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A?! p14."- rl‘rl': tuft. . ul’t'nn.va . . . ’18-:‘vr'lt‘, A , I’ll-loll ll.§l:‘lv‘.ln\§lll.v‘;.oli I'- . £c|3‘lv‘)l}\> ’01.]...IV'I ‘ . n . cal-I'll (5......Jltrol; A u . . . 33.....171. .Sl. Ari-£11.? . ....:.!('1.. . L, 378 [Pt- . VIZ.-. .9.‘AAA..193:¢ .. .4? .3... .131 . . . . . .I .'v, 1 , .al.:,3? .Vu.o.u.W1-,.ur0$ni . . . 4 l " .v- - . n f . . n v . . .iull L .. . ...L.lw.>>J.J..a.u-Mfln§y nn 4 3.- : gin_.y..(.. : 3:... 2.... 4... r v . . . > . .2: Wfii’s UBIERAR Iiiifiiiiii|\\\\\\\\|\\\3~.\\\\\\|‘\\\\\\\\\\\\\| I‘ll...) This is to certify that the dissertation entitled "International News in American Newspapers: Testing International News Flow Theories" presented by Catherine Cassara has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Mass Media /L¥/ 24 /94Z4MK ' M ajor professor L, /_ ’ r». ._ , Date l/‘y’ (Ly/z /’?/ /§ f??? MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Oppormm'ry Irun'mn'on 0712771 ‘ LIBRARY Mlchlgan State University LA PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. ‘ DAEDyE DATE DUE DATE DUE “ 1 _ _ EP ‘ ‘ * \ MSU Is An Affirmative ActionIEqual Opportunity Institution cm ulna-9.1 INTERNATIONAL NEWS IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS: TESTING INTERNATIONAL NEWS FLOW THEORIES BY Catherine.Cassara A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements - for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Mass Media Ph.D. Program 1992 ABSTRACT INTERNATIONAL NEWS IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS: TESTING INTERNATIONAL NEWS FLOW THEORIES BY Catherine Cassara The dissertation analyzed international news content in .six American daily newspapers. The mid-sized dominant market newspapers are not among the elite newspapers generally ‘studied in international news research. The intention of the study was to describe the character of the papers' international content and to test a set of theoretical propositions about the extrinsic factors affecting international news flow. A.primary motivation for the study was skepticism regarding prevailing theoretical explanations for international news flow. At the heart of the study was a content analysis of a two-week constructed sample from the Atlanta Constitution, the Birmingham News, the Des Moines Register, the nghg World-Herald, the Portland Oregonian, and the Seattle Post- Intelligencer. The study was not restricted to stories with international datelines, but instead included all stories about international subjects. Mbst of the 1,850 stories identified by the sample were traditional hard news run in the papers' first section. However, more than a third of the stories in the sample -- nearly half of the space allocated to international news -- were "domesticated" stories with national or local angles. The domesticated stories were longer than the straight international stories, and were more likely to be features or analyses. The Associated Press, accounted for the largest number of stories, but supplemental news services, group, and staff reporters provided nearly half of all stories used —- stories typically longer and with more depth. To test news flow propositions, export trade and immigration figures for the individual states and cities were compared with the newspapers’ international coverage. The study findings indicate that the role of economic and cultural ties may be normative rather than predictive as applied to these six newspapers. The findings show no apparent influence on news selection from economic or cultural ties. Rather, the volume and distribution of coverage among individual countries and regions -- 'particularly the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the Mideast, Western EurOpe -- suggests that factors of political power and conflict dominated news choices. That political concerns appear to outweigh all other extrinsic factors governing news coverage suggests the present study may offer a benchmark for analysis of coverage after the collapse of bi-polar geopolitical structures presumed by 30 years of research in the field. Copyright by CATHERINE CASSARA 1992 TO Ernest and Beverly Banner Cassara, whose examples are the best instruction ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Without the guidance, friendship and support of many people this dissertation would have been more difficult to complete. Too few of them will be named here. Professors Todd Simon, Stephen Lacy, Joseph Straubhaar and Charles Atkin offered much-valued counsel, criticism, and support. Dr. Stan Soffin always stood by with support, moral and otherwise whenever it was needed. And, from the beginning, Professors Mary Gardner and Thomas Baldwin were consistent and generous with their encouragement and advice . The staff of the MSU School of Journalism and the Mass Media Ph.D. Program were good friends in time of need, as were the faculty and staff of the Bowling Green State University School of Mass Communication. Many peeple whose friendship mattered cannot be named here, but Catherine Danielou, Oumatie Maraj, Carole lberly, Kay Robinson, Lois Furry, and Robert Meyer are owed special thanks because they were constant friends through tough times . All the members of the Cassara and Simon families understood and helped from the start, and I am in their debt. Finally, without the unflagging efforts of the Document Delivery Service of the Michigan State University Library, the project would never have materialized. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements List of Tables Chapter Introduction . 11. Literature Review International News Research Background Research Critique Research Findings Newspaper Research . News markets Readership . Content Research Design III. Method Intra-media‘variables Extra—media variables Statistical Analysis validity Concerns Iv. Findings and Analysis Findings Overall Coverage Newspaper Specific Coverage. Analysis Conclusion vii vi ix 10 11 16 31 34 34 36 39 41 55 56 63 66 68 76 76 76 100 118 136 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) Appendices Page 1. Coding Sheets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 2. Coding Definitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 3. Country Coverage Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 4. U.S. Export Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 5. State Export Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 6. State Immigration Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 viii Table 1. Newspapers, 1988 2. Story Frequencies By Section Location . 3. Story Frequencies, By Story Type 4. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Type 5. .Art Usage, By Type Of Story . 6. Prominence Of Coverage 7. Source Of International Stories, By Angle . 8. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Story Source 9. Source Of International Stories, By Violence 10. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Story Topic . 11. ‘Violence Of Coverage, By Story Type . 12. ‘Violence Of Coverage, By Story Angle 13. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Angle . 14. Story Angle, By Story Type 15. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Origin 16. Story Origin, By'Violence . 17. Coverage (In Square Inches), By Paper . 18. Newspaper Coverage, By Prominence Level . 19. .Art Usage, By Paper . 20. Source Of International Stories, By Newspaper . 21. ‘Violence Coverage (In Square Inches), By Paper LIST OF TABLES ix Page 57 77 78 78 79 80 81 84 85 88 9O 91 92 93 96 97 101 102 104 107 111 LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Table Page 22. Topic Coverage (In Square Inches), By Paper . . . 113 23. Correlations Of Coverage With Export And Immigration Data . . . . . . . . . 125 24. Tests Of Difference Between Coverage, Export, and Population Means . . . . . . . . . 127 INTRODUCTION This dissertation undertook to study international news content in mid-sized dominant market newspapers1 in three distinct areas of the United States -- the Pacific Northwest, the Midwest, and the Southeast. The research sought to operationalize and test several of nester's propositions about economic and cmltural factors that influence international news flow.2 Thereby, it sought also to continue efforts to identify the role of intrinsic and extrinsic .variables to explain coverage choices.3 At the same time, the study was intended to provide insight into the kind.of international news content available to newspaper readers beyond the markets of the large elite prestige press, which are generally the focus of international news content studies. Research on international news flow has traditionally plooked.at nations as homogeneous units, overlooking the inner structures of societies. While that may be a valid.premise in some cases, Nordenstreng and‘Varis suggest it overlooks the fact of ongoing international economic integration.‘ Thus, the dissertation also investigated the possibility that within the United States regional differences in international 2 economic and cultural connections might affect international news interests which might be reflected in regional media. The elite of the prestige press are important subjects for research and their influence spreads beyond their own markets, but though some circulate nationwide they are not read by, nor available to, everyone. At the same time, while Cable News Network and other television news outlets provide ‘much of the immediate international news, not everyone gets cable and people who seek depth must still turn to print media -- starting with the daily newspaper. Research does suggest that audience members retain more information from the international news content they read in newspapers . 5 This study looked at papers with large circulations in siseable markets, because those are the papers that have the economic resources to obtain and offer their readers international news content from more than a single news service.‘ News flow "theories" literature suggests that among the extrinsic factors that shape news flows are power relations, economic connections and cultural affinities.’ But while power relations are a national-level variable and, thus, should remain constant across the papers in the study, the economic and cultural variables should vary from region to region across the United States, reflecting differing economic and cultural connections with the rest of the world. Thus, this dissertation will attempt to operationalize and test both Bester's propositions and Nordenstreng’s. 3 The study used a content analysis research design intended to provide a systematic assessment of the nature of international news content of six mid-sized American newspapers for 1988 -- the latest year for which newspaper, government and resource materials were available when the research was undertaken. To insure the most complete assessment of the newspapers’ coverage, the study looked not only at international news stories carrying datelines from abroad, but also those that had been localized or "domesticated."‘ A The interest American audiences have in international news is a matter of debate, but research suggests that in the past news professionals and researchers alike have underestimated that interestw’ In an age of growing economic and cultural globalisation American readers would have an increased need for and interest in news of issues and events abroad.10 A. 1988 study of 10 of the nation's elite newspapers' content indicated that they ran less international news than ever before, but at the same time publishers were stressing the need .to "localize" international news stories.11 Certainly, that is the impression of the newspaper editors consulted during the course of the research, who cited growing interest in international news among audience members with business interests abroad.12 How those needs for international news are met should.be a subject of concern for news researchers and professionals alike. 4 Though 1988 was not a bad year for the newspaper industry, by 1989 a recession had begun to hit home, causing papers to address serious advertising losses and critical losses in circulation.13 As a result, in the early 19903 even the largest newspaper chains were mounting in-house campaigns intended to fine tune their content to attract and hold readers, and one of the ways they were doing that was to identify and target the concerns of their individual markets, including business and ethnic communities.“ What the results of such projects may be for newspapers’ international news content only future studies can answer, but the findings of this project and.cthers may provide a benchmark against which those changes can be assessed. Research into international news content offers a continuing opportunity to assess whether criticisms of the nature of American coverage of the rest of the world are still ‘valid. While the results suggest that some of the critics' concerns may no longer hold -- certainly content would no longer appear to focus on violent news stories -— other aspects of coverage may still give cause for concern. The papers' coverage did focus on. powerful nations to the exclusion of others and.defense, domestic politics, and.crime stories continued.to«outweigh coverage of’development, health and science, education, resources, and economics. The year chosen for the study was not only the last year before the recession hit the newspaper industry, it was also 5 the last year of news coverage of the familiar bi-polar global political system. Coverage studies from 1989 would undoubtedly find that international news focused to a greater extent than ever on the Soviet Union and.the countries of Eastern Europe, but this time because the old order in that region was on the brink of collapse. Only studies begun now could begin to suggest how the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, and with it the collapse of the Soviet Union, has altered the American newspapers’ coverage of international news. The theoretical and methodological considerations outlined briefly here are explored in greater depth in Chapter II, which sketches the history of. news flow* research, critically reviews the relevant research in the field, briefly outlines the findings of other news research relevant to the study, and outlines the resultant research questions and the assumptions underlying them. Chapter III outlines the methodology of the study, describes the statistical tests used to address the research questions, and addresses the validity concerns present in this type of research and the measures taken to address them. The findings of the content analysis are outlined in Chapter IV; which ends with an analysis of those findings as they address the formal research questions. The conclusion completes the study with an assessment of the research results, their limitations, and.poses questions and suggestions for further research. 6 Six appendices contain the coding sheets used in the content analysis, coding definitions, country coverage breakdowns for the whole sample and the individual papers, export figures for the individual states, and census figures for each state’s immigrant populations. Finally, the bibliography lists the books, articles, documents and other materials referred to in the research. NOTES 1. The papers chosen for the study appear on the Editor 5 Publisher International Yearbook list of the 100 largest daily newspapers in the United States, but are categorized as mid-sized to distinguish them from the largest circulation papers. 2. Al Hester, "Theoretical Considerations in Predicting ‘Volume and Direction of International Information Flow," Gazette 19 (1973): 239—247. 3. Intrinsic and extrinsic variables are explained in depth in the following chapter. Briefly, however, intrinsic ‘variables refer to those characteristics inherent to the individual news stories and extrinsic variable refer to the context variables independent of the particular story. 4. Raarle Nordenstreng and Tapio varis, "The Nonhomogeneity of the National State and the International Flow of Communication," in Communications Technology and Social Policy, ed. George Gerbner, Larry P. Gross and 'William H. Melody (York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973), 393. 5. Manny Paraschos and.Ermalee Boice, "Media Consumption and International News:.A Case Study in News Exposure, Coverage Satisfaction and Knowledge," Paper presented to Association for Education and Mass Communication, Memphis, 1985. ERIC, ED 258 196. ' 6. Stephen Lacy and James Bernstein, "Daily Newspaper Content’s Relationship to Publication Cycle and Circulation Size," Newspapgr Research Journal 9 (Winter 1988): 49-57. 7. Hester, "Theoretical Considerations," 240-241. 8. While the origin of the rubric "domesticated" international news is unclear, the author first heard it used by during an address by CNN Special Project Producer Alec Miran to the International Communication Division of the Association for Education in JOurnalism and Mass Communication at its annual meeting in Minneapolis in August, 1990. 9. Mort Rosenblum, Coupe and Earthggakes: Repgrting the World to America (New York: Harper and Row, 1981), 8-9. 10. Christine Ogan and Bonnie J. Brownlee, From Parochialism to Globalism: International Perspgctives on Journalism Education. Bloomington, Ind.: International Division of the .Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, 1986. 11. George Garneau, "Foreign News Grows, but it is Reported Here Less, " Editor 5 Publisher, 10 February 1990; 18, 51. 12. Jay Smith, publisher of Atlanta Constitution, phone interview by author, May 26, 1992; Fred Stickel, publisher, Portland Oregonian, phone interview by author, May 26, 1992; Charles C. Edwards, publisher, Des Mbines Register. Phone interview by author, May 28, 1992; Mike Finney, executive editor, Omaha Werld Herald, phone interview by author, May 28, 1992. 13. Joshua Hammer with MdchaeliMason, Karen Springen and Donna Foote, "Pages and Pages of Pain," Newsweek, 27 May 1991. 14. Corporate brochures outlining Enight-Ridder's 25/43 Project and Gannett's News 2000 both suggest that their papers should be more sensitive both to the needs of ethnically diverse communities in their markets and to their audiences needs for information in the world beyond those markets. CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW Scholars have described the literature of international news flow research as "rich"1 and "extensive, "2 but others have noted that despite its volume it suffers from a lack of synthesis and offers less information and insight than might be expected.3 Some of the problems inherent in the body of news flow literature are not unexpected in a research field that has developed only over the last 40 years, but others result from perceptual and methodological shortcomings that must be overcome if knowledge in the field is to advance coherently. While efforts have been, and are being, made in the direction of theoretical constructs and propositions, too many . of the studies undertaken lack solid theoretical foundations. Many studies also suffer from methodological handicaps that further limit the value of their findings. Periodically scholars have stepped back to take a critical look at the field’s evolution, but their efforts are only a beginning.‘ Synthesis of research results is difficult so long as even the researchers. doing the work fail to clearly identify what they are trying to accomplish and, thus, omit to locate their own efforts within a larger research framework. Lent, Hur and 10 Ahern offer guidance in that task of mapping, but it is guidance too frequently overlooked.’ This chapter is broken into three large sections. The first looks at international news flow research. It is divided into three parts. The first traces the background of news flow as a body of research. The second part addresses theoretical and methodological issues raised by that research. The third part reports research findings about international news content. A The second section looks at relevant research dealing with newspapers. It is also broken into three parts. They deal with other media research findings relevant to newspaper markets, readership and content. The third large section outlines the study’s research design in light of the literature review, identifies the research questions, and spells out the underlying research assumptions . International News The evolution of news flow inquiry is the story of the development of a research paradigm, the forces that shaped it, and the discourse between and among the scholars whose work advanced it.‘ Early studies sought to describe the phenomenon of foreign news content . Next came attempts to develop the theoretical constructs and concepts that would explain its selection and focus. Attempts to apply those concepts led to critical reexaminations of both the phenomena involved and proposed theoretical explanations . Finally, research guided by 11 those critiques led to explorations of related issues, new theoretical propositions and new critiques. Unlike the paradigm developments of hard sciences, and like many areas of communication research, the development of the news flow paradigm has been far from linear. Research supports but. never' proves its point, and revisions and critiques have added to the debate but not led to paradigm replacements. This review'suggests one of the reasons for that problem. in news flow research is the lack of a clear understanding of its development. Failure to clearly delineate the underlying theoretical paradigm.has limitedp synthesis of results and, thus, hindered development both of elaboration of the paradigm,or its replacement. Research Background "News flow" as a rubric is often incorrectly taken to'be synonymous with the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization’s 1970s efforts to address concerns of developing countries about Western news coverage in the New World Information Order.’ The research field itself, however, predates the NWICO and continues to develop independent of it . Early discussion of .the press’s role in influencing public opinion on international matters began in the 1920s after the First World War.‘ As a research field, however, it came into its own thirty years later in the wake of the Second World War and Korea.’ Viewed with the perspective of time, there appear to be two different approaches to research -- 12 which while related by tool and topic -- address distinct concerns . Though frequently blurred by researchers themselves, the distinction is important. One approach seeks to identify the universal forces that shape international news content within and across media systems. It presumes an interest in the factors that shape one media system's information about, perceptions of, and ‘portrayals of others. It can be viewed as a school 'of basic research concerned at heart with qualities of newsworthiness. The other is concerned with issues of news flow among nations, and in the last generation has focused particularly on news flow between developed and developing countries . Identified with the International Press Institute and UNESCO research projects,“ its narrower approach seeks to capture similar dynamics, but to use them as a way to assess press freedom and responsibility and address or redress perceived information flow imbalances. It is essentially a form of applied research. Both lines of inquiry had their start in the 1950s, one with the IPI study of news content of daily papers from the United States, Western Europe and India, and the UNESCO cornmunication surveys . The other began with independent efforts by researchers at American universities, such as Tu, Cutlip, Casey and Copeland.11 The IPI itself grew out of a meeting in 1950 by editors and publishers of 34 newspapers from 15 countries.12 It got 13 its funding from large American foundations and its stated goals were to safeguard freedom of the press, promote understanding among peoples, improve journalism, and promote the free exchange of accurate and balanced news among nations.” Driven by publishing interests, it was distinct from the national and multi-national interests that drove the UNESCO studies from the same period.“ UNESCO’s early studies were descriptive communications surveys and its efforts focused on the rebuilding of the press of the world’s war- ravaged nations . 1’ i For the first decade, researchers’ efforts were largely inductive and essentially descriptive. Hart looked at international news flow into Ohio. Markham’ s famous study compared foreign news coverage in Latin America and the United States. Gerbner compared American and Hungarian handling of news of the 1960 UN General Assembly session. Some early researchers like Gieber, McNelly, and Schramm began to suggest theoretical possibilities," but the first real efforts at development of theoretical explanations for news flow came in the mid-1960s from Scandinavian scholars.” In what is still the most frequently cited work in the field, Galtung and Ruge offered a simple theory that would offer insights into the factors influencing the flow of news.” Following the reasoning developed by Ostgaard in a companion article, they sought to develop and test "metaphor with sufficient heuristic power to offer insights" into the 14 news flow process." They suggested that the selection of international news stories was influenced by socio-cultural proximity, the wealth or power of nations, the saliency of elite nations and peoples, and the negativity of events. They did not expect that either their list of the factors or their deductions were complete.” 1 As with any early statement of an idea or theory, offerings by Galtung and Ruge and Ostgaard are in places awkward and unwieldy -- difficult to operationalize or missing vital pieces. Certainly the theory spawned questions and debate, as scholars pointed out places where it could be improved and offered suggestions on how that might be done. Sande took the subject a step further and tried to relate the factors Galtung and Ruge had outlined with a news item’ s impact on media users.21 Rosengren’s methodological and conceptual insights proved so substantial an enhancement that . the original work no longer stands independent of them. 2’ Over the next decade a number of scholars, American and European alike, continued to work with the subject, looking at news content in various nations' media and periodically offering theoretical additions or finding alternative bases for discussions of similar questions. Among them was Hester, who turned. to Lasswell’s functions of communication as the basis for his formulation of the theoretical considerations for predicting volume and direction of international information flows.23 Most of the studies dealt with national 15 systems or content issues, the largest of those studies coming in the late 1970s when a UNESCO-funded project looked at international news reporting across 29 countries.“ The purpose of the UNESCO study was to inventory foreign news reporting, drawing on earlier research and laying a foundation for further efforts.” Though officially it was not intended as an effort to clarify or justify the NWICO concerns about news flows between developed and developing nations,“ viewed with hindsight it is clear that. like many of its contemporaries its preoccupation was with the issues of power and disparity raised by critics of media imperialism. While the issues generated by the NWICO brought about valuable debate, not all scholars have been as careful as they might have been in addressing the issues critically or in finding the literature which does.” ‘ The early 1980s generated several extremely valuable critical assessments of progress of research in the field, most notably two pieces by Hur.“ Assessing the first twenty years of research efforts toward an understanding of news flow, Hur addressed what had been accomplished and what had not. Noting a lack of synthesis in the field and its foundations, his critique laid the ground work for a new series of research efforts that would set out to readdress the fundamental, theoretical issues of news flow.” In retrospect that research can be distinguished as more or less applied. With the advantage of hindsight one can also 16 trace the development of distinct genres of news flow research study. Many unidirectional studies have measured international news flow into one country, 3° while fewer have looked at flow originating from a region or country.31 Comparative studies have looked at content in media across two countries or systems, or across many.32 Both unidirectional and comparative studies can also be subdivided into research on coverage of international news generally, research on coverage of specific countries er regions, or research on coverage of specific events."3 Research Critique Synthesis of research results is difficult so long as even the researchers doing the work fail to clearly identify what they are. trying to accomplish and, thus, omit to locate their own efforts within a larger research framework. Hur and Ahern have offered guidance in that task of mapping, but it is guidance too frequently overlooked." In particular, Hur noted divergent concepts and methods used in research and the lack of theoretical and methodological explanations to link them.” Ahern provided a larger analytical framework that could be used to locate schools of research and systems for locating research approaches within those schools." A review of the current state of the literature suggests four problems that need to be addressed if some sort of synthesis of theory and research is to be reached. First, the rubric "international news flow" is used as a label for a body 17 of literature that includes studies that deal not only with flows but also with flows of information, data, and entertainment content. Second, one of the barriers to synthesis and logical development of the field is the widespread failure of researchers and theorists alike to distinguish between the extrinsic and intrinsic nature of the factors in the news flow process. Third, the separate ' functions in the news flow process have not been as clearly defined as they might be. Fourth, more recognition is needed of the methodological problems that limit the explanatory usefulness of much of the research. Finally, researchers sometimes fail to relate their findings back to the functional context in which the content they analyze has been gathered. It has already been suggested that over time the research field has grown and branched out and that researchers need to make more effort to locate their works: whether the approach is basic or applied, whether the focus is comparative or uni- directional, and so forth. One additional distinction must also be made. It becomes clear after very little time with the literature that there is also a very real need to talk in terms of a broad research area that deals with international communication flows or international information flows and to clearly delineate subareas, whether news, data or entertainment. Mowlana’ s bibliography offers a lengthy list of citations, which if undertaken today would be much longer.” 18 But while it divides studies by their geographic focus, it makes no effort to distinguish between flows of news and flows of other types of content or information..A growing body of work deals with the distinct but not unrelated issues of entertainment and information flows.” More effort needs to be taken to clarify the types of factors theorists propose as ingredients in the news flow dynamic. Clarification is particularly needed to distinguish between studies of news flow research and news worthiness research, which are related but not synonymous. This becomes clear with reference to Ahern’s typology of factors as intrinsic or extrinsic;” Intrinsic factors used to explain news flow patterns have to do with the item-specific characteristics of the story or event itself, with the inherent nature of the story. Extrinsic factors are characteristics of the news environment rather than of the story itself. - Some researchers have chosen to distinguish the types of variables as being either "context-" or "event-oriented,"“2 but Ahern’s labels are preferred for the present study for several reasons. First, the focus of’the intrinsic and.event- oriented labels is different. The inherent qualities of the coverage itself, not the objectifiable facts of the covered events, are at issue in this research.“ Second, context- oriented.and extrinsic are not interchangeable labels for’the external variables. Ahern’s categorization of extrinsic 19' variables includes gatekeeper socialization, media constraints, and event context -- which includes issues such as national status, political and geographical proximity, and cultural affinity. Ahern’s study looks at the seminal works by Galtung and Huge, Ostgaard, and Hester but predates more recent studies by Shoemaker, Chang, and others.“ Nonetheless, it would be applicable to them and would begin to suggest that there may be an additional distinction which will have to be made between newsworthiness and news flow research. The research by Shoemaker, particularly the exploration of the "deviant" characteristics of individual events which make them salient to news audiences, adds an additional dimension to the research which is distinct even from the works which look at inherent characteristics of coverage but do not explain the mechanisms of salience. Hester’s theoretical propositions for predicting news flow were chosen as the basis of this research for several reasons:“ First, they are much more clearly articulated and more simply stated than many of the alternatives. Additionally, his factors are more nearly extrinsic -- power relations, economic connections, cultural ties -- than those of others and thus lend themselves to the use of extra media data. Those factors he cites which are intrinsic -- such as event magnitude or unexpectedness -- by their very nature should not vary across the sample. 20 Newsworthiness is primarily concerned with the intrinsic characteristics of news content, while news flow research has a broader concern with extrinsic factors. The problem until now is that the theorists proposing news flow and newsworthiness concepts, as well as their critics, have not made the distinction -- seemingly an important one. For, while it might be expected that both intrinsic and extrinsic factors influence international news content, their relative roles and importance cannot be hypothesized and tested until the distinction is recognized. There is also room for more precision in the delineations of which research populations are being studied and thus the populations to which findings can be generalized. There are several facets to this problem. First, the stage of the news process under study needs to be clearly stated and clearly understood. Bass suggested a step in this direction, but additional efforts need to be made in the same direction.“ Studies of international information flows which concentrate on news flows could be separated by the function or part of the process under review: news gathering, news processing, news media presentation, and news audience . McNelly was the first to suggest that the different functions or parts of the news flow process may overlap, but need to be distinguished and understood in context if meaningful understanding is to be gained from research results." Studies that look at news processing -- for 21 example, the content of the news wire services -- are a valuable component of the flow research, but their results are not generalizable to the broader process .“ Enowir what was available on the wires is valuable, but only a piece of the whole -- much of what runs on the wires will never appear in print." Our understanding of the process is not complete unless we understand also what the news gatherers made available to the wire, what parts of the wire content the media customers used,“ and finally, what content the media audience members attended to, how they understood it, and what use they made of it. The parts of the process are clearly interdependent, and it is dangerous to study one part without establishing a working understanding of the others, a point which will be explored in more depth later. Failing to locate research accurately suggests that interpretation of the results, or even the results themselves, may be suspect. An example such a failing might be a study-which looked at the presence of violence in front page stories on four papers. On that basis the author suggested that, because more of the Ngw York Tiges staff copy involved violence than did the staff copy of the other papers, the New York Times was prone to more violent coverage . That suggestion would overlook the fact that while the other papers were relying on the Associated Press for coverage. of breaking stories -- those inherently more violent by nature of how correspondents 22 working for papers relying on AP divide up the work -- the Timgg staff correspondents provided all of the copy used by their paper.“ One approach to clearer location of research.might be to draw on Lasswell’s 1940s summation of communication research as concerned with "Who says what in which channel to whom with what effect?" Translated into research terms, this is communicator or producer research, content research, channel or media research, and effects research." Larson used an abbreviated version of this approach in a piece which looked at content, production and effects research."’o Within the steps of the process, finer distinctions are also necessary, particularly where cross-cultural comparisons are made. Results from studies of national media are generalizable only to those national media. In a country where the audience relies predominantly on national media for international news, such. broader' generalizations may’ be justified..As Nordenstreng suggests, however, nations may be easy units to use for communication flow studies but they presume homogeneity that. may not exist.”' For instance, studies of news content in the elite American media which serve the policy makers are valuable for topics that deal with the interplay of news and policy. They are not adequate, however, as a vehicle for understanding the international news available to general American audiences. 23 The method problems that hinder synthesis of research results range from prevalent convenience sampling, which severely limits generalizations of research results, to flaws in research design that challenge the validity of research results. For instance, a news flow study which looks at wire feed for two weeks can be understood only as a reflection of what the feed was like on that wire service for that period.” It may suggest areas for further research but it cannot be taken as representative of anything more. Inference cannot be made to the content that did not make it to that wire or to the use of the material further down the line. Where the wire feed is considered in context of its use by editors, the results are specific only to that population of editors. Additionally, since findings suggest that wire services are not the only source of international news copy, studies which look at wire copy available and wire copy used may overlook papers’ use of supplemental services for in-depth or issue-oriented stories .53 These are important issues if one considers that wire feeds from the Associated Press are often taken as an equivalent to a universe of potential stories and then compared to the actual coverage that runs in newspapers . 5‘ Any research or writing that recounts the role of the wire service in providing foreign news would suggest that it is not a universe at all, but a peculiar kind of coverage which newspapers deliberately supplement . On this point and others, 24 researchers might benefit from.Rosenblum/s exploration of all aspects of foreign news reporting that provides valuable insight on context and content issues alike.” It is understandable that convenience sampling is used in large multi-national studies, but dangerous when so much of the research is based on those samples which are deliaeraealy chosen with assumptions that undermine any inferences from their results. For example, the period for sampling for some studies is deliberately chosen in advance because an event such as an international summit was scheduled to occur or after the fact specifically because "newsworthy" international events had taken place;“ At the other extreme are the sample periods chosen after the fact because they were "normal."” Both approaches are not systematic and seriously hinder the validity of generalizing from the study period to other periods —- a methodological point.which is generally noted at . the start of the study but not in its findings. Further sampling issues arise as the result of the kind of newspaper chosen for study. If a study is looking at policy issues, it makes sense to look at the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Christian Science Monitor. There is also sense in looking at the New York Times since it serves as an acknowledged leader in American international news coverage. There may be less justification for sampling which looks at the New York Times and a small paper which happens to be located near a large school of journalism. As inductive, 25 descriptive research that examines the dynamics that may explain news usage at different types of'papers, such studies may have validity, but one might suggest that they offer little if they are proposed as systematic studies of American international news coverage. Another common flaw found in news flow research, including the early work by Galtung and Ruge, is the focus solely on dependent variables -- coverage characteristics. In response, Rosengren suggested the use of both intra- and extra-media data, a suggestion that has been implemented with greater and lesser success by a number of subsequent studies;” The danger with the use of solely intrarmedia data -- comparing information from. one medium. with information compiled from other media -- is its inherent tautology. The use of extra-media data improves the study’ s concurrent validity, as long as the extra-media data are not from indexes of events which were themselves compiled from newspaper coverage.” The danger of extra-media data lies with the construct validity of the measures that are chosen. One study lthat attempted to looked the influence of trade factors on international news content in a large sample of newspapers equated trade with city size and location in a coastal or non- coastal state.” Arguably, trade figures may be a more precise approximation of trade involvement than geographic location. 26 Many news flow studies look at the elite press, comparing media in several nations. Of those studies that look at content in U.S. papers, most studies tend to look either at small papers or at papers with large national circulations. Only rare studies have looked at the papers with state or metropolitan circulations where a large audience turns for international news, a subject dealt with in a later section of this chapter. International news content on American television has been studied extensively and the findings suggest homogeneity . ‘1 That is not surprising nor at odds with the regional focus of this study, if one considers that the networks compete in a national market. As suggested earlier, most of the studies undertaken to date would appear to assume a homogeneous, national-level, news character.“ Studies that do look at regional papers do not look at regional variables as a possible explanation of differences in how the papers handle international news. The only study that deliberately looks at regional papers in.more than one country nonetheless does not tackle more than one paper in each of the three countries it considers.“ Serious problems also tend to arise when the design of the content research overlooks or fails to consider the contexts and processes that shape that content, and thus suffer from severe threats to their content validity. One source of such threats is the classification of what qualifies stories for consideration as international news. 27 Some studies, for instance, define international news as only those stories which originate outside the country or run under an international dateline.“ Others look at only non-domestic stories but distinguish between foreign and international stories -- the latter being those stories which actively involve the home country.“’While it is important to make the distinction between stories that involve relations between the home country and those that do not, the dichotomy is too simple for a study that seeks to identify characteristics of international news coverage at a regional or local level. Hester’s 1971 piece looking at news from developed and developing countries took anything'with.a foreign dateline as well as stories on foreign topics and news about international agencies..As the findings were reported, however, the stories which focused on the United States as an actor did.not record the other country involved.“ The multi-national UNESCO study classified pertinent stories into three categories, which.were then aggregated and reported in that form. Their original categories included .foreign news abroad, home news abroad, and fereign news at home.”' At the extreme, Larson and. Hardy classified. as international news any story that mentioned the name of another country.“ For his 1950s study of Chinese news in four Chicago papers, Yu feund it necessary to look both at stories with international datelines and those about international topics 28 that originated in the United States." His methodology also noted whether the focus of the story was centered on the home country or not. The result was distinctly different play for the two story types -- the stories with a United States focus did better."0 The possibility of a difference in news play is not surprising to one familiar with the newsroom at work. Such familiarity would suggest that an additional distinction might be made which would separate out international stories with a national focus or a local-regional one. If economic and cultural factors do affect international news content, those effects might well show up in the form of "domesticated" stories. Studies looking only at foreign re: )rting . may legitimately overlook international news running under a domestic byline, but studies of international news content that emit them miss the stories on international affairs that come out of places like Washington and New York -- from government, international and private sector sources. They also miss the newspaper editor’s favorite -- "localized" stories. Failure to take into account the context of the reporting .of the story can raise other issues. Hester’s study of violence in news on the fronts of three newspapers found more violence in international news in the New York Time; than the other papers. There is no suggestion that allowance is made for the fact that the New York Times would typically run more 29 international news on the front page than the other papers, and thus others’ news might have been as violent or more so even, but simply not have run on the front. In the same study it was reported that the Times staff wrote more violent news stories than staff of the other papers. This time there is no accounting for the fact that the New York Times generally does not use outside material. Thus, if the stories are written they will be written by staff writers. By definition staff reporters for other papers write stories that are in more depth and supplemental to their papers’ wire services, which might be more violent because by definition they cover the breaking news . 7‘ Rosenblum explains that conflict and violence are likely to be elements in international news stories because there are too few correspondents to cover the news and, as a result, the correspondents in place are hard pressed to cover even the breaking news and head from coups to earthquakes simply to get the news out and not because they prefer to cover those stories."2 Failing to gauge the context of research leads to a critical weakness of the literature. Researchers reporting their own findings or synthesizing others’ tend to overlook the medium-specific differences in the results. Too often findings from television and newspaper research are compared without thought to the different contexts in which the content was gathered and disseminated. For example, research that was 30 based on newspaper content declared geographic proximity irrelevant in explaining international news coverage,‘73 while a study looking at television and newspaper coverage pointed out that distance was an explanatory factor for television content but not for content in the New York Times{" Net all later studies note the distinction." Finally, this study looks at what.may have been the last year of news in the bi-polar world in which the news flow paradigm.was developed. Collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc must result in significant shifts in the world political, economic and social relationships that provided the foundation for the original news flow paradigm” No critical analysis written at this point would be complete if it did not suggest that the paradigm. and its assumptions must be reevaluated before they can be applied to news flow in wake of shifting world power structures. If nothing else, this study captures a final glimpse of news content under a geopolitical order that has passed and may, therefore, serve as a benchmark against which later studies may be able to begin to measure and chart the result of content changes growing out of those shifts. 31 Research Findings Research confirms that a nation’ s eliteness and political relations with the United States are important factors in explaining its presence in the American media's coverage of international news." Because extrinsic variables such as eliteness, political relations and gatekeeper socialization would be the same for each state covered by the papers, similarities are to be expected in the treatment of international news subjects across the sample. Economic and cultural ties, however, could be expected to vary from state to state. . Findings from a nation-wide survey of newspaper editors suggest that newspaper editors across the country report a similar pattern of criteria for foreign news selection." Those criteria include recognition of the importance of U.S. involvement in a story." Analyzing data from the American component of the UNESCO study, Ahern found that, among extrinsic variables, GNP, trade, and political relations exerted the most powerful influence on coverage. Trade was second in importance after GNP, followed closely by political relations. Together the three variables accounted for 59 percent of the variance in foreign coverage . 7’ Rosengren and Rikardsson found a relationship between trade and foreign news coverage in their study of Mideast news in Swedish press,” while Lacy, Chang and Lau found no 32 relationship in their study of American papers.“' The difference in findings, however, may lie in the way in which the trade variable was operationalized. The Swedish study looked at trade figures, while the American study, as noted earlier, used a coastal location as a proxy for trade.“ Many studies assume the validity of cultural affinity as a predictor of news coverage, but few test it and those that do get mixed results. One study of Canadian papers looked at cultural affinity and language, comparing international news content in French and English.papers.”‘ The study found that newspapers "displayed remarkable cultural affinities_toward their readers’ respective cultural homelands."“' The difficulty with such studies is that they are not easily replicable when applied to other countries which do not have bi-lingual or multi-lingual press. Lacy, Chang and.Lau found.that the percentage of foreign . born population in a city "had no relationship to foreign news coverage," suggesting that foreign language papers fill that need instead of large dailies.”’The research did not compare levels of coverage of different countries with foreign-born population figures, but simply compared aggregates of total foreign-born with total foreign coverage levels.“ A.study looking at six nations’ coverage of the Chinese student demonstrations of 1989 did not find support for the premise that cultural affinity would result in positive news coverage. However, a study of international news coverage in 33 five American dailies in 1986 did find that news of culturally distant countries needed more intrinsic news value to make it into the American papers." Geography, the physical distance between countries, is a factor in television coverage, but not as important an issue in analyzing newspaper coverage.“ Placed in context, this might well be explained by the economic and logistical differences in the way in which television and newspaper operations cover international news. Television tends to locate fewer news bureaus abroad and shuttle its teams to and from news hot spots on several continents, while newspapers and wire services locate one or more.bureaus on a continent and shuttle correspondents to and from countries in that region.” Research suggests that international news may tend toward conflict and violence, though findings suggest that there may be differences between the violence components of different types of international news stories. A study by Lacy, Chang and Lau found that the level of conflict in coverage of international stories was related to the paper’s level of dependence upon wire stories.“o This finding is easily explainable with reference to the different roles played by wire and staff correspondents referred to above.’1 It also makes sense when it is taken into “account that the international news stories carried on the wires tend as a rule to be harder news than domestic stories.”2 34 A 1991 study of international content in American papers in 1986, which controlled for a number of intrinsic variables including violence, did not find that conflict explained more variance than other variables. In fact it found that the contribution of conflict was not significant.” Newsager Research Research relevant to this study is also found in research concerned with news coverage issues that go beyond international news and news flow issues. This sections looks at those studies, particularly as they relate to markets, readership, and content issues . . News markets If large city and academic media markets tend to shape researchers’ understanding of media markets, we may be getting a warped view of what is available in more typical markets. While the New York Times may be the newspaper of choice for avid readers of international news and CNN’ s Headline News a necessity, there are many areas of the country where audiences still turn to network news and other print media -- non-elite newspapers and news magazines . The newspapers dealt with by this study fall at the first level of the original umbrella model of newspaper competition -- large metropolitan daily papers with regional coverage. " As Lacy suggests, however, they fall in the second level when the model is adapted to include national circulation papers such as the New York Times and USA Today.” Rosse suggests 35 that content interests shift newspaper readers among the layers of the umbrella model." This study is based on the assumption -- confirmed in conversations with the publishers - - that the news executives of these papers position themselves in their markets and differentiate their products by providing an adequate offering of international news not available in smaller papers.” Thus, audience members with an interest in international news would be more likely to look at papers at this level than they would at papers below them. 1 Research shows a direct connection between newspaper size and space allocations to different types of news content, including news content, which is dealt with later is this section." Several of these papers have one or two of their own correspondents, but for the most part rely on outside wire or chain sources for their international coverage.” Unlike the small papers included in other studies,‘°° these papers are not expected to rely on a single wire source for news. They are big enough to have the resources to draw on a number of wire and supplemental news services for international news content. Certainly the executives of the newspapers consider provision of international news as one of the characteristics that distinguishes their papers from others in their markets - - not only because they are best positioned to do so, but also because their readers seek it.101 36 Readership There are often-cited truisms that American readers are not interested in international news, and that to the extent audiences get such news they get it from television, but the research evidence to that effect is not conclusive. A 1991 paper looking at coverage of events in Eastern Europe, which included on-the-spot anchoring of nightly news, suggested that exposure to television news was the most important medium for influencing U.S. public opinion about foreign countries . 1°” However, the study did not look at the difference between coverage of stories which, involved the United States and those that did not. Another 1991 paper, which looked at the agenda setting function of the media, suggested that issues involving both uncertainty and the United States might be perceived as being more salient by audience members.103 Thus the salience levels of the subject matter covered by the first study might have affected its findings. A 1991 study by Stempel suggests that most people do not get most of their news from television, and studies which suggested that they do were not sensitive to the differences in news seeking behaviors that may vary depending on the type 104 of news being sought. Stempel’s study does not itself, however, look at audience choices for international news. A 1986 book by Robinson and Levy looking at extensive research about television news in the United States and abroad 37 also challenged the proposition that the public receives most of its information from television.105 While viewers do learn from television news, the study found that the largest gains in new information are associated with newspaper usage.” Controlling for education and news interest, the research still found that newspaper readers were consistently more informed than non-readers . “7 A study of the learning effects related to media usage during the Persian Gulf War found that even though the majority of people cited television as their "main source of information" there were distinct differences in the types of knowledge gleaned from different media- Newspaper exposure was more closely linked to acquisition of broader knowledge about events in the Gulf. ‘°' A study of international news consumption habits and learning suggested that while the audience members who turned to television networks for their international news expressed more satisfcation with the news they got, newspaper readers knew more when questioned about recent events . ‘°’ Newspaper editors, in general, have traditionally underestimated their readers’ interest in international news. Bogart cites a 1977 Harris poll which compared reader interest in news topics with editors’ assessment of that interest.110 Forty-one percent of the readers said they were very interested in international news while only five percent of the editors said the public was very interested in the 38 subject. Five years later respondents in a Newspaper Advertising Bureau study of newspaper readers in four major U.S. cities ranked international politics as the second most interesting category of stories. Human interest stories were ranked in first place.111 As the result of an experiment designed to address conflicting findings about reader interest in international news, Stevenson and.Straughan suggest that how "foreign" news is defined and. packaged has a lot to do ‘with reader interest.112 International stories -- where connections are made between U.S. and global interests I- were more interesting than "foreign" stories. Additionally, geographic proximity was relatively unimportant, but readers did want fewer headlines andumore background on the stories they read. Recent immigrants were found to be particularly interested i.- international news. The executives responsible for the newspapers included in the study recognized that international news was one of the top three interests of their readers after local and state news. While they acknowledged that they might not have the resources to provide news in depth, they suggested that they aimed. for an offering' of fairly complete and. accurate news.”la They said. that over 'the last five years their readership surveys suggested a growing interest in and concern about international news, particularly coverage of topics of concern to their states. 39 Content In a 1971 content study, international news represented 10.2 percent of stories longer than five inches in American dailies studied by Newspaper Advertising Bureau. Newspaper size made little difference in the proportion of news carried. By 1977, a follow—up study found that international news had dropped.to 6.3 percent of stories longer than five inches. At 'the same time, however, the studies indicated that U.S. government stories fell over same period from 6.9 to 3.5 percent of the content. 11‘ Editor 5 Publisher reported in 1990 that by 1980 the NAB findings suggested that international news content had dropped to 6 percent of overall coverage.“’ The Editor s Publisher article cited an additional study conducted over a two-month period at the end of 1987 and beginning of 1988, which suggested international news coverage in the 10 largest of the nations’s elite newspapers had dropped to 2. 6 percent.” The findings are limited by the nature of their collection, and the article qualifies those findings with a suggestion from the study’ s author suggesting that after his research world events led the papers to greatly expand their coverage levels.“” A 1988 study based on a constructed week’s sample of American dailies taken in November 1984 reported that large newspapers like those in this sample -- papers with circulations over 100,000 -- gave an average 6.5 percent of 40 their news sections to foreign news coverage. 1" However, neither the 1970s studies nor the later one, both of which looked at larger issues of content, provide definitions of what constituted foreign news, suggesting that for their purposes it may have included only those stories with foreign datelines. A problem common to all these findings, however, is that they do not take into account the context of the period. Studies conducted during the conflict in Southeast Asia could be expected to be significantly different from that measured after the war, as content studies of media during the collapse of communist regimes Eastern Europe might find something very different than those conducted a year or two later. An economic analysis of daily newspaper performance suggests that space allocations and wire service use among the papers vary with the competitive nature of the market. 1” Thus, among papers in the present study, differences in the size of their news hole and the number of international news sources available to them might account for by their competitive positions. Dating from Stempel’ s 1952 research findings, researchers dealing with newspaper content have had access to methodological grounds for unbiased content samplesm -- constructed-week selection of an efficiently sized sample. Following up on Stempel’s findings in 1992, Riffe, Aust and Lacy confirmed the importance of constructed-week sampling 41 where generalizability is the goal of the research.121 Convenience sampling of consecutive days of coverage was not found to be representative of longer periods of time. Additionally, the 1992 study found that one constructed week of coverage was as efficient as a sample of four constructed weeks. Extending'those findings, the researchers lent support to Stempel’ s conclusion and suggested that two constructed weeks would allow reliable estimate of a year’s coverage.m Research Desigg A In light of the findings of“the literature, the resereach set out to address three broad questions: What is the character of international news content in the mid-sized dominant market American newspaper? Does the character of the international news content in those papers vary from region to region? Do international news flow theories explain such differences, if they exist? Thus, the research set out to address four research- questions: 1) What is the nature of the international news content in mid-sized dominant market newspapers? 2) .Are there distinct categories of domesticated international news, which receive different types of treatment? 3) Do a region’ s international economic and cultural connections influence the character of international news content in the newspaper which serves that area? 42 The study’ s independent variables are economic connections and cultural ties."3 The operationalization of these variables needs additional exploration (see method section). It is suggested, however, that trade figures, particularly export data and foreign investment figures, may provide a reasonable means of ascertaining economic connections. Cultural ties may be approached through sister city agreements, immigration figures and historical cultural connections. The dependent variables are characteristics of coverage, such as the number of stories, their prominence, origin, and length, which are operationalized in detail. in the method section. The study measured both intrinsic and extrinsic story characteristics. Underlying the research are several assumptions that are best made explicit. First, the papers investigated by the study have the economic resources to subscribe to several news services that provide international news. A single wire service would provide more international news than a paper could run, but it is assumed that the presence of the other services also means that the papers have choices of quality, depth, and focus among stories about similar issues and events. The additional services offer pieces on a range of topic wider, than that offered by the wires.m Second, it is assumed that within a competitive news environment it is the mid-sized metropolitan papers with additional statewide circulation that are most likely to 43 provide international news. This occurs both because smaller papers generally do not have the economic resources to provide much international news and because smaller papers concentrate on local news in an effort to differentiate themselves from their larger competitors."’ Finally, it is assumed that readers do turn to newspapers to satisfy surveillance and information. needs, and not everyone may have ready access to the New York Times to fill those needs. Thus, it is good business for a mid-sized dominant market paper to attempt to meet those needs.” NOTES 1. Pamela Shoemaker, Nancy Brendlinger, Lucig H. Danielian, and Tsan-Ruo Chang, "Testing a Theoretical Model of Newsworthiness: Coverage of International Events in the U.S. Media," Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Montreal, 1987. 2. Gerald‘W. Hopple, "International New Coverage in Two Elite Newspapers," Journal of Communication 32 (1982): 62. 3. vernone M. Sparkes and James P. Winter, "Public Interest in Foreign News," Gazette 26 (1980): 140; E. Ryoon Hur, “A Critical Analysis of International News Flow Research," Critical Studies in Mass Communication 1 (1984): 365-366. 4. Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data," Acta Sociologica 13 (1970): 96-109; Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Methods, Data and Theory," Journal of Peace Research 9 (1974): 145-156; JOhn.A. Lent, "Foreign News Content of United States and Asian Print Media:.A Literature Review and Problem Analysis," Gazette 22 (1976): 169-182; R. Eyoon Hur, "International Mass Communication Research: A Critical Review of Theory and Methods," in Communication Yearbook 6, ed. Michael Burgoon (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1982); Thomas Ahern, "Determinants of Foreign Coverage in U.S.Newspapers," in Robert L. Stevenson and Donald Lewis Shaw, eds., Foreigg News and the News Werld Information Order (Ames, Iowa: The Iowa State University Press, 1984); E. Eyoon Hur, WA Critical Analysis." 5' Lent, "Foreign N"’ Content"; Hur, "A.Critical Analysis"; Ahern, "Determinants of Foreign Coverage." . 6. Westley’s stages of inquiry could be applied to the development of the field as a movement from inductive to deductive logic, but the author’s preference is to borrow from Ruhn’s analysis of the development scientific paradigms because it is less linear and.provides more framework for advances beyond those of inductive to deductive logic. Bruce H. Westley, "JOurnalism.Research and Scientific Method: II," JOurnalism anrterly 35 (1958): 307-316; Thomas S. Kuhn, Th; Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1962). 44 45 7. UNESCO, Declaration on Fundamental Principles Concerning the Contribution of Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International Understanding, to the Promotion of Human Rights and to Countering Racism, Apartheid and Incitement to War (Paris: UNESCO, 1979). 8. Willard G. Bleyer, "The Press and Public Opinion in International Relations," JOurnalism Bulletin 4 (June 1926): 7. 9. Paul Lazarsfeld, "The Prognosis for International Communications Research," in International Communication: Media, Channels, Functions, ed. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer and John C. Merrill (New York: Hastings House, 1970): 453. 10. Robert P. Knight, "UNESCO’s International Communication .Activities," in International Communication: Media Channels Functions, ed. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer and John C. Merrill (New York: Hastings House, 1970): 220; Colin Legum and Jehn Cornell, A.Free and Balanced Flow: Repgrt of the Twentieth Centupy Fund Task Force on the International Flow of News (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1978): 43-45; Kurt Koszyk, "The Development of the International Press Institute," also in International Communication: Media Channelg, Functions, ed. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer and John C. Merrill: 229. 11. International Press Institute, The Flow of the News (Zurich: International Press Institute, 1953); UNESCO, world Communications: Press, Film, Radio (Paris: UNESCO, 1952); UNESCO, How Nations See Each Other (Paris: UNESCO, 1954); ~Frederick T.C. Yu,"The Treatment of China in Four Chicago Daily Newspapers," Ph.D. dissertation, university of Iowa, 1951; S.M; Cutlip," "Content and Flow of AP News from Trunk to TTS to Reader," ournalism.gparterly 31 (1954); Ralph D. Casey and Thomas H. Copeland Jr., "Use of Foreign News By 19 Minnesota Dailies," ournalism anrterly 35 (1958): 87-89. 12. Koszyk, "The Development of the International Press Institute," 227, 229. 13. Ibid., 230. 14. Legum.and Cornell,.A Free and Balanced Flow, 44. 15. Knight, "UNESCO’s International Communication Activities," 220. 16. Walter Gieber, “Across the Desk:.A Study of 16 Telegraph Editors," oprnalism.ggarterly 33 (1956): 423-434; John T. McNelly, "Intermediary Communicators in the International 46 Flow of News," Journalism.Qparterly 36 (1959): 23-26; and, Walter Schramm, One Day in the Werld’s Press (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University, 1960). 17. Jehan Galtung and‘Mari Holmboe Ruge, "The Structure of Foreign News," Journal of Peace Research 1 (1965): 64-91; Einar Ostgaard, "Factors Influencing the Flow of News," Journal of Peace Research 1 (1965): 39-63. 18. Galtung and Ruge, "Structure of Foreign News," 64-65. 19. Ibid., 65. 20. Ibid., 64. 21. Oystein Sande, "The Perception of Foreign News," Journal of Peace Research 8 (1971): 221-237. 22. Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data," Acta Sociologica 13 (1970): 96-109; Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Time and Type of Report," in International Communication: Media, Channels, Functions, ed. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer and John C. Merrill (New York: Hastings House, 1970) 74-80; Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Methods, Data and Theory," JOurnal of Peace Research 9 (1974): 145-156; Karl E. Rosengren, "Four Types of Tables," Journal of Communication 27 (1977): 67-75. 23. Al Hester, "Theoretical Considerations in Predicting volume and Direction of International Information Flow," Gazettg 19 (1973): 239-247. 24. Annabelle Sreverny-Mohammadi and others, eds., Foreigp New; in the Media: International Repprting in 29 Countries (Paris: UNESCO, 1981): 10. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. See for instance: David H. Weaver and G. Cleveland Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage in Two U.S. Wires Services: An Update," Journal of Communication 33 (Spring 1983): 132- 148; David L. Altheide, "Media Hegemony: A.Failure of Perspective," Public Qpinion Qparterly 45 (1981): 143-163; Mort Rosenblum, ggups and Earthgpakeg; Repprting the Werld for America (New York: Harper 5 Row, 1981). 28. K. Kyoon Hur, "International Mass Communication Research;" and, Hur, WA Critical Analysis of International News Flow Research." 47 29. Tsan-Kuo Chang, Pamela Shoemaker and Nancy Brendlinge: "Determinants of International News Coverage in the U.S. Media," Communication Research 14 (August 1987): 396-414; Pamela Shoemaker, Tsan-Kuo Chang, and Nancy Brendlinger. "Deviance as a Predictor of Newsworthiness: Coverage of International Events in the U.S. Media," in Communication Yearbook 10, ed. Margaret L. McLaughlin, (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1987): 348-365; Pamela J. Shoemaker, Lucig H. Danielian, and Nancy Brendlinger, "Deviant.Acts, Risky Business and U.S. Interests: The Newsworthiness of World Events," ournalism.gparterly 68 (1991): 781-795. 30. Sunwoo Name "The Flow of News into Korea," Gazette 16 (1970): 14-26; Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn.A. Rosenvall, "Factors Influencing International News Flow," Journalism Qparterly 61 (1984): 509-666; Karl E. Rosengren and Gunne: Rikardsson, “Middle East News in Sweden," Gazette 20 (197: 99-116; Daniel Riffe and Eugene F. Shaw, "Conflict and Consonance: Coverage of the Third.World in Two U.S. Paper: JOurnalism Qpapperly 59 (1982): 617-626. 31. Al Hester, "The News from Latin America‘Via a World N: Agency," Gazette 20 (1974): 82-98; Shujen Wang, "Factors Influencing Cross-National News Treatment of.A Critical National Event: A.Comparative Study of Six Countries’ Medi Coverage of the 1989 Chinese Student Demonstrations," papr presented to the annual meeting of the International Communication Division of the Association for Education ir JOurnalism.and Mass Communication, Boston, 1991. 32. Gerald W. Hopple, "International News Coverage in Two Elite Newspapers," Jburnal of Communication 32 (Winter 1982): 61-73; Jehn'V.‘Vilanilam, "Foreign Policy as a Dominant Factor in Foreign News Selection and Presentation,‘ Gazette 32 (1983) 73-85; George Gerbner and George Marvanyi, "The Many Worlds of the World’s Press," Journal of Communication 27 (1977): 52-66; Sreverny-Mohammadi, et al. Foreigp New; in the Media: International Repprting in 29' Countries. 33. For example: Wang, "Factors Influencing Cross-National News Treatment;" James C. Kelly, "A.Content Analysis of Foreign Correspondent Reports from Nicaragua and El Salvador," paper presented to the annual meeting of the .Association for Education in JOurnalism.and.Mass Communication, Memphis, 1985, ERIC ED258 189; John Bodle, Shelley Bowen, Renee Carolla, Stuart dflAdolf, Chris MagerJ Debra Mason, Robert Nannery, Reggie Radniecki and Mike Woolson, "A.Content Analysis of International News Coverag Among Ohio Small Daily Newspapers Prior to, During, and Following the Outbreak of the 1990 Persian Gulf Crisis," 48 paper presented to the annual meeting of the.Association for Education in Journalism.and.Mass Communication, Boston, 1991. 34. Eur, "Critical Analysis"; Ahern, "Determinants of Foreign Coverage." 35. Eur, "International News Flow Research," 374. 36. Ahern, "Determinants of Foreign News Coverage," 218-229. 37. Hamid Mowlana, "Trends in Research on International Communication in the United States," Gazette 19 (1973): 79- 90. 38. Jesepb D. Straubhaar, "Beyond.Media Imperialism: .Assymetrical Interdependence and Cultural Proximity," Critical Studies in Mass Communication 8 (1991): 39-59. 39. Ahern, "Determinants of Foreign Coverage," 220-223. 40. Chang, Shoemaker and Brendlinger, "Determinants of International News Coverage," 400. 41. An alternative approach to news flow research could be developed which would distinguish between the objectifiable facts of events and the coverage they receive in different media systems, but it would entail semantic analysis and research methodologies outside the purview of the study at hand. 42. Galtung and Ruge, "Structure of Foreign News;" Oystein Sande, "The Perception of Foreign News," JOurnal of Peace Research 8 (1971): 221-237; Hester, "Theoretical Considerations;" Shoemaker, Chang, and Brendlinger, "Deviance as a Predictor;" Shoemaker, Brendlinger, Danielian, and Chang, "Testing a Theoretical Mbdel;" Chang, Shoemaker and Brendlinger, "Determinants of International News." 43. Hester, "Theoretical Considerations." 44. Abraham.z. Bass, "Redefining the ‘Gatekeeper’ Concept:.A U.N. Radio Case Study," ournalism Qparterly 46 (1969): 69- 72. 45. MoNelly, "Intermediary Communicators." 46. Mohamed Kirat and David Weaver, "Foreign News Coverage in Three Wire Services: A Study of AP, UPI, and the Nonaligned News Agencies Pool," Gazette 35 (1985): 31-47; David H. Weaver and G. Cleveland Wilhoit, "Foreign News 49 Coverage in Two U.S. Wires Services," Journal of Communication 31 (1981): 55-63; Weaver and Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage in Two U.S. Wires Services: An Update," Journal of Communication 33 (1983): 132-148. 47. Mort Rosenblum, Coups and Earthgpakes: Repprting the World for America (New York: Harper & Row, 1981): 4; Kirat and Weaver, "Foreign News Coverage," 45. 48. Al Hester, "Violence on the Front Pages of Three American Newspapers, 1924-1973," Gazette 21 (1975): 209-220. 49. Harold D. Lasswell, "The Structure and Function of , Communication in Society," in The Communication of Ideas, ed. Lyman Bryson (New York: Harper 8 Brothers, 1948): 37-51. .50. James F. Larson, "U.S. Television Coverage of Foreign News," in World Communications: A.Handbook, eds. George Gerbner and Marsha Siefert (New York: Longman, 1984): 103. 51. Kaarle Nordenstreng and Tapio varis, "The Nonhomogeneity of the National State and the International Flow of Communication," in Communications Technology and Social Policy, eds. George Gerbner, Larry P. Gross and.William.H. Melody (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973): 393. 52..Al Hester, "An Analysis of News Flow From.Developed and Developing Nations," Gazette 27 (1971): 29-43. 53. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthgpakes, 29. 54. John Lent and Shanti Rao, "A Content Analysis of National Media Coverage of Asian News and Information," Gazette 25 (1979): 17-22. 55. Rosenblum, goups and Earthgakes, passim. 56. George Gerbner and George Marvanyi, "The Many Worlds of the World’s Press," Jgprnpl of Communigation 27 (1977): 53. 57.‘Vilanilam, "Foreign Policy as A.Dominant Factor in Foreign News Selection," 73-74. 58. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data,"; Lacy, Chang and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions and Market Factors on Foreign News Coverage," Newspapgr Research Journal 10 (Spring 1989): 23-32; Chang, Shoemaker and Brendlinger, "Determinants of International News Coverage." 50 59. Stephen J. Andriole and Gerald W. Hopple, "The Rise and Fall of Event Data: From Basic Research to Applied Use in the U.S. Department of Defence," International Interactions 10 (1984): 293-4. 60. Lacy, Chang and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 28. 61. Al Hester, "Five Years of Foreign News on U.S. Television Evening Newscasts," Gazette 24 (1978): 86-95; James Larson and Andy Hardy, "International Affairs Coverage on Network Television News:.A Study of News Flow," Gazette 23 (1977): 241-256; Daniel Riffe and Donald Shaw, "Rivals in Consonance: The Case of Television Network News," Paper presented to the Association for Education in Journalism and IMass Communication, Memphis, 1985. 62. Lacy, Chang and Lau, "The Impact of Allocation Decisions." 63. Philip Gaunt, Choosing the News: The Profit Factor in News Selection, (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990). 64. Al Hester, "Five Years of Foreign News On U.S. Television Evening Newscasts," Gazette 24 (1978): 86-95;- Shoemaker, Chang, and Brendlinger, "Deviance as a Predictor of Newsworthiness: Coverage of International Events in the U.S. Media," in Communication Yearbook 10, ed. Margaret L. MoLaughlin, 348-365 (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1987); Shoemaker, Danielian, and Brendlinger, "Deviant Acts." 65. Adnar Almaney, "International and Foreign.Affairs on Network Television News," Journal of Broadcasting 14 (1970): 499-509; K. Kawatake, "A.Week of TV News --.A Comparative Study of TV News in Eight Countries," Studies of Broadcasting 18 (1982): 51-68. 66. Al Hester, "An Analysis of News Flow From Developed and Developing Nations," Gazette 27 (1971): 29-43. 67. Sreverny-Mohammadi and others, eds., Foreigp News in the ma‘, 1‘ e ‘ ‘ 68. Larson and Hardy, "International.Affairs Coverage," 241. 69. Yu, "Treatment of China." 70. Ibid., 215. 71. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthggakes, 27. 72. Rosenblum, Cgupg and Earthgpakeg, 80-92. 51 73.‘Vilanilum, "Foreign Policy as a Dominant Factor in Foreign News Selection," 83; Kariel and Rosenvall; "Factors Influencing News Flow," 510. 74. Chang, Shoemaker and Brendlinger, "Determinants," 411. 75. Jyotika Ramaprasad, "Content, Geography, and Source Consonance Among the U.S. Networks in Foreign News Coverage," Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education and Mass Communication, Boston, 1991: 3. 76. James W: Markham, "Foreign News in the United States and South American Press," Public Qpinion Qparterly 25 (1961). 255, 257; Weaver and.Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage in Two U.S. Wires Services: An Update," 139- 140. 77. Tsan-Kuo Chang and Jae-Won Lee, "Factors.Affecting Gatekeepers’ Selection of Foreign News: A.National Survey of Newspaper Editors," paper presented to the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism.and.Mass Communication, Minneapolis, August 1990: 14-15, 17. vs. Ibid., 11. A 79. Ahern, "Determinants," 231. 80. Karl E. Rosengren and Gunnel Rikardsson, "Middle East News in Sweden," Gazette 20 (1974): 99-116. 81. Lacy, Chang and Len, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 28. 82; Ibid. 83. Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A” Rosenvall, "Cultural .Affinity Displayed in Canadian Daily Newspapers," Journalism Qparterly 60 (1983): 431-436. 84. Ibid., 435. 85. Lacy, Chang, and Len, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 31. 86. Ibid., 27-28. 87. Mohamed, "Determinants of International News Reporting," 17. 88. Kariel and Rosenvall, "Factors," 510; Chang, Shoemaker, Brendlinger, "Determinants," 411. 52 89. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthgpakes, 136-137. 90. Lacy, Chang and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 27. 91. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthgakes, passim. 92. John B. Adams, WA Qualitative Analysis of Domestic and Foreign News on the.AP TA.Wire," Gazette 10 (1964): 285-295. 93. Mohamed, "Determinants of International News." 94. Bruce ML Owen, Economics and Freedom of Egpression (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing, 1975): 51. 95. Stephen Rt Lacy, "The Effects of Ownership and Competition of Daily Newspaper Content," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas, 1986): 14. 96. Lacy, "The Effects of Ownership," 77, citing: James N. Rosse, "An Economist’s Description of the Media Industry," Proceedings of the Sypppsium.on Media Concentration, vol. 1. (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Competition, Federal Trade Commission, 1978). 97. Jay Smith, publisher of Atlanta Constitution, phone interview by author, May 26, 1992; Fred Stickel, publisher, Portland Oregonian, phone interview by author, May 26, 1992. Edwards, Charles C., publisher, Des Mbines Register, phone interview by author, May 28, 1992; Mike Finney, executive editor, Omaha World Herald, phone interview by author, May 28, 1992. 98. Stephen Lacy and James ML Bernstein, "Daily Newspaper Content’s Relationship to Publication Cycle and Circulation Size," Newspgpgr Research Journal 9 (Winter 1988): 52-55. 99. Phone interviews with publishers. 100. Weaver and‘Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage." 101. Phone interviews with paper executives. 102. Holli A" Semetko, Joanne Bay Brzinski, David Weaver and Lars‘Willnat, "TV'News and U.S. Public Opinion about Foreign Countries: The Impact of Exposure and Attention," paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education andeass Communication, Boston, 1991. 103. Wayne Wanta, "The Agenda-Setting Effects of International News Coverage: An Examination of Differing News Frames," paper presented at the annual meeting of the 53 .Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Boston, 1991: 16. 104. Guido Stempel, "Where People Really Get Most of Their News," Newspapgr Research JOurnal 12 (1991): 2-3. 105. John P. Robinson and.Mark R. Levy, The Main Source: Learning from Television News (Beverly Bills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1986): 15. 106. Ibid., 83. 107. Ibid., 233. 108. Zhongdang Pan, Ronald E. Ostman, Patricia Mby, and Paula Reynolds, "News Media in the Persian Gulf War: Increased Use and Learning Effects," paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism.and Mass Communication, Boston, August, 1991. 109. Manny Paraschos and.Ermalee Boice, "Media Consumption and International News:.A Case Study in News Exposure, Coverage Satisfaction and Knowledge," paper presented at the annual meeting of the.Association for Education and.Mass Communication, Memphis, 1985, ERIC, ED 258 196: 14. 110. Leo Bogart, Press and Public: Who Egads What, When, Where and‘Why in American Newspapgrs (Billsdale, N.J.: Lawrence ErlbaumHAssociates, 1989): 240. 111. Newspaper Advertising Bureau, "The Newspaper in Readers' Manda," Newspaper Readership Project (New York: Newspaper Advertising Bureau, 1982): 6. 112. Robert L. Stevenson and Dulcie‘M. Straughan, "The World at Home: Geographic Proximity as a Factor in Reading Interest," paper presented at the annual meeting of the .Association for Education in JOurnalism and.Mass Communication, Boston, 1991: 13-16. 113. Phone interviews with newspaper executives. 114. Gerald Stone, Examining Newspapgrs: What Research ggveals About America's Newspapgrs (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1987), 66-67, citing, Newspaper Advertising Bureau, Two Dimensions of the News: Interest and Igpgrtance Ratings of the Editorial Content of the American Press (New York: Newspaper Advertising Bureau, 1978): 17-18.. 115. George Garneau, "Eoreign News Grows, but it is Reported Here Less," Editor 8 Publisher, 10 February 1990: 18. 54 116. Garneau cites research by Michael Emery, which was reported in the December, 1989 issue of the Gannett Center Journal published by the Gannett Center at Columbia University. 117. Ibid. 118. Lacy and Bernstein, "Daily Newspaper Content’s Relationship," 53. 119. Barry R. Litman and Janet Bridges, "An Economic Analysis of Daily Newspaper Performance," Newspapgr Research JOurnal 7 (Spring 1986): 21-22. 120. Guide Stempel, "Sample Size for Classifying Subject Matter in Dailies," ournalism Quarterly 29 (1952): 333-334. 121. Daniel Riffe, Charles E. Aust, and Stephen R. Lacy. "The Effectiveness of Random, Consecutive Day and Constructive Week Sampling in Newspaper Content Analysis," Journalism Quarterly (in press). .122. Ibid. , a. 123. Power relations between states, an important variable in Bester's formulations, would be a national-level variable and, thus, the same for all six states in the study. 124. Since the papers know the wire services will cover the basic, breaking issues, they tend to assign their correspondents to longer, more analytical stories. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthggakes, 28. 125. Lacy and Bernstein, "Daily Newspaper Content's Relationship," 53. 126. Rosenblum, Coup; and Earthggakes, 8-9; Hammer, "Pages of Pain," 39. ~ CHAPTER III METHOD The dissertation’s dual research purpose is reflected in the study’s design, which heeds Rosengren’s call for collection of both intra-media and extra-media data.1 First, the study collected intra-media data to describe international ‘ news content available to readers of mid-sized dominant market newspapers. The purpose of the research was to ascertain the kind of international news coverage available to more typical American newspaper audiences than those served by the New York T_im_eg or the Washington Post. Second, the study compared that intra-media data with extra-media variables to explore what if any regional differences there are in international news content in the U. S. newspapers . The structure of this chapter follows that research design. First, it reviews the content analysis conducted to carry out the collection of the intra-media data. Second, it describes the collection of the extra-media data. It then discusses the statistical analyses used to analyze the resulting data in order to address the study' s research questions. Finally, a brief section addresses efforts to assure the validity of the both the research design and 55 56 findings, especially in context of the earlier literature critique. Intra-Media variables The sample was defined as mid-sized dominant market newspapers’ in pairs of adjoining states: Alabama and Georgia; Iowa and Nebraska; and, Washington and Oregon. The pairs of states were selected because they are regionally distinct -- Southern, Midwestern and Pacific Coastal, respectively. They have in common that each one has a single dominant metropolitan area. The papers selected for analysis were the dominant daily newspapers in their'metropolitan.markets which have circulations beyond their own cities, particularly on Sunday.’ The papers chosen were: the Birmingham News, .the Atlanta Constitution, the Des Moines Register, the 9ma_ha World-Herald, the Seattlg Post-Intelligencer, and the Portland Oregonian (see table 1). The study looked at coverage for 1988. That year was chosen because when the study began it was the latest complete year for which circulation statistics and government economic statistics were available. The study centered on issues of the newspapers for two randomly-selected constructed weeks. Constructed weeks -- where the requisite number of each day of the week are randomly selected -- are considered the most efficient use of available resources‘ because they take into account any fluctuation in newspaper content resulting from 57 man: 1 -- museums, 1988’ The Birmingham News (eS): 170,327 (e); 172-807 (Ms); 206,297 (S) Ownership: Newhouse Newspapers News Services: Associate Press, Knight News Service, Newhouse News Service, Independent News Service Atlanta Constitution (memon to fri) Journal and Constitution (8): 284,015 (m); 517,689 (mSat); 651,828 (8) ' Ownership: Cox Enterprises News Services, Associated Press, Cox, United Press International, Dow Jones, Los Angeles Times-Washington Post, New York Times, Knight Ridder The Des Moines Register (Ms): 209,765 (m); 353,105 (8) Ownership: Gannett Newspapers News Services:.Associated Press, Dow Jones, Los Angeles Times-Washington Post, Knight News-Tribune Wire, New York Times Omaha World-Herald.(m: e-mon to fri; S): 121,985 (m); 97,232 (e); 210,347 (m-sat); 284,142 (S) Ownership: Omaha World—Berald Company News Services:.Associated Press, United Press International, Los Angeles Times-Washington Post, Knight News-Tribune Wire, New York Times The (Portland) Oregonian (all day mrfriday; mrSat; S): 310,446 (d); 305,032 (m-Sat); 413,318 (S) Ownership: Newhouse Newspapers News Services: Associate Press, Chicago Daily News, Los Angeles Times-Washington Post, New York Times The Seattle Post Intelligencer (m) The Seattle Times/Post Intelligencer (S) 203,560 (m); 178,153 (m-Sat); 503,495 (S) Ownership: Hearst Newspapers News Services: Associated Press, United Press International, New York Times, Bearst Newspapers, Reuters 58 differences in coverage characteristics that vary with the day of the week, for instance, differences in volume between Friday and Sunday. In doing that, they provide for a sample that is more representative than if it were simply random. To construct the weeks, all the days for each day of the week were counted and assigned a number. A random-number generating program was then used to compose a random number table. From that table, three numbers were chosen for each day of the week, corresponding to numbers assigned to specific days in 1988. The first two dates chosen represent the two- week study sample and the third provided an alternate. ‘ Because the newspapers were ordered in microform through interlibrary loan, a third sample week was included in the study from the beginning in the event that date substitutions could be made if they were needed later. In the end, however, issues from the third week were used only for pretesting the coding instruments. Because loan periods were short, all of the pertinent material from a newspaper issue was copied from the microfilm and kept in paper form for later coding. Because the papers are not copied at 100 percent, six-inch scales are photographed with the papers to allow for precise conversion to the original measures. Those sacles were copied with each issue of the paper and conversion wheels used for sizing photographs were used to determine the original dimensions all copy and artwork . 59 The content analysis was conducted at two levels -- the paper and the news story. Using units of analysis at two levels, the study probed related but distinct aspects of international news coverage. For instance, analyzing the paper by issue allowed note of matters that would have been hard to address even through aggregation of story-level data. Those questions addressed the treatment and handling of international news as a component of the larger paper. At the story level, the unit of analysis was defined as any story -— with an international dateline, domestic dateline, or in some cases, no dateline -— that dealt with events or issues in another country. The latter two categories of stories were considered essential since papers make efforts to "localize" important stories or run national stories that provide an American angle on an international event or issue. These "domesticated" international news stories are an important element of contemporary international news coverage, likely to receive more and better play than straight international news coverage. A study which purports to look at international news play in American media cannot overlook those stories without missing a critical ingredient in international news usage. While it was anticipated that most international stories would be found in the news section of the paper, every story in the paper was reviewed for possible inclusion in the study. 60 Every section was reviewed and note was be made of the type of section where the story ran.7 Samples of the coding instruments are included in the proposal (see appendix 1) . The coding definitions for the instruments are also provided (see appendix 2). Both coding instruments were designed with the computer analysis of the data in.mind~ Thus, data run locations were assigned from the start and the coding definitions included variable names and value assignments. At the paper level (see appendix 1), the coding sheet sought information on name of the paper, the date, and the number of pages in each of the 84 issues included in the sample. It also noted whether the international news was indexed and if it ran on a page or pages with a banner identifying the page's content as international news. Additionally, record was made of whether the paper ran international news briefs and.whether they were used on their own or mixed with national news . Note was also made of whether international news was used as filler material. The stories on the front page were counted and note was made of the character of the international stories used there -- whether they had a straight international focus, or national or localized angles. Finally, the amount of space given to international wild art, i.e. photographs with international subject that ran on their own without related stories, was measured. 61 At the story level (see appendix 2), each item was assigned a number and essential information was collected about each story to allow for identification later -- newspaper, location, headline. In all, 1,850 stories were included in the study. Each story was coded for its dateline and topic country. Story length.was:measured in square inches and.the prominence of the story was assessed using an adapted version of the Budd attention score.“ The Budd index accords points for different aspects of the way a story is run. As adapted for the present study, a story received score from 0 to 5 points, depending on the location, headline size, use of art work, and space allocation (see appendix 2). Note was also made of whether or not the story ran with art, distinguishing whether that art was in the form.of pictures or maps. Next, the source of the story was identified -- whether news service, chain or staff, or "other" (see appendix 2) . The topic of the story was noted. ’ Included among the possible topics are: war/defense, diplomacy, domestic politics, economics -- domestic and international, agricultural -- trade and. non¥trade, crime/judicial, natural disaster, sports, recreation, culture/religion, science/technology, education, natural resources -- petroleum and non-petroleum, media coverage, and "other. " Additional categories noted whether the story involved violence, whether it was domesticated or not, whether it had a domestic or international geographic focus, 62 and its type -- whether it was hard news, soft, news analysis or editorial. Finally, note was made of the region of the world where the story originated.1° In each case, the coding categories were designed to be exhaustive and exclusive and the coding definitions were written with that goal in mind. Wherever an "other" category appeared, space was provided so that an alternative response could be specified. During data entry additional categories were created. to reflect those additional responses. As a result, several additional countries were added to the master list of countries, additional story topics were added, and a number of additional supplemental news services were added to the source list . During the data processing categories with few or no answers were collapsed or eliminated. Thus, agriculture was collapsed into one category, as was natural resources. Because the coding for the project was done by a single coder, the instrument itself was subjected to pretesting by three independent coders . Two coders helped the primary coder test the initial instrument to pinpoint any problems in the instrument or coding definitions. Each coded all the stories from three separate newspaper issues . After that coding exercise, the independent coders were consulted for their comments and criticisms and any necessary revisions were made in the coding instrument and definitions . Next, the primary coder, one of the original independent coders, and a 63 replacement coder, tested the final instrument. In the second round of coding, the independent coders analyzed forty-four stories for a total of 484 coding decisions. Their coefficients of reliability with the primary coder were 94.2 percent and 91 . 7 percent.11 At the completion of the coding process, 30 stories were randomly recoded by the primary coder. The overall reliability coefficient for the recoding of 13 categories was 92.4 percent.12 Reliability tests were also done for the individual coding categories using Scott’ s pi and coefficients of reliability. The strongest reliability figures were those for story origin, story source and story type. The categories with weaker reliability were prominence and geographic focus . 1’ Extrg-Media Variables While a number of studies point out the need for use of extra-media data, fewer have actually developed and tested them (see literature review) . Thus, the component of the study dealing with extra-media data is far more exploratory than that which measured the intra-media data. Complicating the issue is the need for uniform data for each of the states or standard metropolitan areas at issue in the study. An exhaustive review of federal and state documents available through the Michigan State Government Depository collection suggested that export figures should be available for individual states broken down by country, though no 64 figures of the sort appeared in any of the statistical abstracts published by the U. S . government. Eventually, the information was obtained, for a fee, directly from the Foreign Trade Division of the Bureau of the Census. That information took the form of the dollar value of merchandise each state exported for 1988 in aggregate and broken down by country of destination (see appendix 5) . The same information was ' obtained for the top ten countries for U.S. exports (see appendix 4). The listings for the country as a wole and for each state were then arranged in descending order by volume. The most logical cultural indicator available was the U.S. census figures of foreign-born residents of each metropolitan statistical area. As with the economic figures, the overall immigrant population for the area was noted and the percentage of the total for each recognizable group of immigrants was recorded. The immigration figures were gathered by country and the real figures and their percentage of immigrant population were listed in descending order for all countries that represented at least one percent of the city and state imigrant populations (see appendix 6). Immigrant population as a percentage of the whole city's population was also entered into the dataset. Originally, it was thought that breaking the foreign-born population figures over time might give a more convincing picture of those cultural communities that might have a greater impact on coverage, but the study findings precluded that detailed an analysis. The figures 65 involved were so small and the links between the individual groups and coverage so tenuous that breaking the date down further would have served no useful purpose. Other cultural connections proved impossible to obtain in any systematic form which would lend itself to data analysis. Cultural festivals, sister city arrangements and other such cultural indicators offer information on regional connections, but are not readily accessible. Indexing of the Atlanta Constitution on newspapers databases made it possible to identify some of Georgia' s cultural connections, and story content found in several of the sample papers pointed to similar connections there. However, for most of the papers in the sample such material was not available and, thus, the result could not be operationalized systematically for the whole sample. As a result, these variables were eliminated from consideration for the purpose of the present study. Had . they been available, however, some questions would have accompanied their use since newspaper content proved the most useful means of identifying such connections. Using information gathered from newspaper content as an independent variable against which to measure their performance would represent exactly the kind of tautology Rosengren warned of when he pointed out the need for extra-media measures .1‘ Other independent variables included for analysis included gross state product, city and state population figures, overall levels of city immigrant population, and 66 state export trade totals. Non-content variables recorded for each paper included the number of wire services subscriptions, daily circulation, Sunday circulation, 'and the average percentage of space each newspaper devoted to news and news content for 1988. Data Analysis The collection of data from the content analysis was designed from the beginning to facilitate data entry and analysis using DOS-based SPSS software. The analysis itself was completed using a mainframe computer and SPSS 4.0. Each variable was assigned name and value labels. variables were assigned data card locations. As a result, the data entry task was minimized. The coding sheets were kept allowing for reference to both the original story and the coding sheet if any questions arose about a data value. For processing purposes, data collected for each individual story‘was attached first to data for that issue of the paper and then to data for the city and state. The result was 1850 cases with six lines each of data. Once the dataset had. been constructed, frequencies were run on all -the variables to check that all of the values were being read correctly and that no erroneous values were reported. Data editing caught the :minor' problems indicated. by in the frequency tests. Where frequencies indicated aberrations in data, SPSS provided the capability to locate the aberrant number and correct it. 67 Different statistical tests were used to address the three broad.research questions posed.by the dissertation. The first question -- the character of international news content in the mid-sized dominant market American newspapers -- was addressed using simple statistics: frequencies, measures of mean coverage, and parametric statistics. Such tests were more than adequate to allow descriptive analysis of the study’s findings: which subjects got the most coverage, how one newspaper’s coverage ~differed from. another's, where the newspapers got their news. Cross-tabulation tables allowed the use of the Pearson chi-square statistic to analyze the relationships of the variables -- addressing'whether differences in coverage could be explained by chance. The lowest acceptable significance level for such tests was set at the p <.05 level before a relationship was accepted.15 In at least one case, however, the lack of significance also became as meaningful." The second research question sought to determine whether there were distinct categories of domesticated international news which receive different types of treatment in the study’ s six newspapers. In essence, it sought to identify the nature of the papers’ coverage and identify if there were differences in how different type of coverage was presented. Again, the use of cross—tabulation tables allowed the use of the chi- square statistics -- both Likelihood. Ratio and. Pearson correlations to address the relationships of the variables. 68 The third question addressed whether the character of the international news coverage varied from region to region across the study, and whether such variation could be explained by differing regional international economic and cultural connections. For comparison purposes, ranked lists of coverage, export and immigration figures are appended to the study (see appendices 3,4,5, and 6) . Initially, it was thought that several different, and more sophisticated, statistical tests might be needed to address this question, but the research results themselves suggested that complicated statistics were unnecessary . T-tests , correlations , frequencies, means, cross tabulations, and proportions offered the tools necessary to produce an analysis of the results. The only more sophisticated analysis the data would have allowed was discriminant analysis, which was the only statistical test that would have allowed for inclusion of individual state export and immigration figures, but which proved extremely complicated and was deemed unnecessary in light of the nature of the results evident in simpler analysis. Validity Concerns Any research project's results are only as sound as the validity of the overall research design and the methods used to conduct it. As with any project, this research presented validity concerns on a number of levels and efforts were made throughout the research process to address those concerns. Holsti identifies four types of validity--content, predictive, 69 concurrent and construct--which must be addressed in research involving content analysis to ensure that a study measures what it intends to study. Content, or face, validity refers to the informed judgment of the researcher as to whether the analysis results are plausible and consistent with other information about the phenomenon under study . 1" Such a judgment, based on the review of literature in the field, is arrived at only at the conclusion of the research, but must nonetheless be considered throughout. The issues of major concern for the present study were outlined in the review of the literature (see chapter 2) and are noted again in the analysis of the research findings (see chapter 4). This is one of the types of validity most threatend by research which fails to place the content of international news in the context of the process which produces it. As the literature revewie suggested results of some studies are frequnetly misinterpreted because the nature of the process has been overlooked. As a result, effort was made to base the present research on a solid understanding of how interntional news is gathered, relayed to the newspapers, and then processed by the news editors. The predictive validity of content analysis refers to its ability to provide information from which the researcher can generalize from findings to a larger, as yet unstudied population, in this case unanalyzed coverage. In the case of 70 the present study, that larger population to which the results an be generalized is the coverage given to international news generally by the six papers in the study.‘ The use of constructed week sampling was intended ensure generalizability for the year in question. It must be noted, however, because the papers chosen for the study were selected with a specific purpose in mind -- to assess the nature of ' regional coverage -- the study' s results cannot be generalized to any larger population of newspapers. The validity of a coding instrument depends on its ability to measure what it is intended to measure." The research design must be able to be translated to a coding instrument that will be workable. Coding categories must be precise, reliable, and‘objective. There should be no question as to how an item should be categorized and the coding definitions should be such that a competent judge would agree as to how an item should be coded.” The coding instrument was developed after careful study and adaptation of categories used in studies with a similar intent. To heighten validity, the coding instruments were developed with reference to the body of related research and content analysis texts.’o In addition, pretesting the coding instrument on stories of the sort that would be found in the content analysis highlighted any definition and category problems. Establishing concurrent validity involves checking research findings against information other than that upon 71 which the research is based. It is important that the outside measures used as benchmarks are also valid measures of the phenomenon under study. In the present study, the questions about concurrent validity would concern the extrinsic variables selected for analysis, particularly the extra media variables. The distinction that the variables used in this study have is that they are not drawn from events indexes which have the built—in problem that they are compiled from newspaper reports . ’1 Construct validity takes into account the validity of both the measures used in the analysis and the theory underlying the research design. The review of literature addressed this issue, as do the analysis and conclusion.’2 There are inherent validity concerns in a research design that relies on a single coder, particularly when the coder was also responsible for the structure and form of the research instrument. To address those concerns, care was taken to keep the research design simple and replicable. Coding categories were kept simple and patterned on instruments well-tested in previous research. Every effort was made to keep coding definitions simple and clear—cut. Krippendorf noted that in the case of content analysis arriving at construct validity requires pragmatic validation of drawing on past experiences with analyzing the type of data gathered and with the availability of concurrent indicators about the phenomena to be inferred. ’3 With regard to the 72 content analysis itself, both of those conditions are met. The researcher has past experience with content analysis of international news research, and an large body of research on international news research offers resource material on how to measure indicators of the content at issue. It might be suggested here, that this is one of the validity categories most affected when earlier reserachers have taken their findings out of the context of the process in which international news is gathered and.processed. To arrive at an accurate collection. of data on international news content, the researcher must consider process issues as they relate to coverage. For instance, it is not enough to judge an international story' but its dateline, but rather' it. is necessary to include stories in a study based instead on their subject matter. Had the study included content based on 'dateline alone it would have missed.more than a third of the stories indentified in the sample. In regard to the extra.media variables, which relatively few scholars have explored, there is is less pragmatic validation available. As a result, the present research sought to identify the straight forward methods of operationalizing the economic and cultural variables in the context of Ainerican media. Concerns raised by possible operationalizations are explored.both in the study's literature review, analysis, and conclusion. NOTES 1. Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data," Acta Sociologica 13 (1970): 96-109. 2. All of the newspapers appear on the Editor 5 Publisher International Yearbook's list of the 100 largest daily newspapers in the country -- ranked by circulation, but are described as mid-sized since they are not ranked in the top ten. 3. Where there was choice between two papers in a market, as in the case of the newspapers involved in the joint- operating agreements in Atlanta'and Seattle. The paper chosen was the one available in microfbrm. For whatever reason, generally only one newspaper is available in_ microform for any of the markets the size of those in the study. 4. Robert L. Jones and Roy E. Carter Jr. "Some Procedures for Estimating ‘News Hole' in Content Analysis," Public Opinion anrterly 23 (Fall 1959): 402—403. 5. Figures were obtained from the 1990 edition of the Editor 5 Publisher International Yearbook, which was compiled from information gathered from the newspapers in 1989. The circulation figures come from circulation ~ information sworn in September 1989. 6. The sample paper dates were: Jan. 4, 13; March 13; April 21; Mby 13; June 10; July 10; Aug. 16, 29; Oct. 19, 22, 25; and Dec. 8 and 17. The third week dates were: April 16;:May 4; Sept. 8, 9, 20; and, Dec. 18 and 19. 7. Every story had to be reviewed in order to catch the domesticated international news copy. In fact, the hallmark of the "domesticated" local stories was that they tended to carry no dateline at all. 8. Richard.Budd. "Attention Score: A Device for Measuring News ‘Play,'" JOurnalism anrterly 41 (Spring 1964): 259- 262. 73 74 9. Topic categories are adopted from: Denis MbQuail, Analysis of Newspapgr Content (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1977). 10. For ease in coding, the number of the country’s region was noted next to its name on the country list. 11. Where reliability equals the number of decisions on which the coders agree multiplied times two, divided by the addition of the number of coding decisions made by each coder. Ole Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley publishing, 1969), cited in Roger D. Wimmer and Joseph Dominick, Mass Media Research: An Introduction (Belmont, Calif.: wadsworth, 1983): 183. 12. Klaus Krippendorf, Content Analysis: An Introduction to its Methodology (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1980): 139. 13. Scott’s pi and coefficients of reliability, respectively, for each category were as follows: section type, .86 and .93; topic country, .85 and .86; prominence .74 and .8; art type .89 and .96; source .95 and .96; topic .87 and .9; violence .9 and .96; geographic focus, .7 and .86; angle, .89 and .93; story type, .92 and .96; and, story origin, .98 and .86. Agreement was complete for the categories paper number, date and story location. 14. Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data," Acta Sociolggica 13 (1970): 103. 15. At a probability of p < .05 it would be no more than five chances in 100 that the study results could have occurred by chance. 16. The crosstabulation looking at the individual papers use of copy involving subjects that dealt with man-made violence suggested had significance levels that suggested there was no real difference in their use of such content. 17. Ibid., 143. 18. Ole Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanitigs (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1969): 142. 19. Ibid., 136, 142-143. 75 20. Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and.Humanities (Reading, Mass.: Addison—wesley Publishing Co., 1969); Denis‘McQuail, Analysis of Newspaper Content, (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1977); and, Krippendorf, Klaus. Content Analysis: An Introduction to its Methodology, (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1980). 21. Karl E. Rosengren, "International News: Intra and Extra Media Data,".Acta Sociologica 13 (1970): 103; Stephen J. Andriole and Gerald W. Hopple, "The Rise and Fall of Event Data: From Basic Research to Applied Use in the U.S. Department of Defence," International Interactions 10 (April 1984): 295. 22. Holsti, Content Analysis, 142-149. 23. Krippendorf, Content Analysis, 167. CHAPTER IV FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS The chapter is divided into two major sections. The first section reviews the overall findings of the research. The first section is largely descriptive, and reports the study's findings in tabular form, noting the results of the chi-square statistics where appropriate. The second section analyzes those findings in light of the study’s research questions and expectations, referring to specific findings and statistical analyses where relevant to the point at issue. Findings I The first part of the findings section describes the characteristics of the sample as a whole, while a second part follows with an exploration of the differences in coverage among the individual papers . Overall coverage Of the 1,850 stories that comprised the study, 84.1 percent or 1,555, were found in the news sections of the papers. Eight-four stories, or 4.4 percent of the sample, were found in business sections. Travel stories represented 3.1 percent of the sample (see table 2) . In keeping with those findings, 46 percent of the stories ran in the first five 76 77 pages of the papers and 75 percent within the first 24 pages of the papers. TABLE 2 STORX FREQUENCIES 8! SECTION LOCATION Frequency Percent News 1,555 84.1 Business 82 4.4 Travel 58 Se-rts 48 Entertainment 35 Other 30 19 Metro/Suburban OOOGQQHNQMH In keeping with the findings of earlier studies, 85 percent of the sample was made up of hard news stories (see table 3). Those stories made up 72.9 percent of the space accounted for by the sample, or 25,424.4 square inches (see table 4).1 The 135 soft, or feature, stories accounted for only 7.3 percent of the sample but 13.5 percent of the area (see tables 3 and 4) . Analysis -- either op-ed pieces or clearly labeled.news analyses -- accounted.for 5.9 percent of the number of stories in the sample but for 12.5 of its area. 78 Editorials accounted for only 1.8 percent of the number of items in the sample and 2.1 percent of the space (see table 4). TABLE 3 STOR! FREQUENCIES, BY STOR! TYPE Frequency Percent Cum. Percent 1,572 85.0 85.0 135 7.3 92.3 110 5.9 * 33 1.8 1,850 100.0 TABLE 4 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY TYPE .Area Stories 35,282.9 . 1,850 Hard 25,424.4 1,572 Soft 4,776.8 135 Analysis 4,415.9 110 , Editorials ' 765.8 . 33 , It must be noted, however, that the average square inches devoted to a story varied noticeably with the type of story. The mean story area for hard news was 16.17 square 79 inches, while the means for soft news and analysis were 34.6 and 40.1, respectively.a The mean story area for editorials was 23.2 square inches. While the average story area was 19 square inches, the most common area was 5 square inches. The smallest story was .8 square inches and the largest was 130. Of the total, 1405 stories ran with no art. Of the remainder, 398 ran with pictures or other art, 24 ran just with maps, and 23 ran with maps and art (see table 5). TABLE 5 AR! USAGE, BY TYPE OF STOR! a 40:0 0 e e w H QM um UQ hNdN GOMU bQUU moo G 80 Only 54 stories, or 2.9 percent of the total, were given treatment ranking at the top of the 0-to-5 prominence scale, which rated the play given to the individual stories (see table 6). The 5 ranking indicates that the stories ran on the front page, with a large headline, with art work, and took up at least three-quarters of a newspaper column. At the other end, 327 stories rated no prominence value at all. The largest number of stories appeared at 1 on the scale, 536 or 29 percent. Twenty percent of the stories, 369, got prominence rankings of 2, and 331 or 18 percent were ranked at 3. TABLE 6 PROMINENCE OE COVERAGE Prominence Coverage Stories area 1,667. . . 327 5,298. . . 536 6,919. . . 369 9,981. 8,737. 2,679. 35,282. Forty-one percent of all the stories came from the Associated Press, in all 759 stories (see table 7). The next largest number of stories were the product of mixed wire sources, the way briefs are commonly credited. Mixed wires accounted for 326 stories, or 18 percent of the total. The 81 largest single source after.Associated.Press was the New York Times News Service with 133, or 7.2 percent, of the total stories. Following fairly closely behind the New York Times News Service was the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post News Service with 109 stories, 5.9 percent (see table 7). United Press International accounted for only 56 stories in the sample -- 3.0 percent of the whole. TABLE 7 SOURCE OF INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY ANGLE Angle Straight Domest. National 546 71.9 46.0 29.5 208 27.4 36.4 11.2 0! 42 75.0 3.5 2.3 13 23.2 2.3 .7 Phi HHQH UQUIUI Ci ‘4” e e m 50 37.6 8.7 2.7 0| ”U" a e s u Reuters o: - H bfiOO 440° Nd GOING NOE-‘10 uoew OH an PHD e m e 82 TABLE 7-—Continued SOURCE OF INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY ANGLE Count Row Pct Col Pct Total Pct Angle Straight Domest. National Group H (A) PC) °H 63. 4. p 2 5 N H!» (ADI-‘0) ° 0) 0 d 8 4 3. 24 73. 20. 13 H” bbUl 0' (0014 e e o q 00 ”GO - a s! ' M NH - H @004 UINQQ unqua- mama MUG” 6 4 .3 .9 7 8 .8 1 1 9 3 .0 0 9 9 8 5 5 6 .0 7 2 0)." DH ”#0 e m s h OF ”$40) name HHwH OUbh ° 0 Chi Sqaure=581.50936, d.f.=18, p < .05 The newspaper chains accounted for few of the stories, though it should be noted that the papers may be running stories by chain correspondents with credit lines that would suggest that they are paper staff. This is known to be the case with the Atlanta paper, the flagship of the Cox chain, where the chain correspondents frequently deal directly with 83 the Atlanta editors, write specific stories at their request, and are published with credit lines that identify them as Atlanta staff reporters.’ It is also important to note at this point the difference between the wire stories and those from other news sources (see table 8). While the Associated Press got most of the space in the sample, the average AP story was 14.9 square inches and the average UPI story was 14.0 square inches. Stories from the paper’ s own staff writers, however, averaged 34.4 square inches and stories from group correspondents averaged 32.0. The average stories from the major news services -- the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post and the New York Times news service -- fell between those two, at 29.6 .and 24.0 respectively. Stories from mixed origins, generally labelled as coming from the individual paper’s wire or news services, averaged 10.8, while the lowest mean area -- 6.8 square inches -- went to stories with no identified origin. It is not surprising that the stories with mixed or non-existent sources were generally the smallest -- in most papers they account for the bulk of the stories in the newspapers’ briefs sections. The "mixed" sources mean is probably longer than "none" only because occassionally on longer and more important issues are dealt with with stories mixing copy from the New York Times News Service and the Associated Press. While those stories are not frequent, they occur often enough to raise the 84 TABLE 8 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY STORY SOURCE Source Stories 90 O 0 Total Coveraoe 1,850 759 56 133 109 44 198 326 147 78 GONONGOhQ ONG‘OQOOU MGOWUHONH Another noticeable difference in coverage among the news sources was the presence of man-made violence in their copy (see table 9). The source with the highest percentage of coverage involving man-made violence was the. Los Angeles Times-Washington Post Service at 38.5 percent. One third of the stories from mixed sources involved violence and just under a third of the stories from "other" sources involved violence. Violence was found in 29.4 percent of the Associated Press stories. Paper staff stories were the least violent, with a low of 13.6 percent stories which entailed manemade violence (see table 9). Only 14.3 percent of UPI’s coverage involved SOURCE OF Count Row Pct Col Pct Total Pct 85 TABLE 9 INTERNATIONAL STORIES, B! Violence NO 'VIOLENCE 70.6 39.5 29.0 48 85.7 3.5 2.6 83.5 8.2 6.0 70 5.2 3.8 37 84.1 2.7 2.0 86.4 12.6 9.2 86 TABLE 9—-Continued SOURCE OF INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY VIOLENCE Count 'Violence Row Pct Col Pct Total Pct No Other -o oa- (a) 40440) UIUWG m 0|de NOH 1 1 7 .4 .5 5 3 .8 .5 7 4 4H him mew - Ul Chi Square-51.22572, d.f.=8, p < .05 violence. Group coverage was also low at 15.9 percent. Only 16.5 percent of the New York Times service stories involved - violence. In keeping with past studies, the four largest topic categories of stories were, in that order, war and defense, domestic politics, diplomacy, and crime and judicial stories (see table 10). They were the only categories with.more than 200 stories each.‘War and defense, with 296 stories, made up 16 percent. of the sample. Domestic politics and diplomacy accounted for 284 and 282 stories respectively, or 15 percent each. With 233 stories, the crime and judicial stories made up 13 percent of the sample. 87 Stories dealing with economics —- domestic and international combined -- accounted for. 8 percent of the sample, or 144 stories (see table 10). The 91 culture and religion stories made up 5 percent of the sample. Accidents counted for 83 stories, or 5 percent of the whole, while there were 59 stories about natural disasters, or 3 percent of the sample. Recreation, the category which included travel stories, made up 4 percent of the sample, and sports got just short of 3 percent. The distribution of story topics varied depending on the story’s angle. Straight international stories tended to focus on war and defense, domestic politics, and crime -- in that order. The largest topic groups for domesticated national stories were dimplomacy, war and defense, international economics, and crime. While the two topics which got the most attention in domesticated local stories were international ecomonics and culture and religion. Several categories that showed up often enough in the coding to seem worthy of their own categories nonetheless each only accounted for about. 1 percent of the coverage they included health and medicine, pollution, royalty, media, and human rights. In area, diplomatic stories accounted for the most space in the sample -— 6,365.0 square inches or 18.0 percent of the whole (see table 10). The average diplomatic story was 22.5 square inches, longer than the mean over of 19.0 square inches. war and defense stories accounted for 5,528.2 square 88 inches, 15.6 percent of the whole, and had.a mean story area of 18.6 -- slightly smaller than the overall mean. TABLE 10 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES) , BY STORY TOPIC Topic Stories Total 35,282.9 19.0 100.0 1850 Coverage War/ 5,528.2 18.6 15.6 296 Defense Diplomacy 6,365.0 22.5 18.0 282 Domestic 4,961.0 17.4 14.0 284 litics Economicsl‘ 535.5 16.2 .5 I Economics2 2,334.2 21.0 .6 111 Agriculture 326.8 23.3 .9 Crime/ 3,392.8 14.5 9.6 233 Judicial Naturalr 1,068.0 18.1 3.0 59 disaster Bccidents 1, 140.9 13.7 3.2 83 Sports 804.2 15.4 2.2 52 Recreation 2,195.3 30.0 6.2 73 Culture/ 1,745.9 19.1 4.9 91 Religion Science/ 471.4 17.4 1.3 27 Technology —_— 89 TABLE 10—-Continued COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY STORY TOPIC Topic Stories Education Natural resources Media Not surprisingly, however, the largest mean went not to the most serious topics but rather to recreation stories -- the category which included travel coverage. The mean area for ‘the category"was 30.0 square inches. Crime stories accounted for just under 10 percent of the space in the sample, and had a mean area of 14.5, much smaller than the study mean. Thus, while politics may have been news, earthquakes and coups apparently were not. Not only were there few disaster stories but stories without violence outnumbered stories with violence three to one (see table 9). There were 493 stories involving man-made violence and 1, 357 without. Ninety-one 90 percent of the stories including a violent component were classified as hard news stories, while only 71.4 percent of the stories without violence were hard news stories, suggesting that the longer and more critical stories were less likely to deal with violence (see table 11) . As one might expect, most of the stories with violent subjects appeared in two categories, those dealing with.war and defense and crime. TABLE 11 VIOLENCE OE COVERAGE, BY STORY TYPE _- _ Count Type Row Pct Col Pct Tot Pct Hard Soft Analysis Editorial Total Violence 1, 123 ' 120 80 26 1, 357 82.8 9.4 5.9 1.9 73.4 No 71.4 94.8 72.7 78.8 60.7 6.9 4.3 1.4 449 7 30 7 493 Yes 91.1 1.4 6.1 1.4 26.6 28.6 5.2 27.3 21.2 24.3 .4 1.6 .4 Total 1,572 135 110 33 1,850 85.0 7.3 5.9 1.8 100.0 Chi Square-35.282, d.f.=3, p < .05 Viewed from the perspective of the angle of the story, copy with no component of man-made violence accounted for 70.3 percent of the straight international stories and 76 percent of the domesticated national stories (see table 12) . The difference is even more pronounced in the category dealling 91 with domesticated local stories, where 96.7 percent of the copy was not violent. It would appear, then, that news considered of the most interest to a newspaper’ s readers and so localized was not the stereotypical violent foreign news story. In a related finding, 20.1 percent of the stories witha focus on violence had areas of less than 5 square inches and 50.6 percent had areas of 15 square inches or less, suggesting ' that they were frequently the shorter stories found in the '"briefs." TABLE 12 'VIOLENCE OI COVERAGE, BY STORY ANGLE Angle Dome st . Straight National Violence NO 834 61.5 70.3 45.1 435 32.1 76.0 23.5 353 71.6 29.7 19.1 137 27.8 24.0 7.4 1187 64.2 572 30 . 9 . UH MUG)” OQUIO Chi Square-33.314, d.f.-2, p a < .05 While 64 percent of the sample dealt with strictly foreign news, the domesticated national stories accounted for 31 percent of the total sample and domesticated local stories 92 for 5 percent (table 13) . In all then, a study judging international news as stories with foreign datelines would have missed 36 percent of the international news storiesidentified by this study. In terms of space given to coverage area, the domesticated national and local stories accounted for 45.9 percent of the area devoted to international news content (see table 13). TABLE 13 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY ANGLE Angle Area Mean % of Stories total Total 35,282.9 19.0 17.2 1,850 covers-e Straioht 19,083.8 16.0 54.0 1,187 Domest. 13,470.7 23.5 38.1 572 National Domest. Local 2,728.4 f 29.9 7.7 91 Nearly 60 percent of the stories in the sample were classified both as hard news and as straight international coverage (see table 14) . More than half of the stories in each angle category qualified as hard news. One quarter of the soft, or feature, stories took a domesticated national angle and another fifth took a local angle. Not surprisingly, perhaps, 60.6 percent of the editorials and 58.2 percent of the analyses took domesticated national angles. Few if any 93 editorials dealt with local international angles, and only slightly more analyses did (see table 14). The study split down the middle on focus -- whether the story dealt with the domestic affairs of the country or affairs with other nations or multi-national organizations. Fifty-one percent of the stories involved international relations and 49 percent dealt with domestic affairs of the subject country. TABLE 14 STORY ANGLE, BY STORY TYPE Editorial .Angle 1,065 74 35 12 1,187 89.7 6.2 3.0 1.0 64.2 Straight 67.7 54.8 32.7 36.4 57.6 4.0 1.9 .6 Domes. 455 33 64 20 572 National 79.5 5.8 11.2 3.5 30.9 28.9 24.4 58.2 60.6 24.6 1.8 3.5 1.1 Domes. 52 28 10 l 91 Local 57.1 30.8 11.0 1.1 . 3.3 20.7 9.1 3.0 2.8 1.5 .5 .1 Column 1,572 135 110 33 Total 85.0 7.3 1.8 Chi Square=146.69633, d.f.=6, p a < .05 94 The largest coverage for a single country in the sample went to the Soviet Union, with 225 stories or 12 percent of sample. However, there was a category larger than that for the Soviet Union. Eighteen percent of the sample, or 162 stories sample focused on stories involving more than one country, a category that included international agencies. Israel and Great Britain were only other the individual countries to get ' noticeable coverage, at 6 percent and 5 percent, respectively. In aggregate, however, things look different (see table 15). In all there were 300 stories about Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and making up 16 percent of the total number of stories in the sample. Coverage of the Mideast followed closely at 15 percent, or 268 stories. Western Europe and Great Britain accounted for 248 stories, 13 percent of the sample. One hundred sixty-two stories about Central America accounted for 8.7 percent of the sample and 8 percent dealt with all the regions of Africa. East Asia accounted for slightly more than 6 percent of the sample and the Asian subcontinent accounted for slightly less than 6 percent. Nearly 9 percent of the stories in the sample dealt with.more than one region. A similar pattern shows up when coverage is measured in terms of square inches rather than the number of stories (see table 15)..Again Eastern Europe and.the Soviet Union led.with 6,202 square inches -- 17.5 percent of the total space devoted to international news in the sample papers. The mean story 95 length for stories about the region was 20.6 square inches. The Mideast also came second in the amount of space devoted to it, with 5,563.9 square inches -- 15.7 percent of the total space. The average story length was 20. The space given to Western Europe and Great Britain accounted for 12.4 percent of the sample, 4,380.4 square inches, and an average story length of 17.6 inches (see table 15) . While coverage of stories involving more than one region of the world measured nearly the same as Western Europe at 4,350.5 square inches, the average story area was 26.8 square inches. Coverage of Central America got 3,012.3 square inches, with a mean of 18.5 square inches, and coverage of East Asia accounted for 2,449.6 square inches, with a mean story area of 20.5. The largest mean story area in the study given to stories from any single region was given to those from West Africa, though the total coverage for the region was only 311.7 square inches. Coverage of all the regions of Africa combined accounted for only 2,378.7 square inches or 6 percent of the sample space. Viewed across topic categories, it is interesting to note that the more coverage a region got the more likely that coverage was to be spread across numerous topic categories.’ The same finding held up when topic coverage was viewed by country (see appendix 3) . 96 TABLE 15 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCIS) , BY ORIGIN Origin Stories Total Coverage 1,850 162 60 54 11 Central America North America South America Central Europe Eastern Europe 27 44 L 20 ‘ 20 11 ~ 24 a4 , 7 » Northern Europe . Southern Europe Western Europe Central.Africa East Africa * Northern.Africa Southern.Africa West.Africa Mideast Central.Asia East.Asia wSoutheast.Asia Asian Subcont. Pacific Islands 38 35 66 UNOUOQQOWNQNQ’fiOMQNhUO More than one Other .5 00 as m»:» (n 00 ~: 0110 tn «1 e.¢n «a ~11m 4n a- e.¢n <3 .9 .3 .4 .7 .5 .0 .2 .4 .5 .1 .3 .8 .8 .7 .9 .9 .6 .5 .0‘ .5 .5 .4 H No H While the bulk of the stories in the sample did not involve man-made violence, several regionsstand out as the 97 origins of coverage that was notably violent or non-violent (see table 16). Coverage from Central Africa and the Mideast was strikingly more violent than the norm. Coverage of East .Africa and the Asian Subcontinent was also noticeably more TABLE 16 STORY ORIGIN, BY'VIOLENCE Count ‘Violence Row Pct ' Col Pct Tot Pct No Central America d OQNH e e e H North America ‘1 MW” e e a fi Central Europe - H 7 2 6 3 7 3 5 5 0 0 .7 .5 Eastern Europe Northern Europe Southern Europe NOQU ”00‘ “00h HNHH dad“ hHQUI N 04‘ ° $0 044» 98 violent than the overall. At the other extreme, stories from all parts of Europe, West and Northern.Africa, and East Asia were notably close to the study norm for violent coverage. TABLE 16--Continued STORY ORIGIN, BY'VIOLENCE Count Violence Row Row Pct Total Col Pct Tot Pct No yes Central 5 15 20 Africa 25.0 75.0 1.1 .4 3.0 .3 .8 East 4 7 24 .Africa 36.4 63.6 1.3 .3 1.4 .2 .4 North 23 1 24 .Africa 95.8 4.2 1.3 1.7 .2 1.2 .1 Southern 59 25 84 .Africa 70.2 29.8 4.5 4.3 5.1 3.2 1.4 West 7 7 .Africa 100.0 .4 .5 .4 Mideast 99 169 268 36.9 63.1 14.5 7.3 34.3 5.4 9.1 Column 1357 493 1850 Total 73.4 26.6 100.0 99 TABLE 16—-Continued STORY ORIGIN, BY‘VIOLENCE iCount ‘Violence Row . Row Pct Total 'Col Pct ' Tot Pct No yes Central 32 6 38 '.Asia 84.2 15.8 2.1 2.4 1.2 1.7 .3 East 98 21 119 .Asia 82.4 17.6 6.4 7.2 4.3 . 5.3 1.1 ‘ Southeast 25 10 35 ‘Asia 71.4 28.6 1.9 1.8 2.0 1.4 .5 Asian 50 57 107 , Subcontinent 46.7 53.3 5.8 3.7 11.6 2.7 3.1 Australia, 50 16 66 Pacific 75.8 24.2 3.6 Islands 3.7 3.2 2.7 .9 More than 123 39 162 one 75.9 24.1 8.8 9.1 7.9 6.6 2.1 Other 3 3 100.0 .2 . .2 .2 Column 1357 493 1850 Total 73.4 26.6 100.0 Chi Square-379.42103, d.f.=20, p < .05 While there were conflicts in 1988 in several of the countries covered.by the regions typified by the more violent 100 coverage -- notably the first Persian Gulf’War in the Mideast -- that might not be enough to account for the differences. The emphasis of man-made violence in content connected to those regions may suggest that in either the generating or the processing of copy there is a tendency to focus on conflict, that might bear up the argument of critics of Western press agencies to over-report strife on a geographic basis. ‘ Mitigating against this argument, however, is the absence of 'noticeably violent content from other non-European regions, notably other areas of Asia and.Africa. Newspaper Specific Coverage The largest number of stories was found in the Portland Oregonian, which ran altogether 389 stories (see table 17). The Atlanta Constitution and Birmingham News came next with 313 and 310 stories, respectively. The Seattle Post- Intelligencer and maha World-Herald were also close. They ran 295 and.292 stories, respectively. The fewest stories --251 -— ran in the Des Moines Register. The Oregonian averaged 27.7 stories per issue, followed by the Constitution with 22.3, the 52!; with 22.1, the Post-Intelligencer with 21.7, the World- Herald with 20.8, and the Register with 17.9 (see table 17). The average area per story was 23.1 square inches for the Oregonian, 21.5 for the Constitution, 19.3 for the _P_og_t_-_ Intelligencer, 17.3 for the World-Herald, 16.7 for the N235, and 14.2 for the Register. 101 Overall space given to the international news copy ranged from a low of 2.9 percent of the Post-Intelligencer’ s newshole to 5.0 percent of the newshole for both the Register and the Oregonian (see table 17). Since this study meaured only the space devoted to copy and did not include in its space measures the area given over to headlines, photographs and white space, the overall space given to foreign news would acutally constitute a larger portion of the overall newshole than is reflected by these figures. TABLE 17 COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY PAPER * Paper Total Av. Total % of ‘ coverage story stories Total (sq. in) area Newshole Atlanta 6,738.9 21.5 313 3.0% Constitution Birmingham 5,193.7 16.7 310 3.6% News Des Moines 3,589.0 14.2 251 - 5.0% Re ister Omaha World 5,061.7 17.3 292 4.3% Herald Portland 8,98616 23.1 389 5.0% Oregonian Seattle Post- 5,713.0 19.3 295 2.9% Intelligencer ‘Total 35,282.9 19.0 1850 4.7%, 102 The Oregonian also gave the most space to international news copy -- 8,986.6 square inches. second with 6,738.9 square inches, The Constitution came followed by the Post- Intelligencer with 5,731.0, the News with 5,193.7 and the TABLE 18 NEWSPAPER COVERAGE, BY PROMINENCE LEVEL Count Row pct level Col pct Tot pct 0 1 2 3 4 5 Atlanta 64 82 45 55 54 13 313 20.4 26.2 14.4 17 .6 17.3 4.2 16.9 19.6 15.3 12.2 16.6 23.2 24.1 3.5 4.4 2.4 3. 0 2.9 .7 Birmingham 21 116 74 62 31 6 310 6.8 37.4 23.9 20. 0 10.0 1.9 16.8 6.4 21.6 20.1 18. 7 13.3 11.1 1.1 6.3 4.0 3. 4 1.7 .3 Des Moines 50 98 45 35 17 6 251 19.9 39.0 17.9 13.9 6.8 2.4 13.6 15.3 18.3 12.2 10. 6 7.3 11.1 2.7 5.3 2.4 1. 9 .9 .3 Omaha 61 70 66 56 32 7 292 20.9 24.0 22.6 19.2 11.0 2.4 15.8 18.7 13.1 17.9 16. 9 13.7 13.0 3.3 3.8 3.6 3. 0 1.7 .4 Portland 36 125 80 75 63 10 389 9.3 32.1 20.6 19. 3 16.2 2.6 21.0 11.0 23.3 21.7 22.7 27.0 18.5 1.9 6.8 4.3 4.1 3.4 .5 Feattle 95 45 59 48 36 12 295 32.2 15.3 20.0 16. 3 12.2 4.1 15.9 29.1 8.4 16.0 14. 5 15.5 22.2 5.1 2.4 3.2 2. 6 1.9 .6 Column 327 536 369 331 233 54 1850 Total 17.7 29.0 19.9 17. 9 12.6 2.9 100 Chi Square=151.847372, d.f.=25, p < .05 103 World-Herald with 5,061.7. The Register ran the least copy, at 3,589.0 square inches. But while the Oregonian gave the most space to coverage, the Constitution and the Post—Intelligencer gave more prominent display to theirs (see table 18). At the top of the scale, the Constitution averaged 57.5 square inches for its big front page stories and the Post-Intelligencer averaged 56.4 . They were the only papers above the category’ s overall average of 49.6 square inches. The Register’s most prominent stories averaged 48.8 square inches. The Oregonian averaged 45.7 for those stories. The Egg; averaged slightly more at 40.0 square inches. While the World-Herald came last with an average area of 37.6 square inches for its most prominent stories. The Oregonian’ s average story area was 45.4 square inches for stories with a prominence ranking of four, compared to 38.6 for the Post-Intelligencer, 34.8 for the Constitution, and 37.9 for the whole. Again the other three papers fell well below the mean. In the largest single category in the study -- the prominence ranking of two, which had 356 stories -- the mean story area was 9.8. While the Constitution, the Post-Intelligencer, and the Oregonian had means above that average, 12.1, 11.9, and 10.5 inches respectively, the remaining papers ran below the mean. The M was the lowest at 9.9 square inches. The Constitution and the Post-Intelligencer had the smallest average lengths for stories given no prominence 104 ranking and much longer average length for stories at the other end of the scale. The Oregonian’s mean area for stories with 0-prominence rankings was 6.0 square inches compared to 3.8 for the Constitution, 4.5 for the Post-Intelligencer, and 4.8 for the Register. The Egg; ran the largest average story with no prominence, at 7.4 square inches. Because the study’s prominence index incorporated.use of 'art and pictures, findings relating to the usage of art are ‘not independent of, and may help to explain, the prominence figures . The Constitution and the Oregonian each accounted for nearly a quarter of the space devoted to art work in the sample (see table 19). Of the total 10,769.0 square inches TABLE 19 ART USAGE, BY PAPER Paper Total art Average Stories Total usage art area w/maps’ stories (sq. in.) (sq. in.) w/art Atlanta 2,511.0 28.2 9 89 Constitution Birmingham 1,131.1 23.0 4 49 News Des Moines 958.4 14.9 8 64 Register Omaha World 1,500.9 21.7 6 69 Herald Portland 2,462.6 24.8 13 99. Oregonian Seattle Post- 2,204.1 29.7 8 74 Intelligencer Total 10,769.0 24.2 46 444 105 given to art, the Constitution had 2,511.9 square inches and the Oregonian 2,462.6. The Post-Intelligencer was not far behind with 2,204.1 square inches. At the other end, the Register used only 958.4 square inches of art. While the World-Herald used 1,500.9 and the Egg; used 1,133.1 square inches (see table 19). The most striking difference in the sources the papers used for their international news coverage relates to their size and use of copy from supplemental news services -- a category that must now be considered to include United Press International (see table 20). The Birmingham News, Des Moines Regisper, and the Omaha World-Herald made no use of Reuters. the World-Herald did use copy from UPI. Both the Np g and the Register used none. The .N_ew_s_ carried nothing from the New York Times News Service. Most of the papers drew heavily on copy from the .Associated Press, but two figures bear attention. While the Post-Intelligencer appears to have used the least, it attributed.more copy than any of the other papers to "mixed" news services, which may explain the difference. The Constitution, on the other hand, used less AP copy than the other four papers and also used litte "mixed" copy. The Egg; paper relied most heavily on AP. All six newspapers carried coverage produced by their own reporters, but the Atlanta Constitution’s use of staff- generated copy set it apart from both the Portland Oregonian 106 and the Seattle Post-Intelligencer (see table 20). More than 18 percent of the international stories in the Constitution carried staff credit lines. As noted earlier, because the Constitution routinely draws on the resources of the Cox chain correspondents some of the bylines in this category may be explained that way. Nonetheless, the combined staff and group categories for the Constitution still constitute a noticeably ' larger part of overall coverage than those same figures even ‘ from the the Post-Intelligencer and the Oregonian papers. This reliance on staff stories may suggest both why the Constitution made less use of A.P. copy and why it used fewer stories from the New York Times and Los Angeles Times- Washington Post news services. The Birmingham News and Portland Oregonian, which both drew on Newhouse chain resources, made similar use of group copy, though that was one of the few similarities in their international coverage . Though not a group-owned paper, the Omaha World-Herald, subscribed to several group services. It made little use of group-generated copy, instead relying relatively heavily on the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post News Service. In spite of, or perhaps because of it’s chain affiliation, the Register’s use of staff and group coverage was similar to the World-Herald’ s. It relied copy from the New York Times News Service. The Oregonian stood out from the other papers in the study in its use of copy from both those supplemental services. Notably, UPI. 107 it used only one story from There was no evident difference in how the papers handled coverage with violent content (see table 21) . Most of the space in all the papers was given to stories without violent content, though it should be noted that the average area of SOURCE OE INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY NEWSPAPER TABLE 20 Count Paper Row Pct Des Col Pct Atlanta Birmingham Moines Total Pct Constitution News Register AP 97 208 133 759 12.8 27.4 17.5 41.0 31 . 0 67 . 1 53 . 0 5 . 2 11 . 2 7 . 2 UPI 16 28 . 6 5.1 .9 NYT 18 13.5 5.8 1.0 LAT/WP 18 16.5 5.8 1.0 Reuters 19 73.1 6.1 1.0 313 16.9 108 the stories with violent content was a square inch or two greater than that of stories without. Viewing the papers’ space allocations by topic offers some additional insights into their individual coverage choices (see table 22). Among the most notable of the space ' allocation findings is the consistency with which the Portland TABLE 20-—Continued SOURCE OF INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY NEWSPAPER Count Paper Row Pct Col Pct Atlanta Total Pct Constitution Group 5 11.4 H p m U” l-‘N UOQ ° 0' 0" H00 ' N 3 11. 11 2 ova two - H H Hdb e H .3 7 8 .2 .1 7 3 .8 .0 1 1 .5 .6 5 .9 .4004 U000) QUIGH OHQD have: at. UhUlOt ONO“ OOQUI HOHO hNNO 109 Oregonian out-covered the other papers in most of the large, conventional topic categories. Whether diplomacy, defense, domestic politics, crime, natural disaster, economics, or sports, the Oregonian routinely devoted more space to coverage than the other papers . TABLE 20--Continued SOURCE OE INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY NEWSPAPER Count Paper Row Pct Col Pct Omaha World Portland Seattle. Total Pct Herald Oregnian Post-Int. 161 4 21.2 15. 55.1 30. 8.7 6. 5. 14. 2. 1 35.7 3 . 6.8 1.1 9 UN -H HN HOG e e e u e e QG.H ”“004 Reuters NOUIU (pane UIOGO HUGH ”Pb ”#5. N00!» UHOb 0.00 wmqw 110 The other' papers tended. to take the lead in less traditional topics of coverage, such as health, human rights, The science and technology, and royalty. Oregonian gave noticeably more coverage to education than did the other papers. But while other papers ran several stories each about topics dealing with World War II, a category that included TABLE 20--Continued SOURCE OF INTERNATIONAL STORIES, BY NEWSPAPER Count Row Pct Col Pct Total Pct Paper Omaha World Herald Portland Oregonian Seattle Post-Int. Group p... NUI M NO P MU H040 - H Hra ADOHO o!» H00 - e F‘H MN 0 e e m DU GNO: Nb” s e e w e e e e e s s e OOH. N.N§ Dumb ##04 ran Ht‘fl) 8".“ NOW e ‘ hflb - H e e o e e e e e QQOQ ”UFO OUUIW H049 (numb e s e H e e e e e e e e e a 4.440 OHUN 0440) ‘0”. $.04 H ‘04 Chi Square=652.52292, d.f.=45, p , .05 g..- UIN ' )9 DUI 111 TABLE 21 ‘VIOLENCE COVERAGE (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY PAPER Paper Area Stories Coverage W/O 25, 662 . 8 1, 357 violence Atlanta 4,613.5 . . 225 Constitution Birmingham 3,876.5 . . 226 News Des Moines 2,446.5 . . 172 Re-ister Omaha World- 3,736.4 . . 219 Herald Porltand 6,567.8 . . 292 Ore-onian Seattle Post- 4,422.1 . . 223 Intelligencer Coverage with 9, 620 . 1 493 violence Atlanta 2,125.4 . . 88 Constitution Birmingham. 1,317.2 . . 84 News Des Moines 1, 142 . 5 . . 79 Re-ister Omaha World 1,325.3 . . 73 Herald Portland 2,418.8 . . 97 Ore-onian Seattle Post-' 1,290.09 . , . 72 Intelligencer the Holocaust, the Oregonian did not. The Atlanta Constitution was also fairly consistent in its coverage of the traditional 112 topics of internationl news, but stood out from.the others in the amount of space it devoted to recreation. While the Seattle Post-Intelligencer covered the traditional topics, it gave noticable attention to culture and religion, science and technology, and media coverage. The Post-Intelligencer ranked behind the Oregonian in the amount of space it gave to international economics, but it ran fewer -stories and devoted more space to them than did any of the other papers . It ranked second behind only the Birmingham News (in the amount of space it devoted to stories about royalty. The heavy reliance of the Egg; on wire service coverage may be reflected in its seeming emphasis on stories dealing with diplomacy, crime, and accidents. It ran more international economic news than the Constitution, though less than the Oregonian and the Post-Intelligencer. It stood out from the other papers in both the number of stories and the amount of space it devoted to science and technology. The three large papers -- the Constitution, the Oregonian, and the Post-Intelligencer -- were the only ones to give coverage to stories dealing with natural resources . Perhaps predictably, the Des Moines gpgister stood out from the other papers with its coverage of agriculture. It is also interesting to note that the Register devoted more space to recreation than it did to accidents and natural disasters, and gave sports as much space as it did those topics. The Omaha TOPIC COVERAGE WAR/DEFENSE Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland Seattle DIPLOMACY Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland Seattle DOMESTIC POLITICS Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland Seattle ECONOMICSl Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland Seattle ECONOMICS Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland Seattle AGRICULTURE Atlanta Birmingham Des Moines Omaha Portland 113 TABLE 22 (IN SQUARE INCHES), BY PAPER Total area 5,528. 1,199. 670. 575. 803. 1,556. 723. 6,365. 1,189. 856. 748. 1,113. 1,507. 949. 4,961. 1,078. 856. 0' a: 00 #00100)” OQGQUIDN QUQOl-‘U'IOUI NQOOGOO NdGmOl-‘O HUDHOQN Mean 18. 20. 16. 15. 16. 24. 15. p b ”QUOUUN GOOHONO NDUQOUIN NMU‘IDOGh HQOH'D‘UI QUOHQQM 114 TABLE 22--Continued CRIME/JUDICIAL 3,392.8 14.5 233 Atlanta 713.1 18.2 39 Birmingham 727.6 12.9 56 Des Moines 368.0 11.8 31 Omaha 366.8 11.1 33 Portland 804.3 21.1 38 Seattle 413.0 11.4 36 NATURAL DISASTER 1,068.0 18.1 59 Atlanta 153.4 17.0 9 Birmingham. 119.4 14.9 8 Des Moines 103.8 12.9 8 Omaha 231.4 16.5 14 Portland 305.9 25.4 12 Seattle 154.1 19.2 8 ACCIDENTS 1,140.9 13.7 83 Atlanta 210.8 19.1 11 Birmingham. 262.2 13.8 19 Des Moines 103.7 8.6 12 Omaha 124.3 13.8 9 Portland 271.5 14.2 19 Seattle 168.4 12.9 13 SPORTS 804.2 15.4 52 Atlanta 77.9 12.9 6 Birmingham. 45.1 9.0 5 Des Moines 103.1 12.8 8 Omaha 36.4 7.8 5 Portland 394.4 16.4 24 Seattle 147.3 36.8 4 RECREATION 2,195.3 30.0 73 Atlanta 691.2 49.3 14 Birmingham. 344.7 21.5 16 Des Moines 172.6 24.6 7 Omaha 349.8 31.8 11 Portland 360.8 32.8 11 Seattle 276.2 19.7 14 CULTURE/RELIGION 1,745.9 19.1 91 Atlanta 313.5 26.1 12 Birmingham. 273.6 15.2 18 Des Moines 107.0 10.7 10 Omaha 235.1 13.0 18 Portland 356.7 19.8 18 Seattle 460.0 30.6 15 115 TABLE 22--Continued SCIENCE/TECHNOLOGY 471. Atlanta 44. Birmingham 189. Des Moines 86. Omaha 14. Portland 31. Seattle 105. MEDIA COVERAGE 484. Atlanta 122. Birmingham 36. Des Moines 21. Omaha . 3. Portland 149. Seattle 152. HUMAN RIGHTS 416. Atlanta 71. Birmingham 64. Des Moines 8. Omaha 133. Portland 53. Seattle 84. ROYALTY 414. Atlanta 72. Birmingham. 141. Des Moines 51. Portland 40. Seattle 107. HEALTH/MEDICINE 304 . Atlanta 22. Birmingham. 5. Des Moines 44. Omaha 148. Portland ' 46. Seattle 36. WW II 276. Atlanta 8. Birmingham 85. Des Moines 50. Omaha 47. Seattle 85. NUleOW UdslslUIl-‘G qqqmew DMUUIUIQH NHNQUIOQ ”DNNHQQ 17. 14. 15. 21. 4. 10. 52. 26. 40. 18. 7. 3. 29. 38. 21. 23. 16. 8. 33. 26. 16. 15. 18. 20. 17. 10. 13. 12. bQGOOb (00'thth hi-‘NNHU OQUUIHD'D conunmo GGQUIQDH l-. '0 ”Ni H H M N uncommon UUGGHUI‘ mun-weed: UIIOhl-‘QU'O DUIHUNUO www.- H 116 TABLE 22--Continued EDUCATION 194.0 24.2 8 Atlanta 30.6 30.6 1 Birmingham 34.0 34.0 1 Des Moines 16.5 16.5 1 Omaha 17.2 8.6 2 Portland 95.7 31.9 3 NATURAL RESOURCES 111.5 18.5 6 Atlanta 14.3 4.7 3 Portland 57.2 28.6 2 Seattle 40.0 40.0 3 OTHER 2,211.9 23.0 96 Atlanta 254.9 19.6 13 Birmingham 203.2 12.7 16 Des Moines 147.9 10.5 14 Omaha 264.9 18.9 14 Portland 822.4 39.1 21 Seattle 518.6 28.8 18 World-Herald coverage was noteworthy particularly for the categories in which it outstripped the the other papers. The World-Herald gave much more attention than any of the other papers to human rights and health and medicine, and came close to competing with the Constitution and the Oregonian in the amount of space it gave to diplomacy. At the other end of the spectram, it ran nothing on royalty. All of the papers gave coverage to most of the major world regions. Several aspects of their space allocations to those regions of the world bear noting. The only region not given at least token coverage in all six papers was West Africa, which got no coverage in the Des Moines Register or the Seattle Post-Intelligencer. I 117 The Birmingham News gave over 1,000 square inches of coverage to Western Europe, exceeding that of the Portland Oregonian by more than 200 square inches. The N_eyp also gave the most coverage to news originating in the other countries of North America. The Oregonian gave 1,722 square inches of coverage to Eastern Europe, nearly twice the space it was given by the Atlanta Constitution, though the Omaha World-Herald and the the Post-Intelligencer both devoted more than 1,000 square inches of space to the region. The Oregonian was the only paper to give any significant space to Central Europe. All six papers paid attention to Central America, and all gave significantly less attention to South America. The M Moines Register was notable for its lack of space for both North and South America . The Oregonian and the Constitution both devoted more than 1,200 square inches each to coverage of the Mideast. All three of the large papers gave more than 500 square inches of coverage to East Asia -- the region which includes Japan. But the only two papers to give more than 100 square inches to Central Asia were the World-Herald and the Eat; Intelligencpr, though the latter nearly doubled the former’ s space allocation. The Post-Intelligencer also gave noticeably more coverage to the Asian Subcontinent than did the other papers . 118 The Constitution gave 341 square inches of coverage to Southern Africa, far more than the other papers, while the Orgegonian was more interested in coverage of East Africa. Both gave more than 150 square inches of coverage to Central Africa. The Constitution and the M were the only two papers to give more than 100 square inches to Northern Africa. The Register ran less copy about the same region, but still more ‘than the Oregonian and twice the coverage given by the gggp; ‘Intelligencer. The Oregonian gave 279 square inches of coverage to Southeast Asia, followed by about 160 square inches each from the Post-Intelligencer and the World-Herald. Analysis This section reviews the research findings as they address the study’s specific research questions outlined at the end of the literature review. 1) What is the nature of the international news content in mid-sized dominant market newspapers? The obvious conclusion from.the study’s findings is that the newspapers’ coverage in 1988 fit many of the traditional stereotypes. It was heavily political and crisis-oriented. The countries and regions which got significant amounts of coverage got coverage across topic categories. Countries and regions which got little coverage tended to get only coverage in the most common categories -- war and defense, diplomacy, domestic politics, and crime. The study findings do suggest, 119 however, that the stereotype of international news as necessarily violent was not borne out for these papers. .Additionally, while all of the papers relied.heavily on wire copy from the Associated Press, the total area of coverage from three other sources -- the New York Times News Service, the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post Service, and the papers’ own staff -- was greater than that from AP and only a bit less less than the copy fromMAP and the mixed.wire sources combined. It is noteworthy that by 1988 copy from United.Press International had all but disappeared from their pages. ' It is also noteworthy that the papers followed the traditional habit of relegatinngany international stories to short news briefs; those brief stories were more likely to deal with the coups, earthquakes, and crimes than were the longer stories. The longer stories were the stories from the supplemental services and the newspaper and chain sources, and they were generally less violent. The content coding process itself highlighted the fact that in several instances most or all of the six papers ran the same short stories in the briefs -- notably, one about a crash in Turkey and.another about an accident in a stadium.in Nepal -- suggesting that the stories came across the wire only in an abbreviated form and no additional information was available to the editors. 120 If anything can be concluded from the individual newspapers’ handling of the news, it is that each.paper'has a decidedly idiosyncratic way of handling the news, which strongly suggests the hands of individual news executives, whether editors or publishers. Certainly comparisons of the coverage by the two Newhouse papers -- the Birmingham News and the Oregonian -- did not suggest that chain ownership was in ' any way a factor in international news usage. Oregon gave a great deal of coverage to issues and countries across the board, while the Birmingham News’ s coverage was noticeably different -- concentrating on news of diplomacy, crime, and accidents. Notably, the 33:; carried more news briefs about royalty than the other papers. Additionally, though the two papers with the largest circulations gave‘ the most space to coverage, large circulation was no guarantee of coverage. The leg; and World- Herald both gave much more coverage to international news than the Register even though their circulation figures were lower. 2) .Are there distinct categories of domesticated international news, which receive different types of treatment? The study findings do suggest that there are distinct categories of international news coverage, and that the stories with the "domesticated" angles got quantitatively better coverage than the straight international stories. Cross tabulations analyzing the angle of the story by type suggest 121 a significant correlation between the two (see table 14) . Stories with a local angle were more likely to be feature stories or analyses -- stories more likely to provide readers with depth and insight beyond facts. The significance levels of the chi square statistics generated from the cross- tabulation analysis support the conclusions that the relationship between the variables is not due to chance and that there is a correlation between story type and story angle. The finding that the average mean length of the stories increases when it is more domesticated suggests that when editors and reporters find a "local" angle they allocate space to cover the story. That is an important finding if .one accepts the assumption that longer stories are more useful to readers than short briefs. Nearly 36 percent of the international stories identified in sample fell into the domesticated news categories. And, more striking, those stories accounted for 45. 9 percent of space given to all of the international news in the study -- 38 . 1 percent for domesticated national news and 7 . 7 percent for domesticated local news . Those findings are even more telling when one considers the variation in topic focus by angle, since the local angle stories focus to a large extent on international economics and cultural issues, veering away from the standard topics such as politics, diplomacy and crime . 122 These findings are important, especially since many studies of international news coverage in American media deliberately select only those stories that carry international datelines and exclude stories that carry any mention of U .S. interests. Additionally, the domesticated stories get better play -- better placement, bigger headlines, and more art work, a finding that should come as no surprise ' to anyone familiar with the operation of a newspaper newsroom. It is standard practice for editors to give better play to stories written by their own staff. Thus, the study findings strongly suggest that studies which identify as international only the those stories that ran with an international dateline deliberately exclude an important component of the international news product available to.American newspapers audiences. That is a serious omission if one argues that editors give better play to the stories they feel will be of the most interest to their readers. Certainly the bulk of the international copy in the newspapers may be international wire stories, with little or no explicit or immediate impact for the papers’ readers, but less space is allocated to that type of copy than to stories with domesticated angles. 3) Do a region’s international economic and cultural connections influence the character of international news content in the newspaper which serves that area? 123 If export relationships and the breakdown of the states’ immigrant populations are accepted as suitable initial attempts to operationalize the newspaper markets’ economic and cultural ties with other nations, then the findings suggest that coverage pays little heed to these relationships. Simply glancing at the various lists of coverage levels, export figures and immigration suggests that there is no connection between the variables (see appendices 3, 4, 5 and 6)..And.that conclusion is borne out by the results of Pearson Product Moment Correlations comparing‘ coverage of the 15 most prominent countries on all three lists (see table 23), The Pearson correlation tests the degree of correlation between variables representing two distinct‘characteristics of the sample.‘I While the test does not imply causation, it does measure whether two variables are co-related -- the extent to which they vary together. The possible results of the test - range from a correlation coefficient of +1.0 for a strong positive correlation to a coefficient of -1.0 for a strong negative correlation.10 A finding of zero suggests no relationship between the two variables. Once the correlation coefficient is arrived at, it can then be squared to arrive at the coefficient of determination, which indicates how much of the variation in the data can be explained by the relationship between the two variables.11 While the results of the Pearson correlations reported in table 23 suggest some positive and some negative relationships 124 between the coverage levels and the extra media variables, only the negative correlation between the Omaha World-Herald’ 3 coverage and Nebraska exports is even worth noting. The correlation coefficients are so small for all of the relationships, that when they are squared to arrive at coefficients of determination, all of the relationships are seen to be negligible at best. The shared variation ranges from 15 percent reported for the negative relationship between the World-Herald’s coverage and Nebraska’s export figures to no shared variance between the Seattle Post-Intelligencer’s coverage and that city’s foreign-born population statistics (see table 23).12 In short, even where tenuous relationships are found.between two variables, little variance is shared by the two sets of data. Put in context of the larger question -- whether export relationships or immigrant communities influence the newspapers’ coverage, the findings suggest that there is no relationship between the extra media variables and international news coverage patterns. Since these findings compared only the coverage, export and immigration figures only for the 15 countries which appeared most regularly on any of the three lists, one can only suggest were it possible to run correlations comparing all of the countries the results would suggest even weaker relationships or much more negative correlations. When the sample correlations on the combined figures for the six 125 TABLE 23 CORRELATIONS OF COVERAGE WITH EXPORT AND IMMIGRATION DATA Correlation Coefficient Coefficient of Determination Atlanta Constitution Export and Coverage -.04 .1 % Immigration and Coverage -.04 .1 % Birmingham News Export and Coverage .19 3.0 % Immigration and Coverage .07 .4 % Des Moines Register Export and Coverage -.2 4.0 % Immigration and Coverage .1 1.0 % Omaha World Herald Export and Coverage -.39 15.0 % Immigration and Coverage .07 .4 % Portland Oregonian Export and Coverage -.04 .1 % Immigration and Coverage .1 1.0 % Seattle Post—Intelligencer Export and Coverage .09 .8 % Immigration and Coverage .005 .0 % Whole Sample Export and Coverage .08 .6 % Immigration and Coverage .08 .6 % 126 papers are considered, the relationships are positive but the shared variance is again minute (see table 23). The relationships were also tested with t-tests, which also failed to support the premise that economic and cultural connections with other countries are related to the papers’ coverage of those countries (see table 24). The purpose of the t-tests was to assess the difference between the levels of coverage given to countries with high and low trade relationships, and coverage given to countries with high and low representation in the cities’ foreign-born population.13 T-tests are used to test whether differences between two groups’ scores on a common characteristic are significant enough to suggest that the two groups are in reality different or appear different only as the result of chance occurrence. For the present study, coverage was measured by story count for the high and low country groups, total square inches measures for coverage of high and low country groups, and finally the percentage of the papers’ newshole given to coverage of the high and low country groups.“ (To be considered significant, the score for the t-test needed.to be greater than a standardized critical minimum score” at a probability level of p < .05. None of the the analyses could meet that test. The t-test that came closest to finding a difference analyzed the relationships between coverage and trade 127 TABLE 24 TESTS OF DIFFERENCE BETWEEN COVERAGE, EXPORT, AND POPULATION MEANS Story count Square inches % of newshole N=6 Story count Square inches % of newshole N=6 % of Exports % of Foreign born N=6 Coverage means High export 40.8 827.1 .50 High level population 53.5 1,049.7 .66 High Coverage 20.3 13.9 Low export 25.6 476.5 .38 Low level population 50.5 1,118.9 .60 Low Coverage 16.3 10.0 Value 2.07 .55 t value .20 -.18 .26 value .39 1.54 2-tail prob. .094 .184 .606 242d1 prob. .846 .865 .808 2' .1 prob. .709 .185 For these tests the critical value of t at p < .05 was 2.571. 128 involvement. It should be noted, however, that the t-test was run using information about countries with which the states had trade relationships. It does not recognize the countries with high coverage levels that often received minute or non- existant exports from the states in the sample -- countries such as South Africa, Israel, and Nicaragua. As a result, an additional t-test looked at the differences in trade and population percentages between countries receiving high and low levels of coverage (see table 24). Y The lack of coverage sensitivity to export relationships figures occurs in spite of the striking similarities across the six states in their prominent export relationships with Canada and Japan. Certainly, the amount of coverage given to Japan -- 66 stories -- and Canada -— 28 stories -- does not suggest that the editors are paying particular attention to either. Neither do the overall findings bear a relationship to the country’s export figures -- also dominated by trade with Canada and Japan (see appendix 4). Rather, all six papers concentrated their coverage on Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, the Mideast, Western Europe and East Asia, in that order (see appendix 3). While Great Britain, Japan and South Korea do appear among the top export destinations, the relative weights of the coverage they received bears no resemblance to the volume of coverage given the Soviet Union or Israel, which are not notable export destinations. The distribution of coverage would suggest for these newspapers -- 129 individually and as a group -— that national-level politics and focus on conflict were probably the overriding factors in the editors’ coverage allocation decisions. These findings are in keeping with the results of Chang’s survey of American newspaper editors, which suggested that their primary concerns centered on coverage of U.S. interests and involvements abroad and threats to world peace.16 The results of the survey also suggested that economic factors -- operationalized as U.S. trade relations and a country’s level of economic development -- were of little importance in the editors’ news selection decisions.“ This is not the first study of American newspaper content to suggest that economic and cultural factors may not be strong predictors of coverage patterns,m but as the literature review noted, other studies done in Canada and Scandinavia have suggested such links.” Alternative - explanations suggest themselves -- one methodological and the other theoretical. The methodological explanation is that adequate operationalization of the extrinsic variables in the American context has yet to be found, though under the circumstances it is hard to imagine how else that operationalization might be done. The theoretical explanation lies in the nature of the geopolitical standings of the countries whose media systems were studied by the various research projects, and with dependency theories of international communi cation 130 ° Canada and the Scandinavian countries -- the patterns.’ subjects of the studies which found economic and cultural influences on coverage21 -- would fall on the Northern end of the North-South continuum generally adopted to chart global information dependencies. However, northern or not, they have .historically been more dependent on global powers and more interdependent with other countries than the United States. While the reality of U.S. independence from the rest of the world may be fading, one might suggest that the editors of the newspapers in this sample either do not perceive that fact or do not think that their readers do. As a result then, at least in 1988, they focused not on stories about their neighbors and trading partners, but rather on news of crisis and turmoil in remote parts of the world. The notion that the U.S. media is not sensitive to the global interdependence is hardly novel. But it suggests the need to reevaluate the theoretical propositions that underlay this research. In. particular, the ramifications of the findings suggest that Hester’s propositions are either normative or apply only to what he identified as "low-order" nations. Hester hypothesized that information flow would be greater from "high-order" nations to "low-order" nations than it would be in the other direction. While he noted directional differences in flow, but he also suggested that the news entering the "high-order" nations would be predictable based on their political, economic, and cultural connections abroad. 131 This study’s findings suggest ‘that to ‘the extent those propositions hold, it may be for nations positioned differently in the global system than the United States.22 Taken with similar results from other research,23 the findings of this study suggest that Hester’ s propositions need to be rethought and, at the very least, condition statements are needed to bolster their predictive ability. Perhaps analysis of content following the breakup of the Eastern Bloc will offer a chance to sort out which, if any, of the other factors cited by both Hester and Galtung and Ruge might explain the papers’ coverage patterns.“ When only Great Britain of all the Group of Seven nations received more than 5 percent of the coverage in the sample, it becomes difficult to suggest that the wealth of nations, or their eliteness, played much of a role in news coverage by the sample papers. Among Hester’s extrinsic variables, that leaves issues of power, but the alternative is that there may be other more powerful predictors. The findings also offer no support for the premise that there are regional similarities in the states’ export -and immigration profiles that will result in noticeable regional coverage differences. While the figures do suggest that there are some regional similarities in export and immigration -- particularly in export figures -- the lack of support for any coverage sensitivity to economic and immigration figures makes it impossible to suggest that those regional characteristics 132 would have any impact on coverage. The coverage figures for the individual states are more similar across the six states than they are between the pairs of states (see appendix 3). While this alone does not invalidate Nordenstreng’s original suggestion that the nation state may not be the optimal level at which to look at news flow patterns,” the study’s other findings do suggest that, at least in the "American context. For these newspapers, national-level variables such as geopolitical relationships and U.S. concerns in conflicts abroad are the dominant factors influencing news flow. If, as this study suggests, theoretical propositions concerning news flows are system-specific, then the possibility exists that in other geopolitical settings regional factors may come into play. The fact that Canadian studies have found cultural influences on coverage that this study and at least one other do not“ suggests that the premise should.be tested on a larger regional level for North America. NOTES 1. It should be noted that the study measured the square inches given to the body of the copy of the coverage, but did not include the headlines or white space accompanying the copy. The prominence index included a measures of space that incorporated all space given to a story, its headline and artwork. 2. Again, it should be noted that the study measured the square inches given to the body of the copy of the coverage, but did not include the headlines or white space accompanying the copy. The prominence index included a measure of space that incorporated all space given to a story, its headline and artwork. 3. Phone Interview with Jay Smith, publisher of the Atlanta Constitution, May 26, 1992. 4. Economicl represents domestic economic issues, economics2 representes international economic issues. 5. Appendix 3 proivdes breakdowns of coverage by country for the study as a whole and for the individual newspapers. The countries included on the list each recieved at least 1 percent of the overall coverage. Those breakdowns include story counts and area. 6. Again, measures of coverage area include only that space devoted to the body of the story. The prominence index, however, is based on a measure which includes all space given to a story, including copY, headline, white space and art. 7. Includes maps used alone with stories and.maps used in conjunction with other art. 8. James D. Wynne, Learning Statistics:.A Common-Sense Approach (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1982): 192. 9. Ibid., 184. 10. Ibid., 185. 11. Ibid., 186. 133 134 12. Ibid. 13. For each state, a lists were developed of the fourteen countries that were the largest export relationships and the twelve countries with largest represetnations in the cities’ foreign-born populations. Those lists were then divided in half to arrive at the high— and low-level groups. 14. Newshole is the percentage of space a paper gives to non-advertising copy. The newshole figures for this study were arrived at by multiplying the square inches of each newspaper’s page by the number of pages in newspaper issues represented in the study, and finally, that figure was multiplied by the newshole percentage for 1988 provide by executives of each paper. 15. The critical value for these test was 2.571. 16. Tsan-Kuo Chang and Jae-Won Lee, "Factors.Affecting Gatekeepers’ Selection of Foreign News: A.National Survey of Newspaper Editors." Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism.and Mass Communication, Minneapolis, August 1990. 17. Ibid., 12. 18. Stephen Lacy, Tsan-Kuo Chang and Tuen-Yu Lau, "The Impact of Allocation Decisions and Market Factors on Foreign News Coverage," Newspapgr Research Journal 10 (Spring 1989): 23-32. 19. Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A. Rosenvall, "Cultural .Affinity Displayed in Canadian Daily Newspapers," JOurnalism Qparterly 60 (Autumn 1983): 431-436; Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A. Rosenvall, "Factors Influencing International News Flow," ournalism anrterly 61 (Autumn 84): 509-516, 666; Karl E. Rosengren and Gunnel Rikardsson, “Middle East News in Sweden," Gazette 20 (1974): 99-116. '20. Colin Legwm and John Cornwall, A.Free And Balanced Flow: Repgrt of the Twentieth Centupy Fund Task Force on International Flow of News (Lexington,‘Mass.: Lexington Books, 1978). 21. Kariel and Rosenvall, "Cultural Affinity;" Kariel and Rosenvall, "Factors Influencing International News Flow," Rosengren and Rikardsson, “Middle East News." 22. Al Hester, "Theoretical Considerations in Predicting volume and Direction of International Information Flow," Gazette 19 (1973): 245. 135 23. Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A” Rosenvall, "Cultural .Affinity Displayed in Canadian Daily Newspapers," Journalism Qparterly 60 (Autumn 1983): 431-436; Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A" Rosenvall, "Factors Influencing International News Flow," Journalism.Qparterly 61 (Autumn 84): 509-516, 666; and, Lacy, Chang and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 23-32. 24. Hester, "Theoretical Considerations;" and, Johan Galtung and Mari Holmboe Ruge, "The Structure of Foreign News," Journal of Peace Research 1 (1965): 64-91. 25. Kaarle Nordenstreng and Tapio varis, "The Nonhomogeneity of the National State and the International Flow of Communication," in Communications Technology and Social Policy, eds. George Gerbner, Larry P. Gross and.William.H. .Melody, 393-412. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973). 26. Lacy, Change and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions;" and, Chang and Lee, "Factors Affecting Gatekeepers’ Selection of Foreign News." CONCLUSION The goal of the present study was to analyze and describe international news in six mid-sized dominant market American newspapers in 1988. In the process, it set out to test theoretical propositions about the influence of economic and cultural variables on news flow patterns evident in those papers. The descriptive portion of the study offers some valuable insights into the six papers’ coverage allocations, as the last chapter indicated. While the study results supported theoretical propositions it did not set out to test and did not support those at issue, those findings are also valuable. They suggest the need to reevaluate commonly held assumptions governing news flow research and offer direction for future research. This conclusion reviews the study’ s implications, and then recommends how further research might proceed to address some of the issues raised by this effort. Along the way, it will point out both the strengths and limitations inherent in the research design. The obvious conclusion from the study’ s descriptive findings is that the newspapers’ coverage in 1988 fit many of the traditional stereotypes of American international news 136 137 coverage, though it defied others. It was heavily political and crisis-oriented. The Eastern Bloc and the Mideast received the most notable attention. Coverage focused on traditional categories like war and defense, diplomacy, domestic politics, and crime. Contrary to earlier studies, however, the bulk of the coverage did not focus on violence. At the paper level, coverage was idiosyncratic. While one paper ran frequent stories about royalty, another avoided the subject altogether. While one paper emphasized stories about natural disaster, another de-emphasized it. Countries and regions which got significant amounts of coverage got coverage across topic categories. Countries and regions which got little coverage tended to get only coverage in the most common categories. Additionally, while all six papers relied heavily on wire copy from the Associated Press, the total area of coverage from three other sources -- the New York Times News Service, the Los Angeles Times-Washington Post Service, and the papers’ own staff -- was greater than that from AP. It is noteworthy that by 1988 copy from United Press International had all but disappeared from their pages. The study found little evidence to suggest that economic and cultural ties were important factors in governing how these six papers covered international news . The findings do not rule out the presence of such factors in the editors’ decision—making process. In fact, the findings certainly do suggest that editors take advantage of the opportunity to give 138 better play to stories with a local angle. Additionally, anecdotal evidence from the content analysis suggests that there certainly were stories prompted by local ties abroad. Overwhelmingly, however, the content analysis suggests that those stories are rare. Instead, the distribution of coverage in the sample suggests that national-level politics and focus on conflict were probably the overriding factors in the editors’ coverage allocation decisions. Hester’s theoretical propositions‘ may be more of a normative than predictive, at least as they are applied to these six American papers. For while Hester placed political interests at the top of the hierarchy of factors governing information flow, economic and cultural ties had little impact on the results. Taken with similar results from other research,"the findings of this study suggest that Hester’s propositions need to be rethought and, at the very least, condition statements are needed to bolster their predictive ability. The findings do not suggest regional differentiation in U.S. international news coverage at less than national level. While this alone does not invalidate Nordenstreng’ s suggestion that the nation state may not be the optimal level at which to look at news flow patterns,3 the study’s other findings do suggest that, at least in the American context. For these newspapers, national-level variables such as geopolitical relationships and U.S. concerns in conflicts abroad are the 139 dominant factors influencing news flow. If, however, as this study suggests, theoretical propositions concerning news flows are system-specific, then the possibility exists that in.other geopolitical settings regional factors may come into play. The fact that Canadian studies have found cultural influences on coverage that this study and at least one other do not find‘ suggests that the premise need not be tested on a larger regional level for North America. Further analysis of the findings in regard to U.S. interests and involvements in 1988 would be warranted, particularly to the extent that they appear to be in keeping with the results of Chang’s survey of American newspaper editors. Those editors indicated that their primary concerns centered. on coverage of ‘U.S. interests and involvements abroad, threats to world peace, and perceived reader interests.5 An extension of the research design might compare the characteristics of' coverage common to 'these papers with coverage offered by the elite newspapers, particularly the gel York Times. The implications of the descriptive portion of this study suggest that while these papers rely on Me; coverage to supplement their own, a comparison of two types of content might find notable differences in approach to international content choices. Were that the case, the commonly held view that the Times is a guiding force in 140 American news coverage might not be supported with regard to non—elite newspapers. While economic and cultural variables appeared to have little if any impact on coverage choices made by editors at the six. newspapers included. in 'the sample, geopolitical factors dominated those decisions. By their very nature, those findings take on additional significance when they are placed in context of the geopolitical events that have occurred.since 1988. In choosing 1988 for the sample year, the study inadvertently selected the last year of the old bi-polar world order. All of the earlier news flow studies had been conducted within that bi-polar context. That it should then have found that U.S. geopolitical concerns were seemingly the overriding force behind the newspaper editors’ coverage decisions suggests that there is now a need for new studies that will assess how international news coverage has been changed by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc. The results raise a question about what effect shifting power structures will have on coverage. What the results of such projects may be for papers’ international news content only future studies can answer, but this study provide a benchmark against which those changes can be assessed. In a more practical vein, while the present study may not have found ties between coverage and economic and cultural ties, that does not necessarily diminish their power as 141 normative constructs. It might well be suggested that the publishers of the sample papers and ‘their editors have divergent views of the news product they offer to their readers. The six newspapers’ traditional definitions of international news fail to reflect the publishers’ own recognition of a demand.among their readers for international news related to their regional interests. Either there is a communication failure within the papers themselves, or perhaps sometime after 1988 the papers revolutionized their international content. It is distinctly possible that current studies might find that the character of the papers’ coverage has changed. Nineteen eighty-eight was the last profitable year before the impact of the national recession hit the newspaper industry.‘ The weak economy forced the industry to economize and rethink its position in the media.marketplace. How those changes will tell on coverage must also be an matter of interest. Since foreign coverage has traditionally been cut during tight periods, the question arises how newspapers will reconcile their need to cut costs with the growing recognition of.the need 1 to provide relevant news to ethnically diverse communities with growing business interests abroad.7 The study’s failure to find regional differentiation in how these newspapers covered international news indicates that future studies would benefit from a population sampling method that would provide an element of generalizability beyond the 142 samples themselves. Stratification or systematic sampling by circulation, ownership, or market size might begin to offer broader insights intoihowwthe large, but non-elite, newspapers cover international news. The telling failure of economic and cultural variables to explain coverage pattern argues for more research directed toward the study of the intrinsic variables -- particularly those that relate to the newsworthiness elements of the events covered by the individual international stories themselves. While Gans, Shoemaker and others have begun efforts in that direction, there is scope for more, particularly replication studies.8 In itself, the idiosyncratic nature of the papers’ coverage suggests the merit of continued efforts to explore the role the editors themselves play in the news selection process. It is easier to study the content of the papers than 4 to undertake communicator studies. A wealth of research exists in this area dealing with news in general, dating back to early studies like Breed’s look at newsroom functioning,’ but more effort needs to be taken to apply those findings to international news research. Particularly, researchers doing content studies need to pay more particular attention to the influence of the different levels of the international news gathering processes on content. Insight in that direction comes from two directions -- Rosenblumfs seminal work which looks specifically' at foreign. correspondents 'working' for 143 American media and studies like that by Shoemaker and Reese, which looks at the influences of’process onmmedia news content generally at a number of levels.10 The finding that frequently covered countries got coverage across topic categories underlines Rosenblum’s explanations of how the location of news bureaus and allocation of news resources affects correspondent output.n While scholars have noted the connection,12 efforts could be made to explore the forces that shape international news staffing and resource allocation decisions by the executives of newspapers, news services and newspaper chains. Additionally, there is undoubtedly a need for audience studies that look not only at where people turn .for international news, but.what they take away from it. Plenty of research has been done looking at how people use media in times of crisis, but there is plenty of scope for research that would look at how newspaper readers understand the information they receive and what relation their understanding of that news content.bears to the intent of the correspondents and editors who processed it. In a practical vein, this research suggests the very real need for changes in how newspaper content research is approached, particularly with regard to how the prominence of news play is assessed. Once standard measures for evaluating news play no longer hold as new technologies revolutionize newspaper graphics. An index which takes into account only 144 story copy, headline size, placement and use of art, is inadequate to deal with informational graphics which may supplement or even supplant traditional stories. The literature review section of this project began with a comment on the difficulties facing anyone attempting to synthesize news flow research results. Without question, synthesis will continue to elude the field until more effort is made to differentiate between research approaches and subjects. Efforts are needed to separate out process from effects, and -- drawing on other areas of media research -- to differentiate among media types and effect types. Too many studies mix analysis of television and print news sources, intermingling their results without regard to the medium- specific characteristics of their findings. As well, too many studies examine the coverage of a crisis or event and from there generalize both to coverage patterns and to - international news-seeking behavior in general. NOTES 1. Al Hester, "Theoretical Considerations in Predicting ‘Volume and Direction of International Information Flow," Gazette 19 (1973): 239-247. 2. Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A. Rosenvall, "Cultural Affinity Displayed in Canadian Daily Newspapers," Journalism Qparterly 60 (Autumn 1983): 431-436; Herbert G. Kariel and Lynn A" Rosenvall, "Factors Influencing International News Flow," ournalism anrterly 61 (Autumn 84): 509-516, 666; and, Lacy, Chang and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions," 23-32. 3. Kaarle Nordenstreng and Tapio varis, "The Nonhomogeneity of the National State and the International Flow of Communication," in Communications Technology and Social Policy, eds. George Gerbner, Larry P. Gross and‘William.H. Melody, 393-412. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973). 4. Lacy, Change and Lau, "Impact of Allocation Decisions;" and, Chang and Lee, "Factors Affecting Gatekeepers’ Selection of Foreign News." 5. Tsan-Kuo Chang and Jae-Won Lee, "Factors.Affecting Gatekeepers’ Selection of Foreign News:.A.National Survey of Newspaper Editors." Paper presented to the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Minneapolis, August 1990. 6. Joshua Hammer, with Michael Mason, Karen Springen, and Donna Foote, "Pages and Pages of Pain," Newsweek, 27 May 1991: 39-41. 7. Corporate brochures outlining both Knight-Ridder’s 25/43 Project and Gannett’s News 2000, both suggest that their papers should.be more sensitive both to the needs of ethnically diverse communities in their markets and to their audiences needs for information in the world beyond those markets. 8. Herbert J. Gans, Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek and Time (New York: Vintage, 1980); Pamela Shoemaker, Tsan-Kuo Chang, and Nancy Brendlinger, "Deviance as a Predictor of Newsworthiness: Coverage of International Events in the U.S. Media," in 145 146 Communication Yearbook 10, ed. Margaret L. MCLaughlin, 348- 365 (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1987). 9. Warren Breed, "Social Control in the Newsroom: A Functional Analysis," Social Force; 33 (1955): 326-335. 10. Mort Rosenblum, Coups and Earthquakes: Reportinggthg World for America (New York: Harper 5 Row, 1981); Pamela J. Shoemaker and Stephen D. Reese, Mediating the Messagg (New York: Longman, 1991). 11. Mort Rosenblum, Coups ang:Earthguakeg, passim. 12. John Lent, "Foreign News in the American Media," Journal of Communication 27 (1977): 46-51; William A. Hachten, World News Prism: Changing Media, Clashingvldeologies (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1987). APPENDIX 1 CODING SHEETS 147 Newspaper Coding Sheet 1. Paper number __(1—2) 2. Newspaper .___(3) 3. Date ___(4-7) 4. Number of pages ______(8-10) 5. Indexed (0) Yes (1) No ___(11) 6. Banner ___(12) (0) none (1) one page (2) more than one 7. Briefs ___(13) (0) none (1) only international (2) mixed (3) 1 and 2 8. Used as filler ___(14) (0) yes (1) no ' 9. Number of stories on front domesticated nat’l (15) domesticated local (16) straight int’l (17) non-international (18) 10. Space for wild art (19-22) 148 Story Coding Sheet 1. Story Number (1-4) 2. Newspaper (5) 3. Date (6-9) 4. Headline 5. Sec. Page (10-12) 6. Section type (13) (0) news (3) entertainment (1) business (4) travel (2) sports (5) other 7. Dateline 8. Topic country (14-16) 9. Length (17-18) 10. Prominence (19) 11. Art (20) (0) no (1) only pix (2) only map (3) map and pix 12. Space for art (21-23) '13. Story Source (24-25) (00) AP (07) Gannett (01) UPI (08) Hearst (02) NYT (09) Knight-Ridder (03) LAT/WP (10) Newhouse (04) CSM (11) mixed (05) Reuters (12) paper staff (06) Cox ~ (13) other (99) none 149 150 14. Topic (00) war/defense (09) (01) diplomacy (10) (02) domestic politics (11) (03) economics--domest. (12) (04) economics--intl. (13) (05) agriculture--non-trade (15) (06) agriculture--trade (16) (07) crime/judicial (17) (08) natural disaster 15.‘Violence (0) no (1) yes 16. Angle (0) straight 17. Geographic focus (0) domestic 18. Story type (0) hard (1) soft 19. Story origin (00) (01) (02) (03) (04) (05) (06) (07) (08) (09) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14) (15) (15) (17) central america north america south america central europe eastern europe/soviet union northern europe western europe central africa east africa northern africa southern africa west africa mideast central asia east asia southeast asia pacific islands australia, new zealand (1) domest. nat’ l (2) analysis _(26-27) sports recreation culture-religion science-technology education natural res . --petrol . natural res.——non-petrol. other ____(28) _(29) (2) domest. local _(30) (1) international _(31) (3) editorial ___132-33) APPENDIX 2 CODING DEFINITIONS 151 Newspaper Coding Definitions 1. Paper number (1-2) Two digit number assigned for identification purposes only. (variable name-papnumb) 2. Newspaper (3)) Name of paper number equates to a number assigned to each paper (variable namespaper): (1) Atlanta Constitution (2) The Birmingham.News (3) The Des Moines Register (4) Omaha Werld-Herald (5) The (Portland) Oregonian (6) The Seattle Post Intelligencer 3. Date (4-7) Date of issue of paper, should be recorded month-date, for example, Jan. 13 would appear as 0113. (variable name-date) 4. Number of pages (8-10) Number of pages in paper excluding classifieds and advertising inserts. . (variable name-pages) 5. Indexed (0) Yes (1) No (11) Does international news per se appear in the index? (variable name-index) 6. Banner (12) Does international news run under a page-wide banner indication "world" or "international" news? (variable name-banner) (0) none (1) one page (2) more than one 152 153 7. Briefs (13) Does international news appear in an short paragraph in a section labeled "briefs" or such? And, if "yes," is it only international news, mixed with national news, or used in both types of grouping? (variable name=briefs) (0) none (1) only international (2) mixed (3) l a 2 8. Used as filler (14) Is international news used as filler material to fill empty space around or below other types of news in sections of the paper devoted to some other type of story? (variable name-filler) (0) yes (1) no 9. Number of stories on front Count of the stories on the front page by type. (variable namesfntcount) domesticated nat’l (15) Stories that make efforts to give a domestic angle to international stories or run national stories that provide an American angle on an international event or issue. domesticated local (16) Stories that make efforts to "localize" international stories or run stories that provide a local or regional on an international event or issue. straight int’l (17) Any story with an international dateline or with a domestic dateline which is about events or issues in another country. non-international .___(18) Stories with no international involvement. 10. Space for wild art ___(19-22) Square inches devoted to photographs taken outside of the U.S. that run without stories (includes space devoted to cultines) to second place past decimal, but not rounded. Story Coding Definitions 1. Story Number (1-4) Four digit number assigned for identification purposes only. (variable namesstnumber) 2. Newspaper (5) Name of paper number equates to anumber assigned to each paper (variable name=stpaper): (1) Atlanta Constitution (2) The Birmingham News (3) The Des Moines Register (4) Omaha World-Herald (5) The (Portland) Oregonian ’(6) The Seattle Post Intelligencer 3. Date (6-9) Date of the paper in which the story appears. Month and date written in this form.Jan. 13 0113. (variable namesstdate) 4. Headline The headline is copied down for identification purposes. 5. Sec. Page (10-12) Write in appropriate location of story start at right, and then convert for coding. Sections identified by alphabetical designation would.be coverted: A. would.become 1, B would.be 2, etc. For example, a story on page 5 in section B would be coded 205. (variable name=location) 6. Section type (13) Identify type of page or section where story runs. (variable name-section) (0) news -- front section, or other section or part of paper devoted to general news, news analysis, editorial content (1) business -- section or page clearly labeled business page or section (2) sports -- clearly labeled sports section 154 155 (3) entertainment -- clearly labeled feature section (whatever its label), which covers food, leisure, entertainment (4) travel -- clearly labeled travel section or page (5) other _(specify) 7. Dateline Write in dateline. 8. Topic country _(14-16) The country which is the predominant subject of the first five paragraphs of the story. (variable namescountry) (000) (001) (002) (003) (004) (005) (006) (007) (008) (009) (010) (011) (012) (013) (014) (015) (016) (017) (018) (019) (020) (021) (022) (023) (024) (025) (026) (027) (028) (029) Afghanistan 16 .Albania 04 .Algeria 09 Australia 17 Austria 03 Bahrain 12 Bangladesh 16 Barbados 00 Belgium. 06 Belize 00 Benin 07 Bhutan 16 Bolivia 02 Botswana 10 Brazil 02 Bulgaria 04 Burma 16 Burundi 07 Cambodia 15 Cameroon 11 Canada 01 Chad 07 Chile 02 China 13 Colombia 02 Congo 07 Costa Rica 00 Cuba 00 Cyprus 07 Czechoslovakia 04 (030) (031) (032) (033) (034) (035) (036) (037) (038) (039) (040) (041) (042) (043) (044) (045) (046) (047) (048) (049) (050) (051) (052) (053) (054) (055) (056) (057) (058) (059) (060) (061) (062) (063) (064) (065) (066) (067) (068) (069) (070) (071) (072) 156 Denmark 06 Dominican Republic 00 East Germany 04 Ecuador 02 Egypt 09 El Salvador 00 Ethiopia 08 Fiji 17 Finland 05 France 06 Gabon 07 Gambia 11 Ghana 11 Great Britian 06 Greece 07 Guatemala 00 Guineau 11 Guyana 02 Haiti 00 Honduras 00 Hungary 04 Iceland 05 India 16 Indonesia 17 Iran 12 Iraq 12 Ireland 06 Israel 12 Italy 06 Ivory Coast 11 Jamaica 00 Japan 14 Jordan 12 Kenya 08 Kuwait 12 Laos 15 Lebanon 12 Lesotho 10 Liberia 09 Libya 09 Luxembourg 06 Madagascar 08 IMalawi 08 (073) (074) (075) (076) (077) (078) (079) (080) (081) (082) (083) (084) (085) (086) (087) (088) (089) (090) (091) (092) (093) (094) (095) (096) (097) (098) (099) (100) (101) (102) (103) (104) (105) ‘(106) (107) (108) (109) (110) (111) (112) (113) (114) (115) (116) (117) 157 Malaysia 15 Mali 11 Malta 07 Mauritania 11 Mauritius 08 Mexico 01 Mongolia 13 Morocco 09 Mozambique 08 Namibia 10 Nepal 16 Netherlands 06 New Zealand 17 Nicaragua 00 Niger 11 Nigeria 11 North Korea 14 Norway 05 Oman 12 Pakistan 16 Panama 00 Paraguay 02 Peru 02 Philippines Poland 04 Portugal 07 17 Qatar 12 Romania 04 Rwanda 08 Saudi Arabia 12 Senegal 11 Sierra Leone 11 Singapore 15 Somalia 08 South Africa 10 South Korea 14 Soviet Union 04 Spain 07 Sri Lanka Sudan 07 Surinam. 02 Swaziland 10 Sweden 05 Switzerland 06 Syria 12 16 (118) (119) (120) (121) (122) (123) (124) (125) (126) (127) (128) (129) (130) (131) (132) (133) (134) (135) (136) (137) (138) 9. Length Story measures in square inches. 158 Taiwan 14 Tanzania 08 Thailand 15 Togo 11 Trinidad and Tobago 00 Tunisia 09 Turkey 12 Uganda 08 Upper volta 11 Uruguay 02 venezuala 02 Vietnam 15 West Germany 06 Yemen 12 Yugoslavia 04 Zaire 07 Zambia 10 Zimbabwe 10 More than one Other (specify) .Argentina 10. Prominence (variable namesprom) .Assign points from 0 to 5 based on following index: 11. Art (17-21) _(22) Appears on page 1 or section front ......... 1 pt. Headline of 2 or more columns .............. 1 pt. First line runs above the fold ............. 1 pt. At least 3/4 of a column (may include art).. Runs with related art ...................... 1 pt. 1pt. _(23> If a picture or map runs with a story, that must be noted. "Other" might include graphics or line drawings (variable name-art) (0) no (1) only pix (2) only map (3) map and pix (4) other 159 12. Space for art (24-28) (variable namesartsp) Square inch measure of all photographs, maps and graphics of any sort that runs with a story. Measure includes outlines. 13. Story source (29-30) Identified from credit line on story or in the case of briefs credit for collections. Where some other source is identified, that should be noted under other and specified. (variable name-source) (00) AP (08) Hearst (01) UPI (09) Knight-Ridder (02) NYT (10) Newhouse (03) LAT/WP (11) mixed (04) CSM: (12) paper staff (05) Reuters (13) other (06) Cox (99) none (07) Gannett 14. Topic (31-32) Topic is the predominant topic of of first five paragraphs of story. (variable nameatopic) (00) war/defense -- News of military affairs within country or among countries, defense issues, includes civil war. (01) diplomacy -- News of diplomatic relations between countries, includes United Nations or multi-national negotiations. (02) domestic politics -- News of government, civil law, internal political affairs, includes non-violent opposition to government. (03) economics—domest -- News of business, industry, commerce, banking finance -- where primary focus is domestic issues or events (does not include natural resources). (04) economics-intl -- News of economic relations between two or more countries, or involving aid agencies, banks, foreign aid, trade, international economic relations. (05) agriculture--non-trade -- News of farming, farm organizatons, technical and business aspects of agriculture. (Does not include agricultural trade issues.) 160 (06) agriculture--trade -- News of the import or export of agricultural products. (07) crime/judicial -- News of crime, criminal trials, or the criminal justice system, includes terrorist activity short of civil war. (08) natural disaster -- News of non-man-made disaster, storms, earthquakes, etc. (09) accidents -- News of plane, train crashes, man-made disasters, but not terrorism. (10) sports -- News of competitive, professional or amatuer ' sports activities. (11) recreation —- News of travel, leisure activies, may 'involve non-competitive sports as leisure pastimes such as boating (includes media entertainment but not media coverage). (12) culture/religion -- News dealing with music, art, architecture, religion, and cultural traditions. (13) science/technology -- News about science, medicine, research, developments and applications. (14) education -- News of private and public schools, or colleges, adult education, statements by educators or statements about educational standards or accomplishments. (15) natural res./petrol. -- News concerning petroleum.as a natural resource. (16) natural res./non-petrol. -- News concerning resourses of all kinds except petroleum, i.e. lumber, water, fish, etc. (17) media coverage -- News about foreign media coverage of stories, whether domestic or international. Can include news and documentary treatment of issues. (18) other (specify) News not clearly defined by categories above, may include transportation, labor, race relations, health, weather, etc. 15.‘Violence 7 (33) Does predominant subject of story involved.man-made damage, destruction, injury, or death? (variable namesviolence) (0) no (1) yes 161 16. Angle (34) Identifies the angle of the story: (variable name=angle) (0) straight -- Story of events or issues outside the United States. (1) domesticated national -- Story of events or issues outside the United States which has been given a national news hook or angle. (2) domesticated local —- Story of events or issues outside the United States which has been given a city, state, or regional news hook or angle. 17. Geographic focus (35) Identifies focus of story. (variable nameafocus) (0) domestic -- Story about events within a single country other than the United States. May mention other countries but only in contexts outside relationships between the two. For instance, a story about conditions in one country might mention ethnic groups from somewhere and be considered domestic unless the relations between the countries was involved. ' (1) international -- Story about cross-boundary relationships between two or more countries. 4 18. Story type (36) Identifies the type of story. (variable name-type) (0) hard -- timely, "straight news" story deals with presentation of details, events, or issues, maybe written in inverted pyramid.formm (1) soft -- feature story, may not be timely, more likely to deal with individuals or trends than facts or events (2) analysis -- generally marked as news analysis or located on op. ed. pages. Seeks to explain meaning of events and issues. May involve use of first person pronoun. (3) editorial -- appears on editorial page or is otherwise marked as newspaper’s opinion. 162 19. Story origin (37-38) Geographic origin of story. (The region number is next to country name on country list.) (variable name-origin) (00) Central America -- Barbados, Belize, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Panama, Trinidad and Tobago (01) North America -- Canada, Mexico (02) South America -- Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Surinam, Uruguay, Venezuala, (03) Central Europe -- Austria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary (04) Eastern Europe -- Albania, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia (05) Northern Europe -- Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden . (06) Western Europe -- Belgium, France, Ireland, Great Britian, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Switzerland, West Germany (07) Central.Africa -- Benin, Burundi, Chad, Congo, Gabon, Sudan, Zaire (08) East Africa -- Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda (09) Northern Africa -- Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Liberia, Morocco, Tunisia (10) Southern Africa -- Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, Zimbabwe '(11) West Africa -- Cameroon, Gambia, Ghana, Guineau, Ivory Coast, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo, Upper Volta (12) Mideast -- Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Lebanon, Qnan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Yemen (13) Central Asia -- China, Mongolia, Tibet (14) East Asia -- Japan, North Korea, South Korea, Taiwan (15) Southeast Asia -- Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam 163 (16) Asian Subcontinent -- Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka (17) Pacific Islands —- Australia, Fiji, Indonesia, New Zealand, Philippines (18) More than one region (19) Other (20) Southern Europe -- Cyprus, Greece, Italy,IMalta, Portugal, Spain APPENDIX 3 COUNTRY COVERAGE FIGURES 164 165 Whole Sample % of % of .Area .Area Stories Stories Total 35,282.9 100.0 1,850 100.0 USSR 5,297.1 15.0 225 12.1 ISRAEL 2,261.8 6.4 112 6.0 UNITED KINGDOM 1,469.7 4.1 97 5.2 ' JAPAN 1,464.6 4.1 67 3.6 SOUTH AFRICA 891.1 2.5 65 3.5 PHILLIPINNES 951 . 2 2 . 6 46 2 . 4 'NICARAGUA 752.4 2.1 41 2.2 PANAMA 783.1 2.2 38 2.0 CHINA 477.6 1.3 37 .2 SOUTH KOREA. 670.3 1.8 34 1.8 ITALY 449.2 1.2 33 1.7 LEBANON 431.6 1.2 32 1.7 W. GERMANY 585.9 1.6 30 1.6 FRANCE 440.9 1.2 28 1.5 CANADA. 422.3 1.1 28 1.5 MEXICO 362.3 1.0 28 1.5 IRAN _ 687.5 1.9 26 1.4 INDIA 350.3 .9 25 1.3 POLAND 429.7 1.2 24 1.2 SWEDEN 349.9 .9 19 1.0 AFGHANISTAN 207.5 .5 19 1.0 VIETNAM 426.6 1.2 16 .8 MORE THAN ONE 7,602.7 21.5 339 18.3 166 Atlanta Constitution % of % of Area Area Stories Stories Total 6,738.9 100.0 313 100. USSR 868.6 12.8 34 10 ISRAEL 507.2 7.5 20 6. UNITED KINGDOM 314.1 4.6 15 4 SOUTH AFRICA 236.3 3.5 15 4 JAPAN 325.0 4.8 13 4 PHILLIPINNES 171.1 2.5 9 2 NICARAGUA 172.0 2.5 8 2 PANAMA 124.5 1.8 7 2 FRANCE 80.6 .2 7 2 ITALY 125.1 1.8 6 1 LEBANON 92.7 1.3 6 1 IRAN - 99.6 1.4 5 1 CANADA. 82.0 1.2 5 1 SOUTH KOREA 165.2 2.4 5 1 W. GERMANY 107.4 1.5 4 1 POLAND 57.2 .8 4 1 MEXICO 51.6 .7 4 1 SWEDEN 112.3 1.6 3 INDIA. 39.4 .5 3 VIETNNM 63.0 .9 2 AFGHANISTAN 28.7 .0 2 CHINA 3.5 .0 1 MORE THAN ONE 1,406.3 20.8 59 18. dowuoonnnumuoounuquqwm O 167 Birmingham News % of % of Area Area Stories Stories Total 5,193.7 100.0 310 100.0 USSR 636.2 12.2 31 10.0 UNITED KINGDOM 350.8 6.7 21 6.7 ' ISRAEL 326.2 6.2 16 5.1 PANAMA 274.3 5.2 11 3.5 PHILLIPINNES 157.1 3.2 9 2.9 ‘ SOUTH KOREA 73.6 1.4 9 2.9 JAPAN 325.0 6.2 8 2.5 CANADA 86.3 1.6 7 2.2 MEXICO 82.3 1.5 7 2.2 W. GERMANY 75.6 1.4 6 1.9 CHINA 69.6 1.3 6 1.9 NICARAGUA 73.1 1.4 5 1.6 SOUTH AFRICA 54.5 1.0 5 1.6 INDIA 73.1 1.4 4 1.2 LEBANON 64.2 1.2 4 1.2 ITALY . 33.5 .6 4 1.2 SWEDEN 30.4 .5 4 1.2 VIETNAM 45.2 .8 2 .6 IRAN 21.6 .4 2 .6 POLAND 29.7 .5 1 .3 AFGHANISTAN 16 . 5 . 3 1 . 3 FRANCE . 5.0 .0 1 .0 MORE THAN ONE 1,149.4 22.1 58 18.7 168 Des Moines Register % of %.of .Area .Area Stories Stories Total 3,589.0 100.0 251 100.0 USSR 434.1 12.0 23 9.1 ISRAEL 226.8 6.3 14 5.5 UNITED KINGDOM 122.1 3.4 13 5.1 SOUTH AFRICA. 141.9 3.9 10 3.9 LEBANON 86.5 2.4 7 2.7 FRANCE 51.8 1.4 7 2.7 CHINA 50.9 1.4 7 2.7 INDIA 36.5 1.0 7 2.7 SOUTH KOREA 101.0 2.8 6 2.3 PHILLIPINNES 86.4 2.4 6 2.3 JAPAN 138.0 3.8 5 1.9 W. GERMANY 114.4 3.1 5 1.9 NICARAGUA 76.1 2.1 5 1.9 POLAND 44.4 1.2 5 1.9 ITALY 35.8 .9 4 1.5 SWEDEN 29.4 .8 3 1.1 MEXICO 27.0 .7 3 1.1 AFGHANISTAN 26.2 .7 3 1.1 PANAMA. 24.0 .6 2 .7 CANADA. 11.0 .3 2 .7 VIETNAM 10.0 .2 1 .3 IRAN 00.0 .0 0 .0 MORE THAN ONE 948.9 26.4 52 20.7 169 Omaha World-Herald % of % of Area .Area Stories Stories Total 5,061.7 100.0 292 100.0 USSR 940.5 18.5 45 15.4 ISRAEL 322.0 6.3 17 5.8 SOUTH AFRICA 157.5 3.1 13 4.4 CHINA 199.5 3.9 10 3.4 UNITED KINGDOM 158.9 3.1 10 3.4 JAPAN 189.4 3.7 9 3.0 PANAMA 95.2 1.8 8 2.7 FRANCE 151.2 2.9 7 2.3 NICARAGUA 106.3 2.1 7 2.3 PHILLIPINES 74.8 1.5 7 2.3 ITALY 50.8 1.0 7 2.3 W. GERMANY 78.2 1.5 6 2.0 SOUTH KOREA 117.1 2.3 5 1.7 MEXICO 67.4 1.3 5 1.7 IRAN 21.6 .4 5 1.7 POLAND 69.1 1.3 4 1.3 INDIA 46.9 .9 4 1.3 LEBANON 31.5 .6 4 1.3 AFGHANISTAN 31.1 .6 4 1.3 ‘VIETNAM 134.0 2.6 3 1.0 CANADA 41.5 .8 3 1.0 SWEDEN 0.0 .0 0 0.0 iMORE THAN ONE 1,080.5 21.3 51 17.4 170 Portland Oregonian % of % of .Area .Area Stories Stories Total 8,986.6 100.0 389 100.0 USSR 1,418.3 15.7 52 13.3 ISRAEL 575.3 6.4 26 6.6 UNITED KINGDGI 277.0 3.0 20 5.1 JAPAN 388.1 4.3 16 4.1 SOUTH AFRICA 157.0 1.7 11 2.8 PHILLIPINES 342.7 3.8 9 2.3 ITALY 161.9 1.8 8 2.0 IRAN 161.6 1.8 7 1.7 POLAND 154.1 1.7 7 1.7 NICARAGUA 106.3 1.1 7 1.7 PANAMA. 182.0 2.0 5 1.2 INDIA 124.7 1.3 5 1.2 SWEDEN 120.4 1.3 5 1.2 SOUTH KOREA 106.3 1.1 5 1.2 . MEXICO 95.4 1.0 5 1.2 CANADA. 90.5 1.0 5 1.2 LEBANON 72.7 .8 5 1.2 CHINA 57.9 .6 5 1.2 FRANCE 79.7 .8 3 1.2 W. GERMANY 22.5 .2 3 .7 AFGHANISTAN 10.7 .1 3 .7 VIETNAM 15.9 .1 2 .5 MORE THAN ONE 1,963.9 21.8 83 21.3 171 Seattle Post-Intelligencer % of % of .Area .Area Stories Stories Total 5,713.0 100.0 295 100.0 USSR 999.4 17.4 40 13.5 ISRAEL 304.3 5.3 19 6.4 UNITED EINGDOMI 246.8 4.3 18 6.1 JAPAN 376.2 6.5 16 5.4 SOUTH AFRICA 143.9 2.5 11 3.7 NICARAGUA. 151.5 2.6 9 3.0 CHINA 96.2 1.6 8 2.7 IRAN 113.9 1.9 7 2.3 W. GERMANY 187.8 3.2 6 2.0 VIETNAM 158.5 2.7 6 2.0 PHILLIPINES 119.1 2.0 6 2.0 CANADA. 111.0 1.9 6 2.0 AFGHANISTAN 94.3 1.6 6 2.0 LEBANON 84.0 1.4 6 2.0 PANAMA 83.1 1.4 5 1.6 SOUTH KOREA 107.1 1.8 4 1.3 SWEDEN 57.4 1.0 4 1.3 ITALY 42.1 .7 4 1.3 MEXICO 38.6 .6 4 1.3 POLAND 75.2 1.3 3 1.0 FRANCE 72.6 1.2 3 1.0 INDIA 29.7 .5 2 .6 MORE THAN ONE 1,053.7 18.4 36 9.1 APPENDIX 4 U.S. EXPORT FIGURES 172 173 U.S. Exports -- 1988‘ Top Ten Countries of Destination {value in millions of dollars) % of Total total Total 261.276 Top Ten 166.317 CANADA. 51.954 19.9 JAPAN 29.645 11.3 MEXICO 17.880 6.8 UNITED KINGDOM 16.144 4.8 FRANCE ‘ 8.903 3.4 SOUTH KOREA 8.795 3.4 NETHERLANDS 8.363 3.2 AUSTRALIA 6.487 2.5 ITALY 5.584 2.1 OTHER.COUNTRIES 94.959 36.4 1Foreign Trade Division, U.S. Department of Commerce Bureau of the Census, Exports by Region of Origin. APPENDIX 5 STATE EXPORT FIGURES 174 Exports of'Merchandise--19881 STATE: ALABAMA Country of Destination Totals for Selected State [value in thousands of dollars] Country of Destination Total JAPAN CANADA NETHERLANDS W.GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM MEXICO CHINA (TAIWAN) KOREA, REPUBLIC OF BELGIUM ITALY FRANCE CHINA (MAINLAND) AUSTRALIA SWITZERLAND VENEZUELA SINGAPORE SWEDEN HONG KONG SPAIN BRAZIL COSTA RICA PERU HONDURAS DOMINICAN REPUBLIC JAMAICA NORWAY INDONESIA USSR ROMANIA SAUDI ARABIA ISRAEL-inc GAZA.‘ WESTBANE IRELAND NIGERIA ARGENTINA EGYPT COLOMBIA KUWAIT THAILAND GUATEMALA REPUBLIC OF SOUTH.AFRICA Total value 2867348. 566912. 471550. 161884. 150262. 150035. 114216. 111634. 98485. 85483. 83077. 68649. 56262. 47012. 45265. 35562. 34657. 30875. 27565. 27181. 23959. 23108. 20550. 20097. 19022. 18590. 17961. 17799. 17409. 16893. 16734. 16623. 16264. 14620. 14586. 12682. 11554. 10958. 10954. 10166. 9346. 175 HMOUIH'DUIONOUUIIDOQNQNGOGDGQOOdUMNU‘QOQI—‘MNNQQ ‘1 100. HH HHHHHHMnnwwwuummo oonnmmowmoemonnmeq o ALABAMA EXPORTS--Continuad TURKEY CHILE IRAQ PAKISTAN NEW ZEALAND INDIA ALBANIA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Damn: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES PHILIPPINES EL SALVADOR YUGOSLAVIA BANGLADESH HAITI ALGERIA FRENCH GUIANA NETHERLANDS ANTILLES AUSTRIA MALAYSIA BAHAMAS GREECE POLAND CYPRUS BARBADOS ANDORRA ECUADOR PORTUGAL GUYANA ARUBA FINLAND ST . VINCENT BOLIVIA BABRAIN ANTIGUA MARTINIQUE TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS MARSHALL ISLANDS PANAMA ST . LUCIA BELIZE BERMUDA URUGUAY JORDAN MALTA AND GOZO CAYMAN ISLANDS LEBANON KENYA QATAR ICELAND 176 9059.7 8809.7 8742.3 7197.6 6136.6 6060.1 5983.5 5699.9 5318.7 5170.3 5014.0 4680.8 4499.6 4395.7 4368.1 3815.1 3658.8 3339.8 3332.1 3258.7 3246.9 2951.8 2747.0 2275.3 2252.6 2092.7 1969.1 1907.4 1786.6 1747.1 1691.1 1600.8 1519.4 1401.3 1380.8 1344.3 1321.2 1299.1 1110.2 972.3 867.5 831.4 828.4 826.1 783.5 780.3 761.9 693.6 606.8 511.8 ALABAMA EXPORTS--Continued LIBERIA OMAN GUINEA LUXEMBOURG SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC BRUNEI LIECHTENSTEIN ZAIRE SAN MARINO EDNACO ANGUILLA BULGARIA TOGO ST . CHRI STOPHER-NEVIS GRENADA ' BRITISH VIRGIN ISLANDS NIGER PAPUA NEW GUINEA ZIMBABWE TUNISIA MOROCCO MAURITIUS DOMINICA ETHIOPIA CHAD E. GERMANY BENIN TANZANIA GHANA PARAGUAY GUADELOUPE SURINAME SRI LANRA FAROE ISLAND CAMEROON SVALBARD, JAN MAYEN FIJI SMZILAND BOTSWANA GABON CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC ZAMBIA NEPAL FRENCH POLYNESIA CZECHOSLOVARIA YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC LESOTHO SOMALIA SENEGAL SIERRA LEONE 177 HQNQOQ.ODOOQQWOQGDQUOUUQQNUIUl-‘ONGQHdwONNQHQNQOGQOD-‘b 1 7 8 ALABAMA EXPORTS- -Continued HUNGARY ANGOLA FALKLAND ISLANDS AFGANI STAN MZAMBIQUE SEYCHELLES MALAWI SUDAN BHUTAN BURRINA MALI VANUATU MALDIVE ISLANDS HHNUQMQOD QOQNHHOOONbOQ STATE: GEORGIA Country of Destination Totals for Selected State 179 [value in thousands of dollars] Country of Destination Total CANADA JAPAN UNITED KINGDOM W. GERMANY KOREA, REPUBLIC OF NETHERLANDS MEXICO CHINA (TAIWAN) BELGIUM HONG KONG FRANCE SAUDI ARABIA ITALY VENEZUELA SPAIN AUSTRALIA COSTA RICA TURKEY REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA FINLAND ETHIOPIA COLOMBIA JAMAICA DOMINICAN REPUBLIC IRELAND ISRAEL-inc GAZA.& westbank BRAZIL SWEDEN SINGAPORE CHINA.(MAINLAND) PANAMA UNITED ARAB EMIRATES CYPRUS BERMUDA IVORY COAST CHILE HONDURAS KUWAIT PHILIPPINES IRAQ ARGENTINA SWITZERLAND Total value 4889448. 647477. 532192. 310493. 225609. 169378. 169300. 157208. 149361. 149098. 149054. 131388. 131228. 124253. 107628. 85824. 84041. 83970. 75770. 65776. 59774. 52166. 50513. 46574. 46468. 42623. 42235. 41160. 39172. 35747. 35222. 34921. 33838. 32929. 32227. 29521. 28977. 28351. 27890. 26595. 26283. 25822. 24773. OUIUIUIUHHDQUOUO‘DONQNDGHGHOHQDQOOHOQOHQQHNQUI s) 100. Hra HHHHHHHnmnnuwwwwwemow QOOOOODUOOUUQQQNUGGOONQQQGNON O GEORGIA EXPORTS--Continued CHAD HAITI GUATEMALA NORNAY TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO EGYPT INDIA THAILAND BAHAMAS ECUADOR YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC NETHERLANDS ANTILLES PERU INDONESIA MOROCCO ST. LUCIA. NEW ZEALAND DENMARK EL SALVADOR BAHRAIN LUXEMBOURG OMAN GREECE SAO Tall AND PRINCIPE NIGERIA MALAYSIA PAKISTAN ZAIRE BARBADOS SURINNME QATAR ANTIGUA PORTUGAL BOLIVIA AUSTRIA PARAGUAY LEBANON SUDAN GRENADA CAMEROON ARUBA ZIMBABNE BELIZE . AFGANISTAN URUGUAY JORDAN YUGOSLAVIA GABON KENYA ANGUILLA 180 24266. 21358. 18878. 17473. 16983. 16901. 16681. 15475. 15029. 14792. 14362. 14309. 14217. 12665. 10964. 10834. '10618. 10401. 9472. 9334. 8669. 8114. 7717. 7549. 7339. 7312. 7061. 6789. 6778. 6659. 6588. 6356. 6221. 5849. 4713. 4522. 4455. 4432. 4344. 3798. 3359. 3185. 3065. 2877. 2834. 2824. 2788. 2388. 2349. 2342. Md~lNHNGOWQUOENQHchofiCflOUOQQQQOOQONQDHOUQ’ONHOI‘NHQQQQ GEORGIA EXPORTS--Continued ST. VINCENT NEPAL TUNISIA ALGERIA GUINEA BRITISH VIRGIN ISLANDS GUYANA BRUNEI BENIN USSR MAURITANIA SRI LANKA FRENCH POLYNESIA CAYMAN ISLANDS ICELAND LIBERIA GUADELOUPE MZAMBIQUE NEW CALEDONIA GHANA ST . CHRISTOPHER-NEVIS BURKINA MAURITIUS MONTSERRAT TANZANIA BULGARIA ZAMBIA SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC HUNGARY MARTINIQUE SENEGAL MALTA AND GOZO UGANDA SOMN ISLANDS NIGER I'IJI TOGO MADAGASCAR E. GERMANY CONGO ANDORRA SAN MARINO SIERRA LEONE ANGOLA MALAWI PAPUA NEW GUINEA WILAND BANGLADESH BOTSImNA TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS 181 2295. 2115. 2045. 1860. 1850. 1847. 1806. 1780. 1702. 1642. 1629. 1610. 1511. 1389. 1355. 1342. 1277. 1241. 1189. 1178. 1159. 1046. 899. 811. 810. 755. 655. 635. 612. 594. 570. 547. 487. 460. 392. 375. 342. 341. 277. 229. 224. 224. 218. 208. 208. 193. 185. 180. 168. 151. UIUIOOWQOQHfiObddHQUIFQNNVIHUHGNOOOOOUONOOUUHUGNHUOWQPM 1 8 2 GEORGIA EXPORTS--Continued MALI 142 . 4 MACAO 140 . 6 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC 137 . 4 CZECHOSLOVAKIA 124 . 9 POLAND 111 . 3 SOMALIA 104 . 9 FRENCH GUIANA EAROE ISLAND REUNION GUINEA-BISSAU MARSHALL ISLANDS UIUIUIO’AQOO UUObI—‘UU DNWGNCDH GREENLAND PALAU MONACO 52 . 7 DJIBOUTI 46 . 8 THE GAMBIA 43 . 1 VIETNAM 42 . 5 DOMINICA 41 . 2 BURMA 36 . 7 NAMIBIA 35 . 0 ROMANIA 31 . 0 RMNDA 17 . 4 NICARAGUA 13 . 2 SEYCHELLES 12 . 4 BURUNDI 9 . 1 TONGA 8 . 4 CAPE VERDE 6. 3 GIBRALTAR 4 . 4 KIRIBATI 4 . 4 VANUATU 3 . 8 ER. STHERN . , ANTARCTIC 3 . 0 IRAN 2 . 2 183 STATE: IONA Country of Destination Totals for Selected State [value in thousands of dollars] Total Country of Destination value % Total 2164724.0 100. CANADA 747640.9 34. JAPAN 375209.8 17. UNITED KINGDOM 107020.8 4. MEXICO 93773.1 4. FRANCE 85548.4 3. N. GERMANY 75188.4 3. NETHERLANDS 75173.3 3. AUSTRALIA‘ 63031.4 2. ITALY 47960.8 2. BELGIUM 40440 . 4 1 . HONG KONG 32709.6 1. CHINA (TAINAN) 32603.0 1. SPAIN 28719.8 1. KOREA, REPUBLIC OP 27938.9 1. SINGAPORE 26285.8 1. CHINA.(MAINLAND) 24871.8 1. VENEZUELA 23453.5 1. REPUBLIC OP SOUTH.APRICA 16606.0 TURKEY 15447.5 SAUDI ARABIA 15364.7 SWEDEN 13503.3 ISRAEL-inc. GAZA.& westbank 12664.4 IRAQ 10802.0 INDONESIA 10796.6 ARGENTINA 9552.9 GREECE 9347.3 THAILAND 8248.7 PORTUGAL 8236.3 BRAZIL 7838.1 IRELAND 7395.5 MALAYSIA 6940.4 INDIA 6477.4 CHILE 6247.6 AUSTRIA 5562.0 COLOMBIA , 5526 . 0 SWITZERLAND 5482.0 COSTA RICA 5071.2 PHILIPPINES 5003.0 PAKISTAN 4805.2 DENMARK 4706.8 NEW ZEALAND 4436.2 ECUADOR 3636.9 QQOHNMUUIUION'OQAUUDIUUI O IONA EXPORTS--Continued ALGERIA FINLAND KUWT DOMINICAN REPUBLIC SUDAN UNITED ARAB EMIRATES EGYPT NORWAY ROMANIA PERU HUNGARY BAHAMAS GUATEMALA URUGUAY HONDURAS IRAN PANAMA BAHRAIN LUXEMBOURG ST. CHRISTOPHER-NEVIS YUGOSLAVIA JORDAN ANDORRA USSR JAMAICA BERMUDA QATAR ZAIRE EL SALVADOR NIGERIA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO CYPRUS SQIALIA POLAND MALTA AND GOZO SRI LANKA NICARAGUA HAITI BARBADOS SOLODKDN ISLANDS GIAN BOLIVIA GUYANA NETHERLANDS ANTILLES CZECHOSLOVAKIA IVORY COAST ZIMBABWE ZAMBIA GIBRALTAR KENYA 184 3038. 2560. 2451. 2342. 2080. 2002. 1924. 1795. 1778. 1539. 1493. 1313. 1195. 1190. 1177. 909. 887. 860. 799. 763. 758. 748. 736. 729. 699. 659. 659. 547. 538. 486. 442. 438. 430. 379. 375. 368. 360. 356. 346. 318. 309. 304. 291. 269. 225. 224. 221. 187. 182. 172. OWNOQQHU‘HANQQdNUIUIOOOQOQMDUOUHGMQODQDOQNGOOUMODODNA IONA EXPORTS--Continued ARUBA NEW CALEDONIA BELIZE TUNISIA E. GERMANY PARAGUAY ST. LUCIA GUADELOUPE ICELAND TOGO LEBANON MOROCCO FRENCH GUIANA DJIBOUTI ETHIOPIA SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC TANZANIA GHANA SENEGAL ERENCH POLYNESIA SEYCHELLES BRUNEI NEPAL MALAWI SURINAME PAPUA.NEN GUINEA MAURITIUS NAMIBIA COOK ISLANDS UGANDA GRENADA LIBERIA YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC SIERRA LEONE MARTINIQUE CAYMAN ISLANDS BANGLADESH MALDIVE ISLANDS ST. VINCENT CHAD ER.STHERN.,ANTARCTIC SNAZILAND BOTSNANA LESOTHO GUINEA ANGOLA CAMEROON ANTIGUA 185 163. 157. 152. 132. 128. 124. 120. 110. 103. HHHNUUN‘UIUIMQOD MOOQNQOO‘QUNQO 8 0 4 6 9 0 4 0 6 186 STATE: NEBRASKA Country of Destination Totals for Selected State [value in thousands of dollars] Total % Country of Destination Value TOTAL 916421.6 100. JAPAN 19S978.9 21. CANADA 185817.9 20. SAUDI ARABIA 95286.1 10. KOREA, REPUBLIC OF 60332.2 6 ‘ MEXICO 52274.8 5 CHINA (TAIWAN) 41995.8 4 FRANCE 35409.2 3 UNITED KINGDOM 29679.7 3 N. GERMANY 26876. 4 2 ALGERIA 18939.3 2 IRELAND 14909.0 1 SINGAPORE 14502.8 1 BELGIUM 12234 . 5 1 NETHERLANDS 11700.8 1 VENEZUELA 9672.7 1 ITALY 8929.8 AUSTRALIA 8825.2 INDIA 8370.5 SPAIN 7805.5 HONG KONG 6403.5 REPUBLIC OE SOUTH.APRICA 5891.5 ISRAEL-inc GAZA 5 WESTBANK 4613.2 BRAZIL 3957.9 CHINA (MAINLAND) 3833.5 THAILAND 3623.8 SRI LANKA 3080.9 MOROCCO 2629.7 ANGOLA 2517.1 CHILE 2432.5 DOMINICAN REPUBLIC 2317.6 SWITZERLAND 2229.3 YUGOSLAVIA 2082.0 HONDURAS 1876.7 HUNGARY 1707.1 DENMARK 1688.9 COSTA RICA 1570.7 JORDAN 1509.3 SWEDEN 1455.7 PHILIPPINES 1350.9 NORNAY 1291.9 ECUADOR 1261.6 ARGENTINA 899.0 GOOODONWMQODNQUQUUNQ) O NEBRASKA EXPORTs--Continued USSR BOTSWANA BURKINA PORTUGAL TURKEY NEW ZEALAND MAURITIUS IRAQ MALAYSIA AUSTRIA FINLAND PAKISTAN SOMALIA BOLIVIA COLOMBIA PERU GUATEMALA TUNISIA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO EGYPT BAHAMAS UNITED ARAB EMIRATES GREECE SENEGAL OMAN SIERRA LEONE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC CAPE VERDE INDONESIA ARUBA ICELAND CYPRUS MALI TOGO ‘MALANI KUWAIT LESOTHO BHUTAN NETHERLANDS ANTILLES EL SALVADOR BRITISH'VIRGIN ISLANDS BERMUDA KENYA JAMAICA IVORY COAST BULGARIA ROMANIA BAHRAIN PANAMA LEBANON 187 880. 781. 769. 760. 751. 707. 698. 697. 590. 586. 566. 564. 548. 501. 479. 452. 430. 414. 395. 379. 375. HQNQHQhOhObDQbQOtNNl-‘OOUUHDQdeUmOHi-‘OUHOQNQDUINHUIMAQNUI NEBRASKA EXPORTs--Continued URUGUAY ST . LUCIA MARSHALL ISLANDS SURINAME GUINEA LUXEMBOURG POLAND CAMEROON GUYANA MALTA AND GOZO NIGERIA HAITI SUDAN BURMA CHAD BANGLADESH SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC mNTSERRAT 188 HHNNUUQUIUIQGO $0.04HOHHQQUdeGQG STATE: OREGON Country of Destination Totals for Selected State 189 [value in thousands of dollars] Country of Destination TOTAL JAPAN CANADA KOREA, REPUBLIC OP CHINA (TAIWAN) EGYPT UNITED KINGDOM w. GERMANY CHINA.(MAINLAND) AUSTRALIA PAKISTAN SINGAPORE ITALY FRANCE PHILIPPINES INDIA NETHERLANDS HONG KONG SWEDEN BELGIUM SPAIN SAUDI ARABIA SRI LANKA DENMARK MEXICO REPUBLIC or SOUTH.ArRICA YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC INDONESIA BANGLADESH USSR IRAQ AUSTRIA MALAYSIA GREECE PAPUA.NEW GUINEA SWITZERLAND CHILE THAILAND BRAZIL PINLAND FRENCH POLYNESIA PERU TUNISIA Total value 4522818. 1293622. 617146. 341593. 211222. 200271. 198573. 152952. 149800. 134638. 115261. 103998. 102230. 82146. 78556. 59176. 57343. 43415. 37345. 34659. 32584. 32290. 28775. 26317. 23453. 23021. 22213. 21468. 21208. 20682. 19787. 19611. 19018. 18347. 17668. 13623. 11688. 10749. 9942. 9457. 9329. 8468. 7864. DUIQOODWUQQHNQNODQUHOAQNGUQMQQGGOGUDhNQQHQO w 100. PM HHHHNNNNUU‘DAQUG QQOONwQGNNMOwafiQUGG O OREGON EXPORTS--Continued ISRAEL-inc GAZA 8 WESTBANK NORWAY NEW ZEALAND COLOMBIA EL SALVADOR ‘MARSHALL ISLANDS IRELAND KENYA MOROCCO VENEZUELA ECUADOR ALGERIA ‘MICRONESIA ARGENTINA SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC NICARAGUA ZIMBABWE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES TOGO PORTUGAL TURKEY KUWAIT LUXEMBOURG PALAU CYPRUS LEBANON DOMINICAN REPUBLIC COSTA RICA ANDORRA FIJI PANAMA TANZANIA BERMUDA OMAN NEW CALEDONIA NIGERIA HUNGARY ‘ICELAND- CAPE VERDE ZAMBIA GUATEMALA YUGOSLAVIA NAMIBIA ZAIRE TONGA JAMAICA JORDAN GUINEA SOLOMON ISLANDS LIBERIA 190 6909. 6793. 5870. 4103. 3730. 3427. 3423. 3260. 3152. 2693. 2671. 2449. 2186. 2183. 2175. 2136. 1903. 1876. 1519. 1353. 1052. 1036. 1013. 891. 784. 779. 764. 716. 625. 548. 500. 433. 412. 372. 367. 336. 319. 296. 291. 285. 283. 280. 272. 256. 251. 240. 237. 230. 220. 209. OQHOQUIUQUIQDOHUQQQUNOONQNUUOMOU.AOQGGQdammwmmdmhbmd OREGON EXPORTS--Continued GHANA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO IVORY COAST HONDURAS BAHRAIN LIECHTENSTEIN MADAGASCAR KIRIBATI NETHERLANDS ANTILLES BAHAMAS QATAR AFGANISTAN MARTINIQUE CZECHOSLOVAKIA MALI WESTERN SAMOA POLAND BARBADOS URUGUAY BOLIVIA SUDAN HAITI SENEGAL NEPAL REUNION MAURITIUS BURMA ANTIGUA GUADELOUPE ROMANIA - EAROE ISLAND CAYMAN ISLANDS ARUBA E. GERMANY GREENLAND GABON COOK ISLANDS RWANDA NORFOLK ISLAND ST.‘VINCENT ST. LUCIA PARAGUAY BRITISH'VIRGIN ISLANDS SWAZILAND IMALDIVE ISLANDS SAN’MARINO IRAQ-SAUDI ARABIA.NTRL ZN FRENCH GUIANA CONGO NIGER 191 MONUMQNQOMUQQOQGHUOWHD.HNGUOUOOUOQQNQOQHHUONQDHOfiat!» 192 OREGON EKPORTS--Continued MOZAMBIQUE CENTRAL.AFRICAN REPUBLIC BRUNEI FR.STHERN.,ANTARCTIC GUYANA MALTA.AND GOZO TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS ETHIOPIA CAMEROON UGANDA CHAD DJIBOUTI MALAWI HHNNNUUwQUIUIQQ MOHMQNQAUONHDW STATE: WASHINGTON 193 Country of Destination Totals for Selected State [value in thousands of dollars] Country of Destination TOTAL JAPAN CANADA UNITED KINGDOM KOREA, REPUBLIC or W. GERMANY CHINA (TAIWAN) AUSTRALIA CHINA (MAINLAND) BRAZIL FRANCE NETHERLANDS INDIA SPAIN EGYPT SINGAPORE HONG KONG ISRAEL-inc GAZA r. WESTBANK BELGIUM BAHRAIN MAURITIUS AUSTRIA NEW ZEALAND MEXICO YUGOSLAVIA THAILAND PHILIPPINES NEPAL IRAQ ITALY VENEZUELA NORWAY SAUDI ARABIA SWITZERLAND TURKEY MALAYSIA SWEDEN PORTUGAL DENMARK ETHIOPIA IRELAND INDONESIA MALTA AND GOZO Total value 17865011.6 4818334.0 2426283.0 1554847.0 1450989.0 862854.0 764033.8 652010.2 637946.3 542993.5 508610.4 391210.5 334818.7 311019.3 279480.9 215827.0 198280.3 168491.3 140341.2 137741.8 131055.1 125549.0 96490.4 90990.0 81977.7 67734.7 57570.0 54511.4 52068.2 51640.2 49098.1 48893.3 41934.4 39140.9 35540.7 34814.6 32242.2 29798.5 29762.9 22973.0 22751.8 19720.8 18615.2 100. 26. H HHHHHNNWUWthQU ddQDHNUIQOI-‘QOUIQNQHQUI‘D O WASHINGTON EXPORTS--Continued CHILE COLOMBIA REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA USSR DOMINICAN REPUBLIC ALGERIA FINLAND UNITED ARAB EMIRATES PAKISTAN BANGLADESH ARGENTINA SRI LANKA ' PERU MOROCCO KUWAIT ‘ COSTA RICA GREECE GHANA NEW CALEDONIA BAHAMAS ANGOLA TUNISIA ECUADOR NIGERIA BOLIVIA PANAMA MARSHALL ISLANDS EL SALVADOR GUATEMALA PAPUA NEW GUINEA HONDURAS LUKENBOURG . ERENCH POLYNESIA BRUNEI CZECHOSLOVAKIA ICELAND JORDAN clam JAMAICA MOZAMBIQUE ZIMBABWE YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC ANTIGUA TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO KENYA ' BURMA YEMEN URUGUAY QATAR CONGO 194 17554.9 15490.2 15421.2 14756.4 14357.4 12800.7 12221.8 11770.6 10695.8 9537.6 9447.5 6297.9 5872.7 5725.1 4713.2 4275.0 4218.7 4180.1 4013.3 3102.8 2929.4 2923.7 2913.0 2532.6 2515.9 2484.0 2149.3 2134.8 1985.8 1921.6 1876.5 1864.0 1672.4 1286.5 1123.4 898.1 824.1 782.1 714.2 698.2 674.6 627.6 509.5 482.5 476.7 437.3 419.0 413.9 411.9 401.0 195 WASHINGTON EXPORTS--Continued TANZANIA SUDAN BERMUDA BULGARIA ZAMBIA POLAND LIBERIA ZAIRE MACAO CYPRUS FIJI NETHERLANDS ANTILLES CHAD MICRONESIA ANDORRA AFGANISTAN PALAU GUADELOUPE SEYCHELLES MADAGASCAR BARBADOS BOTSWANA BELIZE GABON ST.CHRISTOPHERFNEVIS CAMEROON 'VIETNAM SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC SAN MARINO NIGER MAURITANIA KIRIBATI ST. LUCIA VATICAN CITY EAROE ISLAND REUNION THE GAMBIA MARTINIQUE IVORY COAST E. GERMANY HUNGARY LEBANON VANUATU . MALDIVE ISLANDS SOLOMON ISLANDS LAOS GUINEA MONTSERRAT PARAGUAY BHUTAN 378. UQUOHQMDMOQDQOUMOQUDHhHNDNUII-‘O.QUHQUH~1§O§NHHQNOOOO§ 1 9 6 WASHINGTON EXPORTS- -C0ntinued GRENADA TONGA ANGUILLA GUYANA MALI HAITI SENEGAL FRENCH GUIANA CAYMAN ISLANDS ARUBA TURKS AND CAICOS ISLANDS BRITISH VIRGIN ISLANDS SURINAME NIUE CAPE VERDE T N ALU ISLANDS WESTERN SANA ST. VINCENT NAMIBIA MALAWI SVALBARD, JAN MAYEN NAURU BURKINA COCOS ISLANDS DWINICA MNDA DDNGOLIA WIS AND EUTUNA RGIANIA COOK ISLANDS HHHNNNthfiUIUIUUIGQQOOOQQDD'D QQOHOOQHNMHNU.UUUIONUIUIUIUIG~I044&0 NOTES 1. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, roreign Trade Division, "U.S. Exports by State Region of Origin 1988." Data for.A1abama, Georgia, Iowa, Nebraska, Oregon, and washington. 197 APPENDIX 6 IMMIGRATION FIGURES 198 Foreign Born Population--l9801 Total Birmingham 284,413 GERNmNY UNITED KINGDOM CANADA ‘VIETNAM ITALY USSR INDIA IRAN ERANCE GREECE JAPAN KOREA CHINA PHILLIPPINES CUBA POLAND ISRAEL LEBANON NETHERLANDS Total Alabama 3, 893, 800 GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM CANADA KOREA JAPAN ‘VIETNAM INDIA “IRAN FRANCE PHILLIPPINES USSR GREECE ITALY CUBA CHINA POLAND Imm. % of pop. imm. 8,044 860 10.6 683 8.4 443 5.5 281 3.4 273 3.3 271 3.3 252 3.1 221 2.7 219 2.7 213 2.6 195 2.4 167 2.0 147 1.8 144 1.7 133 1.6 133 1.6 112 1.3 89 1.1 81 1.0 Imm. % of pop. Imm. 39,002 6,443 16.5 2,873 7.3 2,292 7.4 1,436 3.6 1,200 3.0 1,107 2.8 1,010 2.5 990 2.5 895 2.2 823 2.1 780 1.9 574 1.4 554 1.4 514 1.3 467 1.1 424 1.0 199 GEORGIA Total Atlanta 425,022 GERMANY UNI TED KINGDOM CANADA CUBA KOREA INDIA JAPAN VIETNAM USSR IRAN CHINA MEXICO GREECE PHILLIPPINES FRANCE JAMAICA COLOMBIA THAILAND Total Georgia 5,463,105 ‘ GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM CANADA KOREA CUBA JAPAN INDIA 'VIETNAM PHILLIPPINES USSR. CHINA FRANCE MEXICO GREECE ITALY IRAN JAMAICA POLAND 200 Imm. P0P- 46,207 4,392 3,898 3,191 2,613 2,340 1,533 1,180 1,165 1,044 922 910 891 877 770 753 648 627 465 Imm. POP- 91,480 13,589 6,935 5,319 5,117 3,431 2,926 2,438 2,126 1,997 1,848 1,569 1,542 1,452 1,305 1,285 1,274 1,095 1,084 E& O h HHHHHHHHHnnnwmummo owbmmmmoonuuwommbm O III E HHHHHHHHNNNNwWMMQA HHUbhumeHwGHdummm IOWA Total Des Mbines 191,003 VIETNAM ITALY CANADA UNITED KINGDOM GERMANY USSR MEXICO KOREA INDIA LATVIA POLAND SWEDEN DENMARK NORNAI NETHERLANDS Total Iowa 2,913,808 GERMANY CANADA UNITED KINGDOM MEXICO 'VIETNAM KOREA USSR NETHERLANDS DENMARK ITALY ‘INDIA GREECE SWEDEN NORWAY JAPAN CZECHOSLOVAKIA PHILLIPPINES POLAND FRANCE 201 Imm. % of pop. imm 7,884 777 9.8 525 6.6 516 6.5 493 6.2 450 5.7 296 3.7 296 3.7 276 3.5 204 2.5 153 1.9 113 1.4 99 1.2 92 1.1 88 1.1 80 1.0 Imm. % of pop. imm. 47,659 6,541 13.7 3,930 8.2 2,850 5.9 2,725 5.7 2,173 4.5 1,801 3.7 1,662 3.4 1,654 3.4 1,174 2.4 1,143 2.3 1,044 2.1 951 1.9 882 1.8 870 1.8 793 1.6 752 1.5 745 1.5 574 1.2 512 1.0 NEBRASKA Total Omaha 314,255 GERMANY MEXICO UNITED KINGDOM ITALY CANADA USSR KOREA POLAND PHILLIPPINES CZECHOSLOVAKIA JAPAN LITHUANIA VIETNAM DENMARK INDIA YUGOSLAVIA GREECE SWEDEN FRANCE LATVIA Total Nebraska 1,569,825 GERMANY MEXICO USSR UNITED KINGDOM! CANADA ‘VIETNAM KOREA ITALY CZECHOSLOVAKIA JAPAN DENMARK POLAND PHILLIPPINES LATVIA SWEDEN INDIA NETHERLANDS IRAN GREECE 202 Imm. % of pop. imm 16,015 2,132 1 1,377 1,207 880 770 754 685 597 484 472 436 411 337 325 281 224 194 197 167 163 HHHHHHNNNNMUW‘hbMQOw OONNUQOHUQOOQNQO‘IMM“ an O H Imm. P0P- 31,001 E 4,665 1 2,618 1,996 1,882 1,672 1,133 1,024 992 842 755 749 740 721 605 581 574 446 438 351 HHHHHHNNNNNUM’QUQGQM beOQDUh’hfidl-‘WGUOQ‘O OREGON Total Portland 366,383 CANADA GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM ‘VIETNAM KOREA MEXICO PHILLIPPINES CHINA USSR JAPAN ' ITALY NETHERLANDS IRAN SWEDEN NORWAY GREECE Total Oregon 2,633,105 CANADA MEXICO GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM ‘VIETNAM KOREA PHILLIPPINES CHINA JAPAN USSR NETHERLANDS SWEDEN NORWAY ISRAEL 203 Imm. P0P- 63,572 10,641 4,938 4,798 4,227 3,117 2,250 2,084 1,765 1,674 1,565 1,182 1,070 955 886 859 808 Imm. P0P- 107,805 18,971 8,796 8,699 8,156 5,306 4,235 2,753 2,718 2,645 2,507 1,988 1,594 1,468 1,386 HHHkunnnuwamqqm nuwummamqnmumuqq an O . H .5 Huuunnnnwhqmmq nuaowbuuoouOHu WASHINGTON Total Seattle 493,846 CANADA PHILLIPPINES UNITED KINGDOM GERMANY NORWAY KOREA JAPAN CHINA ‘VIETNAM SWEDEN NETHERLANDS USSR ITALY MEXICO HONG KONG IRAN ’ Total flashington 4,132,156 CANADA GERMANY UNITED KINGDOM ‘MEXICO PHILLIPPINES KOREA JAPAN VIETNAM NORWAY CHINA SWEDEN NETHERLANDS USSR ITALY 204 Imm. P0P- 119,258 21,953 10,053 9,806 7,088 5,383 5,191 5,048 4,770 4,582 2,434 1,764 1,743 1,664 1,633 1,431 1,347 Imm. P0P- 239,060 46,818 19,609 17,230 16,414 15,726 11,389 9,274 8,449 8,092 5,948 4,512 4,145 A 3,393 3,354 % of imm H HHHHHHNwwbhhMQGO HHuwAAomonquNAu a9 0 H .5 HHHHMwwwpmmqom aaqmawumqumnnu NOTES 1. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of Population (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office): Bureau of the Census, VOl. 1 —- Part 2 Alabama, Part 12 Georgia, Part 17 Iowa, Part 29 Nebraska, Part 39 Oregon, and Part 49 washington: Table 195. 205 BIBLIOGRAPHY 206 BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography identifies the sources of information on which the research is based. Those sources are listed in three categories. The first category lists journal articles, monographs, and individually-authored articles in larger collections. The second category lists books. The final category cites unpublished writings, interviews, and primary sources. Articles Adams, John B. "A.Qualitative Analysis of Domestic and Foreign News on the AP TA'Nire," Gazette 10 (1964): 285-295. ' "What the Foreign Correspondent Does for a Newspaper's Readers," ournalism.anrterly 43 (1966): 300-304. Ahern, Thomas. 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