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dissertation entitled

FAMILISM AND THE URBANIZATION
OF RURAL VILLAGERS IN THE SOUTHWESTERN REGION
OF SAUDI ARABIA

presented by

Abdulrahman Asseri
has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for

Doctor of Philosophy degree in Sociology

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Date 25 June 1991

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FAMILISM AND THE URBANIZATION
OF RURAL VILLAGERS IN THE SOUTHWESTERN REGION
OF SAUDI ARABIA

By

Abdulrahman Asseri

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1991

 

9756

454—

 

ABSTRACT
FAMILISM, AND THE URBANIZATION
OF RURAL VILLAGERS IN THE SOUTHWESTERN REGION
OF SAUDI ARABIA
By

Abdulrahman Asseri

The people of Saudi Arabia are going through many changes. As this society
passes from a rather provincial, traditionally oriented form of social organization to a
more sophisticated, cosmopolitan urban style, familism values and familial behaviors are
being modified. With the installation of developmental programs in the kingdom since
1970, many rural areas have adopted urban patterns and practices, discarding the more
traditional behaviors which strongly reinforced familism as a way of life.

My study attempts to explore these patterns of change in familial behaviors among
the people of Alain, a small remote rural village in the mountains of southwestern Saudi
Arabia. Fifty-one households in Alain were initially surveyed for the purpose. of
determining the basic socioeconomic characterization of the village and its families. All
adults 45 years or older and 15 to 25 years of age were interviewed additionally to
explore the generational differences in familistic attitudes. A total of 118 respondents
were included. For comparative purposes, fifty-six twelfth grade students (males and

females) were also surveyed. Seven in-depth case studies were constructed. Several

 

Abdulrahman Asseri
informant interviews with older residents helped to establish the village history. In effect,
qualitative and quantitative approaches were used to compare the past and present social
organization of Alain and the changing values of its people.

Three general hypotheses guided my analysis: 1) the older generation is more
familistic than the younger generation; 2) females are more familistic than males; and 3)
the uneducated are more familistic than the educated.

Findings show that there are some differences in the degree of familism among
the two generations. The younger generation appears less familistic than the older
generation. The erosion of familism, however, is more obvious with respect to the larger
kin group than the immediate family; concern for the immediate family appears less
affected. The younger generation shows less interest in adhering to familial norms relative
to the larger kin group.

No gender variations were found. A significant variation was observed between
educated and noneducated young people; the educated are less familistic than the
noneducated.

Several socioeconomic factors probably caused such familial changes among the
people of Alain such as the increase of wealth and education; availability of modern
technology; availability of cheap foreign labor, increase in land prices which causes land
quarrels and increased religious awareness through the study of Islam creates restrictions

for the people who, in the past, were practicing many traditional familistic behaviors that

conflicted with Islam.

 

 

 

Dedication

To my mother Maddia Asseri. She never learned how to read and write but she was always
:oncemed about my studies. My mother spent part of her life working to help me to continue
my education. I dedicate this work to her.

 

 

 

4.4.W4‘F 4 _ 4 44 .4 4

39-13;;

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

No one achieves things alone. The assistance of other humans is always required.
Life’s principle is to give as you receive. Many people have given me a great deal; I feel
unable to return all of their care, help, and concern.

My major professor and advisor, Harry Schwarzweller, is at the top of my list of
the people who have helped me along the way to completing my studies. He was not only
an advisor but a friend as well. During my stay at Michigan State University, Dr.
Schwarzweller was the first person I went to if I needed help. He was always there when
I needed him. He made my stay an enjoyable one and eased the difficulties associated
with a task such as this one. During the time I devoted to writing this dissertation, Dr.
Schwarzweller was always available to answer my questions. He opened his office and
welcomed me even at his busiest times. Hehwas more than generous with his valuable
time, even giving up his "down" time during the weekend or in the evening. Without his
dedicated assistance, helpful criticism and accurate counsel, this dissertation would not
be finished. Words cannot express my deep gratitude to him. Thank you very much, Dr.
Harry, for all you have done for me.

I was extremely fortunate to have a very distinguished committee to work with.
I took several courses with Professor J. AI Beegle, Professor Jay Artis and Dr. Marilyn

Aronoff. I wish to thank them all for their assistance and advice during my studies. I’m

 

FCW-figfifi _7~.ri.7fi r.-.——_r. _— e..__~ “fig" 7 ._ ,_, g 7

also very grateful to Professor Alford Welch from the Department of Religious Studies
for his valuable comments and criticism regarding this dissertation.

Special thanks goes to my friend Saad Alsaaran, who shared all the good and bad
times with me during my stay in East Lansing. I would like to thank him for the
wonderful times we had together and his unceasing, stimulating and helpful discussions
and advice on statistics. Saad was always ready to give his time when I needed his
assistance.

I would also like to thank my friend Abdullah Al-Melhi. His spirit, assistance and
advice not only made this research easier to complete but also made it enjoyable.
Abdullah helped me in many ways during my research.

Dr. Ali Aseeri deserves special recognition for his valuable explanation of using
regration.

I am deeply indebted to the people of Alain, who welcomed me into their homes
and willingly shared their thoughts and opinions with me. My cousins Mohammad Shar,
Mohammad Ibrahim and Ibrahim Amer were critical to the information gathering and
overall success of this dissertation. I am also grateful to them.

My wife Salhah Asseri is the person whom made the greatest sacrifices for me so
I could obtain my degree. I am deeply grateful for her love and support. My lovely
children—~Mohammad, Yasir, Manal and Abdullah——made our home the oasis I went to for
spiritual refreshment and renewal.

I would like to thank Imam Mohammad Iben Saud Islamic University for

facilitating and supporting me while I obtained my degree. Thanks to the Saudi Arabian

vi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mission in the United States of America in general and Dr. Ahmad Osman in particular
who was very helpful and understanding as he attempted to solve all the problems I faced
during my study in the USA. I also very grateful to Carey Draeger for her patience and
skills as she read, edited and typed my dissertation.

May Allah bless you all.

vii

 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables
List of Figures

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION

Problem

Importance of the Study
Familism

Familism and Urbanization
Familism in Saudi Arabia
Conclusion

CHAPTER II: HISTORY AND BACKGROUND OF ALAIN

Early History
Five Settlements
Isolation

Tribal Origins
Concluding Note

CHAPTER III: NEETHODOLOGY

Hypotheses and Theoretical Argument
Research Procedures

Field Problems and Necessary Modifications
Field Work Situation: A Diary

Study Variables

Statistical Analysis

viii

Wr—a

10
14
18

l9

19
21
23
28
31

32

32
34
36
38
42

sIPTER IV: VILLAGE SOCIOECONOMIC ORGANIZATION 46

Settlement Pattern 46
Family Structure 53
Occupation and Division of Labor 57
Land Ownership and Agricultural System 62
Availability of Modern Technology 65
Housing Structure and Familism 69
Concluding Notes 76
\PTER V: CHANGING NORMS 77
Visiting Exchanges 77
Exchange Courtesy and Sympathy 85
Mutual Aid and Help (Villagers’ Daily Lives) 92
Unexpected Guests 96
Offering Help 98
Exchanging Financial Aid and Support 99
Exchange of Respect 100
Concluding Comment 107
\PTER VI: FAMILISM AMONG VILLAGERS: PERSONAL
PERSPECTIVES 108
Case 1: Ali 108
Case 2: Mohammed 112
Case 3: Salmah 116
Case 4: Fatimah 121
Case 5: Sad 125
Case 6: Yasir 127
Case 7: Ahmad 123
Insights from the Case Studies 130
Concern and Care for Fellow Villagers (larger kin group) 130
Obedience and Care for Parents 131
Responsibility for Kin Group Members 131
Family Authority _ 132
Male Domination 132
Importance of Kin Purity 133
iIPTER VII: FAMILISM DIFFERENTIATION 134
Measuring Familism Attitudes 134
Clarification of Items 136

Familism Attitudes 142

 

 

Male Patterns
Female Patterns
Gender/Age Differences

Familism Scale
Dimensions of Familism

Intensity of Familism
Summary and Discussion

PTER VIII: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Familism Past
Familism and Urbanization in the Village

Socioeconomic Impacts on Familism

Summary

Conclusion
Study Implications and Recommendations

Recommendations for Future Research
Familism and Rural Urban Differentiation
Gender Differentiation

A Longitudinal Study

Limitations

’ENDIX
LIOGRAPHY

 

 

143
150
154
155
157
169
176

180

180
184
189
194
194
195
196
196
197
197
I97

199

219

 

 

LIST OF TABLES

Socioeconomic Characteristics of Household
Heads in Five Settlements of Alain

Attitudes Toward Visiting Obligations, by
Age/Gender Status

Attitude Toward Obligatory Return Visting
by Gender/Age Status

Factors Believed to be Affected Decreased
Inter-Household Visiting, by Gender/Age
Status

Attitude Toward Traditional Exchange of
Courtesy and Sympathy, by Gender/Age Status

Attitude Toward Obligatory Help in Certain
Situations, by Gender/Age Status

Attitude Toward Obligatory Financial
Assistance on Certain Occasions, by Gender/
Age Status

Attitude Toward Obligatory Financial Assistance
by Gender/Age Status

Attitude Toward Form of Address in Recognizing
Older People, by Gender/Age Status

Attitude Toward Proper Form of Correcting An
Older Villager’s Remarks or Behavior by Gender/
Age Status

Male Ranking of Familism Attitudes

Female Ranking of Familism Attitudes

Scale Reliability

 

 

79

.80

82
86

97

101
102
104
105
144

153

156

 

I'CD

 

Correlation Matrix of Familism Scale Items
Rotated Factor Matrix (Familism Scale Items)

Importance of Caring for Parents, by Age:
Means and Standard Deviation

Importance of Caring for Parents, by Gender:
Means and Standard Deviation

Importance of Co-Villager Relations, by Age:
Mean and Standard Deviation,

Importance of Co-Villager Relations, by Gender:

Mean and Standard Deviation

Importance of Family Cohesion, by Age: Mean
and Standard Deviation

Importance of Family Cohesion, by Gender:
Mean and Standard Deviation

Importance of Putting Family First, by Age:
Mean and Standard Deviation

Importance of Putting Family First, by Gender:
Mean and Standard Deviation

Importance of Parental Obedience by Age: Mean
and Standard Deviation

Importance of Parental Obedience by Gender:
Mean and Standard Deviation

Intensity of Familism, by Age: Mean and
Standard Deviation

Intensity of Familism Among Males: Mean and
Standard Deviation

Intensity of Familism Among Males: Mean and
Standard Deviation

 

 

158

159

160

161

162

163

I64

165

166

167

168

169

170

171

171

 

IO

 

 

Intensity of Familism, by Gender: Means and
Standard Deviation

Intensity of Familism Among the Older Generation
by Gender: Means and Standard Deviation

Intensity of Familism Among the Younger
Generation, by Gender: Mean and Standard
Deviation

Familism by Education: Means and Standard
Deviation

xiii

172

173

173

175

 

 

1r

[CD

 

LIST OF FIGURES

Ruins of Old Village
Asphalt Road Which Connects the Village With Other Areas

Dirt Road That Connectsects the Village With Other Areas
A Face of the Village--A Man in Village Formal Dress
The Settlement of Al-Hatar

Site of the Settlement of Pattalh

Farming Structure in the Village

Stone Houses and Brick Houses

New Villas in the Village

xiv

i?
(D

26

27

29

47

51

72

75

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

 

Rural villages in Saudi Arabia are experiencing profound changes in both
)gical organization and cultural norms. Rural people are absorbing urban values and
ting urban behavioral patterns. Familism, which once dominated rural Saudi Arabia’s
1, political, and economic institutions, has begun to erode, I believe, from the
ures of urbanization and individualism.

This study is an attempt to explore if, and the extent to which, the people in one
area, the village of Alain in the southwestern region of Saudi Arabia, have become
individualistic and less familistic in their attitudes and behaviors. In particular, I

e into account generational differences among the old and the young in terms of
a1 behavior patterns and attitudes.

I assume that the people of Alain have a strong familial system. This system has
reserved for a long period of time due to the relative isolation of the village.
s location, between two huge valleys and three high mountains, had helped to

this isolation. The isolation was due to the lack of a road, a school, health

3, sophisticated means of communication, and the great distance from cities. A

f social autonomy in Alain was evident. Accordingly the people of Alain had

 

 

 

 

2

blished a very strong familial system not only to govern their behaviors but also to
' 'tate their survival.

As a tribal and rural society, the social organization characteristic of the
thwestem region of Saudi Arabia has been traditionally familial. In 1970, when the
tDeveIopmental Program began in Saudi Arabia, the southwestern region, as in other
5 of the kingdom, began experiencing some changes in both economic and
iological aspects as well as in familial norms.

People began migrating from their home communities to the cities . With new
Is, better mass communication, and more modern forms of transportation, the relative
ition of rural areas was no longer a major obstacle to the processes of development.
11 people became more involved in the activities of modern society as many began
king off-farm jobs. Education became readily available to everyone. The State began
xert a strong influence on the lives of village people. Police departments and
mmental agencies reached into even the most remote areas.
Rural people gradually began adopting new patterns of urban life. They are more
now to go to the police instead of to the clan chief (shikh) when dealing with
e conflicts. They often travel thousands of miles to seek jobs, leaving their families
'n behind in the village. Young people aspire to obtaining an education and a
ing occupation, rather than marrying at an early age. People in the villages also are
likely to hire someone to do a job for them instead of asking kinfolk or neighbors
sistance. Many individualistic behaviors now appear in rural community life, not

southwestern Saudi Arabia, but in rural and tribal areas throughout the kingdom.

 

 

 

3

This study aims to explore some of the changes that have occurred in the familial
ystem in rural areas and the determinants that may be associated with these changes.
Three general questions are addressed:
1. What is the meaning of familism in the village and what are the patterns
(I norms of mutual aid and reciprocity are currently practiced by rural people in the
outhwestem region in relation to their families and extended family networks?
2. Are there any generational changes in degrees of intensity of family and
Fit obligations?
3. What social and economic determinants are associated with individual

Iotivations and the degree of commitment to familial norms and with generational

ifferences?

nportance of the Study
romas and Lyneis (1978) wrote:
During the latter part of the 19th century, a preservationist movement
began emerging in the United States. This included architects,
archaeologists, anthropologists, theologians, history buffs, sociologists, and
others who saw something valuable (which they termed "heritage")
slipping away in the face of the onslaught of the modern world.
is statement and similar writings by other authors alerted me to a similar problem in
udi Arabia. Modernization and development had reached every corner of Saudi society;
influx of urbanization has caused profound social changes. «

The familial system, once the dominant form of social organization that controlled

I regulated the behavior and activities of rural people, seems to have declined in

 

 

4

:ffectiveness as a result of urbanization. People seem to want to free themselves from

 

heir family obligations. They are inclined toward an attitude of individualism. This

henomenon is especially relevant to the future of Saudi Arabian society and should be
oroughly documented. In fact, we are witnessing a change from a familial, tribal society
a modern, urban society.

Thus, I was eager to talk with people in the village (Alain) who are aware of the
ea’s history and who have observed both the traditional customs and the newer
‘ehaviors. Such documentation would be very important for any future researcher or
[vestigator interested in studying Saudi Arabia’s rural social structure in general and
Lmilial norms in particular. According to Heller (1976):

In spite of general speculadon concerning the changing function of the
family and the purported decline in importance of familism in favor of
individualism, there has been little empirical research directed toward
determining the extent to which familism is subscribed by various
segments of the public. Little is actually known about the relationship
between urbanism and familism (p. 73).

Heller’s argument is especially critical in the case of Saudi Arabia since very little

:I been written about the subject in a direct, scientific way.

It is hoped that this study will make some fundamental and basic contributions

the topic.

nilism
The concept of familism, in general, refers to a set of rights and obligations
raining to members of a given kin network. According to Heller (1976), there are

:e interrelated conceptual levels of familism: l) familism as a social organization; 2)

 

 

5

ilism as behavior; and 3) kin member attitudes concerning obligations toward other
ily members
Sorokin (1930), on the other hand, argued that familism was "the term used to
ignate the types of social organization in which all the social relationships and
titutions are permeated by and stamped with the characteristics of the family" (p. 41).
believed there were eight characteristics that distinguished familism in rural areas:
1. "The attitudes of rural youth and their desire to marry at an early age.
:h an inclination embodied their weaker inclination to remain single, and thus be freer
m the family organization than the urban population.

2. Paying taxes was the collective responsibility of the family as well as
ing fines for deeds and crimes committed by members.

3. The social status of the person was first of all determined by the status of
family into which he or she was born.

4. The morals, laws, and mores of such a society strongly guarded the
ility of the family through their provisions for the inviolability of the marriage vow
the stability of the bonds between parents and children.

5. The relationship between ruler and subjects was paternalistic or patriarchal.

6. In a rural family the solidarity of its members was organic and spontaneous
:r than contractual. Sorokin deemed that such characteristics occurred naturally as
ult of close co-living, co-working, co—acting, co-feeling, and co-believing.

7. The economic organization of a familistic society was also stamped with

arts of the rural family.

 

 

6

8. Any aspecrs of rural society, whether mores, beliefs, or arts, quite clearly

emonstrated familistic traits" (Sorokin 1930:47).

Sorokin argued "that humans could not exist as isolated atoms. Humans associate

rith other people to overcome their own loneliness and for biological, social, and moral

 

 

 

 

vell-being. In a familial society, the family is the institution that serves all of the
Leceding purposes. This is opposite from an urbanized society where other associations
rust perform these functions at least to some extent" (Sorokin 1930:48).

He also believed that

When a person is freed from family ties, he or she appears to find
him/herself in a kind of social emptiness, facing lonesomeness and
unbearable isolation. Thus, it appears that unless one understands
familism, one cannot grasp the soul and essence of the Gestalt of rural

society (p. 48).
ulp (1925) provided an extensive explanation of familism. For him:

Familistic arrangements and practices are the core of the village
community. All purposes, all proposals, all conduct, all gains, all
standards and ideals are referred to family norms and evaluated by
comparing the fortunes of familistic groupings, economics, and religion.
"Whatever is conducive to the welfare of the members of this familistic
group, to the performance of their special function, maintenance, or
worship, is considered good while everything else is ba " (p. 187).

For Kulp ( 1925) familism is a "form of social organization in which all values are
:rmined by reference to the maintenance, continuity, and functions of the family
ups" (p. 188). He said that this kind of social organization was distinguished from any
:r in the world (i.e., capitalism or socialism).

Familism is "exclusiveness” centered around a familial relationship, a

division of the social environment into "we" (certain specific kin members)

and "they" (non-kin members). Familism can be viewed as a set of role
expectations, role behaviors, and/or perceptions (Ibid., p. 423).

 

 

 

 

 

Burgess and Lock (1945) developed an ideal typical definition of familism,

rguing that an ideal construction of familism must include the following characteristics:

"1. The feeling of all members that they belong to the family group and that all

:her persons are outsiders.

2. Complete integration of individual activities for the achievement of family

)jCCthCS.

3. The assumption that land, money, and other material goods are family property

volving the obligation to support the individual members and give them assistance when

ey are in need.

4. Willingness of all other members to really support the other members.
5. Concern for the perpetuation of the family as evidenced by helping an adult
ild in beginning and continuing an economic activity in line with family expectation

1 in setting up a new household" (pp. 35-36).

Heller (1976) reviewed various definitions of familism. In particular, he noted the

owing:

By familism is meant spending time, money, and energy on family life;
marriage at young ages, a short childless time-span after marriage, large
families, and other such characteristics are indications of familism (Bell,
1956, p. 276).

By familism is meant the ascendance of family interests over the interests
of individual members as expressed in the maintenance of family tradition,
pr0perty, social contacts, and occupational pursuits (Wilkening, 1954, p.
33).

Familism . . . is . . . a social system in which behavior, and values are
dominated by family, rather than individual, interests (Cleland, 1955, p.
249).

 

 

 

 

 

8

Familism . . . is the subordination of individual interests to those of the
family group (Rohwer, 1950, p. 826).

ller argued that in spite of the different wordings, the definitions were very similar.
wever, familism cannot be practiced without norms to regulate and organize its
avior and atttudes. According to Loomis and Beegle (1950), norms are the rules
'ch govern the application of means in order to accomplish the social system’s ends
objectives. In sports they are the rules of the game plus such general standards as
se associated with "fair play" or "sportsmanship." In some systems they are specified
"ethical principles." All social action is related to such norms as folkways, mores, and
's (p. 786).
. . . [T]he rural social system determines the status of its members by
assigning the role and reSponsibility of each one. For example, rural
pe0ple have various types of norms. They recognize and/or delegate
authority, grant rights, mete out punishment, and give rewards according
to the traditional norms (p. 820).
Familistic norms are expressed by patterns of reciprocity, are obligatory, and
live the "give and take" principle. The best known essay on the matter of reciprocity
written by Macel Mauss (1954). He first raised the concept of reciprocity to a
ral location in anthropological discussion. He focused on different types of transfer
gifts) and examined the importance of reciprocity in primitive and peasant societies.
ss’ analysis pointed to the simple rules of the obligation to give and the obligation
ceive in familistic norms.
comprehensive analysis, Mauss (1954) noted:
In the systems of the past, we do not find simple exchange of goods,

wealth and produce through markets established among individuals for it
is groups, and not individuals, which carry on exchange, make contracts,

 

A 9

and are bound by obligations; the persons represented in the contracts are

moral persons--clans, tribes, and families; the groups, or the chiefs, as

intermediaries for the groups, confront and oppose each other. Further,

what othey exchange is not exclusively goods and wealth, real and

personal property, and things of economic value. They exchange rather

courtesies, entertainments, rituals, military assistance, women, children,
dances, and fests; and fairs in which the market is but one element and the
circulation of wealth but one part of a wide and enduring contract.

Finally, although the prestations and counter-prestations take place under

a voluntary guise they are in essence strictly obligatory, and their sanction

is private or open warfare. We propose to call this the system of total

prestations (p. 3).

Malinowski (1926) focused on reciprocity as the key to the economic life of
)ple studied. By elevating the concept of reciprocity to a central position in the
tlysis of social organization, the principle of "give and take" pervaded all tribal life
I became the basis of its social structure. Moreover, reciprocity and other distributional
des of transaction between kinsmen conformed to an obligation to give and an
igation to receive, but more importantly an obligation to return. In this research, the
ion of obligation is the departure point for the theoretical argument.

I believe that all social exchange patterns that take place in the case of rural Saudi
bia are bound by some kind of obligation. Each member of a village conforms to
l norms of obligation as part of the familial social organization that is a foundation
he rural society in Saudi Arabia as well as in similar societies around the world.

In Saudi Arabia, "familism" is a term'that one can use to describe: the feelings of
L1 cohesiveness and the mutual exchange of care, concern, respect and support among
nmediate family members and the larger extended kin networks.

Such care, concern, support and respect is reflected in patriarchal obedience to and

ssumption of individual responsibility for the well-being of all family members. The

 

 

 

10

ily’s needs dominate all individual designs, behaviors and actions. Such obedience
1d responsibility are strongly supported by religious beliefs (Islam).

Family dependency and obedience are based on the subordination of children to
air parents, wives to their husbands, youngest to the oldest, women to men. Parents,
:n, and husbands must assume ultimate responsibility for providing social care, financial
lp, and to protect their subordinates.

Each family unit, however, is considered a part of a larger extended kinship group
i is obligated to conform to kin norms. These norms emphasize kin unity for in the
'sh environment, at least in the past if not now, kin unity is essential for social and

>nomic security and consequently, takes precedence over almost all other concerns.

nilism and Urbanization
"Theories and research concerning familism have an interesting history in both
rican and European sociologies. The study of rural vs. urban living patterns was of

ial interest to sociologists and anthropologists during the 1930s and 405" (Heller 1972

"Urbanization has created profound changes in the role of the family as a social
nization, particularly where the modern city was seen standing in stark contrast to
society" (Heller, 1972, p.6)

Wirth (1938) attributed the decline in family social significance to the loss of its
ions to specialized city, state, and even national agencies such as health

tenance,, welfare, education, recreation, and social advancement (p. 21).

 

 

ll

Redfield (1947) saw the folk society in contrast to the modern city. He felt that
the way vast and complicated urbanites and even the urbanized country dweller live today
is enormously different from the small, inward facing folk society member with its well
integrated and little changing moral and religious conceptions (p.306)

Wirth and Redfield considered urban life as nonfamilistic, nontraditional,
secularistic, fragmented, and swiftly changing. Until the 19505, sociologists, particularly
11 America, perceived the increasing industrialization with its concomitant urbanization
18 leading to a weakening of the family as an institution, with familism giving way to
ndividualism. By the 1950s, some kind of theory and research emerged within family
ociology (Heller 1970:6).

Schwarzweller et a1. (1970) studied Appalachian families and the social change
rat occurred in that remote rural area. They found that:

Appalachian families are in some respects different from the kind of
families one finds in urban America. Where life in Appalachia especially
during earlier frontier times, made it necessary for kin group members to
look to each other for many things and to count on each other in many
crises (p. 94).
ey also felt that as rural Appalachia moved into the mainstream of the modern world,
palachian families would undoubtedly "play an increasing role in facilitating or
dering the processes of change" (p. 89).
Bell (1957) studied familism and suburbanization.
e study took place in suburbs in the Chicago area. Data were collected from 100

ent arrivals to that area. The study assumed that "familism upward vertical mobility

 

12
nd consumership are among social choice patterns that may be linked to the recent
rburban moves in American society." where

an increasing segment of population of the United States seems to be

choosing familism as an important element in their lifestyle. Suburban

moves express an attempt to find a more suitable location than the central

city in which to conduct family life (p. 276).

Bell found the data supported the hypothesis that new suburbanites were largely
tersons who have chosen familism as an important element in their lifestyle and in
ldition suggested a relationship between the desire for community participation or sense
belonging and/or the move to the suburbs" (p. 282).

Cleland (1953) studied‘ familism in rural Saskatchewan. He suggested the goal

the study was to detect possible changes in the familistic pattern which had been
sumed to be more characteristic of pioneer days. He addressed certain questions to
ut 160 Saskatchewan farm families. The conclusion he reached was that

Grain farm families are the stronghold of traditional family characteristics

as regards family integration and the division of labor among family

members. In these aspects the livestock and mixed-farm families may

have changed most. In their degree of integration, families living in the

areas of moderate population have declined more than families in other

areas (pp. 249-250).

In Tunisia, Camilleri (1967) studied modernity and the family. The objective of

study was to clarify the temptations and effects of modernity on the Tunisian domestic
p. The research was based on six surveys carried out in Tunisia between 1960 and
6, using interviews and questionnaires on samples of young people.

After describing the traditional Tunisian family as socially central, Camilleri found

modernity had become a very real temptation because of the profound restructuring

 

 

l3
Tunisian society recently accomplished by the latter in opposition to the colonizers
o in other respects provided the model (p. 591).

Therefore, the attitude of young people within their own parental families

tended to change. Since young people became more personalized and as

the possibility of leaving their groups rather than inserting themselves

more deeply in it (p. 593).

Arensberg and Kimball (1940) in their study of Irish rural life, found that:

the sociological conditions of Irish rural life are those determined in a

system of relationship among persons based upon the form of family,

family subsistence, and familistic custom (309).

Sussman (1954) attempted to establish the importance of selective factors affecting
.tionships between families at two generational levels (family continuity). The study
.ple was drawn from ninety-seven families of New Haven, Connecticut and suburbs
v were middle-class, white Protestants whOse children had married and left home. The
y employed a family continuity scale. It found that "family continuity between
rational levels was greater when a child married a mate of similar cultural
ground and met parental expectations by having a traditional courtship" (p.21).

In the Philippines, Sinner (1976) studied modernization and family extension. The
attempted to investigate the relationships between modernization and the level and
)f membership extension beyond the nuclear care in Filipino families. Data was
from "the 1970 Philippine Census of Population. The analytical units were sixty-
)olitically defined Philippine provinces" (p. 161). The study found that "the higher

e1 of provincial modernization, the higher the average number of non—nuclear

)ld members" (p. 161).

 

l4
Zimmermann et a1. (1935), in their study of Ozark families, described seventeen
criteria characterizing the family in that society. They found that Ozark families in
contrast with urban or semi-urban families experience an almost complete absense of
divorce. The tolerance of family problems by the community and the willingness of
family members to remain with the family in spite of difficult conditions, in order to keep
the family intact, was sufficient evidence of a more stable union (p. 280).

Aldous (1976) in a study of grandparents, parents, and married children over three
generation lineages hypothesized that frequency of visiting was directly related to the
xtent kin contacts contributed to the well-being of the nuclear family. The corollary
lypothesis stated that interaction with kin outside the nuclear family would be inversely
elated to the extent kin contacts were seen as threatening. The hypotheses were
upported with respect to female respondents. Women respondents had more contacts
'ith female relations when help was given in domestic role performance (pp. 22-23).
[artin’s (1967) study of four Adelaide samples found that intensity and nature of kin
intacts were affected by residential propinquity of kin, state in the family life cycle,
mber of children within the family, social participation of husbands and wives, and

nily class status (p. 24).

iilism in Saudi Society
Lipsky (1959) stated that in Saudi Arabia, "descent is traced through the paternal
and family structure reflects the importance of this principle in kin group or lineages

h are organized around related males" (pp. 83-84).

 

15

ole (1975) describes the familial system in rural Saudi Arabia as:

An extension of the kin system which includes a large number of people

in close relationships. All members of one generation are addressed as

brother or sister, all members of one’s mother’s or father’s generation and

above are addressed as mother or father, and all members of one’s

children’s generation or below are addressed as son or daughter.

The terms for grandfather and grandmother also include all ancestors, no

matter how far removed. The term for father’s brothers (and consequently

father’s brother’s son/daughter) is commonly extended to refer not only to

one’s actual father’s brother, but to any distant relative of generations ago.

However, we should observe that family structure and familial norms in Saudi
Liety derive legitimacy from the religion of Islam. Al-Juwayer (1984) indicated that “in
ludl Arabia the family and religion are part of one institution. Much of the social
)nomic, and political life is still organized in terms of the family or tribe" (p. 64).
cordingly, for a better understanding of the family structure and familial norms in
Idi society, we must take into account Islamic ideals and practices, which ultimately
i to an awareness of many of the familial behaviors and attitudes characteristic of
ple in rural as well as in urban Saudi Arabia.

Patia (1976) wrote that family bonds are so strong in Islamic culture that all
1bers suffer a loss of face after the dishonorable act by any person in the family. He
1 that in Islamic and Arabic family cultures, the most significant dishonor that pains
n is when his sister, daughter or niece is involved in sexual misconduct.
wayer (1984) described family rights and obligations in Islam; he thinks that:

it was traditional in Islam for young people to be married with their

parents’ permission. Divorce is considered only as a final option, and the
woman’s role as mother is accorded very high status in Islam.

16

In terms of rights and obligations, regulating men and women in Saudi

Arabia and other Moslem societies, the Q’uran states that “men will

maintain the family" (p. 64). Men are the maintainers of women because

Allah made some of them (men) exceed others and by reason of what they

spend of their wealth.

Accordingly, we find that in an Islamic culture, the Muslim wife is

responsible for the care of the home and for the welfare of the family.

She is also expected to obey the judgment of her husband, due to this

divinely dictated status as the person responsible for running the family (p.

46).

Polygamy is an accepted practice in Islamic cultures. While monogamy

is the norm in Islam, men are permitted to have more than one wife if the

man concerned is able to fulfill all of his obligations to each wife (Ibid.,

p. 48).
:lims tend to have many children, not only to help them in their daily business, but
ruse Islamic teachings direct Muslims to have many children in order to increase the
lim population. Because of this, Muslim men prefer to have more than one wife and
v children.

Under Islamic law, a Muslim woman remains under the control and care of her
ts. On attainment of puberty, she theoretically obtains all the rights and privileges
I belong to her as an independent human being. For example, women in Islam are
:d to share in the inheritance from their parents, along with their brothers. It must
ted, however, that even though a woman has the right to inheritance, familial
es usually ignore her right of inheritance and substitute something else to keep the
inheritance intact such as in the case of family lands. A woman usually does not

her land portion and her brothers do not expect her to ask. If a woman does

her share of inheritance, no one can reject her request according to Islamic law.

l7

Obedience to parents is considered the most important value for a Muslim family.
:ording to the Q’uran, God ties acceptable worship to obedience to parents. No one
y disobey his/her parents. Muslim children are responsible for the care of their parents
irnes of illness. Moreover, in Islam all Muslims are considered as one united family.
y attack upon one of them is considered an attack on the entire family. Such a
wpoint encourages Muslim people to look after their neighbors and friends as well as

family. All Muslim neighborhoods are very respectable in Islam. The prophet
uhammad stated that no one may become fully Muslim if he/she disturbs or does wrong
ris/her neighbor. Moreover, according to Islamic law, a certain amount of money and
ps usually are collected by the sheikh or the state workers to be distributed to the poor,
only in the rural villages, but in the urban centers as well. This kind of institutional
peration and assistance is called "zakah."

Al-Otaiby (1988) pointed to another type of instituted cooperation and assistance,
:ticed by people in the southwest part of Saudi Arabia. He found that in the village
'amnah the sheikh, chose between three and twelve men from different kinship groups,
:d Asharh. Their job is to assess every household’s crop after it is thrashed; 1/12 of
whole crop is taken. This is called "ushur." Then after all the portions are gathered
brought to the village store, it is divided into four parts: (1) 70% distributed among
'illage poor according to family size and need; (2) 20% to the workers who collected
ushur"; (3) 5% is the share of the village sheikh; (4) the remaining 5% is usually
to the head of the mother tribe (pp. 196—107).

He also observed that when two (not necessarily kin) families were short
of labor tools and/or animals, they agreed to work interchangeably on each

 

18

other’s lands during the entire growing season and at its end, divided the
crops.

In times of housing construction, and especially after the walls were built,
the owner called on his kin (usually male villagers) to assist him in doing
the roof. It was common for the villagers to help bring in and cut the
large timbers used as house poles and/or roof supports. It was also
common for village workers to be reciprocated in the provision of a meal
after the job was complete (which usually took one-half to a full day of
work) (Ibid., p. ).

nclusion

 

The conclusions I draw from these great bodies of literature are:

Despite the different studies of familism in different parts of the world, not much
: been written about familism in Saudi Arabia. Familism in Saudi Arabia should be
wed as a special, but not unique, case where family relations are heavily dependent on
igion.

People in Saudi Arabia are members of a devoutly religious society. Any
iologist or anthropologist wishing to study familism or analyze any aspect of Saudi
iety must first understand Islamic teachings. Muslim lifestyle is based on Islamic
:hings as are most familial norms.

However, there are some exceptions to this system--some traditional familial
us are different from Islam, but Saudi Arabians are now trying to diminish these

:rences as they become more educated and more knowledgeable of Islamic teachings.

 

 

     
   
  

CHAPTER II

HISTORY AND BACKGROUND OF ALAIN

Alain is a small village composed of about 58 houses, seven of them unoccupied.
is located in the southwest region of Saudi Arabia, about 95 km northwest of the city
Abha, the capital of the southwest region and about 15 km northwest of the city of
uhyial (see map no 1).

According to informants, the village of Alain got its name from the streams of
tter in the mountains of Meran which mark the village’s boundary on the eastern side.
Arabic, "alain" has two meanings. The first is "eye" and the second is "the small
earn that emerges from the mountains."

The people of Alain believe that not long ago, their village was called "Al
ahabah" for the first place that used to be the original residential area before they
Ived to the new area "Alain" (see Figure 1). However, recently the name of Alain
ame the more common designation among all the villagers and surrounding areas. In
e official documents it is called "Ain Al Dreab" in order to distinguish it from other

8 that are locally referred to as "Alain."

 

20
Map I

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia1

 

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trce: Third Development Plan

 

 
   
       

 

Alain existed about 500 to 600 years ago. First it was located on the peak of the
rountain called "Al Gahabah."about two miles away from its current location.

At first, the people were mostly Bedouins who were pastoralists. They were at
at with people around them. Therefore they chose to settle at the top of the mountain
get a good strategic position to observe possible threats. When the wars ended, they

-cided to leave the old village and establish farms down in the valley. That was about

 

years ago, when the whole village was moved to its present location in the valley,
t no one can provide an exact explanation as to why and how people actually moved
the valley. Some say that the move was because of a lack of farm land at the mountain
_) and the availability of fertile lands down in the valley. Other informants attribute this
)vement to the valley to a smallpox epidemic about 150 to 200 years ago. Survivors left
: mountain site to escape to a fresh environment.
re Settlements
Generally Alain is small and a relatively remote village, bounded by three large
vuntains which play a major role in isolating the village from external influences. The
unt of Meran is at the eastern edge. The mount of Behlah is at the western edge.
the mount of Altawilh is at the southern perimeter. On the northern side is a deep
ey called Al Rish (see map attached). The five settlements that compose Alain are
tered between those mountains. A settlement is a group of households concentrated
certain place a little bit away from the other group of households. Each household

its own name to distinguish it within the village.

 

22

 

ure 1. Ruins of Old Village

 

 

23

The first settlement is called "Al Hatar" which is considered the oldest residential

ea in the village. It is located on the east side of a small hill that carries the same name

s the settlement, Al Hatar. This small hill divides the village into two parts: the east

d the west. The people living on this hill can view the whole village, and perhaps that

as the reason the early residents settled in this particular place (see map attached). The

cond settlement is Baeer which is considered a relatively new residential area

tablished by wealthy residents who migrated away years ago. Baeer is located on the
est side of Al Hatar.

Domna is the third settlement established about 40 to 50 years ago by black
:ople after they got their freedom and left their masters’ homes. Domna is about two
iles northwest of the main village. The fourth settlement in Alain is Pattalh which is
cared under the mount of Maran. Alsahar is the fifth settlement located on the west
ie of the village near the mount of Behlah. It is considered an extension of the Baeer
:tlement; only a few farms divide the two settlements (all these settlements will be
cussed in Chapter Four).
lation

Alain, as is true of many villages in the kingdom, was effectively isolated from

 
 
   

an influences for many years until the highway from Jeddah to Muhyial to Abha was
. This highway connects the village to other villages in the area and exposes it to
ide influences, facilitating more involvement with the region.Also a small country

was built two years ago to connect the village to the main highway. However, this

 

"ed-75."? :— . -g. ‘ :

 

 

 

 

 

24
Map"
Alain's Five Settlements
-__,_,___ . '\
W I My." SB f a " "‘“x‘:
' J ‘i 0? AL RAE ) ’2—
VALLE /.
591% "f

MNA
DO l O? J

- \. - , ~ ‘ a .. .
“ VI) \JPAA’E .
‘ ‘. ' .9 PATTALt

    
   

3
Ta
CD
('11
L93 .
' E AL HATAR

HILL OF AL HATAR

 

 

MT . TAWILLAH

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

small C
Alain i
of 1022
asphalt
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School.
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25

all country road is only serviceable during the dry season. During the rainy season,
' is completely isolated from the outside for one or two days due to the deep valley
Jozan which divides the village from the highway. No bridge spans this valley. No
halt road connects the village’s five settlements with each other. Only dirt roads are

ilable and those roads become undrivable during the rainy season (see Figures 3 and

Earlier, the people of Alain suffered from a variety of diseases which were
mon in the area, such as smallpox and malaria. Many residents died due to the lack
edicine or medical centers in or near the village. Even now there is still no medical
er in the village, and therefore the people have to go to Targish five miles away or

IIuhyial ten miles away if they require medical treatment. Some of the poor who do
have cars or close relatives or fiiends are occasionally unable to go for treatment no
er how critical their condition.

Until now there is no public electricity in Alain, although most of the villages in
tea have electrical service from the government. But the people of Alain still depend
.eir own small generators.

Fifteen years ago there was no school in the village. Village children had to walk
1001 five miles away in the village of Targish. Now a school has opened in Alain,
ifortunately, it is still in brick houses which are not really suitable to be used as a
1. Education for girls was not available in Alain. People did not wish to educate
laughters until they finally found themselves behind. Other villagers around had

y enrolled their girls in schools nearby. As a result, the people of Alain were split

 

 

 

 

26

 

lure 2. Asphalt road which connects the village with other areas.

IL,

 

ire 3.

27

 

Dirt road that connects village settlements.

 

 

on the i
liberal i
conserv
group h
years a

original

the On
(accord
grands:
and Ian
Alain. '
sheikh
asked t
the [h
Which

Way dc
the an

lhem b

 

n the issue with some people in favor of educating girls and others opposed. The more
beral individuals sent their girls to Targish about eight years ago to learn, while some
nservatives still believe that education for girls is "senseless." However, the liberal
oup has gained in the battle and a school for girls opened in Alain about four or five
ars ago. However, like the boys’ school, it is still being held in a rented villa
'ginally designed as a home, not as a school.

Alain is not atypical of remote rural villages in the southwestern region.

ibal Origins
The people of the Alain are called the Al Dreeb tribe. They originally came from

: Onazzah tribe to the east of the Arab peninsula about 500 to 600 years ago

:cording to the elderly informants of the village). A long time ago, Dreeb, the

  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

dsectors of A1 Dreeb, came with his people to the area. They were a hungry people
landless. They were Bedouin travellers when they arrived in this land now called
'n. They attacked its people and stole their crops. The resident people went to their
ikh to complain about the strangers who attacked them and ate their produce. He
to meet their head person who was Dreeb. Dreeb met him and he asked him to
them land to settle. The sheikh of Al Raeesh, the people who occupied the land
ch Al Dreeb attacked, asked one of his fellows to trick them by taking them all the
down to the border of Tahamah. However, Dreeb and his people were not aware of
area, and they followed the guide until they discovered that he was trying to trick

by taking them away from their lands to another tribal land in order to get rid of

 

 

 

Figlne

 

 

igurg 4. A face of the village--a man in village formal dress

 

 

be

OI]

Sll

[ht

 

 

30

them. Dreeb and his people decided to stop and not go any further. They killed the
guide and sent his body with his horse back to his people as a message to the sheikh of
Al Raeesh which said that "where the head of your fellow is heading, the border
between us was made." Then Dreeb and his people settled in the area. They first settled
on the t0p of the mountain on a hill called Al Gahabh which is considered a very
strategic and safe location. In the beginning, none of the people surrounding them wanted
them, and they were involved in wars with the neighboring tribes. Finally all people
around accepted them as owners of the area they had conquered. When the people in the
surrounding areas accepted them, they felt safe, and they spread all over the high land
they had conquered.

Then the Dreeb divided the occupied land between his three brothers and their
fellows. There were three brothers under the government of the oldest one, Dreeb. One
of the other brothers,was call Homedhy had to chose to settle in Bargh, 20 mails from
Alain. The other one, called Gohini, chose to live in Bagrah 15 miles from Alain.
While the third brother Dreeb stayed in the same area Alain. The fellows of Dreeb were

omposed of six lineages: Al Haiza, Al Hasaan, Al Audah, Al Guallah, Al Mafragah,
d Al Imnames.
The Al Hasaan is considered the largest group. Al Haiza is the second largest
oup, and Al Guallah the third and Al-Imnames - Al MafraGah respectively. Now the
oral of all those groups who represent the residents of Alain is totally one hundred males
d eighty three females involving all ages.

People of Alain now are distributed in the village as follows:

 

 

 

be

no

ch

 

 

31

Al Hassan is distrbuted in the settlements of Al Hatar, Baeer, and Domna. Al
aiza lives on Baeer, while Al Gauallah lives on Pattalh. Al Imnames lives in Alsahar.
l Auadh is distributed on Al Hatar, Al Sahar, and Baeer. The last league is Al

[afraga who live in different houses distributed in the village.

oncluding Note

Alain has undergone tremendous changes in the last two centuries. The ‘first
Lllage moved from its original location to its present one in the valley; the population
:came more adaptive to the stable life of farming rather than a pastoral, more nomadic
festyle.

In the last twenty years, the change became more obvious with the initial
:velopment plan. The village is no longer isolated; there are now paved roads, new
hools and differentiated settlements. Communications with the outside, rapidly
banizing world has created profound changes in the people of Alain. These changes in
rms and patterns of interaction of the villagers will be discussed in the following

pters.

 

 

 

 

 

reg

in

Hill

mo

tel:

1611

Sys

We

is:

 

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

motheses and Theoretical Arggment

Familism is a significant factor among the rural pOpulation living in the southwest
gion of Saudi Arabia. All social relationships are tied to family considerations. The
mily is the fundamental and essential repository of every individual’s personal identity.
his familial system is evident in many ways. However, familism in its extended and
rclear states has been exposed to some patterns of change associated with urbanization,
odernization, and development recently taking place in Saudi Arabia.

I believe that a change in the familial system occurred gradually, starting with the

 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

rger kinship grouping, then progressing to the parental family. Extended family
lations are especially vulnerable to urbanization. Individual loyalty to kin and clan
ds to lessen as individualism, which seems a necessary precondition to urbanization,
:reases.

As I see it, Saudi society is now at an early stage in the weakening of its familial

 

tem and is poised to enter a new era of family relations. Modernization and
ternization seem to be encouraging individualistic behavior. The younger generation
specially vulnerable to the intrusion of western values and urban norms. Therefore,

othesize that:

32

 

 

 

Howev:
indeed :

t
feelings
societie;
particul;
social a
0f urba
OPPOmIl
many 0|
plausibh

l

acthVcr

them f“
F mm It»

developr

33

H1: There are generational differences in attitudes and behavior toward the
centrality of the family and kin. If so, this would suggest that a general
erosion of familial and kin norms is occurring.

owever, my initial observations indicate that a general erosion of familial behavior, if
deed it is occurring, differs in degree and qualitative character by gender.

Gender differentiation, for example, is likely in terms of family loyalty and
elings of familial obligations. My argument here takes into account that women in Arab
- ieties are less exposed to the outside world and to the forces of modernization; this is
: 'cularly so in rural areas where men have had more opportunities to broaden their
. ial and cultural experiences. It may be that this assumption is less valid in the case
, urban women in Saudi cities. But even in urban centers, women have fewer
iportunities to participate in non-familial activities. In light of this argument, there are
my obstacles that still force women to stick to the traditional familistic system. It is

tusible to hypothesize that:

H2: Females tend to be more familistic and loyal toward familial norms than
are males.

My third line of reasoning is that the increase of an individual’s educational
ievement results in a decrease in loyalty and adherence to familistic norms.

Educated people usually look to familial obligations as hindrances which prevent
n from achieving individual goals. Young rural people are now taught by urban
hers who have been trained in urban schools and who represent urban ideologies.
r textbooks and teachers, students learn that individual achievements and individual

lopment are valued very highly and worthy of societal recognition; the importance

 

 

 

 

Researc

An app:
in orde
meanin;
selected
and per
occurrer

relation

5011135,
resident
females

to omit

Period‘

Prom

   

 

34

f adherence to family norms tends to be de-emphasized. In time, feelings of familial

bligations are weakened. Such arguments suggest that:

H3 The higher educational achievement, the weaker the
adherence to familial norms. .

esearch Procedures
For exploring the research hypotheses and questions, a survey procedure was used.
n appropriate questionnaire was designed to gather the necessary information. However,
order to broaden my understanding of the processes of change and the societal
eanings associated with them, I systematically interviewed "in-depth" a number of
lected subjects. These "case studies," which focused especially upon historical trends
ld personal experiences, enabled me to assess the socioeconomic changes that have

curred in the lives of village people and that have ultimately affected their familial

,ations as well as their way of life.

Village pogulation survey. The total population of Alain was sorted into four
ups, according to gender and age: (a) male residents 45 years and older; (b) female
dents 45 years and older; (c) males between the ages of 15 and 25 years; and (d)
ales between the ages of 15 and 25 years. For my purposes, the decision was made
mit from the survey middle-aged people 26 to 45 years and children under 15 years.

The youth groups (those 15 to 25 years old) were born at the beginning of a
rd when societal changes began to occur very rapidly. The First Development

ram was initiated in 1970.

 

 

 

 

education avail
wanted to use
sampling. I w
those with less 1

ofAlain were r

Househr

 

socioeconomic

and marital statt

were obtained
Case stn

residents. My

 

 

35

Student sample survey. For comparative purposes, students at a nearby high
chool in the city of Muhyail were surveyed. A self-administered questionnaire was given
0 all 12th grade students. There were 31 male and 25 female students present at the time

e research was conducted. It should be noted that 12th grade is the highest level of
ducation available in the entire area. I wanted to test the role of education. And I
anted to use the student sample as an interesting group to compare with the village

pling. I wanted to know if young people with more education were less familistic than
ose with less education or none at all. I also wanted to know whether or not the people

Alain were more or less familistic than those living outside Alain.

Household heads interviews. I wanted to obtain a general picture of the
mioeconomic characteristics of each household, such as income, education, occupation,
d marital status. All household heads were interviewed and a total of 51 questionnaires
:re obtained.

Case studies. A number of in-depth interviews were obtained from some village
idents. My aim was to explore village history and to trace the evolution of familial
aviors and attitudes. Respondents were selected to represent a range of experiences
llain. A total of seven in-depth interview case studies was completed. The following
viduals were included: a male in his late sixties, a male in his late fifties, a female
:r late sixties, a female in her late fifties, and three males in their twenties.

The selection of these case studies was based on the following considerations:

 

 

permission for

interviewed.

3)
experiences wl
occurred.

Also, it should

restrictions mal

Field Problems

 

Him
the village to 1
females, by 30
1.

questionnaire.

hiring the ques

 

 

36

1) The people included were very cooperative, knowledgeable of village
history and capable of communicating and speaking fiankly with me without hesitation
or formality.

2) While gathering the household information I asked many people for
emission for such life history interviews; only those people who agreed were
terviewed.

3) These people represent two generations, and two different sets of life
xperiences which I hoped would give me a clearer picture of the changes that had
curred.
so, it should be noted that I had no access to interviewing young females; cultural

estrictions make this impossible.

ield Problems and Necessm Modifications

"Tradition" problem. I aimed at getting about 120 returned questionnaires from
3 village to represent the four categories of village youth and seniors, males and
nales, by 30 cases each. However, several problems arose:

1. Some of the younger village women refused to participate in answering the
:stionnaire. Only 23 agreed to do so, even though the interviewer was a very lovable
nan in the village. She was a teacher in the school and respected by the villagers.
re of the women felt they should not give their opinions in public, no matter who was

1g the questions.

 

 

 

2. S
deaf, and som

interviewer’s

 

cases out of the

3_ ..
questionnaire f
obtaining perm'
possible to expl
must regard the

"mm
ahome in the v.
for lunch or di
interviewees wr

to lessen these

when the issue

   
    

discontent was

resttonses in o

 

37

2. Some of the senior females in the village were illiterate, mentally ill or

 
  
 

eaf, and some, even though able to comprehend, had difficulty understanding the
r terviewer’s adjustment to the local dialect. Only a total of 28
ases out of the 35 collected were suitable for analysis.

i 3. "Traditional" problems prevented the investigator from distributing the
uestionnaire for self-administration to the young female students in school. Despite
taining permission, both oral and written, to distribute the questionnaires, it was not
ssible to explain the procedures directly to the young female students. At best, we
ust regard the female student sample as an interesting, but not very reliable, comparison.

"Hospitality" problem}, Because my father was a village elder, and I maintained
home in the village, it was difficult to gather data. There were many invitations to stay
Ir lunch or dinner, and it was not polite to refuse these invitations. If refused, the
terviewees would insist, informing me that a meal had already been prepared. In order

lessen these gestures of hospitality, a question dealing with hospitality was dropped;
en the issue of hospitality was brought up, it generated invitations for a meal.

Emotional problems. Because the research deals with familism and the changes

 

t have occurred, some research questions brought emotional responses. A number of
senior females cried during the interview as they told of being lonely and neglected,
how they wished that the social relationships of the past continued to exist today.

re was much discontent expressed about children and relatives. Sometimes, too,

  
   
 

ontent was expressed about spouses, and the investigator had to calm the emotional

onses in order to complete the interview. In most cases, the investigator asked the

 

 

 

a qt
hm
17E
con
hor
unt
Mo
vrll
and
till!
rem
ten
to l
as

que
vol
the
he

 

 

 

 

38

questions of husbands and wives separately.

Curiosig" Problems. One of the more curious senior citizens in the village

volunteered to accompany me wherever I went in the village. He was trying to listen to
the answers of the peOple and compare their answers with those of others. Sometimes
he volunteered to assist the respondents when he felt that the respondent didn’t answer
a question in the appropriate way. It was necessary for me to be direct and frank and tell

him that his presence was not desirable because the research was confidential.

Field Work Situation: A Digy

A variety of methodological approaches and instruments were employed to
combine the qualitative (case-study) and quantitative (survey) aspects of the study.
Even though the study was conducted in a very small village, composed of 51

households, the majority of the houses are nuclear-family residences.

The field work took 12 days to complete and on some days I worked from 7 am.
until after midnight. I arrived at the village and started work on March 8th. The

Mosque, a central gathering place for the villagers was used as a place to address the

 

 

 

illagers collectively. After prayers, I stood up and explained the purpose of my study,
d the need for cooperation. That same night I established a schedule; the village
iivided naturally into five settlements. I visited each settlement consecutively, and
'emained there until the data were collected. I was helped by a cousin as well as other
esidents in making a list of the village people to be included. This enumeration proved
be very helpful as it allowed me to identify all those to be interviewed in each house

well as those who should be excluded according to the age criteria.

 

 

to arm.
set a de

of work

women.
forced
adminis
right w:
1
Many c
questior
cousin .

question

 

39

Since people in the village wake up early, I too was up by 6 am. and beginning
to arrange interviews by 6:30 am. With those who had not previously been at home, I
set a designated time for an interview. Occasionally, I interviewed people at their place
of work if that was convenient for the respondent.

There was difficulty in interviewing some of the women, especially the young
women. I could not speak with them because of local customs and therefore, I was
forced to hire an educated woman to interview them. I explained to her how to
administer the questionnaire. I noted other questions that might be asked of her and the
right way for them to be answered.

My first day of data collection was not entirely successful. I was disappointed.
vIany of the senior citizens, because of my accent, had difficulty understanding the
,uestions. To solve this problem, those who experienced difficulties were invited by my
ousin to meet and the questions were translated into the local dialect. Once the
uestions were understood, the group helped me to phrase the formal Arabic words into
e local dialect. The next day my interviews went better. It was good to have the
alect problem solved. In the evening, I invited all the young men 15 to 25 years old
ing in the first settlement of Pattalh. Questionnaires were distributed to them and they
re asked to fill them out under my administration.

The third day of fieldwork was devoted to senior women in the first settlement.
iS accompanied by a cousin’s wife who introduced me and explained the purpose of
study. We visited each home individually, and all the interviews were successfully

)leted that day.

 

 

 

 

wa
the
I w
aw
eve

ICSI

quc

(Be

the

We}

be

fior

lOt

 

40

The fourth day began with a meeting of more than two hours with the woman who
was hired to interview the village girls. The questionnaire was explained in depth. After
the meeting the respondents in the second settlement of Baeer were interviewed by me.

was becoming more fluent with the local dialect and the village people were becoming
ware of my aims. Interviews with men in the next settlement were completed by early
vening. Later, the young men in that settlement were invited to the home of the
esearcher and the same procedure was followed with the first settlement.

On the fifth day, at 8 am. I met with the woman who was interviewing the young
irls. She was pleased that the girls had no trouble understanding and completing the
uestionnaires. She was given more questionnaires to be used in the second settlement

aeer) and we discussed questions that needed to be clarified.
I then visited houses individually in order to interview women over 45 years in
e second settlement. This was a difficult day for two reasons: (1) two of the women
:re mentally ill and did not understand anything, and (2) five were totally deaf and since
id not know in advance of the interview, I had trouble communicating.

By 10 pm. of the fifth day, all the interviews with women in that settlement had
it successfully completed, with the exception of seven cases that had to be withdrawn
n the study.

On the sixth day I visited the Boys’ High School. Questionnaires were distributed
re 12th grade students.
I returned to the village and completed field interviews in the third settlement (Al-

r). There were only six households. That evening I interviewed all youths in the

 

 

 

settler

intervi

questir
solutit
illitert

refuse

allint
the vi

There

PICVlt

a fun

be dj;

inten

film

1 had

 

 

41

ettlement at my home. Because only a few were literate I had to conduct these
terviews separately.

On day 7, the woman interviewing the young girls returned with completed
uestionnaires and discussed some of the problems that arose and attempted to find
lutions to the problems. One of the most difficult problems was that some of the
literate girls refused to participate. Although my cousin’s wife visited those who had

:fused, she too was not successful in convincing them to participate.
By 11 am. fieldwork was started in the fourth settlement (Domna). By evening
1 interviews with the males were completed with the exception of two who were out of

e village that day. The youths of this settlement were interviewed that evening too.

 

iere were few problems with this group of young men.

On the eighth day I interviewed the two men who had been out of the village the
:vious day. Then I went to the Girls’ High School at Muhyile. The questionnaires and
ormal letter to the principal were given to the guard so that the questionnaires could
distributed to the 12th grade students.

That afternoon I interviewed the women in the fourth settlement.

On the ninth day, I visited households that had been skipped earlier. I completed
views in the fourth settlement. Again, I interviewed the young men at my home.

My remaining days were dedicated to in-depth interviews with selected
mdents as interviewing the respondants from the last settlement (Al-Sahar). After

met with all the village elderly and young residents, I had a general picture of the

 

 

 

 

village people.
useful informat

My in-r
permission tor
showed sensiti‘
they related the
not electronica

home.

Stud Variable
This so
the SOCial Chan

[ht Older gener

norms. These

M
was Consumer
Sim” t0 those
Used by SChWa
modifications V
majm adviser, .

familial “1qu

 

42

village people. I was able to select a set of people who would be able to provide me with
seful information and insights.

My in-depth interviews were conducted in the respondents’ homes. I asked
ermission to record the interview and it was granted in all cases. But if a respondent
howed sensitivity to the tape-recorder, I turned it off, but I listened to the informants as
ey related their stories, opinions, and experiences. In cases where the information was

or electronically recorded, I made notes of the interview soon after getting back to my

OIIIC.

tudy Variables

This study employed a set of dependent and independent variables to explore
re social changes and to delineate the differences between the younger generation and
.e older generation in terms of their attitudes and loyalty to familial obligations and

>rrns. These variables are as follows:

Degr_§e of Familism. To measure the degree of familism, a summarized scale
s constructed with items devised specifically for this purpose. My procedures were

ilar to those of the classic Burgess and Locke approach to familism, the procedure

   
   
  

d by Schwarzweller and Brown, and Heller’s familism scale. Necessary
' rcations were made for the Saudi Arabian context. With the assistance of my
or advisor, I developed a familism scale which we felt tapped a wide range of

ilial values and attitudes in Saudi society. The scale was tested for validity and

 

 

 

reliability, and
were actually I
to 14 items (se

used to constn

Age Di
of family loya

born before th
gTOUpS than is
explored by a
Patterns of coj
and Changes Li
labor, and of 1
answers to git
[height, and s
ObligatiOn Star
Such techniqu
the resPonden
Conserving fa]

%
type of gentle;

“136th that

 

43

reliability, and modifications were made before final administration. Only 17 items
were actually used from the original battery of 30 items and these were later reduced
to 14 items (see Appendix). In Chapter 6, I will discuss in more detail the procedures

used to construct this scale.

Age Differences (Generations). Age probably plays a major role in the degree

pf family loyalty and kin exchange reciprocity. It is expected that those who were

Jorn before the oil boom (1970) are likely to be more oriented toward family and kin

 

Froups than is the new generation (persons born after 1970). This hypothesis was
:xplored by asking a series of questions about the understanding and practice of some
tatterns of collective mutual aid and reciprocity relevant to generational differences
nd changes that occurred. The questionnaire probed visiting patterns, exchange of
abor, and of financial aid. Some questions were designed to provide open-ended
nswers to give respondents more latitude in answering the questions as he/she
rought, and some closed-ended questions to measure the degree of familism
)ligation starting from general to specific and from family as a kin group to family.
JCh techniques were employed to measure the direction of familial attitudes among
e respondents and the differences between generations and their preferences for
rnserving familism as a kin or family obligation.

Gender differences. The gender variable is very important for measuring any

e of gender differentiation in the generational attitudes toward change. It was

ected that females would probably be more conservative than males. Males are

 

 

 

exposed
females
outside '
might b:
toward 1

I
P€0ple v
kin grou
and ultir
Variable,
Well as t

glide stt

Shategies

Percent“

familism
Simple cc

inteITClad

 

44

exposed to more external factors affecting their loyalty toward family obligations than
females are. Females are less exposed to outside effects such as migration, working
outside the village, attending school, and so on. Therefore, we assumed that there

ight be some variations among the males and females in their attitudes and behaviors
oward familism.

Education Differences. This variable is used to determine whether or not

ople who have obtained more education will become less oriented toward the large

' group and become less likely to conform to participating in communal activities
nd ultimately become less familial in their attitudes and behavior. To observe this
'ariable, the same questionnaire and the scale were distributed to the village people as
tell as to those who had obtained the highest level of education in the area, 12th

rade students.

:atistical Analysis

The exploratory nature of this study requires that we use descriptive
'ategies of data analysis. Therefore, in Chapters 4 and 5 we use single frequency
rcentage and crosstabulation.
i In Chapter 7, for the purpose of exploring variations in the degree of
nilism among males and females, young and senior educated and noneducated,

rple correlation, as well as factor analysis, was used to determine the

:rrelationships between the scale items.

 

 

 

hypothe

educatir

 

45

One-way ANOVA and means were used to measure and to test the
hypothesis that there is a variation between respondents based on their age, sex, or

educational achievements in terms of their familial attitudes and adherences.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Alai
This integn

economic a

New
Ala
Ownershjp;
nuclear fan
Son
Considered

occupation,

MW:

Side of the

diVldes the

 

CHAPTER IV

VILLAGE SOCIOECONOMIC ORGANIZATION

Alain, once relatively remote, is no longer isolated from the outside world.
This integration into the larger Saudi society has affected all aSpects of life--social,

economic and ecological.

iettlement Pattern

Alain is composed of five small settlements, based on blood ties and land
rwnership: Al Hatar, Baeer, Domna, Pattalh, and Al Sahar. Households generally are
uclear family units.

Some noteworthy differences between these five small settlements must be
rnsidered. My attention focuses on variations in terms of education levels, work and

cupation, land ownership, incomes, and the available modern technology.
Hatar: The Al Hatar settlement is the oldest in this area. It is located on the east

: of the small hill that carries the same name as the settlement, Al Hatar. The hill

:les the village of Alain into two parts: the east and

46

 

 

 

 

Sure 5.

The Settlement of Al-Hatar

47

 

 

 

the we
was a
this se
only f

or bric

movec'
are he

house]

fannin
is higl
the oil

also q,

Wealth
Pills tr
absent

Village

beard]

 

48

the west. The people living on this hill can view the whole village, and perhaps that
was a reason why the early residents settled in this particular place at first. Currently,
this settlement is occupied by Al Hassan and Al Dhurss who are cousins. There are
only five residences. One of them is a new, modern villa and the other four are stone
or brick houses.

Four of the household heads have lived there since birth, and one family has
noved into a new villa there to be close to relatives upon retirement. All households
rre headed by males, mainly in their 403 and 60s. Small families are typical; median
rousehold size is about three.

Farming is the main job for all household heads. Some of them--in addition to
arming-have part-time jobs in government or private business. The education level
: higher than in the other settlements. Only one of the household heads is illiterate;
re others have had elementary and intermediate schooling. The average income is

so quite good; most earn between 1 and 3 thousand Saudi Riyal per month.

99;: Baeer is a relatively new and growing residential area established by some
althy villagers. It is located to the west of A1 Hatar. There are 16 occupied homes
8 two empty houses built by former villagers now residing outside the village. The
:ntee landlords built their houses so as to have a place to come back to in the
rge in time of crisis or upon retirement.

In general Baeer is considered the shining face of Alain. The buildings are

.iful and many are modern villas. Most of the village’s services are concentrated

 

 

inthis settle
The asphalt
Mon
allof the or
mountainou
Baer
widramed
males. Bur
Abo
school. At
Mo:
govemmen
indicates a
lncr
more than
S'R‘OIIes

machints,

M: I
We grant
Center, ab(

and smiled

 

49

n this settlement: the village schools for boys and girls and also the village mosque.
[he asphalt road, that connects Alain to the main highway, ends in this settlement.

Moreover, people in this settlement can receive two television channels while
111 of the other settlements, except Al Shar, receive only one channel (because of the
nountainous terrain).

Baeer has the largest families ranging from one to fifteen people per house
with a median of four. The majority of households are nuclear families headed by
nales. But there are a few households headed by widows or divorced individuals.

About one-third of the household heads in Baeer completed intermediate
chool. About one-third are completely illiterate.

Most of the residents are farmers and many have a secondary occupation, as a
ovemment employee, trader, or tractor driver. Many farms are irrigated; this
rdicates that Baeer farmers are better off than farmers in the other settlements.

Income is relatively high; two-thirds of the families have monthly incomes of
ore than 3,000 Saudi Riyales compared with the average per capita in Alain of 1,000
R. or less. Also, all homes enjoy the availability of electric power, washing

chines, 'I'V, indoor pumping water, refrigerators, and so on.

m: Domna was established about 50 to 60 years ago by Black slaves after they
: granted their freedom and left their masters’ homes. It is a little off the main
er, about two miles northwest. Recently some non-Blacks purchased nearby land

:ettled here. There are about 17 households. Family size ranges between one and

 

[061

SCI!

C01}

 

tea

emj

isr

ma.

 

est

CO]

 

 

 

50

nine. The majority of household heads are males with most being married and living
with their spouse. There is a high percentage of divorced and widowed persons.
Also, the family structure is more likely composed of branch families, such as
teenaged brothers and divorced sisters. which we did not find in the former

settlements. For example, some of the households heads have sisters living with them.

Domna has a high percentage of illiterates. Even though farm ownership is not
common, many of the residents claim that they are farmers, but actually, they are not
really farmers, but farm laborers. Because they are landless, most households seek
employment in a variety of different jobs. The percentage of governmental employees
is relatively high. But, the average income in this settlement is not very high; the
majority earn less than 1,000 Saudi Riyals a month.

This lower income level can be explained by the high percentage of senior
people between the ages of 40 and 60, and a few who are older than 60. Being retired

they have no jobs.

Pattalh: The Pattalh settlement is a very picturesque part of the village because

 

all the houses are surrounded with farms and green trees (see Figure 4.2). It was
established by the Al Guallah about 15 or 20 years ago. However, even though the
area is beautiful, only a few people wish to settle here because of the dirt road

connecting it With the other quarters. During the rains, this settlement is often totally

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

51

 

igure 6. Site of the Settlement of Pattalh

 

 

isolated fr
bothered s
monkeys r
children a
prey upon

Ti
and 12 pe
their spec
governme

Al
btheen r
land. Th
Washing 1

hOUSeholr

side of A
is an em

A
Settlemen

of houses

occupatlc

 

52

olated from the rest of Alain for one or two days. Moreover, the residents are
othered with daily attacks by monkeys who live in the mountains nearby. The
onkeys come down from the hill every morning to eat the crops and even to attack
ildren and small livestock. Sometimes dangerous wild animals, such as wolves,
ey upon farm animals during the night.
Thus, there are only eight homes in the area. . Family size ranges between one
d 12 people. Most household heads are male, and most are married and living with
ir spouses. All work as farmers, but two-thirds have a secondary occupation as
vemment employee, trader, or Imam of the local mosque.
About half of the household heads are illiterate; about three-fourths are
tween 40 and 60 years of age. Most earn less than SR 1,000 a month; most own
1d. The houses tend to be built of stone. About 50% of the houses have no

shing machines or TV, a third have indoor plumbing water, and the majority of

iseholds own a car.

Sahar: Al Sahar is a small settlement of only five houses located on the west

 

: of Alain near the hill of Behlah. It is some distance from the main village, but it
extension of the Baeer settlement. Many farms join the two settlements.
A1 Sahar has experienced a profound exodus of its population to different
ements, particularly to Baeer. It has become much smaller in terms of the number
uses located in this settlement. Average household size is four. The main

pation of the residents is farming. The majority have a low monthly income of

 

 

 

 

less t'
reside

farnil

fami
(SiSlt

male

peor
pCI‘S

com

hou
lear

WC

_ 7 -.7 'g _ as.¢-~_fi.’1-‘.'€i‘---‘" ‘

53

33 than SR1,000 per month, and education is not so common among the Al Sahar
sidents. Most of the residents are illiterate. The majority own land for farming; one

mily has more than six pieces of land.

mily Structure

[mily Size: Households in Alain are organized as nuclear family units; an extended

mily structure is no longer common. There are only two or three exceptions to this

 

sters or uncles living with a family). In a few cases there are homes with one person,
' e or female, living alone. Usually these are older persons who were left behind after
emigration of their sons or daughters. The average household size in the village is four
ople. About 11 cases of the total 51 cases in the village households have only one
rson. However, we find some households are composed of 12 to 15 people
ncentrated mostly in the Baeer settlement.

The average number of children living in the household is two sons and one
ighter. Such findings can be explained by the fact that sons stay longer in the parents’
lse after the age of adulthood than daughters do, even though the majority of the sons

e their parents’ homes at an early age seeking jobs outside the village. Accordingly,
find that about 72.5% of the households indicate that they do not have any sons in the
o 40 age group living with them in the household. The Domna settlement has the
est proportion of total sons living in the village (33.3%). Daughters, on the other

, are less apt to be living at home, and the majority (52.9%) have no daughters at all

g with them. The remainder has daughters less than 16 years of age which can be

 

 

 

athibu
betwet

01' lllOI

extent
son wI
migrai
childn
the (ll:
indies

them

familj

have

M
house

lama]

reside
in tht

some

 

 

54

attributed to the custom of early marriage in the village. Girls usually get manied
between 13 and 15 years of age, while the boys usually wait until they reach their 208
or more which gives them more opportunity to stay longer in the parent’s house.

Migration is another factor that is associated with the disintegration of the
extended family structure in the village. Of the total households, 47.1% have at least one
son who has migrated from the village and about 22% have at least one daughter who has .
migrated Fathers and mothers usually stay in the village waiting for a visit from their
children who indicated that they usually visit weekly, monthly, or yearly, depending on
the distance between the city where the son or daughter lives and the village, but no one
indicated that their sons or daughters were absent more than one year without visiting
them regardless of distance involved in traveling home.

My findings show that the family structure in Alain tends to be a small nuclear
family. The relationships between family members is still very strong and children still

have a strong loyalty toward the village and their people.

Household Headship: Most heads of households are males (74.5%). Female heads of
household are those who had been widowed or divorced; they are generally elderly
females living alone (see Table 4).

There are 113 male residents in the village and 83 female residents. Most male
esidents live alone after the death of their spouse or after a divorce. They usually stay
n the village. Females, on the other hand, after the death of a spouse or a divorce

ometimes marry outside the village and move away.

 

 

 

 

Lama
(64.7%
divorc

the de

illiter:

get In

in tht
Acco:
he. bl
8min

YOUIh

 

55
Marital Status: In Alain, married residents who live with their spouses are in the majority
(64.7%). Divorce is not common; only a small proportion of residents (13.7%) are
divorced. Widows are more common-J found about eleven widows who lived alone after
the death of their spouse out of fifty-one total households.

Among the youth, men tend to remain single longer than women in Alain. Women
marry much earlier than men. Fathers in Alain try to marry their daughters off. as soon
as they reach adulthood because they are afraid of gossip. Girls might get involved in
some relationships with males prior to marriage, and this would be bad. So fathers try to
avoid this possibility by forcing daughters to get married at an early age such as at 14 or
15 years.

Another reason for early marriage is that the women of Alain are illiterate or semi-
illiterate, and their chances of getting a job are nonexistent. Since their only goal is to
get married and raise a family, they usually want to get married at an early age.

‘ Males also do not have much opportunity to obtain an education if they remain
hr the village. But they can travel outside the village seeking jobs or education.
1 ccordingly, some of them get married at a later age, similar to the pattern of city youths,
e. between 20 and 25 years of age. But if female villagers reach the age of 20 without
etting married, their chances of getting married become less and less. Further, male
ouths usually prefer younger wives. This is the nightmare of Saudi women; women who
e 25 to 30 years old feel that maybe no one will be interested in marrying them except

(1 men or a man who has more than one wife.

 

Ht

exceptior

Age: In
years or
This pat!
only the

the ages

Came SO
informer
Person,

l
We find

illiterau

residen‘
f01111611

school,

 

 

56.

However, in Alain, most married men have only one wife. There are only two

:eptions.

g: In terms of age, 64.7% of household heads are between 40 and 60. 23.5% are 60
11's or more, and only a small pr0portion (11.8%) are between 20 and 40 years of age.
is pattern suggests that most of the village youth have migrated from the village and
y the elderly stay. For example, 72.5% of the villagers do not have any sons above

ages of 20 to 40 living with them in the household.

rcation: In the southwest region, as in all Saudi Arabian regions, formal education is

 

ew phenomenon going back only about 40 years. In rural areas, however, education
re somewhat later and only started about 15 years ago. Education was confined to the
srmal education circles as in the village mosque where the Motaw, the most educated
son, usually taught the children Quran, math, and simple Arabic writing.

In a village like Alain, formal education did not exist until the late 70s. Therefore,
find that about 45.1% of the village males and 60.8% of the females are totally
rate (Table 4.1).

It appears that all the five settlement areas have a high proportion of illiterate
ents whether male or female. As Table 4.1 shows, the majority of those who had
ral education are concentrated in elementary education while the intermediate, high

01, and BA. holders only represent a small number of the residents whether among

 

 

 

male

with

beca

ont"

educ

educ

lnA

Stall

educ

C0111

not :

 

W011

read

they

 

 

,_-r__..

57
males or females. This reflects the fact that Alain is typical of the Third World villages

with a high percentage of noneducated population.

However, male education is at a somewhat better level than that of females
because males have more opportunities to seek education outside their villages. Females,
on the other hand, have fewer opportunities to obtain a formal education, but also the
education of women has faced strong objections by rural conservatives who consider the
education of women to be a shame and the first step toward the westemization of women.
In Alain the boys’ school was established 11 years before the girls’ school (which was
started just about four years ago).

In spite of this, 33.3% of the females in the village have had an elementary
education. Intermediate, high school, or B.A. holders among the village girls are less
common--only 1.2%. People in the village still believe that the education of women is
not important and the only place for a woman is in her husband’s home. Accordingly,
vomen should not have more than an elementary school education which allows her to

ead the Quran and learn simple math.

lccupation and Division of Labor
Agriculture is the main occupation. In the village generally the majority of men
)rk as farmers, with a few exceptions who consider farming to be a part-time job in
iition to their job as a government employee, mosque Imam, or tractor driver.
The Black people, on the other hand, have no farms, and because they are landless

/ hold different kinds of jobs. In the past they have worked as drum beaters at the

Tabl

Crltl

nTn

Rea
lnte

58

 

 

 

 

 

 

1e 4.1 Socioeconomic Characteristics of Household Heads in Five Settlements of
Alain*
(number of households)*
Settlements Alain
teria Pattalh Baeer Al-Hatar Doma Al-Saher Total
N %

ucation
aerate 4 5 1 9 3 22 43.1
1d & Write 1 2 0 2 1 6 11.8
:rrnediate 1 3 2 3 0 9 17.6
;h School 2 6 2 3 1 14 27.5
a1 8 16 5 17 5 51 100
‘ome

000 SR 5 10 2 9 3 29 56.9
000 SR 1 5 2 4 1 13 25.5
000 SR 0 1 1 3 0 5 9.8
30 + _2_ _Q Q 1_ l _4 -7_-8
al 8 16 5 17 5 51 100
rital Status

ried 5 1 1 5 8 4 33 64.7
.owed 2 4 0 5 0 1 1 21.6
)rced l .1 _Q .4— l .1 LE.
1 8 16 5 l7 5 51 100
D O 1 2 0 5 1 1.8
) 6 12 3 10 2 33 64.7
161' _2_ _3 Q .4_. i ll 23—5

8 16 5 17 5 51 100

pation

:r 8 13 2 8 4 35 6 8 .
nment 0 3 2 7 1 13 25 .5

: _Q _Q l _2_ Q _3 fl

8 16 5 17 5 51 100

 

les 11 female household heads

 

 

har

cha

acq

one

[1111

for

hon

thei
dun

tot

the
Spec
men

the

 

59

:asions of marriage or circumcision. Also, they work as hired laborers to cut trees or
rvest the farms in addition to their work as bedmakers. They usually make beds and
airs from wood and palm trees to sell. Some work as cultivation toolmakers and do
acksmith jobs. These days some of them still do the same jobs, but the majority
quired an education and have become involved in governmental appointments.

In terms of gender and occupation, women are all considered housewives. Not
re works at a paid job, except for the women who work in the girls’ school. The
imber of women farmers has declined and only a few of them still practice farming.

The division of labor in terms of gender is obvious. Women are responsible for
the housework such as bringing water from the wells or streams and grinding the grain
rpreparing dough, doing all the cooking, bringing the wood for the fire, cleaning the
use, and washing the dishes and clothes.

In farming, women usually are responsible for planting the seed. They follow
ir husbands or relatives planting and sowing the seeds using special tools. Also,
'ng harvesting, women usually are responsible for cutting the stalks and carrying them
re threshing place.

Men, on the other hand, do all the other farming jobs, such as cultivation, cutting
top, and so on, and they are not responsible for any jobs inside the house except for
11 occasions. When there are guests, such as at marriages, circumcisions, and so on,
isually do most of the jobs that are regularly done by women. They bring wood for

3. prepare food and slaughter animals, prepare coffee and tea and so on. During

 

 

 

spe

1'61

US

60

:pecial occasions, women are only responsible for grinding the grain to make dough and
hey prepare coffee and tea for the women in the women’s section.

The children in the village are responsible for taking care of the livestock. They
take them to pasture near the village. Usually the small children are responsible for the
small animals, and the older children are responsible for the big animals. Girls are
mostly responsible for the sheep, while boys take care of the goats. It seems that the
reasons for such division of labor goes back to the nature of animal behavior. Sheep are
usually quiet, and they don’t need too much care in contrast to the goats which tend to
be more active and require much care. Also, the children sometimes help their mothers
'er bringing wood for the fire or bringing water from the wells or stream for drinking.

Children, too, are responsible for protecting crops from birds and animals. They
rsually stay on the fields from sun up to sun down to prevent monkeys, deer, and other
mimals from eating the crops. Men usually take charge of that job during the night.
Iowadays farming is still the main occupation of the villagers. About 68.6% of village
:sidents work as farmers (Table 4.1). However, many new nonfarming jobs have
:come common among the villagers. Of the village population, 41.2% have extra jobs

addition to their jobs as government employee, trade, tractor driver, and mosquse
tam. As a matter of fact, all of these extra jobs in addition to farming are considered
be new occupations in the village in particular and the area in general as a result of the
Inomic development and modernization that has been taking place.
For example, Imam at the local mosque is considered a very new occupation in

Kingdom. It has been only during the last decade that this job has been a voluntary

 

 

positio
person
occupa
and a]

cultiva

mosqu
in a n:

80ch I

disuib
betwei

Saudi

60%, l

highes

 

61

)sition (without any expectation of payment) and held by the most qualified religious
:rson available. The other jobs, such as tractor driver, or trader, are also considered new
:cupations. Only a few years ago no tractors were available in the area or in the village
(1 all the villagers practiced farming in the traditional ways of using oxen for
ltivation.

Teaching also was not available in as systematic a fashion as it is now. The
>sque Imam was the most educated person who took charge of the job without pay and
a nonformal way. The only available job for the public was farming in addition to

me simple handicraft jobs which were exclusively carried out by the Black residents.

gag: The village population has a very low average household income that is equal
or less than 1,000 Saudi Riyals (equivalent to about US $267 per month in 1990).
out 56.9% of the households can be found in this category. The other half is
'buted as follows: 25.5% have between 1,000 and 2,000 Saudi Riyals a month, 9.8%
een 2,000 to 3,000, and only about 7.8% of the village people have more than 3,000
' Riyale per month.
The settlements of Pattalh and Al Sahar have the lowest income levels, 62.5% and
, respectively, with less than 1,000 S.R. ($267). Those two settlements also have the

est percentage of the category of those who have more than 3,000 S.R. ($900).

 

 

 

 

m
Al:
composed
accumulal
rainfall, a
rainfall. .
it is calla
usually h
Sudan g;
R

Slalted it

Some of

who ch.
Chtinge.
mgatec
Vital an.

delend
It is lit

Plow (

 

62
rd Ownership and Agg'cultural System

Alain is an agricultural village. Farming is the main occupation. The farms are
rposed of small fields separated from one another in order to allow each field to
umulate water in times of rain (see Figure 4.3). Most of the farms depend totally on
fall, and people usually make their cropping schedule to conform with the time of
fall. As a matter of fact, Alain is in a region that is considered very vital for farming;
called the "Kingdom’s food basket." Even though water is never adequate, crops are
ally harvested three times before they are taken off to cultivate a new crop. Corn and
an grass are the major crops in the village besides vegetables.

Recently some people in the village have dug wells for irrigation, and they have
ted to grow crops, such as vegetables and fruits which are new crops in the village.
1e of the farms are irrigated by streams.

Noticeably, some of the old, traditional villagers started to make jokes of those
. changed their main production and they usually attribute any problems to that
rge. Some of the old farmers laughed at me and pointed to one of the farms that was
ated by a well and planted with vegetables. They said that the soil had become less
and more salty and that it was a punishment of God because changes had been made
e system of the village.

In terms of cultivation, however, all the farmers in the village have become more
ndent on new technology and equipment, such as tractors, plowing machines, etc.
hard to find traditional equipment which usually consisted of two oxen pulling a

or two oxen pulling a piece of flat wood to break up the ground for planting.

 

 

 

usi

of

of

862

 

63

{owever, harvesting season is still the only time when villagers depend totally on the
'aditional way, by hand.
Some farmers use modern technology in farming and planting. They have started

sing consultants and go for advice to the agricultural extension office nearby in cases

 

'" crop disease. But most villagers do not pay any attention to the new ways.

No large-scale farming exists in the village and all farmers own only small pieces
property. Cooperative farming is not popular in the village, except during the dry
sons when people divide the land close to the stream and become involved in some
.rd of cooperative farming. When the rain falls the people leave these temporary farms
d go back to their original farming. In the past, livestock was not considered part of

: farm and a few people have only a small number of goats and sheep which go for
e or meat.

Recently the number of people who raise goats and sheep has been rising. On the
er hand, cows and cattle were most common, but now are almost gone, and it is
icult to find a cow in the village, except for a small number which are used for

'ng. In the Black settlement, people raise chickens for sale and they have a small
ber of goats, sheep, or cows for sale.

In terms of land possession, 9.8% of the households have between one and three
es of land. Around 21.6% have between three and six pieces of land, and the

'ning 23.5% of the village households that own land have more than six pieces of

 

 

Figur

 

igure 7. Farming structure in the village '

 

I3.>

Oil

SUI

Us:

 

65

   

evailabilit of Modern Technolo-

Although the total income of the village household appears very low, which
xplains the poverty of the majority of the village people, we can argue that the standard
f living for the majority of residents is better than in other rural communities of the
hird World. That can be explained by the availability of most modern home appliances
hich have become very important in people’s daily life. They have become totally
* pendent in their lives on such technology as washing machines, stoves, cars, televisions,
c.

We would also argue that the availability of these appliances has affected the
mily relationships both directly and indirectly. People are becoming more and more
pendent on machines to meet their daily needs than on each other, as was once true.
thers, mothers, and children are becoming unaware of many things that they used to
in the past. Public electricity, for example, is one of the most important things that
I is not available in the village. The village of Alain is one of those remote villages
t still depends totally on individual electric generator motors.

In the village’s five settlements, we find there are some residents who still depend
he traditional way of using kerosene lamps for lighting. If we take into account that
area is very hot and dry in the summer season, we can imagine how much people
er without electricity.

Washing machines also have become common. People in the southwest region

l to wash their clothes in a nearby stream or small lake. Men and women usually

 

 

 

 

neigh

woult
They
Now,

Oil! 0

two I
and l
or Eg
watcl

In to:

have
and s

have

 

 

66

arried their clothes and went there to wash them by hand, using some kind of tree leaves
s soap. Later they used a big trough into which they put the clothes and in which they
ashed them with their hands using real soap when it was available. Nowadays,
articularly the last two or three years, as the general electric motor became available,
any people in the village bought washing machines. Now about 66% of the village
pulation have washing machines.
However, the availability of washing machines in most households has affected
ighborhood relationships in an indirect wa'y. Before these machines men and women
ould usually gather together at the nearest stream to chat as they washed their clothes.
ey would enjoy working together washing their clothes and this was a social event.
ow, everyone does his/her own laundry in the privacy of their own home and they miss
it on the opportunity to gather together for such a purpose.
Television also became available in the villages of Saudi Arabia. However, only
0 public television channels are received in the southwest region where the Western
:1 Eastern regions watch more channels due to their close proximity to the Gulf States
Egypt. In Alain some settlements watch the two channels while others are not able to
tch television at all due to the effect of the mountainous terrain on television reception.
total, about 66.7% of the village residents have television in their houses.
Another reason for the absence of television in some houses is that some people
'6 no electricity (often older people). Television cannot be operated without electricity,
some households do not have rechargeable batteries. Some residents do not want to

e television, even though they have electricity and the ability to purchase one because

 

 

 

 
 

 

67

they believe that it is forbidden due to religious beliefs. Television shows bad pictures and
so some avoid bringing it into their homes.

The availability of a television in each household or at least in the majority of
households, has had a great impact on family relationships and on familial relationships
in the larger context. People in the village used to gather together each night to chat,
visit and to exchange information. When television came to the village, each family
became more individualistic and more desirous of staying at home to watch television
rather than to visit with neighbors. Even within the family itself, people have become less
and less interested in talking to or exchanging information with each other. They all
gather to watch and listen to television without any comments.

Many of the village youth have been caught up in the charisma of some of the
1 television actors or villains which in one way or another causes some problems within the
family. It can lead to divorce or a young person running away or children being
disobedient to their parents, or lacking respect for older people. All of these are
considered new things for village life and most residents believe that television is the
direct cause of such changes.

Life has become easier for women in the village who used to be responsible for
aroviding the house with needed daily water. They usually had to wake up very early in
he morning, before the sun had risen, to go to the nearest well or stream to fill up their
garbah," usually were made of goat skins and then carry the water back home on their
racks in order to provide the family with the necessary water for washing and drinking.

.ater people developed a way to bring water from the water tank right up to the village

 

 

 

that most 0

that the ma
the water 0
W01
- majority in
stoves are i
gas. Notiu
night for th
of this kind
many peopl
villages.
Refr
several diffi
things cool
of the wall
Another we
hit jar and l

and especial

 

 

 

p11 water by filling small tanks provided at home to put water in. Nowadays, some

h still use this method to obtain the daily supply of water. Some have even built
rte water storage and extended the water pipes to their houses. However, it appears
ost of the village houses still suffer from the lack of plumbing water and we noted
6 majority (86.3%) depend on their own water storage and the other 13.7% pull
,ter out with their own hands.

Women also are no longer responsible for bringing wood for cooking since the
y in the village have bought a new modern stoves for cooking purposes. The
are very small, used only for heating and they do not have an oven. They burn
'oticeably, some residents are still scared to use those stoves. They are afraid at
)r themselves and their children. The older residents will advise against the use
kind of stove, and they usually exaggerate the telling of various stories of how

eople have been burned or are dead due to the wrong use of the stove in nearby

Refrigerators have helped women also to keep things fresh. In the past, there were
different methods in the village as well as in the rest of Saudi Arabia for keeping
301 and fresh. For example, people used to put things that should be cold on top
all exposing it to air currents and after a while it becomes somewhat cold.
way, and especially for drinking water purposes, they would put water inside a
hd leave it for several hours until it became nice drinkable cold water. Recently,

Cially when electricity became available in the village, we find that the majority

%__

 

 

of village

that house
the one ht
not to app
to be veils
Al
considerir
Al
for rent.
ride and
individual

people do

W
impressio
or individ

that there

 

 

69

village people shifted to depending totally on the refrigerator (80.4%). However, even

 

se who do not have a refrigerator in their homes usually share one with their neighbor.

Owning a car in the village is very prestigious and a privilege too. The villagers
ally look to the car as a very important indication of wealth, and many insist on
ing a car even though their income is very low. They borrow money. Another reason
households need their own car is the lack of public transportation in the village, on
one hand, and the norm of privacy which is required of each family to be alone and
to appear in front of the others or to share their car due to the need for the women
re veiled.

About 62.5% of the households own cars. This percentage is very high
sidering the low income. The family car is a very important possession.

Also I should mention that a car in the village is not only for private use, but also
ent. Pe0ple who do not have a car usually go to those who have one and ask for a

and offer to pay. Some people in the village have become very greedy and

  
  
 
  
   
  
  

idualistic and will not give rides to anyone who will not pay. Many of the older

1e do not approve of this behavior.

We can argue that the types of housing in any society would give the first
ssion of the culture of the society: conservative, liberal, close, open, familistically
'vidualistically oriented, etc. In the southwestern region of the Kingdom, we notice

ere are three types of housing: stone houses, brick houses, and villas. We shall

 

 

 

of stone.

from the
stones V
relative];
to three-
small wi
or for pt
village, :
place in
war and
called a
the pets
houses a
are abou
middle c
the two

The best

 

 

 

70

:fly explain each pattern and explore how housing structures can play a big role in

rily relations and cultural change.

ne Houses (Traditional): In the village of Alain about 23.5% of the houses are built
tone. Most of these are concentrated in the Pattalh settlement. PeOple brought stones
rr the nearest mountains and cut the stones to take special shapes, and mixed the
.es with smaller stones called Lakaf. The walls of this kind of architecture are
ively wide, between half a meter to one meter in width. The height is between three
rree-and—a-half meters. Since no wide windows are available for this type of house,
[1 windows are used which allows air to enter while they do not allow for views out
)r people to see into the house. This kind of architecture has been adapted in the
ge, as in other villages in the southwest, as a result of the tribal wars that were taking
3 in the area. Accordingly, pe0ple built their houses to be more secure in times of
and to give the person inside the opportunity to see through the small hole which is
a "Gatra" without allowing the person outside to see the person inside. This gives
rson inside the opportunity to surprise the person outside. However, these types of
s are considered to be a little bit large and wide. In terms of room’s width, they
out 6 to 10 meters in width. Accordingly, people put a pillar of strong wood in the
e of the house called a damad. This pillar holds another strong beam which lies on
o walls of the house to hold the other Small pieces of wood that lie on both sides.

est way to describe such a construction is as a vertebral column. These old stone

 

 

 

houses ht
aprivate

l“;
crowding
people tr
economy
Wall that
resemble
houses. l
gather in
daY- Suc
let them:
about ea:
One fami]
m
rePresent

inlheDo

Structure,

we“? leSs

 

71

ouses have neither bathroom nor kitchen. Accordingly, the villagers go outside to seek
private place.

The other obvious characteristic of the old traditional style settlement is the
owding of the stone houses together. All neighborhoods are in a small area that allows
ople to share the walls of each other’s houses for protection, brotherhood, and
onomy. Therefore, in old settlements we find that two or three houses have at least one

all that is shared. Also, most houses Open on one area called Darb--or Haush--which
semble a back yard in Western houses. However, they are in the front of these Alain
uses. Pe0ple usually share the same darb. All the neighbors who share the open space
.ther in the afternoon or evening to enjoy chatting about activities and events during the
y. Such a house has played a major role in keeping people together and has helped to
them feel that they are united in one family and that they care for each other, worry
out each other, and know everything about each other. Accordingly, they all feel like

3 family living in one house.

Q Houses (N ew): The second type of house in the village is the brick house which
resents the majority (54.9%) of the village houses nowadays. Most are concentrated

he Domna settlement. The brick houses are considered relatively new in the village.

About ten years ago, many rural villagers began adopting this new housing
:ture, and then began to leave their stone houses in preference for brick houses which

3 less expensive and easier to build. This type of house is now found throughout the

 

 

 

 

 

ure 8. Stone houses and brick houses

 

southwe:
availabil
the same
in contra
ll
rooms or
rooms u
the emer
began to
Conserp
more fre
of brick
chaltges.
1
Village.
Were all
Which h;
This kjn
asareSt
a Paralle

l

iIltheyi]

 

73

southwestern region and many other rural areas in the Kingdom because of the
availability of foreign laborers who are experts in laying bricks. The brick houses take
the same shape as stone houses, except that the brick houses have large, wide windows
in contrast with the old stone houses which had no windows.

Many villagers started building this type of house by first adding one or two
rooms constructed of brick beside their old stone house. Year by year they add on new
ooms until the entire house is completely changed to what they call a baytshabi. With

e emergence of this new housing style, a new housing strategy began to appear. People
egan to build walls to separate the houses, and a new era of familial privacy was begun.
,onsequently, each household began to build a surrounding wall to give the residents
more freedom and privacy inside. This new strategy is associated with the introduction
f brick construction, but there are many other factors that probably contribute to such
hanges.

The new brick houses also have a main outside door which is a new style in the
llage. The traditional stone houses have no wall, fences, or outside main doors. They
are all open to welcome anyone, anytime. In contrast, to enter the new brick houses
rich have walls and doors, people have to knock on the doors and ask for permission.
is kind of housing segregation and separation started about ten years ago and perhaps
r result, people have become more conservative and individualistic (certainly there is
wild).

The new brick houses also contain an indoor bathroom which is a new amenity

e village. The old stone houses had no conveniences like this. Also, a separate room

 

 

 

 

for a l
the mi
only f

availal

wealth!

they as

One of

are occ-

 

 

74

r kitchen has now been added to most houses; the old houses had only a fireplace in
middle or corner of the house which was used for cooking purposes. Wood is the
' fuel that had been available and the peeple had only a few utensils and dishes
[able for cooking.

The heavy wood that was once used for roofing has been replaced by small light
d that is imported. The pe0ple prefer these new types of roofing for two reasons:
recause they are less expensive and (2) they are easier to obtain and to carry.

In short, the introduction of brick housing in Alain has been accompanied by many

ficant social and cultural changes.

s: The third type of housing is the villa which is a well-known housing style
'ge cities in the Kingdom and throughout the Middle East. However, the Saudi villa
: add a surrounding yard built of cement with a height of about two to two-and-a—
reters to give the family some additional privacy.

The villa style was adopted as a new housing fashion in mid-1983 by some
,y people who migrated from the village. They built these houses to stay in while
e visiting relatives in the village. Most of the villas are not presently occupied and
them (the largest one) is being used as a girls’ school. Only a few of the villas

upied by residents.

 

 

 

75

 

H6 9. New villas in the village

 

Pe

de]

Wit

WC

mit

 

 

76

I believe that the villa type of housing represents the extreme attitude of families
e more and more conservative and individualistically oriented. The villa gives a great
l of privacy which was not available either in stone or brick houses. Pe0ple in the
rge now tend to build their new villas in very remote and quiet areas, regardless of
availability of building sites in more settled areas. They prefer to be away from

ple as much as possible and enjoy more privacy.

.cluding Notes

Alain’s socioeconomic organization is now emerging from an era of traditionalism
familial interdependence and entering an era of urbanization and greater self-reliance.
)le now are more sophisticated and more dependent on themselves and their
ediate families rather than on the larger collectivity. Despite the fact that they still
nd on farming for much of their livelihood, they no longer practice the traditional
of farming, which demanded mutual aid and cooperation among families. Machines
firired labor now perform most of the work.

As the people became more comfortable with living away from each other and
inclined to seek their own privacy, the youth of the village were more likely to
rte from the village to find jobs or to seek better education.

Urban factors, it seems, have forced'people to be more focused on the nuclear
V rather than on the larger kin group. This social transformation from a collective,
ive society to a more urban, individualistic society, and the associated patterns of

behavior are the subject in the next chapter.

 

 

 

 

social .
discuss
with th

the sys

 

CHAPTER V

CHANGING NORMS

As suggested in the preceding chapter, Alain has experienced some profound
a1 and economic impacts of urbanization and modernization. In this chapter, I will
uss several aspects of changing village norms, morals, and customs that are associated
r these impacts. I will focus especially on norms of visiting, sympathy and courtesy,
system of mutual aid help, exchange of labor obligations, sharing of production and

s, and other familial reciprocities.

ting Exchanges
In the past, the pe0ple of Alain lived together in very close neighborhoods. Their
as were often attached to each other. Neighbors shared a common living space and
each other daily. They never felt that formal or arranged visits were necessary.
felt that they and their kinfolk lived in one large house with many rooms, each

housing a family.

Recently, however, people began to live separately away from each other. Even
r the immediate family, each adult child wants to live in his/her own house. Seeing
mother is more difficult and not a normal result of everyday living. Greater

ity is necessary if one wants to interact with kinfolk.

77

 

 

 

quarrei
they h:
the ho
and hi
another
believe
family
01’ older
men has
a better
Visits is
on the f
exchang
homes 11
HOWCVej
to 80me

carelessn

 

78

In an open discussion with men and women in the village, I learned that women
laim they are still very united and concerned for each other, moreso than the men. They
ttribute this to the daily conflicts and quarrels about such things as land and farming
uarrels which are experienced by the men. The village women are not quite as busy as
ey had been in the past as they no longer have to haul firewood or drinking water to
e house. The women are now able to use modern technology for daily household tasks,
nd this gives them more time to exchange visits and spend their leisure time with one
mother. Therefore, I found that about 75 percent of older females in the village still
elieve strongly in the necessity and obligations of exchange visiting. However, when a
mily visits another family, the return visit appears more obligated. Ninety-six percent
'older females believe that returning a visit is obligatory. On the other hand the village
en have become busier with their farm work and the extra jobs they acquire to provide
setter standard of living for their families. Accordingly, their free time for exchanging
tits is limited. Some of the men say that they have daily contact with the other men
the farms, at their jobs, and at the mosque. Through these contacts, they talk and
:hange information with one another, so they do not have to visit each other in their
nes unless there is a special occasion that forces them to attend and visit one another.

ever, most respondents believe the exchange visits among people are decreasing due
ome obstacles raised by several factors: women’s veils, new wealth, general

lessness, business pressures, and quarrels over land (see Table 5.3).

 

 

 

Tabl

is.
Age
Stat

15-2

452

Fen.
15-2

Fen
45 t
Stut

Fen
Stut

 

 

79

 

 

 

 

irble 5.1 Attitudes toward visiting obligations, by age/gender status
:nder/ obligated obligated obligated not obli- don’t
;e to all only to only for gated. only know
rtus relatives special desirable
occasions Total

% % % % % N %
rle 61.0 26.0 6.5 6.5 0.0 .(31) 100
.25
1e 63.9 33.3 2.8 0.0 0.0 (36) 100
and over
male 65.2 26.1 0.0 4.3 4.4 (23) 100
25
rale 75.0 21.4 3.0 0.0 3.6 (28) 100
and over
c 64.5 16.2 12.9 6.4 0.0 (31) 100
lent
.ale 76.0 16.0 4.0 4.0 4.0 (25) 100

lent

 

'__

 

 

Table 1

Gender

 

 

80
able 5.2 Attitude toward obligatory return visiting, by gender/age status
ender/ obligated obligated only obligated only not obli- don’t
.ge to all to relatives for special gated, but know
rams occasion desirable N %
Iale 38.7 64.0 48.4 12.9 0.0 (31) 100
5-25
dale
5 and over 47.2 2.8 50.0 0.0 0.0 (36) 100
’emale
5-25 60.9 0.0 21.7 17.4 4.3 (23) 100
'emale
5 and over 96.4 0.0 0.0 3.6 0.0 (28) 100
tIale
tudent 67.7 12.9 3.2 12.9 0.0 (31) 100
'emale

 

 

tudent 80.0 16.0 4.0 0.0 0.0 (25) 100

'_

A‘
other. Un
wore long
and wont
manner. 7
According
While thei
region, be
the teachii
Wrong ofj

Per
fIom seeir
homes;v15

Till
Telallnghj
cousins w
NOWadaYS‘
frotn man,
from the s

C0“Sidered

 

 

81

A woman’s veil is one of the principal factors that keeps people from visiting each
:r. Until ten years ago, women’s faces in the southwest region were uncovered. They
e long dresses and went outside to participate in work with men in the fields. Men
. women met each other regularly and exchanged greetings and talked in a direct
rrner. About ten years ago, a stricter interpretation of Islamic religion grew in the area.
:ording to Islamic beliefs, women should not meet or talk with men in a direct manner
ile their faces are uncovered. Pe0ple in the village, as well as all over the southern
ion, became more aware of such religious prohibitions through the local schools and
teachings of "uulama" who visited the area and explained to residents the right and
mg of Islamic principles.

People in Alain began to build high walls around their homes to prevent anyone
It seeing women inside their homes. They also began putting outside doors on their
res; visitors have to knock and this gives women more time to cover their faces.

These new restrictions accorded a deep and profound change in people’s
ionships. In the past, all male cousins were allowed to sit and talk with their female
ins while the women’s faces were uncovered. They were considered brothers.
adays, women don’t meet their cousins or talk with them unless they are prohibited
marrying them. (In Islamic religion, a man and woman who have been breast-fed
the same woman who is not their mother or just a mother of one of them are

iered brother and sister and are therefore prohibited from marrying one another.)

 

 

.1

Table 53

Gender/as
Status

—

Male
15-25

Male
45 and or

Female
15-25

Female
45 and 0s

Male
Student

Female
Student

\

Note

\3i

 

 

 

 

 

82

e 5.3 Factors believed affect decreased inter-household visiting, by gender/age status
der/age women inter- more
us now people personal people more land

veiled wealthier careless- busier stress quarrels Totals

ness (N)

.e 45.2 29.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 74.2 (31)
25
1e 52.8 22.2 8.3 2.9 0.0 86.1 (36)
and over
rale 17.4 39.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 56.5 (23)
25
rale 39.3 35.3 3.6 0.0 0.0 78.6 (28)
and over
le 32.3 38.7 0.0 0.0 16.1 87.1 (31)
lent
rale 64.0 32.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 (25)
lent

Ck

2: Respondents were given more than one option and consequently percentages are variable (referring
to % of respondents mentioning a specific factor).

1
Older pt
God’sd
village (
they car
saw old:
because

1
in Alain
came to
man’s rt
coffee, 2
no one i
may be

A
different
inlmducr
Others, [-
Village t
Separam

lb

TeasOns.

 

83

People in Alain are divided into two groups: for and against women wearing veils.
Older people believe that such behavior, even though it is good because it is based on
God’s direction, encourages a kind of isolation among the people. Many old males in the
village complained to me that the young females did not open the door for them when
they came to visit if their fathers were not at home, or they ran away to hide when the
saw older men. Some of the elder village males regard these girls as their own daughters
because they virtually raised them or saw them grow up with their own children.

As a matter of fact, not only does the veil issue restrict visiting among the pe0ple
in Alain, but it also restricts visiting in the area as a whole. In the past, when a guest
:ame to any home and the man of the house was not available, the woman assumed the
man’s role-~she greeted the guest, slaughtered animals, prepared lunch or dinner, made
offee, and provided the guest with every comfort until her husband came home. Now
0 one is allowed to enter the house if the man is not available, even though the guest
ray be a close friend or relative (except the fathers, brothers, or uncles).

Another factor that contributed to the change in visiting patterns was the
fferential change in economic status among the residents after the oil boom and the -
roduction of developmental programs. As some residents became more wealthy than
.ers, they associated more with other wealthy people. There was a division in the
age between the wealthy and the poor. These two classes are to some extent now
trated socially.

Male and female students strongly reflect these changes and are quite aware of the

ms. Other respondents note that the change in visiting patterns come from being

 

 

 

careless or becar
conclude that no
Nonrelatives are
unless there is s

Making :
Such an appoint
visited, who adv

In the pa
Some just came
family and didn’
all the Village ht

Some of
Visiting. Some a
the man of the h
door 0r Will ask

Among c

PCOpIe feel that

weekly) dependi]

they Still eXChanI

anymOre With 0d

 

 

84

eless or because of business pressures and land quarrels. For whatever reasons, we can
nclude that nowadays informal visiting in the village is restricted to very close relatives.
snrelatives are not visited without a prior invitation and making specific appointments
less there is some kind of emergency.

Making a formal appointment for a visit is a new phenomenon in the village.
ch an appointment is arranged by sending one of the children to the family to be
:ited, who advises them of the wish to visit. In most cases, assent is given.

In the past, this type of formality was not necessary. People visited at any time.
me just came to say hello and sit awhile. People felt as if they were part of one large
nily and didn’t need the formality of setting an appointment with their "family" because
the village houses were considered part of one huge village house.

Some of the old people still don’t believe in setting up formal appointments for
ting. Some are disappointed when they find no one to welcome them, especially when
man of the house being visited is not available (then the woman will not answer the
r or will ask the visitor to return at a later time).

Among close family members this type of formality still doesn’t exist and most
le feel that they can visit their close relatives--father, mother, brother--daily or
1y, depending of course or the geographical distances. Respondents indicated that
still exchange visits with their relatives regularly in a nonformal sense, but do not

3m with other villagers.

 

 

 

Bahamian
The exch

As ment
behavior of son
members insteac
obligated to vis
relationships Wit
reSpondents are
persons visiting
relatives or con
familial behavic

StroItaly feel an

(1) m
be ignored by a
the neighborhoo
Strongly obligate
5.4).

 

85

(change Courtesy and Sympathy

The exchange of courtesies and sympathies is part of familistic behavior in Alain.

As mentioned in my discussion of exchange visits, there is a tendency in the
:havior of some villagers to formalize visiting patterns by limiting them to close family
embers instead of to the extended kin group. However, in some situations people feel
)ligated to visit and participate physically and emotionally as expressions of their
lationships with other relatives or co-villagers. Some of these situations mentioned by
spondents are: (1) participation in funerals; (2) welcoming or bidding farewell to
:rsons visiting the village; (3) visiting a hospitalized co-villager, and (4) congratulating
latives or co-villagers for the birth of a child. I will briefly discuss each of these
rnilial behaviors, the extent to which people still believe and practice them, and who

ongly feel an obligation to participate in such events.

Participation in Funerals: Funerals are very sad and special occasions that may not
ignored by anyone in the village. Most of the villagers in Alain agree that whatever
neighborhood, relatives or co-villagers think about each other, they feel that they are

ugly obligated to come and participate in the funeral of a co-villager or relative (Table

 

 

 

Table 5.4 14

Gender/ traditional
Age exchange
Status situation

Male 1. Funeral
15-25 2. Welcor
or Goo
3. Visit H

pital
4. Newbo:

\
Male 1. thera]
45 and 2. Welcon
over or G001
3. Visit H
pital
4. Newbor

W
”‘25 2. Welcon
or GOOt
3. Visit H

pital
4. Newbm

m
45 and 2- Welcon
over 0r G0“
3' ViSlt Ht

pita]
4. Newbo;
\

86

 

 

 

 

 

 

ble 5.4 Attitude toward traditional exchanges of courtesy and sympathy, by gender/age status.
:nder/ traditional obligated obligated. not ob- don’t
:e exchange to all only to ligated, know Totals
rtus situation relatives but
desirable N %
rle 1. Funeral 85.2 14.8 0.0 ' 0.0 31 100
-25 2. Welcome 66.7 33.3 0.0 0.0 100
or Goodbye
3. Visit Hos- 44.4 41.7 11.1 2.8 100
pital
4. Newborn 41.7 30.6 22.2 5.6 . 100
118 1. Funeral 58.0 35.5 6.5 0.0 36 100
and 2. Welcome 45.2 32.2 6.5 16.1 100
er or Goodbye
3. Visit Hos- 38.7 54.8 6.5 0.0 100
pital
4. Newborn 29.0 45.2 16.1 9.7 100
male 1. Funeral 60.9 17.4 13.0 8.7 23 100
-25 2. Welcome 60.9 21.5 8.7 8.7 100
or Goodbye
3. Visit Hos- 69.6 30.4 0.0 0.0 100
pital
4. Newborn 39.1 52.2 4.3 43.0 100
nale 1. Funeral 76.9 21.4 7.1 3.6 28 100
and 2. Welcome 76.9 17.9 7.1 7.1 100
r or Goodbye
3. Visit Hos- 57.1 35.7 3.6 3.6 100
pital

4. Newborn 60.0 32.1 3.6 3.6 100

 

‘

Male 1. theral
Student 2 Welcom
or Goodl
3. Visit Ho

pital
4. Newbon

Female 1. Funeral
Student 2 Welcom
or Good]
3. Visit Ho

pital
4. Newbon

 

 

 

 

 

87

Table 5.4 (cont’d.)

 

 

ale 1. Funeral 51.6 20.0 16.0 3.2 31 100
ndent 2. Welcome 64.5 24.0 8.0 0.0 100
or Goodbye ~
3. Visit Hos- 35.5 32.0 12.0 3.2 100
pital
4. Newborn 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100
:male 1. Funeral 60.0 20.0 16.1 4.0 25 100
ndent 2. Welcome 68.0 24.0 8.0 0.0 100
or Goodbye
3. Visit Hos- 52.0 32.0 12.0 4.0 100
pital
4. Newborn 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100

 

 

 

 

 

Howeve
in funerals had .
"religious awan
stay for three dz
along with the:
family who can
did not do anytl
food for them, 1
was time for on
village went wi
prepare food fo:

In recent

the old men go

 

 

 

88

However, most of the villagers, as well as students, indicate that their participation
in funerals had changed extremely from what it used to be, according to what they called
"religious awareness." People in the area used to gather in the house of the deceased and
stay for three days, sharing with the relatives in their grief. The guests used to bring food
along with them, and tried to make the deceased’s relatives feel that they still had a
family who cared about them and shared their grief. The family of the deceased usually
iid not do anything. The other relatives or co-villagers took care of everything: prepared
:‘ood for them, cleaned their homes, took care of their children and animals or land if it
vas time for crop harvest. On the day of the funeral, all the men and children in the
Village went with the dead person to the gravesite, while the women stayed home to
trepare food for the men and sent it to them at the grave.

In recent years, this type of ceremony for funerals has been discontinued. Only
1e old men go to participate in the funeral and to say some words and pray with the
tmily of the deceased. Only very close relatives or friends stay for the burial; all the
hers go back home. No one eats anything or brings anything to the family, unless they
e close friends or relatives. Moreover, the women in the village, who once contributed
rancially to all the funerals, rarely do so now. But they still usually donate a little

)ney to the family that had the funeral.

Welcoming or Bidding a Farewell to Visitors: An individual who returned from a
g period of absence was not a common event years ago in Alain. PeOple did leave

ing a crisis or in the dry season, that usually for only short periods of time. With the

 

 

 

 

connection of ti
transportation, j
became expert 1

At the b
village started a
a member of ti
Army), the enti
time of his arr}
greeting to the 1
the host’s respo
simple gifts to j

There w
to give gifts tot

to come to we]

Sirnultar

  
   
  
     

him to his new
exception. No
villagers’ lives,
him off, except

amonth, no on

89

onnection of the village to the outside world through better communication and better
ansportation, people in Alain as in the entire southwestern region of Saudi Arabia
ecarne expert at long-distance migration for long periods of time.

At the beginning of this era (which started about 20-30 years ago), people in the

i’ age started a new tradition to welcome back their fellow villagers from travel. When

member of the village returned after a long absence (usually a tour of duty with the '

y), the entire village--young and old, men and women--gathered in his house at the

e of his arrival. When each man came to the house, he would shoot a gun as a

eeting to the relative or co—villager. They stayed at his house all day and night. It was

e host’s responsibility to feed them all. Usually, he provided his family and guests with
nple gifts to prove that he had not forgotten them during his absence.

There were two directions of obligation: (1) the returning villager was obligated
give gifts to all villagers as well as to his relatives, and (2) the villagers were obligated
come to welcome him.

Simultaneously, when someone left the village for a length of time, all the
agers gathered at the traveler’s home. The women cried and the men kept silent or
e advice. Usually the men accompanied the person leaving to the car that would carry

to his new destination. All the villagers felt they were obligated to do this without
ption. Nowadays, however, after traveling and migration have become a part of the
gers’ lives, if a village member leaves or returns, no one goes to welcome him or see
off, except his very close relatives or friends. If the villager will be away less than

nth, no one goes to see him off. However, despite that, the majority of respondents

 

 

 

    
  
  
  

 

 

still believe th
Table 5.4). On
past year in a

not close relati

of their gender

remained all 11
person either I
In the 1
their old 0ng
went to visit a
nearby town.
villagers have
if he/she was
Howev

their conditior

though not at

 

90

still believe that they are obligated to welcome or see off relatives or co—villagers: (see
Table 5 .4). On the other hand, only a few people said that they actually participated the
past year in a welcoming or farewell celebration for people from their villagewho were
not close relatives. The female residents are more likely to have participated. As some

women indicated, "we are still more united than the men.“

(3) Visiting Hospitalized Persons: Staying in the hospital is a new phenomenon for the
villagers. In earlier years, no hospitals were available and people got sick and died
without any medical treatment. And in the past, when members of the village, regardless
of their gender or age, got sick, the whole village came to stay close to him/her. They
remained all night near the patient to care for him/her, taking turns sleeping, until the
person either recovered or died.

In the late 19705, when hospitals first became accessible, people in Alain expanded
their old obligatory norm to include hospital 'visits. Usually most adult men and women
went to visit a co—villager who was hospitalized. If the hospital was not located in the
nearby town, they would travel hundreds of kilometers to visit. But over time, the
villagers have become more and more careless about this matter, only visiting the person
if he/she was hospitalized in a nearby hospital, and a close relative or friend.

However, despite a growing lack of concern about visiting sick co-villagers unless

eir condition is critical, most villagers believe that visiting the sick is obligatory even

ough not a relative.

 

 

 

We can

in the Islamic
strongly in the

though they no

(4) m
event years ago
boy was born, c
a member of the
guns into the air
case of a baby 1
but they did not

Currentlj

among close fan

    

about, extended

91

We can attribute such feelings to the fact that visiting a sick person is expected
in the Islamic religion. Because most villagers, both men and women, believe very
strongly in the Islamic faith, they feel they should say "yes, we are obligated,“ even

though they no longer consistently manifest this attitude in actual behavior.

(4) Celebrating the Birth of a Child: Newborns, particularly boys, were a great
event years ago in Alain and other villages, because the people believed that when a
boy was born, one more strong fighter had been added to the clan. Therefore, when
a member of the village had a baby boy, the villagers came to visit and everyone shot
guns into the air as part of the celebration and as a greeting to the new baby. In the
case of a baby girl, the villagers only congratulated the father with words of praise,
but they did not celebrate as heartily.

Currently, no villager really celebrates the birth of either a boy or girl, except
among close family. The reason for this change may derive from the fact that people
:10 not fear the possibility of outside attack any more; they feel more safe and secure.
l‘heir need for protection by the village or the clan is no longer important and there
s more concern for the individual rather than the village as a whole.

Many of the villagers in Alain whom I met indicated that in the past they knew
I the boys and girls in the village, whatever their age. Now they don’t even know
re children of their relatives unless they hear their full names. Such an admission
:veals clearly that the villagers have become less interested in, and somewhat careless

)out, extended family relationships, devoting more concern to immediate family.

 

where the who
Such obligatio

these are: (1)

 

planting. Whei
the day before.
and worked for
food as a rewar
and women gt
harvested the (
threshing floor.

There v

livestock. Neig

without cost b

 

92
Mutual Aid and Help (Villagers’ Daily Lives)

In the villager’s daily lives there are several occasions that reflect family unity,
where the whole clan gathers to accomplish some job for one or the other of the clan.
Such obligations are a part of the village culture and socioeconomic system. Some of
these are: (l) cooperation in agricultural enterprises; (2) cooperation in building; and
(3) cooperation in helping at a marriage and with the arrival of guests from outside the

village.

(1) Exchange Labor: Because of the lack of modern equipment in the past, people
in Alain were forced to look to a very strong familial syestem to meet their daily needs
and to survive. For example, they used to cooperate in preparing the farm for
planting. When a villager felt that he needed help from his co-villagers, he told them
the day before. All the people he asked gathered together the next day with their oxen
and worked for him until the job was done. He was obligated to provide them good
food as a reward. During the harvest, all the villagers helped each other, with the men
and women gathering at a farm to help the person who had the job. The men
harvested the crops and the women helped store the crops or required them to the
threshing floor. Harvesting at each farm took no more than one day to complete.
There was a kind of integrated cooperative system involved in the care of
ivestock. Neighbors with a small number of livestock could have them watched over

without cost by those with many. In times of crisis, such as floods, which often

 

fi

caused conside
villagers gathe
When a
the owner of
It was also co
house poles an
types of tasks.
women prepar
The m
animals for pr
sang songs lou
considered an 0
jobs. Nowada

almost all const

(2) Sit—mug.
exchange their 1
During harvest,
of the crops (l_t
direcu'ons (whit
their crops, they

in the village (t

 

 

93

caused considerable damage to the farm of one or another village member, all the
villagers gathered with their oxen the following day to repair the damage.

When a house was being constructed and especially after the walls were built,
the owner of the house would call his co-villagers to assist him in adding the roof.
t was also common for co-villagers to help bring and cut the large timber used as
ouse poles and roof supports. During the building, men and women had different

es of tasks. Men worked in carrying the wood and in building the house while the
omen prepared the food and coffee for the men.

The male relatives of the person building the house took charge of killing the
mimals for proper meals for the laborers. On such occasions, the men and women
ang songs loudly to reflect their unity. This pattern of interchangeable labor was
onsidered an obligatory system. No one had the right to reject participation in such
>bs. Nowadays, cooperative labor by villagers is becoming increasingly rare and

most all construction work is done by foreign labor.

-) Sharing Aggicultural Production Ed Tools: In Alain, farm families had to
change their agricultural production and tools as part of their familial social system.
ning harvest, needy families sent their children to the wealthier families to get some
the crops (gs—aim). They did not return empty handed. According to Islamic
'ections (which regulate most social relations and interactions) when people harvest
:ir crops, they should give a portion, depending on the quantity available, to the poor

the village (this is called zakah).

 

 

 

 

People
could do their

When
animal to butc
his neighbor 0
guest If thet
the guest had
owner. By vi

When ‘
they used to r
bringing water

Now it

dependent on }

   
  
  
   

the fires and
0f the marriag
Smallest child,

the donkeys o

 

 

 

94

People without oxen asked relatives or co-villagers to lend their animals so they
could do their own cultivation. The other party could not refuse.

When guests came to a villager and the host was empty-handed or had no
animal to butcher for them, he turned to his neighbors for assistance. He could go to
his neighbor or relative and choose any one of his sheep or goats to slaughter for the
guest. If the owner protested or was not satisfied with such actions, the person with
the guest had the right to cut of the animal’s. legs and leave it as a punishment to the
owner. By village law, the owner had no right to object.

When people were totally dependent on animals as a means of transportation,
they used to exchange their camels and donkeys to be used for carrying grain and
bringing water from the streams.

Now most of these norms have been gone. Everyone in the village now is

dependent on his own possessions except among the close relatives.

3) Ma_rri_a_ge Celebrations: When one of the villagers got married, the whole
'llage felt they were obligated to participate and help celebrate this joyful occasion.
en usually took care of killing animals and preparing food and coffee while the
omen ground the grain for bread. Children were responsible for bringing wood for
e fires and water to drink and wash with. During the day and throughout the night
f the marriage, the village changed into a beehive of activity. Everyone, even the
allest child, had a task to fulfill. The small children were responsible for tying up

e donkeys of the guests, and preventing the animals from escaping. They might

 

 

 

 

 

also pour tea a
the bride and 1
black males di
When t
her parents’ ht
her parents’ hr
On such an on
way. After tht
to the bride or
done very slov
a trip could to.
which sometin
The me
her company.
another shot.

considered the

her in setting

 

95

also pour tea and coffee for the guests. Black females were responsible for preparing
the bride and helping her to dress, adorn her with jewelry, comb her hair, etc. The
black males did the same for the groom.

When the marriage party ended and the groom decided to take his bride from
her parents’ home to his home, the village women accompanied her all the way from
her parents’ house to her husband’s house. Many interesting customs were observed.
On such an occasion, one of the old women took charge of leading the group on their
way. After they gathered at the bride’s parents’ house, they put everything belonging
to the bride onto camels or into cars to carry to her husband’s home. But this was
done very slowly to indicate that the bride was in no hurry to leave her parents. Such
a trip could take as long as a day, regardless of the distance between the two homes
which sometimes the house next door.

The men would fire shots into the air from time to time to greet the bride and
her company. The women would refuse to move and the men would have to fire
another shot. This kind of event reflects the fact that all the women in the village
considered the bride as one of their own girls. They all gathered to join her and assist
her in setting up her new home. After they arrived, each woman of the village had
to bring with her some kind of gift, usually household utensils or dishes.

Men gathered to join the groom. Every man over the age of 18 had to give the
groom some money. The sum was not important, but giving it was. Sometimes the
roorer members of the village had to borrow money. Such a donation is called m,

vhich means "assistance."

 

 

It shoulr

Alain.

Unexmted Gui
When ur

and divided the
of only one u
participated in l

guestasifhew

I should mentio

   

96

It should be noted that most of the mentioned customs are still practiced in

Alain.

Unexpected Guests

When unexpected guests arrived in large numbers, the village’s men gathered
and divided them into groups. Each one took a group to his home to feed. In the case
of only one unexpected guest, all the villagers came to the host’s house and
participated in helping the family take care of the guest. All of the villagers treat each
guest as if he were their own and tried to show the guest how united their village was.

I should mention that this custom is still surviving in recent days in Alain (Table 5.5).

Table 5.5

Gender]
Age
Status

\

Male
15-25

Male
45 and over

Female
15-25

Female
45 and over

Male
Student

Female
Student

\

. ”Mu-hh-A .. .

 

 

97

Table 5.5 Attitude toward obligatory help in certain situations, by gender/age status
Gender/ marriage guest sickness birth of
Age of co- comes of vil— child
Status villager to lager

village Totals

% % % % N %

Male 25.8 54.8 12.9 3.2 (31) 100
15-25
Male 27.8 72.2 0.0 0.0 (36) 100
45 and over
Female 56.5 39.1 0.0 0.0 (23) 100
15-25
Female 35.7 64.3 0.0 0.0 (28) 100
45 and over
Male 16.1 17.1 3.2 6.5 (31) 100
Student
Female 32.0 60.0 0.0 4.0 (25) 100
Student

 

 

 

 

 

. Offering Help
Older
neighbors or 1
women are 11
young men at
first
The 0
Such behavio
that if the req
daily respons
to be less criti
daily tasks.
The (
due to various
accurately th:
villagers. As
more money
depend on o
A

wages. Peo

become very

 

that people h

   

 

 

98

Offering Help

Older people in Alain still believe that they are obligated to offer help to their
neighbors or relatives in times of need, without first being asked But young men and
women are no longer as strong in sharing their parents’ ideas; only 25.8% of the
young men and 47.8% of the young women feel obligated to help without being asked
first.

The older people believe that it’s wrong to say no if a person asks for help.
Such behavior is considered an integral part of the Arab culture. Some villagers note
that if the request involves an urgent or critical situation, they should rearrange their
daily responsibilities to help the individual. However, if the situation is determined
to be less critical, the individual can be asked to wait a bit while the others finish their
daily tasks.

The change in the helping patterns from what they used to be in the past is
due to various factors. For example, modern equipment does the work faster and more
accurately than hired workers. Wealth is another factor,that, as mentioned by the
villagers. As individual per capita income has increased in the village, people have
more money to allow them to do what they want to do. They no longer have to
depend on others for assistance in their daily work.

A third factor is the availability of cheap, foreign labor willing to work for low
wages. People in the area, as well as all over the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, have
become very dependent on foreign labor. However, even though the majority believe

that people have become less helpful than they used to be, they all agree that they will

 

 

not refuse if an
the people of A

past, they still :

Exchangjgg Fir

Exchang
integration in A
kind of obligate
No one membe
assistance is cor
commits a mun
people and no t

In gener:
integrated syster
was involved in
insurance that f

In the case of

This system lets

or number of th

 

 

99

not refuse if any of their co-villagers asks for help. Even though rural villagers, like
the people of Alain, no longer diligently practice a helping system as strictly as in the

past, they still strongly believe in its concept and in the way of life it represents.

Exchanging Financial Aid and Support

Exchanging financial aid is the best indicator of the strength of familial
integration in Arab societies. Arabs, rural and Bedouin, have always practiced some
kind of obligatory financial exchange of aid in times of crises, such as blood conflicts.
No one member can be excused when a person calls for assistance. However, this
assistance is conditional that the victim should be not relative or co-villager if a person
commits a murder or injures someone of his village, he usually is ignored by his
people and no one offers to help him.

In general, people in Alain used to be involved in different kinds of financially
integrated systems. When a member of the village, regardless of his close relations,
was involved in a car accident, the villagers cooperated in some kind of obligatory
insurance that forced them to pay the other party for the fault of their own member.
In the case of a fire, people used to donate as much as they could to the member
whose house was burned.

According to Islamic directives, in all Muslim societies people are obligated to
offer some financial help to needy people. Most villagers believe in these directives.
This system lets people take part of their finances (about 2.5%) and a certain amount

)r number of their other possessions (such as livestock or crops) and give it to the

 

 

 

 

poor in the ar
of strong fanr
may disobey
Mani:
obligated to
marriage exp
in Alain is be
In general the
the responder
particularly tr
anything unlr
obligated to
marriage, if

financial assi

have become

     

  

indicators of

members of

 

100

poor in the area. No one is excused from this system (called _z_a_kah_), not only because
of strong familial obligation but because it is a directive from Allah (God) and no one
may disobey Allah.

Marriage is another situation in which all men and women in the village are
obligated to donate money to the groom to help him financially and to pay the
marriage expenses. However I noted that the ~exchange of financial aid among people
in Alain is being changed as have other aspects of the village’s familial organization.
In general the change in financal aid is relatively less than in other aspects. Some of
the respondents complain of their financial aid obligations to the village members,
particularly to the poor who have no cars for they believe they should not have to pay
anything unless the person is a close relative. However, they still believe they are

obligated to blood relatives, but that they are not necessarily obligated to assist in

  
  
   
 
  
  
  
  

marriage, if the relationship between the parties is not very close. In short, many
financial assistance situations that were once generally common among the villagers

have become exclusive only among close family members (see Tables 5.6 and 5.7).

 

 

Exchange of Respect

The exchange of respect among villagers in Alain is one of the most obvious
' dicators of familial behavior. Young people used to be very respectful of the older

embers of the village. Village children were never allowed to be rude

 

 

 

 

-___—u‘- .

Table 5.6

 

Gender
and Age

Male
15-25

Male
45 and over

Female
15-25

Female

45 and over
Male
Student

Female
Student

 

" The re
alwayr

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

101
Table 5 .6 Attitude toward obligatory financial assistance on certain occasions, by gender/age
status.
Occasions of Obligations

Gender village liability natural village don’t
and Age marriage payments disasters guests know Totals

% % % % % (N) %
Male 25.8 67.7 3.2 3.2 0.0 (31) 100
15-25
Male 19.4 30.6 2.8 12.1 0.0 (36) 100
45 and over
Female 60.9 39.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 (23) 100
15-25
Female 35.7 14.3 0.0 64.3 0.0 (28) 100
45 and over
Male 51.6 25.8 3.2 3.2 16.4 (31) 100
Student
Female 52.0 36.0 0.0 0.0 12.0 (25) 100
Student

 

*

The respondents were asked to mark only one occasion as the most important occasion that
always felt obligated to offer financial aid in.

 

 

Table 5.7

Gender/Age
Status

 

Male
15-25

Male
45 and over

Female
15-25

Female
45 and over

Male
Students

Female
Students

\

 

 

 

102

 

 

Table 5.7 Attitude toward obligatory financial assistance in crisis situations, by gender/age status

Gender/Age obligated to obligated not obli-

Status aid any co- only to help gated but don’t Totals
villagers relatives desireable know (N) %

Male 35.5 54.8 3.2 6.5 (31) 100

15-25

Male 33.3 58.3 2.8 5.6 (36) 100

45 and over

Female 34.5 34.8 0.0 21.7 (23) 100

15-25

Female 50.0 32.1 7.1 10.7 (28) 100

45 and over

Male 54.8 32.3 6.5 6.5 (31) 100

Students

Female 54.2 20.8 25.0 0.0 (25) 100

Students

 

 

rll
,ar‘

 

 

 

to an older 1
considered to
by all membe
their child in
Small
services, sue]
to deliver or
could be put
All tl
boys were sr
persists as f
young males
in their villa
Educated ma
pe01316. Onl
"mom" and
Your
llIlCOmfonat
the young “

In th

from the old

103

to an older person or to disobey his/her orders. People in the village were once
considered to be part of a large family. The children were cared for and disciplined
by all members of the village. No parents took exception when someone else punished
their child for wrong doing.

Small children often were once asked by village members to perform small
services, such as taking along additional livestock to watch, or to bring something or
to deliver or pick up something. The children had no right to reject the order, or they
could be punished by the village member and by their parents as well.

All the villagers addressed the older people as "mom" or "dad." The girls and
boys were sons and daughters to these elder members. Today it appears this practice
persists as fairly common in the village, particularly among males: 61.3% of the
young males and 86.1% of the old and 64.3% of the old females believe that people
in their village still used this pattern of addressing people (Table 5.8). However, the
educated males and females are less interested in following this custom of addressing
people. Only 35.5% of the males and 40% of the females believe that they should use
"mom" and "dad" when talking with older members of their village.

Young females in the village share the same notion (56.5%), they also are
uncomfortable with addressing old people as "mom" and "dad. " Interestingly enough,
the young women are the most liberal group in the village!

In the case of reactions toward the wrongs that might occur against the young

from the old, only the older men believe that the young should keep silent

 

 

 

Table 5.8

Gender/
Age
Status

Male
15-25

Male
45over

Female
15-25

Female
45-over

Male
Student

Female
Student

\

 

 

104

 

 

Table 5.8 Attitude toward form of address in recognizing older peOple, by gender/age status
Forms of Addrefi

Gender/ "Dad" or "Uncle" or first don’t

Age "Mom" "Aunt" name know Totals

Status % % % % (N) %

Male 61.3 25.8 6.5 6.5 (31) 100

15-25

Male 86.1 13.9 0.0 0.0 (36) 100

45-over

Female 34.8 56.5 8.7 0.0 (23) 100

15-25

Female 64.3 32.1 3.6 0.0 (28) 100

45-over

Male 35.5 32.3 0.0 0.0 (31) 100

Student

Female 40.0 16.0 36.0 8.0 (25) 100

Student

 

 

 

Table 5.9

 

Action

_—

Male
15-25

Male
4S-over

Female
1525

Female
45-over

Male
Students

Female
\

 

 

105
Table 5.9 Attitude toward proper form of correcting an older villager’s remarks or behavior by
gender/age status

Action keep silent correct correct don’t Totals

politely bluntly know (N) %
Male 38.7 51.6 0.0 9.7 (31) 100
15-25
Male 72.2 19.4 5.6 2.8 (36) 100
45-over
Female 30.4 60.9 8.7 0.0 (23) 100
15-25
Female 35.7 50.0 3.6 10.7 (28) 100
45-over
Male 25.8 74.2 0.0 0.0 (31) 100
Students

 

Female 16.0 76.0 0.0 8.0 (25) 100

 

 

 

 

 

and not say
including 01
when he or
reconsider t
One no ion;
They must,

The
youths, sayj

Edu
change in c
become edt
Peeple. Th
by their eld
describe as

The
they know
[hey Say. sl
arises betw.
many issue

The
respect arm
01d. believe
Inember of

right to Clea

 

 

 

.-_.. . _- ,-,—-

106

and not say anything as a form of respect (see Table 5.9). The other five groups,
including old women, indicate that they would politely correct the older person
when he or she said something wrong. This suggests that people are beginning to
reconsider the practice of unquestioned respect for the older people of the village.
One no longer need not keep silent when elderly people say something wrong.
They must, however, be polite and courteous.

The older men in the village, on the other hand, complain of the rudeness of
youths, saying that the young disobey them and don’t respect them.

Education and socialization have been identified as two main factors in the
change in children’s respect for their elders. Some villagers feel that when children
become educated, they grow rude because they feel they know more than the old
people. The children feel their thoughts and opinions are better than those offered
by their elders, who have neither education nor knowledge, and whom they often
describe as "empty-headed."

The older people see the young as less experienced with life. They think
they know more than the young because they are more experienced. The young,
they say, should listen to them and follow their directions. Inevitably, conflict
arises between the two age groups, causing misunderstanding and disagreement on
many issues.

The second factor that people see as a reason for the change in the degree of
respect among village pe0ple is socialization. People of the village, especially the
old, believe that people now don’t behave. In the past, each
member of the village considered the village children as their own, and was given the

right to deal with them as they saw fit. In the past, everyone in the village helped in

 

 

 

teaching and
Everyone net

become upse

Concluding (

It app

ideals of pen
asked any vi
answered tha
However, wt
answer was '
longer doing

This i
practices. 1 .
Same, They
rtBléltionships
that the villa,

 

107

teaching and socializing the children, who also came to respect the older members.
Everyone needed everyone else. The need for others has now changed and parents

become upset when village members do any wrong to their children.

Concluding Comment

It appears that the people of Alain are attempting to adjust their perceived
ideals of perfect social relations with the reality of what is actually practiced. When I
asked any villager about familial behaviors such as visiting, helping, etc. they
answered that they felt obligated to practice such behaviors with their larger kin group.
However, when asked if they usually did what they believed should be done, the
answer was “no," with the villager adding, "I would like to but our people are no
longer doing this."

This is common--everyone blaming everyone else for the lack of familistic
practices. I discussed this matter with many of the villagers of Alain; they all felt the
same. They express nostalgia for their past familial system, with its warmth of
relationships and concern. At the same time, they appreciate that times have changed,
that the village has changed, and that people too have changed; so they have little

choice except to become a part of the changes.

 

 

For
villagers in
attempted it
a more con
their relatio
differences
attitudes, gt
0“ Prenous
People were
“*1er int

%

Ali 5
beys). FOur
COmes fiOm

Entire Villag

 

 

CHAPTER VI

FAMILISM AMONG VILLAGERS: PERSONAL PERSPECTIVES

For a personal perspective of familistic norms, customs and behaviors among the
villagers in Alain, several people were interviewed more informally. In each case I
attempted to overview the individual’s personal experiences and attitudes and thereby gain
a more comprehensive picture of life in the village, the basic concerns of its people and
their relationships. My aim was to note the social changes that have occurred, and the
differences that have resulted between the older and younger generations in familistic
attitudes, goals and behaviors. As I had mentioned earlier, these cases were selected based
on previous observations while I was doing my household interviews. I found that some
people were more knowledgeable and c00perative than others. I selected several for more

in-depth interviews. These are some of them.

Case 1: Ali

Ali is a male in his late sixties, married with five children (three girls and two
boys). Four of his children are married, and one is still a student in high school. Ali
comes from a distinguished family. His father and brothers were the only ones in the

entire village who knew how to read and write. They were schooled in Yeman after they

108

 

 

 

had migratt
Because tht
people in I

M0}
families in
peers. Thii
hit the are;
hard hit by
little boy, :
day when I
the Village
one in his f
life becam.
relatives in

Ali
relative, T
going there
him feel at
Ten Years I
Simplc mat

Wht
Village. Th

 

 

109

had migrated there during one of the crisis periods that occurred in the home region.
Because they could read and write, they were in charge of prayer in Alain and led the
people in Friday prayers.

Moreover, this family was not only the most educated, but also one of the richest
families in the region. Ali, the youngest son, is very bright and very popular among his
peers. Things did not always go well for this family. When the great smallpox epidemic
hit the area, many people died, and there were only a few survivors. Ali’s family was
hard hit by the disease. They were dying one by one every day before the eyes of the
little boy, and he was unable to offer any assistance except his tears and prayers. One
day when Ali woke up early in the morning before the sun had risen, just as everyone in
the village does, he found that all the neighbors were gathering and crying over the last
one in his family to die. All of his older brothers were dead. Tears were not enough and
life became more and more difficult. No one could take care of him as he had no
relatives in the village, since the entire family had died.

Ali migrated to Tahmah to live with one of his distant uncles, his only remaining
relative. Three days and four nights he walked and rode with some people who were
going there until they reached Tahmah. His uncle welcomed him and attempted to make
him feel at home, but there is no lap like a mother’s lap, and no home like the village.
Ten years he stayed in Tahmah. where he learned to read and write, and to do some
simple math.

When Ali became 19, he decided to go back to Al Hejaz to his people and his

village. This decision did not happen arbitrarily, but occurred after much thought and the

,,,,,,

 

 

urging of o
and to beer
reached the

Will
that the pet
felt lonely :
tried their 1
village, for
died since

neglected (

 

110

urging of one of his teachers. The teacher had been encouraging him to go back home
and to become a leader of prayers in the village as his family had done. Also, Ali had
reached the age of marriage, and he wanted to marry one of the village girls.

When Ali arrived at the village he realized that it was not his home anymore and
that the people were not his pe0ple. There was no mother, father, sister or brother. He
felt lonely and gloomy even though all of the village people gathered to welcome him and
tried their best to make him feel comfortable. The return of Ali was a major event in the
village, for the village peeple had stopped praying at the mosque after Ali’s family had
died since no one was qualified to lead them in their prayers. The mosque had become
neglected over the years. All changed all that.

History repeated itself. When the villagers discovered that Ali knew how to read
the Quran and pray in the correct way, they cheered and said, "goose babies should know
how to swim." From that time Ali became responsible for prayers, writing letters, making
marriage licenses and he became a valued person in the village. Every villager wanted
Ali to marry his daughter, but Ali thought only of his childhood love who was still very

beautiful and unmarried. He decided to marry her and one year later they had their first
child, a girl.

Although poor, Ali was very intelligent and worked very hard. He become one
of the more successful men in the village. His wife was a frugal woman, and saved until
they had enough for a new house and were able to modernize their farm.

Ali and his wife had five children. Recently, all have left and married except for

the youngest. The eldest son lives in Tabuck where he serves as a soldier. Two girls live

 

 

in near-by
work in at
husband in

Ali
wealthier p
in their pra
village still

Wh
care of the
school staf:
since it wa
in the villa;
Surprised b.

Nov
Of his from

People in t1

Dis ' .
CUSSlOn,

rElations in

family mom

to Care f01‘ (

 

111

in near-by villages with their husbands who worked for the government and return to
work in agribusiness in the area after he retired. Another daughter lives with her
husband in Tabuck where he works as a soldier in the Saudi Army.

Ali has built a modern villa in the settlement of Pattalh where many of the
wealthier people in the village have settled. He is still responsible for leading the people
in their prayers, even though now there are a lot more educated than Ali. Pe0p1e in the
village still respect Ali and place him at the top of the social hierarchy in the village.

When the school for boys first Opened, they asked for a guard and servants to take
care of the school and to serve teachers by cleaning the classrooms, make tea for the

school staff, and so on. Not one of the village men was willing to work at this new job

 

since it was considered shameful. But it was a necessary task. Ali volunteered. People

 

in the village could not say anything nasty to him because of who he was, but they were
surprised by his actions.

Nowadays Ali still works in the school earning a good salary. He also takes care
of his farm and his business. He is still one of the more distinguished and respected

pe0p1e in the village.

 

Discussion: Ali’s story gives us some indication of the strength of kin and family
relations in Alain in the past. Ali spoke of his neighbors’ grief for the deaths of his
family members. Clearly, the pe0ple of Alain were concerned about each other and tried

to care for one another.

 

Ali
distant unc
obligation (
in times of
uncle accep
would welt

Anc
people in A

to welcome

Mo]
and retume
is in high 8

Mo]
many lands
and Miller
At age twe:
heme, BUt
Without chi

t0 seek a in

 

 

112

Ali also mentioned that after the death of his family, he moved to live with his
distant uncle in Tahamah. This event provides us with an explicit example of the
obligation of kin and family members (however distant) to care and help other relatives
in times of crises or need. Such care and concern is expected, as demonstrated by Ali’s
uncle accepting him into his home. Ali knew that in this familial system the distant uncle
would welcome him and receive him without question or protest.

Another indication of kin concern and care was in Ali’s warm welcome by his
people in Alain when he returned. He remembers that "All the village people gathered

to welcome me and tried to make me comfortable."

Case 2: Mohammed

Mohammed is a man in his late fifties. He worked outside the village for 25 years
and returned. He is married with four children (three boys and one girl); the eldest son
is in high school and the youngest son is 5 years old.

Mohammad grew up wealthy. His father was the sheikh of Alain, and owned
many lands and livestock. However, when Mohammad was about 15 years old, his father
and mother died. He moved in with his half-brother (same father, but different mother).
At age twenty, Mohammad got married to his uncle’s daughter and etablished his own
home. But they did not get along together and were divorced after two years of marriage
without children. Mohammad felt lonely and depressed and decided to leave the village

to seek a job outside. He and his best friend travelled to Abha to get a formal document

 

 

 

 

 

that certifi
get a gove
At
died in tilt
steady we]
find the hr
former vill
MC
to Taif, an
deep Valle;
In .
migrated t.
must be pg
Was Unacc
because h,
account wj
got a job.
life,
Eve
moving to
Mohamma

diploma at

 

 

1 13
that certified their nationality (Saudi Nationality Card). This document is necessary to

get a governmental job.

At that time, no one in the village had such a document since they all lived and
died in the village and nationality certification was not necessary. After two days of
steady walking they arrived in Abha, without knowing where to go. They tried hard to
find the house of a person whom they knew. Eventually, they located the husband of a
former village girl, and he welcomed them and helped them get the cards.

Mohammad and his friend decided to travel on to Taif. They found a car going
to Taif, and spent five days and nights driving, climbing high mountains and dropping to
deep valleys until they finally arrived in Taif very exhausted and weary.

In Taif they were helped by Mohammed’s uncle, one of the village men who had
migrated to serve in the Saudi army. He told them that finding a job took time and they
must be patient. But first they were asked to join him in going to the barber. Long hair
was unacceptable in the city. Moharnmad’s friend agreed, but Mohammad did not
because he was very handsome and hair was something girls in the village took into
account when evaluating a man. Mohammad insisted on keeping his long hair until he
got a job. But his uncle prevailed. It was the most unforgettable day of Moharnmad’s
life.

Eventually Mohammad joined the Army and lived in Taif for five years before
moving to Jeddah. He married his uncle’s daughter and she moved with him to Jeddah.
Mohammad enrolled in the army’s adult education program. He earned a high school

diploma and became an officer. After eleven years, Mohammad and his wife still had no

 

 

children so th
had their first
is now in big

Moha
to time to set
ahouse near
the village or
pension from

Moh:

Myhile, a ci

Alain kin fa
Was about f
father but (1
after and C;

Mo]

Patents. If
five With.
brother tor

resllOrrsibi]

114

children so they finally consulted a medical specialist. After one year of therapy, they
had their first child, a daughter, who died at birth, and a year later they had their son who
is now in high school. All of their children were born in Jeddah.

Mohammad was like all the boys who left Alain. He visited the village from time
to time to see his brother and sisters. He bought some farmland in the village and built
a house near his brother’s house. When Mohammad retired, he decided to move back to
the village with his family, even though he had two houses in Jeddah. He had a good
pension from the government.

Mohammad now manages his farm in the village plus a small grocery shop in

Myhile, a city near the village.

Discussion: Mohammed’s case is another example of exchange care and concern among
Alain kin family members. This is seen in several examples, such as when Mohammed
was about fifteen years old; his parents died and he moved in with his half-brother (same
father but different mother). The event reflects the obligations of family members to look
after and care for each other.

Mohammed’s brother felt responsible for his younger sibling after the death of his
parents. If Mohammed had had a full brother, he might have had a choice of whom to
live with. Since he only had one half-brother, the obligation and responsibility of this

brother toward his younger brother was greater. The older half-brother accepted this

responsibility willingly, without complaint.

 

 

 

 

Mc
played a n
This is illu
kin people
and his fri

Me
Most migr.
common a
migrants c

Mc
kin Purity.
are most r
identity wi

Mo
Strength 01
miElation t

Mo
indication .
Opponunit)

his TClatiVe

 

 

 

115

Mohammed’s story also indicates how villagers valued kin ties and how these ties
played a major role in facilitating the migration process from the village to other areas.
This is illustrated when Mohammed wanted to travel to Abha and asked about one of his
kin people who had married one of the village girls. The kin member helped Mohammed
and his friend.

Mohammed’s story also shows the effect of kinship on choosing employment.
Most migrants from Alain enlisted in the Army, as did Mohammed’s uncle. This is quite
common among the villagers who mostly work in the Army; the first of the village’s
migrants chose this occupation.

Mohammed’s story provides a clear picture of the typical practice of preserving
kin purity. Endogarnous marriages, like Mohammed’s to his cousin (uncle’s daughter)
are most common among village people and serve to assure family unity and one’s
identity with the family group.

Mohammed’s visits to the village to see his relatives are strong indications of the
strength of family relations among the villagers. Such relations seem unaffected by
migration or urbanization.

Mohammed’s desire to settle in the village after his retirement is another
indication of the strong ties between villagers and their families. Mohammed had the
Opportunity to live in Jeddah where he had a good salary, but he wanted to be close to

his relatives and friends in the village.

 

 

Sah
daughter ir
mountains
favorite.

She
her parents
and took g
she had he:
At seventet
divorced be
and his hot
effectively

She
a man iron
and husban
She moved

Salt
was Very p,
and built a
Village to e]

 

 

116
Mm

Salmah is a woman in her late sixties, recently widowedand residing with her
daughter in the village. She is descended from a Bedouin family that lived in the
mountains with their goats and camels. The youngest girl in the family, she was the
favorite.

She had a very happy early childhood until she reached 8 years of age when both
her parents died. She then moved in with her oldest sister and husband. They were kind
and took good care of her. At fourteen, she married her uncle’s son. Two years later,
she had her first son, and then her husband died. She moved to Tamah with her sister.
At seventeen, she remarried to a wealthy man in Tehamah. But six months later she got
divorced because she did not fit into her husband’s lifestyle. He was an important person
and his house was a social gathering place. She was too young and inexperienced to deal
effectively with her social duties.

She returned to live with her sister and her husband in Tehamah. Not long after,
a man from Alain visited Tehamah on business and stopped by to say hello to her sister
and husband. He met Salmah and was attracted to her. They fell in love and married.
She moved with her son to live with the man in Alain.

Salmah inherited a good deal of wealth from her parents. Since her new husband
was very poor, she brought all her belongings and gave them to him. He bought lands
and built a stone house. After ten years of marriage, her husband decided to leave the
village to enlist in the Saudi army, the only job available for an uneducated man. Salmah

and the family tried to discourage him from going, but he would not listen. When he left,

Salmah had
livestock. It
husband’s at
clothes, and
took one nor
house and st
in Taif, send
remittance, i
anl’thing.

A ye
badly his wi
bought new
She told hirr
know that h
him to Taif.

Afte
became alie
as if they w
Was Patient

Thre
events. One

grew mOre

 

 

 

117

Salmah had to assume responsibility for herself, her children, their farms, and their
livestock. It was very difficult for her, but she handled it well. One year after her
husband’s absence, their house burned, and they lost everything-their money, crops,
clothes, and other belongings. Salmah was badly burned, and had to be hospitalized. It
took one month for her husband to hear what had happened. He returned and built a new
house and stayed beside his wife until she was well. Then he returned to his army post
in Taif, sending money every month to her. Unfortunately, his older brother received the
remittance, hid the money, and used it for his own benefit. Salmah never received
anything.

A year later Salmah’s husband returned to the village for a visit, and saw how
badly his wife and children had fared in his absence. He asked his wife why she had not
bought new clothes for herself and the children with the money he sent monthly. When
she told him that she did not know anything about that money and that she did not even
know that he had been sending money, he got very upset and decided to take them with
him to Taif.

After moving to Taif many problems emerged, and Salmah and her husband
became alienated. Her husband became very nervous and dealt with his wife and children
as if they were some of his soldiers in the army. The wife could not understand, but she
was patient and tried to be gentle with him.

Three years after their arrival in Taif the family experienced some important
events. One of her boys died at the age of seven. Her only daughter got married. Salmah

grew more lonely and sad. Her husband became more nervous and started beating her

 

until she c
village wit
about five
Ba
Her husba
They had ‘
father war
On
to live wit
her eldest
he Was no
Six years
38de her
With them
woman.
Sa
Then She :
“lush and
With her 3
ftlther but

brether, hr

 

 

 

118

until she could not stand it anymore. They got a divorce, and she returned to live in the
village with her two boys. The eldest was about fifteen years old, and the youngest was
about five years old.

Back in the village, Salmah found everything that they had left behind was gone.
Her husband’s brother had taken over everything which had originally belonged to her.
They had to work as farm laborers and, with the addition of only a small amount that the
father was sending to his children, they hardly survived.

One and a half years later her husband came back to the village and took his boys
to live with him in the city. After they left, Salmah felt lonely and decided to live with
her eldest son who was in his twenties. The son was living in another village because
he was not from Alain. Salmah was welcomed and stayed with him until he got married.
Six years later, one of her other sons enlisted in the army as his father had done, and
asked her to come to stay with him in Taif. She liked the idea because she wanted to be
with them. But when she arrived in Taif her ex-husband was already married to another
woman.

Salmah stayed with her son in Taif for about five years until he too got married.
Then she felt that he did not treat her as she was used to being treated. He became very
tough and rude. She felt his wife was the reason, and she decided to move out and live
with her youngest son who was about sixteen years old. He had been living with his
father but after he saw that his mother could no longer stand to live with his older

brother, he decided to take care of her. They rented a small house in Taif. The boy was

 

 

 

studying 1
him to bar

Tv
studies in
all worker

W
since ther
for both t
gloomy. ‘
to go to I
though th
to reside

SI
for his n
accident.
years unt
lOined hir

She mov,

 

 

119

studying in a religious school which offered him about SR 210 a month, just enough for
him to barely survive. Sahnah decided to raise goats and chickens.

Two years later they were doing better economically. The son did well at his
studies in the high school. He also fed the goats every day. It was not easy , but they
all worked very hard to survive.

When the son graduated from high school, he decided to complete his BA. and
since there was no university in Taif, he migrated to Riyadh. It was a difficult decision
for both of them, but there was no choice. When the son left, she again felt lonely and
gloomy. Her older son was not concerned about her and neglected them all. She decided
to go to Jeddah to live with her daughter’s family. But this was only temporary, even
though they were nice and generous to her. She decided to go back to her original village
to reside with her eldest boy.

She lived there about two years, and was very happy. One day they were waiting
for his return from Makkah, but he did not come back, as he had been killed in an
accident. Although in despair, she stayed in the village with her boy’s family for three
years until her youngest boy, who lived in Riyadh, had graduated from the university. She
joined him in Riyadh and stayed with him for one year, but she did not like big city life.

She moved back to Alain where her daughter now lived.

 

Discussion: Salmah’s case presents another side of family obligations and exchange

care among family members. The older relatives feel responsible for the younger and no

 

 

 

one can exc
her parents
Sah
comforts ft
husband 1e
Ant
over womt
a boy still
accepting
feed him
Ar.
relative tt
Care of hi:
exlienses
W
0116’s fan
has the s:
With the?
did Salm

husband.

Carly agr

 

 

120

one can excuse them from this responsibility. Salmah’s sister took care of Salmah after
her parents died and again when she was divorced from her first husband.

Salmah’s case illustrates how village residents feel obligated to sacrifice their own
comforts for the sake of their family members. This may be seen when Salmah’s
husband left his job to return and care for his sick wife until she recovered.

Another indication of Alain’s family social organization is the dominance of men
over women in the village, regardless of age. In Salmah’s case, it was her youngest son,
a boy still attending high school, who felt the responsibility of caring for his mother and
accepting the expenses of such an obligation. He spent his small allowance of $80 to
feed himself and his mother because it was his duty as a man.

Another example is the feeling of responsibility and domination of any male
relative toward a female relative. In Salmah’s case, her husband placed her under the
care of his brother, sending the latter the money he wished Salmah to have for household
expenses and needs instead of directly.

Within the village’s familial system, it is the custom to assign responsibility for
one’s family to a close male relative until the husband returns. The designated caretaker
has the same power as the husband over the family--people deal with him as they would
with the husband. If the relatiVe abuses this power and takes advantage of the family (as
did Salmah’s brother-in-law), the only one who is allowed to correct him is the absent
husband.

Salmah’s case also is an illustration of the custom of marrying girls off at a very

early age. Salmah was only fourteen when she married her first husband; this is a

 

 

 

 

common a

at age fiftt

 

Fa
boys, 18 2
Fa
father at t
of 7, her
She was 1
they had
obtain the
not sufficj
who gave
killed by
Th
future. It
walking.
Ev
better, T]

As

family de

rp: ......

 

121

common age for girls to marry in Alain. It is also common for girls to become mothers

at age fifteen, divorce at sixteen, and marry again at seventeen.

Case 4: Fatimah

Fatimah is a married woman in her late fifties living with her husband and two
boys, 18 and 25 years of age. She is a pleasant person, simple and explicit.

Fatimah grew up in the village of Alain as an orphaned girl after the death of her
father at the time of her birth. She never saw him, and never knew a father. At the age
of 7, her mother was giving her many responsibilities which were above her abilities.
She was the only girl in a family of five brothers. They were no longer as well-off as
they had been when the father was alive. Accordingly, they all had to work hard to
obtain the necessary food and clothing. Life was not easy in the village, and there was
not sufficient food for all. She walked five miles every day to the home of a rich woman
who gave her some tasks to perform. It was a dangerous trip. One day she was nearly
killed by a camel.

The family decided to migrate to Tehamah to seek a better life and to save for the
future. It was a very hard trip from the village to Tehamah and took seven days of steady
walking. They had no camel or donkey to ride.

Eventually when they came back to the village from Tehamah, their situation was
better. They finally became one of the richest families in the village.
As is common for the village girls, when Fatimah reached the age of 14, her

family decided to marry her to one of her three cousins. She selected one that she

 

 

thought v
the poore
love jum
expected

F:
Not one t
asked th
responsil
Fatimah

family 3,2

 

- ._— Bun—o -‘v' . . -
I— ‘H _ ”I“ __,. _____ . .___ __ ,

 

122

thought was quite gentle and dependable, but as it turned out, he was also economically
the poorest of the three. She disproved the proverb, "When poverty comes in the door,
love jumps from the window," because she loved him very much and, as she had
expected, he was gentle with her.

Fatimah and her husband lived in her family’s house until they had their first son.
Not one of her family gave him clothes or other gifts. They were completely broke. They
asked their family for help, but they responded negatively, saying it was not their
responsibility--she had married the man, and he was responsible for her and not them.
Fatimah was devastated, but determined. She and her husband decided to leave her
family and set up their own house, no matter what the cost.

One morning, before sunrise, they left for an unknown destination, having no place
to go. They built a small hut to stay in temporarily. Her husband asked his brother for
his portion of their father’s estate. It was a very small amount, but Fatimah and her
husband invested it in a quick profit project. They bought some small goats and lambs
to raise. Six months later their goats and lambs were worth much more than their original
price (perhaps even six or seven times as much). They sold some of them for a piece of
farmland and sold the others to buy some young goats and one cow. Their life became
better and their standard of living improved quickly.

They decided to abandon the tiny but and build a real stone house like the
majority of the village people had. When they had finished and moved in, it was an

unforgettable day for them. They raised three sons in this house.

 

 

 

 

l -

 

Fat
Tehamah t
with the s
sewing mt
had to trar
many job:
because h
sewing b1

D2

They bou

3

early thh
Children

F

She Worl
Successfr
reSponsil
advised]
Waso1d.
Fatimah
5

left. Ev

 

 

123

Fatimah’s husband started to work as a trader. He bought some commodities from
Tehamah and sold them to the village people for double the price. He was also skilled
with the sewing machine, and made all his and his family’s clothes. They bought a
sewing machine and started a sewing business. It was an excellent idea. Although he
had to travel to Jeddah to buy the sewing machine, when he returned to the village he had
many jobs waiting for him. His new business made him famous for 30 km around
because his sewing machine was really something unique in this area; his was the first
sewing business.

Day by day they became richer until they became the richest family in the village.
They bought a lot of land and livestock.

But death was a constant presence in the village. Fatimah’s husband died in his
early thirties and the young woman found herself responsible for herself as well as her
children and their wealth.

Fatimah was a wise and dependable woman, and refused to get married again.
She worked as hard as ever to save and conserve her husband’s wealth. And she was
successful until her eldest son grew up, and she could turn over to him all the
responsibilities. But he was still too young and the responsibilities were heavy so she
advised him to migrate to Taif to join the Saudi army. Three years later her second son
was old enough to migrate and he too followed his brother’s path to Taif to join the army.
Fatimah maintained their village home.

She stayed with her youngest son, and felt lonely and gloomy after her older boys

left. Eventually, she decided to marry again. Her family was upset with her because she

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

made her
said that s
decisions.
her new I
visit her i

families i

Discussic
all indivi.
her to sel

T
designed

A
child Sh(
Children
allowed 1
home un'
badly an.

F
'Fatimah

though h

 

 

 

124

made her own decision regarding the man she would marry. She ignored them all and
said that she would live her life as she chose since she was big enough to make her own
decisions. She accused them of not knowing anything about her. Now she is living with
her new husband in the village and she is very happy with him, and her boys come to
visit her from time to time. They are all married now, and they have their own lives and

families in Taif.

Discussion: Fatimah’s case is an example of the domination of family authority over
all individuals, particularly over the female family members. Fatimah’s relatives forced
her to select a husband from the men they had deemed appr0priate--three cousins.

This illustrates the custom of endogamous marriages within the village, which is
designed to preserve family purity and unity.

Also, this case shows another aspect of the old familial system--that the married
child should remain in the house of his/her parents to care for the parents until the
children begin to arrive. Once the young couple has children of their own, they are
allowed to set up their own home. Fatimah mentioned that she remained in her parents’
home until she had her first baby, despite the fact that her parents were treating her very
badly and neglecting her, her husband, and their baby.

Fatimah’s case also supports our previous argument of perceived male domination-
-Fatimah gave her boy all the family possessions by the time he reached adulthood, even

though he was really far too young for such responsibilities. It is worth mentioning that

 

 

 

 

 

 

the villa,
irnportan

F;
usually (1
But Fatin
husband
saying 1}]
encourag
are ignop

rights.

 

 

 

125

the villagers usually encourage their boys to be responsible and prepare them for
important tasks as they near adulthood.

Fatimah’s story suggests that the familial system and strong family authority
usually does not provide an individual with the freedom to make his/her own decisions.
But Fatimah did make her own decisions when she chose a second husband after her first
husband died. All of her family stood against her but she ignored the family’s protests,
saying that her Islamic teachings supported her independence. These teachings in fact
encourage women to make their own decisions, but in the village context, the teachings

are ignored in favor of the more traditional familial customs which do not favor women’s

rights.

Case 5: Saad

Saad is a young man who is newly graduated from a university and living by
himself in the village. He was born into a middle-class family which is relatively small
compared to the typical large Saudi family in the village. He is the youngest child and
the only son; there are three daughters.

When Saad was eleven, his mother died, and this broke up the whole family. The
father remarried and the three girls married too. No one remained at home. His father
moved in with his rich new wife, and Saad moved in with one of his sisters. She was
kind and tried to give him the warmth and love that he had lost when his mother died.

Saad finished secondary school and wanted to enter military school because of the

good pay allowing him to complete his high school education. But his cousin heard about

 

 

 

his plan
working
regular 5
stayed th
T
village, l
stayed ir
village.
Abha he
allowanc
all that h
1
house in
rCtums l
WCEk bet

He is 10(

 

 

126

his plan and tried hard to discourage him because he was such an intelligent and hard
working boy. He thought he would have a great future if he finished his study in a
regular school. Saad’s cousin encouraged him to come to live with him in Riyadh. He
stayed there one year, but he and his cousin did not get along.

They were always fighting and arguing and finally Saad decided to go back to the
village, but his other cousin asked him to come to live with him in Taif and he did. He
stayed in Taif for one more year, and then moved back to stay with his sister in the
village. During that year, he finished high school and entered the university at Abha. In
Abha he felt more independent and enjoyed the freedom he had of spending his monthly
allowance, a stipend that is paid to Saudi students at the universities. He was able to buy
all that he needed.

Last year Saad graduated from the university and retumed to live alone in his old
house in the village. He goes to work as a teacher in the secondary school and then
returns home to take care of his father’s livestock. He is a very obedient son. Just a
week before I met him, he hired a shepherd to take care of his father’s goats and sheep.

He is looking for a wife.

Discussion: Once again, Saad’s case supports the custom of an older family member
caring for a younger member. In this instance, Saad’s sister cared for her little brother

after their mother’s death.

 

 

F
cousins r
out of sc

A
regard to
he feels
to other
not leave
since he
is not ur

reflecting

about siy.
grade, f

gives hin

 

 

127

Family opinion is also very strong and can affect an individual’s decisions. Saad’s
cousins managed to persuade this young man to complete his studies instead of dropping
out of school.

A person’s education and social status, however, appear to be unimportant with
regard to family relationships in Alain. Although Saad is a teacher and college graduate,
he feels no shame in caring for his father’s livestock. He is presented as a role model
to other youngsters in Alain, because he respects his father and cares for him. He will
not leave his father for a rich wife--Saad feels obligated to care for his father, particularly
since he views his father as too old to care for himself or his possessions. Saad’s case
is not unique in Alain. Many young men and women do the same for their parents,

reflecting the strong family relationships among the residents of this village.

Case 6: Yasir

Yasir is a young student in high school. He is very intelligent and hard working.
He lives with his family: father, mother, three sisters and two brothers. His father is an
old blind man and his mother is a very old woman. He is the next youngest in the family
with just one small boy being younger than he is.

Yasir’s life is a mixture of very hard work and pressure for the future. He travels
about six miles to Mhiyle everyday to go to the high school where he is in the 12th
grade. He is at the t0p of his class. Everyone in the village and school loves him and

gives him special consideration. When he comes back home each day, he usually takes

 

'5...

care of his
nights are ‘

Ya:
wants tob
strongly 31

he can hel

farIlily’s it
day; Wher
Fa

fatth’S e:

 

 

 

128

care of his family’s livestock and watches over his blind father for a few hours. His
nights are usually dedicated to studying and doing homework.

Yasir is planning to enter the college of medicine if he obtains good grades. He

wants to be a doctor and he wants to specialize in the eyes. His father’s sickness has

strongly affected him, and he always thinks about him and dreams about the day when

he can help him to see again.

Discussion: Yasir’s case is also illustrative of the young child being obedient to his
family’s wishes. Yasir cares for the family’s livestock upon his return from school every
day; when he is finished with the animals, he cares for his blind father.

Family problems and needs affect the young of Alain. Yasir, because of his

father’s eye problems, dreams about becoming a doctor.

Case 7: Ahmad

Ahmad lives with his family: father, mother, one brother and one sister. His
father is a farmer and his mother, illiterate, is a typical village woman.

In his twenties, Ahmad is the eldest son. Coming back from school one day when
he was sixteen, he began thinking about dropping out of school. The mathematics teacher
had beaten him in front of the class. Ahmad, a sensitive boy, hated the school, and
especially math.

When he got back home, he told his story to his father. Being a typical village

man, his father said, "If you don’t do wrong to him, he will not do so to you unless you

 

 

deserve it
Eventually
zurny. liu
women vi
Therefore
cuhure,tl

Al
than his a
athmnet

Village pe

lflthean

Of Our im
ill a Iggu
the tenth

because 1

 

129

deserve it" Things didn’t get better and he had to repeat tenth grade three times.
Eventually, Ahmad decided not to continue schooling and decided instead to join the
army. But he was officially too young because his birth certificate was incorrect. Most
women villagers refused to go to the hospital for delivery, preferring to stay at home.
Therefore, just a few people are certain of their exact birth dates. And in the Islamic
culture, they do not celebrate birthdays.

Ahmad’s age was officially given on his birth certificate as four years younger
than his actual age. His father made that mistake on purpose so that Ahmad could stay
at home to help on the farm by driving the father’s tractor. Sometimes he worked for
village people for pay with his father’s tractor.

Ahmad is waiting until he is officially 18 years old so that he will be able to enlist
in the army.

When we met, I talked to him about continuing his studies. On the second day
of our interview he said that he would once again enroll in school. Now he is studying
in a regular school. I recently received a letter from him, telling me that he had passed
the tenth grade and he was happy. He wants to become an agricultural extension officer

because he loves farming and wants to help the people in his village.

 

Discussion: Ahmad’s case shows the ability of an individual’s family to govern a young

 

person’s decisions. Ahmad’s father allowed the incorrect information to be recorded on
Ahmad’s birth certificate in order to make sure his son remained at home and, as it turned

out, to keep him from enlisting in the Army. Ahmad could have easily proven his correct

 

age by gt
the additi
father an:

A
example .
respectin;
far more
and prov

extension

may
T
This syst;

Concern.

Elm

TI
Concern i
eVents in
histories.
mOming

from Ta],

 

 

130

age by going to the local clinic. However, he respected his father’s desires and waited
the additional four years, working in his father’s business as a tractor driver to help his
father and family.

Ahmad exemplifies the strong ties of Alain’s people to their village. He is an
example of a person who cares about his kin and family by appreciating their problems,
respecting their wishes and trying to help them. It is well-known that Ahmad could earn
far more money working in the city, but he wants to be close to his family and his people
and provide them with the services they need. He wants to become an agricultural

extension worker in his home region.

Insights from the Case Studies

The cases noted provide us with some insights about the familial system in Alain.
This system, strongly familistic, emphasizes several fundamental values or dimensions of

concern. They can be outlined as follows:

Concern and Care for Fellow Villagers
mic larger kin groan):

The people of Alain were and are very concerned about each other. Such care and
concern is noted in every aspect of their daily interaction and especially in the important
events in their lives. Older people frequently mention such concerns in relating their life
histories. Ali, for example, described how his neighbors gathered in his house early one
morning to care for his sick brother and how they welcomed him when he came back

from Tahamah. Mohamad’s story is that kin and relative facilitated his migration and

 

employmei
mentioned

such relat'

important

m

Fa
generatior
Parental c
lived witl
deSpite th
He expec
and to tal
“P. Yasi

Ahmad a

Mum

T
resDonsil
Where m
in the ca

after the

 

 

 

 

131

employment. However, we also noticed that such strong kin concern and care are seldom
mentioned by the younger generation. The young people appear less concerned about
such relationships than do the older. It seems that kin relations are becoming less

important for the younger generation.

Obedience and Care for Parents

Family relations seem very influential among both the older and younger
generations. We observed that most of the pe0p1e interviewed gave several examples of
parental care and how the younger generation helps the older. Fatimah, for example,
lived with her parents after she got married in order to care for them and to help them
despite the fact that they were treating her very badly. Saad too illustrates this behavior.
He expected to live in the village after graduating, for he wanted to be close to his father
and to take care of him even though his father had neglected him while he was grong
up. Yasir’s case is interesting in that he wanted to be an eye specialist to treat his father.

Ahmad acquiesced to his father’s wishes that he remain in the village.

Responsibilig for kin group members

The third familial dimension that we observed from these cases is the feeling of
responsibility among people of Alain. This responsibility can be seen in many situations
where the older relatives feel responsible for the care of a younger relative. As we saw
in the cases of Ali, Salmah, Mohammad and Saad, their older relatives took care of them

after the deaths of their parents. Such feelings of responsibility are very common, even

 

now wht
relatives
relative t

grows u]

nature (
wishes,
Ahmad
continu

Concluc

mentio
a“Whit

resmn

 

 

 

132

now when a person feels obligated to look after his/her relatives, particularly if those
relatives are very young or women. If there is no adult male relative, the oldest female
relative takes charge of the responsibility of caring for the younger relative until the latter

grows up or the woman is married.

Family Authority

Family authority is another dimension of familism I observed. The strength of
family authority over individual need can be noticed in many cases. Individual plans are
always influenced by family concerns. The individual has no right to decide one’s own
future, particularly females. Fatimah and Salmah provide us with perspectives on the
nature of such authority; both women were forced to marry in line with their family’s
wishes, not their own. Fatimah struggled to arrange her own second marriage. Sad and
Ahmad also illustrate this. Saad’s cousins played a major role in persuading him to
continue his education. Ahmad’s father forced him to stay with him in the village. We
conclude that familial authority appears very strong, especially over children and females.

It will remain the same as long as male domination over females persists.

Male Domination

Male domination is obvious in Alain’s familial system. Salmah, for example,
mentioned how her brother-in-law had taken all her belongings and she couldn’t do
anything to stop him. Also, she described how she gave her young male child the

responsibility of being the head of the household even though he was still too young for

 

 

such resp
Fatimah

reject su<

ltm_po_rttm

T
the kin c:
of kin or
Alain m
appears I

ilOICd [hr

familiar ;

the cum

 

_.... u..— __---. ~

133

such responsibilities. As the only man in her household, he was supposed to be the head.
Fatimah did the same thing; females in Alain are used to such domination. Only a few

reject such practices-most continue and accept patriarchal norms even today.

Importance of Kin Purig

The people of Alain insist upon marrying their daughters to their cousins within
the kin circles. Such endogamous marriages were adopted in order to maintain the purity
of kin on the one hand and to protect family possessions on the other. We noticed that
Alain men usually married women from Alain. The younger generation, however,
appears less concerned with such a single-minded approach to marriage. It should be
noted that young people are marrying earlier.

Overall we conclude that these case studies demonstrate that the "traditional"
familial system in Alain was based strongly on obligations to the larger kin group while

the current system is focused more on the nuclear and conjugal family.

 

 

 

diversiti
societie:

formula

Societies
many itt
0f more

field tes

 

 

CHAPTER VII

FAMILISM DIFFERENTIATION

Measuring Familism Attitudes

Familism norms have some similarities in most traditional societies. There are also
diversities as well. The diversities usually are due to cultural differentiation among
societies. These cultural differentiations must be taken into consideration when
formulating an appropriate familial scale.

The familism scale used in Alain was based on earlier scales used in Western
societies for similar purposes. But to be applicable to Saudi culture and circumstances
many items required several necessary modifications. Initially, the scale was composed
of more than thirty statements which measured different aspects of familism, but after
field testing, it appeared that only seventeen items were appropriate for the purposes at
hand. My aim was to tap a general sense of familism; I wanted to take Saudi familism
into account in both its larger sense (villagers and larger kin group) and in its smaller
semse (immediate family and close kin).

To assess familism in its general sense, tribal norms, values and kin obligations
were considered. The following statements were. employed to measure the intensity of

familism among kin:

134

 

 

Altering

 

Refusing

Av

D

b C A. a
0 n

t I

be M

 

 

135

Changing Job

If a man’s job contradicts his family’s values that severe conflict develops, he
should find a new job.

Argping with Parents

A young person should never argue with his/her parents even if the parents are
wrong.

Altering parental decision

A young person should never try to get his/her parents to change their minds
about an important matter once the parents have decided.

Suing Villager
It is "okay" to sue the village or kin if he/she did wrong.

Leaving parents

Married children should stay close to their parents in order to take care of them.

Suing Relative

It is okay to sue a relative (e.g., father, mother, uncle,

Marlying outside

It is never acceptable for a person to marry outside his/her tribe.etc.) if he/she did
wrong.

Parental illness .
Married childem should stay close to their parents in order to take care of them.

 

Refusing invitaion . . .
A person should never refuse a social rnvrtatron from any member of hrs/her

village, clan, kin, or relative whether or not he/she is busy.

Debt obligation . . . .
A person is strongly obligated to pay the debt of hrs/her relative 1f the relative

cannot pay.

Putting family first

A person should always consider the needs and interest of his family and parents
as more important than his /her own.

 

 

Sociauy.

 

 

 

136

Milena;
A person should always be ready to share his/her house with a relative if he/she

is in need.

Mm’ng Cousins
A father should not marry his daughter or sister to a person outside of her cousins.

Staying at Hotel

It is wrong for a person to stay at a hotel when visiting a city where he/she also
has kin.

Insults to family
If a member of the family is insulted, you should act as if the insult were against

you directly and you should act against the person who insulted your relative.

Having many children
It is good in today’s world for a person to have many children.

Seeking advice
A person should talk over his/her important decisions (such as marriage,

employment), and with his/her family before taking action.

Clarification of items
Changing job: Should a person agree to adhere to family norms and values and be

willing to sacrifice his/her own comfort and livelihood if his/her lifestyle conflicted with
kin values? In the southern area, and in other areas of the Kingdom there are some types
of job classifications as either "high" or "low." Such classifications are usually based on
jobs where farming is considered the highest and manual occupations like carpenters,
blacksmiths, and patchers are considered the lowest.

A person from a high-class family (farmer) would not accept lower work whatever
his need. If he did so, he would totally withdraw from his clan and kin, and be ignored

socially. No one would marry him or his children. Therefore, obeying kin values is a

 

 

 

 

 

kind of
"changir

f
element
special l
because

A

{3132300 QWo—I

Therefon
Opinions
Therefon
OPinion, .

A
in a Mus]
uIlless w}
the Childn
Muslim :
employm,

l a

ll] ihe pas.

 

 

 

 

137
kind of necessity for a person to be recognized socially. Therefore, this statement,
"changing job," was included as an indicant of familism.

Argping with parents: Obeying one’s parents and caring for them is a central
element and the cornerstone of the Islamic and Saudi familial systems. People here give
special consideration to this matter not only because of their familial values but also
because it is part of their religion and God’s teaching.

According to the Quran:

Thy Lord hath decreed that ye worship none save Him, and (that ye show)‘

kindness to parents. If one of them or both of them attain to old age with

thee, say not "fie" unto them or repulse them but speak unto them as a

gracious word (23). And lower unto them the wing of submission through

mercy, and say: My Lord! Have mercy on them both as they did care for

me when I was little (24). "Israa," p. 280.

Therefore, a person in muslim socieyt is obligated to obey parents and not challenge their
Opinions or argue with them unless if the opinions conflict with religious beliefs.
Therefore, this statement was included to test to what extent people respect their parental
opinion, even if it went against their own opinions.

Altering parenth decisions: As we noted in the previous statement that children
in a Muslim Society are encouraged to respect parental opinion and not argue with them
unless what parents said contradicts Islam; otherwise absolute obedience is required by
the children once the parents have made a decision. Therefore, we noted that in Arab and
Muslim societies parents decide everything for children (such as marriage and
employment).

I assume that children now are different from the children of three decades ago.

In the past, diversity between parents and children in terms of thinking was not as great

 

 

 

as it is ‘
respecte

interests

i

very do
the shei
in the v
believe
the poli
villager

relation

Alain ll
males. 1
their on

Therefc

relative
in the 1
teSting

People

 

 

138

as it is today. Therefore, this statement was included to measure whether children still
respected parental decisions even though such decisions went against their desires and
interests.

Suing villager: This was unacceptable within village customs. The villagers feel
very close to each other; they consider themselves to be one family. If one does wrong,
the sheikh solves the problem. In the past, the sheikh was considered the top authority
in the village and was responsible for solving all the village’s problems. Nowadays, I
believe that the village sheikh’s authority has begun to decline and people are going to
the police department or to court to sue each other. Therefore, the statement, "suing a
villager," is an attempt to measure two important familial behaviors: the strength of kin
relations and the perceived strength of the sheikh’s authority as an example of kin unity.

Leaving parents: It was common for children in Saudi society in general and in
Alain in particular to remain in their parents’ homes after marrying, especially married
males. I assume children are now more inclined to leave their parents’ homes and set up
their own households after they marry, seeking some privacy and comforts of their own.
Therefore this statement was included to measure this aspect.

Suing relatives: It is shameful for a person to sue a relative, no matter what the
relative did. Family problems should be solved within the family. Usually an older person
in the family takes charge of solving family problems and quarrels. I was interested in
testing this aspect of familism among the people of Alain to find out whether or not

people still believed in such a value.

 

 

 

Alain, :
maintai
outside
person
of man
to what
unity.

_l
importa
usually
Because
because
they sen

lflthiSa

Da-r

member
exchang,
causes ll
Statemen
curl'(intly

inVitatior.

 

 

139
Mm’ng outside: Endogamous marriages were common among the people of

Alain, indicating their larger kin group relations and their tribal values. Such marriages
maintained tribal purity and kept large kin identity from being weakened by marriages
outside the tribe, particularly if the other tribe is considered socially lower than them. A
person who breaks this norm was ignored socially and even his children had no chance
of marriage with any girls in Alain. Therefore, this statement was included to measure
to what extent people in Alain still believe in conserving familial purity and large kin
unity.

Parental illness: Care and concern about parents in times of illness are very
important matters for everyone in Alain and elsewhere in the Kingdom. People were
usually obligated to care for parents, particularly in times of need, illness or in old age.
Because of the importance of this matter, nursing homes are rarely found in Saudi Arabia
because people still believe it’s shameful, wrong and disobedient of God’s teachings if
they send their parents to such homes. Even though I observed some patterns of change
in this aspect, this statement is an attempt to test the depth of such change.

Refusprgjrvitation: The obligation of accepting a social invitation from any kin
member was necssary as an indication of the, closeness to each other and an indicator of
exchange care and respect. Refusing such an invitation without a good excuse would
causes both relatives and villagers to ignore that member socially. Therefore, this
statement was included to measure the extent that people in Alain still believe and
currently practice such an obligation where people are often too busy to accept social

invitations, even for a relative.

 

 

 

 

 

if the p
belong

inthis

sacrific
Arabia
relatior

family

and Ar:
times (
necessa
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With ot

days st

daflghtt

regal'dlt

the chi]

Still be]

 

 

 

14o

Debt obligation: Persons in a Muslim society are obligated to pay parental debts
if the parents are unable to pay. In the Muslim beliefs, the child and his/her possessions
belong to the father. I was interested in finding out if the people of Alain still believed
in this value.

Putting Family first: It is expected that in a familistic society, a person will
sacrifice his/her benefits for the sake of the family. In a society like that found in Saudi
Arabia and in the village of Alain, such actions are expected because of the close
relationships between family members. Each member is to consider the need of his/her
family more important than his/her own needs.

Sharing house: Caring for a relative in times of crisis is so common in Muslim
and Arab cultures that a person is strongly obligated to share his house with a relative in
times of need. No one excuses any person from this duty. Such an obligation was
necessary when life was simple and people were in strong need of one another. Now life
is more sophisticated and people are more demanding of their privacy. Sharing a house
with others disturbs such privacy. Therefore, I was interested to know how people these
days still respect this matter.

Ma_rrying cousins: In Alain and all over the Kingdom people reserve their
daughters for their cousins since the time they are born.

The family usually decides that each girl should be promised to a male cousin
regardless of age or interests. Such an action sometimes causes real problems if one of
the children refuses their parents’ selection. I was eager to find out whether or not people

still believe in such norms.

 

 

People
Thereft
he mus
Ignorin
problen
began t

to anotl

fElltliliet
importa
the fam
he/she .
includer

member

Children
necessit
easily d,
t0 engag
deemase

WlllCll pl

 

 

141

Stafl'ng at a hotel: Hospitality is another way of expressing familial behavior.
Pe0ple from one kin group, village or tribe usually maintain strong kin attachments.
Therefore, whenever a person goes to a place where relatives or kin members are present,
he must stay with the relatives instead of going to a hotel as an indication of kin relations.
Ignoring such family norms is considered shameful and may cause angry feelings or
problems among kin members or relatives. We assumed that such familistic behavior
began to diminish gradually as people began staying in hotels while visiting or traveling
to another city. Therefore, this statement was included as an indicant of familism.

Insults to family: The insults to family statement was included to measure how
families in Alain deal with each other. Does each family consider its member more
important than other large kin group members? In case of insults to the family, how does
the family usually react to the matter? Does everyone only care about him/herself or does
he/she care for one another and support each other? In general, this statement was
included to observe what would be the reaction if anyone does wrong to a family
member.

Hgving many children: We know that in most familistic societies having many
children is greatly encouraged as a means of increasing kin numbers. In Alain such a
necessity was created due with the frequent tribal wars in the area. A large tribe was
easily destroyed and acquired the land of a smaller tribe. Nowadays people are less likely
to engage in tribal wars and the need for large numbers of kin and tribal members has
decreased. Therefore, this statement was included to measure this issue and the extent to

which peOple still believed in having a large family size and many children.

 

 

 

where
should
expect
Therefi

Alain t

”'11
§

l.

statemt
as betv

each st

fOI' {hes

 

 

 

142

Seeking advice: Family authority is an important issue in a village like Alain
where males and families dominate every individual’s decisions. Children and women
should not decide anything for themselves where families decide everything. A person is
expected to seek his/her relatives’ advice before taking any action or making a decision.
Therefore, I am interested in testing this matter and the extent to which the pe0ple of

Alain still believe in such familial values.

Familism Attitudes

In this section I will attempt to make some comparisons between familism
statements to explore the variations between the younger and older generations as well
as between males and females. Comparisons are based on the respondent’s ranking of
each statement and percent of agreement.

There are seventeen items. Older males and older females are taken as the base

for these norms.

 

 

 

elemen
advice
divorce.
should
collectit
parents .
1
Older m
are there
Parents i
debt of 1

Possessio

 

 

 

 

143

Warns

1. Older males: Older males in Alain consider family authority as the basic
element in their familial norms. Almost all older males believe that seeking a relative’s
advice is necssary before a person acts on any important decision such as marriage,
divorce, employment, etc. This reflects that older males still believe that the family
should have strong power over its members in which all decisions are discussed
collectively by family members before any final decision is made. It should be noted that
parents in Alain are still try to exert some kind of domination over all family matters.

Paying parental debts is the second most important issue ranked by older males.
Older males believe that all their children’s belongings belong to the parents. Children
are therefore not only obligated to pay but also to give a part of their money to their
parents if they are in need. According to Islamic faith, a person is responsible for the
debt of his parents if they are unable to pay. In Islamic tradition, "the son and his

possessions belong to his father."

 

 

 

 

Table 7

Statemc

‘

Seeking
Debt ob
Sharing
Suing rt
Staying
Putting
Arguing
Insults t
Suing v.7
Refusing
Martin.
Altering
decisiOn
Parental

Leaving

 

 

 

 

 

Table 7.1. Male Ranking of Familism Attitudes (percent and ranking)
Older Males Young Males Male Students.

(n=36) (n=31) fir=3l)
Statement % Rank % Rank % Rank
Seeking advice 94.8 ( 1) 38.7 (14 tie) 52.2 (7 tie)
Debt obligation 88.9 ( 2) 72.4 ( 3) 39.1 (11)
Sharing house 80.6 ( 3) 58.1 ( 7 tie) 60.9 (3 tie)
Suing relative 77.8 ( 4) 74.2 ( 2) 60.0 ( 2)
Staying at hotel 66.7 ( 5) 41.9 (14 tie) 30.4 (13)
Putting family first 63.9 ( 6) 77.4 ( 1) 30.1 (14)
Arguing with parents 61.1 ( 7 tie) 41.9 (14 tie) 52.2 (7 tie)
Insults to family 61.1 ( 7 tie) 38.7 (14 tie) 60.9 (3 tie)
Suing villagers 60.4 ( 9) 58.1 ( 7 tie) 52.2 (7 tie)
Refusing invitation 58.3 (10) 38.7 (16) 43.5 (10)
Marrying cousins 55.6 (11) 48.4 (11) 34.8 (12)
Altering parental
decision 50.0 (12) 61.3 ( 5) 56.5 (5 tie)
Parental illness 45.2 (13) 71.0 ( 4) 67.9 ( 1)
Leaving parents 44.4 (14 tie) 58.1 ( 7 tie) 56.5 (5 tie)
Changing jobs 44.4 (14 tie) 58.9 ( 6) 17.4 (17)
Marrying outside 36.1 (16) 32.0 (17) 21.7 (16)
Having many children 27.8 (17) 58.1 ( 7 tie) 26.1 (15)

 

 

 

 

with 1
open
to sha

traditi

the 116‘
in the ;
0f olde
that chj
These

 

 

145

The third issue to which older males gave special consideration is sharing their house
with relatives in times of need. Older males believe that in times of crisis, a person should
open his house to welcome his relatives. In Arab and Muslim norms, people are obligated
to share their homes with relatives in times of need. Many families still practice such family
traditions. Recent events such as the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait illustrates these customs.
Many Kuwaiti families moved to Saudi Arabia to stay with distant relatives whom they might
never have met otherwise. Because there was a need, Saudi—based families welcomed their
Kuwaiti relatives and provided them with all necessities. Therefore, we noted in the fifth
irnporant issue the people in Alain used to stay with relatives or co—villagers while visiting
a place away from their homes, staying in a motel was considered shameful for both parties,
the host and the guest. If this obligation was not observed, the offender was punished by
the kin with social shunning. The older males appear strongly inclined to maintain the same
old image of shame and rejected the idea of staying at hotel completely, indicating, "Why
should we stay in a hotel when our relatives are available?" I noted that some of the older
males did not even know the meaning of the word "hotel" until I explained it to them. This
indicated that they had never used hotels.

Putting family first is a sixth family matter for older males in Alain. It implies that
the needs of their families are taken as more important than their own needs. This is seen
in the parents’ attitude to sacrifice their own goals for their children. Only a small number
of older males indicate that their childem should stay close to them while the majority believe
that children should be concerned with their futures and should not stay close to their parents.

These results explain the feelings of responsibilty by older males toward their families and

 

 

the d
obedit
of old
Arab

disobt
this re
whate
attitud
the fan
condit
3%ng
the re?

relativ

interac
f0111th:

the rel.

these i:
of acce
imheat.

 

 

 

 

146

the desire of a better future for them. This responsibility, however, requires absolute
obedience by children and other family members to the parents. For example, the majority
of older males believe that arguing with parents is an unacceptable matter. In Muslim and
Arab societies, when people want to insult a person, they usually call him/her a "parent
disobeyer," which causes the person to be neglected and ignored by all known people. For
this reason, the majority of older males indicate that they would not argue with their parents
whatever the condition. Such feelings of responsibility can be seen as well in the strong
attitude of older males who believe that if any family member is insulted by someone outside
the family, the family should support the relative. Such support, the majority indicate, is
conditional and based on several factors: (1) the relative should be the victim, not the
aggressor; (2) the victim should not have taken his rights in the time of aggression; and (3)
the relative should not commit immoral acts. If one of these factors was involved, the
relative would not be sup-ported--in fact, he might even be punched!

Such an interpretation reflects the rational manner by which older males in Alain
interact with each other within their familial systems. On the other hand, more than three-
fourths of the older males believe that suing a relative is something unacceptable, whatever
the relative did.

It was found that several issues are considered less important to older males in Alain--
these issues were mostly related to the large kin group, for example, the feeling of obligation
of accepting a co-villager’s invitations, or the idea of endogamous marriages. This seems to

indicate that older males in Alain are becoming more open-minded. They are more oriented

to marry their daughters to others outside the cousin circle and more flexible to refuse or

 

 

accept oth
well in tht
Such flex
very imp
places so
origins a
family.
became
marriagt
appears
size. Su

was mt

matter.
believe
beliew
their ;
that a
belivt

Daren

heen

 

 

147

accept others’ invitations depending on their circumstances. This flexibilty can be seen as
well in their attitude regarding changing a person’s job if that job contradicts family values.
Such flexibilty would not have been seen twenty or thirty years ago where this matter was
very important and critical. As a result of the traditionally strong familistic culture, which
places some jobs into a lower or higher status, lower jobs should be exclusive to non-tribal
origins and should not be taken by a family member if the family is considered a tribal
family. Moreover, it is interesting to note that the flexibilty of older males in Alain has
became quite obvious in other issues, such as: older males no longer believe in restricting
marriages to inside the large kin group and having many children is no longer important. This
appears to reflect that even the older males are becoming more inclined to a smaller family
size. Such a result would not have been found twenty or thirty years ago where a large family
was more desirable.

2. Younger males: For younger males, putting family first is the most important
matter. Such a priority can be seen in many ways: about three-fourths of the younger males
believe that a person should not sue a relative whatever happens. At the same time they
believe strongly in the obligation of parental debts and the importance of staying close to
their parents in times of need. They also believe that parental Opinion is to be respected and
that a person should not alter parental decisions. However we noted that younger males
belive that arguing with parents is acceptable if that is for the good of the family; if the
parents insist, however, the parental decision is always valid.

On the other hand we note a great tendency among younger males in Alain toward

freeng themselves from many family values that they think are no longer important. For

 

 

 

 

 

exampl
co-villa
that yo

matters

for you
to the 1
Howev
obligati-

parents

Show 1}

appears

family,

S0111c f;

 

 

 

148

example, younger males don’t mind staying at hotels. They also appear unconcerned about
co-villagers’ invitations or restricting themselves to marriage inside the clan. It also appears
that younger males are strongly inclined to make their own decisions regarding their personal
matters.

3. Male students: The importance of caring for parents is the most important value
for younger male students. The values that rank from one to six by students are all related
to the matter of caring and concern for family. Caring for parents is the central element.
However, it is surprising to note that the male students are less concerned about the
obligation of parental debt particlarly when they appear strongly concerned about caring for
parents.

Male students also appear more concerned about their own matters rather than their
family’s matters. I have no explanation for these results. I believe that the issue of
endogamous marrige is not an important matter to the male students. Such results are
expected because students have different criteria for a wife from their parents or grandparents.
The level of education obtained has encouraged the male students to look much further for
more educated wives regardless of relationships.

Also an important issue for students is the concern for type of employment. Students
show no concern at all for the rank of higher or lower jobs. Having many children also
appears to be of little importance for students who seem more inclined to have a smaller
family.

4. Male patterns compared: Older and younger males have some similarities regarding

some familial values. For example, a similar attitude is found among the two generations

 

 

 

regard
solved
two gt
young
comm

desira

regarc
thems
Older
famil]
child:
exam}
While

belies

than I
first, .
SOme

famih'

 

 

 

 

149

regarding the suing of relatives. Both generations believe that family problems should be
solved within the family whatever the problem. A similar attitude is also found between the
two generations regarding the acceptance of the idea of endogamous marriages. Older and
younger males in Alain as well as students no longer believe in such norms, which were once
common and important. Both generations also agree that having many children is not
desirable in these days according to life expectancy and the cost of child-rearing.

On the other hand, we noted some patterns of diversity among the two generations
regarding the importance of family authority. Younger males show more inclination to free
themselves from the power of family. They appear more eager to make their own decisions.
Older males, on the other hand, still believe that children should stay under the control of the
family regardless of their age, position and/or level of education. Likewise, we noted that
children also show a great desire to avoid the restrictions of some family obligations. For
example, younger villagers and students no longer believe they should stay with their kin
while traveling out of their village. Older males disagree with this matter. They still strongly
believing that a person should stay with relatives or kin wherever he/she goes.

I noted also that younger villagers seem more inclined to adhere to familial norms
than male students. Such observations are noted in many situations, such as in putting family
first, debt obligation, and so forth. In general, students show the highest level of rejecting
some traditional values. Therefore, we conclude that among males, older males are the more

familistic and male students are the least familistic.

 

 

 

 

Ethel

femalt
relatit
deal 0
and c:
involt
illness
suppo

relatit

numb:

havinl

Parent
but if
211110111
the s
accept
relativ

he/She

 

 

 

150

Female Patterns

1. Older females: A feeling of dependency is the most obvious value for older
females in the village-more than three-fourths of the older females believe that seeking a
relative’s advice is the most important issue. Older females give the immediate family a great
deal of care where the majority refused the idea of suing relatives and consider parental debts
and caring for their parents a central element. The older females believe strongly in being
involved in relatives’ problems and helping to solve them. In times of crisis and parental
illness, older females believe that a person should stand beside their relatives for care and
support, sharing his/her house and supporting relatives if anyone insulted them and the
relative was the victim.

Endogamous marriages appear no longer important to older females. Only a very small
number still believe in such matters. It also appears that older females have less interest in
having a large family.

Arguing with one’s parents seems more acceptable for older females than altering
parental decisions. Older females believe that a person has the right to tell his/her opinion,
but if the decision is made, children should obey that parental decision. Because of the large
amount of free time that older females have in the village, it appears that older females still
give social invitations a great deal of concem--the majority believe in the obligation of
accepting an invitation. Suing villagers is more acceptable for older females than suing
relatives-—only a small portion of them agree that a person should sue his/her relatives if

he/she did wrong while the majority agree that if the villagers did wrong, it is permissible

 

to sue hin
villagers :
2.

in Alain, f
as parent:
0

of stayin
except th
females 5
Some tra
longer in
an lmPo;
3

as a basi
family t
hhportat
for Care
About tl
tn suing
“min

Particul

 

 

 

151

to sue him/her. Such results indicate that older females are no longer concerned about co-
villagers as much as they are relatives.

2. Younger females: Seeking relatives’ advice is the main value for younger females
in Alain, indicating their dependency. The important values to them were family affairs, such
as parental debt, sharing the house with relatives in times of need and so forth.

On the other hand, younger females in the village show less concern about the matter
of staying close to parents during times of illness. Such a result provides no explanation
except the lack of reliability of younger females’ responses. We note as well that younger
females strongly agree on exogamous marriages. Only a few believe in having many children.
Some traditional values such as changing jobs or staying with relatives while traveling is no
longer important to younger females in Alain. Also, accepting co-villagers’ invitations is not
an important matter to them--only a few believe in that.

3. Female students: The younger female students consider seeking relatives’ advice
as a basic value. Females in the region who are educated still believe in family authority and
family domination over all decisions. Putting family first and parental care are also very
important matters to young female students. Younger female students show a higher tendency
for care and concern about co-villagers’ social invitations than younger females in the village.
About three-fourths of the female students believed that. However, they also strongly believe
in suing a villager if he/she did wrong. It is interesting to note that female students prefer
marrying their cousins, which may explain the high number of unmarried educated females,

particularly those who have passed the age of 25. On the other hand, female students agree

 

 

 

 

with yt

circle.

female
domin:
both g
within

genera

consid

of ant

haVinj
major

many

Studer

Paren'

Of her
kin w

[hall]

 

 

152

with younger village females on the importance of endogamous marriages within the tribal
circle.

Female patterns compared: A similar attitude exists among older and younger village
females and female students toward the feeling of dependency and acceptance of family
domination. Both generations regard seeking a relative’s advice as basic. I also noted that
both generations have a similar attitude regarding the lack of importance of marrying only
within tribal boundaries. Such familial norms seem to me no longer important for both
generations.

A similar attitude exists among older and younger village females toward giving equal
consideration to the importance of parental debt--female students pay only a small amount
of attention to this matter.

A similar attitude appears to exist among older and younger village females toward
having only a small number of children. On the one hand, it is interesting to note that the
majority of female students, in contrast to the older and younger females, believe in having
many children.

Among the two generations, I noted that younger female villagers as well as the
students agree on some family norms, such as challenging parental decisions or leaving the
parental home once they are married.

Similarly both the younger village females and students agree on the unimportance
of keeping some old traditional norms, such as: changing jobs and staying with relatives or
kin while traveling. Older females, in contrast, show slightly more concern for these matters

than their younger counterparts.

 

 

 

Table

Stater
Efi
Suing
Debt
Paren
Insult
Refus

Shari

Puttir

Havir

Chan

Alter
decis-

Mar.
Mar.
Leav.

Shin!

 

 

 

153

Table 7.2. Female Ranking of Familism Attitudes (percent and ranking)

Older Younger Female

Females Females Students

itl_=_2§l £2513) £113.22
Statement % Rank % Rank % Rank
Seeking advice 78.6 ( 1) 66.7 ( 1) 73.9 ( l)
Suing villagers 75.0 ( 2 tie) 51.6 ( 6 tie) 72.0 ( 2 tie)
Debt obligation 75.0 ( 2 tie) 61.3 ( 2) 56.0 (10)
Parental illness 71.0 ( 4) 44.0 (13) 72.0 ( 2 tie)
Insults to family 67.9 ( 5) 45.2 (11) 44.0 (11 tie)
Refusing invitation 65.7 ( 6) 48.4 ( 8 tie) 71.0 ( 5)
Sharing house 64.3 ( 7 tie) 54.6 ( 4 tie) 44.0 (11 tie)
Arguing with parents 64.3 ( 7 tie) 54.6 ( 4 tie) 44.0 (11 tie)
Putting family first 60.7 ( 9) 58.1 ( 3) 72.0 ( 2 tie)
Having many children 50.0 (10 tie) 41.7 (14) 60.0 ( 9)
Staying at hotel 50.0 (10 tie) 35.5 (16 tie) 44.0 (11 tie)
Changing jobs 42.9 (12 tie) 35.5 (16 tie) 36.0 (15)
Altering parental
decisions 42.9 (12 tie) 48.4 ( 8 tie) 64.0 ( 8)
Marrying cousins 42.9 (12 tie) 48.4 ( 8 tie) 68.0 ( 6 tie)
Marrying outside 39.3 (15) 38.7 (15) 28.0 (16)
Leaving parents 28.6 (16) 51.6 ( 6 tie) 68.0 ( 6 tie)
Suing relative 28.6 (16 tie) ' 48.4 ( 8 tie) 28.0 (16 tie)

 

 

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154

In general, I noted that the younger village females are the least familistically

oriented. This may be due to a lack of reliability of the younger females’ responses.

GenderZAge Differences

A similar attitude was found among the majority of both generations and sexes
regarding the unimportance of some familial norms in villagers’ lives, such as changing
job, endogamous marriages and having many children. These values seem no longer
important. In contrast, I noted that a general agreement regarding the importance of other
values in relation to immediate family affairs. For example, both generations and sexes
agree that suing relatives is something unacceptable, no matter what the situation. A
similar general agreement exists on the importance of paying parental debts (with the
exception of male students, who disagree)

Among the older generation, a general agreement was found regarding the
importance of family authority. Family domination is still something respected and
considered important for all.

The younger generation, on the other hand, shows two different attitudes regarding
this matter. Younger females believe strongly in such family domination; younger males
try to make their own decisions. Such results reflect the fact that older males are still
trying to exert some types of domination over their families as a part of their feelings of
responsibility toward their dependents. Females, however, represent the strong beliefs of

the dependents. Even educated females consider seeking a relative’s advice as a basic

 

element.

 

 

 

 

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155

The older and younger females appear more inclined to sue villagers than the older
and younger males, even though both sexes and generations are in favor of such matters.
This shows the weakness of a shiek’s authority and the inclinations of villagers to seek
solutions to their problems outside the kin and clan group.

Some patterns of diversity also are found arnon g the two generations regarding the
matter of arguing with parents. The younger generations appear more inclined to argue
with parents than the older generation. The younger argue that the world has changed and
parents should be aware of that. Sometimes, parents want their children to follow in their
footsteps. Since that is impossible, the children try to convince their parents of their own
views but if the parents insist, children in most cases accept parental decisions.

We conclude that several familistic values are losing their importance. On the
other hand, there are some familistic values still very strong among the people of Alain,
particularly those related to immediate family affairs. This result suggests that familism
among the people of Alain is still very strong in terms of matters directly relevant to the
immediate family, but in terms of matters relating to the larger kin group, familism seems

to be weakening.

Familism Scale

 

From the item by item analysis, some patterns of variation between the two
generations and both sexes were observed. However, we wanted to use the 17 items as
a collective measure to assess degree of intensity of familism. Therefore, the 17 items

were tested for scale reliability to establish internal consistency. The item-total score

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 7

Item N
and La

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156
Table 7.3. Familism scale item reliability test
Item Number Item Alpha if Item
and Label Total Correlation Deleted
1. changing job .3679 .6929
2. arguing with parents .3659 .6931
3. altering decision .2333 .7072
4. suing villagers .1512 .7155
5. leaving parents .0843 .7224
6. suing relatives .0135 .7263
7. marrying outside .2886 .7013
8. parental illness .4690 .6824
9. refusing invitation .2784 .7024
10. debt obligation .4483 .6859
11. putting family first .3596 .6938
12. sharing house .3273 .6973
13. marrying counsins .2875 .7014
14. staying at hotel .4316 .6859
15. insults to family .2902 .7011
16. having many children .2457 .7056
17. seeking advice .4858 .6822

 

Note: Alpha = .7128

Standardized item alpha = .7140

N = all 118 villagers

 

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157

correlations showed a high reliability between items; an overall alpha (.7140) indicated
that the scale reliability was acceptable (see Table 7.3).

But items 4, 5, and 6 evidenced a lower intercorrelation than other items: 0.1512,
0.0843 and 0.0135, respectively. By excluding these items, the overall alpha was
increased. Thus, only 14 items were included. The reliability coefficient of the set of 14
items increased to an alpha of .7447 (and the standardized item alpha = .7463): The 14
items are used with confidence as a measure of intensity of familism (see Tables 7.3 and
7.4).

Dimensions of Familism

Factor analysis was used to determine the various dimensions of familism that can
be identified within the "intensity of familism" scale (Table 7.5). Five general factors
were obtained:

Factor One: Items no. 8 and 10 have high loading on factor one. This factor will
be called "importance of caring for parents."

Factor Two: Items 7, 9, 16 and 17 have high loading on factor two. This factor
will be called "importance of co—villager relations."

Factor Three: Items 12, 13, 14 and 15 have a high loading on factor three. This
factor, therefore, is called "importance of family cohesion."

Factor Four: Items 1 and 11 have high loading on factor four. This factor will be
called "importance of putting family first."

Factor Five: Items 2 and 3 have high loading on factor five. This factor will be

called "importance of parental obedience."

 

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158

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Table 7.5 Rotated Factor Matrix (Familism Scale Items)

Item Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Factor 5

1 Changing job .23499 -.02327 .06172 .72367 .19648
if against values

2 Arguing with .43173 .07561 .13098 -.03113 .56185
parents

3 Altering parents’ .10825 .01197 .05696 .05729 .78474
decision

7 Marrying outside -.21752 .50196 .13390 .27127 .23972

8 Parental illness .73540 .10675 -.07423 .13978 . .20439

9 Refusing .04503 .53791 .17616 .27854 .0202
invitation

10 Debt obligations .77838 -.10135 .12255 .19662 .07904

11 Putting family .07794 .30214 .02076 .69413 -.15045

first

12 Sharing house .42170 .00456 .55536 -.01614 -.40352

13 Marrying cousins -.24471 .17252 .55850 .26738 .18732

14 Staying at hotel .05236 .35128 .55586 .14089 .05012

15 Insults to family .10844 -.O4766 .76512 -.09667 .08025

16 Having many .05656 .79577 .03915 -.02860 .01244

children
17 Seeking advice .47873 .61241 .14751 -.20673 .02148

 

*14 familism items

Each of these dimensions will be discussed and

analyzed in terms of age and

gender variations. Differences are determined by analysrs of variance.

 

 

 

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160
1A. Caring for parents and age differences (Table 7.6); A general variation

between younger and older generations is observed The older generation shows more of
an inclination to care for their parents than does the younger. This finding suggests some
kind of erosion in family relations in the village if we consider caring for parents a
central element in the familial system.

But no significant variation is found between younger males and older males,
while a significant variation is found between younger and older females. This shows that

older females are more concerned about caring for their parents than younger females.

Table 7.6. Importance of Caring for Parents*, by Age: Means and Standard Deviation

 

4T86: and Gender N Mean Standard F P
Deviation

 

General Age Differences

Young males and females 54 3.1667 .8633 6.3215 .0133
Older males and females 64 3.5313 .7120

Male Differences

Younger Males 31 3.4839 .7244 .6194 .4341
Older Males 36 3.6111 .5989

Female Differences 58
Younger Females 23 2.7391 .8643 8.3336 .00
Older Females 28 3.4286 .8357

 

”‘73 point familism index, with scores ranging from 2 through 4; the higher score is more
familistic.

1B. Caring for parents and gender differences (Table 7.7): In terms of gender, a

' re
Slgflificant variation is found between males and females. Males appear to be mo

161

concerned about caring for their parents than females. Younger males also show more of
a tendency toward caring for their parents than younger females.

No significant variation is found between older males and older females which
suggests that the gender variable is not a major effect alone when controlling the age
variable. Also, no significant variation is found between male and female students.

Table 7.7. Importance of Caring for Parents*, by Gender: Means and Standard

 

 

 

Deviation

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

General Gender Differences
Males, Old and Young 67 3.5522 .6579 .6579 .0032
Females, Old and Young 51 3.1176 .9088
Total 1 18
Young Generation
Younger Males 31 3.4839 .7244 11.8350 .0012
Younger Females 23 2.7391 .8643
Total 54
Older Generation
Older Males 36 3.6111 .5989 1.0358 .3128
Older Females 28 3.4286 .8357
Total 64
Students Comparison
Male 31 3.0645 .7718 .0918 .7630
Female 25 3.0000 .8165

Total 56

**3 point familism index, with scores ranging from 2 through 4; the higher score is more
familistic.

2A. Co-villager reflpions and age differences (Table 78): There is a significant

variation between the younger and older generations regarding the importance of co-

 

 

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162

villager relations. The older generation shows more orientation toward co—villager
relations than the young. Among males only, however, no significant variation is found
between younger and older males. Among females, on the other hand, a significant
variation is found between the two generations. Young females show less orientation

toward the larger kin group than older females.

Table 7.8. Importance of Co-villager Relations, by Age: Mean and Standard

 

 

Deviation

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

General Age Differences
Younger Males & Females 54 5.5741 1.2827 7.9263 .0057
Older Males & Females 64 6.2188 1.2014
Total 1 18
Male Differences
Younger Males 31 5.6774 1.1658 3.3321 .0725
Older Males 36 6.1667 1.0282
Total 67
Female Differences
Younger Females 23 5.4348 .1802 4.5088 .0388
Older Females 28 6.2857 .1579

Total 5 1

 

*5 point familism index, with scores ranging from 4 through 8; the higher score is more
familistic.

2B. Co-villager relations and gender differences (Table 7.9): By controlling the age

variable, the gender variable shows no significant variation between the two sexes among

 

 

163

 

the younger and older generations. This suggests that gender variables alone are not major

determinants of co—villager kin relations.

Table 7.9. Importance of Co-villager Relations, by Gender: Mean and Standard

 

 

 

Deviation

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

General Gender Differences
Males, older and younger 67 5.9403 1.1130 .0259 .8723
Females, older and younger 51 5.9020 1.4732
Total 1 18
Young Generation
Younger Males 31 5.6774 1.1658 .4677 .4971
Younger Females 23 5.4348 - 1.4405
Total 54
Old Generation
Older Males 36 6.1667 1.0282 .1526 .6974
Older Females 28 6.2857 1.4105
Students Comparison
Males 31 6.0645 1.1236 .9150 .3431
Females 25 6.3200 .8021
Total 56

 

*5 point familism index, with scores ranging from 4 through 8; the higher score is more

familistic.

3A. Family cohesion and age differences (Table 7.10):

between the younger and older generations. The older generation shows more orientation

Family cohesion varies

toward family cohesion than does the younger. Also, a significant variation 15 found

between older and younger males; older males seem more concerned about such matters

than do the younger. No significant variation is found between the younger and older

females.

 

 

164

Table 7.10. Importance of Family Cohesion, by Age: Mean and Standard Deviation

 

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

 

General Age Differences

 

 

Younger males and females 54 5.8704 1.1824 6.6828 .0110
Older males and females 64 6.4688 1.3089

Total 1 18

Male Differences

Younger Males 31 5.8710 1.0876 6.8074 .0113 ,
Older Males 36 6.6389 1.2907

Total 67

Female Differences

Younger Females 23 5.8696 1.3247 1.0430 .3121
Older Females 28 6.2500 1.3229

Total 51

 

*5 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 4 through 8; the higher score is more
familistic.

3B. Family cohesion and gender differences (Table 7.11): By controlling the age

variable, no significant variation is found between either group. Gender variables have no

effect.

 

165

Table 7.11 Importance of Family Cohesion, by Gender: Mean and Stande Deviation

 

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

 

General Gender Differences

Males, older & younger 67 6.2836 1.2529 .7390 .3917
Females, older & younger 51 6.0784 1.3243

Total 118

Younger Generation

Younger Males 31 5.8710 1.0876 .0000 .9966
Younger Females 23 5.8696 1.3247

Total 54

Older Generation

Older Males 36 6.6389 1.251 1.3991 .2414
Older Females 28 6.2500 1.3229

Total 64

Students Comparison

Males 31 5.7742 1.2030 1.9308 .1704
Females 25 6.2400 1.3000

Total 56

 

5 point familism index with scores ranging from 4 through 8; the higher score is more
familistic.

4A. Puttin famil first and a e differences able 7.12: The only significant
variation is found for family priority and age between the younger and older females.
Older females are more concerned with giving their families more priority than

themselves. No such variation is found between the younger and older males.

 

 

166
Table 7.12. Importance of Putting Family First, by Age: Mean and Standard Deviation

 

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

 

General Age Differences

Younger males and females 54 2.9074 .7835 1.0712 .3028
Older males and females 64 3.0625 .8333

Total 1 18

Male Differences

Younger Males 31 3.1613 .7780 .1690 .6824
Older Males 36 3.0833 .7700

Total 67

Female Differences

Younger Females 23 2.5652 .6624 4.1994 .0458
Older Females 28 3.0357 .9222

Total 51

 

*3 point familism index, with scores ranging from 2 through 4; the higher score is more
familistic.

4B Putting family first and gender differences l Table 7.13): It appears that the gender

variable is a major factor. A significant variation is found between the younger males and
younger females; younger males are more inclined to consider family first than are
younger females. No significant variation is found between older males and females.
Also, no significant variation is found among male and female students.

However, a significant variation is found between males and females 1n general

without controlling the age variable. This shows that males are more concerned about

sacrificing their own benefit in favor of their family benefit.

167
Table 7.13. Importance of Putting Family First, by Gender: Means and Standard

 

 

Deviation

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

General Gender Differences
Males, older & younger 67 3.1194 .7691 3.9494 .0492
Females, older & younger 51 2.8235 .8416
Total 1 18
Younger Generation
Younger Males 31 3.1613 .7788 8.7607 .0046
Younger Females 23 2.5652 .6624
Total 54
Older Generation
Older Males 36 3.0833 .7700 .0507 .8227
Older Females 28 3.0357 .9222
Total 64
Students Comparison
Males 31 2.9355 .6800 .6582 .4207
Females 25 3.0000 .4603

Total 56

 

*3 point familism index with scores ranging fi'om 2 through 4; the higher score is more
familistic.

5A. Parental obedience and age differences (Table 7.14): No significant variation is
found between all groups regarding parental obedience. This shows that parental

obedience still receives much attention from the younger generation as well as from the

older generation.

 

168

 

Table 7.14. Importance of Parental Obedience by Age: Mean and Standard Deviation

 

Age and Gender N Mean Standard F P
Deviation

 

General Age Differences

 

 

Younger 54 3.0556 .8560 .0588 .8088
Older 64 3.0938 ' .8493

Total 1 18

Male Differences

Younger Males 31 3.0323 .8360 . 1512 .6987
Older Males 36 3.11 l 1 .8204

Total 67

Female Differences

Younger Females 23 3.0870 .9002 .0038 .9514
Older Females 28 3.0714 .8997

Total 51

 

* 3 point familism index with scores ranging from 2 through 4; the higher score is more
familistic.

5B. Gender variations and parental obedience (Table 7.15): No significant variation

is found between the two genders regarding parental obedience. Both men and women are

equally concerned about this matter.

169

 

Table 7.15. Importance of Parental Obedience by Gender: Means and Standard

 

 

Deviation

Age and Gender N Mean Standard
Deviation F P

General Gender Differences
Male 67 3.0746 .8223 .0006 .9809
Female 51 3.0784 .8404
Total 1 18
Younger Generation
Younger Males 31 3.0323 ' .8360 .0330 .8189
Younger Females 23 3.0870 .9002
Total 54
Older Generation
Older Males 36 3.1111 .8204 .0339 .8546
Older Females 28 3.0714 .8497
Total 64
Student Comparison
Males 31 3.0323 .7528 .6591 .8088
Females 25 3.0800 .7024

Total 56

 

* Three point familism index with scores ranging from 2 through 4; the higher score is
more familistic.

Intensigy of Familism

As observed, various dimensions of familism vary among the two generations. In
this section of our discussion, we will explore these variations in terms of the 14-item
"intensity of familism scale." All 14 items combined are taken as one variable
("familism") to determine whether or not familial intensity differs from one generation

to another and from one gender to the other.

 

170
1. Intensity of familism and generational differences (Table 7.16): The analysis of

variance shows a significant variation between the two generations. The intensity of
familism is stronger among the older than among younger generation. The means
differences between the two generations supports my hypothesis that:

There are generational differences in the feeling and behavior toward the

centrality of the family and kin which reflects that there has been a
generational erosion of familial and kin norms.

Table 7.16 Intensity of Familism*, by Age: Mean and Standard Deviation

 

 

 

Age N Mean Standard F P
Deviation
Younger Generation 54 20.5741 3.0690 9.5139 .0025
(males and females)
Older Generation 64 22.3750 3.2342
(males and females)
Total 118
Students Comparison
Male 31 20.8710 1.4461 .2344
Female 25 21.7200
Total 56
* 15 points familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the higher score

is more familistic.

2. Intensit of familism amon males Table 7.17 : Among males only, no
Significant variation is found between the younger and older males. Younger males still

give familism as much attention as the older males.

 

171
Table 7.17 Intensity of Familism* Among Males, by Age: Mean and Standard

 

 

Deviation
Age N Mean Standard F P
Deviation
Younger Males 31 21.2258 2.7894 4.5171 .0374
Older Males 36 22.611 1 2.5442
Male Students 31 20.8710

 

*15 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the lower score is
more familistic.

3. Intensity of familism among females (flfable 7.18): In contrast to the males, a

significant variation is found between older and younger females. Older females are more

 

familistic than younger females.

Table 7.18 Intensity of Familism“ Among Females, by Age: Mean and Standard

 

 

Deviation '
A‘86 N Mean Standard F P
. Deviation
gunger Females 23 19.6957 3.2674 5.2697 .0260
Older Females 28 22.0714 3.9808

Females Students 25 21.7200

H5 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the higher score is
more farrrilistic.

 

172
4. Intensity of familism and gender differences (flfable 7.19): Gender was a major

variable in our analysis. We assumed that there might be a gender differentiation between
the two sexes. Such an assumption was based upon our observation that males are more

exposed to outside effects than females. However, the analysis of variance shows that the

 

gender variable is not a major factor like the age variable. No significant variation is
found between males and females, and does not support our hypothesis that

Females tend to be more conservative and loyal to
familistic norms than males.

Table 7.19 Intensity of Familism“, by Gender: Means and Standard Deviation

 

 

 

Gender N Mean Standard F P
Deviation
Males 67 21.9701 2.7301 2.5789 .1110

(younger and older)

Females 51 21.0000 3.8314
(younger and older)

Total 118

 

* 15 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the higher score is
more familistic. '

5. Older generation and intensity of familism (Table 7.20): It seems that older men

and older women have the same attitudes and concerns regarding familial obligations. No

significant variation is found between the older males and older females.

 

173

Table 7.20 Intensity of Familism* Among the Older Generation, by Gender: Means
and Standard Deviation '

 

 

 

Gender N Mean Standard F P
Deviation

Older Males 36 22.6111 2.5442 .4346 .5122

Older Females 28 22.0714 3.9808

Total 67

 

*15 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the higher score is
more farrrilistic.

6. Younger generation and intensigy of familism (Table 7.21): No significant
variation is found between the younger males and younger females regarding familial
attitudes. Both sexes observe the same concern to family.

Table 7.21 Intensity of Familism* Among the Younger Generation, by Gender: Mean
and Standard Deviation

 

 

Gender N Mean Standard F P
Deviation

Younger Males 31 21.2258 2.7894 3.4329 .0696

Younger Females 23 19.6957 3.0690

Total 54

 

*15 point familism scale, with scores ranging from 14 through 28; the lower score is
more familistic.

 

174
7. Intensigy of familism and educational differences: I assumed that education is a
major factor affecting familism negatively in a rural society. I assumed that as people
become more educated, they also become more urbanized which ultimately affects their
adherence to family values and norms. My data unfortunately do not provide strong
support for my hypothesis that:

The higher the level of education, the weaker the adherence to family
norms.

This does not mean that my hypothesis is rejected but that, due to the nature of
the data gathered, it was quite difficult to draw a valid conclusion of whether it is
education or age that produces variations in familistic orientation.

No valid comparison between sampling groups exists because there are no
educated older females and, on the other hand, only a few of the younger males and
females are illiterate. ANOVA and regression analysis is restricted where there are only
a few cases or not for variation-comparison. Therefore, I attempted to explore
educational variations in a contingency table, using dichotomized variables, which I
assumed would give a clearer indication of the effect of education on familism and, at the
same time, indicate the strong interaction between education and age which cannot be
separated (due to the strong overlapping of variables). Due to the fact that the level of
education in the area is very low and high school is the highest level available, I consider
those who have elementary school and above as educated and those how have less than

elementary school as non-educated.

 

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Among the older generation, the non-educated residents are more familistic than
the educated residents. Such a comparison cannot be found regarding older females
because these subjects areall non—educated. Among younger males, it is obvious that the
educated subjects are less familistic than the non-educated subjects; such an argument
appears very clear in the case of the students when compared to the younger male
villagers.

Younger educated female villagers, on the other hand, show less familistic
orientation than female students. The only explanation for such a result may be due to the

lack of reliability of younger females.

Summgg and Discussion

Within various familial dimensions, it appears there are some variations between
the two generations and genders. In caring for parents, for example, the older generation
demonstrates more orientation to this matter than does the young, particularly among the
older males and females of the village. In terms of gender, it is found that males are more
concerned about the care of their parents than are the women.

Such a finding does not accurately convey the reality of village females--a great
deal of concern for one’s parents is observed among both males and females. However,
it must be remembered that the males have more ability to make decisions regarding the
care of their parents than do the females, due in large part to the dominance of men over
women in Saudi society. A Saudi male is able to offer care in a variety of aspects--

financially, physically in choosing to stay with his parents or bringing them to his home--

 

 

 

 

 

—>——' ~-~—-~—~~-~ -~ » ~ ~-

 

177

whereas women have fewer opportunities for such decisions because they are restricted
by society and their husbands.

In terms of co-villager relationships, it appears that the older generation still pays
more attention to their large ldn relations than do the young, particularly among the older
and younger females. The younger females show less orientation to kin relations--they
demonstrate more exclusivity by preferring to concentrate on their immediate families.
A significant variation is also noted between the younger and older generations regarding
the importance of family cohesion--the older generation shows more concern about the
family’s unity and cohesion than does the young, particularly among older and younger
males. Gender in both dimensions appears to be a non-affected variable.

In terms of putting family first, a significant variationis is found between older and
younger females. Older females are more concerned about giving family issues more
priority than their own. Younger males show more consideration of family concerns than
do younger females. In general, males appear more concerned about this matter than
females. Such a result is illustrated by the dominant role of men where the man is
responsible for his family and all the concerns related to such responsibilities. The role
of women is usually more minor when compared to the men.

With regard to the importance of parental obedience, it appears that all generations
and genders give similar or equal consideration to the matter of parental obedience. A
great deal of agreement is found among all groups, which says that this matter still

receives attention from all groups regardless of age or gender.

 

 

 

 

178

The degree of familism intensity also varies somewhat from one generation to the
next and from one gender to the other", the older geneation appears more familialistic than
the younger. Among males, no significant variation is found between the older and
younger. However, females show some variation in terms of intensity of familism when
older females show a stronger inclination to be more familialistic than younger females.
Such results indicate that the generational differences found are among females rather
than males.

The only explanation associated with such a finding may be due to two important
reasons:

1. The lack of reliability of young females’ responses that might have
occurred because the investigator was not able to interview young female respondents.
The only access available was through female interviewers.

2. The misunderstanding by young females of some of the statements due to
the absence of the investigator. Such misunderstandings were taken care of by the
investigator with the male groups interviewed. The absence of the investigator may have
caused such misunderstandings.

In comparing the two genders, males and females, whether village residents or
students, the analysis of variance did not show a significant variation between the two
sexes. However, our observations went beyond such findings. We believe that females,
particularly village females, still have more familialistic orientation than males.

In short, I conclude that the intensity of familism in the village as well as among

students is still strong in its smaller sense of immediate family, while there are more

 

 

 

 

179

familial erosions among village people as well as students regarding familism in its

general sense, the larger kin group and village as a whole.

 

 

 

CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Familism Past

The people of Alain, until recently, had lived in relative isolation for a long
time. This kind of isolation, particularly in a harsh, unstable environment, established
a strong emphasis on extended kinship ties. It forced family members to care for each
other, to look after each other and to socialize their children to respect the village way
of life.

Familism in the village was observed as strong, positive relationships among all
kin members. The term "kin“ refers to the larger kin group. In Alain all co- villagers
are considered kin because they all stem from one grand-sector Dreeb. Such kin ties
could be seen in the close neighborhoods; the exchange of belongings, farm produce,
and tools; involvement in a cooperative labor system for cultivating, harvesting crops
and for building houses; the obligatory help given at special occasions, such as
marriage, death, circumcision and visits by strangers/guests; and above all, the
exchange of warm feelings and compassion. In short, it was a social system based
upon particularism and Gemeinschaft—like patterns of social interaction.

All village boys and girls were considered brothers and sisters and all village

men and women were fathers and mothers. It was shameful for a child to say “uncle"

 

 

 

 

 

181
or "aunt" to any kin members. If such a thing occurred, the child would be punished
as an ill-behaved child. Schwarzweller et al. (1970) observed a similar tennino-logical
norm in the case of Appalachian familism; all children in Beech Creek said “uncle" or
"aunt" when addressing a kin member. But in Alain, "aunt" or "uncle“ were not the
correct terms of address--elder kin members are referred to as "mother" or "father."
Indeed, any villager had the right to punish for misbehavior any boy or girl in the
village as if the child were his/her own. No adult would object to this. Children were
raised to respect and obey any kin member.

Helping, caring and cooperation were obligations of the villagers. In times of
joy, such as marriage, birth, or the return of a migrant, all the village pe0ple gathered
in the house of the kin experiencing the occasion to help with the social activities and
to share in the feelings of joy. In times of sadness or during a crisis, such as death or
sickness, all the people felt obligated to come to express their sympathy and to help.
They stayed at the home of the sick kin member, nursing him/her until he/she
recovered or died; or they stayed in the home of the deceased kin member for three
days to help his/her family share their feelings and offer sympathy.

When a person wanted to build a house, many villagers offered land; others
proposed that the house be built near them so that they could be neighbors. On the
day the roof was raised, all the men and women came to help.

If a stranger came to the village as a guest, the kin members had the right,

according to village rules, to kill any kin’s sheep to feed the guest if the host had no

 

 

 

 

182

sheep of his own to kill. Other kin members were obliged not to object; to object
would draw punishment (the sheep’s legs might be cut off and the animal left to die).

The feeling of kin loyalty forced an individual to forget his/her own interests
and to focus instead upon the collective good and kin dignity and unity. Individual
behavior must aim at satisfying kin needs, not individual needs. If the individual had
committed a wrong, the resulting shame would not only fall upon the individual’s
family but would extend to all kin members. Therefore, the people in Alain
established rules that regulated individual behavior. They created a village court which
dealt with any behavioral problems within the village and all procedures were
conducted according to village norms and customs ("hagug" or "rights" which means
rights and obligations).

They were also guided by their own norms to help and assist each other
financially in times of crisis, marriage and special occasions. Endogamous marriages
were most common among the villagers. Kin members seldom sought wives or
husbands outside their kin group; they wanted to maintain the purity and unity of the
kin group. Children were encouraged to marry at a very early age and were also
prompted to have a large number of children to increase the number of kin members.
A newborn boy was an occasion for rejoicing and celebration by all the villagers.

After a couple married, they usually remained with their parents, inheriting the

home after their parents died. This custom helps to explain the small number of

homes in the village.

 

 

 

 

183

No large economic, social or cultural differences were permitted among kin
members. This equality helped to strengthen family unity. The emphasis was on "we"
when referring to all kin members and on "they" when referring to a non-kin member.

"This traditional familistic type of village social organization existed
undisturbed for many years: the goals of individuals were fused with goals of the
family. No solutions for individual problems were sought except as they related to the
family. Expressions of family purposes were not made except as it added to the
familism already present in the family" (Zimmermann, 1935, p. 285).

This system of strong kinship ties in the village of Alain is not unique. Many
studies in different parts of the world have observed similar familistic patterns. These
studies found same kinship organizations that regulated the social interaction between
kin group members and with others outside the kin group. For example,
Schwarzweller et al. (1970) found similar characteristics of kin social organizations in
the Appalachian neighborhoods; Zimmerrnann and Frarnpton (1953) in the Ozarks;
Leplay (1930) in his study of the stem family; Sorokin (1930) in his study of familial
societal characteristics; Heller (1972) in his study of familism and mobility in the
United States of America; Arensberg and Kimball (1940) in the case of Irish rural
families; and many other studies found similar patterns. These strong similarities
across the world leads me to argue that familism is a form of social organization that

represents an adaptation to harsh situations despite cultural differences.

 

 

184
Familism and Urbanization in the Village

The village is no longer isolated and many urban patterns have been introduced
into village life which could affect a breaking up of kin unity and familial relations.
Urbanization has created some patterns of differentiation among the villagers in Alain.
The villagers no longer resemble each other. In Alain, as in the Appalachian
community of Beech Creek, it once was said that:

If you know how the father and grandfather walk and talk, you will

know how the son and grandson walk and talk (Schwarzweller et al.,

1970, p. 86).

But in Alain today, as in Beech Creek today, this statement is no longer true.

Education, through the village school, teaches normative patterns of urban
Saudi society, inculcating the young with the culture of the outside. Through the
processes of assimilation and substitution, village youth are furnished with the
necessary information to become agents of change in the rural community
(Schwarzweller et a1 1961., p. 369).

Agriculture is still the dominant occupation of the villagers, but there are many
other jobs available now, which contributes to an increased differentiation among kin
members. Social status is no longer based on family roots only. But in Alain today,
education and wealth (or possessions) also serve to determine individual social status.

Migration has become quite common among village youths as they seek better
jobs outside the village. The same thing was found by Schwarzweller et al. (1961: 89)
in Appalachia. Young Beech Creekers who had once settled in the area or remained

with their parents were, with the opening—up of the Appalachian region, now inclined

 

185

to relocate in areas far removed from their ancestral homestead once they reach
adulthood.

Alain villagers no longer feel obligated to kin authority and loyalty. The terms
of "uncle" and "aunt" have become more commonly used by children in the village,
for children feel that they should only call their parents "mother" and "father." It
appears that the network of social obligations has begun to gradually diminish. The
close relationships with kin began conflicting with the interests of the immediate
family. Many villagers moved from the village, seeking some kind of freedom and
enhancement of individual family living. People no longer show much concern for
their kin members. No longer do parents teach their children to respect kin members
as in the past. Day by day kin loyalty becomes weaker and weaker. As the village
becomes more urbanized, the kin system loses more of its strength. The older
generation, which enjoyed warm kin relationships in the past, describes those passing
days with a feeling of impending gloom for the loss of authority and loyalty. They
express their nostalgia with a sense of sorrow:

We were all considered as one family; we lived six families under a
tree for more than one month.

I used to know all the village children, now some of my cousin’s
children I don’t know them until they tell me their parents’ names.

When one of our village gets sick, we usually send a person or group to
bring him or her to the village if it was out of the village. Now I had
to walk about ten kilometers to another village to rent a car to take my
wife to the hospital. No one of my village wanted to give me a ride.
They asked for money and they know that I am broke, that I might be
unable to pay the rent.

 

186

I still remember that when I got sick even our kin in faraway villages
came to stay beside me until I got well. Now, I have been sick for
more than one month. No one in my village came to visit me.

I carried one of my village on my back from Tehammah to the village.
That means I carried him about 250 kilometers.

We used to build our houses close to each other. We were enjoying the
warmth of closeness, now everyone wanted to live away from people to
have some kind of freedom.

In the past, no one asked you for what reason you have come for. Now
you should have a reason to visit.

These feelings expressed by the older people of the village are a reflection of the
feeling of loneliness and unbearable isolation after the weakening of kin relations.
However, although the urbanization process. that took place in the village has strongly
affected kin relations, immediate family relations are still very strong. Family
authority is still dominant over all individual designs. Fathers still exert strong control
over their children. Children, despite the fact that they are pulled by urban
occupations outside the village, still remain in touch with their home villages and
families by frequent visits, ranging from daily visits to annual visits, according to the
distances involved. Children also express their familism by monthly or occasional
remittances they send to their families to help them enhance their living situations by
buying new homes or more land. Such remittances in some families are the main
sources of income, particularly in the case of old village women who are unemployed

due to the fact that most farm jobs are filled by men or machines and governmental

occupations only welcome the educated.

 

 

 

187

Many village men and women indicated that their children are caring for them
and are very dependable and obedient, even though the children no longer live with
their parents in the same house. The absent children occasionally come to visit during
vacations or holidays or invite their parents to come visit them in the city. In short,
familism in its smaller context of "immediate family" seems to be unaffected by
urbanization.

However, familism and familial attitudes in the village in general appear less
strong among the younger generation than the older generation. A significant variation
is found between the older and the younger, particularly between older and younger
females. Older females show a tendency to be more familistic than younger females.
This may be attributed to variations in response reliability or it may reflect the desire
of younger women to free themselves from some familial behaviors which oppress
them. It appeared obvious in the educated females’ responses when they quoted
Islamic and Quranic verses in response to some of the questions, indicating that
females have become more educated and more knowledgeable of their rights. This
sometimes partially or totally conflicts with traditional familism, but not with general
Islamic teachings.

No gender differentiation was found between the males and females in Alain
(and such results were not expected) because the primary observation indicated that
males had more opportunity to external influences than females, who spend much of

their time at home. The recent influx of technology into the area gives females more

 

ease and free time; at least, more time than they had previously. Females spend much

 

 

 

 

188
of their free time visiting each other and helping one another while the males seldom
do so.

Young males appear more familial-oriented than young females; also, young
village boys and girls are more familistic than the high school students. Students
showed the lowest level of familism, both boys and girls.

In general, it seems that the illiterate appear more familistically oriented than
those with an education. Such results are expected because students usually are
exposed through education to urbanizing effects. Such exposure ultimately affects their
familial orientation. As Wirth (1938) indicated:

where the distinctive features of the urban mode of life have often been

described sociologically as consisting of the substitution of secondary or

primary contacts, the weakening of bonds of kinship and the declining

social significance of the family, the disappearance of the neighborhood

and the undermining of the traditional basis of social solidarity (p. 21).

However, Heller (1972) in his study of occupational mobility and familism
concluded that urbanization does not always affect familism, arguing that his
conclusion:

has grown out of 20 years of research. Most of this research contradicts

100 years of theory in sociology which assumed that familism has given

way under the increasing impact of individualistic, rational, industrial

society. This 20 years of research literature has purported to show

evidence that urbanism has not led to decreased familism (p. 114).

My findings show a middle point between the two arguments and I conclude
that urbanization processes have left an explicit impact on village life that has not

affected the strength of nuclear family solidarity in the village, but it has strongly

affected familism in its larger sense, namely with respect to the extended family

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

189

group. Such effects have come about, I believe, as a result of the socio-economic

changes accompanying urbanization.

Socio-economic Impacts on Familism

The village of Alain is absorbing tremendous changes in its socio-economic
system, created by the rapid spread of urbanization through governmental
developmental programs. Such socio-economic changes have affected large kin
relationships, but not nuclear family relations.

For example, the housing structure of the village has completely changed from
what it used to be. The small stone houses were once close to each other, which
allowed people to be involved in special relations as neighbors. This close
neighborhood played a role in keeping people together, encouraging them to interact
with each other though as they were one family. Nowadays, the modern villas and
brick houses, which have become widely available, have caused this village as well as
other rural areas in the Kingdom to become more differentiated. It has produced a
kind of segregation as people become more individualistically oriented and self-
dependent with a tendency to build and live in these houses away from each other,
seeking some kind of freedom. Such an individualistic inclination has been supported
by the feeling of safety that people throughout the Kingdom enjoyed after they were
united by King Abdulaziz. Tribal wars that had occurred between the tribes forced
pe0p1e to live close to each other to help strengthen tribal and kin prejudices and

preserve a strong familistic system among the individual kin groups.

 

 

 

 

 

190

People in the villages also have become more secure and their need for one
another has become less important. There is no longer a need to have socially-close
neighbors or strong familial kin relations. Personal, individual aims and needs have
become more important than tribal or kin needs.

Religious awareness is another factor associated with the restructuring of
exchange visits to be more exclusive to the immediate family or relatives rather than
the wider kin group or co-villagers. As people become more aware of religion
according to their exposure to the outside world through education, migration and
transportation. Many "aulama" (religious men) visited the area and gave speeches to
explain the right and wrong ideas of Islam. Veils for women was the most important
topic the aularna focused on. Twenty years ago, southern women uncovered their
faces. When the southern women decided to cover their faces and wear the "abiah" (a

black cloth) as the correct way to practice Islamic teachings. Several results emerged:

 

women became less involved with men socially and no longer spoke to men unless the
men were relatives. Southern women in the past dealt with men and spoke to them
with uncovered faces. Such restrictions have forced women to stay at home to avoid
contact with men outside the family. Females no longer were able to receive guests in
their homes or to extend hospitality to guests in the absence of their husbands. People
became more aware of postponing their visits until the man of the house arrived home.
People began building high walls to surround their homes to keep their women

(maklef) away from the eyes of strangers. Thus, the veil restriction is a major factor

assisting in the restrictions and changes in visiting behaviors.

 

 

 

191

Another factor mentioned by the respondents was the land quarrels which
emerged as a result of the increase in land values following the influx of
developmental programs in the area. People in the village were concerned about the
village’s traditional familial system of providing each kin member or co—villager with
a piece of land to assist him or her in building a house close to each other. Now even
within the immediate family there are quarrels about who possesses the land. Such
quarrels have caused absences among people, affecting ultimately their relations.

The other factor that has caused a change in kin relations in the village is the
increase of wealth among village people, dividing them into two groups: wealthy and
poor. Each group involved itself in social relations with similar groups according to
economic possessions regardless of family relations.

The increase of modern technology is also an important factor that affects the
helping system among people in the village. Helping others with their daily needs is
not practiced as frequently or commonly. People have become more dependent on
machines rather than other humans, even though the majority indicated they still felt
obligated to offer their help to anyone. However, only a few depended on others.

The availability of foreign workers in the village as well as machines have
decreased the need of kin members to depend on one another. Where the cooperative
labor system was once practiced by villagers, they now depend on foreign workers and
machines to meet their daily needs.

Exchange visits and the offering of sympathy and courtesy among kin members

has been affected by the urbanizational process in the village. Village people became

 

 

 

 

 

192

more urbanized and less concerned about one another. Despite this decline in concern,
there are still some occasions which receive strong consideration by all kin members.

A funeral is considered the least affected familial behavior-people still believe
in and practice this custom in a general obligated manner. Welcoming home
newborns is the most affected behavior. People are now less apt to visit the family of
the newborn baby as they once did unless it is the family of a very close relative or
friend. Because there are no longer tribal wars, the birth of the baby, particularly
boys, has become a less important event in the clan or village life and is only
important to the parents of the newborn.

People also became less oriented to welcome a co-villager or kin member or
see him off after an absence as they used to because migration has become more
common. Every day tens of kin or village members leave and return. In the past,
only a few did so and that was considered a very important event not to be ignored.
Visiting sick people was and still is a very important occasion that people feel
obligated to visit, regardless of family or kin closeness. Part of the reason is that
religious adherence encourages people to visit the sick, but according to my
observation, visiting a hospitalized person has become less of an obligation if the
person is not critically ill or a close relative or friend. In the past people felt obligated
to stay in the house of the sick co-villager to help and support the family until she/he

recovered or died.

 

Financial aid among relatives and kin also has been affected negatively by

urbanization, but its effect is considered slight when compared with other familial

 

 

 

 

193

behaviors. People still practice giving financial aid in times of crisis. The obligation
of offering financial aid is most common, but it became more exclusive to the
immediate family because most people became self-sufficient and economically secure.

Noticeable financial aid became a more familistic indicator than the physical
help of relatives, clans or co-village members. People were more willing to offer
financial aid rather than physical aid because money was available and with money
pe0p1e could bring in labor to do the job.

Respecting other people, particularly the elderly, became less than what it used
to be. Two conflicting points of view have emerged. The older kin argue that
children are less respectful to them because their parents encouraged them to do so
because peOple were less united and less in need of help from each other. The
younger, on the other hand, felt that the older are not educated and empty-minded;
they asked the younger to follow in their footsteps which led them to reject the older.
However, respects and care among immediate family members is still very strong in
all of the former familial behaviors mentioned. All respondents indicated that their
children were very respectful to them, obeying their orders. This reflects the opposite
attitude of the general respect and obedience among young children to other kin
members.

We concluded that several important factors have caused the decline in kin
relations in the village but those factors had little effect on immediate family relations
in the village. Some of the effects were very deep and some were slight. As we have

seen, some kin norms completely changed; some are still strong; others struggle

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

194

between which indicates that there are some patterns of norms that might be given

more consideration than others, which might never be affected by urbanization.

SUMMARY

This study has posed three general questions to be answered:

1. What is the meaning of familism in the village and what are the
patterns and norms of mutual aid and reciprocity currently practiced by rural pe0ple in
the southwestern region in relation to their families and extended family networks?

2. Are there any generational changes in degrees of intensity of family and
kin obligation?

3. What are the social and economic determinants associated with
individual motivations and degree of commitment to familial norms and with
generational differences?

My findings show that familism in Alain meant in the past the strong
relationship among all large kin groups. Such kin relations were reflected in their
exchange of care, help, sympathy ,and kin authority. However, these relations
diminished gradually in the village as result of urbanization processes that took place.
Thus familism in the present means the strong relationships among immediate family
members. Many of the familial behaviors practiced by kin members became exclusive
to the immediate family only. Urbanization appears to have had no effect on familism
in its smaller sense (immediate family) where authority and relationships among

family members is still very strong. However, the young generation appears less

 

 

 

 

195

familial-oriented than the old, whether in the general sense (kin) or the smaller sense
(family). Males appear more farnilistc than females, which is the opposite result
hypothesized. Educated residents demonstrated less familistic orientation than
uneducated.

Several socio—economic factors appear to have caused such changes in familial
intensity among the villagers. These include: changes in the housing structure,

religious awareness, wealth, greater availability of modern technology and foreign

 

workers, and a growing carelessness based in a lack of need among kin members.

Mn

 

The major conclusion of this study is that the urbanization process has strongly
affected wider kin relationships in the village of Alain, but has had no serious impact
upon the immediate family. Familism in the village has declined with regard to kin
relationships but has remained strong among immediate family members.

The younger generation shows less tendency toward familism as do educated
residents. Such generational differences explain that the continuity of familism may
be facing a profound weakening in the future as Alain’s population becomes more

educated and more urbanized.

Study Implications and Recommendations

Saudi society is composed of tribes and kin groups. We generally consider this

country to have a tribal society. Despite the rapid growth of development that has

 

196

created urban change, tribal norms still play major roles in directing the Saudi people
and controls their behaviors. It appears that the rapid urban growth in rural areas of
Saudi Arabia will affect many familial norms and customs which will gradually
diminish. The time is appropriate to document these norms. Familism has not been
studied in-depth in Saudi society despite the fact that there are some articles and books
that touched on this topic slightly. Therefore, this study has employed several
methodological approaches and developed afarnilism scale. This basic scale should
be improved by future investigators interested in studying familism in Saudi society.
Further familial research should be conducted in different parts of the Kingdom to
document and record familial norms and customs in order to conserve the traditions

and customs for future generations to understand and appreciate.

Recommendations for Future Research
Based on my findings, the following issues are suggested for potential future

studies.

Familism and Rural Urban Differentiation

Because this study was conducted in a very small, remote, isolated village
focusing upon generational differences, a similar study should be conducted in an
urban setting such as Riyadh or Jeddah. Researchers may wish to explore the extent

to which there are differences in familism between generations in rural and urban

areas.

 

II—v

 

 

 

197

Gender Differentiation

My survey findings reject a significant variation between men and women
regarding familism. But my case-study observations went beyond such results, and
suggest the importance of further in—depth studies of gender differences to be

conducted in the future.

A Longitudinal Study

 

Finally, a longitudinal study of the same topic in the same setting should be
conducted five years from now to measure the social change in people’s attitudes

associated with urban and social changes in the setting.

 

Limitations

This study was conducted in a very small remote area of the southwest region
of Saudi Arabia.The findings cannot be generalized for the larger Saudi population nor
the whole of the southwest region, but they can be used as a basic primary
introduction to the subject of familism. A more comprehensive study of changing
family norms within the entire Saudi society or even the southwest region of the
country is required.

The lack of confidence in the gender variable is due to the lack of interviewing

 

access to female respondents. For future studies, a team of well-trained female

researchers is required to obtain better and more reliable results.

 

198

Finally, despite the fact that the research findings indicate there are
generational differences, such results do not show if the generation gap will become
larger in the future or if it will remain the same. A longitudinal study of the subject is

recommended to observe such changes in familial behavior.

 

APPENDIX

Questionnaire #
Interviewer

Date

Household ID #

Resident’s Place
inside the village

Family Values Among Residents
of the Village of Alain

Resident’s Name: (optional)

Relation to the Household Head:

All information in this questionnaire
will be kept in strict confidence and
it will not be used for non—research

purposes.

199

 

Dear Brothers and Sisters:
Al Salam Aleekum Wa rahmat Allah (God bless you!)

I’m one of the scholars who has been sent by I.M.U. to the U.S.A. to obtain a Ph.D.
in Sociology. My dissertation t0pic concerns familism, norms of reciprocity and the
urbanization of rural villages in the southwest region of Saudi Arabia.

Accordingly, I would be very grateful if you would give me a portion of your valuble
time in order to fill in this questionnaire. Your assistance in filling out this questionnaire will
be important not only for the completion of my degree but also to increase awareness of
various social changes in some aspects of our family life in the southwest.

I would like to call your attention to the fact that the results of this research will
appear in a general outcome and will not deal with each case individually. For example, I
will not mention anyone’s name or any personal information. Also, all of this questionnaire
is optional and you can participate or not as you choose. Perhaps you would like to answer
only some parts. This is acceptable. However, by answering all questions, my data will be
more complete and I would greatly appreciate your assistance because without your
cooperation this research could not be done. "

Thank you in advance for your kind cooperation.

Sincerely yours,

Abdulrahman Asseri
I.M.U.
M.S.U.

200

 

FIRST PART

We want to ask you some questions about the kinds of obligations family members, villagers,
and neighbors should have towards each other. Sometimes we will ask you to tell us what
you think people do nowadays, but generally we want to know what you feel

should be the obligation.

201

rut. .-

 

Please choose one Option and mark it with an (X) mark.

Exchange Visits

To the best of your knowledge and in your opinion, is an exchange visit always
obligated among neighbors, relatives, and co-villagers in your village?

(1) Yes, it is obligatory

(2) Obligated only if they were a relative.

(3) Obligated only if there were a special occasion.
(4) Not obligated but desirable.

(5) I don’t know.

If a neighboring family visits your family, is your family then obligated to visit them,
in return?

(1) Yes, it is obligated to return the visit in all cases.
(2) Only return the visit if there is a special occasion.
(3) Only obligated if they are a relative.

(4) Not obligated but desirable.

Among your peole what are the iccasions for which pe0ple feel obligated to visit each
other and for which there is no exception.

(1) No certain occasions but it is up to the person.
(2) There is certain occasions that cannot be ignored.

1.

 

2.

 

 

 

 

202

 

4. Do you think there is any change in the obligation of the occasions related to
exchange visits among people which differs from that of the past?

(1) Yes, there is a change.
(2) No, there is no change.

5. If your answer to Q4 was "Yes," what patterns of change do you think have occured
and what are the factors causing such change?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

General Courtesy

6. Among your people, when a person has a newborn child, is it an obligation to visit
and congratulate him/her?

( 1) Yes, it is obligated in all cases.
(2) Only obligated if close neighbor or relative.
(3) It is not obligated but desirable.

(4) I don’t know.

7. Among your people, if a person passed away, is your family obligated to participate at
the person’s funeral?

(I) Yes, it is an obligation.
(2) Only if close neighbor or relative.
(3) No it is not an obligation.

(4) I don’t know.

203

10.

11.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Among your people, if a person is traveling or moving away from your village or
neighborhood, is it an obligation to go to say good-bye to him/her?

(1) Yes. It is an obligation.

(2) Only if he/she is close neighbor or relative.
(3) Not obligated but desirable.

(4) I don’t know.

Among your people, if a person-is hospitalized, do you think it is an obligation for
your family to visit him/her?

( 1) Yes, it is an obligation.

(2) Only if he/she is close relative or neighbor.
(3) Not obligated but desirable.

(4) I don’t know.

To the best of your knowledge, do you think the people in your village have changed
in the past fifteen years in terms of taking care and concern about each other?

( 1) Yes
(2) No

If your answer to Q.10 was "Yes," what types of change do you think have occured
and what is your explanation for such change?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

204

Cooperation, Accomodation, and Mutual Aid

Now I would like to ask you some questions related to cooperation and mutual aid among
your family and your village.

12.

13.

14.

Among your people, if one of your co-villagers, relatives, or neighbors have an
important occasion ehich requires extra work, e.g., guests, marriage, feast, etc. is it
obligated to:

(1) Help even if he/she does not ask for help.

(2) Help only if asked for help, or invites you.

(3) Go only if it is a relative.

(4) Not attend without an invitation even if related.

(5) It is not obligated but desirable.

(6) I don’t know.

Suppose you have an important appointment and suddenly some of your relatives or
neighbors ask you to help him/her. Do you think you are obligated to delay your
appointment to offer your help?

(1) Yes, I consider it an obligation in all cases.

(2) Only if it is a relative.

(3) It is not obligated but desirable.

(4) I would not delay my appointment in any way and I am not obligated.

For what general occasions do peOple in your village feel that they are obligated to
offer help to each other without request from the host?

 

 

 

 

 

205

 

15.

16.

As you see it, do you think peeple in your village have changed in their attitude
toward the exchange of help from what they used to do in the past?

(1) No
(2) Yes (if yes, please answer the next question)

What pattern of change do you think has occured and what are
the factors causing this change, from your point of view?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Do you think this change in the exchange of help occurs even among the one family
and house?

( 1) No
(2) Yes (if yes, please answer the next question)

What types of change do you think would occur and what factors would cause such
change? ‘

 

 

 

 

 

206

Financial Aid

 

Now I would like to ask you some questions about the exchange of financial aid among
family members of the tribe and co-villagers.

17.

18.

19.

Among your people, are the peole obligated to help each other financially during times
of crises?

(1) Yes, it is obligated in all cases.
(2) Only obligated among relatives.
(3) It is not obligated but desirable.
(4) Idon’t know.

If you were in need of money or a loan, do you believe it is obligatory to first ask for
help from a relative before asking a friend?

(1) Yes, it is obligatory to first ask a relative.

(2) I would ask anyone I knew who would be willing to lend me the money,
regardless of the relation.

(3) No, not obligated but desirable to ask realtive first.

(4) I don’t know.

Have you received any financial aid during the last year?

(1) Yes

(2) No

If your answer was "Yes," from whom did you recieve assistance?
(1) From one of your relatives.

Specify:

 

(2) From one of your clan.

(3) From one of your friends.

207

 

20.

21.

What was the occasion for the assistance?
(1) Marriage

(2) To pay a Debt

(3) Blood

(4) Borrowing

What are the occasions that are considered obligated among your people for the
exchange of financial mutual aid?

 

 

 

 

 

To the best of your knowledge, do you see any change among your people and family
regarding the exchange of financial aid?

(1) Yes
(2) No

If your answer is "Yes," would you please explain this type of change and what are
the reasons for such change?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

208

L-

 

Respect

23.

24.

25.

How do you usually address a person from your village (but not a relative) who is
similar in age to your father or mother?

( 1) Dad or Mom
(2) Uncle or Aunt

(3) By his/her name

(1) Keep silent.
(2) Correct him/her politely.
(3) Correct him/her as an equal person.

(4) I don’t know.

(1) Yes

(2) No

If your answer was "Yes," what types of change do you think have occured and what
are the reasons for such change?

209

 

SECOND PART

First, we want to ask you a set of questions about changing family values. There are no right
or wrong answers. We just want to find out how peOple in your age category feel about these
things.

210

 

Please mark one opinion only.

1)

If a man’s job contradicts his family’s values so
that severe conflicts develop, he should find a new
job.

Agree

Disagree

Unsure

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2) A young person should never argue with
his/her parents even if the parents are wrong.

3) A young person should never try to get his/her
parents to change their minds about an important
matter once the parents have decided.

4) It is "okay" to sue the village or kin if s/he
did wrong.

5) Married children should stay close to their
parents in order to take care of them.

6) It is "okay" to sue a relative (e.g., father,
mother, uncle, etc.).

7) A father should not marry his daughter or sister
to a person outside of her cousins.

8) Married children should stay close to their
parents in order to care for them.

9) A person should never refuse a social invitation

from any member of his/her village,clan, kin or
relative whether or not s/he is busy.

211

it.

 

10)

Agree Disagree

A person is strongly obligated to pay the debt of
his/her relative if the relative cannot pay.

Unsure

 

11)

A person should always consider the needs and
interests of his/her family and parents as more
important than his/her own.

 

12)

A persons should always be ready to share
his/her house with a relative if he/she is in need.

 

13)

It is never acceptable for a person to marry
outside his/her tribe if s/he did wrong.

 

14)

It is wrong for a person to stay at a hotel when
visiting a city where he/she also has kin.

 

15)

It is good in today’s world for a person to have
many children.

 

16)

If a member of the family is insulted, you should
act as if the insult were against you directly

and you should act against a person who insulted
your relative.

 

17)

A person should talk over his/her important
decisions (such as marriage or employment)
with his/her family before taking action.

 

212

 

 

 

 

Household ID #

 

Resident’s Place
inside the village

Alain Household Information

Resident’s Name: (Optional)

Relation to the Household Head:

 

All information in this questionnaire
will be kept in strict confidence and
it will not be used for non-research

purposes.

213

Questionnaire #
Interviewer

Date

 

 

214

Demogzaphic Information about the household head.

First, would you please give us some information about you (head of the household).
1. Marital status of household head.

( 1) Married, spouse at home.

(2) Widowed

(3) Divorced

(4) Single, never been married

(5) Married, but spouse does not live with you.
2. Occupation of household head.

What is your main occupation?

(l) Farming

(2) Government employee

(3) Private business (self employed)

Do you have a secondary occupation?

(1) Yes

(2) No

If yes, please describe:

 

 

 

215

 

4. INCOME
How much do you think is your total monthly income that is put into your account
(include all the income your family earns, e.g., salary, any crop or livestock sales,
social security, etc.)
(1) Less than one thousand SR.
(2) Between one and two thousand SR.
(3) Between two and three thousand SR.
(4) More than three thousand S.R.
EDUCATION
5. Education
What level of education do you have at this moment?
(1) llliterate (neither read nor write)
(2) Read and write only
(3) Elementary school or less
(4) Intermediate school
(5) High school
(6) Bachelor or above
AGE
6. Age

How old are you now, do you think?

216

LAND OWNERSHIP

Do you own or farm any land?
( 1) Yes

(2) No

If yes, how many rahabah do you have or farm?

 

How many total rahabah do you take care of or farm?

 

If your job is farming, who usually works on the farm now?

 

 

 

Do you irrigate crops?

(1) Yes

(2) No

How do you usually cultivate the farm?

(1) By plowing machine

(2) By oxen

(3) Both plowing machine and oxen

Do you own the above equipment for cultivation or do you
usually rent it?

(1) Own it

(2) Rent it

e
Itr

 

 

217
Type of House
(1) Villa
(2) Stone house
(3) Brick house
Number of rooms in house:

Who owns this house where you live?

 

So you have amenities in this house?

__ Yes _ No

What kinds of amenities do you have?

( 1) Electricity

(2) Washing Machine

(3) Radio

(4) TV

(5) Indoor plumbing

( 6) Refrigerator

(7) Stove

(8) Car

How long have you and your familylived in this house?
years __ months

Did you live in another place before this house?

(1) Yes (2) No

If yes, when

 

 

 

11.

12.

13.

 

218

Why did you choose this place to live?

 

 

 

Where would you prefer to live, if you could choose any place?

 

Why?

 

 

 

 

Do you expect to move out of and away from this village during the next 3-5 years?
(1) Yes
(2) No

If "yes," to where do you intend to move?

 

 

 

 

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