed cleanliness and painstaking orderliness
are German attributes which also made the Danube-Swabian
an outstanding leader among the farmers of the area.

In order to use and develop the natural resources
inherent in this land, Mercy brought German miners and
tradesmen into Banat to develop various industries. The
production of silk, often referred to by Mfiller-Guttenbrunn

in his novels, expanded under Mercy's guidance into one

of the largest industries in the area.

 

 

24

Yet industrial and agricultural achievements were
greatly hampered by the unchecked lawlessness and
injustices that existed in this war-torn area.

Die Festung war noch offen nach zwei Seiten, nur
das Wiener Tor und das Peterwardeiner Tor konnten
als fertig gelten. War man denn des Friedens so
sicher? Schwarmten nicht noch immer Tatarenhorden
durch das Land und plagten die armselige
Bevolkerung? Immer wieder erzahlte man, dass
Reisende spurlos verschwunden waren. Und bis die
_jungen Vorstadte, die sich draussen bildeten,
wagten sich die Rauber heran.
It was indeed a great struggle to rid these colonial lands
of robbers that existed along the Marosch, Theiss and
Danube rivers. At one time these daring groups abducted
three German ships destined to settle in the area owned
by the Emperor.

The abuse of the peasant by the nobleman was also

a problem in Hungary at this time. On one of his trips

through the area, Joseph II, disguised as a lord, dis—

covered the existence of the Standrecht, a Hungarian law,

 

under which anyone who stole the worth of five Gulden or
more was sentenced to death. Joseph II found a man
sentenced to death for shooting the lord's stag, which
had been destroying his potatoes every night. Shocked,
he freed the man. Many injustices were perpetrated by
noblemen who settled immigrants on their land expecting
to exploit them. For such barons, Mercy displayed little
tolerance as is illustrated in the treatment of one such

man:

 

25

Der Baron, der sie geraubt und fiber der Donau
drfiben angesiedelt hatte, war' gar nicht der
richtige Herr gewesen von den Gfitern, auf denen
er sein Unwesen trieb. Er sei jetzt abgesetzt
worden, der junge Mercy habe ihn erwischt und
in ein kleines Kastell verbannt, das einmal vor
alten Zeiten seiner Familie gehort haben soll.
Dort soll er abwarten, bis ihm der Prozess
gemachtwird.22

 

Under the direction of Mercy, Temeschwar became a
blossoming center. Even before the Peace treaty of
Passarowitz, the German magistrate had been housed in
'this city, often referred to as "little Vienna."

"Temschwar ist im fibrigen so deutsch wie Augsburg."23

 

Mercy had an active part in the settlement and
progress not only of Banat, but also of the Schwabische
Tfirkei. Here, he established more than twenty German
settlements. Mercy was called back to the military in
1733 to lead the army against the Italians. His death in
this campaign (1734) was a great loss to the Danube-
Swabians. In his memory two settlements share his name,
Mercydorf in Banat and Mercystetten (Holdjesz) in Tolau.

The Second Migration and
Barmherziger Kaiser

 

The second great migration, described by Mfiller-

Guttenbrunn in the second part of the Von Eugenius bis

 

Josephus trilogy, namely Barmherziger Kaiser, did not begin

 

for some time because of the lack of support by the Emperor,
the war against the Turks, and the bubonic plague which had

again infested Hungary. But dispite the absence of a

26

strong, controlling power during this period of time, the
initial labors of colonization were not completely in vain.
Trade and commerce began to flourish and, in general, a
higher cultural level was slowly developing. Yet, the
death of Emperor Charles VI and the take-over by his
daughter Maria Theresa resulted in numerous difficulties
for the state. So, the immediate necessity of the migra—
tion continued to be of secondary importance for some time.
Although still very young, Maria Theresa became
heir to the throne. Her concept of the role of sovereign
was in direct contrast to that of Frederick the Great.
Frederick the Great saw his role fulfilled in the service
of the supra-personal state; Maria Theresa, on the other
hand, discerned a divinely appointed mission in the care
of her subjects. Despite her many activities as a ruler,
however, she, as a woman of deep Christian convictions,
had time for a fulfilling family life. Her relationship
to her sixteen children was that of a concerned and
loving mother. Mfiller—Guttenbrunn in this novel points
out her weakness for Maria Christine on whom she bestowed
the biggest dowry ever given in Austria, the Hungarian
lands freed by Prince Eugene.24 However, Maria Christine's
rule had little effect, for the governing power was soon
taken from her by her brother, Joseph, who later became

CO-regent with Maria Theresa.

27

Maria Theresa, in the meantime, had many other
problems to preoccupy her. Immediately after ascending
to the throne, she struggled with her greatest opponent,
Frederick II, over the rule of Silesia. Having lost this
territory in the first Silesian war, she devoted her
energies to recapturing it. The activities of the migra—
tion, therefore, were of secondary importance. In the
Seven Years War (1756-1763) that followed, Frederick II
was able to defend himself against the power of Austria,
Russia and France; Maria Theresa, on the other hand, had
to reconcile herself to the definitive surrender of
Silesia to Prussia.

Prussia had established itself as the second
great power within the German Empire. The Prusso-Austrian
dualism had come into the open and the cession of Silesia
to Prussia made Austria's position that of a southeastern
border state of the empire. Austria's efforts at revenging
the loss of Silesia directed themselves toward expanding
Hungary. Maria Theresa, interested in colonization,
ordered a report on the existing situation. On the grounds
of this report, she started the second great migration

which we see reflected in Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's Barmherziger

 

Kaiser.
After the war, a great number of soldiers were
released and asked to report for the purpose of colonizing

Hungary. Colonists of these government estates were free

 

 

28

of land tax for six years, while laborers were exempt for

 

ten years. Benefits similar to those of the first migration
were granted in housing and equipment. A government com—
mission was selected to head this movement during the
second migration 1763-1773.

While Banat and the "Schwabische Tfirkei" were
populated during the first migration, the Batschka area
was settled during the second. Even though the Batschka
had been freed of the Turks earlier than Banat, coloniza-

tion did not take place there until much later. The

 

reasons for this were of a political and military nature.
After the freedom of Karlowitz, the Batschka became a
border area and was left mainly to the Serbians for
expansion and defense. When the border was moved forward,
only the southeastern point of the Batschka, the
Tschaikisten-District, remained in the area of the military
zone. The Serbians alone could not populate this large
area. In 1702 only 32,000 people inhabited the Batschka.
The Austrian government's position in the Batschka was
unclear for some time because a large area had been
destined for the military zone.25 After the lifting of the
military zone, the regrouping and reorganization of the
Serbian settlements took a long time. However, once this
was accomplished there were many fertile unpopulated
government estates that held promise for the purpose of

colonization.

29

Austria, as the traditional bulwark of German
Catholicism, permitted only those of the Catholic faith to
immigrate into Hungary during the first two great migra-
tions. Many Protestants, eager to leave because of
religious and political turmoil, had to become Catholics
before they could settle on government estates. Therefore,
many Catholic Danube-Swabians can trace their heritage
back to Protestant ancestors. Of Maria Theresa's biased
attitude toward religion, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn has the

following to say:

Maria Theresa war eine grosse Herrscherin.
Gfitig, klug und dankbar. Wer sie zu nehmen wusste,
erreichte alles, denn sie war ein Weib. Nur in
religiésen Fragen blieb sie unerbittlich, da
konnte sie hart und grausam sein, sogar ungerecht,
denn man hatte sie gelehrt, dass sie dies im
Dienst der Kirche nur scheinbar ware. Was der
Kirche diene, sei gottgefallig, sei es wie es
sei. Von diesem starken Schild, den die Brfider
Jesu geschmiedet hatten, ffihlte sie sich gedeckt
in so manchen Fragen, die ihren Raten schwere
Gewissenssorgen bereiteten. Sie schwankte selten.
Und es war ein grosser Kummer dass Joseph anders
dachte, dass sie ihn nicht besser vor dem Gift
der Aufklarung bewahrt hatte, das er, sie weiss
nicht wo, eingesogen haben musste. Und er hatte
doch einen so braven Jesuiten als Religionslehrer.

The author points out some of the specific religious
injustices. Joseph II, during one of his trips through
Hungary listened to the report of one of them:

Kaum glaublich war, was er da erfuhr. Aber auch
der Rat, den er sich aus der Banater Landesad—
ministration mitgenommen hatte, kannte den Fall.
Er bestatigte, was die Kinder erzahlten. Es
waren einige deutsch—evangelische Bergleute aus
der Zips vor Jahren ins Banat gewandert, obwohl

 

30

dies den Evangelischen verboten war. Und als man
dort entdeckte, welcher Religion sie angehorten,
stellten die Behorden sie vor die Wahl,
katholisch oder fiber die nahe Grenze nach
Siebenbfirgen abgeschoben zu werden. Sie
beharrten bei ihrem Glauben. Da wies man sie
aus, aber ihre Kinder behielt man zurfick, die
sollten im Lande katholisch erzogen werden.
Joseph hielt das ffir unmoglich. Das sei ein
Marchen aus der Zeit der Gegenreformation.

Doch der Rat bestatigte es achselzuckend; Graf
Perlas habe die Glaubenseinheit des Banats 1m
allerhochsten Auftrag zu wahren gehabt und er
dultete keine andersglaubigen Seelen im Lande.
Aber warum schickte man die Leute nicht wieder
in die Zips zfiruck und liess ihnen die Kinder?
Der Rat wusste es nicht . . . 27

In spite of these shortcomings, the second great
migration did strengthen and broaden the Danube—Swabian
settlements. The work was not hampered by external
forces that had existed during the first migration. Yet,
internal problems such as the bubonic plague, floods and
illness prevailed. It was only through the physical
stamina of these people that the settlements persevered.

The Third Migration and
Joseph der Deutsche

 

The third great migration took place under the
eldest son of Empress Maria Theresa, Emperor Joseph II,
in the years 1782—1787. Joseph, a fervent admirer of
Frederick the Great, had many noble intentions. Yet,
through his lack of practical sense and of moderation
during the short time in which he ruled independently
(1780-1790), his undertakings met with complete failure.

He wanted his self—composed epitaph to read as follows:

 

 

31

"Hier ruht ein Ffirst, der all seine Entwfirfe, all seine

Plane scheitern sah . . . alle, alle, alle . . ."28

Whatever may be said in just criticism of many of
Joseph's hasty reforms, there is little doubt that he was
unswerving in his loyalty to the German colonist. As
has already been pointed out, he showed his personal
interest in the welfare of his German colonists by some—

times traveling incognito through the Danube—Swabian area.

His personal endeavors to have the "Josephina,' issued,

a new, humane code of law in which torture and capital
punishment were officially abolished, greatly aided the
progress of the Danube—Swabians. He gave his greatest
skills and attention to the cause of furthering the
progress of these people. He issued many orders for
agricultural improvements. In his novel Joseph der
Deutsche, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn describes this as follows:

Bis zur Dfingung der Felder erstreckte sich seine
Ffirsorge. Die Brache sei fiberflfissig, die fiber-
lieferten Werkzeuge seien durch bessere zu er-
setzen; der Holzpflug mfisse fiberall einem
eisernen Platz machen; die Obstbaume seien im
Winter zu entraupen und die Nester zu verbrennen;
die Felder sollen trocken gelegt, die Wiesen
bewassert werden. Und jedes junge Ehepaar
verpflichtete er, zehn Obstbaume zu pflanzen;
hohe Belohnungen aber setzte er aus auf jedes
der Kultur gewonnen Stfick Odland. Es sollte
zehn Jahre steuerfrei sein. Und wer seine

Hfitte auf solch eroberten Boden baue, moge sich
das dazu notige Holz in den kaiserlichen Wéldern
fallen. Gute Samereien liess er austeilen,
Setzlinge ffir Edelobst und weisse Maulbeerbaume,
denn er wollte fiberall der Seidenzucht die Wege

 

 

 

32

ebnen. Véterlich griff er in das Verhaltnis
zwischen Herren und Knechten ein und gab auch
dem Gesinde sein verlorenes Beschwerderecht
zurfick. Barmherzig mit jeder menschlichen
Kreatur verkfindete er, forderte er.2

In order to better the lot of the peasant, Joseph became
the first German ruler to eliminate serfdom in his
dominions. Peasants were granted the unrestricted right
of marriage, of freedom to sell their property, and of
free movement. Joseph also tried to encompass everyone
in his reforms. "Und selbst die Zigeuner bezog er in
seine Reformen ein. Auch diese Heimatlosen, deren Hauptsitz
er in Siebenbfirgen fand, sollten sesshaft gemacht werden."30
Joseph II further eliminated all laws that he con—

sidered roadblocks to the progress of the country.
Freedom of religion was advocated. He introduced German
as the official government and military language, thereby
eliminating Latin as the government language. He
advocated German plays and music in Vienna and even the
Theater in Temeschwar "das man sich seit ein paar Jahren
nach dem Vorbild von Wien eingerichtet hatte"31 was
urged to perform only German productions.

. . . das Theater florierte und sah haufig Wiener

Kfinstler zu Gaste. Johann Friedel, der Dichter,

der streitbare Prophet aller josephinischen

Reformen, hatte seine Truppe, deren Stern die

schone Madam Schikaneder war, wieder einen Monat

in seiner Vaterstadt spielen lassen; er folgte

auch den Einladungen nach Werschetz und

Weisskirchen und verbreitete fiberall im Banat

den Samen deutscher Dichtung, deutscher Kunst.

.-. . Seine Truppe diente nicht bloss der
Ergotzung und Erheiterung; Friedel war erffillt

 

 

33

von der Mission, die der Kaiser dem Theater
zugewiesen: die deutsche Sprache in allen
Provinzen zur Geltung zu bringen. Von Lemberg
bis Triest durchreiste seine Truppe die
Monarchie, und Ungarn lag dem Prinzipal ganz
besonders am Herzen.32

Joseph's efforts were geared toward his vision of
the German empire as the embodiment of a unified central
Europe. In his foreign policy he, therefore, attempted
to defeat the Turks (1788) in alliance with Catherine of
Russia. This only proved to strengthen Russia's power
in the Black Sea while at the same time weakening Austria's
eastern sphere of interest. The results of the war were
a severe set—back to Danube-Swabian settlements:

Auch Joseph hatte keine Eile, nach Wien zu
kommen. Er reiste langsam und duldete zum ersten
Male einen Arzt in seinem Gefolge. sein Weg ffihrte
durch ein gebrandschatztes, ausgeplfinderetes Land.
Und leer schien es zu sein. Wo waren die Schwaben?
Schfichtern kehrten die in die Berge, in die Walder
Geflfichteten da und dort in ihre D6rfer zurfick und
begannen mit dem Wiederaufbau derselben. Erschfittert
fuhr der Kaiser durch dieselbe evangelische Gemeinde,
die er im Frfihling in ihrer jungen Blfite gesehen.

Das Dorf hatte noch keine Kirche, aber es sah schon
ganz stattlich aus und besass ein deutsches Schul—
haus, in dem auch der Gottesdienst abgehalten wurde.
Nichts war stehengeblieben von dem Dorfe als dieses
Schulhaus. Und der junge Pfarrer, den er im Frfih-

ling bestatigte, sammelte dort soeben seine Herde, 33
die in alle Winde verscheucht gewesen, wieder . . . .

He imposed his innovations forcibly upon his people,
causing them to rebel. Not only his efforts to rule, but
also his attempts to make German the official language in
all the Austrian territories and to Germanize ethnically
non-Germanic peoples resulted in uprisings in Flanders,

Tyrol, and Hungary.

 

 

 

 

 

 

34

 

On his deathbed he realized his failures, especially

those in Hungary and the Austrian Netherlands, and revoked
all his laws except that of religious tolerance. In his
attempt to enforce the principles of enlightened despotism
and to construct a more equitable social order, he
abolished torture and curtailed the powers of the hier-
archy of the Church and the nobles. In this he met with
overwhelming resistance.

With the death of Emperor Joseph II the migration
out of Germany and the land acquisition of the Danube—
Swabians was, for all practical purposes, over. Mfiller—
Guttenbrunn in describing these major migrations, points
out not only historical facts, but he also illustrates
the characteristics of his beloved Danube-Swabians. He
shows how this primarily agrarian guest society, under
the strict organization of its colonizing rulers, became
tradition-bound and rigid in its social structure.

Although it is impossible to speak of a common
historical Danube-Swabian heritage, as has already been
pointed out, the Danube—Swabians estranged themselves from
the other nationalities in this area and developed some
of their own unique characteristics through common hard—
ships, a common Christian religion, and the rigid, pre—
scribed Austrian rule. Hans Hagel, in his article "Zur

Charakteristik des Banater schwabischen Volkes,” describes

 

 

 

35

the psychological and physical peculiarities of this whole
Danube—Swabian group as follows:

Der Gestalt nach mittelgross, ziemlich zur
Korperffille neigend, ist es ein Menschenschlag
von kerniger Gesundheit und kraftigen Gliedern,
dessen fiberwiegend braune Haar— und Augenfarbe
sich zum Teil aus der erwahnten Vermischung der
verschiedenen Stamme und Rassen ableitet. Bis
zu einem gewissen Grade ist es unstreitig dieser
Vermischung zuzuschreiben, dass ihm trotz Sfimpfe,
Fieber und Cholera sowohl die korperliche
Frische, wie die Spannkraft des Geistes und des
Herzens ungeschwacht erhalten blieb.34

It is indeed through these physical and psychological
characteristics that these people developed and advanced

to a definite and homogeneous type of culture that lasted
for years, displaying its riches in its political organiza-
tion, uniform family structure and social formations, and

finally in religious and philosophical ideas.

 

CHAPTER II

POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

The Danube-Swabian social structure cannot be
explained in terms of village life alone; an explanation
must include consideration both of the outside forces
impinging upon these villages and of the reactions of the
Villages to these forces. Viewed in such a manner the
political structure failed to give the village an oppor—
tunity to communicate with the outside world. The Danube—
Swabian family looks upon the external world with indif—
ference and distrust. The external world is a social
force in which the universe acts upon the family, and the
family in its turn affects that universe minimally. The
intentions of individuals outside the family and village
community are suspect. The factor of self—sufficiency is
doubtless greatly responsible for this state of affairs.
This self-sufficient attitude becomes most apparent in
the life of the political community. The village community
sets the pace for political thought; the Hungarian State
remains a distant entity.

As in so many facets of the Danube-Swabian social
structure, so also in the political organization of the

community, class distinction prevails. The village

36

 

 

governing positions are honorary and given to the most
prominent, not the intellectuals, but rather the wealthiest

farmers. In Die Glocken der Heimat, for example, the

 

highest position in the village, that of "Dorfrichter,"
is given to.a well established farmer:

Ein behabiger Bauer in mittleren Jahren, mit
kraftigem braunem Schnurrbart und ernsten Augen
kam in Begleitung eines blonden Riesen von der
Kirche die Hauptstrasse herab. Er war in
dunkles Tuch gekleidet, als ob es Sonntag ware,
und hatte auch einen Hut auf, der ffir den Alltag,
ffir die Arbeitszeit, zu gut schien. Die Manner
grfissten ihn von allen Seiten durch Zuruf, die
Viehhirten aber, die "Halter," zogen ihre Hfite
tief vor ihm. Es war der Klugsblatzer (Balthasar
Klug), der Dorfrichter. Und der Michael Straub,
das Gemeindefaktotum, begleitet ihn.3

As "Dorfrichter" he is powerful in the community and
respected by all:

Die Leute stimmten ihm zu, sein Wort war
richtunggebend ffir alle. Er genoss das Ansehen
eines tfichtigen Bauers und eines kraftigen
Anwaltes der Gemeindeinteressen.r

The village council also consists of influential farmers.
Other important positions within the hierarchy of the
community, however, are filled by the educated: the
priest, the notary, and the teachers.

As political strife heightened in Hungary, the
political positions held by the Danube-Swabian farmers in
their villages become even more isolated and threatened:

Auch Karlsdorf hatte, um einer patriotischen
Mode willen, vor Jahren den Beschluss gefasst,

die Staatssprache zur Protokollsprache in der
Gemeinde zu machen. Die deutsche Stadt Temesvar

 

 

 

 

38

war voraus gegangen mit dem feigen Beschluss, und
die Notare auf den Bauerndorfer ruhten nicht, bis
auch diese folgten. Nun war man seit Jahren in
einer Sackgasse. Niemand im Dorf als der Pfarrer,
der Notar, ein oder zwei Lehrer und die paar
Herrischen verstanden madjarisch. Kein bodenm
standiger Wfirdentrager der Gemeinde konnte das
amtliche Protokoll lesen.

Historical political forces had an important
impact on the Danube—Swabian social structure. The rise
of nationalism affected their political isolation greatly,
Political indifference on the part of the Danube-Swabians
had already been present during their historical migration
and period of early development. Their knowledge of the
Austrian governmental functions and structure had been
superficial, culminating in their impression of the
Emperor as divinely ordained by God. As long as the
German Emperor was the active king of Hungary, the Danube—
Swabians felt secure and found no need to be politically
active.

Prior to the Revolution of 1848—1849, the condi-
tions were ripe for the economic development of the German
colonists in Hungary. Even though the Danube-Swabians
excelled economically at this time, they did not establish
themselves politically correspondingly. The rights and
freedoms which they had been granted upon colonization,
were now forgotten. Although there had been great concern

on the part of the Hapsburgs to settle the Hungarian

territory, partly because of its remoteness from the

 

 

 

 

 

39

motherland and partly because of the political preoccupa-

 

tion at home, the Danube-Swabians in Banat had been

neglected in many matters. In the cities they were not

united with those living in the villages or on isolated

farms. They were lacking in political representation.

In general, they had no political institutions or leaders
The Revolution of 1848 left its mark on the

Danube-Swabians in Hungary. A strong social need for

freedom existed in the country. Most of the nationalities,

 

including the Danube-Swabians, were convinced that in

order to prosper culturally and economically the majority
would have to obtain their freedom. At the beginning of

the Revolution, social and industrial interests predominated.
Hence the other nationalities of Hungary, besides the
Hungarians, were also enthusiastic at first about the
Hungarian Revolution.

For the most part, the social and industrial
requests of the Revolution were granted from Vienna. The
appeal for national freedom and government independence
was now taken literally by the Hungarians to mean the
"Madjaren" cause. Hungary was to become a unified politi—
cal state under the rule of the Hungarians. The Hungarian
Revolution thus took on a completely "madjarisch" national
aspect. The five million Serbians, two and one-half
million Rumanians and one and one-half million Germans,

however, were not willing to support the five million

 

40

"Madjaren" in their efforts. The other peoples of Hungary
could no longer support a revolution purely for the
"Madjaren" cause. Therefore, national differences among
the diversified peoples of Hungary developed.

Among the Danube-Swabians there was much confusion
due to these political developments. Having no national
political concept of their own, sharp divisions arose
among them. The progressive and greatest number, seeing
their future brightened by Hungarian promises, sided with
the Hungarian cause. They united with the Hungarians
against the Emperor and Austria for what they felt was
progress and freedom. The moderate elements, hOWever,
remained true to Austria and the Emperor.

After the defeat of Austria in the "Seven Week's
War" with Prussia in 1866, Austria was forced to recognize
the dissolution of the "German Confederation" and to
consent to the reorganization of Germany under Prussian
leadership. Austria, now confined to her own German and
non-Germanic territories, was forced to adopt a number of
liberal reforms. All the inhabitants of territories outside
of the immediate boundaries of Austria, were consequently
forced to struggle for new national consciousness.

The Emperor Francis Joseph was forced to make a
hurried settlement with Hungary in 1867 at which time he
inaugurated a bicameral parliamentary system of government.

Hungary was recognized as a semi—autonomous kingdom

 

within the dual empire of Austro—Hungary. Although the
Austrian Emperor retained his title of King of Hungary,
Hungary was to settle its own internal struggles. Through
this agreement of 1867 Austria gave up much of its control
in Hungary and consented to nearly all of the wishes
of the Hungarians. As a result, the new Hungarian rule
weakened the position of the Danube—Swabians, forcing them
into a defensive position and being no longer under the
protection of Austria and the German system of law,
these guest people had to become subservient to Hungary in
all governing matters, even in matters of the law. This
dependence on the Hungarian government destroyed the
freedom and peace among the numerous minorities in
Hungary who earlier had lived in harmony.3

"Hungary" represents the political unity, the

state. "Magyars,' in turn, synonomous with "Hungarians,"
represents a national minority in this structure. The
rise of this minority and its efforts at dominating the
Danube-Swabians is the topic of many of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's
novels.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn recognizes that the Danube-
Swabian culture requires continual outside nourishment,
particularly in the intellectual, religious, and political

arenas. The author is aware of his national political

aims in writing his novels. In a letter to a politically

 

 

42

active German, Rudolf Brandsch, (18.8.1910), he states:
Ob die Bficher auch in der Heimat selbst zu wirken
vermogen, weiss ich nicht. Im Banat sicherlich sehr
wenig. Da sind sie noch weit zurfick."39
The author's national interests were aroused
during his early childhood by the narrations of his great
grandmother "Fraala," who had taken part in the early
organization of Banat. The experience of seeing Maria
Theresa during a Corpus Christi procession in Vienna
made a lasting impression on her. This event is actually

one of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's sources for his novel Der

Grosse Schwabenzug. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn relates this

 

episode in the autobiographical sections of Meister Jakob
und seine Kinder.4
In speaking of his political experiences as a

teenager in his autobiography, Der Roman meines Lebens,

 

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn recalls a rather painful episode:

Die Aufregungen in Siebenbfirgen und im Banat
rissen auch ffir mich manches Fenster auf, aber

im Grunde verstand ich doch nichts davon und hatte
auch wenig Interesse ffir Politik. Ich war in ein
wildes Lesen gekommen und verschlang jedes
Druckwerk, das meinen Augen in erreichbare Nahe
geriet. Ffir anderes hatte ich keinen Sinn. Aber
als Deak, der weise Staatsmann, die schonen Worte
sprach von den selbstverstandlichen Menschenrechten
der anderen volker Ungarns, denen man das Leben

im Vaterlande nicht nur ertraglich, sondern lieb
machen mfisse, und als das Nationalitatengesetz zum
Schutze unserer Rechte, unserer Schulen und
Kultureinrichtungen beraten wurde, da liess auch
ich mir in den Sommerferien einmal zum Schmerz

 

ungarische Hosen machen. Mein Freund Wagner, der
Mitgefallene von Temesvar, der bei seinem Vater,

dem Schneidermeister und Kirchenvater in Guttenbrunn,
schon ausgelernt hatte und ganz auf die ungarische
Seite geraten war, beredete mich dazu. Er wollte
nicht alleinsein in seiner Sonntagstracht. Und so
wie ich einst meinen Oheim Jakob ausgelacht hatte,
als er ungarisch kam, so wurde jetzt auch ich
ausgelacht von meiner Familie. Und der sechzehn-
jahrige dumme Junge, der keinen Satz magyarisch
konnte, hat jenen magyarischen Anzug nie abgetragen.41

Even though it is not our intention to explore
Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's feelings of German nationalism fully,
a few major events must be taken into account in order to
demonstrate his political aims as expressed in his
"Heimatromane." During his first few years in Vienna he
was not politically active; he was much too preoccupied
with his first dramatic attempts and his new environment.
Yet, during this time he always sided with the Germans,
especially during the Franco-Prussian War and during the
ministry of Taffe (1879-1893) which sided with the Slavic
people. At the beginning of Taffe's stay in office
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn demonstrated his anti—Taffe sentiments
by becoming a member of the German club.

During these years at Vienna he made several trips
to the homeland for the purpose of educating his people.42
During this time he also formed strong ties with men who
took up the Danube-Swabian national political struggle.

His friendship with Edmund Steinacker, the political

leader of the Germans, had a profound influence on him.

 

 

 

 

He was so impressed with Steinacker's ideas that he por-
trayed him as the Danube-Swabian national hero, Georg

Trauttmann, in both Die Glocken der Heimat and Gégzen-

ms..—

 

dammerung.

 

The author also aided in the establishment of the
newspaper "Deutsches Tageblatt ffir Ungarn" which after 1902
was called "Deutschungarischer Volksfreund." Several
times it was in danger of being discontinued and Mfiller-
Guttenbrunn came to its rescue. In 1886 he also began

writing for the ”Deutsche Zeitung,‘ the organ for the
German Club. He left the paper in 1892, yet his reasons
were personal rather than political.43 Hereafter he began
the pamphlet "Die Lektfire des Volkes" which stimulated
the establishment of the "Volksbildungsverein." It was
operated by Mfiller-Guttenbrunn and Alexander von Peez.
Besides having a membership in numerous clubs
devoted to the German cause, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn wrote
approximately 2,000 leading articles and 350 papers on
the topic of the German cause between 1903 and 1909.44
He was also active in several other nationalistic projects.
Since the Hungarians no longer allowed German secondary
schools in Banat, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn advocated sending
Danube-Swabian students to the Saxon secondary schools.

He realized that in order to revive the German nationhood

it was much more important to retain German secondary

 

 

45

schools rather than primary schools. This the Danube-
Swabian farmer did not comprehend since he had no educa-
tion beyond the village primary school. If the village
primary school was German, the farmer felt his educational
needs were fulfilled. Also, this indifference to higher
education in the German language made him leaderless. It
drove many intellectuals out of the country or into the
hands of the Hungarians. In the face of the "Janit-
scharenerziehung,"45 the only salvation according to
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn was the Saxon secondary school system.

He points this situation out in Der kleine Schwab. The

 

author tries to insure leadership among the Danube-
Swabians by founding stipends for the purpose of educating
Danube—Swabian students in "Siebenbfirgen."
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's efforts to achieve a feeling
of unity between the Danube-Swabians and the "Siebenbfirger

Sachsen,‘ advocated strongly in Der kleine Schwab and

 

Getzendammerung, is made evident in his correspondence

with Dr. Schfiller, Lutz-Korodi and Rudolf Brandsch.46 In

 

his letters to them he encourages these German patriots

to write of trips to other German groups in Hungary. In
the letters to Brandsch, he also specifies various ways

of circulating his novels. Brandsch was to donate them

unobtrusively to song organizations, teachers, and

students. Eventually the organization "Vereinigung," an

 

organization for the preservation of the German
nationality in Hungary, took over the circulation of his
books.

In 1907, therefore, when Gotzendammerung appeared,

 

it connected his name forever with the German movement in
Hungary. During his 1907 trip to the homeland, the
Temeschburger "Reform" wrote a controversial article about
him entitled "Ungarnfresser auf Reisen." On this occasion
he even had to flee at night from the authorities of his
home village. But in the patriotic press he was acclaimed
by his compatriotes as a national leader.47
The tension which existed between the Danube-
Swabians and the Hungarians is depicted in each of Mfiller-
Guttenbrunn's novels. The former did not realize the
danger; they did not comprehend that eventually they would
lose the rights which they had possessed under the
Austrians. The "madjarisch" State demanded national
recognition and denied the same rights to other nation-
alities. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn is trying to show that the
problems which pervade are not only political, but also
social. Some of the same conditions existed now that had
prevailed during the time of the migrations. More land
was needed for expansion in the country-side and the other
nationalities became a threat. The Danube-Swabians had

the most fertile land and the other nationalities in the

 

 

 

 

 

47

more populated south also needed room for expansion.
New water systems were needed, and Trauttmann in
(Gotzendammerung militates for these.

In his novels Mfiller-Guttenbrunn seeks to achieve
national awareness in his people. He is not only attempt—
ing to depict a true picture of their customs and tradi-
tions, but also to arouse them politically. In his novels
he stresses how the Hungarians promote their own Hungarian
language and culture, making fun of the Danube—Swabian
culture. This attitude becomes easily effective since the
Danube-Swabians are mostly farmers. A good illustration

of this is Haffnerslippl in Die Glocken der Heimat. As

 

the son of a second marriage, he is forced to study rather
than become a farmer:
Als die Frau aber zum zweiten Male guter Hoffnung
war, da fand er es notig, um des lieben Friedens
willen, seinen alteren Kindern die Versicherung
zu geben, dass die Kinder der zweiten Ehe
samtlich aus dem Hause kommen sollten. Die Welt
brauche ja auch Lehrer, Notare und "Pfaffa"
(Pfarrer), sagte er ihnen.48
Hence, at the age of five the boy is taken from his home
to study Hungarian in Szegedin. Here his father has to
promise that the youngster is to remain undisturbed in
the institution's custody for four years. Reluctantly

the father signs this statement giving up all visiting

rights:

 

 

——w-T _____1__1..1._.1____.--.__ , , 1.-..
48

Der kleine Schwab sollte dort beizeiten Ungarisch
lernen, damit er dann gleichmassig aufsteigen
konne in der Volksschule. So riet der Herr
Pfarrer. Der Herr Oberlehrer Heckmfiller war
anderer Meinung. Er sagte, das Kind solle die
vier Volksschulklassen daheim in seiner
Muttersprache durchmachen und dann, gefestigt

in seinem Familiengeffihl und in seinem Deutschtum,
in die Mittelschule gehen. Das notige Ungarisch
werde er ihm schon beibringen. Aber der
Oberlehrer stand im Rufe eines Idealisten, eines
halben Dichters, und der Rat des Pfarrers erwies
sich beim Haffnerslippl als gewichtiger.

As time passes the mother visits the boy and finds that
her youngster can no longer communicate with her. He

has forgotten his mother tongue. When the mother becomes
emotionally disturbed at this turn of events, the father
decides to break his agreement with school officials and
to educate the boy in his own village by the Danube-
Swabian teacher, Heckmfiller. The young Haffnerslippl is
consequently rescued from a fate which affects so many
Danube-Swabian youngsters at the time.

Yet the Hungarian indoctrination program has been
successful in instilling into the youngster thoughts of
Hungarian nationalism and it takes some time before he is
again familiar with the Danube—Swabian heritage. At
first he is ashamed of his culture and family:

Der Direktor wechselte noch ein paar ungarische

Worte mit dem Knaben, und dieser folgte seinem
Vater. Auf der Gasse lief er weit voraus. Es
genierte den Buben, dass alle Szegediner nun

sahen, sein Vater ware ein schwabischer Bauer.

Dass ihm den Schwaben niemand anmerkte, darauf
war er stolz . . . .50

 

Through the untiring efforts of the patriot Heckmfiller

the youngster is gradually being reorientated toward the

German language and culture.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn shows how the Hungarian efforts
reach every aspect of life by attempting to control the
officials, the schools and the churches:

Wie viele deutsche Lehrer gab es fiberhaupt noch

in Ungarn, die nicht schon ihrem Volkstum verloren
waren? Um die Wette krochen sie vor den "Patrioten."
Und auch sonst . . . Nur der Bauer weiss noch, dass
er ein Deutscher ist; die aus ihm hervorgegangene
Intelligenz ist angefault; die volksfremde Kirche,
die ungarische Schule hat sie verdorben.51

The Hungarians went as far as destroying many Danube—
Swabian historical ties in language and customs. Trautt~
mgnn, for example, is greatly displeased upon his return
to his homeland to find his niece praying in the
Hungarian language at the family table:

Das Madel trat ein, die Magd kam und dann
erschien ein in weisses Linnen gekleideter Bursche,
der nichts weiter als eine dunkle Weste fiber dem
Hemd und der Gatya anhatte. Er trat festen
Schrittes in das Zimmer und sprach: "Jo estét!"
("Guten Abend") Und ehe Georg sich von seinem
Erstaunen, hier einem solchen Grusse zu
begegnen, erholt hatte, sprach Evi ein kurzes
Tischgebet in magyarischer Sprache. ”Ausserlich
lerr, voller falscher Akzente, also wahrscheinlich
ohne jegliches Verstandnis, aber magyarisch.

Denn das schien jetzt die Mode zu sein.

Also, pictures of historical leaders such as Prince
Eugene and Maria Theresa have been removed from the
Trauttmann parlor in favor of pictures of insignificant

. 53
Hungarian personages.

50

The Hungarians attempted to influence the younger
generation by attacking their traditions. Even in the
village elementary schools, those that excel in the
'Hungarian language are richly rewarded by everyone on
examination,day.

German schools were rapidly disappearing in Hungary
Georg Trauttmann brings this to the attention of his
countrymen during his campaign for election:

Im Jahre 1870 gab es laut offiziellen Berichtes

der Regierung in Ungarn noch 1237 reindeutsche
Schulen und 849 gemischte, in denen deutsch und
magyarisch vorgetragen wurde. Heute gibt es nur
noch 272 deutsche Schulen und 317 gemischtsprachige
in Ungarn. Unser deutsches Volksschulwesen ist
also in dreissig Jahren um mehr als tausend
geringer geworden, es ist auf einen Rest von

272 Schulen zusammengeschmolzen.5

He then continues by praising the "Siebenbfirger Sachsen"
and attacking the political indifference of the Danube-

Swabians:

. . . Die Siebenbfirgen Sachsen bilden eine eigene
lutherische Insel unter den Deutschen. Sie zahlen
bloss 200 000 Seelen. Die Gesamtzahl der Deutschen
betragt aber weit mehr als zwei Millionen. Und
jetzt passt auf: Von den 272 deutschen Schulen,
die es heute in Ungarn noch gibt, gehoren 254 den
Sachsen. Sie haben es verstanden, sich zu
behaupten, weil sie einig sind, weil ihre
Geistlichen, ihre Lehrer sie ffihren, weil ihre
Intelligenz deutsch geblieben ist. Die zwei
Millionen anderen Deutschen aber, die katholischen,
haben so gut wie alles verloren durch ihre
Uneinigkeit. Die kleinen Sachsen haben noch

254, wir andern alle miteinander haben nur mehr

18 deutsche Schulen in ganz Ungarn, unsere
Intelligenz aber ist zum Dfinger der magyarischen
Kultur geworden . . . ."55

51

As we have already pointed out the Danube-Swabians
were greatly lacking in leadership. Many intellectuals
turned to the Hungarian cause while others left the
country to study abroad. Heckmfiller's two sons are a good
illustration of this. His oldest son, Franz, educated
abroad, cannot return to work in his homeland:

Er hatte sich der Elektrotechnik zugewendet, war
an den Hochschulen zu Wien und Zfirich ausgebildet
und vergass das bisschen Ungarisch, das er daheim
gelernt. Keinesfalls war er befahigt und gewillt,
seine Prfifungen in madjarischer Sprache zu wieder—
holen. Sein Schweizer Diplom als Zivilingenieur
aber galt in Ungarn nichts. Des Vaters Versuche,
dieses Diplom in Ungarn nostrifizieren zu lassen,
schlugen fehl. Er begriff diese Harte des Gesetzes
nicht. Was man von Juristen mit Recht forderte,
das erschien ihm, gegenfiber Technikern und
Medizinern angewendet, wie eine tfickische Bosheit.
Wie viele Sohne hatte dieses Land nicht damit in
die Fremde gestossen? Aber ob es gicht doch
vielleicht noch einen Ausweg gab?5
Many of these young men who studied abroad cannot return
because of language problems, while others do not wish to
return because they found broader horizons in the foreign
cities.

Heckmfiller's youngest son, Gyuri, on the other
hand, like many Danube-Swabian sons, turns to the
Hungarian regime in the hopes of a brighter future. The
solution to this problem that Mfiller-Guttenbrunn offers
is the building of a new German youthhome in Temeschburg.

So, when Nikolaus Heckmfiller is relieved of his position

as village teacher because he does not promote the

 

 

52

Hungarian language, he and his wife become caretakers of
the German youthhome in Temeschburg.

Even though the political aspects of Die Glocken

 

der Heimat and Meister Jakob und seine Kinder are signifi-

 

cant, Gfitzendémmerung of his "Heimatromane" is the most

 

heavily politically colored. The main plot deals with
Trauttmann, a native Danube-Swabian who upon returning to
his homeland as an engineer wants to improve the water
systems which had been neglected since the migrations and
by now had become antiquated. In this endeavor he works
for the Secretary of the Interior, Dezsoffy, and when
Dezsaffy's political party is defeated, so are also
Trauttmann's plans. Besides the main plot, two minor
plots exist. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn depicts the happenings

in the Rumanian village of Czibova, which is supposed to
represent the Rumanian minority. In contrast to the
Rumanian village, the second minor plot deals with the
lawyer Boldog. Boldog, the symbol of an egotistical
business man, under the guise of patriotism, eventually

is elected Minister. Trauttmann, portraying Mfiller-
Guttenbrunn's political philosophy, on the other hand, is
the selfless worker for his homeland who in the end

cannot run for public office because his previous citizen—
ship is invalidated on the grounds of his German national-

ity.57

 

53

Although Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's novel is not com-
pletely unified, it does accomplish its main purpose.
It realistically depicts the political atmosphere of the
times. As a political novel, the Trauttmann plot is
merely the framework. The actual heroes are the reform—
willing Prime Minister, Gamary, and his active Secretary
of the Interior, Dezsoffy. The two heroes are defeated
by their opponent, the intriguing lawyer Boldog, a member
of the independent party. In describing the Gomory~
Dezsoffy government, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn historically
describes the government of Fejérvéry—Kristéffy. Hence,

quite obviously a "Schlfisselroman,' the novel was
immediately banned in Hungary.
Perhaps the most striking picture of the times in

Getzendammerung is the scene depicting the Emperor alone

 

on the eve of the anniversary of his coronation:

Der KOnig zog sich zurfick in die bescheideneren
Raume des alten Traktes der Burg. Er wird die neuen
nicht mehr bewohnen . . . Und das letzte grosse
Erinnerungsfest, das man mit ihm gemeinsam in
Ungarn feiern konnte, bei dem man noch einmal den
Geffihlen des Dankes und der Treue hatte Ausdruck
geben konnen——es war nun auch vorbei. Und als
er aus der Kirche trat, haben sie das Kossuthlied
gesungen.59

Historically the Emperor's visit on the occasion had been

.0
rather brief. Das Neue Wiener Tageblatt (12.6.1097),6

 

sought the reason for his brief stay in the primitive

manner of the festivity which consisted of a festive Mass

54

in a half empty Church. Not even the diplomatic corps or
the Austrian rulers had been invited:

Wer hat den Konig geehrt, als er gestern in

seine ungarische Hauptstadt kam? Der Adel war
fern, das Haus der Abgeordneten sparlich vertreten;
die studentische Jugend blieb stumm, denn sie
wurde ffir andere Ideale erzogen. Aber das
Proletariat war zur Stelle. Zum ersten Mal
grfisste ihn das Volk in diesem Lande ohne
Komfidianterei. Die Enterbten des Glfickes nur,
scheint es, glauben noch an ihren Konig . . .
Das Problem der Zukunft stand vor ihm. Wer es
lost, der beseitigt jenen Hemmschuh, der reisst
jene Mauer nieder . . . .61

With the Emperor's decreasing influence in the
country, the Danube-Swabians are politically completely
powerless. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn gives us a picture of the
corrupt election system under which the Danube—Swabians
and the other minorities are suffering. When Trauttmann
no longer can run for office, in order to defeat the
election system, he gives his votes to the Rumanian
minority party. He also strongly advocates the unity of
the "Siebenbfirger Sachsen” and the Danube—Swabians in
order to form a strong voting block in their mutual
political interests.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn does not seem to understand
the source of the tensions between the state and people
clearly. The actual problem is the dualism of nationality
and state: members of the German nationality live in
the Hungarian state and are being forced to give up their

nationality. Mfiller—Guttenbrunn is devoted to the term

"Ungarn" in which national and state citizenship should

 

 

55

merge into one. Again and again he refers to his people
as "gute Ungarn." "Gute Ungarn sein mer all; wann m'r a

Schwowe sin."62

He tries to awaken a greater German
consciousness in his peOple, feeling they could be both-—
loyal Hungarians and good Danube-Swabians. But this is
impossible in the face of the nationalistic aims of the
Hungarians, since to be a good "Ungar" means to be a good
"Madjar."

In his description of this guest society, the
author realistically describes their unique political
structure. He shows clearly their political isolation and
this isolation, deep-seated in their history, being
fostered and encouraged by the political factions present
in Hungary at the time. The village hierarchy has little
connection with the government and what ties exist are
being further destroyed as Hungarian becomes the official
government language. Hungarians, or German-oriented
Hungarians, are taking over key positions. Not only
school and Church offices, but also village governing
positions are being taken over by them. With the loss of
its intellectual youth, either to the Hungarian cause, or
to other German territories, the link binding the Danube-
Swabians to a higher social order is in danger of being
destroyed. Without any outside intellectual stimulation,

their existence as a people is being severely threatened.

 

56

The author recognizes that the best that these
poeple can do within the rigid framework of the Hungarian
government is to unite these insular German communities
in an effort to obtain as many rights as possible.
Externally that is about all that can be achieved. But
internally, by preserving their folk traditions and
customs, by maintaining order, by believing and practicing
their religion, the Danube-Swabians can sustain their
spirit and themselves.

Yet Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's compulsive need to create
novels filled with Danube-Swabian customs and traditions,
is not merely rooted in the socio-cultural history of his
people, but also in the literary tradition of the
"Heimatroman." Through this literary genre the author
tries to reconcile the irreconcilable. Translated here,
he tries to show how the Danube—Swabians whom he loves
above all else and tries to sustain can still exist in a
situation where it is difficult to exist much longer.

In its beginnings, the new "Heimatkunst" united
in a common revolt against remote metropolitan dominance.
This was no new phenomena in German literature, but rather
a slowly evolving regional consciousness. The Poetic

Realists, forerunners of the new "Heimatkunst,' cultivated
the novel of provincial life during the 19th century.
Around 1900 "Heimatkunst" established itself as an

independent literary phenomena in the main stream of

57

German national literature. This new literary movement had
little to offer in the way of form. Its significance as a
cultural movement, however, cannot be underrated.
"Heimatkunst" advocated a strong, intimate association
of the author with the people of his province. In the
description of the life, history and customs of his
province, the author had to display a vivid and accurate
sense of reality. In such a way, this literary movement
was to depict a national oriented culture. According to
the theory of its most consistent critic, Adolf Bartels,
"Heimatkunst" was to bring about a rebirth of German
Nationalism. The essence of the new culture was the com-
plete formation of the German racial character.
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's preoccupation with the folk
traditions and customs of his beloved Danube—Swabians is
in keeping with the aims and purposes of the "Heimat-
kunst." In this light, the author's devotion to the
Danube-Swabian individual, family and community which
will be discussed in the following chapters, take on a

new literary as well as a socio-cultural dimension.

CHAPTER III

THE DANUBE-SWABIAN IN THE NOVELS OF

ADAM MHLLER-GUTTENBRUNN

General Characteristics

 

Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunn . . . hat gezeigt, was
der Geist vermag in einer Zeit materieller Inter—
essen, materieller Gewalten: er hat gezeigt, was
der Dichter vermag fiber die stumpfe Welt, wenn er
in seinem Volke fest eingewurzelt ist. Mit seinem
Volke im Einklang, sein Leben strebend zu erffillen,
ist das Hochste, was dichterischem Geiste auf der
Erde beschieden ist.64
These words of Dr. Walter Brecht delivered on the
occasion of the awarding of the honorary degree of Doctor
of Philosophy to Mfiller-Guttenbrunn reflect the achievements
of this Danube-Swabian writer. The greatest value of
Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's "Heimatromane" lies in the fact that
he captured realistically the true spirit of his people.
In his concrete portrayal of the Danube-Swabians, Mfiller-
Guttenbrunn is not concerned so much with what men think,
but how they feel and live.
The author primarily describes the world of the
Danube-Swabian farmers, though intellectuals and craftsmen

are also realistically depicted. A typical Danube-

Swabian community, then, consists of farmers, craftsmen,

58

59

and intellectuals, held together by bonds of kinship and
neighborliness. Nearly every community has a church
with its own priests, a school with its own teachers
along with other professional and government personnel.
These people of the intellectual and professional class
are a minority in the villages, as can be seen from the
description of one such typical village in Die-Glocken

9- .-'... n.“ 1“...—

der Heimat:

 

Der Doktor hatte eine Frau, der Notar, der Strom-

ingenieur, der Kaufmann Jellinek, und ausser dem

Oberlehrer waren auch zwei Lehrer verheiratet.

Und Tochter waren auch da. Sonst gab es keine

herrischen Familien im ganzen Dorfe. Unter den

dreitausend deutschen Bauern bildeten das

Pfarrhaus und diese sieben Familien die Insel,

auf der man sich bewegené und auf der man

Ungarisch reden konnte.6

Seen through the eyes of the farmers, who exert
the greatest power in these communities, the craftsmen's
status is below that of the farmers'. The farmers,
therefore, refer to the craftsmen as "die Halb-Bauern.”
Even the intellectuals are considered inferior to the
farmers with their position, in many cases, a matter of
toleration. These are referred to as "die Herrischen.‘l
As a result, the class.structure is virtually restricted
66
to three levels.
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn in his portrayal of the

farmer, the craftsman, and the intellectual points out

individual characteristics of each particular class.

 

60

Just as Balthasar Klug in Die Glocken der Heimat is not

 

only an individualistic character, but also typical of
the whole farming class, so Meister Jakob in Meister

Jakob und seine Kinder reflects the craftsman and

 

Heckmfiller in Die Glocken der Heimat the intellectual

 

class. The characteristics of these farmers, craftsmen,
and intellectuals are not only general German character—
istics, but at the same time, they embody the whole
Danube—Swabian group. Mfiller—Guttenbrunn, through deep
penetrating character analysis, illustrates the more
distinctive Danube—Swabian character traits.

Since a substantial number of these unique
characteristics influence directly the family and com-
munity structure, it is necessary to analyze these traits
carefully. These pronounced Danube—Swabian traits are
in part a result of the historical and cultural develop—
ment. Not only in his historical novels, discussed in
the previous chapter but also in his "Heimatromane”
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn mentions continually the great diffi—
culties encountered by these people as they struggled

for survival. In Die Glocken der Heimat, for example, he

 

repeatedly refers to the struggle of the people to make
productive land out of swamp land. In Gotzendammerung
he depicts the prevailing adverse cultural and political

conditions. These unfavorable circumstances, under

61

which they had lived for 200 years, contributed to the
creation of a unique Danube-Swabian character.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn describes his characters as
simple, vigorous, healthy individuals in close proximity
with the soil. Their great sense of hospitality and
gentle humor is especially apparent in their various
social customs. They possess a certain quiet calmness,
acting purposefully and only after long moments of
deliberation.

Even though they experience emotions deeply, they
are not quick to display them. In the simple natures of
these characters, love appears instantly without pain, or

confusion. "Wie ein Rausch war es,‘ at the Sunday dance

. . u . 67 _
1n the inn "uber Sle gekommen." Love was something holy,
about which they seldom spoke. Christof, in Meister

Jakob und seine Kinder, for example, on occasion, displays

 

his tenderness by simply squeezing the hand of Susi.
"Christof sagte kein Wort, aber sie verstand den festen
. "68
Druck se1ner Hand. \
For the most part, feelings of tenderness are

shamefully hidden and not expressed. Haffner, in Die

Glocken der Heimat, for example, on seeing his son after

 

several years, is embarrassed to display his feelings.
"Verlegen zog der Bauer seine Hand zfiruck. Er wollte
dem Buben einen Kuss geben, aber es genierte ihn, er

.0 o 9 o
schamte SlCh . . . ." Yet the Danube—Swabians possess

62

one means of expression by which they can communicate the
whole range of their emotions—-the song. These songs,
expressing their joys and sorrows, are their national
strength, helping them survive the darkest hours of their
fate. They aid in equalizing the pressure of their hard
work and are, therefore, sung at every possible occasion.
Some melodies are joyful, playful, and light, yet most

of them are sad and melancholy. In his novels, Mfiller—
Guttenbrunn refers mostly to old German songs such as

"O Strassburg, O Strassburg,’ "Am Brunnen vor dem Tore,"

and "Es stand ein Baum wohl an dem Rhein" for the purpose
of evoking a German national spirit in his people. He
does, however, cite one humorous Danube—Swabian folk song
by I. Nefflen composed in 1836 and entitled "Vetter aus
Schwaben." This butcher song is sung by Bindersmichel
for the amusement of all the guests at the "Metzlsupp:"

Die Sau, das Schwein,

Klingt rauh und fein:

In der Pffitze, im Morascht

Bischt du wohl ein wfischter Gascht;

Uf dem Teller, an der Gabel

Wirscht du Luscht ffir unsern Schnabel.

Die Sau, das Schwein,

Klingt rauh und fein:

Unrat, Abfall, deine Koscht,

Heller Trunk, wie zaher Moscht,
Schmer und Fleisch mit dickem Specke.
Kimmt von Pflege, nicht vom Drecke.

 

 

63

Die Sau, das Schwein,

Klingt rauh und fein:

Liebscht auch Pfutze und Morascht,

Bleibst du uns ein lieber Gascht.

Welche Luscht, wann uns die Schinken,

Braten, Wfirscht und Presskopp winken.

O Sau, o Schwein,

Bleib' rauh und fein!

Lieg' du immer in dem Dreck,

Walz' dich in der Pffitze keck!

Wenn wir deine Gaben schpeisen .

Bleibt's doch Pflicht, dich hoch zu preisen.’U

In their songs and actions we realize that the
Danube—Swabians are oriented toward a positive attitude to
life. They move forward on a wave of confident energy, as
if human life has more dawns than sunsets in it. For
them, life is something simple, something they take for
granted. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's characters are unreflective
creatures, driven by inner forces they do not and cannot
analyze. They are motivated by the natural forces of the
soul, their instincts and will. In their actions and
works they are locked in mortal conflict with nature.
They live in direct relationship with the soil and their
View is, therefore, oriented toward the earth, the organic
world. They are dependent on the powers of nature and,
therefore, they have a certain awe for them. Out of this
oneness with nature, they draw their strength and wisdom

and a certain quiet peace of mind which cannot be destroyed

by outer catastrophies. For example, in Die Glocken der

 

EEEEEEr these people, though having undergone great physi—

.-

cal hardships, are psychologically unimpaired by the flood.

 

64

A13 Knechte und Magde mussten sich viele
verdingen, als Schnitter in die grossen
Schwabendorfer gehen, um sich das Brot zu
verdienen ffir dises verlorene Jahr. Dann aber,
wenn die Wasser dieser Sintflut wieder
abgelaufen waren, dann wollten sie alle, alle
wiederkommen und ihr Lebenswerk von vorne
beginnen. Sie waren nicht niederzuringen,
die Schwaben von Karlsdorf, weder durch die
Menschen, noch durch die Elemente.

Their substance of life is work. In their ICV€
work they concentrate all their energies. "Der Reigen
"72

war zu Ende, er begann von vorne. Out of this struggle

they experience a certain sense of joy.

Das Erntefieber brach aus und alles andere
versank.

Sommer und Winter gingen hin, und das grosse
Tagewerk erneuerte sich immer wieder, und die

Menschen keuchten unter seiner Last. Was war
der Inhalt ihres Lebens? Arbeit, Arbeit, Arbeit!
"Schaffen" nennen sie es. Schaffen! Ja, es war

ein Bodensatz schopferischen Vermogens in dieser
Riesenarbeit. Man schaffte nicht nur um sich
satt zu essen, das vollbrachte Werk ging weit
darfiber hinaus. Es verankerte ein Volk auf
eigener Erde. Jedes Dorf schuf sich hier sein
eigenes Deutschland, jedes war eine Welt, in

der Tausende ihren Daseinskreis vollendeten,

als lebten sie am Rhein oder in Schwaben.73

The Danube-Swabians feel instinctively that only through
their own physical power, through their own work can they
prove themselves as a minority among these foreign
peoples. So, they work for the sake of work, with little
regard for payment.

Auch in den Taglohn zu gehen war ffir niemanden

eine Unehr', der Bauer schatzte seine Helfer

und behandelte sie wie Familienglieder, die

Bauerin aber kochte auf ffir die abends

Heimkehrenden, wie zur Kirchweih. Der Lohn
war massig; aber jedes Haus legte noch ein

65

"Vergelt's Gott" drauf, denn die Arbeit ehrte,
der Fleis§4war rfihmlich und brauchte eine gute
Nachrede.
M_a_n
Besides these general characteristics of the
Danube-Swabian people, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn also illustrates
other traits uniquely Danube-Swabian. The feeling of
independence, for example, is a salient characteristic
of Danube-Swabian men. Just as Meister Jakob is the
master of his shOp, so Luckhaup and Balthasar Klug, for
example, are masters of their own farms. Their actual
feelings of responsibility and independence are drawn
from the sense of ownership. ”In mein'm Haus gilt mei
Wille und koin annerer."75
In this consciousness, a vigorous feeling of
masculine strength grows, giving man a sense of dignity.

Personification of this independent strength is found in

Georg Trauttmann in Gotzendammerung and Jakob Heckmuller

 

in Die Glocken der Heimat:76 Hardly had Trauttmann

 

arrived in his home village when he asks "ob es da eine

"77

Aufgabe ffir ihn gebe. After he realizes his mission

is that of modernizing the water ways of his homeland,
he works with great endurance.

Georg Trauttmann hatte einen arbeitsreichen,
freudigen Winter hinter sich. So ganz erffillt war
er nie von einer Aufgabe, wie von dieser. Mit der
oft erprobten Zahigkeit, mit der vollen Kraft
seines Wesens warf er sich auf den selbstgeschaffenen
Wirkungskreis und es gelang ihm, alle widerstande

 

66

zu besiegen, alle Hindernisse zu nehmen. Sein
Bureau, das er sich selbst zusammengestellt
hatte aus jungen ungarischen Kraften, die noch
zu erziehen waren, und in das er auch einen
deutschen Ingenieur aus Osterreich und einen
jungen Amerikaner berief, arbeitete mit
Begeisterung unter seiner Leitung.

Also later, Dr. Dezsoffy gives Trauttmann the advice:
"An die Arbeit gehen, lieber Freund, und nicht links und

nicht rechts schauen. Niemanden fragen."79 Georg

responds very positively: "Ffir diesen Rat bin ich sehr
dankbar. Das entspricht meiner Natur und ich reise noch
80

heute ab."
This same feeling of one's own strength and worth
is especially apparent in the teacher, Heckmfiller, in Die

Glocken der Heimat. "Er hatte wieder eine Aufgabe vor

 

sich ffir die nachsten Monate, und das tat ihm wohl. Er
konnte nicht leben, ohne irgendeine Aufgabe zu haben."81
Later when he comes to the realization that it is going
to be his mission to inspire his people politically, he
is again overcome with his own potential:
Eine Wandlung war mit Heckmfiller vorgegangen
in den letzten Wochen und Monaten. Wie eine
Verklarung lag es fiber seinem inneren Menschen:
eine stille, freudige Heiterkeit leuchtete ihm
aus den Augen. Wieder hatte er eine Aufgabe
gefunden, aber welch eine edle, grosse.82
The masculine characteristics thus far mentioned
are not limited to any particular class. A distinction
must be made between the world outlook of the farmer and

that of the craftsman. The craftsman's attitude toward

life differs from that of the farmer because he, unlike

 

 

 

67

the farmer, comes in direct contact with the outside

'world.83 "Ohne die Erfahrungen der Fremde galt kein

Handwerker etwas in der Heimat."84 These educational
travel experiences are enumerated by Meister Jakob for
his oldest son, Johann:

Nach Osterreich solle er gehen, nach Wien. Aber
dann auch an den Rhein, ins schwabische und
bayrische Land. In kleine Stadte, wo man ffir die
Bauern arbeitete, wo die Landwirtschaft blfihe.
Er werde ja sehen, wie sich's mache, ob er in
Wien Passion zum hoheren Wagenbauer zeige, oder
ob er bei der einfachen Wagnerei bleiben wolle.
Es konne nicht schaden, wenn er sich auch die
herrschaftlichen Reisekutschen beim Janschky

in Wien genau ansehe, und die leichten Steirer-
Wagelchen, die man ffir einen Rutscher in die
Stadt oder ffir eine Kirchweihfahrt auch hier
brauchen k6nne. Hier wisse man noch nichts
davon. Aber der Johann konne sie vielleicht
einmal ginffihren, wenn er daheim Meister werden
wolle.8

Though all craftsmen do not go abroad for their
training, they gain their experience in contact with other

village members. Vetter Niklos in Meister Jakob_und_§eine

 

Kinder is a good illustration of this:

In der Fremd' war er nie, seine schlichte
dorfliche Maurerei hatte ihm da nur Enttau—
schungen gebracht. Aber das hinderte nicht,
dass er einer der Gescheitesten im Dorfe war
und die meiste Menschenkenntnis besass. Wenn
man so vielen Leuten Hauser baute, wie er,
lernte man die Menschen am grfindlichsten
kennen.

The acquaintance with broader horizons changes the
craftsman's outlook on life from that of the confined,
restricted outlook of the farmer. A comparison of Meister

Jakob with the farmer Luckhaup is a good illustration.

 

68

Meister Jakob, as a craftsman, has a somewhat broader
concept of man and his world than the farmer. He judges
people by their human characteristics, not so much by
what they possess, as by what they achieve. Unlike
Luckhaup, his world is more flexible with his treatment
of people, therefore, more understanding. Not only in
his association with his family and friends, but also
with his apprentice, Franzl, is he tolerant and kind.
For example, he helps Franzl train birds as a hobby:

So erzog sich Meister Jakob seine Singvogel
und seinen Lehrbuben. Er beschaftigte den Franzl
auf jede Weise und nahm ihm langsam das Heimweh
nach dem Bauernstand. Hat der Hansl es in
einem halben Jahr zum Gesellen und zum Meister
gebracht, werde es der Franzl in drei Jahren
doch auch noch zum Gesellen bringen konnen.8

Meister Jakob's whole temperament seems to personify
the simplicity and wholeness of the common folk.

Er sass behabig auf der Bank inmitten seines
Blumengartens und die schweren Dolden des
Schneeballengestrauches drfickten die Zweige
fiber ihn herab wie einen weissen Baldachin.
Zufriedenheit leuchtete aus den Zfigen des
blonden, starken Mannes.88

On the other hand, the farmer Adam Luckhaup's
concept of life revolves around the rather narrow Danube~
Swabian concept of order.

Wenn der Vater abends sagte: ihr geht morgen

in die Kartoffeln, so ging man in die Kartoffeln;
oder: "Hannes: du ackerst morgen im Uberland
und die Margret geht mit de Leut' in Wingert,"
so lud der Hannes seinen Pflug auf und fuhr
hinab ins Uberland, die Margret aber ging so
sehr sie innerlich widerstreben mochte mit

den Taglohnern in den Weingarten. Widerspruch
gab es keinen.

 

69

This concept of order enters not only into the sphere of
work, but every other aspect of life as well. Through
the rigid stress on order he protects his profession,
property and possessions.

Manche teilten sich schon in mehrere Linien, die

Luckhaup hatten ffinf Hofe besetzt, und ihr Anhang

bei den Gemeindewahlen war gross. So viel ganze

Sessionen standen ihnen in der Gemeinde freilich

zur Verffigung, sie erreichten diese Ausbreitung

nur durch eine kluge Heiratspolitik. Dadurch

bewahrten sie ihre Nachkommen davor, Kleinbauern

zu werden oder Handwerker. Und studieren hatten

sie auch keinen lassen. Sie waren sich gescheit ,

genug, brauchten keinen Herrischen in der Familie.90

Luckhaup's preoccupation with order is a further

illustration of the rather narrow and confined outlook of
all Danube-Swabian farmers. Not the achievements of the
mind, but rather those of the hands, are stressed. There

is little appreciation for artistic talent. In Die

Glocken der Heimat Juliska's efforts to become an actress

 

are looked upon as foolhardy by the farmers. Mfiller—
Guttenbrunn further illustrates this lack of understanding
for the artistic personality when he speaks of Lenau, the
greatest Danube-Swabian poet:

Wohl klang Lenaus Name ab und zu durch das Land,
aber es offneten sich ihm nur wenige auserwahlte
Herzen. In einem Schwabendorf geboren war der
Dichter. Aber stand sein Name in irgendeinem
Grundbuch? Besass er Haus und Hof? Ffihrte er
je einen Pflug? Keiner von diesen Bauern hatte
ihm seine Tochter gegeben. Und jetzt war er
tot, in einem Wiener Irrenhause gestorben.

Nein, nein, man konnte mit diesen Gesunden

nicht von ihm reden.

 

 

70

So, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn not only illustrates Danube~
Swabian characteristics in his heroes, but also depicts
the different outlook of the farmer and the craftsman. In
like manner, he not only points out the positive aspects
of their personalities, but their vices as well. The main
vice Mfiller—Guttenbrunn delineates in his heroes is an
overindulgence in the display of ownership, money and
power. Such an overdisplay in wealth takes place, for
example, at the ”Kirweih:"

In der Gruppe, die sich dort um Kaspar Luckhaup
und seine Brfider und Vettern scharte, machten
zwei Haadbauern (Heidebauern) nicht geringes
Spektakel. Sie trugen fiber ihren sehenswerten
Bauchen breite goldene Westenknopfe. Einer

hatte sich's genau angesehen, es waren Dukaten.
Fix Laudon, mussten die Geld haben! Sie schienen
die'Honveds nicht geschropft zu haben wahrend der
Revolution. Und die Kaiserlichen auch nicht,
denn was die einen fibrig liessen, das nahmen
immer die anderen. Freilich gab es seitdem drei
gute Ernten. Aber so etwas! Dukaten als
Westenknopfel92

On such occasions, they are interested in parading not
only their clothing, but their fields and their livestock

as well.

Und alles Vieh behielt man daheim an solchen

Tagen, der Stall durfte nicht leer sein, wenn

die Vettern kamen. Die wollten auch Gaule und
Kfihe und Saue sehen, nicht bloss Kirchweihstrausse.
Und wenn ein Vollbauer seine zwolf wohlgenahrten,
auf den Glanz gestriegelten Pferde im Stall

hatte, wollte er auch, dass sie bewundert werden.93

This display leads to a sense of obstinate pride: ”Und

protzten tat man auch gern ein bisschen, sowohl mit

71

seinem Wohlstand wie mit seiner Jugend und dem Glanz

seiner Kirchweih."94

Woman

Just as Mfiller-Guttenbrunn illustrates certain
male characteristics, he also depicts the more distinctive
female characteristics. It is unquestionable that the
woman, as the carrier of the spiritual life, often holds
a higher position than the man. The woman is the example
of the power of love which overcomes the difficulties of
life. What these women achieve in life, they master not
because of intelligence or wisdom, but through the inner
calm of an uncomplicated faith. This sense of faith
cannot be destroyed by outer adversity.

The unwed mother is a good example. Because of
the author's bitter experience as an illegitimate child,
this character appears frequently in his works. In spite
of the great torment and isolation these women suffer as

95

a result of the Danube-Swabian community structure, they

remain undefeated. In their unsentimental acceptance of
adversity, they overcome their fate. Liszka, in Glgcken

der Heimat, could have taken refuge in a marriage to

 

Straubmichel. Yet she refuses to marry him, taking the
first stirring of her unborn child within her as a

miraculous sign from God that she is to bear this shame
silently and await her destiny. She also believes her

child to be destined for a religious vocation. Susi, in

 

72

Meister Jakob und seine Kinder, reacts just as calmly to

 

the situation of an unwed mother as Liszka had. She also
could have taken refuge in a marriage to a young widower,
yet she repentingly takes the position of caring for the

bitter, ailing Bas Mali.

Sie ging im Werktagsgewand, band sich ein nonnen—
haftes dunkles Tuch fiber ihr welliges Braunhaar,
und legte alle Zeichen von Hoffart ab. Niemand
sollte in ihr die Vortanzerin vermuten, niemand
das schonste Madchen des Dorfes wiedererkennen.
Das hatte seine Rolle ausgespielt. Die Bauerin
sollte nichts in ihr finden als eine dienstwillige
Magd.96

The greatest example of this simple faith and
unselfish love is Frau Eva. She possesses the peace of
God in her heart and, therefore, has the power to restore
the freedom of the family.

Als die kleine Welt ihres Hauses wieder
eingerenkt war nach dieser Hochzeit, bezog Frau
Eva in aller Gemachlichkeit ihr hinteres
Stfibchen, vorne aber breitete sich der Jakob
aus mit seiner jungen Wirtschaft . . . All ihre
Kinder waren wieder in Eintracht beisammen,
ffinf wusste sie wohlgeborgen, und um das
sechste, den Peter, war der Frau Eva nicht
bange . . . Mit rauher Hand griff das Schicksal
nach ihrem Hause, es schien sie alle erdrficken
zu wollen; aber sie hielt tapfer stand, und
der Himmel heiterte sich vor Abend wieder auf.
Ihr Werk war getan. Jetzt wollte sie nur noch
beten ffir das Wohl ihrer Kinder und Enkel. Und
sie hoffte zuversichtlich, dereinst ihrem Jakob
wieder zu begegnen und seine Zufriedenheit zu
erlangen . . . Ob alles weiter so gedieh wie es
den Anschein hatte, das lag in Gottes Hand.
Diese und jene Sorge nahm die Frau Eva gern
mit in ihr Altenteil. Ganz allein wollte sie
in ihrem Stfibchen nicht hausen.

 

73

These women of the common folk with their seemingly
inexhaustible spiritual resources, personify the inarticu-
late sufferings of the peasant. They are not great
through position, power, or wealth, but rather through
the deep inner strength of their own hearts. These are
the women that are necessary if the family is to remain ir
tact. In their infinite endurance, they are the quite
ones in the land. Such praise is given Anmerich by her
in-laws: "Nie hatten sie die Anmerich launisch und
verdriesslich gesehen, immer war gut Wetter bei ihr. Das
tat den beiden Alten besonders wohl. Sie hatten den
Frieden im Hause und das Glfick."98

Just as the men, so are the women vigorous,
healthy individuals. They share with them their love of
work and sense of independent strength. This strength
which grows out of unselfish love is illustrated especially

by the wives that risk their lives during the flood in

Die Glocken der Heimat as they bring food and consolation

 

to their husbands and sons:

Draussen brfillte der Donaustrom immer lauter
und lauter, als der Abend sich herabsenkte. Auf
allen Dammen schwelten die Fettlampen in den zahl-
reichen Laternen, die sich wie die Wachtfeuer in
einem wildbewegten Heerlager ausnahmen. Auf dem
Mitteldamm aber--er hiess der Grfinzeugdamm-—
brannten helle Flammen; dort hatten die Frauen
zehn grosse Kessel, in denen sonst Wasche ausge—
kocht wurde, auf Dreiffisse gestellt und bereiteten
ihren Mannern und Sdhnen das erste warme Mahl nach
so vielen nassen Tagen. Auch trockene Wasche und

 

74

Kleider hatten sie ihnen mitgebracht und sehr viel
Zuversicht und Munterkeit. Drei Fass Wein liess
die Klugsnantschi hinausffihren und machte mit ihren
Tochtern die Mundschenkin. Die Haffnersussi aber
stand mit erhitztem Gesicht zwischen zwei Gulasch-
kesseln und schwang ihren grossen Schopfloffel wie
ein Zepter. Zwischen zwei anderen Kesseln hantierte
still und ernst die Bas' Barbl. Und die Kette
setzte sich fort, die angesehensten Bauerinnen
waren mitgekommen und kochten da unter freiem
Himme1.9

While Mfiller—Guttenbrunn portrays the woman as the
carrier of the spiritual life, at the same time, he allows
her to succumb to greater urges than does the man.

Passion blows through his heroines like a high and some-
times dangerous wind. It does not, as in ordinary local
color, lurk in corners or hide itself altogether. These
passions are most commonly seen in housekeeping women,

and consequently are close to the core of human experience.
Bas Mali is perhaps the best example of such bitter
passions:

Sie fand ein verfallenes, krankes Weib im
Lehnstuhl sitzen, das voll Eifersucht und
Bitterkeit war, das dem Mann seine Gesundheit
nicht gonne und in ihm den Schuldigen ihrer
eigenen Not erblickte. Sie schien zu lechzen
nach einer Aussprache, ihr Redestrom floss
unaufhorlich, und sie sprach rfickhaltlos von
dem Jammer ihrer Ehe, von den Grfinden ihrer
Erkrankung. Sie hatte der Schonung bedurft
nach dem Malheur, das ihr passiert war, aber
die kannte der Mann nicht, er wollte Kinder
haben. Und so sei sie von ihm Schritt ffir
Schritt zugrunde gerichtet worden. Jetzt
flenne er, jetzt sie er in Verzweiflung.

Aber es sei zu spat. Am liebsten ware sie
tot, denn sielgétten beide die Holle auf
Erden . . . .

 

75

These passions come to the surface especially in
the vicious gossip of the Danube-Swabian women: Die
Klotzin was a good example of such a "Klatschfrau:"

"Sie schien ihre Zunge zweimal auf den Herrgotts
Schleifstein gelegt zu haben als der die scharfen
Weiberzungen schliff."lOl Young girls already possess
this vice as is illustrated in the case of Trudl: ”Da
kam heute so ein stotterndes Teufelchen daher und kramte
mit schwerer Zunge allerlei Dorfneuigkeiten aus.“102

Thus Mfiller-Guttenbrunn is realistic in his delinea—
tion of Danube-Swabian characters. He presents his
Danube-Swabians as simple, hospitable, good natured and
industrious people. He depicts a uniquely Danube-Swabian
philosophy of life which encompasses the negative as well
as positive achievements of these people. In view of
these sentiments and values, we can now begin to sketch
a picture of the organization of the family and community.

A substantial number of these values stem directly from
the way in which life is organized and related to the

maintenance and smooth functioning of family and community

organization.

CHAPTER IV

THE FAMILY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS

General Characteristics

 

The family, as the oldest and basic social instL1,
tion of man, is the best example of the severe, well-
defined social structure of the Danube-Swabians. The
Danube-Swabian family, both rural and urban, is monogamous,
independent and bilateral103 in descent. Since Mfiller—
Guttenbrunn's novels deal primarily with the rural family
in a village setting, rather than the urban family, a
picture of the rural family will be presented here.

The Danube-Swabian extended family104 consists of a
number of nuclear units105 some of which live in their own
homes. These nuclear units are tied together by a definite
hierarchy of family relationships, usually associated with
age and wealth, which culminate in an informal family
council that produce certain pressures on each family to
conform to traditions. These extended families are quite
often patrilocal,106 and therefore, it is not uncommon for
three generations of sons to live together in the same
residence. Whether they live alone or with their parents,
however, this farm family unit is the center of power in

the village community.

76

 

77

The strongest binding forces in the typical village
community are related to the family unit thereby providing
a high degree of community solidarity. "Klatta," the
tradition of assisting relatives or community members in
building projects, strikingly illustrates this.107 The
building of a new home for a couple is usually such a
family enterprise founded on the principle of family
unity. The people helping to construct the house are
largely families in the area who are related to the couplc
by blood or marriage. This tradition is based on the
mutual obligations of such familial bonds. Similar
familistic ties modify in numerous ways the function of
religion, education, and the law. In effect, the Danube-
Swabian farm families possess and utilize the greatest
degree of power in the village community. The overall
structure of the Danube-Swabian community is based on the
ideals and traditions of the family unit.

The family's strength centers in the operation and
control of the farm itself, the village's principal form
of productive property. Through the operation and control
of farm production, the family achieves independence from
non-familial groups. The craftsman, who owns a small
amount of land for his sustenance, shares this independence

to a limited degree. So, one can speak of the family as

a collective, productive unit with the farm as the center

78

of activity. Family control of production unites each
family with other neighboring families forming a strong
communal alliance which further strengthens the relative
independence of each family in relation to other non-
familial groups.

However, few of the family features so far descrifi.7
are peculiar to the Danube-Swabian family as such.108 The
major exception to this statement is the Danube-Swabian
love of soil, a feeling shared with all farmers. Yet, the
degree to which this influences the Danube-Swabian's
philosophy of life, together with a host of other related
traits, is unique to them.

These traits are rooted in their historical develop—
ment. As farmers they represent a class out of which all
other classes grow and replenish themselves. As such they
represent a certain proximity to the soil and with tradi—
tion. The greatest expression of the Danube-Swabian love

for the soil is found in Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's "Banater

Schwabenlied" in his novel, Die Glocken der Heimat.

 

Es brennt ein Weh, wie Kindertranen brennen,
Wenn Elternherzen hart und stiefgesinnt.

Oh, dass vom Mutterland uns Welten trennen
Und wir dem Vaterland nur Fremde sind.

Noch lautet uns der alten Heimat Glocken,

Die Glocken unsrer Vater treu und schlicht.
Doch frisst der Sturm ihr seliges Frohlocken,
Und Blitz auf Blitz verstort das Friedenslicht.

Von deutscher Erde sind wir abgeglitten

Auf diese Insel weit im Volkermeer.

Doch wo des Schwaben Pflug das Land durchschnitten,
Wird deutsch die Erde, und er weicht nicht mehr.

79

Wer mag den Schwaben fremd in Ungarn schelten?
Hier sass vor ihm der Tfirke, der Tartar.

Er will als Herr auf seiner Scholle gelten,
Ist Bfirger hier und nicht dein Gast, Madjarl

Er hat geblutet in Prinz Eugens Heeren,
Vertrieb den Feind, der hier im Land gehaust.
Dein eigener Konig rief ihn einst in Ehren:
"Pflfig' mir den Boden, wackre Schwabenfaustl"

Aus einer Wfiste ward ein blfihend Eden,

Aus Sfimpfen hob sich eine neue Welt.

Von diesem Land lasst deutsch und treu uns reden,
Verachten den, der's nicht in Ehren halt.

O Heimat, deutschen Schweisses stolze Blfite,
Du Zeugin mancher herben Vaternot,

Wir segnen dich, auf dich Gott behfite,

Wir stehn getreu zu dir in Not und TodllO9

Already twenty years prior to the publication of

Die Glocken der Heimat, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn, being aware of

 

this Danube—Swabian relationship to the soil, wrote:

Eines haben die Schwaben gemein: Die Liebe ffir

ihre neue Heimat. Sie hangen mit einer Zahigkeit

an der Scholle, auf der sie geboren sind, dass

nichts sie hier entwurzeln konnte. Sie haben

sich ihre Heimat durch unendliche Mfihsal erobert

und sie sind an sie gekettet mit allen ihren

Banden des Gemuts und der Sitte.110

Living as a minority group among other nationalities

and under the foreign Hungarian regime left a deep impact
upon the Danube-Swabian family. Since, in many instances,
it had been relatively easy to purchase additional land
from neighboring nationalities, the Danube-Swabians were
motivated to greater and greater acquisitions of land.

Soon they became completely obsessed with this relationship

to the soil and all their efforts became involved in it.

80

Kaethe Kostner, in her book Das Wesen des deutschen

 

Bauern in den Romanen Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's, points out

 

two aspects of this relationship with the soil. The

positive aspect she defines in the narrowest sense of the
"111

word as "Heimatliebe,' meaning love of the "Scholle.
This is illustrated early in the life of a Danube-Swabian
child. The child considers it a privilege to be allowed
to help in the fields during school vacations and at
harvest time. By doing so, the child grows into a close
relationship to the soil and the soil exerts its own force
on him. This captivating force keeps the thoughts of
leaving the village or of becoming a craftsman from his
mind completely. He reaches a point where he actually

feels sorry for people living inside the city without

fields or gardens. In Gotzendammerung, Georg Trauttmann,

 

a true Danube-Swabian son, expresses this devotion to the
soil after many years of absence from his homeland:

Jetzt aber atmete er mit Behagen und in vollen
Zfigen wieder den wfirzigen Duft der heimatlichen
Scholle. Und er war sich eines Geffihles bewusst,
das die anderen nur dunkel in sich trugen, das

sie nur offenbarten, wenn sie bedroht, wenn sie
getreten wurden: Diese Scholle war ihm deutscher
Boden. Hundert Dorfer wie das seine blfihten heute
in dem Neuland, das die kaiserlichen Heere einst
den Tfirken abgenommen und durch eine Militargrenze
wie durch eine Wall geschfitzt hatten. Wie oft
aber setzte der schwarze Tod fiber diesen Wall und
wfirgte die Kfihnen, die in sein sumpfiges Gebiet
vorzudringen wagten. Sie wichen nicht. Die
Lficken, die die Pest und die Cholera in ihre
Reihen gerissen, wurden immer wieder ausgeffillt.
Und so siegten sie zuletzt. Mit dem Fleiss und
dem Schweiss von Generationen deutscher Bauern
einer Wildnis abgerungen, in Not und Tod

81

verteidigt und behauptet--das war doch eine
Heimat, auf die man stolz sein durfte.llO

Yet, the Danube-Swabian does not romanticize tri:
love of the soil in a sentimental or melancholy fa his
It is "ein ernstes schweigendes Verbundensein das in inner
lebt."‘113 The greatest proof of this love is illustrated
in the willingness of the farmers to give their lives

saving their soil. During the disasterous flood which

takes place in Die Glocken der Heimat, the farmers do not

 

send their hired hands to the greatest point of danger.
Rather, when all else fails, they and their sons attempt
to hold back the water by forming a human chain with their
bodies. "Galt es doch, die eigene Scholle zu schfitzen,
das teure Stfick Erde, das die Vater hier den Sfimpfen und
den grossen Flfissen abgetrotzt, zu bewahren.”114

The negative aspect of this obsession with the soil
is apparent in their materialistic philosophy. The hunger
for the earth and its possession is a strong drive which
often appears as their main purpose in life, overshadowing
the spiritual. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn in his "Heimatromane"
postulates two reasons for this materialistic outlook:
first, their complete isolation from their homeland; and
secondly, the rugged historical experiences that character—
ize their development, during which time nothing but their
untiring efforts were demanded. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn

theorizes that the difficulty of making productive farm

land out of swamp land lead to the overemphasis on all

82

material goods. In concentrating their efforts on
obtaining and maintaining the soil, they ultimately knew
no limits. Other nationalities also recognize the
Danube-Swabian overemphasis on material things: "Und die
Walachen und Serben . . . redeten nur vom deutschen
Arbeitswahnsinn, es war eine Geissel ffir alle die
Halborientalen. Und wo er in ihre Dorfer eindrang,
ergriffen sie alsbald die Flucht."115
The danger of sinking totally into materialism is
a real problem for these people. A family's honor and
prestige rise in the community in proportion to the amount
of land one owns. With this emphasis on wealth, inner
values are lost. Since this turning away from the real

and spiritual is in many ways an unconscious process, it

becomes an even greater danger.

Marriage and Inheritance Attitudes

 

The preoccupation with material things is apparent
in the practices concerning marriage and inheritance in
the family. In most instances the Danube-Swabian farm is
too small to make further subdivisions economically
feasible. Thus, family continuity on the holdings demands
that the farm pass from the parental to the filial
generation intact. In effect, this means that often only
one son inherits the homestead, while the other children

are forced to leave the family home. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn

 

83

in Der kleine Schwab explains with a touch of humor how

 

such inheritance problems were sometimes being solved:
Ich heisse Johann Mergl und bin ein Schwab,
ein Banater Schwab. Aber weil ich der dritte
Sohn war und mein Vater nur ein halber Bauer,
konnte ich nicht auch daheim bleiben. Ein
halbes Bauerngut unter drei Sohne teilen, das
geht nicht an, denn die Viertelbauern leben
schlechter als die Tagelohner. So kleine
Wirtschaften gehoren ins Paradies, wo man
dreimal im Jahr erntet, ohne zu saen.
Mein altester Bruder, der Peter, sollte also
der Bauer werden, der Jakob lernte die Wagnerei,
und ich hab' studieren mfissen.ll6
In Hungary the customs governing inheritance
generally did not specify which son was to be heir to the
land. "Gesetze zum Schutze des Bauernstandes gibt es in
Ungarn nicht, nur die Uberlieferung halt den Stand aufrecht.
Jeder Bauer kann machen, was er will, er ist unbeschrankter
Herr seines Besitztums."ll7 Even though this empowers the
father to decide when he should designate his heir and
hand over the ownership and management of the farm, Danube—
Swabian tradition rules that the oldest son inherit the
homestead.
Since marriage is, in many instances, a question
of inheritance, preparation for marriage is important in
Danube-Swabian extended families. In general, children
in this society are oriented toward adult life. They are
not allowed to become absorbed in peer groups or to put

juvenile interests ahead of familial goals. By the time

they reach marriageable age, most of the young people are

 

84

ready for the problems that they will encounter in their
marriages.
Young men usually postpone marriage until they
have fulfilled their military obligation, in person or
by paying a price.118 A young man, then, has either to
have a large inheritance or excel in his trade in order
to be considered a good marriage partner. Meister Jakob,
for example, recalls: "Aber nie hatte er sie bekommen,
wenn nicht sein Meisterstfick, ein neuartiger Leiterwagen,
mit Vorder- und Hinterschragen und vier bequemen federnden
. u "119
Sitzen so gut ausgefallen ware.
Girls, in turn, are brought up to assume that

marriage is the proper career for women. There is little
formal education for girls.

Das war eine neue Mode, dass auch die Madchen

den Schulunterricht mitmachten. In ihrer

Jugend gingen die Madchen nur in die Christen—

lehr. Gedrucktes lernte man dort auch ein

wenig lesen, damit es furs Gebetbuch langte.

Und wenn eine einen guten Kopf hatte, konnte

sie auch den Kalender buchstabieren. Briefe

schrieben und lasen nur Manner.12
Housekeeping, child care, sewing, cooking and catering to
family are the subjects of education for most of them,
with their training taking place in their respective homes.
By eighteen or nineteen, most girls are ready for marriage;
they are substantially assisted toward this goal by

parents and relatives. Yet earlier marriages are not

unusual. The village priest in Meister Jakob und seine

 

Kinder expresses his condemnation of this situation:

 

 

 

85

"Ja, jal" grollte der Dechant, ”so schamhaft

sind meine Schwaben, aber ihre Kirweih feiern

sie jedes Jahr wie die Heiden. Wieder so eine

Kirweihsfinde. Was rede ich jedes Jahr gegen

diese Sittenlosigkeit? Und da sagt man, ich

ware zu streng. Nichts ist diesem Geschlecht

mehr heilig. Und weil sie sich der Folgen

schamen, treten sie immer jfinger vor den

Traualtar. Habe diesen Winter ffinf Braute

getraut, die noch nicht sechzehn waren.121

The choice of marriage partners is influenced

largely by family elders, both directly and indirectly.
Indirectly, families influence the marriage choice by
inculcating early into their children's lives the standards
for a desirable mate. The suitability of candidates for
marriage is measured first and foremost by the economic
and social position of their families. Educational promise
in young men and domestic competency in young women, as
well as religious membership, are secondary factors in
this selection. Consequently, marriages between prosperous
farmers and craftsmen or poorer farmers are considered

very unfavorable and, in many cases, forbidden by the

families involved. The whole theme of Meister Jakob und

 

seine Kinder centers around the materialistic idea that

 

personal feelings must be silenced in regard to the
family continuity of the homestead. While in some
instances these marriages of unequal social strata are
permitted, though frowned upon as was the case with
Phillip and Anmerich, intermarriages with other nation-

alities is unthinkable:

 

 

86

Diese Schwaben sind sehr hochmfitig. Nicht
ausserlich, nicht als Nachbarn, sondern als
Menschen. Sie behandeln unsere Knechte gut,

sie zahlen unsere Arbeiter redlich, aber sie
dfinken sich so hoch, so ganz anders geartet,

dass beispielweise eine Familienverbindung
zwischen einem deutschen und einem "walachischen"
Hause etwas ganz Undenkbares ware.122

Furthermore, families indirectly limit the range
of marriage choice by restricting the association of their
children to a circle of people who would be considered

suitable candidates. The annual "Kirweih,' perhaps the
biggest communal event, is the greatest Opportunity for
young peOple to mix. When one is asked to be a "Kirweih-

mensch," it is considered a preengagement necessitating a

family council. In Gotzendammerung, for example, Evi is

 

forbidden by her uncle Georg to accept the ”Strauss" of
a young man because she is felt to be too young.123
Directly, parental, and even grandparental, control
of economic resources and desirable living arrangements is
being used in coercing young people to give up relation-
ships considered inapprOpriate. Parental approval for
marriage is especially important in extended families,
for the young are deprived of a great many practical
advantages, without it, making it almost impossible for
them to exist.
Once a choice is made by the young and approved by

their parents, marriage arrangements are left in the hands

of family elders called "die Brautwerber." In many

 

 

87

instances "die Brautwerber" are the godfathers of the
respective couple. It is they who make the necessary
inheritance arrangements. The dowries are a source of
pride and are cited in the presence of both family circles.
One such enumeration even takes place in the house of
Meister Jakob, "ein Halbbauer," in respect to the dowry of
his oldest daughter Anmerich:

Man werde der Anmerich ja auch allerlei mitgeben

konnen in die Ehe. Mit der Mutter sei es schon

besprochen, was sie ausser der Ausstattung kriege.

Ein Joch gutes Getreidefeld auf dem Postgrund,

einen Krautacker im Wiesental, einen Weingarten,

eine Kuh und ein Kalb und zwei junge Mutter-

schweine. Und ein parr Oleanderstocke, lachte

der Meister, konne sie auch haben.

"Und verzig Pund g'schlessana (geschliffene)
Bettfedern und fufzig Elle gebleichte Lei'wand,
die sie selber g'schpunna hot," sagte die Mutter.
"Und einen neuen Wagen mach' ich dir," ffigte der
Meister noch zuletzt hinzu.124

The husband controls such dowries which are most often
used to set up and maintain the new family unit.

The next step for the young couple is the approval
of the clergy. Religious intermarriage is considered
unfavorable and in most instances, the partners are of
the same faith. In order to obtain the approval of the
clergy, the couple is quizzed in dogma. After the approval
of the clergy, the banns of marriage are announced in the
Church for three consecutive Sundays. Since marriage is
a sacrament of the Church, divorce is prohibited. So,

occasional promiscuity on the part of the male is

tolerated.

 

88

Danube-Swabians, therefore, have fairly realistic
anticipations of marriage. Not much is made of love or
sentimentality. They hope for children, economic security,
good health, and freedom from major catastrophies. In
these extended families, young couples start life together
with as much material equipment as their families, the

man's inheritance and the woman's dowry permit.

Roles of Family Members

 

The Danube—Swabian materialistic philOSOphy of
life does not only influence marriage practices, but also
the daily life and functions of the family. Distinct
individual roles within the family arise out of the unique
Danube—Swabian economic situation. Separate domestic
responsibilities of all types assigned to every member of
the family result from the common work on the farm. There
is an equal division of labor existing between the farmer
and his wife with the children subordinate to both parents.
The farmer's wife not only helps her husband in the open
field when the pressure of work demands, but also assists
him regularly in the care of the vineyards, vegetable
garden, poultry and the stock, adding greatly to the
economic stability of the family.

This balance of economic activity, however, is not
shared in other spheres of family life. The services

performed daily and seasonally for the family and the

 

 

 

89

exchange activities of buying and selling are carried
on by the husband. Danube-Swabian men are typically the
heads of their households with the routines of the house-

hold organized around their needs and habits. In Meister

 

Jakob und seine Kinder, Meister Jakob beautifully

 

illustrates the significance of his role as head of the
house by comparing it to the importance of a wagon wheel
for his young son: "Ich bin die Nabe in unserem Haus.

Nehmt mich weg, und es geht noch ein paar Schritt holter-

 

dipolter, dann ist's aus. Du sperrst, wenn nicht der
Johann schnell kommt, die Werkstatt zu, weil dir noch kein
Mensch vertraut, und die Mutter geht mit den Madeln in
Taglohn . . . ."125

Danube—Swabian men exercise authority as fathers,
as well. Though they take pride in their children and
show affection toward them, they expect obedience from
them. They do not participate in baby-tending, child care
or household tasks. Children have to obtain parental
approval for decisions regarding education, recreation,
and even friendships. In this matter Danube—Swabian
fathers are, it seems, closer to the Confucian Chinese
than to the American family culture.

Even though the relationship between men and women
in their societies is not equalitarian, the subordination

of wife to husband does not interfere with the husband-wife

9O

relationship or threaten the stability of families. In

the ideal pattern of husband and wife relationships, then,
the husband's distinctive role is that of the authoritarian
head of the family who makes all decisions; the wife's

role is to be submissive, retiring and uncritical of her
husband. The more extended family circle toward which

they are consistently oriented, as well as Catholic
doctrine concerning marriage, support this.

The birth of children is a fulfillment of the

 

companionable life of a couple. Despite the importance
of children in these families, however, they are not
child-centered. Children are being trained to give
precedence to their elders. In Danube-Swabian families,
marital relationships are strengthened by the parental
responsibilities of husband and wife, since parental
functions are considered an integral part of the marital
relationship.

If problems arise when a couple has children,
these usually are of an economic rather than of a family
nature. Nuclear families are not isolated from relatives.
Parents, grandparents, unmarried siblings, aunts and
uncles are expected to be useful. While women relatives
help with household and child care, men, if needed,
assist the young husbands in their farming activities.
As has already been pointed out, in times of emergency

they can be counted on for labor or financial assistance.

 

91

The purpose of child-rearing and training in these
extended families is not merely to provide children with
a sense of dependence, but also to prepare them for the
family tradition and to enhance family power and prestige.
Even after their children are grown, neither parents,
grandparents, nor other close members of the family look
forward to a period of relaxation without involvement
with their children. Wives and mothers do not seek jobs
or outside activities.

Children are generally taught to be quiet, neat,
respectful of their elders, well—mannered, thorough, and
to be aware of life's realities. The daily life of
children is almost totally devoted to school, chores,
and homework, with few hours for play. Children imitate
the adult functions of both parents in the context of
family life. The boys are in close association with
their father as he enacts his full role as an adult and
the girls with their mother. Trudl, for example, is
thrilled with the possession of a "Spinnrad" because it
places her in a kind of apprentice relationship with her
mother:

Sein Besitz war der hochste Stolz des jungen
Madchens. Man war ein Fratz, solange man keines
hatte; das Spinnrad galt als das erste Zeichen
der Reife. Mit dem Rad in der Hand erst trat
man aus der Kinderstube, da erst winkte die
Freiheit. Man durfte sich mit dem Spinnrad als
Gast bei der Godl einladen, bei Basen und
Freunden, und wenn man Ffinfzehn zahlte, winkte

schon die abendliche Spinnreih. Das aber war
die Freiheit.126

 

92

Children can learn by observation not only the technical
skills needed to manage a farm, but the more important
general social skills, habits and attitudes that con-
.stitute an individual.

Just as there is an early and clear division of
roles and functions between men, women, and children, so
also the aged have a definite role and function in this
society. Here again the role of the aged is determined
by economics. The aged in this family structure are not
apprehensive about their welfare, unless the whole family
is impoverished. Respect for elders is taught to the
very young and re-endorced by respect for their authority
because they have control over resources that influence
the welfare of the young.

Care of the aging parents or grandparents is given
when needed; and, if sacrifice is necessary, the younger
generation makes it. At retirement the aging couple
moves into a "Vorbehalthaus." "Ffir die Grosseltern wurde
im Hofe, gegenfiber dem Hauptgebaude, ein ahnliches Haus
mit zwei Stuben und einer Kfiche dazwischen aufgeffihrt.

Dort lebten sie im 'Vorbehalt' bis an das Ende ihrer

Tage." 127
The self—respect of the old is not diminished when
they go into "Vorbehalt.” If hardships exist for the

aging couple, they usually result from the economic insuf-

ficiency of the whole family rather than from the nature

93

of family organization, for the couple carefully considers
their economic security "im Vorbehalt" before turning

over the family property to the children. Kaspar Luckhaup
is especially detailed in his requests:

Kaspar Luckhaup verlangte im Vorbehalt: Das
alleinige Wohnrecht in einer Stube des Familien-
hauses, nach der Eltern Ableben aber das Vorbehalt-
haus ffir sich allein bis zu seinem Tode. Hofrecht,
Stallrecht, Kellerrecht, Brunnenrecht, Kfichenrecht,
nichts durfte in Zweifel bleiben. Ffir einen Wagen,
zwei Pferde und zwei Stfick Hornvieh forderte er den
Platz und das Futter. Ein Alter, der immer beim
Sohn bitten muss, dass man auch ffir ihn einmal
einspanne, wollte er nicht werden. Zehn Kfibel
reinen Weizen und zehn Kfibel Kukuruz (im Korn)
mussten ihm nach jeder Ernte auf den Boden
geliefert werden. Zwei Fass Wein, ein Fass Raki
in den Keller. Vierhundert Stfick Eier sind ihm
nach Bedarf auszuliefern. Reichliches Futter ffir
zwei Schweine, Stallreinigung durch die Knechte
und der freie Gebrauch aller Wirtschaftsgerate
'waren selbstverstandlich.12

Even in the care of the aged, family continuity is
important. In order to foster this unity in the daily
lives of the whole family, these families enjoy a very
definite daily routine. It also is greatly influenced
by agricultural conditons. Winter offers many hours of
relative leisure in contrast to the hectic days of planting,
tending crops, and harvesting. For example, sleeping and
waking hours are directed by a set schedule during both
seasons: "Um ffinf lautete so wie sonst die Glocke zum
Morgengebet und rief die Gemeinde auf zum Tagewerk."129

Meals are always served punctually with no disruption

tolerated: "Was denn das ware, dass niemand kommt, es

94

habe schon Ave gelautet und das Nachtmahl stfinde auf dem
Tisch."130 Even the family's living accommodations are
uniform: "Neben dem Wohnzimmer lag die schone Stube, in
der die drei Tochter schliefen, wahrend die Sohne ihre
Betten in der Werkstatt hatten."l3l The farmer's sons, on
the other hand, in order to set an example for the hired
hands, sleep in the barns with them.

Summarizing this chapter briefly we can say that
the Danube-Swabian farmer had a deep love of land and a
strong desire for the continuity of the traditional
family holding. In his mind, therefore, the family as a
group has a certain relative preeminence over the individ-
ual. This is reflected in the obligations of filial
obedience which is geared to secure the perpetuity of the
family. The family's status is largely acquired rather
than achieved and the farmer is principally concerned
with keeping it. Therefore, the Danube-Swabian family,
as the most influential unit in the community, becomes the
carrier of this traditional organization and a supporter
of confining materialistic values. These sentiments and
values are further made evident in the individual's role

within the family as well as in his relationship with

other members of the family.

 

CHAPTER V

THE COMMUNITY OF THE DANUBE-SWABIANS

Village Structure

 

The Danube—Swabian village community has the
qualities of distinctiveness, smallness, homogeneity and
self-sufficiency. The quality of distinctiveness is one

of "Dorfgeist,' and, especially apparent to the outside
observer, is expressed in the group consciousness of the
people in the community. The Danube-Swabian community
depicted in Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's novels is small. In
most instances the population ranges from about two
thousand to four thousand. The homogeneous character-
istic of the village is reflected in the similar roles
and attitudes of all persons in corresponding sex and age
positions; the occupation and class position of one
generation reflects that of the preceding. Lastly, it
may be said that the Danube—Swabian community is self-
sufficient in the sense that it is primarily agricultural
and, therefore, provides for most of the activities and
needs of the people in it.132

These four qualities define a type of human com-

munity isolated to the outside world. ". . . jede Gemeinde

95

 

 

 

96

133 Community boundaries

war eine Welt ffir sich geworden."
are limited. Directly beyond lies the unknown. The
Danube-Swabian farmer is familiar with the outside world

'only through rumor. Therefore, the father of Johann Mergl

in Der kleine Schwab is looked upon as the Columbus of

 

the village because of his travels:

Er wurde angestaunt als der Kolumbus des Dorfes,

wenn er oft erst nach zwei oder drei Wochen

zurfickkam und immer wieder neue Gegenden und

grossere Stadte gesehen hatte. Dass es in

Siebenbfirgen auch deutsche Leute gebe,

sogenannte Sachsen, das berichtet er als

erster den Schwaben des Banats.134

If the Danube-Swabian countryside were studied, it

would be seen that one village connects with another
chiefly through trade, visits at weddings and harvest
festivals, as well as through minor governmental duties
and pilgrimages to shrines. The people who go to other
villages or to the city to trade, do so generally as
separate individuals. Such rather primitive trade
activities are incidental to familial and community life.
The only occasion when one finds whole groups relating to

other villages along the countryside is in time of danger.

In Die Glocken der Heimat, for example, the Luthern village

 

of Josefsfeld aids the Catholic community of Karlsdorf
during the flood:

Noch vor Abend rfickten dreihundert Manner
aus Josefsfeld ein and traten beim Donaudamm an.
Es waren ernste, kernige Gestalten, die nicht
viel redeten und sich an die bedrohten Punkte
weisen liessen. Wie Werkleute mit Schaufeln

97

und Hauen und Beilen waren sie ausgerfistet, und
jeder hatte seinen Tornister mit Lebensmitteln
auf dem Rficken ffir ein paar Tage.
Auch ihr Pfarrer war mitgekommen und hatte
im Karlsdorfer Pfarrhaus vorgesprochen . . .135
Mfiller—Guttenbrunn continually alludes to the
isolation of these villages by pointing out the differ-
ences in dialect from one village to the next. Georg

Trauttmann in Gotzendammerung is especially aware of this

 

situation:

Georg kam in viele Dorfer, die noch viel
grosser, schoner und reicher waren als das seine.
Er wunderte sich nur immer wieder fiber die
Verschiedenheiten in der Mundart. Aus diesem
Banater Schwabisch klangen alle von der Etsch
bis an den Main existierenden deutschen
Dialeckte an sein Ohr.

For the most part, the community tends to be
endogamous, having a more or less homogeneous culture.
Within the Danube-Swabian village, local community loyalty
is strong. This is again especially apparent during the
flood in Karlsdorf. After many inhabitants have died in
an effort to save their soil, the community, out of
necessity, disperses temporarily. However, they come
together again in the near future:

Wohl loste sich die Gemeinde auf ffir einen

Sommer, nur wenige Familien konnten zurfickbleiben.
Aber nach Amerika wollte keiner, dem noch ein
Stfick Feld gehorte unter dem Schlamm der Theiss.
Und hatte er sein Vatererbe mit den Fingern aus

diesem Schlamm hervorgraben mfissen, preis gab
er es nicht.

Als Knechte und Magde mussten sich viele
verdingen, als Schnitter in die grossen
Schwabendorfer gehen, um sich das Brot zu

98

verdienen ffir dieses verlorene Jahr. Dann aber,

wenn die Wasser dieser Sintflut wieder abgelaufen

waren, dann wollten die alle, alle wiederkommen

und ihr Lebenswerk von vorne beginnen.

Customs
Just as the Danube—Swabians form a part of a larger

social order, the community, so they partake within this
village community in one order of symbolic understandings,
a system of customs, which concern the nature of human
experience. The group consciousness of the community is
expressed in such a system of customs. It consists of
acts and ideas, of ceremonial and beliefs which fulfill
several functions. Some of these acts and ideas are
expressive, such as the displaying of symbolic objects
for everyone to see at the occasion of a religious celebra-
tion or calendar feast. Such sets of acts and ideas also
have a coping function: they serve as necessary relaxa-
-tion, since the lives of the Danube-Swabians, filled with
long hours of manual labor, are very intense. This
system of customs also has moral significance. It upholds
right actiOn, determining the social ties which hold the
community together. It aids in the management of tensions
which arise in daily relations between and among men, and
reinforces the sentiments upon which social progress
rests. The folkways are the right ways to act, because

they are traditional and, therefore, contain the authority

 

 

99

of ancestral ghosts. The "right" way is the way in which
the ancestors acted and which had been handed down. Thus
the folkways influence every sphere of community life.
Again and again in the novels, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn writes:
"Das wollte die Uberlieferung."138
Although the Danube-Swabian people were originally
mainly from Franconia, Alemania, Swabia, and Bavaria,
where traditions varied greatly, the Danube-Swabian customs,
unlike their language, are almost entirely unified.
Because of their various origins, many regional mixtures
exist in their customs, yet on the whole, the Palatine
tradition seems to prevail.139
Danube-Swabian customs help households strike a.
balance in their transactions with each and one another.
They help create a balance between the interests of
individual family units and those of the coalitions
which tie the Danube—Swabians to the larger society, the
community. Everywhere in the Danube-Swabian community,
much ceremonial surrounds the formation of the life-cycle
as well as numerous calendar events. Traditions of the

life-cycle are especially characterized by baptism,

wedding, and funeral140 while calendar events include such

festivities as "Klatta," "Metzlsupp'," "Spinnreih',"

and "Kirweih."

 

100

Baptism

In the first category of traditions, the cere—
monials at baptism have a definite function. At baptism,
tradition binds the parents in the number and selection
of the godparents. Two distinct traditions prevail:
first, the mutual promise of good friends before marriage
to baptize each others children; and second, and the most
commonly, the selection of the godfather from the father's
side, while the godmother is selected from the mother's
side. Again familial ties are considered to be most
important and usually have priority over friendship ties.
The godfather, becomes the child's "best man" at marriage,
while the godchild, in turn, carries the cross at the
godfather's funeral.

The first child is usually named after the god-
parents, the second after the grandparents, and not until
thereafter may the child receive the Christian name of
either parent. Later children may be christened after
their uncles and aunts. Many times the patron saint of
the child's birthday is chosen.

"Die Sitte verlangt, dass ein Kind am Tage nach
seiner Geburt getauft werde."141 The godparents, decorated
with "Rosmarin"142 escort the child to Church. After the
Church ceremony, the distribution of candy by the god-

parents while walking or riding through the streets of the

Village, is a prevalent custom. It is also a common

101

tradition for a newly baptized child to be escorted home
with music, while the young men of the Village fire their
pistols as they do at a wedding; for is not the baptism
meal called "Imbiss" or "kleine Hochzeit?"143
Custom also demands that the child of an unwed
mother be baptized in the evenings. "Was in die Dammerung
"144

gehore, soll man nicht ans Licht ziehen. However,

since the godmother of Liszka's baby in Die Glocken der

 

Heimat is the "Herrische Pfarrers Juliska," the ancient
custom of punishing innocent children is in this instance
ignored:
Und so geschah das Unerhorte. Das Kind
einer ledigen Mutter hatte nicht nur eine Godl
gefunden im Dorfe, wie noch kein anderes, es
wurde auch am hellen Vormittag zur Taufe
getragen.145
The godmother is bound by custom to carry prepared
meals to the mother of the child, as long as the mother
is recuperating. The godmother is also obliged to present
the godchild with presents at Christmas and Easter, until

the child completes school, and in some villages, until

the child marries.

Wedding
Though tradition plays a significant role in the
ceremony of baptism, it plays an even greater role at a
wedding. Most Danube-Swabian weddings take place in the

late summer until the feast of St. Catherine146 in late

102

November, and during Shrovetide. Both periods are times
of pleasure and rest from work. One can marry on any day
of the week except on Friday which is considered an
unlucky day.

Before the young man formally visits the parents
of the bride, his godfather discusses with them the
question of inheritance which we have seen plays a major
role in the selection of a marriage mate. Once inheritance
questions are settled, the father of the groom along with
the groom's godfather visits the home of the bride. At
this occasion and in the presence of both families, the
young couple is called and questioned by the godfather
about their marriage intentions. After their affirmation
to his question, the young couple holds hands and are
blessed by the godfather with holy water. The groom then
gives the bride a jewel. The following Sunday, the couple
visits the priest, and after their names have been announced
once in Church, they are considered "Brautleute."

Immediately after the Church-prescribed engagement
time, the wedding ceremony takes place. Its ritual has
many similarities with the "Kirweih." Young bachelors,
or the marriage witnesses, or in some cases even the
bride and groom, appear as "wedding invitors." In their
Sunday best, a hat decorated with flowers and ribbons, a
twig of rosemary in their lapels, a wine bottle decorated

with a red ribbon in their hands, the young men appear

103

at the homes of relatives and friends to invite them to
the wedding. A "Rosmarinstrauss" is drawn with chalk on
the door of all the guests by the invitors and everyone
is requested to drink from the wine bottle. They are
well received, in many cases too well, and many never
reach the last house. The word nonetheless spreads
rapidly.
The most detailed description of a wedding celebra-

tion is found in Meister Jakob und seine Kinder where

 

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn carefully depicts the wedding of
Weidmann's Kathl, daughter of a tradesman, and the young
teacher Theiss, the son of a farmer. Mfiller-Guttenbrunn
begins with a lengthy description of the preparations for
the wedding feast. He describes the bride's and brides-
maids' visits escorted by music to the homes of relatives
to collect dishes and silverware for the wedding feast.
Food preparations for the feast are also enormous:

Berge von Kuchen wurden indessen gebacken, die
Basen und Godeln brachten die Milch nur noch

in Giesskannen, und der Franzl half den Madeln
aus der Freundschaft beim Butterstossen als ware
er Geselle in einer grossen Kaserei geworden und
nicht beim Meister Jakob. . . . Fremde Hfihner und
Pockerln und Ganse und Enten, die von den Eltern
der Schulkinder aus Neu- und Altrosenthal
gespendet wurden, larmten im Hof der Frau Eva,
als wfissten sie, was sie hier zusammenffihrte, als
ahnten sie, dass sie samtlich auf dem Opferaltar
dieser Hochzeit gebraten werden sollten. Auch
Kalber und Spanferkel fanden sich ein, die nicht
im Hause geboren waren, und der Vetter Michel
wetzte schon sein Messer.l47

 

104

Although on most occasions the wedding feast is
held at the village inn, here the reception is held at
the bride's home. The house, to prepare it properly for
the occasion, is completely cleaned from top to bottom
and everything is arranged to perfection.

When the wedding day finally arrives, the guests
are greeted with the utmost hospitality at the home of

the bride:

Es kamen die Ehrengaste jeder schwabischen
Hochzeit, die Paten und Godeln. Die hellen
Kranzeljungfern strémten ins Haus, und es kamen
ihre Buben, denen sie Strausse auf die Hfite
gemacht hatten wie zur Kirweih. Und der Hoch-
zeitsvater Theiss, ein behabiger kinderreicher
Bauer, brachte den Brautigam und fibergab ihn
der Braut. Die Vettern und Basen folgten in
grosser Zahl, Paar um Paar trat an, und die
Musikanten warteten schon vor dem Tore draussen.
Und der Zug ordnete sich im Hofe.l48

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn then continues his detailed
description of the Danube-Swabian wedding by specifically
illustrating the various traditions both before Church and
during the Church service which make up the conventional
Danube-Swabian wedding:

Als die Braut auf der Schwelle erschien, mit dem
goldnen Kranz im Haar, wie ein Bild, wie eine
Konigin des Dorfes, da leuchteten ihr alle Augen
entgegen. Die Brautffihrer und die Hochzeitsbuben
umringten sie und geleiteten sie an die Spitze
des Zuges. Die Kranzeljungfern aber nahmen den
Bréutigam in ihre Mitte. Und die Musik setzte
ein, sie schritt dem Zug voran und blies ihre
lieben alten Weisen. Es war ernste, wehmfitig
Volksliedmusik und ernst und still verhielten
sich die Gaste auf dem Weg zur Kirche. . . .

Der Dechant Schuh erwartete das Brautpaar vor
dem erleuchteten Hochaltar. Er nahm den

105

Rosmarinstrauss der Braut als Sinnbild ihrer
Jungfraulichkeit entgegen, stellte ihn auf den
Altar und vollzog die Trauung mit einer
eindrucksvollen Rede an das Paar und seine
Gaste.149

The gay festivities after the Church service are also
described in full detail. Here Mfiller-Guttenbrunn
illustrates the most typical Danube-Swabian customs at
weddings, such as stealing the bride, stealing the bride's
shoe for auction, and pouring salt into the guests' desert:

Man durfte Juhu schreien auf dieser Hochzeit und
allen Schnabernack treiben, der fiblich war. Man
durfte dem Brautigam die Braut stehlen und sie
an den Tisch der Buben setzen. Man durfte dort
der Braut unter dem Tisch den Schuh vom rechten
Fuss stehlen und ffir die Musikanten versteigern.
Und wer ihn erstand, dem gehorte der erste Tanz
mit ihr. Man durfte selbst den Ehrengasten den
sfissen Griessbrei bei Tisch versalzen, und es
gab keine schiefen Gesichter, kurzum, es war
keine herrische Hochzeit, wie man beffirchtet
hatte, es wurden keine Quadrillen getanzt,
sondern Landler und Polka und Hopser. Juhu,

es war halt eine schwobische Hochzeit! Und

sie dauerte nicht bis nach dem "Teschonee,"

wie die des Baron Schundi, sie dauerte drei
Tage. Und was gegessen und getrunken wurde,
ging in keine Scheune.150

Yet in the midst of this merry—making, the serious
thought of the new obligations of the young couple are
never forgotten. At midnight of the first wedding day,
the new role of the bride as wife is demonstrated in a
ceremony called "Braut-Abbind-Tanz." At this time her
crown is removed from her head and a kerchief is placed
on it. This ceremony, performed before all the wedding

guests, symbolizes the end of the bride's maidenhood and

106

her willingness to accept her new role as wife and future

mother.

"Klatta"

Not only does tradition play a major role in the
formation of the Danube-Swabian life cycle, but it also
influences numerous calendar events. The Danube-Swabian
farmer participates in a custom called "Klatta," which may
be regarded as the equivalent of the German "Arbeitsgesell-
schaft."151 In Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's novel, Meister Jakob

und seine Kinder, the newly married couple Anmerich and

 

Philipp resort to this custom to achieve their own home.
This particular assistance is given without expectation
of financial remuneration:

Jeder freiwillige Helfer erhielt beim Abschied
seinen Handedruck, sein "Vergelt's Gott!" Und er
durfte mit der Gegenleistung rechnen, sobald er
sie notig hatte. Das war noch gute Kolonistenart,
fiberkommen aus fernen Tagen und mit Treue fest-
gehalten. Ffir Geld war solche Hilfe nicht feil,
bezahlte Bauarbeiter gab es nicht. Und wer hatte
die Zeit, sich einem Hausbau langer zu widmen?
Keiner. Man geizte sich nur zwischen den
Feldarbeiten im Frfihling und Herbst die knapp
bemessenen Tage an ffir solch ein Werk. Und
wenn hundert willige Hande zugriffen, da war es
bald getan.152

Although the building of a new home is usually a
family enterprise operated largely on familistic principles,
friends and neighbors also assist. To participate in
"Klatta" is an honor to the Danube—Swabian farmer as well

as to the tradesman. The work performed there is of the

107

highest quality. Labor is freely contributed with great
enthusiasm and merrymaking:

Und es herrschte ein frohliches Treiben unter
allen Teilnehmern, die um Gotteslohn arbeiteten.
Jede Mahlzeit war ein Fest. Oft musste ffir die
Jugend im Hofe gedeckt werden, so viele Leute
waren da. Und in der Kfiche stand jetzt auch
die Frau Eva neben ihrer Anmerich und die Kathl
und ihre Freundinnen spfilten in der Press', wo
ein grosser Kessel geheizt war, Geschirr und
putzten Esszeug. Zu dem Geklapper aber sangen
sie Lieder und G'stanzeln.153

After the "Klatta" the Danube-Swabian host has a celebra-
tion, according to his financial ability, as a sign of
his gratitude:

Draussen aber liess jetzt eine Ziehharmonika
vernehmen. Und der Philipp nahm seine Anmerich
sogleich um den fraulichen Leib. Man eilte
hinfiber und tanzte in der kaum gedielten schonen
Stube das neue Haus ein mit der jungen Frau.

Sie musste jedem der Manner einen Tanz gewahren,
aber sie schwangen sie alle so vorsichtig, so
gehutsam, als ware sie aus Glas.154 '

This custom not only serves to improve economic conditions,

but also establishes close familial and community ties.

"Metzlsupp

 

In the fall, the Danube—Swabian farmer and trades-
man participate in another custom referred to as
"Metzlsupp'." This is the occasion when animals are
butchered for the family's annual meat, sausage and lard
supply. Just as the custom "Klatta," this is mainly a
familial activity, yet friends and neighbors are also

called upon to assist: "Dass die ganze Familie an

108

solchen Tagen zusammenhalf, die ganze Freundschaft, das

.. . ..155 '

war selbstverstandlich.
Again this is not merely an occasion for work,

but for great festivity as well. The "Metzlsupp'" at

Haffnersphillip in Die Glocken der Heimat is the best

 

description of this feast:

Schon zum Gabelfrfihstfick ass man die
gesottenen Nieren der geschlachteten Tiere und
trank jungen Raki dazu. Mittags gab es
Gebratenes, und abends war das grosse Festmahl:
die "Metzlsupp'" mit frischen Wfirsten und
Schweinernem in allen Formen. Da kamen die
geladenen Gaste. Es gab sogar Krapfen, und
vom Wein, der in Strdmen wahrend des ganzen
Tages floss, kam jetzt der beste und feinste.
Zuletzt traten wohl auch ein paar Musikanten
an, und es wurde getanzt. Eine Geige, eine
Klarinette und eine Ziehharmonika genfigten
ffir den Sautanz.156

Not only is this custom a sign of gaity, but also
one of prestige in the community:
Jeder der kam, wfinschte Glfick ins Haus; denn
jeder wusste, was das bedeutet, vier Schweine
auf diese Hohe gebracht, das heisst "gut

geschlachtet" zu haben. Es war der Ruhm der
Hausfrau.157

"Spinnreih'"

 

Of the old German traditions, the Danube-Swabian
women are especially successful in observing one in
particular: "die Spinnreih'." This is a special form of
the old German custom called "der Mai." The German feast
consists of women either spinning or knitting entire days

together in the winter time. In the evenings their

109

husbands would come for them, and often "der Mai" would
end with an improvised "Hausball."

The Danube-Swabian "Spinnreih" is, according to
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn, the essence of winter village life.
The hemp which had been raised in the summer is now spun
into cloth by the women and girls. Evenings after dinner,
they gather together in their homes, taking turns, thereby,
the name "Spinnreih'." On these occasions they spin
until ten or eleven o'clock in the evening.

Among the women and girls, preparation for this
activity is great during the winter months:

Die Manner lungerten auf der Ofenbank herum und
liessen sich's wohl sein, denn man hatte gut
geschlachtet, . . . Den Weibern ging es weniger
gut, sie spannen sich die Finger wund. Wenn
eine sich am Morgen den Rocken ihres Spinnrades
voll Hanf anlegte, musste er vor Abend herunter-
gesponnen sein, den ehe man in die Spinnreih
ging, hiess es einen neuen Rocken anlegen und
lerre Spulen haben. Jeder Augenblick des Tages,
an dem nichts anderes zu schaffen war, gehorte
dem Rad. Sein leises Surren erffillte alle
Stuben, kein weibliches Wesen lebte, dessen
Fuss nicht ein Spinnrad drehte.158

In the evenings at the "Spinnreih'" the women con-
tinue to spin industrially, many times even in competition,
yet they also find time for relaxation and amusement.
Later in the evenings on many occasions they would be
joined by their husbands, and thus, as a social group,

they would entertain themselves singing, eating popcorn

and carrying on all sorts of little pranks. A good

110

illustration of these fun-filled activities in the

Spinnreih which takes place at the home of Susi in Die

Glocken der Heimat:

 

Und bei der Susi ging es lebhafter zu als bei
der Bas' Barbl. Lauter junge Frauen, keine war
langer als drei oder vier Jahre verheiratet,

und in den Mannern, die sich um Jdrgl versammelt
hatten, lebte noch der ganze Ubermut der grossen
Buben. Sie neckten die Frauen, rissen einer
besonders fleissigen den Faden ab oder gossen
ihr heimlich Wein in den kleinen Blechnapf, der
zur Benetzung der Finger an jedem Spinnrad hing,
und trieben allerlei Schnabernack.159

Just as there is a definite social structure

within the community, so also the "Spinnreih'" is divided

by tradition into different groups for the purpose of

segregating the village into various social classes:

Jede Gasse hat ihre Reih'; ist sie lang,
auch zwei und drei. Und alle Altersstufen
sind streng geschieden. Die Grossmfitter, die
Mfitter, die jungen Frauen, die grossen Madchen
und die kleinen, die der Schule entwachsen aber
noch nicht mannbar sind; jede Schichte hat ihre
eigene Spinnreih'. Und die Sitte verbietet es,
dass ein verheirateter Mann zu den Ledigen, ein
Lediger zu den Verheirateten kommt. Wer diese
Ordnun durchbricht, kann die schonsten Prfigel
haben.

 

In this rigid division there is even a "Spinnreih'" for
unwed mothers. Liszka, in Die Glocken der Heimat, after
her misfortune becomes acquainted with this particular

one:

Und sie ging in diese Reih'. Der erste
Schritt war recht schmerzlich gewesen; aber als
sie sah, wie gut sie aufgenommen wurde, und wie
wohl ihr die Ansprache tat, war ihr kein Weg
mehr zu weit; denn das war ja nicht die Reih'
von Nachbarstochtern einer bestimmten Gasse; zu

111

ihr gehorten elf ledige Mfitter, die im ganzen
Dorf zerstreut wohnten. Nur das starke Bedfirfnis

der Schwabinnen nach Geselligkeit hielt diese
Reih' zusammen.
"Kirweih"

Of all the calendar activities, the Danube-Swabian
"Kirweih" offers the greatest ceremonies of the year. This
festivity, which in most communities is celebrated after
"Maria Geburt," has a twofold significance. First, it is
the feast of the patron saint of the Church, and there—
fore, is always held on the Sunday after the holy day of
the patron saint; and secondly, it also serves as a harvest
feast, although this aspect of the feast seems almost
forgotten.

Whatever a Danube-Swabian village is able to produce
in the way of pomp, food, and drink, is produced on this
occasion. ”Es wurde in allen Hausern gebuttert, gebacken
und gebraten, als gelte es eine Hochzeit ffir dreitausend
Paare zu bereiten, zu der das ganze Banat eingeladen
ware."162

In general, the traditions of the "Kirweih" vary
little from village to village. Such traditions as the
"Kirweihstrauss," the "Kirweihbaum," the dance around the
tree and the barrel, the auctioning of the decorated hat

and the scarf, and general merry—making are common to all

"Kirweih" celebrations.

112

The celebration of the three day Danube—Swabian

"Kirweih" described in great detail in Meister Jakob und

 

seine Kinder, proceeds in the following manner: Saturday

 

afternoon the young men of the village start the festivi-
ties by digging up the buried wine bottle, the "Kirweih,"
of the previous year in front of the village inn.
Christof Luckhaup, who has paid the greatest sum toward
"Kirweih" expenses, is the "Vorténzer" and thus presides.
Symbolically he hangs the oak wreath on the sign of the

inn and begins with great ceremony the traditional

. . l . . . . .
"K1rwe1h" verses. 63 After opening the fest1v1t1es With

this rather lengthy speech, Christof is escorted home

with music. "Es war ja schon dunkel geworden und die

Kirweihfreiheit hatte begonnen."164

The next morning the activities start with the
young school lads, boys between eight and ten, delivering
hats decorated with ribbons by the girls to their respec-
tive partners. The excitement heightens as the "Kirweih-
buben" organize to march to Church:

Sobald die Glocken lauteten, begann der
feierliche, farbige Aufzug zur Kirche, tausend
einheimische und fremde Zuschauer guckten aus
allen Fenstern, samtliche kleine Buben und
Madeln waren hinterher. Die Schfitzen prasentierten
das Gewehr, und die Musik, die vor der Kirche
seitlich Aufstellung genommen hatte, blies mit
vollen Backen bis der letzte der Buben durch
die Kirchentfir eingetreten war. Und heute gehorte
ihnen der Mittelgang, nicht das Chor, so wie sonst.
Und vor ihnen, fast bis zum Altar gedrangt,
standen die MEdchen in hellen duftigen Kleidern.165

 

113

With the beginning day of "Kirweih," the whole
Danube-Swabian community is oriented toward hospitality:
Auf Gastfreundschaft war heute das ganze

Schwabendorf gestellt, die Tfiren aller Keller

und aller Speisekammern standen offen, wer immer

kam, er war willkommen. Und wo eine Haustochter

einen Kirweihstrauss gemacht hatte, da gab ein

Besucher dem anderen die Tfir in die Hnad.l66

The "Kirweihbuben," escorted with music, separate

and make the rounds of all the homes in the village.
Everywhere they are welcomed and everyone drinks from
their wine bottle until it is empty whereupon it is
immediately refilled. At each home people also purchase
a raffle ticket for the raffle on the hat and the scarf.
The money is gladly given to the "Kirweihbub" to help
pay for the expenses of the festivities. Finally each
"Kirweihmensch" arrives at the home of his "Kirweihmensch"
where he dines and is allowed to rest. Everywhere there
is a spirit of merriment:

"Juhu! Juhu!” tobte es durch die Gassen. Und
die Musik, der die kleine Welt, so weit sie schon
laufen konnte, folgte wie dem Rattenfanger,
schwang ihre alten deutschen Liedertanze fiber
alle Dacher. Bald nah, bald fern erffillte sie
die Luft des Dorfes mit den Wellen sfisser Weisen.
Wenn sie einen frischen frohlichen Schleifer
blies und man die Augen schloss, konnte man
sehen, wie das ganze Dorf, selbst der Kirchturm
und das Pfarrhaus, ihn mittanzten. Namentlich
wenn man schon aus einigen Kirweihflaschen
getrunken hatte, sah man es ganz deutlich.l57

The dance floor for the evening is the street in

front of the big inn. The hat and the silk scarf which

are to be auctioned off hang on the shingle of the inn.

114

In the middle of the dance floor, the "Kirweihbaum" and a
beautiful old wine barrel inscribed with many old verses,
are the main attraction. First the "Kirweihstrauss" is
auctioned off. Here the Danube-Swabian generosity is
overwhelming. The person who pays the highest price is
accorded the first dance, whereupon he and his partner
dance with great pride holding the "Kirweihstrauss" in
their hands.

After the scarf and the hat are auctioned off, the
dance begins with the Vortanzer, Christof, who dances
three times around the barrel with Susi, then the rest
of the couples are allowed to join in. Even the hours
for dancing are strictly regulated by tradition:

Das war nun einmal die Ordnung. Bis neun

Uhr tanzte das ledige Jungvolk, dann traten die
Verheirateten an. Die Weiber konnten die

Stunde kaum erwarten. Sie trugen ihre Haare
unter einem seidenen Kopftuch, waren in dunkle
Farben gekleidet, alles sittsam bis zum Hals
geschlossen, man sah, wie bei den Nonnen,

nichts von ihnen als die Gesichter. Aber auf
Hochzeiten, Ballen und Kirweih, da tanzten die
sich los von der Kette. Bis Mitternacht gehorte
heute der Tanzsaal ihnen, nicht eine Minute
frfiher liessen sie eine Ledige in ihre Reihen.
Die hatten ja jetzt eine andere Freude, Hm!

Sie sollten schon schauen, dass sie weiterkamen.168

While the older generation dances, the "Kirweih-
buben" are allowed to escort their "Kirweihmensch" home.
Tradition demands that they are not to be disturbed in

the course of the next three hours during which time the

couple wines and dines at the girls home. After three

115

days of such festivities and freedom, to the tunes of a
funeral dirge the "Kirweih" ends with the burial of the

wine bottle of the "Vortanzer" for the following year.

Interaction

 

The Danube-Swabian ceremonial is designed to bring
the various members of the community together. These
traditions function to make the Danube-Swabian village
community a relatively homogeneous, isolated, smoothly
functioning and well-integrated community made up of
contented and well adjusted people. These festivities
confirm the sense of interdependence and affirm the rules
governing it. Although Mfiller-Guttenbrunn places the
emphasis upon the cooperative and unifying festivities,
he also points out the underlying individualism of the
Danube—Swabian character. The conflicts existing in the
village along with certain qualities of violence, fear,
envy and distrust are recognized by the author. He
continually points out that gossip was unrelenting and
harsh. This is especially apparent after the arrest of
Susi: "So ausgiebig waren die bosen Mauler schon lange
nicht auf ihre Kosten gekommen. Wie die Windmfihlen, in
die ein frischer Ost gefahren, arbeiten sie."169

Relatives and neighbors are quick to believe the

worst and motives are being questioned. After Susi gives

116

birth to an illegitimate child, she has to seek refuge

away from home:

Ihr erschien alles willkommen, was sie ihrer
Freundschaft und Nachbarschaft ffir einige Zeit
aus den Augen brachte. Mit Schmerz dachte sie
an die Hochzeit der Anmerich, mit Schrecken an
die winterliche Spinnreih ihrer Freundinnen, die
sie werde meiden mfissen, und in der sie der
Gegenstand aller Spott- und Stachelreden sein
werde. Wenn sie's bedachte, war schon der
Gedanke eine Wohltat, an das andere Ende des
Dorfes kommen zu konnen, in eine Krankenstube.
die einen Vorwand abgab ffir ihr Verschwinden.l70

Here at the other side of town, Susi lives an isolated
existence. Only now and then will she be visited by her
family:

Es drang kein Laut von daheim zu ihr. Nur die

Anmerich war heute gekommen. Um sie zu trdsten

war sie gekommen und um nachzusehen, wie es ihr

ginge. Aber auch sie wahlte die Dammerstunde

ffir diesen Weg.

Successful persons are popular targets of envy

and criticism. The front of Church before Mass is the

scene of this malicious gossip:
Hier gab es manchen angenehmen Sonntagsdiskurs,
man horte manches, sah und wurde gesehen.
Verliebte Blicke, Grfisse und Zurufe wurden
ausgetauscht, aber auch Spott gab es und
Missgunst, Neid und Schadenfreude.l
Open quarrels, disputes, and even violence are
characteristic traits in these villages. For example,
in Meister Jakob und seine Kinder the long standing

feud between Anna and Susi flares up in the public

square:

117

Als die Susi mittags zum Brunnen ging um
frisches Wasser, fuhr auch die Anna mit einem
Krug aus ihrem Haus heraus und kam zum Brunnen.
Sie war ziemlich struwlig, der Einfall musste
ihr plotzlich gekommen sein. Wie eine Wildkatze
fauchte sie die Susi, die schon schopfte, vor
den versammelten Madchen an. "Guckt se an, des
is des Mensch von mei'm Mann. Jetzt macht's
'n gern nomol haun. Sie hot mit ei'm Bankert
nit ganungl"

'Die Frau war grfin und gelb vor Gift und
Galle, ihre Rede fibersprudelte sich.

Der Susi schlugen die Worte wie Peitschenhiebe
ins Gesicht, aber sie fasste sich. "Zoddelbock!"
sagte sie, voll Verachtung die dfirftige Gestalt
messend. "Wann m'r ein rare Vogel g'fange hot,
derno gibt m'r halt besser acht uf 'n. Mer sperrt
'n halt ein, dass er ei'm bei der Nacht nit auskimmt."

"Du Luderl" schrie die Anna, fassungslos
fiber diesen Hohn.

Da ergriff die Susi den schweren Brunneneimer
und schfittete ihr den ganzen Inhalt fiber den Ko f,
so dass sie taumelte und nach Luft schnappte.173

The older generation frequently laments the changes
that have occurred in their lives and criticize their
children for their disobedience: ". . . Awer die Jugend
folgt nit. Sie folgt nit in der Schul, nit in der Kerch
und nit im Elternhaus. Sie werd erscht g'scheit, wann
se sich da Kopp or'ntlich a'garennt hot.”174

Strangers to the community are judged with suspi-
cion until proved innocent. Even a native son, Trauttmann,
is regarded in a suspicious manner upon his return to his
native village after many long years in America.

"Was gibt's?" fragte sie jetzt. Und ohne die

Antwort des Fremden abzuwarten, ffigte sie hart
hinzu: "Wir brauchen gar nichts. Es waren

heunt schon drei Agenta doo. 's is a Kreuz, wie
m'r fiberlaafa werd'."l75

118

Yet perhaps the best example of this distrust of strangers
is illustrated when Johann returns with a bride from
Germany:

. . . sie hielten ihm teils offen, teils versteckt
seine herrische Frau vor. Die passe doch nicht
hieher. .Und als er am Sonntag seiner Rosa so gar
nicht dorfmassig den Arm reichte und sie in die
Kirche geleitete, da verspielte er seine Partie
bei den Weibern des Dorfes vollends. Sie stellte
ihren stadtischen Modebettel zur Schau, die
Krinoline und den Federhut, und sie legte sogar
Handschuhe an. Das setzte ein Gerede! Die
herrische Frau will ihm die Wirtschaft ffihren?
"Ja, konn die Kukuruz und Kartoffel hacke? Konn
die im Wingert schaffe? Die gehort doch in kein
Dorf! Hat der Johann das alles vergessen? Die
richte ihn doch zugrunde, wenn sie als Handwerkers-
frau die Gnadige Spiele." "Wird er die Séu ffittern
und die Kfih' melke?" fragte die eine. "Wird er
im Winter spinne?" eine andere. Sie lachten sich
krank fiber den verrfickten Johann und sein
herrisches Weib. Warum er denn nicht geblieben
sei, wo er war? Die gehore in eine Stadt. Und
das war auch die Meinung der Mutter Eva. Auch

sie erblickte in dieser Frau das eigentliche
Unglfick des Johann.l76

The Danube—Swabian community can, therefore,
hardly be said to have had a Rousseauan quality, however
successful it may have been in satisfying the material and
spiritual needs of its members. Objective appraisal of the
Danube-Swabian village in Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's novels
reveals basic strains and tensions in interpersonal rela-
tionships. Economic disputes and particularly land
quarrels are advanced most frequently as the causes of
such discord. Siblings relations, after the abdication
or death of parents, are characterized by feuds over land

division and other items of inheritance.

119

Although it is the custom for the oldest son to
inherit the homestead, Frau Eva out of necessity gives
the shop to her second son immediately after her husband's
death. Her oldest son, Johann, after going abroad during
his apprenticeship, has lost communication with the family.
So, several years later, when Johann returns, expecting
the property, a definite break between the two brothers
occurs:

Jakob und Johann aber sprachen sich grfindlich
miteinander aus. Nicht sehr brfiderlich. Sie
fiberschrien sich derart, dass alle Weiber im Hof
sich zusammenfanden, die Mutter, die Gertrud,
die Kathl und die Herrische mit ihren Kindern.

Die Werkstatt zu betreten wagte keine, auch

nicht die Mutter Eva, der die Tranen fiber die

Wangen rollten. . . .

"Einen Landstreicher hat er mich gehiessen.

Komm, wir gehen. Aber nicht fort aus Rosenthal,

o neinl Wir werden uns Quartier im Grossen

Wirtshaus nehmen oder beim Herbergsvater Wagner.

Dort bleiben wir, bis das-Gericht mir zu meinem

Recht verholfen. Der Landstreicher wird's euch

schon zeigen. Alle mfisst ihr aus dem Haus hinaus,

mir gehort es. Mir allein."l77
Many serious problems are created by their love for
material goods, especially for land. It is believed that
any visible success on the part of one family, jeopardizes
the welfare of other families. The basis for this harsh
competition is the economic fact that the amount of land
is limited. Also, even though the Danube-Swabians are
interested in expanding productive techniques, their

isolation limits them in these expansions. Though they

are eager to progress in areas of technology, even here

120

they are still cautious: "Die Bauern hielten auch nicht
viel von der neuen Erfindung. . . . sie trauten den
Dampfwagen nicht recht. Mit solcher Eile hatten sie

erst recht nichts zu schaffen."178

Consequently, produc-
tion is constant: it could not be increased by the
family's labors, unless new and improved techniques
became available and were accepted. In each village,
tradition determines approximately what each family's
share of this fertile land would be. The results are
obvious: if a family is seen to make progress, naturally
it would have to be at the expense of others. The Danube-
Swabians feel that the traditional division of land is
being threatened. By looking at the Danube-Swabian
economy in this fashion it is easier to comprehend why
members of the small community are suspicious of prominent
families. Thus, the interpersonal relations in the society
are a logical result of prevailing economic factors.
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn illustrates both the positive
and negative aspects of community interrelationships.
The positive aspects are exemplified in their most
important life-cycle and calendar traditions. If the
customs seem rather limited in number, it is due to the
fact that the Danube-Swabians in their isolated positions
adhered mainly to the traditions of the old country. In

their early struggle for survival, they were interested

only in the barest essentials.

121

"Friendliness" and "overwhelming generosity" are
the words which summarize the relationships fostered by
these traditions. They constitute a set of mutual
obligations between families of the community. Even
though at times they concern economic activities, they
are never motivated purely by these activities, but rather
by sentiments which range the full gamut of the Danube-
Swabian personality. They give for the pleasure of giving,
asking nothing in return. These traditions are the basis
for the coordination of the community's activities. The
negative aspects of the interpersonal relations in the
Danube-Swabian community, unlike the traditions, are a
logical correlate of prevailing economic factors. Yet
like the traditions, these negative aspects are also very
much alive and leave their traces on the social structure

of the Danube-Swabian community.

CHAPTER VI

RELIGION

In the Danube-Swabian community religion is an
implicit endorsement of custom. For the Danube—Swabian
individual, religion puts its stamp on the entire process
of socialization. Socialization is marked by religious
rituals at crucial times in the life-cycle, such as birth
and marriage. Personality growth is closely related to
religious values, which are handed on directly to the
developing youngster by family and community. In such a
society religious values furnish the main focus for the
integration of the individual's behavior and the forma-
tion of his self—image both within the family and the
community.

In most villages in Banat a single religious
organization, the Catholic Church, represented the Danube-

. . l . .
Swabian community. 79 It was a separate and distinct

organization with its own personnel. In Hungary, at this
time, the institution of government was in the process of
development and simultaneously a potential rival of the

Church as a central point for the integration and stabili-

zation of the Danube-Swabian community. All this is

122

123

reflected in the novels of Mfiller-Guttenbrunn, directly
and indirectly.

As political and religious organizations develop,
conflicts of interest become apparent. Each organization
on its own level makes demands on the individual members
of the society. Even though religion is distinctively a
sacred factor dealing with divine relationships, it is
also a part of human associations. Its functions, there-

fore, cannot be kept altogether distinct from those of the

political organization. Division and conflicts are bound
to occur. So it was also with the Catholic Church in
Hungary.

In order to understand the unique position of the
Church in Hungary at this time, it is necessary to examine
briefly the political and religious history of the Danube-

Swabians. In his historical trilogy, Von Eugenius bis

 

Josephus, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn illustrates how the Danube-

 

Swabian homeland was colonized and ruled by Austria,
even after this area was incorporated into Hungary in
1779. In 1867, however, the Hungarian government attempted
to take over the complete control of these people. With a
gradually accelerating force, the Hungarian regime had
as its ultimate goal the complete assimilation of the
Danube-Swabians.

The factors that contributed to the destruction

of nationalistic sentiments among the DanubeFSwabians

124

date back to the 1848-1849 Revolution, for through the
efforts of the Revolution, the colonists were made free
farmers and were on an equal social level with the rest
of the citizens. From then on the political attitude of
the Danube-Swabians slowly changed. Up to now they had
lived an isolated existence, separated along with the
Rumanians and Serbians, from the Hungarians under the
rule of the "Temeswarer Landesadministration.” Now the
Danube-Swabians turned toward Hungarian rule, for they
envisioned social freedom in the "Nationalitatengesetz"
of 1868. Unfortunately, however, this law was never
enforced. In the meantime, many German intellectuals
were won over to the Hungarian cause, because the
Hungarians opened many official posts to them. On social
occasions, the Hungarian language became amongst them more
and more a necessity. At first rule and jurisdiction of
these people was under the supervision of the "Vereinheit-
lichungspolitik." But since the political authority was
not able to penetrate completely the lives of the Danube-
Swabian people, the Hungarians sought to gain control of
the tools of literacy and education.

The Danube-Swabian community was not Opposed to
this move by the government. Since the maintainance of
the schools was a definite financial burden, they being
chiefly interested in their material profits, surrendered

the institutions to the Hungarian state. The state also

125

made use of the Hungarian language as an instrument of
appeal, for through proficiency in the language, prestige
and power were readily attainable.180 On and below the
surface everything was oriented toward the total integra—
tion of all nationalities into one.

Most Hungarian officials understood German and
could not avoid speaking German in the presence of the
Danube—Swabian people; yet after 1867, more and more cases
occurred where Danube-Swabians were rudely treated by
Hungarian officials. Also a higher position or office
was no longer easily accessible to a Danube-Swabian; this
could only be obtained by changing one's name into
Hungarian. So, by the turn of the 19th century, the
German language was almost completely banished from
government offices and schools. Officially it was
recognized only in the army and the Church. The importance
of the German language in the army was rather insignificant,
since only a small segment of the male population entered
the service serving only for brief periods of time.

Its significance, however, was of marked importance
in the Church. The written transactions within the Church
were carried on in the language of the state; yet from the
pulpit the Church spoke exclusively in the language of the
people.181 The priest and people prayed and sang in German

on all Church occasions. Religious instruction was given

not only in religious and community schools, but also

 

126

promoted in state schools under the "Apponysischen
Volksschulgesetz." Even though government aid was, there-
fore, withheld from these institutions, most priests
waived all claims to this financial support and taught

in the language of the people according to Church regula-
tions. The sacrifice was indeed great, since the stipend
of the priests in the Danube—Swabian communities was in
most instances small. Therefore, the ecclesiastical,

just as the secular Danube-Swabian officials, found
themselves in a political dilemma.

In Church, the German language, in most instances,
was awarded a high position. The statutes written for the
education of young clerics by Bishop Alexander Csayéghy
in 1854 at the Temeswarer Seminary, stated:

Weil in unserer Diozese die Kenntnis mehrerer
Sprachen eine unbedingte Notwendigkeit ist, so
schreiben wir vor, dass die Alumnen an Sonn-
und Feiertagen darin unterrichtet werden.
Namentlich verlangen wir--und davon gibt es
keine Dispens--dass jeder Alumne wenigstens
zwei in diesem Bistum gebrauchliche Landes-
sprachen vollkommen beherrsche, was vorzfiglich
von der deutschen Sprache gilt, die ja vor den
fibrigen die erste Stelle einnimmt. Wir werden
keinem die Hande auflegen, der es im Laufe
der theologischen Studien nicht dahin gebracht
hat, dass er den geistlichen Obliegenheiten in
zwei Sprachen der Diozese zu Genfige leisten
kann.l 2
Within the intent of this decree, the clerical members of
the Seminary who could not speak German, had to learn it

in an especially arranged course at the Seminary. Annually

a certain number of priests were even sent to Vienna and

127

Innsbruck to complete their studies. And finally, the
precedent of sending priests of German origin into
German communities further illustrated the profound
desire of the Church to foster the mother tongue of its

183
people.

Yet, the role of the Church as protector and last
refuge of the German language in Hungary, was not universal.
184

Unfortunately, not all priests were for the German cause.

In Gotzendammerung, for example, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn

 

attacks the Church officials, illustrating that in the
city of Temeschwar, the Church had come under complete
Hungarian domination:

An den Kirchentfiren fand er bischofliche
Kundmachungen ffir die Glaubigen angeschlagen,
die er nicht verstand. Das tut die Kirche? . . .
Er schlug sein Reisebuch nach, welches die
offiziellen Volkszahlungsergebniss pro 1900
enthielt: In der Stadt lebten 27.051 Deutsche
und nur 17.864 Bewohner, die sich als "Ungarn"
bekennen. Der Bischof richtet sein Wort also
nur mehr an die Minderheit, er hat die
Deutschen aufgegeben . . . Angekaltet verliess
Georg die Statte seiner ersten religidsen
Erinnerungen. Und ein deutsches Dichterwort
summte ihm im Ohr:

'Ihr selber treibt die Besten fort

Von unserer Kirchen Pforte,

Lehrt ihr mit unverstandlichem Wort

Die allverstandlichen Worte.‘185

Again in Die Glocken der Heimat, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn feels

 

that the Church is politically opposed to the Danube-
Swabians: "Nur der Bauer weiss noch, dass er ein Deutscher
ist; die aus ihm hervorgegangene Intelligenz ist ange-
fault; die voksfremde Kirche, die ungarische Schule hat

sie verdorben.186

128

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn is also highly critical of
his village priest. The author feels that the latter
should have been more active in guiding his people
politically and he expresses this opinion at the occasion
of the priest's departure:

Der Nachbar Hellebrand hatte sich an Georg
angeschlossen. "Der Parra war oft schwach,"
sagte er, "aber heunt hat er's ehna (ihnen)
doch g'saat . . . Die G'sichter, die se g'macht
hawe, die Herrischa!" Und nach einer langen
Pause, da Georg gar nichts erwiderte, ffigte
Hellebrand hinzu: "Vor zeen Johr hatt' er sau
(so) redda mfissa!

Dieses Geffihl hatte auch Georg. Spat,
allzu spat war das Herz ihm aufgegangen. Was
hatte der Mann als Prases des Schulstuhles und
als Herr der Kirche nicht alles verhindern
kfinnen, wenn er ein Kampfer gewesen ware. Aber
der war er nicht. Und so brockelte vieles ab
von dem alten Bau, den er einst unversehrt
fibernommen hatte.l87

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn further points out that even in the
selection of names for children at baptism, the Church is
governed by the Hungarian regime:

In dem Matrikelfolianten lag das vom ungarischen

Kultusministeriums herausgegebene Verzeichnis

all jener deutschen Taufnamen, deren Ubersetzung

ins Madjarische moglich war. Und jeder Pfarrer

wusste, dass er dahin zu wirken habe, dass nur

diese Namen von der Bevélkerung gewahlt wfirden.l88

According to Mfiller-Guttenbrunn, not only do the

Church officials fail the Danube—Swabians politically,
but also spiritually. He feels that the task of the
clergy is the work of relating the farmer's and trades-

man's religious perceptions to the daily practices of the

total society. He demonstrates that the task of the

129

clergy cannot be completely fulfilled because of the
innate aspect of the Catholic Church to remain aloof

from its peOple. Even if at times the Danube-Swabian's
religion and the priest's religion intersect, they

respond to different needs and processes. The farmer as
well as the tradesman is preoccupied by the demands of

his narrow and rigid social system; the priest responds to
broader demands and envisions wider social relationships.
It is not that the Danube-Swabian is totally ideologically
uncreative; he is limited in his creativity by his focus
upon daily survival, his relationship to his economical
system and his fellow—man. Yet this very tension between
religious doctrine of the sophisticated, the Church
officials, and the religion of the Danube-Swabian farmer
and tradesman, produce at times a break.

In many instances, the Danube-Swabian draws a
distinct line between his relationship to Church officials
and his religious beliefs. If for instance an individual
is delinquent in regard to the practice of his religion,
it is due to factors other than those inherent in the
essence of religion itself. The causes for non-attendance
of Church are numerous: the existing political situation,
the liberal attitude of religion spawned in the time of
Joseph II's reign, a matter of custom acquired from their
German ancestors, or even at times a false feeling of

unworthiness.

130

Even though the political ramifications of the
Catholic Church in Banat is unique to the Danube-Swabian,
the essence of Danube-Swabian religious beliefs is similar
to that of the native German. They believe in the exist-
ence of God as the creator of all things with deep trust
in His power and goodness. Because of their utilitarian
natures, there is a definite lack of understanding in
regard to anything philosophical or metaphysical. They
consider temporal things such as success with land, long
life, fulfillment of a wish, and so on, as a special
grace from God. Their religious attitude simply stated
is that if they do not kill, steal, or deceive, and
attend Church regularly and fast, God will bless their
worldly endeavors. Yet if they are not aware of any such
sins, their proud natures ask defiantly why they deserve
any hardships. A hope for and expectation of just com-
pensation, a fairly calculating attitude, characterize
their attitude toward religion. This rather naive and
simple concept of religion may be summarized in one

sentence found in Die Glocken der Heimat: "E guter

"189

 

Krischt muss m'r sin und uf Gott vertraue.
Religion marks almost every aspect of Danube—

Swabian customs. The village offers few leisure activities,

little cultural stimulation. Traditionally the Church,

with its ceremonies offers a source of such stimulation.

Yet this function of religion, on many occasions, is

131

merely traditional and external. Ceremonials are focused
on actions, not on beliefs. Just as it is customary in
everyday life to greet people with "G'lobt sei's Chrischt"
responded by "In Ewigkeit," so also on special occasions
their religious functions have little meaning. Religion
signifies for them religious tradition and, therefore,
the boundaries between religion and community are hard to
distinguish. At their "Kirweih," for example, one inter-
sects with the other as the brass bands play in front of
the Church while during the entire service the whole
community is filled with worldly thoughts:

Sobald die Glocken lauteten, begann der
feierliche, farbige Aufzug zur Kirche, tausend
einheimische und fremde Zuschauer guckten aus
allen Fenstern, samtliche kleine Buben und
Madeln waren hinterher. Die Schfitzen prasentier-
ten das Gewehr, und die Musik, die vor der
Kirche seitlich Aufstellung genommen hatte,
blies mit vollen Backen bis der letzte der
Buben durch die Kirchentfir eingetreten war.

Und heute gehorte ihnen der Mittelgang, nicht
das Chor, so wie sonst. Und vor ihnen, fast
bis zum Altar gedrangt, standen die Madchen in
hellen duftigen Kleidern. Alle Augen wanderten,
suchten, es war wenig Andacht in der Kirch—
weihgemeinde. Zu viele weltliche Ablenkungen
war da, zu viele Fremde auch gab es, die immer
leise Fragen an ihre Nachbarn stellten. Und
alle hatten nur den einen Gedanken: Heute
macht's der Pfarrer kurz.19

Even the village priest is aware of the external and tra-
ditional aspect of these religious rituals:
Auch der Pfarrer von Rosenthal, der Herr Dechant
Jakob Schuh, hatte zwei Gaste bekommen. Er erbat

sich immer Aushilfe zur Kirchweih, ein Hochamt
mit Assistanz machte sich viel feierlicher.

132

Freilich wusste der Pfarrer dass der Schwerpunkt
des Festes, trotz seines Namens, ausserhalb der
Kirche lag, dass es ein weltliches geworden,
aber er liess sich seinen Anteil daran nicht
schmalern.191

Not only on these special occasions, but on regular
Sundays as well, the services command little attention:

"Das lebhafte Getriebe vor und neben der Kirche bildete

oft den Hohepunkt einer ganzen WoChe."192

Just as the Danube-Swabians are deeply interested
in the external aspects of religion outside the Church,
so also do they emphasize the externals within the Church.
Exactly how their ancestors worshipped would be an area
for further critical analysis which we are not attempting
to present here. However, the social structure within the
Danube-Swabian Church, is indeed unique to its members.'
Just as they have a definite social structure in the;
community, so they also have one in the Church:

Die schwabische Dorfkirche vollffihrt eine
seltsame Scheidung unter den Glaubigen, sie trennt
Stande, Geschlechter und Altersklassen. Die
Herrischen sassen ganz geschieden von den Bauern.
Vorne zu beiden Seiten der Tfir, die aus der
Sakristei in die Kirche ffihrte, waren ihre .
Banke. In dem breiten Mittelgang, zwischen
den Banken der Bauern und Bauerinnen, stand _
Kopf an Kopf die weibliche Jugend, alles was
der Schule schon entwachsen und noch nicht
verheiratet war. In den beiden Seitengangen
drangte sich die jfingere, verheiratete Manner-
welt; auf dem Chor droben hatten die Buben
ihren Platz. Links und rechts zur Seite der
Orgel waren zwei grosse Galerien, eine ffir die
kleinen, eine andere ffir die "grossen" Buben,
die schon mannbar waren und Kirweihstrausse
tragen durften. Und unter dem Chor, im

133

Dammerschatten des tiefsten Hintergrundes, dort,

wo die Beichtstuhle standen und man nur an

Einkehr und Busse denken konnte, gab es noch

eine besondere Gruppe: Dort knieten die, die

nicht Frauen und nicht Madchen waren . . . Es

waren die Gefallenen des Dorfes.193
Hence the Danube—Swabian farmer's severe and static
concept of order, finds no broader horizons within the
Church. Even annual pilgrimages, with the participation
of the whole community, are primarily empty and external
functions.194

Yet, in spite of the emphasis on ritual, organized
or community religion for the Danube—Swabian is primarily
an ethical force. Their customs emphasize the regulative
function of norms, a set of "do's" and "don't's." These
ethical values greatly influence the individual's behavior
in the community. "Die Furcht vor der Sfinde ist gering,
aber die vor der Schande um so grosser."195
Embodied in rules, such norms provide a common

framework for right action in the community. Not the
examined life, but social order is the objective.
Religion is both utilitarian and moralistic, but not
metaphysical or questioning. Thus, the role of the
village priest is to settle ethical and moral problems.
For example, in the case of the unwed mother, Susi,

Christof's father, Kaspar Luckhaup, is summoned by the

priest:

134

p "Also habe Euer Hochwfirden da wieder eine
unsittliche Angelegenheit zu schlichten," sagte
Wagner, der jeden Klatch kannte. "Undankbare
Sache! Werde mich bemfihen!" Und er rieb sich
geschaftig die Hande.

"Bemfihen Sie sich gar nicht, lieber Wagner,"
sagte der Dechant ernst, "Sie haben ihn bloss
einzuladen. Die Predigt halte ich ihm schon
selber."196

Later in the marriage problems of Christof and Anna, the
priest is again asked to intercede:

. . . sie ging eines Tages zum Pfarrer und bat
um Hilfe. Aber als der erfuhr, dass sie die
Angreiferin war, dass sie die Susi beschimpfte,
und was ihr Mann ffir einen Schritt getan, da
musste er jede Einmischung ablehnen. Im
umgekehrten Fall, ja, da hatte er wohl eingreifen
und die Susi vorladen konnen.

In this sense, religion reassures people in their right-
ness concerning the basic institutions of organized
social life, by supporting marital and family relationships.

Besides the ethical formative character of the

Danube—Swabian religion, organized religion, from one
point of view, though this is only a small portion of the
whole picture, offers one of the most important means by
which the Danube-Swabians can adjust to unpredictable
situations. Stress situations may be divided into two
main categories. Both types concern emotional involve-
ments in which the outcome is beyond human control. The
first category includes situations in which individuals

face the loss of other human beings either through death

or the failure of another person to live up to anticipated

135

obligations. The second category, however, contains thOse‘
situations in which largely uncontrollable and unpredictable

198 ‘The

phenomena can endanger food supply and health.
attempts at controlling such natural forces have been
important areas for religious rituals in all societies,
and so it is also with the Danube—Swabians.

Religious belief and ritual have always served as
a means of consolation in face of the frustration of
death. The Danube-Swabian people, as observed in the
novels of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn, believe in an afterlife and
are thus able to accept death as a natural and unavoidable
phenomena leading to spiritual fulfillment. This for
instance is reflected in the courageous attitude of Frau

Eva in the premature final moments of her husband's life

in Meister Jakob und seine Kinder:

 

Jetzt hiess es stark sein und fest. Sie gab

ihrem Jakob einen Rosenkranz in die zitterigen

Hande und ordnete unter trostlichem Gerede sein

Bett, dass es einen ordentlichen Eindruck

mache. Und sie raumte mit der Kathl die Stube

auf wie an einem Sonntag. Wo der Tod sich zu

Gast geladen, da kommt er nicht allein.199

In general, one tries to console the dying person

with religious principle, which often proves effective.
People who have not attended Church or received the
sacraments for many years, in most cases, repent on their

death beds. The priest is always summoned to the bed of

the dying:

136

Unter Vorantritt des greisen Kirchenvaters
Johann Wagner schritt der Pfarrer, die Monstranz
in den Handen, durch das Dorf. Wagner schellte
ab und zu mit dem Glocklein in seiner Rechten,
und die Leute traten aus den HBfen heraus,
beugten das Knie und bekreuzten sich vor dem
Allerheiligsten, aus dessen Kelch einem
Sterbenden die letzte Wegzehrung gereicht
werden sollte.200
Besides their attitude toward death, the ritualiza-
tion of death, as in most societies, is equally significant.
Religious ritual reaffirms the social solidarity of the
village by offering the latter's support to the bereaved.
This rallying around the survivors as well as a certain
sense of respect for the deceased is the purpose of the
wakes.
The deceased Danube-Swabian is not immediately
buried, but is kept in the family home for several days.
As long as the body is at home, watch is being held.
The act of praying is not performed so much by the imme-
diate family of the deceased, but rather by a special
group of old women who would gather to pray the rosary:'
"Die Nachbarinnen im Schwarzwald, die der Bas' Mali die
Totenwache gehalten, tratschten allerlei."201
At the burial of a young girl, her peers accompany
the casket dressed in white. The dead girl wears a white

202 After the funeral,

crown which will be buried with her.
relatives place fresh flowers on the grave. Usually six

weeks after the burial, or in some villages immediately

137

thereafter, the "Totenmahl" is held. Besides the family,
everyone who participates in the function of the burial,
such as cross bearers and pall bearers, take part. This
event is, in most cases, marked by discreet feasting.
Even though the immediate family does not enter fully
into the pleasurable aspect of the occasion, their tra-
ditional obligation to provide food and drink for the
guests is a symbolical gesture. Through this hospitality
the family reaffirms that in spite of grief, the living
must be acknowledged and life must continue.

In the second category are situations in which
unpredictable and uncontrollable natural forces place
human survival in jeopardy. Food is essential to life
and health, and the fear of famine and flood are often

great. The threat of flood in Die Glocken der Heimat

 

is a good illustration of this:

Als die Glocken zur Frfihmesse rief, kam das
halbe Dorf. Es war wie am Sonntag; der Weg zum
lieben Gott lag heute allen am nachsten. Und der
Pfarrer sprach ein altes Gebet, das sie viele
Jahre nicht mehr gehort hatten, das gegen Pest
und Hungersnot, gegen Feuer- und Wassergefahr
gerichtet war. Die Altesten kannten es wohl.
Schon ihre Urvater hatten es gebetet, wenn die
Theiss anschwoll und der Donaudamm zu reissen
drohte. Und der zweiundneunzigjahrige
Wichnersepp, der vorne im ersten Kirchenstuhl
kniete, betete am lautesten mit; seine schnar—
rende Stimme, die schon jedes Metall eingebusst
hatte, fiberténte die ganze Gemeinde. . . . Er
wusste wohl, warum er so laut und so inbrfinstig
betete. Er hatte die grauenhafte fiberschwemmung
des Dorfes von 1830 noch mitgemacht und war bei
jeder spateren auch dabei. So wie er, wusste
niemand, was da drohte . . . .203

138

The success of harvest is of vital concern to the
Danube-Swabians. The uncertainty of the weather condi-
tions with which even the farmer's intelligence and
skill cannot cope, cause the farmers to turn toward
divine guidance, especially at harvest time:

. . . die Zeit vor der Ernte ist im Dorfe die
ruhigste und schonste des Jahres. Freilich auch
die sorgenvollste. Jede Wetterwolke, die am

fernen Horizont aufsteigt, kann todbringend sein
ffir die Fluren, kann den Vermogens-und Arbeitsertrag
eines Jahres vernichten. Und regnet es zu spat
oder zu wenig, verkfimmert alles auf den Feldern.

In diesen Wochen sind die Bauern gar fromm. 'Da‘
wallfahrten sie gerne nach Maria Radna, und auch
alle Dorfkirchen werden fleissig besucht, und

Zeit haben die Leute mehr als sonst. Die
Arbeitskrafte werden geschont, die Pferde nur
eingespannt, wenn es sein muss. Denn die Tage

sind nicht fern, in denen die ausserste Kraftent-
faltung, deren Menschen fiberhaupt fahig sind, von
ihnen gefordert wird. Der Wert von zwei Milliarden
liegt im grossen weiten Ungarn in Gotteshand, so
lange der Schnitt nicht vollzogen, die Ernte

nicht eingebracht ist.2

Harvest time is an occasion for ritual thanks-
giving. Not only are religious sentiments important
before this season,but also at the harvest feast, for
with the sanction of the Catholic Church, "Kirweih" is the
most important communal event of the year. This sanction
given by the Church to farming feasts also makes it
easier for the farmer to accept his social position.

Thus, nature's threats to human survival, such as floods
and draught, are viewed as acts of God. Just as beliefs
and rituals surrounding death are illuminating examples

of the social and psychological functions performed by

139

religion during times of strains and tensions, so also
religious beliefs and rituals surrounding agricultural-
stress situations constitute a means for alleviating
tension and promoting adjustment during such crucial
periods.

So, organized religion, although it functions as
mere empty ritual at times, also offers ethical guidance
and spiritual consolation to its people. Yet, partly
because of their self—sufficient nature, or perhaps
because of the political ramifications of the Catholic
Church at this time, the Danube-Swabian's greatest sense
of religious expression is found in a highly personalized
form. True religion is primarily a personal experience.
Thus a curious mixture of a deep personal religious
faith and of superficial adherence to religious rituals
exists in the Danube-Swabian community.

The greatest expression of this deep and profound
sense of religion is embodied in the Christian love the
Danube-Swabian has for his fellow-man. As is illustrated
in Chapter III of this study, Frau Eva is a good example
of this Christian virtue. Not one person in the Danube-
Swabian community remains uncared for. "Nicht einmal
Dorfarme gab es, ffir die die Gemiende hatte Sorge tragen
mfissen."205

True religion also finds expression in moments

when a person is alone with his God. This is especially

140

apparent in their individual prayers. The prayer of
Trauttmann's mother, for example, illustrates this
particularly well:

Die Kinder, die du mir gabst, Herr! sind deine
Geschenke. Lass mich ihr Herz zur Gfite und
Menschlichkeit bilden, vergonne mir, dass ich
gute Menschen aus ihnen erziehe. Herr! gib
ihnen Verstand, Erkenntnis und einen guten
Willen; um dieses bitte ich dich. Ich bitte
nicht um Reichtum ffir sie, O Herr! sondern gib ihnen
nur gerade Glieder und Arbeitsamkeit; besonders
aber gib ihnen eine edle und feste Denkart,

die kein Sturm des Lebens beugt. Gib ihnen
helle Augen, die Wahrheit zu sehen, damit sie
der falsche Schimmer der Welt nicht blende.206

This simple, yet nevertheless sincere feeling of
many Danube-Swabians toward religion may best be illus-
trated in the single attitude of Trauttmann. These senti-
ments find expression after he discovers the above prayer
of his mother's in an old prayer book:

Georg ffihlte, obwohl er sich mit Bewusstsein
seit langen Jahren zu keiner religifisen
Gemeinde zahlte und die Kirchen ihm fiberall
nur asthetische Schaustficke waren, er ffihlte,
dass er zur religiosen Geffihlswelt dieses
Mutterherzens ein inniges Verhaltnis hatte.
Und ihm dfinkte, er ware geistig ein Geschopf
dieses Gebetes, er danke es nur seinem
Zauber, dass er so geworden, wie er war, so
festen Sinnes, so hell, so wahrheitsfreudig
und kampfesmutig.207

Even though the man is fully aware of these
deeply personal religious sentiments, the woman is the
main carrier of the spiritual life. Her uncomplicated

faith is illustrated during private pilgrimages to the

Blessed Virgin:

141

Anmerich war fromm, sie wollte schon lange nach

Maria Radna, um der Gottesmutter zu danken ffir

den Phillipp, mit dem sie sich versprochen hatte.

Und sie ging gern darauf ein, als die Susi zu

ihrer Verwunderung auch solch ein Vorhaben

bekundete.208
The physical discomforts accepted as penance during these
pilgrimages are also great: Frau Eva, for example, out
of thanksgiving for Susi's court pardon, makes a pilgrimage
barefoot to Maria Radna:

Und sie pilgert barfuss nach Maria Radna,

so wie sie es gelobt. Eine berfihmte Kaiserin,

die Fraala hatte es ihr erzahlt, habe solche

Bussfahrten immer barfuss unternommen. Warum

nicht sie? Ganz allein wollte sie gehen; . . .209
It can be seen, the Danube-Swabian man and woman share
deep religious convictions which find their expression
not in the external and traditional aspects of their
rituals, but rather in the quiet solitude of their own
hearts.

The fact that religion is primarily a personal
experience explains how the older generation can combine
superstition and religion without any apparent conflicts.
Around the turn of the 19th century, superstition holds a
rather insignificant position in the Danube—Swabian com-
munity. Thus it is significant that although Mfiller-
Guttenbrunn mentions certain remnants of magic which still
exist, especially in the art of healing, he does not go

into much detail. In these matters of healing, the older

generation believes, similar to their ancient Germanic

142

ancestors, in a combination of magic and prayer to achieve
their goal. This is illustrated by "die alte Zengrafin"

in Meister Jakob und seine Kinder:

 

"Was macht der b6se Fuss, Mutter? Geht's
denn noch immer soweit?" fragte Meister Jakob.

"Du werscht mich auslache, Jakob, ich loss
mer jetZt Brauche von der Kern's Kathl und '3
is besser. Der Bader hat ein Jahr lang dran
rumgedoktert und 's hot nix g'holfe, die Bas'
Kathl hot mer dreimal gebraucht und '5 is mer

leichter."
"Dann ist's ja gut," sagte der Meister
lachelnd. "Ob gedoktert oder gezaubert, wer

hilft, der hat recht."
"Hab's jo gewisst (gewusst), du werscht
mich auslache. Was ich g'schpfir, des g'schpfir

ich. Und wo kei' Dokter mer helfe konn, da
hilft Gott."
"Des unterschreib' ich, Motterl Gott in

Ehren. Aber vom Brauche halt ich nix."

"Loss mer mein Glaube," sprach die alte
Frau heftig und stiess mit ihrem Stecken auf
den Boden. "Die Bas' Kathl red't heilige
Sprfichl und ich bet' derzu. Und des hilft!
Des hilft!“210

Magic appears also combined with religion for

other purposes. In Meister Jakob und seine Kinder, Anna,

 

the wife of Christof, jealous of the power that SuSi,
Christof's earlier love, still has on Christof, seeks
help through superstitious means:

Und vom Pfarrhaus ging die Frau zur Kerns
Kathl. Vielleicht wusste die Rat. Sie nahm
gleich eine halbe Speckseite unter die Schfirze,
um sie ihren Wfinschen geneigter zu machen. Und
diesen Weg ging sie 6fter in der Dammerung und
sie machte ihn nie mit leeren Handen. Die
Kerns Kathl trug ihr ewiges Geheimnis auf und
verlangte einen Gegenstand, der von der Susi
stamme, etwas, das ihr gehort habe, sonst
konne sie nicht auf sie einwirken.211

143

After Anna finds four ribbons from the "Kirweih" hat
that Susi had decorated for Christof, Kerns Kathl is
able to perform her rituals:

In das eine Band mache sie drei Knoten im
Sonnenschein und binde der alten Liebe das
Feuer ab. In das andere mache sie drei Knoten
im Mondenschein und binde ihr das nachtliche
Laufen ab. Mit dem dritten Band binde sie die
Bestandigkeit ab und mit dem vierten binde sie
den Christof im Namen des Vaters, des Sohnes und
des Heiligen Geistes an sein Weib. Dieses
letztere aber dfirfe nicht verfaulen, das mfisse
sie bis zum Neumond aufheben und dann bei Nacht
verbrennen. Und das koste ffinf Gulden, denn
Speck habe sie schon ffir dieses Jahr genug.212

 

It appears magic and religion are closely intermixed and
apparently form no contradictions.

Even though the Danube—Swabians experience
religion as something divine and sacred, religion also
greatly influences their human group life. The feelings,
(values, and beliefs which set religion apart from other
areas of life arise in the context of human relationships.
These sentiments, at times politically and historically
tinged, are fashioned and sustained by human association.
In turn, such religious feelings, values, and beliefs
influence other areas of human experience, affecting the
conceptions and actions of people in them.

Religion becomes merged in social tradition.
Religious values often promote conservatism and militate
against change. The hand of tradition appears thus heavy

in the Danube-Swabian society. Besides the emphasis on

144

ritual, religion also reassures people about rightness
and wrongness and supports the most basic social unit
in the community, the family. It also supplies psycho—
logical and spiritual consolation in times of death and
danger.

Although Danube-Swabian religion puts its stamp
on the entire process of socialization, it cannot be
explained solely on its own terms. Historically and
politically influenced, it functions to support and
balance the agricultural economy and social structure.

At the same time it should also be a part of a larger
ideological order. Yet just as the political structure

of the village should have forged a link with the outside
world-—and did not do so--so also the Church is unsuccess-
ful in binding the Danube-Swabians to a wider social
order. In its relationship to this order, organized

religion fails.

CONCLUSION

In his "Heimatromane,' Mfiller—Guttenbrunn is not

as interested in depicting the Danube—Swabian individually,
as emphasizing the Danube—Swabians as a group. In his,
description of group life, he draws a realistic portrait

of the Danube-Swabian social structure. He presents the
small Danube-Swabian villages not only in terms of relation-
ships between the people within the villages, but also in
terms of relationships these villages have with many other
centers of power, complexly related, that are located

outside of the little communities.

In the historical trilogy, Von Eugenius bis

 

Josephus, Mfiller—Guttenbrunn illustrates how a group of

 

diversified people from various parts of the Hapsburg
empire advance to a definite and homogeneous type of
agrarian culture through mutual efforts at colonization.
Because of a reverent disposition toward ancestral tra-
dition, common hardships, a common Christian religion,
and the strict rule of the Hapsburgs, they succeed in
develOping a rigid social structure.

In order to examine these communities as parts of
a larger and compound societal whole, the author emphasizes

numerous kinds of social and cultural relationships. In

145

146

presenting the outlook of the farmer, craftsman and
intellectual, he stresses how the farmer considers himself
superior to both the craftsman and the intellectual.
Prominent farmers exert the greatest power in the village
community. Although Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's main preoccupa-
tion is with the farmer, he also describes the intellec-
tuals who form the link in the cultural life of the
community--the mayor and the teachers.

In the cultural life of the community, the func-
tions of the mayor and the teachers are severely restricted.
The author emphasizes the need that these people should
have served as administrative and cultural intermediaries
between the village and the state. Yet due to the rise of
nationalism among the Hungarians together with its rami-
fications, and the political indifference observable among
the Danube-Swabians, the village becomes an isolated
entity.

A detailed study of the Danube—Swabian community
in the novels of Mfiller—Guttenbrunn shows that its culture
is not autonomous. It is an aspect of a larger civiliza-
tion, at first Austrian then Hungarian. Mainly an agrarian
society, this guest society seems only a half-culture.

To maintain itself it requires continual communication
with centers of intellectual thought and development.
Recognizing the severe limitations of these insular German

communities, the author attempts to sustain the

'147

Danube-Swabians through their folk traditions and customs.
Yet Mfiller—Guttenbrunn's compulsive need to create novels
filled with Danube—Swabian customs and traditions is not
merely rooted in the socio—cultural history of his people,
but also in the literary tradition of the ”Heimatroman."
His preoccupation with this theme is in keeping with the
aims and purposes of the ”Heimatkunst" around 1900.

In describing the characteristics of the Danube-
Swabians, Mfiller-Guttenbrunn delineates them as simple,
vigorous individuals in close proximity to the soil. Out
of their early hardships and strength, the trait of
independence becomes their dominant characteristic. Like
the native Germans they feel satisfaction in working in
the fields long and hard. The other minorities living in
Hungary do not recognize such dignity of agricultural
work.

This ordered and prescribed existence becomes a
salient characteristic of the Danube-Swabians and is
perpetuated and exemplified especially in their uniform
family structure. It is the best example of the strict,
confining social structure. The strongest ties in the
community are familistic in nature and its strength centers
in the operation of the family farm. Like most farmers,
the Danube-Swabians have an intense attachment to the soil.

Yet this characteristic becomes an obsession affecting

148

their whole philosophy of life. Preoccupation with material
things dictates the practices concerning marriage and
inheritance. Not only does their materialistic philos0phy
influence marriage contracts, but also the daily life and
functions of the family. Separate domestic responsibilities
allocated to every member of the family as well as distinct
individual roles within the family are dictated by the
economic situation. The family becomes the carrier of

this traditional organization and a supporter of confining
materialistic values.

The traditional organization is further made
evident in the uniform festivities of both the life and
calendar cycles in the village community. These festivities
are occasions of rich German tradition, friendliness, and
overwhelming hospitality. Although visitors are welcome
from neighboring villages during these ceremonies, each
Village tends to have a restricted homogeneous culture.

The sense of local community is strong.

Mfiller-Guttenbrunn, however, illustrates not only
the positive aspects of the community interrelationships,
but the negative facets of community life as well.

Objective appraisal of the Danube-Swabian village in
Mfiller-Guttenbrunn's novels reveals numerous tensions,
especially of an economic nature, which create friction.
The Danube-Swabian community can hardly be said to have

had a Rousseauan quality regardless of how successful it

149

may have been in fulfilling the psychological and material
desires of its people. The interpersonal relations of the
community are, similar to the relationships within the
family, a logical result of prevailing economic factors.

Because of complex religious and political factors,
in many instances the priest, just as the other intellec-
tuals in the community, has little influence on the
villagers. The farmers have a reverent disposition toward
religion, yet in many cases draw a distinct line between
their faith and the Church officials. Their religion
becomes merged in social ritual and tradition, often pro-
moting conservatism.

The lack of interaction between the higher and
lower parts of this Danube-Swabian society, due in part
to its rigid traditions, as well as to sociological,
political and historical factors is realistically depicted
by Mfiller-Guttenbrunn in his ”Heimatromane." He not only
attempts to warn his fellow countrymen of the impending
dangers of such a relationship, but also to present the
positive as well as negative aspects of a culture on the
fringe of the German cultural area. His literary achieve-
ments cannot be minimized. His truthfulness in depicting
life and character makes his ”Heimatromane” a valuable,
perhaps even an outstanding, literary and socio-cultural
monument. His works are a lasting document of the Danube-

Swabian culture.

FOOTNOTES

1Adam Mfiller—Guttenbrunn, Von Eugenius bis
Jose hus. Ein deutsches Jahrhundert in Osterreich (Leipzig:
1917), I. Der grosse Schwabenzug, II, Barmherziger Kaiser,
III, Joseph der Deutsche. Also published spearately as
Der grosse Schwabenzug (Aalen Wurttemberg: Donau—
schwabischer Heimatverlag, 1958). Hereafter cited as
Schwabenzug, plus the page number. Barmherziger Kaiser
(Leipzig: L. Staackmann Verlag, 193—1. Hereafter cited
as Kaiser, plus the page number. Joseph der Deutsch
(Leipzig: L. Staackmann Verlag, 1917). Hereafter cited
as Joseph, plus the page number.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2Fritz Valjavec, "Geschichte der Donauschwaben,"
Heimatbuch der Donauschwaben, ed. Hans Wolfram Hockl
(Wfirttemberg: Donauschwabischer Heimatverlag, n.d.),
pp. 11-36.

3Banat was joined to Hungary again in 1779 and
only the military zone which was finally dissolved in
1872—1873 continued under the rule of Vienna.

 

4Three famous legends about Prince Eugene, "Prinz
Eugen bei Zenta," "Prinz Eugen, der Streiter des Herrn,"
and "Der Prinz—Eugen-Brunnen" may be found in Hans
Diplich and Alfred Karasek, Donauschwabische Sagen,
Marchen und Legenden (Mfinchen: Verlag Christ Unterwegs,
1952), pp. 23-24.

 

 

5Schwabenzug, p. 16.

 

6See Josef Senz, Geschichte der Donauschwaben
(Freilassing: Pannonia Verlag, 1955), pp. 9-25.

 

 

 

 

 

7Schwabenzug, p. 68.
8Schwabenzug, p. 263.
9Schwabenzug, p. 202.
10Schwabenzug, p. 18
llSchwabenzug, p. 225.

 

150

151

12In order to quickly populate this area, only
married couples could immigrate under the command of
Karl VI.

 

 

 

l3Schwabenzug, p. 133.
l4Schwabenzug, p. 297.
15Schwabenzug, p. 224.
16

Schwabenzug, p. 224. In contrast to these
early homes, Karl Kraushaar, Sitten und Brauche der
Deutschen in Ungarn, Rumanien und Jugoslawien (Wien:
Bruno Bartelt Verlag, 1932), p. 14, describes the later
Danube—Swabian homes which appear in the fictional novels
of Mfiller- -Guttenbrunn in the following manner: "Das
heutige deutsche Wohnhaus steht in einem geraumigen Hof,
an der einen Seite befindet Sich das Wohngebaude . . . es
verrat von aussen schon einen gewissen Wohlstand, ist
ein moderner Bau aus gebranntem Ziegelmaterial, ziemlich
hoch erbaut, das Dach mit Ziegeln gedeckt, der Lange
nach in den Hof gebaut, . . . alles das macht einen guten
Eindruck."

 

 

 

l7Kaiser, p. 250.

18Kaiser, pp. 252-253.

19Schwabenzug, p. 210.

20Schwabenzug, p. 244.

 

 

lSchwabenzug, p. 58.

 

 

 

22Schwabenzug, p. 320.
23Schwabenzug, p. 189.
24See Kaiser, p. 188.
25

See Josef Senz, Geschichte der Donauschwaben,

 

26Kaiser, p. 10.

27Kaiser, p. 263.

28Joseph, p. 378.

29Joseph, pp. 242—243.

 

 

152

30Joseph, p. 244.

31Joseph, p. 129.
32

Joseph, pp. 345—346.
33Joseph, p. 357.

34Hans Hagel, "Zur Charakteristik des Banater
schwabischen Volkes," Die Banater Schwaben, ed. Anton
Peter Petri (Mfinchen: Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen
Kulturwerkes, 1967), p. 10.

35Adam Muller-Guttenbrunn, Die Glocken der Heimat
(Leipzig: L. Staackmann Verlag, 1910), p. 37. Hereafter
cited as Heimat, plus the page number.

36

 

Heimat, p. 37.

 

37Heimat, p. 38. 4

38See Josef Senz, Geschichte der Donauschwaben
(Freilassing: Pannonia Verlag, 1955), pp. 59-72.

39Rudolf Brandsch, Briefe Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunns
aus der deutschen Bewegung im ehemaligen Ungarn
(Temeschburg, 1939), p. 36.

4OLudwig Rogl, Der Anteil Adam Mfiller—Guttenbrunns
am volkischen Erwachen des Donauschwabentums (Dissertation
Mfinchen, 1943), p. 5, postulates that Muller-Guttenbrunn's
"Fraala" must have colonized in 1769. Hereafter cited as
Rogl, Der Anteil Muller-Guttenbrunn's, plus the page number.

41Adam Muller—Guttenbrunn, Der Roman meines Lebens
(Leipzig: L. Staackmann Verlag, 1927), p. 23. Hereafter
cited as Der Roman, plus the page number.

42

 

 

 

 

 

Rogl, Der Anteil Muller—Guttenbrunns, p. 18.

 

 

43Der Roman, pp. 156—163.

44See Rogl, Der Anteil Mfiller-Guttenbrunns,
pp. 40—43.

45

' Germans working for the Hungarian cause.

46Rogl, Der Anteil Muller—Guttenbrunns, p. 27.

 

47"Ungarn und das Ausland," in Deutsch—Ungarischer
Volksfreund (2.2.1912).

 

48Heimat, p. 29.

153

49Heimat, p. 29.
50Heimat, p. 100.
51Heimat, p. 90.
2Adam Muller-Guttenbrunn, Gotzendammerung

(Leipzig: .L. Staackmann Verlag, n.d.), p. 12. Hereafter
cited as Gotzendammerung, plus the page number.

 

 

3 u “
Gotzendammerung, pp. 11—12.

 

4 u "
Gotzendammerung, p. 301.

 

5 n "
Gotzendammerung, p. 302.

 

56Heimat, p. 87.

57See Rogl, Der Anteil Muller—Guttenbrunns, p. 75.

 

 

58Rogl, Der Anteil Muller-Guttenbrunns, pp. 74-76.

 

59Gotzendammerung, p. 321.

 

60Rogl, Der Anteil Muller-Guttenbrunns, p. 77.

 

61Gotzendammerung, p. 324.

 

62Heimat, p. 99.

63See Erika Jenny, Die Heimatkunstbewegung
(Dissertation, Basel, 1934), pp. 60-63.

 

64Der Roman, p. 318.
65

 

Heimat, p. 50.

66Although Muller—Guttenbrunn depicts only a few
intellectuals in his "Heimatromane," these intellectuals,
for the most part, voice the attitudes and opinions of
the author.

67Adam Muller-Guttenbrunn, Meister Jakob und seine
Kinder (Leipzig: L. Staackmann Verlag, 1918), p. 36.
Hereafter cited as Meister Jakob, plus the page number.

68

 

Meister Jakob, p. 35.

 

69Heimat, p. 100.

7OHeimat, pp. 186—187. For a detailed study of the
German folk song in this area refer to the following
publication: Hans Diplich, Das deutsche Volkslied im
Banat (Hermannstadt: Botschner, 1938),

 

154

71Heimat, pp. 344-345.

72Meister Jakob, p. 263.
73

 

Meister Jakob, p. 227.

74Meister Jakob, p. 21.

 

 

 

75Meister Jakob, p. 170.
76 n
' Hans Weresch, Adam Muller-Guttenbrunn und seine
Heimatromane (Temesvar: Dissertation, 1927), pp. 100-101.
77

Gotzendammerung, p. 17.

78Gotzendammerung, p. 277.

79Gotzendammerung, p. 291.

 

8OGotzendammerung, p. 291.

81Heimat, p. 19.

82Heimat, p. 153.

3Because of his contact with the outside world,
the social position of the craftsman changed. By the
1930's he was highly esteemed and in great demand by both
the farmers and the intellectuals.

84Meister Jakob, p. 11.

 

85

Meister Jakob, 11.

 

86

Meister Jakob, 104.

 

87

Meister Jakob, 203.

 

88Meister Jakob,

 

89

Meister Jakob, 52.

 

90

 

91

Meister Jakob, 226.

 

92

Meister Jakob, 109.

 

93

Meister Jakob, 78.

 

p.
p.
p.
p.
p.
Meister Jakob, p. 50.
p.
p.
p.
94 p.

Meister Jakob, 78.

95Various aspects of this problem will be discussed
in later chapters.

155

96Meister Jakob, p. 133.

 

97Meister Jakob, pp. 349-350.

 

98Meister Jakob, p. 272.

 

99Heimat, p. 324.

100Meister Jakob, p. 131.

 

101Meister Jakob, p. 163.

 

102

103
The term "bilateral" establishes the kinship of

children to a limited number of persons on both the mother's
and father's kinship lines. Alvin L. Bertrand, Basic
Sociology: An Introduction to Theory and Method (New York:
Appleton-Century Crofts, 1967), p. 307. Hereafter cited

as Bertrand, Sociology, plus the page number.

Meister Jakob, p. 144.

 

 

 

 

104An extended family normally includes all those
persons as being kin and their several nuclear families.
Bertrand, Sociology, p. 309.

 

105A nuclear family unit is made up of an immediate
conjugal unit, that is, a husband and wife plus those
children they identify as their own and for whom they
assume the responsibility of parenthood. Bertrand,
Sociology, p. 309.

 

106In patrilocal residence the newly married couple
take up permanent residence with or near the parents of
the groom. Bertrand, Sociology, p. 308.

 

107Meister Jakob, pp. 176—180.

 

108The farmers of Jeremias Gotthelf, Uli der Knecht
(1849), Gottfried Keller, Romeo und Julia auf dem Dorfe
(1876), Gustav Frenssen, JSrn Uhl (1901), and Wille
Cather, My Antonia (1918), do not differ essentially in
their basic family features from the Danube-Swabian
farmers in Muller-Guttenbrunn's novels.

109

 

Heimat, pp. 152-153.

lloAdam Muller—Guttenbrunn, Deutsche Kulturbilder
aus Ungarn (Leipzig: G. H. Meyer, 1896), p. 19.

lllKathe Kostner, Das Wesen des deutschen Bauern in
den Romanen Adam Mfiller-Guttenbrunns (Munchen: Disserta-
tion, 1948), p. 11.

 

 

112Gotzendammerung, pp. 26-27.

 

156

1 "
l3Kaethe Kostner, Das Wesen des deutschen Bauern
in den Romanen Adam Muller-Guttenbrunns (Mfinchen: Disserta-
tion, 1948), p. 11.

114Heimat, p. 35.

 

 

llSMeister Jakob, pp. 228-229.

 

ll6Adam Muller-Guttenbrunn, Der kleine Schwab
(Munchen: Verlag Christ Unterwegs, n.d.), p. 7. Hereafter
cited as Schwab, plus the page number.

 

ll7Heimat, p. 28.

118The practice of buying one's way out of this
obligation was prevalent. On the one hand, this distrust
and jaundiced attitude of the young man's government
appears to be a traditional attitude spawned in years of
oppression under the Hungarian power whose rule he con-
sidered unjust and which will be discussed in detail in
a later chapter. On the other hand, this again stresses
the total involvement with the soil and avoidance of
anything that should interrupt this goal.

ll9Meister Jakob, p. 8.

 

120Meister Jakob, p. 59

 

121Meister Jakob, p. 159.

 

122 Gotzendammerung, p. 41.

 

123Gotzendammerung, p. 171.
124

 

Meister Jakob, pp. 139—140.

 

lzstister Jakob, p. 125.

 

126 Meister Jakob, p. 142

 

127GotzendéiIlererung, pp. 10-11.

 

128Meister Jakob, p. 171.

 

129 Heimat, p. 35

130 Meister Jakob, p. 13.

 

13]- Meister Jakob, p. 15.

 

 

157

32
See Robert Redfield, The Little Community (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1955), p. 4.

 

l33Meister Jakob, p. 78.

134Schwab, p. 13.

l35Heimat, p. 323.

136G5tzendammerung, p. 74.

l37Heimat, p. 344.

l38Meister Jakob, p. 83.

l39Hans Hagel, "Natur und Arbeit in Sitte und
Brauch," Die Banater Schwaben, ed. by Anton Peter Petri

(Mfinchen: Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen Kulturwerkes, 1967),
p. 19.

 

 

140Death will not be treated in this chapter, but
rather since it is such an integral part of religious
views, it will be discussed in Chapter VI.

l41Meister Jakob, p. 158.

l42Rosemary, the national floral ornament of the
Danube-Swabians, was worn on all important occasions.

l43Hans Hagel, "Das Menschliche Leben," Die Banater
Schwaben, ed. by Anton Peter Petri (Mfinchen: Verlag des
Sfidostdeutschen Kulturwerkes, 1967), p. 66.

144

Heimat, p. 166.
145Heimat, p. 166.
146,I . . . . "
Kathrein, sperrt die Ge1ge e1ne. See Karl

Kraushaar, Sitten und Brauche der Deutschen in Ungarn,
Rumanian und Jugoslawien (Wien: Bruno Bartelt Verlag,
1932), P. 80.

147Meister Jakob, pp. 343-344.
148Meister Jakob, p. 346.
149Meister Jakob, p. 346.
150Meister Jakob, p. 347.

151

Lutz Mackensen, "Sitte und Brauch," Die Deutsche
Volkskunde, ed. Spamer (Leipzig: Bibliographisches
Institut, 1934), I, p. 120.

158

152Meister Jakob, pp. 178-179.

 

153Meister Jakob, p. 176.

154Meister Jakob, p. 180.

 

 

155Heimat, p. 181.

156Heimat, p. 183.
157Heimat, p. 184.

158Meister Jakob, p. 141.

 

159Heimat, p. 208.
160Heimat, p. 204.
161Heimat, p. 213.

162Meister Jakob, p. 30.

 

163See Meister Jakob, p. 81.

 

164Meister Jakob, p. 83.

 

165Meister Jakob, pp. 96-98.

 

166Meister Jakob, p. 103.
167

 

Meister Jakob, p. 105.

 

168Meister Jakob, p. 113.

 

l69Meister Jakob, p. 278.

 

170Meister Jakob, p. 131.

 

171Meister Jakob, p. 151.
172

 

Heimat, p. 77.

173Meister Jakob, p. 244,

174Meister Jakob, p. 169.

 

 

175Gotzendammerung, p. 8.

 

176Meister Jakob, p. 322.

177Meister Jakob, p. 319.

 

 

178Meister Jakob, p. 84.

 

159

179Although Protestant Sects were also widely

represented in the Danube—Swabian homeland, the predomi-
nance of Catholics in this area was due mainly to the
historical development of this region as described in
Chapter I. Franz H. Riedl, Das Sudostdeutschtum in den
Jahren 1918-1945 (Mfinchen: Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen
Kulturwerks, 1962), p. 15, points out that around 1920,
82% of the Danube—Swabians were Catholics, while only
16% were Portestants.

180See Chapter II.

181"In dieser Zeit argster nationaler Bedrangnis
erwies sich die Kirche bei mehreren Nationalitaten als
letzter Schutzwall gegen die nationale Uberfremdung.
Diese Aufgabe erffillt die Kirche erfolgreich bei den
Siebenburger Sachsen, bei den Serben und bie den Rumanen.
Auch den Donauschwaben schenkte die Kirche seit der
Ansiedlung Halt und Hilfe in ihren geistigen Bestrebungen
und in der Pflege ihres Volkstums." Josef Senz, Geschichte
der Donauschwaben (Freilassing: Pannonia Verlag, 1955),
pp. 72-73.

182Hans Hagel, "Religiése Volkskunde aus dem Banat,"
Die Banater Schwaben, ed. by Anton Peter Petri (Mfinchen:
Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen Kulturwerkes, 1967), pp. 18-19.

183Hans Hagel, "Religiose Volkskunde aus dem Banat,"
Die Banater Schwaben, ed. by Anton Peter Petri (Mfinchen:
Verlag des Sfidostdeutschen Kulturwerkes, 1967), p. 19.

184See Franz H. Riedl, Das Sudostdeutschtum in den
Jahren 1918-1945 (Munchen: Verlag des SUdostdeutschen
Kulturwerkes, 1962), p. 15.

185

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Gotzendammerung, p. 71.

 

186Heimat, p. 90.

187Gotzendammerung, p. 50.
188

 

Heimat, p. 273.

 

 

189.‘Heimat, p. 32.

19° Meister Jakob, pp. 97-98.

191Meister Jakob, p. 85.

192 Heimat, p. 77.

193fkfifiat, pp. 80-81. ‘
194 I

Heimat, p. 131.

160

 

 

 

195hMeister Jakob, p. 159.
196 Meister. Jakob, p. 163.
197 Meister Jakob, p. 246.
198

Elizabeth Nottingham, Religion and Society
(New York: Random House, 1954), p. 29.

 

199Meister Jakob, p. 279.

 

200.Meister Jakob, pp. 279—280.

 

201'Meister Jakob, p. 266.

 

202 This may be compared to the Rumanian burial
customs described in Muller-Guttenbrunn, Barmherziger
Kaiser, pp. 254-256. As a member of the Greek Oriental
Church, the young girl dressed in red, was buried with a
cane in her hand for the purpose of crossing the Jordan.
In her left hand she held a coin to pay St. Peter at the
gates of heaven. Under her head a folded linen was placed
which was to serve as a garment on Judgement Day. Unlike
the Danube-Swabian burial customs, remnants of paganism
predominated the Rumanian burial customs. The journey
across the Jordan symbolized the trip of Acheron, while:
the coin for St. Peter symbolized the coin of Obolus for
Charon.

 

 

203 Heimat, pp. 39-40.

204 Gotzendammerung, p. 25.

 

205 Meister Jakob, p. 228.

 

206 Gotzendammerung, p. 56.

 

207 Gotzendammerung, p. 56.

 

 

 

208 Meister Jakob, p. 60.
209'Meister Jakob, p. 311.
210

Meister Jakob, 46.

 

211

 

P
Meister Jakob, p. 249.
212

P

Meister Jakob, 249.

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

161

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Deutsche Kulturbilder aus Ungarn. Leipzig:
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. Gotzendammerung. Leipzig: L. Staackmann, n.d.

 

 

. Joseph der Deutsche. Leipzig: L. Staackmann,
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