1' l .y I. I! y £0,259”... ‘Eyflaun. . . 7.xtt5.l.vt‘&\l.?(\l£ t: 31.). ‘ ~ 1 4 ,tv‘eflo‘vzl‘ ‘1‘; .57 LE“: .23.'..‘. . fl ‘ V 2? . 2-,: - ~ - 33' i h k \. '13} ); _;: ,.. heif‘:%a!~:"\ ' : :ta I (31"! ‘ ‘ zfiiéiziflgfi 1 , V. ~ A u , .szfé‘h'fistg t .‘ {.5 .. . L \‘k Llllv¢( L.‘ x w :. ...: . 3 . "'26: . 'u-t‘ ’ i‘zzgm {m i ‘ l i'“ ‘ .'\ ,' 1%: llli'llll'llllllllllllllllllllllilllll 3 1293 00780 928 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled The Creation oF an Interracial Social Action: Examination oF the Process presented by Dé Bryant has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph D Community Psychology degree in W1 85 ,gg/yw I Major professor Date 5/11/90 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 29 ear/MM»- PLACE iN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE s czhimemJ-p. 1 THE CREATION OF AN INTERRACIAL SOCIAL ACTION: EXAMINATION OF THE PROCESS By 06 Celeste Bryant A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology Urban Affairs Programs 1990 3 13 \‘s' I l!‘\ C £709? ABSTRACT THE CREATION OF AN INTERRACIAL SOCIAL ACTION: EXAMINATION OF THE PROCESS By Dé Celeste Bryant The utility of community-based organizations as a means to have an impact on socioeconomic inequities has long been established. Despite evidence to the contrary, folk wisdom often continues to believe that only a few charismatic (or powerful) people can really change the way society functions. The purpose of this intervention was to demystify the process of collective action by examining the period “before the beginning." That is, the study documents the process by which people in neighborhoods move from the desire to create social change to the creation of a community-based organization. In addition the project explored a preventative approach to public planning that builds on the strengths of a competent, interracial community. The research question was how to systematically verify fundamental elements of a social change action. The study was designed around two matched neighborhoods. An Intervention Team alternated between the two, working in each for an intensive 60-day period, for a total of six months. Project- developed logbooks were kept by each participant to provide the data for Dé Celeste Bryant documenting the process by which citizens came together; computer assisted network analysis described the people involved in the action, the links which connected them, and the types of resources that were exchanged; the Hoos Hork Environment Scale measured the internal climate of the fledgling community organization. Four underlying elements were verified as necessary for the creation of a community-based social action: the presence of an entrepreneurial agent to function as an interested third party; an ability for like-minded individuals to identify one another; establishment of an organization with internal differentiation of roles; and the formation of linkages beyond the boundaries of these organizations. The network analysis lent affirmation to some basic tenets of the field of community psychology. The Intervention Team acted as the interested third party that helped redefine situations for citizens in the neighborhoods. Homemakers and self-proclaimed activists were equally effective as change agents. People achieved their goals by working outward in radial fashion; beginning with their personal friends and moving to their self-help groups, religious or civic clubs, and business connections. Racial cooperation was made possible through the conscious efforts of members in the network. ,Copyright by DE CELESTE BRYANT 1990 Go to the people Live among the people Learn from the people Plan with the people Work with the people Start with what they know Build on what the people have Teach by showing Learn by doing Not a showcase but a pattern Not odds and ends but a system Not piecemeal but integrated approach Not to conform but to transform Not to relieve but release. James Yen Chinese community organizer in the 19205 vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My sincere thanks to those who acted as key informants during the course of the study. They were willing to share with me their experiences and insights as the people directly involved in the creation of this social intervention. This investigation would not have been possible without their cooperation and good faith. I would also like to thank my dissertation guidance committee, who demonstrated repeatedly that they were as committed to this project as I. Their critical attention to academic excellence helped me to produce a document of which I am quite proud. And finally, my heartfelt gratitude goes out to my circle of spiritmates. They danced along with me even though we who danced were thought mad by those who could not hear the music. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ............................................. ix List of Figures ............................................ x INTRODUCTION ............................................... 1 Purpose of Study ....................................... 1 Research Question ...................................... 2 Hypothesis ............................................. 3 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE: THE PROCESS OF SOCIAL CHANGE Creating Sustainable Interventions ..................... 6 Entrepreneurial Role .............................. 6 Effective Associations ............................ 7 Internal Organizational Structure .............. 8 Cohesiveness ................................... 9 Goal Attainment ................................ 9 Resource Mobilization .................................. 10 Maintaining Sustainable Interventions .................. 11 Networking ........................................ 12 Definitional Shift ................................ 17 SOCIAL CONTEXT OF THE MODEL The MSU-Benton Harbor Demonstration Project ............ 18 Neighborhood Information and Sharing Exchange .......... 19 Levels of Analysis ................................ 21 Personal Entry into the Issue .......................... 22 METHODOLOGY Research Overview ..................................... 23 Page Research Design ........................................ 24 Instruments and Data Collection ................... 33 RESULTS Documentation of the Process ........................... 44 Network Analysis ....................................... 48 Development of Internal Structure ...................... 59 DISCUSSION Social-Situational Context ............................. 75 Structural Characteristics of the Network ........ 75 Types of Exchanges within the Network ............ 77 Creation of a Setting Role of the Intervention Team .................... 78 Northside Neighborhood Association ............... 81 Internal Differentiation ..................... 81 Goal Attainment .............................. 84 Definitional Shift ........................... 85 CONCLUSIONS Social Climate Scales for CBO’s ........................ 88 Expanded Network Analysis .............................. 89 Intrapsychic Indicators ................................ 90 APPENDICES Work Environment Scale (WES) ........................... 93 Table 1: NES Subscales and Dimensions Descriptions... 93 Table 2: Form R Means and Standard Deviations for General and Health-Care Work Groups ......... 94 Table 3: Form R Internal Consistencies, Corrected Average, Item-Subscale Correlations, Test-Retest, Reliabilities, and Stabilities ............................. 94 Definitions of NEGOPY Network Roles .................... 95 REFERENCES ................................................. 96 viii Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 10: 11: 12: 13: 14: 15: 16: 17: LIST OF TABLES Operational Definitions ...................... Neighborhood Variables ....................... Intervention Team Variables .................. Social Program: External Social Situational Variables ........................ Social Program: Internal Social Situational Variables ........................ Logbook Content Analysis Codes ............... NEGOPY Network Analysis Codes ................ FATCAT Network Analysis Categories ........... Structure Calculations ....................... Link Analysis Table: Group 1 ................. Link Analysis Table: Group 2 ................. Link Analysis Table: Group 3 ................. Outcome of FATCAT Analysis: UTILITY with ROLECOMM ........................ Outcome of FATCAT Analysis: RACE with CONTENT ............................ Outcome of FATCAT Analysis: GRP with CONTENT ............................. Outcome of FATCAT Analysis: ROLEGRP with CONTENT ......................... Outcome of FATCAT Analysis: OUTCOME with ROLECOMM ........................ 28 32 34 35 39 41 51 54 55 56 59 62 64 67 7O ix Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure LIST OF FIGURES : Twenty-one neighborhoods into which Benton Harbor was divided ...................... : Intervention Design ............................ : Incidence of STATUS Codes, Phase I ............. : Incidence of STATUS Codes, Phase II ............ : Incidence of STATUS Codes, Phase III ........... : Strength Distribution Histogram ................ : NEGOPY Network Analysis ....................... . : Neighborhood #1: Social Climate Scale Profile.. 20 27 45 46 47 49 53 INTRODUCTION Purpose of Study The process of social change has long been written about. Unfortunately, these accounts are predominantly anthropological (Ourden, 1965; Cruden, 1969; Lofland, 1977), anecdotal (Alinsky, 1946; Kahn, 1970; Seale, 1970), or biographical (McCarry, 1972; Goldenberg, 1978; Parton, 1980; Oates, 1982). Few systematic analyses of grass-roots collective action have been conducted. A review of the literature suggests that successful collective actions hold certain underlying elements in common, regardless of differences in the issues being addressed. The question this research addresses is: Can the hypothesized core elements of a social change action be systematically verified? Furthermore, can their influence be separated from that associated with the particular issue at stake? This project was designed to clarify the steps by which community-based organizations come together to create a collective action. The degree of capacity building, in terms of community cohesiveness as well as personal development, was examined along with the role of what Mollenkopf (1983) refers to as an entrepreneurial agent. In this case the entrepreneur, a third party facilitating the action, was an indigenous Intervention Team. The research did not seek to examine intrapsychic person characteristics or group dynamics. Such micro—considerations, while important, have been studied extensively (cf., Hoffer, 1951; Toch, 1965; Turner & Killlian, 1972). Rather, this intervention systematically examines the mechanics involved in the change process. The research setting is a declining industrial area in southwest Michigan. Racial tensions which have existed there for years have begun to escalate. Citizens and city government, recognizing that the economic difficulties they face cross racial and ethnic lines, are seeking ways to reduce the potential for violence. The research question is vital in this context of citizen participation in public planning. Public input is solicited at various points throughout the planning process. Effective grass-roots participation will be enhanced by the presence of a competent community, articulate and knowledgeable about the social and economic implications of the planned development. This project seeks to verify how such a collectivity evolves and its necessary components. At another level of analysis, communities are composed of individuals. It stands to reason that improving interactions between people also has an impact on relations in the larger group. Racial tensions can be extremely destructive to building a cohesive community. Races may perceive their interests as being in competition rather than recognizing threats common to all. The project described here consciously focuses on interracial collaboration to provide a context for forcing racial issues to the surface and addressing them in a straightforward manner. Perhaps most importantly, the project is a seminal model for creating long-term interventions as opposed to knee-jerk programming. In declining urban areas social and economic stresses are severe in the best of times. As conditions deteriorate existing tensions, especially in terms of race, may erupt. Yet public planners and city officials too often use a management-by-crisis approach to the potential for conflict. The result is hastily constructed programs generated under extremely volatile circumstances. This social action project takes a preventative approach, proposing that a competent and cohesive community can play a significant role in mitigating the incidence or severity of discord. Hypothesis A sustainable intervention is characterized by: 1. An ability for concerned individuals to coalesce into identifiable, goal-oriented units. These units can be in the form of community-based organizations (CBOs) or coalitions. 2. Each unit’s having an internal organization and climate which facilitates: issue definition, leadership selection, role differentiation, cohesiveness, resource acquisition, resource allocation, and goal attainment. The internal organization of goal-oriented units formed by concerned individuals will become increasingly differentiated as the action progresses. 3. The creation of linkages between units, allowing the collaborative effort to influence mutually important outcomes. The sum total of these linkages would be considered a network. The group’s ability to access resources (person, service, goods) along these linkages will be positively related to goal attainment. Creation of the network will begin with the closest links (direct or one-step); sustainable actions will be characterized by a radial network. 4. An entrepreneurial agent who facilitates the action through problem redefinition, identification of new resources, and creation of new linkages among units. This agent will function as liaison or bridge between cliques. Table 1 lists operational definitions used in the formulation of these hypotheses. ENTREPRENEURIAL AGENT: COMMUNITY-BASED ORGANIZATION (CBO) COALITION: NETWORK: DEFINITIONAL SHIFT: Table 1 OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS An individual or group who become involved in an action for reasons of personal commitment or practical Opportunity. The agent Operates as a facilitator to advance the goals of the intervention through problem redefinition, identification of new resources,:and the creation of new network links. A collectivity of citizens who come together into a collaborative, goal directed effort to influence another party or situational outcome. The collectivity (whether a group or an organization) remains distinct from acknowledged public domain agencies (civic clubs, government-mandated bodies, non-profit organizations), although goal-specific alliances may be forged as the need arises. The organization of one party or unit, typically in prior conflict with another, into a collaborative effort to influence another party or situational outcome. An attempt to combine previously separate resources in order to control mutually important outcomes. (Chesler, 1981) Creation of alliances between autonomous . entrepreneurs, CBO’s or coalitions. The parties, persons, or states do not coalesce; rather they consider themselves independent entities brought together in order to control mutually important outcomes. Time of reassessment during which members of the collectivity determine whether existing colla- borative relationships meet identified needs, will help attain target goals. Decisions are also made regarding definition of the mission statement on which the collectivity was founded. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE: THE PROCESS OF SOCIAL CHANGE Creating Sustainable Interventions Entrepreneurial Role To create effective interventions concerned individuals must create a unified front. Compelling evidence has been presented for the role of an entrepreneurial agent in co-ordinating such social action. An entrepreneurial agent is an individual or group who facilitates goal attainment during the intervention through problem redefinition, identification of new resources, and the creation of new linkages between groups or individuals. McCarthy & Zald (1973, 1974) examined interventions in the United States during the 19605 using an entrepreneurial model. Entrepreneurs, they reported, saw in social unrest opportunities to create new power structures by bringing together interest groups previously competing or working in isolation of one another. Individuals or groups who acted in this capacity may have become involved in the action for reasons of personal commitment or practical opportunity. Whatever their motivation, entrepreneurs operated as facilitators to advance the goals of the intervention. Examples of entrepreneurship from the New Deal onward are presented by Gelfand (1975) and Mollenkopf (1983). Pro-growth political coalitions were not tools wielded by outside interests. Rather they generated political and economic initiatives that met the needs of their constituents. New Deal federal urban development programs were the price Democrats paid to gain the support of the newly mobilized urban electorate. Jenkins (1983) reviews a number of social interventions in which entrepreneurs played significant roles. In each case a cadre of individuals created packages which redefined grievances, secured resources, and garnered support for the aggrieved group. The entrepreneurs secured resources from noninstitutional sources or co-opted institutional sources. These individuals help create social movement organizations (SMOs), both classical and professional. The former involves mass participation within the oppressed group. In the latter, the intervention "speaks for" but does not involve the oppressed group. Effective Associations By examining accounts of social action, core elements of the change process seem to appear. It has been suggested that one such component is creating identifiable, goal-oriented units, with careful attention to recruitment (cf., Alinsky, 1946; Sarason, 1969; Alinsky, 1972; Gamson, 1975). Piven & Cloward (1979) analyzed four major social movements involving the rights of workers, the poor, and Blacks. In the cases of the Unemployed Workers Rights Movement and the Civil Rights Movement the authors described how the larger movement could be broken down into smaller organizational units. The successes and failures of the larger actions were examined in light of how effectively the smaller units were created and maintained. For example, the press for workers’ rights was co-ordinated using organizations at the local, state, and national levels. The National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) evolved into a multi-level bureaucracy with complex rules regarding membership, structural differentiation, and resource mobilization. Piven & Cloward contrasted the success of the workers’ movements with the problems encountered by the welfare rights movement. The campaign for welfare rights was characterized by rising discontent among the poor and, in some cases, the professionals who provided services to them. Gains which eventually resulted -- special grants, training, and placement programs -- were long in coming because the movement failed to create effective associations at the local level. Community-based welfare rights organizations suffered most because recalcitrant leaders inhibited new membership expansion. One of the few systematic examinations of community-based social change (Prestby & Wandersman, 1985; Wandersman et al, in preparation) stressed the importance of internal_§trgctgre_ang_ maintenance. Sustainable interventions depended upon maintaining effective associations such as community-based organizations (CBOs) or coalitions. The authors stressed the importance of a well-articulated internal structure, provisions for continuity in leadership, and consistent goal attainment. Chesler’s (1981) blueprint for creating and maintaining interracial coalitions was very clear that internal organizational structure is crucial. Throughout his chapter he stressed that the survival of these coalitions can hinge on attention (or lack thereof) to issues such as equal status role relations, opportunities for minority leadership, and educating for competence among coalition members. Fostering group gghesiyene§§_ang_§glidagity was another theme which appeared repeatedly in the literature. The mechanics proposed for doing so were diverse: identifying common ground or mutual interests (Rothman, 1971; Turner a Killian, 1972; Bonacich & Goodman, 1972; Foner, 1974; Hinkly, 1979; Thomas, 1987), "rap sessions" (Seale, 1970; Alinsky, 1972; O. M. Collective, 1971), self-education and workshops (Sheldon, 1967; O.M. Collective, 1971; Blumberg & Roye, 1979; Jones, 1980), consciousness—raising (Charmichael & Hamilton, 1967; Chesler, 1981; Thomas, 1987a, 1987b), and processing racial tension (Cruden, 1969; Chesler, 1981; Dates, 1985). Finally, goal attainment would appear to be essential to maintaining an effective association. In their study of active versus inactive block organizations Wandersman (1985) and Wandersman et al (in preparation) found that output was a distinguishing characteristic. Active block organizations that accomplished their initial goals and established a successful "track record" were more likely to survive. The result was that the block organizations secured more co-operation from the city as well as satisfying members' expectations of benefits accured from supporting the organization. 10 Writings based on data gathered less systematically also stress the importance of accomplishing objectives (cf., Seale, 1970; O. M. Collective, 1971; Keating, 1975; Bennis et al., 1976; Alinsky, 1977; Dates, 1984). Authors cautioned that goals should be manageable so as not to raise unrealistic expectations. Furthermore, short-term objectives which could be met with relative speed should be interspersed with long-term ones that would require more time to meet. In this way members and supporters could celebrate little "victories” on the way to achieving the long-range goal. Resource Mobilization The associations can improve their chances of survival by effectively accessing resources (person, material, service). McCarthy & Zald (1973, 1977) as well as Jenkins (1983) are two of the main proponents of the resource mobilization perspective regarding social interventions. These authors are adamant that all subjective considerations aside -- ideology, commitment, moral justification -- without a consistent and efficient supply of resources any action is ultimately doomed. Examples to support this assertion can be found by examining accounts of a variety of social actions. During the Reconstruction era, competition for resources hampered or undermined efforts by independent Freedman’s Bureaus to educate newly freed slaves (Curry, 1969; Pierce, 1971). Echterling & Wyth (1981) describe how crisis centers offering alternative 11 services developed strategies to obtain money and members from the larger society. Attempts by parents and educators to expand opportunities for students were frustrated until activists developed an ability to appropriately ”match" needs and available resources (Sarason et al., 1977). Maintaining Sustainable Interventions Despite efforts to create change, Mollenkopf (1983) believes that citizen action as it is most often implemented is not as effective as it could be. To the extent that they are successful, CBOs remain local in scope. Selection of the service role over that of political advocacy turns constituents into clients. Mollenkopf asserts that this is counterproductive because it attempts to clean up social damage after it has already been done rather than address its structural sources. This approach can only provide ameliorative action in response to immediate problems, not deal with systemic issues. In a similar vein, Crowfoot et al. (1983) stated that past theory and practice in social change suffered from narrow focus. The dominant exceptionalist approach -— defining social problems as a crisis, or temporary extraordinary event -- fostered segmentalized problem-solving. As a result the focus of the action becomes the symptoms of the problem, not the underlying structural conditions. 12 Ne w r in To maximize their influence participants in the social action must form alliances with other key actors in the sociopolitical milieu. For example, the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) met with minimal success until it co-ordinated its efforts with organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the anti-war movement (Piven & Cloward, 1979). These alliances brought the NWRO legitimacy, financial support, and political status. Piven & Cloward further demonstrated the power of networking in their discussion of the Civil Rights Movement. The Kennedy and Johnson administrations’ civil rights agenda was in response to concerted pressure from the mobilized Black leadership, the United Auto Workers, and Blacks threatening to defect from the Democratic party. These economic and political alliances were credited with ultimately forcing the federal government to legislation such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Ignacio (1976) and Ortiz (1981) illustrated the utility of networking to gain political clout for minority organizations. The action coalitions they described were based on a local constituency but developed regional and national levels and strategies. In this way commonly accepted issues and concerns of the local people could be advanced in the larger systemic arenas. Similarly, participants in the Nestle’s Boycott Movement attributed their success to having developed a multi-level network -- local, state, national, and international (Bryant, 1985). 13 The forces which may govern network linkages has been examined in the fields of communications and interorganizational relations. Advocates of the resource dependency view of interorganizational relations operate from the assumption that organizations are not self-sustaining. Aiken & Hage (1968) state that when an organization needs resources held by another, it will try to establish an exchange relationship with the resource-holding organization. Zeit (1980) agrees that the availability of resources can constrain future organizational action. He goes on to say that to the extent that exchange relationships remain stable, interactions between organizations tend to fall into repeatable patterns. It is this persistence, or lack thereof, that constrains future action by its effect on availability of resources. In addition, Zeit raises another aspect of resource dependency: antagonistic co—operation. Inequality in available resources ultimately leads to unequal control over the conditions of exchange. The result is a contradiction -- a condition where an element is both necessary for develOping toward a goal and sufficient for its transformation into an enduring pattern of change. Competition for scarce resources can be exacerbated by perceived similarity between goals and functions of the organizations (Evans, 1971). If we accept the premise that exchange relationships between organizations fall along a continuum, with antagonism and co-operation as anchors, it is logical to ask about factors which influence where the relationship will fall on that continuum. 14 Similarity is an oft repeated theme. In essence, the likelihood of cooperation is greater if organizations perceive their goals and tasks to be similar (cf., Tornatzky & Lounsbury, 1979; York, 1979). Evans (1971) says that the greater the complementarity between goals and functions of the organizations, the greater chances of co-operation. Litwak & Hylton (1962) contend that the relationship is effected by the degree and type of interaction between members of the organizations. Another important consideration is the significance (utility in helping the organization achieve its goals) of the resources and the symmetry of the exchange (Levin & White, 1961; Lehman, 1975). Levine et al. (1969) point out that no exchange is possible where groups are unaware of one another. Apparently, then, a resource network could be conceptualized as "a voluntary activity between two or more organizations which has consequences, real or anticipated, for the realization of the respective goals and objectives" (Levine & White, 1961, p. 586). The exchange relationships can be characterized by cooperation or conflict as a function of similarity between the organizations, interaction between their members, significance of resources, and symmetry of the exchange. The quientessential determinant of the relationship is that the groups even know of one another. The degree of stability in the exchange relationship delimits future action by either organization. A piece of information is still missing: By what process are exchange relationships in the resource network established? 15 Granovetter (1973), Sarason et al. (1977), and Sarason & Lorentz (1979) speak of the differences between "strong“ and ”weak” network links. The former are intensive regarding acquiantance level, time invested, emotional cost, mutual confiding, and rapidity of resource exchange. Weak network links are the opposite in terms of each of these characteristics. Weak, loosely knit network links more quickly disseminate information beyond the boundaries of the network than do strong, closely knit networks. Members acting a weak links are more heterophilous (different in certain attributes) and therefore more readily bring innovations to the network. Everett Rogers has extensively studied the creation and maintenance of networks. He states that prevailing communication theories do not take into account the fact that communication is a dynamic process that develops over time. They have a tendency to concentrate on the psychological effects on separate individuals rather than on the social effects among individuals in the networks. Belief in one~way, mechanistic causation (rather than the mutual causation that characterizes human information systems) further limits the descriptive power of these theories. Rogers proposes the networks should be studied using convergence theory and systems analysis (Rogers & Kincaide, 1981). Using his framework the unit of analysis shifts from the individual to the communication relationship between individuals. This allows one to examine the network’s development by looking at the way individuals relate to one 16 another. Rogers demonstrates the power of his network analysis model by studying the diffusion of innovations in Brazil, Nigeria, and India (Rogers, Ascroft, and Goling, 1970); the acceptance of family planning in Korea (Rogers & Kincaide, 1981); and relating the communication of innovations to theories of social change (Rogers & Shoemaker, 1971). Thompson (1967) and Evan (1971) speak of "boundary personnel.” These are the gatekeepers, controlling the flow of resources into and out of the organizations. Zeit (1980) stated that relatively enduring "nodes" can form around an organizational actor. The node represents the needs and interests of constituents both inside and outside the organization. It has also been suggested that some third party or coordinating agent could facilitate communication and exchange between organizations (cf., Litwak & Hylton, 1962; Granovetter, 1973) These third parties -- by whatever name: boundary personnel, nodes, coordinating agents, or liaisons -- are powerful influences on the exchange relationship. Evan (1971) indicates that individual responses to differing pressures from internal and external forces define the interagency activity. York (1979) reported a significant correlation between contact person optimism and the number of joint programs or planning meetings held between organizations. Sarason et al.’s (1977) case study of the Essex Network illustrates that the definition of an exchange relationship is not independent of who defines it (outsider, insider, basis for action it is intended to provide). 17 Rogers showed how one woman was the driving force for the adoption of family planning in the Korean village of Oryu Li (1981). Cyclical Decisiontflakinq: Definitional Shift Considering the dynamic nature of social change, theorists and practitioners point out that the most successful groups regularly re-evaluate their progress during the course of an intervention (cf., Kitsuse & Spector, 1973; Spector & Kitsuse, 1974, 1977; Bryant, 1985). Groups who fail to do so risk becoming out of touch with their constituents or the sociopolitical zeitgeist. Sheldon (1967) wrote that during the Populist movement a subtreasury plan was proposed. A system was devised which would bypass the banks to give money directly to farmers for immediate use while still allowing them to sell their products. Deep schisms developed within the movement regarding administration of the subtreasury. Leaders at the national level, however, failed to recognize the severity of divisions until factionalism threatened to destroy the Farmer’s Alliance. Another danger of not taking a periodic assessment is that the action itself could become the new social problem. Piven & Cloward (1979) showed how this became the case with the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) and the Workers’ Alliance. Such emphasis was placed on organizational development ~— leadership and its priviledges in particular -- that the needs 18 of the aggrieved group became secondary. As a result both movements lost a great deal of mass support. A similar phenomenon occurred with the crisis centers decribed by Echterling a Wyth (1981). What began as alternatives for an underserved population became a bureaucratic labrynth unresponsive to those it purported to help. Since a group’s network is important to sustaining the change process, it should also be carefully re-evaluated. Components of the network may have to be redefined to meet prevailing sociopolitical conditions. Activists in the Nestle Boycott movement periodically took stock of their efforts to determine whether structural change had actually occurred (Bryant, 1985). In addition to identifying needed resources, infant formula action groups assessed their network connections. For example, prior to passage of the International Code of Marketing contacts at regional and national levels were vital parts of the lobbying effort. Following ratification of the Code, monitoring implementation required co-ordination on a global scale. International contacts were more consciously sought and a global network was cultivated. SOCIAL CONTEXT OF THE MODEL Michigan State University is a "land-grant" university. As such, its mandate is to put the resources of the university at work in the community. Historically this commitment has had an 19 agricultural focus. Contemporary society, however, is increasingly urban. To remain relevant and still fulfill its outreach function the University needs to broaden the scope of the I'land-grant" mission to include the modern urban realities. The Benton Harbor Project (BHP) was conceptualized to demonstrate how this change could take place. It was envisioned as an action framework for cooperative approaches to urban socioeconomic problems. The objective has been to find the common ground between increasing the body of knowledge about the dynamics of urban living while at the same time meeting needs as defined by the community itself. In effect, synthesizing basic and applied research. The Social Action Project (SOCACT) described here was conducted under the auspices of the Benton Harbor Project. Neighborhood Information and Sharing Exchange During the first meetings between MSU faculty and Benton Harbor residents activities were proposed to mobilize and empower the average citizen (Congregational Church, 1985). In August 1986 a working group presented their proposal for an information referral center (NISE, 1986a). The working group further proposed a neighborhood network to implement grassroots strategies designed by the referral center. The city of Benton Harbor was divided into 21 areas, incorporating boundaries of the defunct block clubs (see Figure 1). These areas were to be the foundation for organizing within the city’s neighborhoods. 20 Figure 1 Twenty-one neighborhoods into which Benton Harbor was divided 000 N.- . i Q.“ : 0r 9: ~' 0 I u C I A s Itflll— AvL 21 During 1986 the community-based organization, called Neighborhood Information and Sharing Exchange (NISE), was established and began to evolve. It defined itself as an organization consisting of, ...local people who are concerned about...promoting discussion and working on the establishment of a referral and coordination center at 89 West Main to provide accurate up to date information on all human service related programs operating in the Benton Harbor area and developing and nurturing a network of neighborhood groups which concern themselves with issues and projects essential to the revitalization of the city (NISE, 1986b). Level of Analysis To appreciate the context of the Social Action Project NISE must be viewed in two levels of analysis. The referral center forms the umbrella organization under the auspices of which the 21 neighborhoods were to operate. The two levels can be thought of as administrative and grass-roots, respectively. In the course of its first year the administrative level of NISE (the referral center) established its own presence in the larger Benton Harbor community. It gained access to person and financial resources at municipal, county, and state levels. The organization was effective enough to secure state funds for its community convention held in October 1987. On the other hand, the neighborhoods have not been as successful in their attempts to organize. Only 50% of the neighborhoods were cohesive enough to send their allotted number 22 of representatives to the community convention (NISE, 1987). More than half of the remaining neighborhoods were represented by a single individual -- the one person interested enough to be present. Clearly, the degree of organizational development present at the administrative level was not duplicated in the neighborhoods. Personal Entry into the Issue This author was recruited into the BHP at the time of its startup in September 1985 to act as the community psychologist on the team. My role has been to focus on community capacity building, improved race relations, and the creation of effective community-based change activities. These activities have been undertaken with an awareness of escalating racial tensions. The project presented herein was designed in collaboration with residents. Its overarching purpose has been to increase the degree of citizen participation in community development and to enhance the quality of race relations between neighbors. 23 METHODOLOGY Research Overview This intervention has sought to demystify the process of collective action. It is important to emphasize that the goal has not been to document the intrapsychic dimensions of persons or groups creating an intervention. Rather, the goals has been to clarify the mechanics through which community-based organizations come together and form linkages with one another. The study sought to demonstrate how these collectivities develop viable networks. The second objective has been to create an intervention which took into account racial tensions that exist in the setting. Historical analysis of race relations in the area was conducted to identify existing strengths which could potentially be maximized (Bryant, 1988). Using that foundation, the social action project consciously focused on interracial collaboration. The unfolding of the intervention was in many ways unpredictable; however, the research attempted to verify fundamental elements suggested by the literature. Theorists and practitioners hypothesize that a sustainable intervention is characterized by: 1) existence of an entrepreneurial agent who facilitates the action, 2) coalescence of identifiable, goal-oriented associations (e.g., CBOs, coalitions); 3) these units’ having an internal structure and climate which facilitates goal attainment; 4) creation of linkages between 24 associations to enhance resource mobilization and extend the scope of influence. Outcomes of the change process were assessed using four criteria. First, the creation of a functional interracial association will be noted. l'Functional" is defined as an association in which at least two races are actively represented. Second, the manner in which the associations develop and maintain an the internal organizational structure was examined. This included issue definition, leadership selection, role differentiation, cohesiveness, goal attainment, and definitional shift. Third, networking and resource mobilization were monitored. Characteristics of the network (e.g., key actors, roles, memberships) as well as the type of resources exchanged (person, material, services) were documented. Finally, the incidence and content of any definitional shifts were monitored. Information regarding that redefinition, if it occurred, was collected and incorporated into the findings. Research Design The intervention was designed around two matched neighborhoods (see Table 2). In addition to general demographics, the neighborhoods were comparable in terms of their degree of organization. That is, the presence of block clubs or neighborhood groups which pre-dated startup of the social action project were controlled via matching. 25 Table 2 Neighborhood Variables We Racial Composition Neighborhoods will be matched according to Occupations general demographics. Also will be matched Income Levels in terms of current degree of organization Housing Units (e.g., block clubs, neighborhood associa- Pre-Intervention tions) in the neighborhood prior to startup Level of of‘intervention. Organization HEW Political Behavior Activities of family and/or friends of the of Family/Friends participants will be monitored. Especially to measure involvement in special interest groups or organizations sympathetic/resistant to the notion of multi-racial coalitions. Public Policy Legislative developments related to housing, economic policy, education, public assis- tance, etc. Relationships Prior Monitor relationships between participants to Intervention prior to project start-up. Special attention ' will be paid to relationships which cross racial lines. Relationships will be measured in terms of their duration, whether they were personal or professional. 26 An Intervention Team worked alternately in the two neighborhoods for an intensive 60-day period (see Figure 2). The principal investigator provided training, technical assistance, and support services during the intervention. Team members underwent an initial training period that covered techniques for organizing and managing a social action. They received a manual which was used as a guide throughout the intervention. The Moos Environmental Scale was used to gauge the climate of the fledgling community-based organizations. Computer-assisted network analysis (see Rogers & Kincaide, 1981; Richards, 1989) was conducted to identify structure and content the resource network the resulted from the activities in each neighborhood. Finally, process logbooks were used to document the change process in each neighborhood as well as the impact of the intervention team. The Intervention Team The Intervention Team spearheaded the effort (see Table 3). Its composition was guided by findings from the historical analysis of interracial efforts in the setting. Individuals were selected on the basis of their being acknowledged leaders in their reference group, their awareness of the social and political dynamics within the community, and their involvement in community activities. Team members were experienced in working in communities. Their past responsibilities included bringing resources to bear 27 a. 30535.0: O cocci-wan 836260.03 Q avenue Cu 89382900.: g m2: 8. A. 3665238. ,7 - _ : daemon coducm>woucH ”N ouomam - .2 30809.33. 28 Table 3 Intervention Team Variables W W Community Leadership Sociopolitical Awareness Control I}; Solggtion Organizing Experience Independence Research Experience W119 Years Experience Age Sex Individuals who are active in neighborhood affairs and acknowledged leaders in their reference group will be selected. Status can be attributed by community consensus or ac- quired through election/promotion/profession. Individuals will be selected on the basis of their participation in special interest groups or organizations active in the commu- nity (e.g., NISE, EFNEP, churches). Indivi- duals must have historic knowledge of the evolution of the racial situation in the community. Individuals must have experience in community organization, community development. Past responsibilities must have included network- ing, creation of coalitions. Must demonstrate awareness of problem-solving process. Individuals must be financially independent from all formal groups and organizations in the community. Experience with formal research useful but not necessary. Team members will be trained to use assessment tools, especially the coalition logbook. Participants will be selected according to personal demographics. Objective is to obtain racial/gender balance on the team. 29 Table 3 (cont’d) Intervention Team Variables MW Relationships Prior Monitor relationships between team members, to Intervention between team members and neighborhood parti- cipants. Particular attention will be paid to relationships which cross racial lines. Rela- tionships will be assessed in terms of their duration, orientation (goal/value), whether they were personal or professional. 0 { 30 on a problem from a number of different sources. Participants were selected according to personal demographics such as age, sex, and race. Years of experience in community organization and conflict resolution were controlled via matching. Community opinion leaders representing groups and organizations dedicated to addressing racial issues were identified. Team members are clearly predisposed to activism within their neighborhoods. At first glance this would appear to reduce the generalizability of the findings to other communities. In the strictest sense, this may be true; each community does have its own unique characteristics. At this point it is important to reiterate that the focus of this study is the change process itself. The present study was designed to determine whether underlying generic components can be verified. In this context, the presence of a cadre of self-described activists is a component which is indeed generalizable and can be replicated. Members of the Intervention Team were instructed on state of the art techniques in community organizing. A manual was created based on fundamental elements suggested by the literature in community development, social movements, and organizational development. Team members were also instructed on how to do process recordings for the Intervention Team and Association Logbooks. Weekly debriefings were held with individuals on the team. During these meetings log sheets were collected and reviewed. Any problems with documentation were taken care of at that time, making the proposed ”booster" sessions unnecessary. In addition, 31 team members discussed issues related to the intervention itself (e.g., group dynamics, expectations, recruitment, resource mobilization, goal definition, etc.). The Intervention Team worked directly in the community throughout the research period. In the neighborhood where a neighborhood group was established, monthly meetings were called by the Team; this author was asked to attend as a resource person. Log sheets for the association were collected following these meetings. Social Situational Variables External social situational variables will necessarily impact on the model. Some are especially relevant because of the racial nature of the project (see Table 4). Media exposure could have jeopardized the project at any point. Contact between participants or project staff and the media was vigorously discouraged in the initial stage of the model. Legal and political forces which could undermine the project were also studiously avoided whenever feasible. It was impossible (and undesirable) to control for all potential changes in the sociopolitical climate; no social action takes place in a vacuum. Project staff did, however, monitor such developments throughout the course of the intervention to minimize and account for their impact as much as possible. 32 Table 4 Social Program: External Social Situational Variables l) Ehysjgal Boseargh §jtg Neutrality On-Site Facilities 2) M2d13_££29§uts 3) Leggingjitigg] Limitations 4) r ' a ' n Central research offices must be considered on ”neutral” ground. Facilities must be amenable to needs of research design. All'conditions will be quite vulnerable to media. Every attempt will be made to secure agreement to stay away from media during Periods I and II. The longitudinal nature of the intervention makes control over media more problemmatic in the model’s final stages. Media is an important part of the sociopolitical milieu. Therefore, strict con- trol of contact is less desireable in Periods III and IV of the research design. Political and legal constraints which may impact on the models must be addressed. Ten- sion is virtually inevitable due to the controversial nature of the model. Legal and political consultants versed in race rela- tions will be part of the research team. Participants and change agents alike are likely to be involved in on-going organiza- tions could effect individuals’ continued participation in the models. Organizations will be (unobtrusively) monitored to protect the models against attrition. 33 Conditions in the design ran alternately as the research question sought to determine the elements of change given the presence or lack thereof of the Intervention Team. Social situational variables in both the intervention-active and the intervention-inactive neighborhoods were carefully monitored. Internal situational variables such as cohesion, group leadership, internal organizational structure, resource mobilization, and goal attainment, and redefinition were also monitored (see Table 5). Instruments and Data Collection To document the process as groups formed in the neighborhoods, members of the Intervention Team and Association kept project-developed logbooks. Log entries generated information about the individuals’ activities and observations and indicated current membership of the collectivity (CEO or coalition). The logs also included a networking report that asked for details about who had been contacted, their affiliation, the outcome of the contact, and the respondents perception of the utility of the contact. Contents of the logbooks were analyzed for number of occurrences for codes relating to the status of the action in the two neighborhoods (see Table 6). Quantitative information about the development of a group’s internal structure was provided by Moos (1986) Work Environment Scale (WES), a 90-item self-administered questionnaire that 34 Table 5 Social Program: Internal Social Situational Variables l) Coaljtjon Dynamigs Cohesiveness Group Leadership Organization Group Composition Resource Mobilization Goal Attainment 2) Ejsoal Consjoeratjons Research Admin Costs Research Team Salaries Turnover Change agents function as entrepreneurs to redefine grievances, highlight commonalities. Instruments designed to promote problem solv- ing, conflict resolution, capacity building, climate assessment. In the course of the intervention individuals may emerge as group leaders. Foster develop- ment of leadership style, continuity of leadership, internal organizational struc- ture, role definition. Composition will change as alliances are reshuffled. Criterion of "functional" inter- racial coalition is active representation of at least two races on the coalition. Repre- sentation by gender will also be monitored. Entrepreneur will guide groups toward recruitment and operational practices which facilitate acquiring needed skills, contacts money, information, supplies, etc. The entrepreneur will encourage groups toward constructive problem solving. The extent to which they can accomplish this will be reflected in goals attainment inventories. The model will be supported with grants from research institutions and philanthropic org - zations. Staff and participant turnover wi 1 be difficult to predict. If necessary, team members will be replaced from a pool of alternates. 35 Table 6 Logbook Content Analysis Codes STATUS (Movement toward goal attainment in terms of activities of the Intervention Team or the neighborhood group) Deuujntum Got Action Gave Info/Advice Recruiting Implementation Generating Strategy Networking Definitional Shift ‘Q ibihflthm Significant milestone reached Provided facts/conjectures regarding a specific issue; need not result in any identifiable action Proactive search for members Technical assistance regarding a specific issue. Step- y-step mechanics of the action. Identifying issues, existing versus needed resources, planning tactics and future directions Proactive search for contacts to increase scope of action, access to resources, influence Revision or reformulation of the group’s mission; also involves reassessment of existing relationships and resources OUTCOME Nature of the agreement between the member and the individual or group contacted at the end of the logbook entry) masUULUm Referral Neutral/Benign Cooperation Formal Endorsement Full Partnership Hostility .DaflMdtnul Sends member to another source No apparent hostility, no apparent commitment nor support Agreement to undertake joint ven- tures defined b either party; veto power retained y group. Need not be formalized (e.g., n writing) Supports mission, programs; sends representative; veto power retained by group. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) Share equal decision-making power in defining joint ventures. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) Unresolved conflict, competition, outright resistance 36 measures individual perceptions of their organizational environment. The Moos scale taps into three dimensions (personal growth, interpersonal relations, and systems maintenance and change) using ten subscales: Involvement, Peer Cohesion, Supervisor Support, Autonomy, Task Orientation, Work Pressure, Clarity, Control, Innovation, and Physical Comfort. Normative data have been collected for WES using 1,442 employees in representative general work groups and 1,607 employees in a variety of health-care work groups. The internal consistencies (Cronbach’s Alpha) for each of the ten WES subscales varied from moderate for Peer Cohension (.69) to substantial for Involvement (.84), Work Pressure (.80), Innovation (.86), and Physical Comport (.81). The test-retest reliabilities vary from a low of .69 for Clarity to a high of .83 for Involvement (see Appendix for detailed statistics tables). Once an identifiable goal—oriented unit was established, the Moos scale was administered on a monthly basis. The Real Form (R) of the Moos Work Environment Scale was used. Individuals’ subscale scores were converted to percentiles, then the percentiles were converted to corresponding standard score in a true normal distribution (where mean = 50 and standard deviation = 10). A mean group score is calculated on each subscale of the dimension to produce a social climate profile for the organization. The Interpersonal Relations dimension explores the extent to which individuals are concerned about and committed to their 37 jobs, are friendly and supportive of one another, and that peeple in authority positions are supportive of other group members and of one another. Personal Growth looks at how much individuals are encouraged to be self-sufficient; that there is an emphasis on good planning, efficiency, and getting the job done; and the degree to which the press of work dominates the job milieu. System maintenance and change reflects the extent to which individuals know what to expect in their daily routine; the extent to which people in authority use rules and pressures to keep people under control; the degree of emphasis on variety, change, and new approaches; and the extent to which physical surroundings contribute to a pleasant work environment. Two computer-assisted network analysis programs, NEGOPY and FATCAT, were used to identify the structure and content of the networks that evolved. NEGOPY (Richards, 1989) is a discrete, linkage-based program whose primary goal is to define clusters of nodes that have more contact with one another than with nodes in others clusters. NEGOPY also sorts nodes into a number of role categories on the basis of their linkage with one another. There are two major categories into which individuals are assigned -- Isolates and Participants. Each of these major categories is broken down into sub-categories which further explain the linkages between members in the network (see Appendix for detailed descriptions). The category system is discrete because an individual can belong to only one category; thus there are no overlapping groups in NEGOPY. The classification of individuals is dependent 38 solely on patterns of links to other individuals. It is the amount of interaction, rather than simply the number of links, that is used in the definitions. To enhance the identification of groups, links were weighted. Respondents assigned degrees of importance to these linkages to identify group membership as well as other network roles. The following equation was used: STRENGTH - 2(b) + c, where, b = Utility, and c = Outcome. The value of b was increased by multiplicative function so as not to be overpowered by component c, which has twice the number of values. Values were assigned to scenarios describing situations which would have increasingly definitive impact on the intervention. For example, a respondent reporting a link with Utility = 1.0 and Outcome = 4.0 is saying that the contact was a little useful but only minimally and that some cooperative agreement had been reached between them. Another respondent might report a link with Utility = 2 and Outcome = 1; that is, the contact was moderately useful by referring the member to another source. Links with values lower than 6.0 were dropped from the calculations. (See Table 7 for a detailed description of each category and its assigned value.) 39 Table 7 NEGOPY Network Analysis Codes UTILITY (the extent to which respondents rate the usefulness of an individual as a resource to further the intervention) IaluerscrioLism Definition 0 None at all This individual was of no use 1 Marginally This individual was a little useful but only minimally 2 Moderately This individual facilitated movement toward identified goals 3 Significantly This individual helped attain a definite milestone 4 Indispensable This individual was crucial in attaining identified goals OUTCOME Nature of the agreement between the member and the individual or group contacted at the end of the logbook entry) momentum Definition 1 Referral Sends member to another source 2 Hostility Unresolved conflict, competition, outright resistance 3 Neutral/Benign No apparent hostility, no apparent commitment nor support 4 C00peration Agreement to undertake joint ven- tures defined by either party; veto power ‘ retained by group. Need not be formalized (e.g., in writing) 5 Formal Endorsement Supports mission, programs; sends representative; veto power retained by group. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) 6 Full Partnership Share equal decision-making power in defining joint ventures. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) 4o NEGOPY was instructed to conduct a two—way analysis, reading all occurrences of pairwise links between individuals in the network. To maximize the number of links counted, markers were added for the "missing halves“ of unreciprocated links with strength value greater than 6.0. The markers tell the program which links are reciprocated, which are unreciprocated, and in which direction the one-way links go. If two halves of reciprocated links have different strengths, nothing is done to reduce the descrepancy between the values reported by either individual. The original values are used throughout the analyses, including application of the strength equation. FATCAT (Richards, 1989) does "contextual analysis" by examining the relation between the links connecting pe0ple and the social context in which the links exist. The goal of FATCAT is to uncover the relationship between two kinds of data -- that which describes the individuals in the network (index variables) and that which describes the connections between individuals (link variables). Table 8 outlines the FATCAT network analysis categories. The program produces categorical matrices in which there is one row and one column for each value of the two types of variables. The program displays results in a standard crosstabulation format table, showing counts and row/column percentages. The counts are not counts of the number of cases, but rather sums of the amount of interaction. The individuals (nodes) in the communication network were generated through the Networking Reports, a portion of the logbooks completed by the Intervention Team as well as members 41 Table 8 FATCAT Network Analysis Categories ROLECOM (Function contact serves in the context of the larger community; identified at the time of contact) e Religious e City Official e BusinesspeNson e Homemaker e Educator e Social Service Worker e Civic Activist ; Government Worker 0 Funding Source ROLEGRP (Function of contact in the context of his/her reference group) e Leadership/Autonomous e General Membership 0 Affiliated Only GRPS Description of associations formed through work of Intervention Team and groups contacted through activities to build the resource network) 9 Religious e Business a Civic/Activist ' e Government e Education e Self-Help 0 Recreation e Non-Profit 42 Table 8 (cont'd) FATCAT Network Analysis Categories CONTENT (Description of type reason for communication either 1) among members 0 the same group, or 2) between members of different groups in the ne e Competitive- l e Cooperative e Supportive e Gave Info/Advice e Got Info/Advice work) 0 e Friendship Tie e Request Alliance: Formal Endorseeent e Request Alliance: Co-Operation e Request Alliance: Full Partnership e Referral OUTCOME Nature of the agreement between the member and the individual or group contacted at the end of the logbook entry) DfiiSLlniifln Referral Neutral/Benign Cooperation Formal Endorsement Full Partnership Hostility [binninm Sends member to another source No apparent hostility, no apparent commitment nor support Agreement to undertake Joint ven- tures defined b either party; veto power retained y roup. Need not be formalized (e.g., n writing) Supports mission, programs; sends representative; veto power retained by group. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) Share equal decision-making power in defining Joint ventures. Agreement formalized (e.g., in writing) Unresolved conflict, competition, outright resistance 43 of the larger association. Individuals named in these reports were assigned numbers and respondent-contact matrices were constructed. FATCAT constructed categorical matrices using variables which described these individuals and their connections. The program conducts the chi~square (’}[) test of association to answer the question, ”Are the variables independent, or is there some degree of association or correlation between them?" Having established the degree of independence between categories, FATCAT then computes the amount of linkages between individuals that fall into each. This analysis treats individuals from both Neighborhood #1 and #2 as a single network. This was done because the NEGOPY/FATCAT analysis cannot be used on networks with fewer than 15 people who have an average of fewer than three links per member. The network generated by Neighborhood #2 could not meet these criteria. On this basis, the two neighborhoods were not examined separately. 44 RESULTS Documentation of the Process Contents of the logbooks were analyzed for incidence of codes relating to the status of the action in the two neighborhoods. During Phase I Neighborhood #1 was in "active" mode -- that is, the Intervention Team was working in the neighborhood (see Figure 3). The total number of occurrences was 60. The highest number of occurrences for Neighborhood #1 were in the codes "Implementation" (17) and "Network Development" (15). Neighborhood #2 was "inactive" during this phase. In the second phase Neighborhood #2 was in the "active" and Neighborhood #1 shifted into "inactive" (see Figure 4). During this phase the total number of occurrences for the content analysis codes was 50. In Neighborhood #2 the highest number of occurrences was in "Recruitment" (6) and "Gave Info/Advice" (5). In Neighborhood #1 the highest incidences were in the codes "Implementation" (17); after a substantial gap, the next highest codes were "Generating Strategies" (5) and "Recruiting" (5). In the third, and final, phase of the model Neighborhood #1 re-entered "active" status and Neighborhood #2 was once again "inactive" (see Figure 5). During this phase the total number of occurrences was 87. In Neighborhood #1 the highest incidences were in "Generating Strategies" (21), "Networking" (17), and "Implementation." In Neighborhood #2 the highest incidences were in "Network Development" and "Gave Info/Advice." 45 Fig. 3 Incidence of STATUS Codes Phase I 50 40 30 20 r 10 Got Gave Recruit Impl Strats Ntwk Def Action Info Dev Dev Shift Neighborhood #1 (Active): _ Neighborhood #2(Inactive): Total Occurences: 60 46 Fig. 4 Incidence of STATUS Codes Phase II 50 40 30 20 Got Gave Recruit Impl Strats Ntwk Def Action Info Dev Dev Shift Neighborhood #1 (Inactive): — Neighborhood #2 (Active): Total Occurences: 50 47 Fig. 5 Incidence of STATUS Codes Phase III 50 40 30 20 10 Got Gave Recruit Impl Strats Ntwk Def Action Info Dev Dev Shift Neighborhood #1 (Active): — Neighborhood #2 (Inactive): Total Occurences: 87 48 Network Analysis NEGOPY detects groups and assigns individuals in the network to a discrete set of categories. The category system is discrete because an individual can belong to only one category; thus there are no overlapping groups in NEGOPY. The classification of individuals is dependent solely on patterns of links to other individuals. A network of 42 pe0ple was generated using individuals named in the Networking Reports that were completed by members of the Intervention Team as well as the Association that formed in Neighborhood #1. Two hundred fifty-three (253) links were identified. Forty links were dropped because their strength value was lower than 6.0., indicating that the interaction between the individuals had little or no impact toward goal attainment. No unreciprocated links were dropped; instead, 23 markers were added to force reciprocation. A total of 213 links were processed. The Strength Distribution Histogram (Figure 6) shows the link strengths after processing by the strength transformation equation (b+b)+c, where b=utility and c=outcome. Each "x" in the histogram represents two links. All links reported in the data are reflected on the histogram. Both "halves" of reciprocated links are shown but only the outgoing halves of one-way links are shown. The markers NEGOPY added to unreciprocated links are not included in the histogram. 49 Figure 6 1 Strength Distribution Histogram Strength Number of Links2 I - 1 0 2 - 0 3 - 3 0 . 4 - 4 0 5 - 5 0 6 - 6 62 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 7 - 7 7 xxx 8 - 8 50 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 9 - 9 1 10 - 10 66 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 11 - 11 4 xx 12 - 12 22 xxxxxxxxxxx 13 - 13 0 14 - 14 0 15 - 15 1 Mean Link Strength - 8.51 Number of Link Components - 213.00 ; Both incoming and outgoing halves of links are counted. Each X represents 2 links 50 By examining the histogram it is clear that the largest number of individuals had links with strengths of 6.0 and 10.0, with a mean link strength of 8.51. This indicates that for the most part individuals were able to make contacts which advanced the aims of the group. Furthermore, links that were of greater utility (with a strength of 10.0) led to outcomes that were cooperative and resulted in either endorsement of the group’s aims or to informal and/or formal partnerships. Table 9 describes the structure of the network generated by this intervention. The last line indicates the measure of connectiveness of the overall structure. The range of this measure is from zero (a network with no more differentiation than would be expected by chance) to one (a network with a number of relatively small groups). The network described in the data measures .60 in this local interconnectiveness score, indicating that the network has several identifiable groups. Members of any group have most of their linkages with other members of the same group. Furthermore, any two individuals in the same group linked to one another have links to other members of their group. These within group links form the cycles described in the structure calculations table. The program calculated the maximum number of cycles possible with a network of the same size and density as that in the present intervention (371), the cycles expected based on binomial probability distribution (148), and the number of cycles actually observed in the data (282). Thus, individuals form cliques with clear boundaries defined by the 51 Table 9 Structure Calculations Observed No. of Nodes - 24.00 Observed No. of Links - 105.00 Observed System Density - .380 Expected No. of Cycles - 148.00 Maximum No. of Cycles - 371.00 Observed No. of Cycles - 282.00 STRUCTURE (S) - .6006 52 amount of linkage they have with a small number of other individuals within the larger network. NEGOPY identified three groups (see Figure 7). The network also contains four type 1 isolates (individuals with no links whatsoever to any other individuals in the network), twelve type 2 isolates (individuals who are linked to only one other individual in the network), and two dyad members. The remaining 24 individuals are members of one of the three groups. In Group #1, Nodes #1, #2, #3, and #4 are members of the Intervention Team. Their role throughout this intervention was to act as facilitators of the action, doing whatever was possible to avoid assuming the leadership role. During the course of the intervention three leaders rose from within the ranks of the group. These individuals are Nodes #5, #17, and #12; they are also members of Group #1. The other two groups can be characterized by the types of interests or resources they brought to the intervention. Group #2 is predominantly composed of individuals concerned about employment and further training. Group #3 is made up of representatives of the local branch of the NAACP. None of the individuals from Neighborhood #2 were identified as group members. They were listed by NEGOPY as either type 1 or type 2 isolates. In the link analysis tables (Tables 10, II, and 12) each half of a link is treated separately —- that is, links between two members of the same group were counted twice (once from each perspective of the individuals involved). Links with individuals u. (9) (v) (*9) Figure 7 NEBG’Y Roles <3 a e (a) o o 1 37 A ‘ (as) 23 C-=. C39 lg, e holes-d Oyoda' 0-) Broup Meebersl ( l Isolates - Type 1: ($974,) Isolates - Type 23 NW Intervention Team W ( i ) Hesomoe‘l'rson ( I ) 53 54 Table 10 Link Analysis Table: Group #1 Amount of Interaction two-way one-way undirected directed total percent total percent within 278. 81. 359 55.57 718. 71.44 Group Between 243. 44. ° 287 44.43 287. 28.56 Group Total 521. 125. 646 1005. Percent 80.65 19.35 100. 100. Mean Zone Overlap two-way one-way total within 7.567 3.800 6.625 Group Between 9.063 10.000 9.231 Group Total 8.339 6.353 7.911 Nithin Group Between Group Total Percent two-way 191. 224. 415. 90.41 Hithin Group Between Group Total Table 11 Link Analysis Table: Group #2 Amount of Interaction one-way undirected total percent 0. 191 41.61 44. 268 58.39 44. 459 9.59 100. Mean Zone Overlap two-way one-way total 10. .00 10. 10. 10. 10. 10. 10. 10. 55 directed total percent 382 58.77 268 41.23 650 100. Hithin Group Between Group Total Percent Table 12 Link Analysis Table: Group #3 Amount of Interaction two-way one-way undirected total percent 46. O. 46. 55.42 37. 0. 37. 44.58 83. O. 83. 100. .00 100. Mean Zone Overlap two-way one-way total Within 2.200 .000 2.200 Group Between 2.500 .000 2.500 Group Total 2.333 .000 2.333 56 directed total percent 92. 71.32 37. 28.68 129. 100. 57 who are not members of the group were counted only once in the tables. Reciprocated links appear in the "two-way" column, unreciprocated links are shown in either the 'incoming' or ”outgoing" column as a function of which individual is the source of the contact. The mean zone overlap (the size of overlap of the one-step zones of individuals connected by each link) is also presented for both two-way and one-way links. Two-way (reciprocated, undirected) linkages are a high percentage of the total linkages of all three groups. In Group #3, these linkages are 100% of the interactions. Once again, the within group and between group totals are comparable. It would appear that although closely knit, the groups are not insular. Linkages are reported (and confirmed) with individuals outside the group. The data here presents an interesting dichotomy in relation to the role categories assigned to individuals in the network. Interactions within the groups continue to indicate strong boundaries that encompass certain individuals. These interactions constitute approximately half the linkages that exist in the groups. Also, within group links have comparable zones of overlap to between group links. This can be interpreted to mean that two members of the same group are likely to name the same individual in the group as the other half of a link. Likewise, two members of the same group are as likely to have mutual contacts from other groups. The implication is that people in the network name others outside their grOUps as frequently as they do other group 58 members. Yet out of the 42 individuals in the network, NEGOPY identified eighteen isolates: people with either no contacts with others or who have links with only one other person in the network. This raises the question of who is talking to whom in this network if 43% of its participants are isolates? The FATCAT ”contextual analysis“ examined the relation between the links connecting people identified by NEGOPY and the social context in which the links exist. Names in the who-to-whom matrices were also generated through the Network Report section of the logbooks. FATCAT constructed categorical matrices using variables which described these individuals and their connections. The program conducted the chi-square (9L?) test of association to answer the question, "Are the variables independent, or is there some degree of association or correlation between them?" FATCAT then reported the percentage of links or individuals described by the variable. The first analysis was a 4 x 3 chi-square which asked respondents to rate the utility of people with different roles in the community as likely sources regarding a particular issue. The utility scale ran from zero to four, anchored at one extreme by "never" and at the other extreme by "always" (see Table 13). Reading across the rows indicates the utility assigned each category of role in the community; going down the columns tells how much contact is directed to each role. Homemakers and activists were identified as being the most useful contacts while municipal and state government officials were of the least utility (’yZLJ = _, p = .01). Tebls l3 Outcome of FATCAT Analysis UTILITY with ROLECOMM 59 rolecomm number of percent of percent of people all people indcxed peopls Cetsgory with links with links 1 Ministo 1. 2.56 2.56 3 Busines 6. 15.38 15.38 4 Homemak 12.. 30.77 30.77 5 Educato 6. 15.38 15.38 6 Soc Srv 4. 10.26 10.26 7 Activis 9. 23.08 23.08 8 Gov't 3. 7.69 7.69 9 Funding Source 1. ' 2.56 2.56 no index 0. .00 --- totals 39. 100.00 107.69 1nd.x.d 39s 100.00 500000 not indexed 0. .00 --- total 39. 100.00 --- People who RECEIVE links, sorted by rolecomm mean links category n e links per person sd 1 Hiniste l. 7 7.00 .000 3 Businos 6. 10 1.67 .745 4 Homemak 9. 99 11.00 4.714 5 Educato 6. 17 2.83 3.236 6 Soc Srv 4. 27 6.75 4.437 7 Activis 9. 81 9.00 7.424 8 Gov't 3. 3 1.00 .000 9 Funding Source 1. 1 1.00 .000 total 39. 245 6.28 8.710 UTILITY with ROLECOMM 60 flO0.00w th. 00L30m atavcak flO0.00r RO0.00w RO0.00r :W~3L0I3 UO>OLQ IAOL £000 Lu“! UOIUCOO 050 L0 £03. 302: Ran. Now.mn . N@N.vw RO0.00v NO0.00w NO0.00r flm0.h Nwm.hfl . flVw.n KOO. N00. :600 on UOULOQOL sLss OAOL £000 to ILODIOI ~Jt003 sort 0 h w 005>Lsm u.>oo usuoom usm>auo< m v m Loxsl OIOI Lou-030w IOOCuIDO IIOUNJOC nude rbHJHhD sash—lc< h<0hLoosusu cuss IOL; ssloo hLoosvlo co«u00«c3lloo {use to :0)- s01: Nkh.r NNv.' umn. un..d fiuusvtoo no snxv Cs>uo s usLLsnsC 81m.n #00. "mm.h Rhw.nw www.m~ 81m.r "mm.N Kmm.r me.r fivm.w UIULOQOL hLOOsuso usuosL 10!. :03. I01: w m v n N QOIOU nuts out» .<¢ UCOqu s>su e seLovcw OLCH uleou v00 .(te pzmpzoo an“: uo00 th.w KOO. Rnw.w~ NOD. floo.ov ROD. KOO. Rhw.wN OGOCMISD KOO. flNQ.Nw ROD. NOD. wa.h www.0m flwo.m umm.hv cauusoauw 8mm. urn.v flhm.r Nom.v flmo.w Rmh.N RNQ.” me.00 Uu>m0 Run. xmmze va.m KOO. xmw.w R00. Rpm.N Rom.m0 uaommmuom :nucsucou Lo sahu C0>uo s UsuLOQOL QJOLG to on)» Loss £03! 30!: . o n w w v n . N p Q“:- occH I Dcsmtk o>s0 usLLomoc wwcmo LOCule ”HHHWCw OHM“ QDTOU __:u "OO wood. woo. wnn.n_. woo. wwwor woo. woo. wvw. unocwoam woo. wo~.o woo. woo. wnn .o wooén www.mw who. cowusoauw womwn wmmon wwwém oo.oo. wwmon w~v .mw woos“ .wo. on 01.3 www. wowo woo.on woo. wvv.vv woo. wwwor wqmnv 253:0: 8 :NQDOLG Lo htoasuso cuss IOLu esloo htooowlo Couus0«calloo £000 £03! sot: 0 h w m v m N w 00:00 0458 OLCH AILLICOI "(IQ UCOuLu 0>ID LOCflle Detoucw OKCu QOIOU uuDE .(C ~GILOk 800 . o "(cs PZUPZOO suns t¢0 enshusc< h<0bao s UOULOQOL O~OL £000 Lo sLODlsl £038 I01: 0 n w m v n N w nxcl . OKCH "#700 ._l . ucofikm Plflu _ tic .hPDth .(Ie OLCH ~ Ann '13 000 8:00 .(C aleL e ”(t wzwwzoo new. aeowqoc swawwsc< wLe to II I u u.>oo «smoomm one: A “unflmo OOLJOW acuocak ue«>«90( LOUIUDUN IIICuIJO Low-«Cw! xxoouuoc cau- uxoowao ouuxuoc< woo «snoom ssoz hauo 00L30m aC—ocak us«)uu0< Lousonow sesamsno xxoouuo: Luau ozoneoo euaxusc< w