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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

BEYOND THE LEGAL DEFINITION:
UNDERSTANDING AND PREDICTING POLICE OFFICERS'
PERCEPTIONS OF DATE RAPE

presented by

Rebecca Moira Campbell

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

M-A- degree in PSYChOIOQY

 

 

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Date July 19. 1993

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MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution
emu-“nun”;

BEYOND THE LEGAL DEFINITION:
UNDERSTANDING AND PREDICTING POLICE OFFICERS'
PERCEPTIONS OF DATE RAPE

By

Rebecca Moira Campbell

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Psychology

1993

ABSTRACT

BEYOND THE LEGAL DEFINITION:
UNDERSTANDING AND PREDICTING POLICE OFFICERS'
PERCEPTIONS OF DATE RAPE

By

Rebecca Moira Campbell

This study examined police officers' perceptions of date rape.
Whereas most officers indicated that they felt date rape and stranger rape
were equally serious and deserved equally severe punishment, a common
theme emerged in their answers of blaming the date rape victim and
questioning her credibility. This research also examined a multi-level
model predicting police perceptions of date rape. This model was evaluated
using LISREL VII and suggested that officers with more experience held
more sympathetic beliefs about date rape. Moreover, officers who found
their training on rape to be very helpful and officers who believed that
sexual harassment was a problem in the workplace also had more
progressive attitudes toward date rape. In addition to this direct impact of
experience, training, and sexual harassment on perceptions of date rape,
an indirect impact was also supported. More experience, perceiving
training as very helpful, and believing that sexual harassment was a
problem in the workplace were related to positive attitudes toward women.
These positive perceptions of women, in turn, predicted more progressive
perceptions of date rape. Implications for legal policy and training

interventions are discussed.

To my "parnets," JoAnn Venable Campbell and David Campbell

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am very lucky to have so many wonderful people help me through
this project. First, I am deeply grateful to my chair, Bill Davidson, for his
unwavering support and guidance. I appreciated his sometimes futile
attempts to calm me down and help me think straight. I am also thankful
to my other committee members, Deborah Salem and Merry Morash, for
their insightful comments and contributions to this research. Cris
Sullivan, my unofficial fourth committee member, deserves many thanks
for her encouraging and constructive feedback.

This project could not have been conducted without the support of the
two sites where I collected data. At Michigan State University's
Department of Public Safety I am grateful to the Director, Dr. Bruce
Benson, for allowing me access to his department. Captain Michael Rice
deserves extra special thanks for his valuable contributions to the
development of the measures used in this project. Lieutenant Sue
Busnardo, and Baron, were also extremely helpful in explaining how the
process works from the officers’ perceptive. At the Champaign Police
Department I am indebted to Chief Donald Carter, Deputy Chief Jim
Luecking, and Deputy Chief John Gnagey for their assistance with data
collection. Special thanks also to Lieutenant Robert Soucie, who
encouraged my ideas from the beginning. I am especially thankful to the
officers for spending the hours necessary to complete the questionnaire and

for sharing their honest opinions and experiences.

iv

I am grateful to those who helped me collect and code the data. I am
forever indebted to Camille Johnson for sticking by me through the scarier
moments of data collection and for enduring the endless hours of coding
and numerous visits to Peanut Barrel. I am thankful to Jody Campbell for
coordinating the Champaign data collection and finding the response rate.

My friends deserve tropical vacations for helping me through this.
Instead, they get my sincere thanks. To Holly Lizotte for her ability to make
me laugh, even when things were not exactly funny. To Cheribeth Tan for
her time and expertise developing the path models. To Zane Zumbahlen for
tolerating my temper tantrums, encouraging me, and believing in me and
my abilities. To Julie Ahern for her love and support through yet another
major academic experience and for continually making fun of my pencils.

My parents have provided me with a lifetime of love, support, and
patience, which is reflected in this project. Their unwavering belief in me
has helped me push myself beyond what I ever thought I could achieve.

Finally, I am grateful to the numerous rape victims and survivors
who have shared their stories with me and give me strength to continue in

the battle to end violence against women.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Literature Review and
Current Research

Characteristics of Date Rape
Defining Date Rape
Prevalence of Date Rape
Psychological Reactions to Date Rape
The Legal Issues of Date Rape
Overview of Rape Law

But It Does Matter Who the Assailant Is:
The Legal Problems of Date Rape

Victims' Decisions to Report Rape and the Impact
of the Police

Police Officers' Attitudes Toward Rape
A Review of Previous Research

Limitations of Previous Research
on Attitudes Toward Rape

Factors That Predict Police Officers' Attitudes
Toward Rape

Individual-level Variables

Contextual-level Variables

Page

ix

CO

cocaine

10

14

17
17

Conclusions
The Current Research
CHAPTER 2: STUDY ONE
Purpose of the Study and Hypotheses
Method

Research Participants
Design

Procedure

Measures

General Questions on Seriousness,
Impact, and Punishment

Specific Questions on Causes,
Blame, and Reporting

Defining "Rape" and "Date Rape"

Results

General Descriptive Findings

Contrasting Perceptions of Stranger Rape
and Date Rape

Defining Rape and Date Rape:
Qualitative Findings

Summary of Results and Evaluation
of Hypotheses

CHAPTER 3: STUDY TWO
Purpose of the Study and Hypotheses

Variables Examined in the Model
Contextual-level Predictor Variables
Individual-level Predictor Variable

Outcome Variable

vii

538813.

8388888ii¢3i8

85583

S

Structure of the Model and Hypotheses
Method
Research Participants
Design and Procedure
Measures
Contextual-level Predictor Measures
Individual-level Predictor Measure
Outcome Measures
Data Analyses
Results
Evaluation of the Model

Summary of Results and Evaluation of
Hypotheses

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION
Major Findings
Implications and Future Directions
Methodological Limitations
Conclusions
APPENDD( A: Survey of Police Perceptions of Rape
APPENDIX B: Qualitative Coding Sheet
APPENDIX C: Qualitative Coding Sheet Instructions
LIST OF REFERENCES

. viii

BBSSIB‘ISISIES

5‘

110
115
117

10

11

13

LIST OF TABLES

Demographics of Research Participants

Contrasting Police Officers' Perceptions of
Stranger Rape and Date Rape

Varimax Rotated Matrix of Police Officers'
Definitions of Rape

Components of Police Officers' Definitions of Rape

Psychometric Properties of Experience With Rape
Scale (EWR)

Psychometric Properties of Helpfulness of Training
Scale (HTS)

Psychometric Properties of Sexualized Work
Environment Scale (SWES)

Psychometric Properties of Attitudes Toward
Women Scale (ATW)

Psychometric Properties of Attitudes Toward Dating
and Violence Scale (ATDV)

Psychometric Properties of Attitudes Toward Rape
Reporting Scale (ATRR)

Psychometric Properties of Attitudes Toward Date
Rape Scale (ATDR)

Psychometric Properties of Stranger Rape/Date Rape
Comparison Scale (SRDR)

Correlation Matrix for Model Predicting Police
Perceptions of Date Rape

ix

41

57

61

71

figure
1
2

LIST OF FIGURES

Conceptual Schematic of the Model Predicting
Police Perceptions of Date Rape

Empirical Evaluation of the Model Predicting
Police Perceptions of Date Rape

53

76

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Rape has deep historical roots in culture and law. The word "rape"
comes from the Latin rapere, meaning to steal (Bohmer, 1991). Throughout
history, rape has been viewed as an insult to the woman's family honor
rather than an act of trauma to the woman and an invasion of her body
(Brownmiller, 1975).1 This devaluement of women is reflected in our laws
as well. As stated by British jurist Lord Hale (1680), "it is true, rape is a
most detestable crime, and therefore ought severely and impartially to be
punished with death; but it must be remembered that it is an accusation
easily to be made and hard to be proved; and harder to be defended by the
part accused, tho never so innocent" (p.635). This attitude was firmly
ingrained in British law and carried over into American common law.
Until the late 1970s, most state laws were replete with checks and balances
to protect men from the unjust, false accusations of rape that women were
accused of leveling against them (Balos & Fellows, 1991; Berger, Searles, &
Neuman, 1988; Bohmer, 1991; Bumiller, 1990; Pineau, 1989). Until recently,
many statutes required judges to issue instructions to juries modeled after
Lord Hale's statement, prior to deliberation (Berger, Searles, & Neuman,

1988).

 

1Throughout this paper, women will be the focus and female pronouns will be used to refer
to the rape victim. This does not imply sexism, but rather reflects the fact that the
overwhelming majority of rape victims are female (Kanin, 1957; Koss, 1989; Koss et al.,
1987; Parrot, 1985).

2

Although rape is now viewed more as an assault against women,
vestiges of this type of thinking still exist. We live in a "rape culture"
(Pineau, 1989). Rape is deeply embedded in our lives because we live in a
society where violence against women is accepted and pervasive
(Brownmiller, 1975; Koss, 1990; Russell, 1975; Schechter, 1982). Feminists
have argued that sex in our society is seen as something to be taken,
something that men have an inherent right to (Russell, 1984; Sanday, 1990;
Schechter, 1982). Consent is not an issue: being female is consent enough.
Consistent with this notion are the words of the rapists themselves. Two
convicted rapists in one study called rape "assault with a friendly weapon"
(Feild, 1978). Some rapists have reported that although they _m_igh_t admit
they had done something wrong, their error was along the magnitude of

"disorderly conduct, simple assault," or "driving under the influence,"
with fines serving as the appropriate penalties (Kanin, 1984).

Our current perceptions of rape are also plagued by myths and
stereotypes: women deserve it, women ask for it, women enjoy it (Bograd,
1982; Brownmiller, 1975; Koss et al., 1985; Mazelan, 1980; Muehlenhard,
1988; Pineau, 1989). Rape is commonly conceptualized as the stranger
jumping out from the bushes at night, with a weapon, forcing sexual
intercourse on a woman. This type of scenario (stranger rape) accounts for
only 15% of all rapes (Kanin, 1957; Koss et al., 1987; Parrot, 1985; Russell,
1982). A form of rape less talked about and less understood, but far more
prevalent, is rape between those who know each other--husbands/wives,
dates, friends, acquaintances (Kanin, 1957 ; Katz, 1991; Katz & Mazur, 1979;
Koss et al., 1987; Koss et al., 1988; Parrot, 1985; Russell, 1982). The

boundaries of rape are already clouded in cases of stranger rape, thus it is

3

not surprising that our culture and law have an even more mixed response
to acquaintance rape.
Burpeee ef the Literature Beyjem end Qurrent Reeeereh

This literature review and research project explored a subcategory of
acquaintance rape, date rape (sexual violence among dating partners). The
focus was limited to date rape for two reasons. First, some forms of
acquaintance rape (e.g., rape among true acquaintances--people who have
just met or know each other only by sight) are quite difficult to study as they
are less common than date rape. Second, other forms of acquaintance
rape, such as incest or marital rape, are separate fields of inquiry.

The primary purpose of this literature review is to provide a context
for the current research that examined police officers' perceptions of date
rape. More specifically, this literature review covers five substantive
areas. 2 First, a general overview of the problem of date rape is provided by
defining date rape, its prevalence, and psychological impact on victims.
Second, the legal issues of date rape are explained with an overview of rape
law and a discussion of how date rape may be conceptualized, if not
statutorily, then in practice, differently under the law. Third, a brief review

of the research on rape Victims' decisions to report rape and the impact

 

2 The literature reviewed in this paper spans a variety of disciplines: psychology,
sociology, criminal justice, law, and women's studies. Data base searches on PsychLit,
SocioFile, and Legal InfoTrac were conducted for the years 1974- present. In addition,
other journals that traditionally published articles related to this topic, such as Criminal
MW and m l f P li n A mini r ,were searched
manually from 1980 to the present. A search of book titles was also conducted. Most of the
work reviewed in this paper was published between 1974 and the present, but there are a few
exceptions as it became apparent that some older, "classic" works may prove helpful.
Selected articles and books were then included for the review.

4

police officers can have on victims is presented. Fourth, previous studies
that examined police officers' perceptions of rape are evaluated. Finally,
research that explored what factors predict police perceptions of rape is
discussed.

This literature review indicated that two primary issues needed
further exploration. Thus, the purpose of this research project was to
examine police officers' perceptions of date rape, and, from an ecological
perspective, to consider a wide variety of factors that might predict police
perceptions of date rape.

h r ' i
fi in

Dating brings to mind images of happiness, enjoyment, friendship,
sexual exploration, and sharing. Rape evokes images of force, power, hurt,
violence, and pain (Bechhofer & Parrot, 1991). The very term "date rape" is
an oxymoron. Date rape diverges from the common perception of rape (the
crazed stranger in the bushes), yet, the get is the same; the differences lie
in the relationships between the victim and assailant and the context in
which the rape occurs.

The legal definition of rape (the act), varies from state to state, but
generally for an incident to be considered rape or sexual assault two
conditions must be present: 1) some degree of force or the threat of force
must be applied; and 2) penile/vaginal penetration must occur (Bechhofer &

Parrot, 1991; Berger, Searles, & Neuman, 1988; Estrich, 1987). 3

 

3 Recently, many states have included anal and/or oral penetration as well as penetration
by an object in their rape/criminal sexual conduct statutes (Berger, Searles, & Neuman,
1988). For example, Michigan's Criminal Sexual Conduct Law (1974) has served as a

5

The differences between stranger and nonstranger rape begin with
the relationship between the victim and assailant. Unlike stranger rape
victims who are harmed by someone unknown to them, date rape victims
are assaulted by someone they know and implicitly trust (Gidycz & Koss,
1991). The relationship between the victim and assailant is often
categorized as stranger versus nonstranger (Katz, 1991; Katz & Burt, 1986;
Koss et al., 1988; Russell, 1984). Others have refined the relationship

H H

delineating the categories "well-known, acquaintance," and "total
stranger" (Belknap, 1989). The relationship between the victim and
assailant influences not only how and when a victim will define her
experience as rape, but also her psychological reactions to rape (Koss et al.,
1988; Parrot, 1991).

Two other key features distinguish date rape. First, date rapes are
often less physically violent than stranger rapes. Most do not involve a
weapon or injury beyond minor bruises and scratches (Amir, 1971; Burgess
& Holmstrom, 1979; Burt, 1991; Macdonald, 1979; Russell, 1984; Warshaw,
1988). Although stranger rapes, on the average, are more violent than date
rapes (Koss et al., 1988), date rapes can at times be physically violent. For
example, Koss et a1. (1988) found that stranger rapes were more likely to
involve threats of bodily harm, hitting, slapping, and use of or threat of the
use of a weapon than date rapes. But, stranger and date rapes were equally

likely to involve the offenders twisting the victim's arm or holding her

down, choking, and beating. Other injuries that may result include

 

model for many states and it includes all forms of penetration, no matter how slight
(Berger, Searles, & Neuman, 1988). It is also important to note that many state's criminal
sexual conduct statutes have several "degrees" of sexual assault. Such laws define
fondling and other non-penetration coerced sexual activity as criminal offenses.

6

vaginal bleeding and soreness because of lack of lubrication and/or the
assailant's roughness.

Second, alcohol is more likely to be involved in date rapes than in
stranger rapes. A number of studies indicate that one-third to two-thirds of
date rapists and many date rape victims were drinking alcohol prior to the
assault (Koss et al., 1987; Lott, Reilly, & Howard, 1982; Polonko, Parcell, &
Teachman, 1986; Richardson & Hammock, 1991; Wilson & Durrenberger,
1982). In a large, national study, Koss et a1. (1987) found that most
offenders were thought to be drinking or using drugs at the time of the
assault (73%) and the victim was using intoxicants 55% of the time. In
addition to rendering women less able to defend themselves, alcohol can
reduce men's inhibitions about violence, and sexual violence in particular
(Lundberg-Love & Geffner, 1989; Richardson, 1981).

Pr 1 n f D

Early work on the prevalence of date rape indicated that between 15%
to 25% of college women had been date raped. Kanin and his associates
(Kanin, 1957; Kirkpatrick & Kanin, 1957 ; Kanin & Parcell, 1977) found that
20%-25% of college women reported forceful attempts by their dates at
sexual intercourse where the women ended up screaming, fighting,
crying, or pleading, and that 26% of college men reported making forceful
attempts at sexual intercourse that caused observable distress and offense
in the women. Rapaport and Burkhart (1984) reported that 15% of a sample
of college men acknowledged that they had obtained sexual intercourse
against their date's will.

A more recent and widely publicized study that assessed prevalence

of date rape and other kinds of rape was conducted by Koss and her

7

colleagues, surveying students at 32 representative institutions of higher
learning (N = 6,159 college students--3,187 females, 2,972 males) (Koss, 1989;
Koss et al., 1987 ; Koss et al., 1988). Data on the prevalence of sexual
aggression were obtained with the ten-item Sexual Experiences Survey
(Koss & Oros, 1982; Koss & Gidycz, 1985). This survey is a self-report
instrument designed to reflect various degrees of sexual aggression and
victimization including rape, attempted rape (no penetration occurred),
sexual coercion (use of pressure, coercion, or power to obtain sex), and
sexual contact (unwanted sexual touching). The results indicated that 46%
of the women experienced no sexual aggression/victimization; 14% sexual
contact; 11% sexual coercion; 12% attempted rape; 15% rape. These
numbers reflect attacks by both nonstrangers and strangers. With respect
to date rape, Koss found that in 84% of the rapes the offender and victim
knew each other, and specifically 57% of them involved "dates."

Since date rape is not a problem exclusive to college campuses, other
studies have assessed prevalence in the general population. Russell (1982,
1984) reported that 24% of a probability sample of 930 adult women residents
of San Francisco described experiences that involved forced intercourse or
intercourse completed when the woman was drugged, unconscious, asleep,
or otherwise totally helpless and unable to consent. Another 31% reported
at least one attempted rape. Approximately 72% of the rape/attempted rape
victims in her sample were victimized by an acquaintance, 58% of which
were dating partners (Russell, 1984).

Overall, numerous studies that have used a variety of methodologies
and samples suggest that approximately one-out-of-four to one-out-of-five

women have been raped by someone they know (Belknap, 1989; Koss et al.,

8

1987 ; Kanin, 1957; Miller & Marshall, 1987; Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984;
Russell, 1982, 1984).
P h l ' ti n D

The psychological impact of rape is devastating (Katz, 1991; Katz &
Mazur, 1979). Most women experience rape as a violation. It comes as a
shock, destroying an individual's ability to maintain the important illusion
of personal safety and invulnerability, and threatens many assumptions
and beliefs that a woman may have about herself and the world around her
(Katz, 1991).

Burgess and Holmstrom (1974, 1979, 1988) identified a pattern in
Victims' emotional responses to rape-Rape Trauma Syndrome (RTS). RTS
is a cluster of somatic, cognitive, psychological, and behavioral symptoms
exhibited in varying degrees by most rape victims (Burgess & Holmstrom,
1988). RTS occurs in both stranger rapes and acquaintance rapes and has
two stages: acute or disorganization phase and the reorganization phase.

In the acute phase, the victim experiences guilt and shame. Some
women experience an "expressive" reaction in which anger, fear, anxiety,
tension, and crying are common. Other victims exhibit a "controlled"
reaction and may appear controlled, calm, and subdued. Physiological
reactions include difficulty sleeping, digestive system disorders, fatigue,
headaches, vaginal discharge, and an exaggerated startle response. This
initial phase may last for weeks.

In the reorganization phase, the victim may become depressed, show
anger toward men, avoid others in social situations, experience impaired
memory or concentration, or have rapid mood swings. The phase may last

for months or years. With therapy or the counsel of an understanding and

9

informed support person, the victim may be able to put the rape in
perspective and move on with her life. It is unlikely that she will be able to
forget the rape or regain the level of trust she had before the rape (Burgess
& Holmstrom, 1988).

Rape by someone familiar can be an even more personal attack than
rape by a stranger (Katz, 1991; Katz & Mazur, 197 9). It is a traumatic
victimization, but it occurred within a context that was otherwise
associated with safety and privacy. And, the woman specifically chose to be
with the rapist. Rape by a total stranger is traumatic and is certainly a
violation of personal safety and body integrity, but, by definition, it involves
no prior interaction with the rapist and therefore does not necessarily call
into question the woman's own behavior and judgement.

Burkhart (1983) identified three typical behavior patterns date rape
victims may exhibit after the rape. Following her initial emotional
response, a victim may withdraw from social interactions. She may feel
she can no longer trust her judgment: when she had trusted her judgment,
she had chosen to interact with the rapist. Consequently, she stops making
decisions that rely on her judgment. Second, she may repress the rape
memory in the hope that she will be able to forget it and return to "normal."
She may exhibit occasional emotional explosions when under stress or
when reminded of the rape. Seeing the rapist in social situations may also
trigger emotional upheavals. Later recollections of the rape often
precipitate recurring crises in other relationships. Finally, a date rape
victim may exhibit changes in her sexual behavior patterns (Orlando &
Koss, 1983; Warshaw, 1988). Some may choose not to have sex for a while,

but others, especially those who felt particularly devalued after the assault,

10

may have sex more often than before, with more partners than would have
been customary for the victim (Warshaw, 1988).

Some authors have argued that the overall trauma is worse for
victims of nonstranger rapes (Katz, 1991; Katz & Mazur, 1979; Shore,
Baum, & Sales, 1980). Katz (1991) interviewed 87 rape victims, classified
into two groups: nonstranger (N=39) and stranger (N=48). These two
groups differed significantly in their responses to several measures of the
effects of rape. The women raped by strangers blamed themselves less for
the rape, saw themselves in a more positive light, and felt more completely
recovered from the rape than those raped by nonstrangers.

Date victims overall have many of the same psychological reactions to
rape as stranger rape victims. Yet. the violation of trust inherent in date
rape creates additional psychological trauma for these women. Date rape
victims blame themselves more and take longer to recover from the effects

of the assault.

The Legal Issues ef Dete Rape

dem'ew ef Rape Law

In the last ten to fifteen years most states have dramatically reformed
their rape laws. The traditional legal definition of rape--unlawfu1 sexual
intercourse with a female without her consent-~focuses the attention and
burden of the trial on the victim (Fischer, 1989). Consequently, it is the
victim's behavior, rather than the defendant's that is subject to intense
scrutiny by the police, the prosecutors, the defense lawyer, the jury, and the
community as a whole. Under common law, courts required that the
prosecution show, in addition to the statutory elements of the crime, that

the victim resisted "to the utmost" or failed to resist because of extreme

11

fear, that the victim made a prompt complaint, and that the victim was
"chaste" (DuBois, 1988; Fischer, 1989). Rape laws also included evidentiary
requirements not imposed in other criminal offenses. Until recently, the
state could only prove rape where some piece of independent evidence
corroborated the victim's story (Estrich, 1987; Fischer, 1989). The implied
elements of the crime of rape, together with the special evidentiary
requirements, made effective rape prosecution extremely difficult.

In response to growing criticisms, many state legislatures in the late
19703 reformed rape statutes by redefining the crime of rape itself.
Responding to feminists' and rape victim advocates' arguments that rape is
a crime of violence, not sexuality, some states replaced the offense of rape
with the offense "criminal sexual assault." For example in Michigan,
criminal sexual conduct is defined as an act of sexual penetration by the
use of force or the threat of force (Michigan Criminal Sexual Conduct Law,
1974). More than a semantic change, the new sexual assault laws
represented a shift in the crime's focus from the behavior of the victim to
the behavior of the rapist (Fischer, 1989). Theoretically, under these
reforms it also did not matter tube the assailant was (stranger, husband,
date) because the crime was defined by the get (Berger, Searles, & Neuman,
1988; Searles & Berger, 1987). 4

In addition to redefining the crime, sexual assault laws have altered
the meaning of "consent" and its role in the crime. In some jurisdictions

consent can only be raised as an affirmative defense, otherwise it is not an

 

4 Some states (8), however, still have marital exemptions in their statutes preventing wives
from charging their husbands with rape (Berger, Searles, & Neuman, 1988; National
Clearinghouse on Marital and Date Rape, 1990; Russell, 1990).

12

issue at trial. In addition to removing consent from the definition of the
offense, evidentiary requirements of consent were changed. Consent
cannot be established by showing that the defendant believed that the victim
consented. Lack of verbal or physical resistance by the victim also is not
consent. This evidentiary shift was intended to change the treatment of
victims in the courtroom by eliminating questions about her behavior and
state of mind. Moreover, most states passed victim shield laws, which limit
or prevent the defense from cross-examining victims about their sexual
history (Berger, Searles, & Neuman, 1988; Fischer, 1989; Searles & Berger,
1987). Overall, these reforms were intended to focus attention on the
behavior of the rapist rather than on the victim.

B I Don M r A o h Assiln IS’ The Lftgl PrL‘lm th ' '. .0:
Traditionally, and under these recent reforms, the law has not
treated all forms of nonstranger rape as rape (Berger, Searles, & Neuman,
1988; MacKinnon, 1987; Russell, 1990). Nonstranger rape, as most crimes

between intimates (e.g., domestic violence), is often viewed as a lesser
crime (if a crime at all) in eyes of the courts (MacKinnon, 1987; Russell,
1990). Feminist theorists and activists have long noted that violence
between intimates is protected under the law, or at the very least, is not
pursued (MacKinnon, 1987; Martin, 1983; Russell, 1990; Sanday, 1990;
Smart, 1989). Sexual violence between intimates poses a further problem.
Smart (1989) argued that violence is not seen as violence if it is sexualized
and that violence is exonerated if pleasure could be achieved. If there has
been previous contact between the victim and assailant, then sexual
pleasure for both parties from the assault is an even more likely conclusion

(Smart, 1989).

13

MacKinnon's and Smart's theoretical arguments become more
concrete (and devastating) upon an examination of the actual laws in most
states. Whereas most states (42) make no stem distinctions between
stranger and nonstranger rape, all 42 of these states have evidentiary
guidelines that limit victim shield laws and allow testimony on previous
sexual contact between the victim and assailant (Berger, Searles, &

N euman, 1988; Searles & Berger, 1987 ). 5 In other words, when defining
the act of sexual assault most states make no distinction between stranger
rape and nonstranger rape. The crime is defined by the act, not by who
committed it. In following sections of their laws, however, most states add
evidentiary guidelines that allow the issue of m the assailant is and what
prior sexual contact there was between the victim and assailant to surface
(and quite possibly to become the focus) in court cases.

The admissibility of this evidence is crucial. These guidelines can
create difficulties for date rape victims because if a woman previously
consented to any connection with a man, a presumption arises that she
subsequently consented to sexual contact during the incident in question
(Balos & Fellows, 1991; MacKinnon, 1987 ; Smart 1989). MacKinnon (1983,
1987) and Smart (1989) have observed that when indices of closeness (e.g.,
dating) are taken as evidence of the victim's behavior during the offense,
many common types of coercive sexual encounters go unregulated by the

law--"rape, from women's point of view, is not prohibited, it is regulated"

 

5 The remaining eight states have marital rape and/or "cohabitant" rape exemptions
(Berger, Searles, & N euman, 1988). In these states, a wife or a woman living with her
partner cannot charge her husbands/partners with rape. The issue of limiting victim
shield laws, then, becomes irrelevant.

14

(MacKinnon, 1983, p.652). Consequently, rapes are not reported,
prosecuted, or sanctioned based on the force that was used, nor is the
criterion how coercive the rape was and how violated the woman feels.
Instead, rape prosecution is based on how intimate the woman is with the
assailant; "this is why most women think we won't be believed in reporting
the most common rapes, that is rapes by people we know" (MacKinnon,
1987, p.83). Thus, despite the promise of rape legislative reform to place the
act itself on trial, the behaviors of the victim remain an issue, especially in
cases of date rape.

' I: 'in o ".00 '-.9' in! Th mu. of h 'oli - -"

Before a rape case can even begin this process of prosecution, it must
be reported. FBI statistics reveal that rape is the most underreported crime
against the person (Federal Bureau of Investigations, 1990). Researchers
estimate that as few as one in one hundred date rapes are reported to law
enforcement officials or school authorities (Burkhart, 1983). Across studies
reporting rates for rape are approximately 2% to 8% (Golding et a1, 1989;
Kilpatrick at al., 1987; Pirog-Good & Stets, 1989; Russell, 1982, 1984). Date
rape victims are far less likely than stranger rape victims to report the
assault to the police (Skelton & Burkhart, 1980). In Golding et al.'s study,
28% of the women raped by strangers told the police, but only 6% of the
nonstranger rape victims told the police.

Whereas these low reporting rates are undoubtedly influenced by
individual victim's personal circumstances and decisions, police officers
appear to have an important role in the process of reporting and
prosecuting a rape. Police are the first contact victims have with the

system and they can be highly influential. Kerstetter and Van Winkle

15

(1990) conducted interviews with detectives and victim's advocates
addressing this issue and found that the police-victim interaction can
mediate the victimization experience. One victim advocate stated that, "she
[the victim] reads police attitudes very carefully to try to discern cues as to
how she should react to what has happened to her" (p.277). Other
researchers have argued that insensitive treatment by members of the
criminal justice system can magnify feelings of powerlessness, shame, and
guilt for rape victims (Feldman-Summers & Palmer, 1980; Flynn, 1974;
Madigan & Gamble, 1991; Medea & Thompson, 1974; Peters, 1973; Russell,
1974; Steketee & Austin, 1989). If police officers blame the victim for the
incident or doubt her story, these beliefs could be explicitly or implicitly
communicated to the victim, lowering the victim's self esteem (Feldman-
Summers & Palmer, 1980). Date rape may present additional problems for
victims as it is often seen as a less legitimate social problem than assault by
a stranger and victims may be blamed more for the assault (Smith,
Marcus, & Brainerd, 1984). Police officers' responses could severely
damage the psychological well-being of date rape victims.

The impact of police can go beyond influencing how victims feel about
themselves, and can also impact Victims' decisions to prosecute a rape.
Goldstein (1960) argued that the willingness of the victim to prosecute is
influenced by police attitudes and what they communicate to the victim.
Some research suggested that police are more inclined than the general
public to blame the victim (Rosenbaum, 197 7) and this blame may be
communicated to the woman, deterring her from pursuing the complaint.

In cases of date rape, where the victim may be blamed even more for the

16

assault, such communications could further discourage date rape victims
from prosecuting (MacKinnon, 1987).

In addition to these more subtle messages, some police try more
overtly to influence victim's decisions to pursue their complaints (Kerstetter
& Van Winkle, 1990). Detectives in one study reported that if they wanted a
case dropped they would graphically describe the personal costs involved in
pursuing a rape case, such as multiple and lengthy court appearances and
humiliating cross—examinations (Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990). The
detectives' reasons for deterring victims ranged from personal gain (e.g.,
not wanting an unsolved case on their record) to genuine concern for the
well-being of the woman (e.g., trying to spare victim the ordeal of trial)
(Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990). It is important to note that the detectives'
reasons also varied based on the type of rape. Only in acquaintance rape
cases did the "fairness" of punishment become an issue: many detectives
reported that they wondered, "did this guy [the acquaintance rapist] really
deserve to go to jail for what he did?"(Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990).
Detectives reported that this "moral dimension" was a factor in their
decisions whether to encourage the acquaintance rape victim to prosecute.
Due to the fact that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to prosecute a
case without the willingness and cooperation of the victim, police impact on
victims and their decisions is critical. In cases of date rape, this influence
may be paramount.

Police officers' beliefs impact not only the victims, but may also
influence what actions individual officers take (Galton, 1975-1976; Wood,
1973). Early work in this area suggested that police may have primary, if

not sole, power in deciding whether a case would proceed through the

17

system (Galton, 1975-1976; Goldstein, 1960; Wood, 1973). Goldstein (1960)
argued that the values of individual officers shaped their professional
decisions, decisions which were traditionally of low visibility and therefore
seldom the subject of review. This gave police extreme power in deciding
when and how to invoke the criminal process (Goldstein, 1960).

More recent research in this area has suggested that although police
do have considerable influence in how a case might proceed, their impact is
more complex than previously thought. Police action is precipitated by a
interrelated web of factors: victim's willingness to prosecute, police officers'
own feelings about rape and their own determination if a rape has indeed
occurred, and the strength of the case (Feldman-Summers & Palmer, 1980;
Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990; LaFree, 1989). Thus, police officers'
perceptions of rape may have a double impact: a victim's willingness to
prosecute ie influenced by officers' beliefs, arui officers' own ideas about
whether a rape has occurred are influential. It is, therefore, extremely
important to know how police think about rape and rape victims in both
stranger rape and date rape cases.

Beliee Qtfieers' Attitudes {Reward Rape
! B . ER . B r 1

Very little systematic information has been collected on police
officers' attitudes and beliefs about rape as only a handful of studies have
directly addressed this issue. In one of the first studies in this area, Feild
(1978) compared police, rapists, rape crisis workers, and regular citizens
on several dimensions. First, he created the Attitudes Toward Rape
questionnaire that assessed the degree to which respondents agreed with

statements such as "most women secretly desire to be raped" and "during a

18

rape, a woman should do everything she can do to resist." Second, be
constructed the Rape Knowledge Test, which consisted of 33 multiple choice
items that covered topics such as percentage of rape victims that knew their
rapists, percentage of rapes that were reported to the police, and percentage
of rapists found innocent or have cases dismissed. Third, he administered
the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (Spence & Helmreich, 1972). Finally, he
collected background information on the respondents (age, gender, years of
education, martial status, and experience working with rape victims). His
results were striking. The police and rapists could not be differentiated on
half of the rape attitude dimensions. The attitudes of the rape crisis
workers differed significantly from all other groups. Feild did not report
the police officers' scores on the Attitudes Toward Women Scale. Similarly,
he did not report their exact scores on the Rape Knowledge Test, but,
overall, respondents appeared to know very little about rape: Feild reported
that their scores were only slightly better than what would be expected by
chance. For the police, contact with rapists, contact with rape victims, and
other experiences working with rape victims were not related to their
attitudes towards rape. Training programs on rape appeared to have a
negative impact: officers who had had special training on rape felt that the
Victims' resistance during an assault should be of key importance to the
police and criminal justice system.

A second major study on this issue, conducted by Feldman-Summers
and Palmer (1980), found equally distressing results. They surveyed
judges, prosecutors, police officers, and rape crisis center staff workers on
four issues. First, the beliefs these four groups held about the causes of

rape were assessed. Second, respondents were asked what they thought

19

would be effective rape prevention strategies. Third, the participants were
asked to make likelihood judgements on the number and types of rape
complaints that were brought to the attention of the criminal justice
system. Finally, the groups made likelihood judgements about the
circumstances associated with different types of rape complaints. The
three groups of criminal justice system workers held similar beliefs about
the causes of rape and differed significantly from the rape crisis workers.
They saw rape as a result of the behavior of some men (sexually frustrated
men), influenced by the woman's behavior. Rape crisis workers viewed the
causes of rape as resting in the socialization of men. The criminal justice
workers also reported that they thought that only half of the rapes reported
to them were "real" rapes. Specifically, police thought that three out of five
complaints were either untruthful or mistaken. Factors associated with
"real" rapes in their minds were the presence of injuries, absolute
consistency in the victim's story, willingness of the victim to take a lie
detector test, and chaste behavior of the victim (i.e., she did not engage in
premarital or extra-marital affairs and she did not have any previous social
contact with the assailant). It is important to note that the factors they
found most "suspicious" are characteristics common in date rapes.

More recent research has presented somewhat contradictory results.
LeDoux and Hazelwood (1985) revised Feild's Attitudes Toward Rape scale
and administered it to 2,170 police officers. They concluded that police were
more sympathetic to rape victims than previous research and popular belief
suggested. Specifically, they reported that police were not "insensitive to
the plight of rape victims" because, as a group, the officers tended to
disagree with statements that suggested the raped woman is not truly a

Z)

victim. Officers were, however, suspicious of victims who had had prior
sex with a man or who "provoked" rape through appearance and behavior.
This aspect of their findings is quite consistent with Feldman-Summers
and Palmer's results that indicated that police have difficulty believing date
rape victims.

Another study by Krahe (1991) found similar results. She asked East
German police officers to define a "typical" rape and a "dubious" or hard-to-
believe rape. The definition of the "typical" rape was an assault by a
stranger (often "crazy") that occurred at night, outdoors, and resulted in
some minor physical injuries to the woman. The "dubious" rape occurred
between two people who knew each other (the man was "normal"),
happened at either the man's or woman's house when the woman was
drunk, and resulted in no physical injuries to the woman. Krahe also
administered a revised form of Ward's (1988) Attitudes Toward Rape
Victims Scale and concluded, similar to LeDoux and Hazelwood, that
police acknowledge the severe effects rape has on victims. Krahe's and
LeDoux and Hazelwood's findings suggest that police officers' opinions
toward stranger rape may have improved over time, but they still may not
perceive date rape as a serious crime.

Limi in fPrevio 3 search on A i es T w r

There are three primary limitations in the existing research that
limit the usefulness of these studies in delineating and explaining criminal
justice system workers' opinions toward date rape. First, it could be argued
that the authors of these studies, like the people they were surveying,
conceptualize rape as a crime primarily between strangers, not dates or

acquaintances. Krahe's results support this argument: police officers

21

defined the "typical rape" as stranger rape. Given that rape is a crime that
occurs between strangers as well as between those who know each other,
this is a serious flaw in their conceptualization of rape. The measures used
in all of these studies (Feild, Feldman-Summers & Palmer, LeDoux &
Hazelwood, Krahe) did not fully explore attitudes and beliefs towards date
rape. 5 For instance, only one of the 32 items on Feild's measure addressed
attitudes about sexual violence between nonstrangers: "rape of a woman by
a man she knows can be defined as a 'woman who changed her mind
afterward.” Similarly, only two of the 33 items on the Rape Knowledge Test
examined knowledge of issues related to date rape: percentage of raped
women who know their rapist and the relationship between degree of
physical violence in a rape and knowledge of the rapist by the victim.
Feldman-Summers and Palmer's measure specifically cued respondents to
a stranger rape scenario. Sample causes of rape included: "women who
are raped use poor judgement; for example, about when and where to go
out alone, accepting rides from strangers, etc" and "[rape occurs because]
of inadequate lighting in downtown areas, inadequate transportation
systems, etc." Methods of prevention likewise evoked the "stranger"
scenario: improve lighting and instruct women on the dangers of going out
alone at night.

This conceptual exclusion of date rape from these studies is
important to understand the results of Feild/Feldman-Summers and

Palmer and LeDoux and Hazelwood/Krahe studies. Given that the officers

 

6 Ward's measure (used in Krahe's work) was designed to assess attitudes toward rape
victims, but her measure concentrates on attitudes toward stranger rape victims.

22

most likely viewed rape as stranger rape, these studies can only address
opinions toward stranger rape. Therefore, it appears that officers' opinions
toward stranger rape have changed over time and they are more
sympathetic. None of these studies can address opinions toward date rape,
although they do suggest, indirectly, that police are suspicious of these
cases. Other work has suggested that the characteristics of date rapes (a
prior relationship between the victim and assailant, lack of physical
violence, lack of a weapon) are the very characteristics officers see as
reducing the credibility of the victim and the case. Sebba and Cahan (1975)
and William (1976) both reported that victims receive "less official"
reactions to cases when they were acquainted with the offender prior to the
incident. McNickle and Randall (1982) examined archival data to
determine what investigators perceived as "legitimate" rape cases. Three
factors were key: the credibility of the victim, the "clear" absence of victim
consent, and the offense seriousness (e.g., weapon). LaFree (1981) reported
that rape cases that involved a weapon often receive the most serious
attention. These studies can provide only an indirect assessment of police
officers' opinions toward date rape.

A second problem with existing research is the methodological
limitations of many of these studies. The officers' response rates in some
studies were quite low. Feild (1978) did not report his response rate, but
Feldman-Summers and Palmer (1980) obtained only 24% response rate
from the police and all other groups were below 50%. LeDoux and

Hazelwood (1985) and Krahe (1991) reported better return rates (72%).

23

Due to the possibility that only the most motivated officers would complete a
survey on such a controversial topic as rape, increasing response rates
might add to the credibility of the data and their interpretation.

All of these studies have been extremely limited in their methods of
assessment as the sole measurement techniques have been questionnaires
that contained attitude statements and rating scales or other closed-ended
questions. The complex and controversial nature of this topic may call for
alternative, more intensive methods than those used to date. Other
researchers have noted the difficulty of using traditional techniques for
sensitive subjects such as rape and domestic violence (e.g., Herzog, 1963;
Kidder & Judd, 1986; Weis, 1989 ). Respondent's may have given "socially
desirable" answers rather than their true opinions. If this were the case,
then respondents' attitudes and beliefs about rape may be more
stereotypical and biased than originally thought.

A final limitation is that these studies have not fully addressed the
origins of these conceptions, identifying factors that may contribute to and
bolster these beliefs. Demographic characteristics have been the primary
variables studied to date, but these traits, being relatively stable, do not
suggest methods of intervention. It is possible that hath intra-individual
and environmental factors may influence police officers' attitudes toward
rape. These studies did not explore this possibility.

10.‘ h Pr‘oi '01-. i 9';,o'.=.rc’=.o‘

As mentioned previously, the underlying factors that contribute to
police officers' beliefs about date rape have not been studied very intensely,
but research on other samples can provide some insight. A framework in

which to view these studies is to examine potential factors at different levels

24

of analysis (Rappaport, 1977). Although the existing research has focused
almost entirely at an individual level, moving to other levels (e.g., group
and community levels) and integrating information from other sources
may provide suggestions for ecologically-based interventions.

' ' l-L 1 ri 1

Most research examining predictors of police officers' opinions
toward rape has concentrated on demographic variables. Feild (1978)
reported that gender, race, marital status, and education level were the best
demographic predictors of officers' attitudes toward rape. Similarly, Burt
(1980) found that education level correlated with rape myth acceptance. In
her study of a random sample of adults, participants who had more formal
education were less accepting of rape myths and stereotypes.

Attitudes toward rape may be influenced by sex role stereotypes.
Males, especially those who hold traditional attitudes, believe rape is more
justifiable than do women (Muehlenhard, 1988). Muehlenhard and Linton
(1987) reported that men who initiate a date, pay all the expenses, and drive
are more likely to be sexually aggressive. But, if a woman assumes the role
of date initiator she is judged by both sexes to want sex (Muehlenhard,
Friedman, & Thomas, 1985). If sex occurs against her will, it is judged as a
likely consequence and viewed as justifiable.

Burt (1980) hypothesized that adversarial sexual beliefs (the belief
that sexual relationships are fundamentally exploitative and that each
party is manipulative, sly, and cheating) and acceptance of interpersonal
violence also contribute to blaming victims for their own victimization. Her
results indicated that sex role stereotyping and adversarial sexual beliefs

were correlated with rape myth acceptance, but that the best predictor was

25

acceptance of interpersonal violence. Respondents who believed that force
and coercion are legitimate ways to gain compliance in intimate
relationships strongly believed that rape victims were to blame for the
rape.7

n x l-L l ri 1

Very few studies have moved beyond intra-individual variables and
examined how the culture, contexts, and experiences of police officers and
their work environment may impact rape beliefs. These "contextual-level"
variables explored individuals' perceptions of their environments. The
term "contextual-level" variables is introduced here in place of the more
traditional terminology "environmental-level" variables. These variables,
as operationalized, often assess individual's perceptions of their
environment and are not true measures of the environment m se. This
research explored the work experiences of police officers and the context in
which they work and interact on a daily basis.

Feild (1978) examined two contextual-level factors and their impact
on rape attitudes. As mentioned previously, officers' experience with rape
cases had no influence on their perceptions of rape. Officers who had had
special training on rape tended to place more emphasis on Victims'
resistance. Apart from this one study, existing research has not moved
beyond the individual level of analysis in examining factors related to rape
beliefs. Macrosocial constructs, such as socialization and sexism in our

society, although being environmentally-based variables that may bolster

 

7 This finding may have direct implications for work with police officers as they are
trained and paid to use force to bring about compliance.

26

rape myths, are difficult to operationalize. A more tangible contextual
variable to examine is the work environment of police officers.

Moos (1986) has argued that work, as many microsocial
environments in our culture, are social constructions. Work and the work
environment impact people and a large body of research has emerged
examining the interrelationships between work and employee satisfaction,
health, and psychological well-being. The process of entering a workplace
and becoming acculturated to the climate has also been demonstrated to
effect employees. The acculturation of police officers begins very early in
their training while they are still in the police academy (Bennett, 1984;
Fielding, 1986; Van Maanen, 1973, 1975). Later field experience produces
"reality shock" and may alter officers' beliefs and expectations, but also
serves to strengthen their bond to the police subculture (Bennett, 1984). The
climate and experiences of the police work environment are major
determinants of officers' beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors (Van Maanen,
1972, 1973).

More specifically, one feature of the police work environment that
might have implications for rape perceptions is sexual harassment in the
workplace. Building from the notion that the milieu of a workplace can be
measured, Gutek and her colleagues developed an instrument to assess the
degree to which flirting occurs and sexual innuendo and sexist comments
are tolerated, condoned, or encouraged (Gutek, Cohen, & Konrad, 1990).
They argued that a sexualized work environment will engage people to
make direct and indirect sexual overtures. Testing this hypothesis, they
randomly surveyed Los Angeles county residents who worked outside of the

home more than 20 hours per week. The authors found that perceived work

27

environment sexualization was correlated with both perceived sexual
harassment and perceived non-harassing sexual behavior. Other research
has suggested that sexual harassment in the workplace causes distress for
employees (especially females, the more common targets of sexual
harassment) and can cause other negative psychological consequences
(Farley, 1978; Gutek, 1985).

A question that has not yet been asked is if and how this
sexualization of the work environment can affect non-employees. For
example, the work environments of doctors, social workers, or police
(traditionally public service oriented jobs) may "spill over" and affect how
they perceive and interact with their clients. Focusing on rape, the work
environment of police may affect how they perceive and treat rape victims.
For example, a highly sexualized work environment where women are
subjected to harassing and sexist comments may influence how officers
think about women. Viewing women as sexual objects may alter their
perceptions of responsibility in rape cases and Victims' credibility.
Implications of such a finding are that sexual harassment can be harmful
not only to those employees working there, but also to the people they are
trying to serve. Thus, it is possible that environmental influences, such as
sexual harassment in the workplace, could influence police perceptions of
date rape.

@Imlusions

The problem of date rape is extensive. One popular press writer
concluded that date rape is reaching epidemic proportions (Pooley, 1992).
Unfortunately, research findings support this conclusion: one-out-of-four to

one-out-of-five women have been raped by someone they know, often a date.

28

This is a social problem that affects nearly 25% of adult women and has
serious mental health consequences. Rape victims experience severe
anxiety and/or depression which can last for months, even years after the
rape. For date rape victims, knowing and implicitly trusting their
assailants can compound these reactions, making recovery more lengthy
and difficult.

Yet, the date rape victim herself is not the only one who has difficulty
defining her experience as rape. Most state laws are contradictory as to
what the legal standard is for date rape. Few state laws make a statutory
distinction between stranger and nonstranger rape, but most provide
evidentiary "loopholes" that allow the issue of previous sexual contact
between the victim and assailant to be raised at trial. The admission of the
evidence can make it very difficult for date rapes to be prosecuted. Some
police officers' appear to agree with this subtle legal distinction between
stranger and nonstranger rape. For the detectives in Kerstetter and Van
Winkle's study, a primary question was, did the acquaintance rapist really
deserve to go to jail for what he did?

How the legal system may respond to women may influence whether
they come forward to report the rape. Judging from available reporting
rates, women may not trust the response of the criminal justice system.
Research on the attitudes and beliefs of police officers suggests these doubts
may be justified. In one study, police and rapists' attitudes toward rape
could not be distinguished on half of the rape attitude dimensions.
Moreover, some police have reported that they often do not believe women
when they report having been raped. Existing research in this area,

however, is limited in that it has not conceptually separated stranger and

29

nonstranger rape, measuring only attitudes and beliefs about stranger
rape. Consequently, the opinions of police officers toward date rape is
unknown.

Intervening with police will require knowledge of what they believe
and what underlying factors contribute to those beliefs. For example, if
police have misconceptions about the role of alcohol in date rape, then their
training programs need to communicate correct information. If their
stereotypical attitudes are affected by traditional sex role stereotypes, then
their schooling and training procedures must address this sexism. Yet,
the sources of these beliefs may not all rest within the individual; the job
environment in which they train and work nearly every day may influence
what they believe. An environment in which women are devalued and
treated as sexual objects may feed into ideas that "all women deserve to be
raped," or "if a woman flirts with a man she knows, then she deserves to
have sex forced on her." Environmental, as well as individual, changes
may be necessary. ‘

This literature review indicated that two primary issues needed
further exploration. First, although some studies have suggested indirectly
that police have negative and stereotypical perceptions of date rape, this
issue has not been specifically examined. Police officers are the enforcers
of the law and have direct and influential contact with date rape victims,
and they may hold a different standard for date rape, much like the laws
themselves do. An assessment of officers' perceptions of date_rap_e
specifically would be a contribution to the field. Second, the factors that
might predict police perceptions of rape have not been studied very

extensively. To date, individual-level predictors have been the primary

30

focus. Examining butt; individual and environmental influences could be
helpful in deve10ping a clearer understanding of police officers' perceptions
of date rape and how to change those perceptions.
Th rr n

Research to date has over-emphasized stranger rape, largely
ignoring opinions toward date rape and date rape victims. Additionally,
there has been a near exclusive focus on individual-level variables that may
influence these beliefs. The purpose of this research was to expand
previous inquiry in these two domains: 1) to focus on police officers'
perceptions of daterape; and 2) to explore factors that might predict their
perceptions of date rape and to explore the interrelationships among these
variables. These two issues were addressed in two studies. Whereas the
participants and the methods were identical in both studies, each study
examined a different research question and used different measures and
analyses. Study One examined two groups of police officers' perceptions of
date rape using both quantitative and qualitative measures. In Study Two, a
model predicting police perceptions of date rape using both individual-level

and contextual-level variable as predictors was proposed and evaluated.

CHAPTER 2

STUDY ONE

P f h n h

This study examined how police officers perceive date rape. To
understand how officers think about date rape, it might be helpful to
compare their attitudes toward date rape with their attitudes toward
stranger rape. Consequently, officers were asked about their attitudes and
beliefs about both date rape and stranger rape. Thus, this study provided
descriptive information on how police officers view date rape itself, and how
they view date rape in comparison to stranger rape. Consistent with the
arguments of feminist legal theorists and the implicit message of most
state laws, this study predicted that police officers would perceive date rape
and stranger rape differently.

More specifically, the officers were expected to differ in how they
perceived the seriousness, psychological impact, and appropriate
punishment for date rape and stranger rape. These officers were also
hypothesized to differentiate between date rape and stranger rape on more
specific issues such as the causes of date rape and stranger rape, the
victim's blame and responsibility in date rape and stranger rape, and why
date rape victims and stranger rape victims may choose to report the
assault. This differential ideology was also expected to reflected in how the
officers defined "rape" and "date rape" as differing definitions were

expected.

31

32

It has been suggested by feminist legal theorists that if indeed these
"different" beliefs about date rape and stranger rape do exist, the
differences will tip to the disaduautage of date rape victims. Thus, it was
expected that the officers beliefs on these numerous dimensions would not
be favorable toward date rape victims.

Method
Beseareh Partieipants

Two groups of police officers were included in this study. These
samples were selected based on their availability. Therefore, there is no
way of determining the generalizability of these results. The police officers
were from two departments in the Midwest: Champaign, Illinois Police
Department (CPD) (N=53) and Michigan State University Department of
Public Safety (DPS) (N=38). Total sample size was N=91. CPD employs 72
sworn officers. Eleven officers were not approached to participate in this
study as they were either command officers directly involved with this
project (2) or were on special assignments (9). A total of 61 questionnaires
were distributed to CPD officers. Three officers refused to participate. Five
officers' data were dropped from the sample because more than half of the
questions were not answered. Missing data were not a problem overall as
the remaining 53 CPD questionnaires had between 95% and 100% of the
questions answered. The response rate at this department was extremely
high at 87%.

DPS has 45 sworn officers and 44 were approached to participate (one
officer was not asked due to his direct involvement with the project). Five
officers refused to participate. One officer's data were dropped from the

sample because more than half of the questions were not answered. The

33

remaining 38 questionnaires had between 95% and 100% of the questions
answered. The DPS response rate was also extremely high at 86%.

Planned sample sizes were determined through a power analysis for
bivariate correlations, using an estimated population correlation of .30 and
a power criterion of .80 with alpha set at .05, two-tail. At least 85 police
officers were needed for this level of power. Previous work with police
officers suggested that participation rates could be quite low (e.g., Feldman-
Summers & Palmer, 1980), therefore every available officer at CPD and DPS
was asked to participate to try to reach the designated sample size. The
participation rates for this study were quite high, so the overall sample was
higher than 85 (N=91). Estimated power for this final sample size,
assuming a population correlation of .30 (alpha=.05, two-tail), was .94
(Cohen & Cohen, 1975).

Relevant demographic information regarding the research
participants is presented in Table 1. The majority of the police participants
were male (88%) and only 12% were female. There was limited racial
diversity as 91% of the police sample was white and 9% was black. 8 Ages of
the police officers ranged from 24 to 57, with a mean age of 39 years and
modes of 43 and 45 years. Most of the police officers were married (60%)
and had children (79%). Almost three-quarters of the police officers (74%)
had obtained a college degree. 9

 

8 The two police departments did not differ significantly with respect to race and many
other demographic characteristics. As a result, the overall, combined police percentages
are reported.

9 Due to ambiguity in the question, it is was not clear if the respondents had a degree from a
two-year institution or four-year institution.

Table 1

 

 

D m i f e r h P r i i nts
Total CPD DPS

SAMPLE SIZE 91 53 38
GENDER

% Male 88% 98% 74%

% Female 12% 1% 26%
RACE

% White 91% 90% 91%

% Black 9% 10% 9%

% Latino 0% 0% 0%

% Asian 0% 0% 0%
AGE (mean) 39 yrs 40 yrs 39 yrs
FAMILY

% Married 60% 62% 58%

% Children 79% 87% 68%
EDUCATION

% College 74% 57% 91%

Graduate
WORK HISTORY

Mean Years 15.95 yrs 15.76 yrs 16.27 yrs

Police Officer
Mean Years 14.17 yrs 14.47 yrs 13.66 yrs
at Department

% Patrol 56% 58% 52%

% Command 30% 27% 33%

% Investigations 11% 15% 5%

 

35

The police had been officers for an average of 15.95 years, with a
range of 1.8 years to 30 years. They had been with their current department
for an average of 14.17 years, with a range of 7 months to 29.6 years. Over
half (56%) of the participating officers were street patrol officers, 30% were
command officers, and 11% were investigators.

Design

A cross-sectional design was used in this study: data were collected
from the police only once.
Preeedure

The investigator attended briefing meetings at the police departments
to describe the project to the officers and then distribute the questionnaires.
Every available sworn officer at both departments was given a
questionnaire. The officers were given time on duty, in private offices to
complete the questionnaires. The officers spent approximately one hour
completing the survey. The investigator returned one week later to pick up
returned questionnaires.

Meaeuree

A written questionnaire that included both quantitative and
qualitative measures of the variables of interest was the method of data
collection (see Appendix A). The measure was pilot tested with a small
group of college students (N=5), which suggested that it would take
approximately 30 to 45 minutes to complete the survey.

Three groups of measures were used to explore how police officers

perceive date rape.

36

nrl in n ri nsim n nihm
Three closed-ended questions were asked that compared date rape and
stranger rape on three general issues. The questions were:

1. How does date rape compare to stranger rape in its overall
seriousness as a crime?

2. How does date rape compare to stranger rape in its psychological
impact on victims?

3. How does date rape compare to stranger rape in the severity of
punishment appropriate?

These questions were rated on a seven-point scale: 1=stranger rape is more
serious/harmful/deserves most severe punishment; 3=stranger rape is
equal to date rape in seriousness/impact/severity of punishment; 7=date
rape is more serious/harmful/deserves most severe punishment.

2, Speeifie guestiens en eauses, blame, and repegting, Six questions
examined officers' beliefs about the causes, blame, and Victims' reasons for
reporting in date rape and stranger rape cases. These six questions were
first asked about stranger rape. Then, these same six questions were asked
about date rape (i.e., there were twelve questions total). Thus, six pairs of
statements contrasted stranger rape and date rape on a number of issues.
The item pairs were:

Pair 1: SR caused by need for sex.
DR caused by need for sex.

Pair 2: SR caused by need for power.
DR caused by need for power.

Pair 3: The victim is to blame for SR.
The victim is to blame for DR.

37

Pair 4: The assailant is to blame for SR.
The assailant is to blame for DR.

Pair 5: Women report SR to seek revenge.
Women report DR to seek revenge.

Pair 6: Women report SR to protect their reputation.
Women report DR to protect their reputation.
The officers rated their agreement with statement on a five-point Likert
scale (1=strongly disagree; 5=strongly agree).

3, Defining "rape" and "date rape", The police officers were asked to
write, in their own words, how they define "rape." In a second question,
they were asked to define "date rape." In both questions, it was stressed
that the researchers were not asking for the legal definition of rape and that
we wanted their own personal definitions.

A content analysis was conducted on their definitions. The
Qualitative Coding Scheme (see Appendix B) was developed following the
four basic steps of content analysis as outlined by Weber (1990). First, the
recording units, or the basic unit of text to be classified, were defined. Four
commonly used options are: 1) code each word; 2) code each word sense
(phrases); 3) code each sentence; and 4) code each theme expressed in the
text. The open-ended items in this survey were coded for the themes
expressed in the participants' answers. It is important to note that several
themes can be expressed in one definition. For example, in one definition
the themes of consent, resistance, type and level of force used, and behavior
of the victim may all be mentioned.

The second step was the creation of the coding categories (i.e., what
themes would be coded in each answer). The categories were derived

through several approaches. Previous research findings were used to

38

create some categories, but many were created by the researcher based on
experience riding with police officers. Additional categories were created
after reading all of the answers to ensure that most answers could be coded.
Each open-ended question had numerous possible codes. The coders read
the text and decided which themes were expressed. The themes were
dichotomously coded "yes" (theme was mentioned in the answer) or "no"
(theme was not mentioned in the answer).

Third, test codings were conducted on a sample of text. Two coders
reviewed the questionnaire and learned the coding rules (see Appendix C
for coding rules). Ten questionnaires were randomly selected and coded.
Of 4,420 codings, the two raters agreed on 3,315, thus initial inter-coder
agreement was only 75%. This percent agreement index must be corrected
for chance agreement with the kappa statistic (Cohen, 1960). Initial kappa
was only .50. Confusing coding rules were revised and both coders were re-
trained. Another ten questionnaires were then randomly selected and
coded. Of 4,420 codings, the raters agreed on 3,978, improving inter-coder
agreement to 90% (kappa=.80).

Finally, once acceptable inter-coder reliability had been established,
all of the text was coded and a final assessment of inter-coder agreement
was calculated. Inter-coder reliability was assessed after every 30
questionnaires coded (i.e., reliability was assessed four times). On the first
set of 30, the raters agreed on 13,132 of 13,680 codings (96% agreement,
kappa=.92). On the second set of 30, the raters agreed on 13,269 of 13,680
codings (97% agreement, kappa=.94). On the third set of 30, the raters
agreed on 13,406 of 13,680 codings (98% agreement, kappa=.96). On the

remaining 28 questionnaires, the raters agreed on 12,384 of 12,768 codings

Ii)

(97% agreement, kappa=.87). The average inter-coder agreement was 96%
with a range of 90% to 98%. Average kappa was .89.
Results
11 r ri i Fin in

Overall, most police officers (55%) reported that they felt date rape
and stranger rape are equally serious crimes. Yet, a sizeable group of
officers (43%) stated that they thought stranger rape was more serious than
date rape. Only 2% of the officers felt that date rape was more serious than
stranger rape. Although most officers felt that date rape and stranger rape
were equally serious crimes, only one-third believed that date rape and
stranger rape have an equally psychologically devastating impact on
victims. The majority of the officers (59%) believed that stranger rape has a
more serious and damaging psychological impact on victims than does date
rape. Nearly 7% believed date rape has more serious and damaging impact
on victims. Most officers (57 %) felt that date rape and stranger rape should
have equally severe punishment. The remaining 43% reported that they
thought stranger rape should have more severe punishment than date
rape. No officers stated that they felt date rape should have more severe
punishment than stranger rape.

nr i Prc ion fSranr enDeR

These general descriptive findings suggested that police officers
perceived stranger rape and date rape differently. This possibility was
further explored by conducting paired sample t-tests on the six stranger
rape/date rape item pairs. As mentioned previously, these item pairs were
identical questions, except for the type of rape mentioned. For example, in

Pair 1, officers reported the degree to which they felt stranger rape was

40

caused by a need for sex and the degree to which they felt date rape was
caused by a need for sex. The mean rating for the first item in the pair
(stranger rape caused by a need for sex) (1.39) was compared to the mean
rating for the second item in the pair (date rape caused by a need for sex)
(2.52). Due to the fact that _s_iu paired sample t-tests were conducted, the
overall probability of a Type I error for these analyses was controlled with a
modified Bonferroni test (Keppel, 1982). To maintain an mall alpha level
of .05 for these six tests, each t-test must have a p of .033 to be considered
significant (Keppel, 1982). Table 2 presents the results of these paired
sample t-tests. Significant differences were found on all six item pairs (p
<.001).

The police reported that date rape was more due to a need for sex and
that stranger rape was more due to a need for power. These officers felt
that victims were more to blame for date rape, but that assailants more to
blame for stranger rape. The officers believed that date rape victims report
the rape for revenge and to protect their reputations more often than
stranger rape victims do.

fini n D ° 1i i Fin in

Given the variety of themes mentioned by the participants when
asked to define "rape," principle components analysis was conducted to try
to summarize these variables into underlying themes. Principle
components analysis was performed only on the participants' definitions of
"rape." This was due to the fact that 88% of the participants provided the
same definition for both "rape" and "date rape" (i.e., 88% of the officers
defined "rape," and then wrote "same" or "see previous answer" when

asked to define "date rape").

41

Table 2

n r in Pli e Offi r 'P-r w-tion of- r.-ner 'ao‘ ano. D ‘ 'cr

 

 

Item Pairs Means Paired t p

1. SR caused by need for sex 1.39 8.51 .0001
DR caused by need for sex 2.52

2. SR caused by need for power 3.13 -9.37 .0001
DR caused by need for power 2.03

3. Victim to blame for SR 1.19 10.20 .0001
Victim to blame for DR 1.82

4. Assailant to blame for SR 3.94 -8.97 .0001
Assailant to blame for DR 3.42

5. Women report SR to seek 2.08 4.98 .0001
revenge
Women report DR to seek 2.51
revenge

6. Women report SR to protect 2.24 5.57 .0001
their reputations
Women report DR to protect 2.65

their reputations

 

Nate, SR=Stranger rape; DR=Date rape
Items were rated on a 1-5 scale (1=strongly disagree; 5=strongly
agree)

42

Weber (1991) noted that when factor analysis is used in content
analytic research, the observed variables (the coded text) are thought of as
categories and the resulting components are assumed to be underlying
themes in the texts. The factor loading of each category is the extent to
which it correlates with the latent variable/theme. Thus, in this study,
principle components analysis was used to examine the ways in which the
coded themes came together to suggest larger, over-arching themes in the
participants' responses.

The twenty most common themes mentioned by the participants were
factor analyzed using a principle components solution with varimax
rotation to orthogonality. Based on a plot of the eigen values, nine
components were extracted from the item intercorrelation matrix. These
nine factors accounted for 76% of the total common variance in the matrix.
All nine factors were found to be interpretable as well as to possess an
adequate number of variables with loadings of sufficient magnitude to
warrant interpretation (Comrey, 1973). Table 3 presents the varimax
rotated loadings for the nine factors extracted. Table 4 presents the nine
factors, their eigen values, and the percent variance accounted for by the
component.

The factors were given a name that reflected the items grouped
together in that factor. The participants' definitions of rape expressed: 1)
alcohol and drug use; 2) emotional harm caused by rape; 3) level and type of
force used; 4) behavior of the victim that might "encourage" rape; 5) other
factual elements of the assault (e.g., the gender of the victim); 6)
penetration and type of penetration; 7) power needs of the assailant; 8)

sexual needs of the assailant; and 9) consent of the victim issues.

 

Tab1e3

V rim M rix f Poli fficer 'D fini i n f
COMPONENT

Item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

 

1. Alcohol 192 -.01 .06 -.01 -.02 .02 -.02
is involved
in rapes

2. Drugs .92 -.01 .06 -.01 -.02 .02 -.02 -.01

are involved
in rapes

3. Rapeis -.01 ,9_9_ -.03 -.02 -.01 -.03 -.02 -.01

emotionally
harmful

4. Rapeis -.01 ,99 -.03 -.02 -.01 -.03 -.02 -.01

an extreme
violent act

5. Threat -.15 -.02 ,8] ~02 -.01 -.06 -.12 -.05

of force

6. Physical .18 -.05
force

B

-. 10 .06 .28 .21 -.05

7. Psych. .21 -.02 ,64 -. 3- .30 -.16 -.16 -.06

force

8. Rapist .01 -.01 .01 £0 .08 -.09 .02

can expect

sex

9.No -.02 -.02 -.12 ,83 .04 .12 -.10
means yes

10. Gender -.03 -.01 .10 .34 ,80 .10 .13
of victim

11. Number -.03 .01 .10 -.09 ,84 -.09 -.05
of rapists

-.01

Table 3 (cont'd)

Item 1 2

12. Pene- .13
tration

-.08

13. Oral/
anal/ or
vaginal
penetration

-.07 -.01

14. Some -.02
rapists rape
for power

-.03

15. Rape -.01
is an invasion

-.03

16. Some —.04
rapists rape
for sex

-.01

17. Non- .01
penetration is
still sexually
stimulating to
rapists

-.01

18. Consent .01
of victim

-.18

19. Victim -.07
clearly show
contact is
unwanted

-.09

20. Women -.01 .04
change their
minds

COMPONENT
3 4 5

.27 -.10 -.18

-.17 -.09 .15

-.03 -.05 .09

-.05 -.04 -.03

.09 -.01 -.01

-.11 -.01 .02

-.26

-.21 .26

-.01 -.13 .24

.01 .06 -.13

.03

-.10

-.01

-.09

.21

-.46

.07

7
-.08

-.08

-.01

-.01

-.35

-.15

.07

8

-.07

-.06

-.02

.01

£4

.23

-.17 .51

.01

.10

-.05

-.01

-.04

.01

-.04

,_8_6

h2
.80

.55

.66

.52

.72

.67

.65

.68

.77

 

Table 4

(lumpenente ef Peliee Officere' Definitions 9f Rape

 

 

Component Eigen Value % Variance Cummu-
Accounted For lative %
1. Alcohol and Drug Use 2.47 12.3 12.3
Drug Use
2. Emotional Harm of Rape 2.08 10.4 22.8
3. Level and Type of Force 1.95 9.7 32.5
4. Behavior of Victims 1.83 9.1 41.7
5. Factual Elements 1.66 8.3 49.9
of Assault
6. Penetration and Type 1.55 7.8 57.7
7. Power Needs of Assailant 1.43 7.2 64.9
8. Sexual Needs of Assailant 1.18 5.9 70.8
9. Consent of the Victim 1.04 5.2 76.0

 

46

Although there appears to be richness and diversity in the
participants' definitions of rape (nine factors were extracted from their
definitions of rape), most officers (62%) provided very brief answers, such as
"unwanted sex," or "unwanted sex through the use of force or threat of
force." Many of the other variables (e.g., mentioned rape is an invasion of
another person's being) were mentioned by very few participants.

The police officers' definitions of ”rape" and "date rape" suggested
that they defined them as the same thing, which most often was "unwanted
sex." Yet, it is important to remember that 12% of the officers did uet give
the same definition for "rape" and "date rape." All of these officers gave
rather negative and stereotypical definitions of "date rape." For example,

some of these officers wrote:

"Date rape" is when men take what women really want at the
moment, but decide they didn't the next day when they sober up
(quotation marks in original).

I have trouble with a rape charge made by a wife on her husband.
She gave her consent when she married.

I don't think date rape is the same thing [as stranger rape]. I want
my daughter protected, but I don't want my son convicted on the
word of a woman. She points her finger and your ass is grass.

Similarly, it is important to recall that 38% of the officers did m write brief
answers for their definitions of "rape." When officers wrote longer
answers to define "rape," most often (75%) they referred to or specifically

mentioned date rape, expressing rather negative and stereotypical views.

For example, some of the officers wrote:

What if someone has had sex 20 or 30 times over a 3 month period.
Then one night they say "no," should this be rape? I don't think so.

47

I've seen a few "date rape" cases where the alleged victim used it as
a tool to try to get back at someone. I've also seen it used a lot by
prostitutes for non-payment (quotation marks in original).

If a young lady dates a man and they go home together--she allows
the young man to get into bed with her and just before he has an
orgasm she shouts "NO," how then could you prosecute a young man
for rape? I believe the definition of rape should apply to any

circumstances as long as the evidence and testimony can prove it
beyond a reasonable doubt.

These qualitative results provide some insight into how the participants
viewed date rape. Some officers were quite explicit that they do not believe
date rape really exists.

n E l i f H

The focus of this study was to explore how officers perceive date_r_'ape.
Other research has suggested that these perceptions could be negative and
stereotypical. This study explicitly examined this issue and found that,
overall, many of the officers' beliefs were indeed quite unfavorable.

These police officers, however, did see some similarities between date
rape and stranger rape. It was hypothesized that there would be consistent
differences on all of these issues studied (seriousness, impact, punishment,
causes, blame, reasons for reporting), but this cannot be confirmed. The
officers reported that they felt date rape and stranger rape were equally
serious and deserved equally severe punishment.

Yet, there was strong support for the arguments of feminist legal
theorists because on must of the issues surveyed, the officers did perceive
differences between date rape and stranger rape. Similar to the laws of
most states, the officers made no distinction between stranger and
nonstranger rape in some answers, but in most others, clearly saw

differences. For example, officers believed that stranger rape is more

48

psychologically devastating than date rape. Officers also felt that date rape
was caused more by a need for sex and that stranger rape was caused more
by a need for power. Feminists and rape victim advocates have long argued
that rape, all forms of rape, is caused by a need for power, not sex
(Brownmiller, 1975; Russell, 1984; Sanday, 1990; Schechter, 1982). Believing
that rape is committed for sex trivializes the event and the trauma it causes
women as well as ignores the political implications of male violence against
women (Brownmiller, 1975; Koss, 1990; MacKinnon, 1987; Russell, 1990). A
common theme emerged in the officers' answers of blaming the victim and
questioning her credibility. Thus, overall, the officers appeared to see many

more differences between date rape and stranger rape than similarities.

CHAPTER 3

STUDY TWO

P f h n h se

The focus of this study was to explore factors that might predict police
officers' perceptions of date rape and to examine the interrelationships
among these variables. To achieve this goal, a model predicting officers'
attitudes toward date rape was proposed and evaluated. The results of
Study One indicated that the officers' perceptions of date rape were rather
victim blaming. In order to address these biases, we need to understand
what factors shape and influence their beliefs. The variables that predict
police perceptions of rape have not been studied very extensively and
individual-level predictors, such as sex role stereotypes, have been the
primary focus. This study expanded previous work by also examining the
impact of ecologically-based factors. This model used both individual-level
and contextual-level variables as predictors of perceptions of date rape.
Vag’ablee Examined iu the Medel

n x l- 1 re i r ri l
a) Experience with rape. Field experience in policing is

thought to be one factor that affects officers' beliefs and attitudes toward
crime and the public (Van Maanen, 1973). As a result, field experience
with rape may be related to perceptions of date rape. Feild (197 8) reported,
however, that experience with rape cases did not affect officers' attitudes

toward rape. Due to the fact that more women have come forward to report

50

rape since Feild's study was conducted, these results may have changed.
Working with victims and witnessing their devastation may challenge
officers' rape stereotypes. In their experiences, officers may see behaviors
that might be supportive of common rape myths (e.g., alcohol use by the
victim, poor judgment by the victim), but, overall, experience could have a
positive impact, challenging stereotypical beliefs. Through experience
officers may see, for example, that although date rape victims may not have
exercised good judgment, they are not to blame for the assault.

b) Training on rape. Training on rape may teach officers about
rape and its impact, providing them with information that may contradict
their own beliefs. Most officers have had special training on rape (93% of
this sample had had training), so instead this model examined how helpful
the officers perceived this training to be. Officers who found training to be
very helpful may have more progressive attitudes toward date rape.

c) Sexual harassment in the workplace. The potential positive
influence of experience with rape cases and training on rape could be
undercut by a sexist work environment. Since the vast majority of rape
victims are female, officers' interactions with women in their work
environment and the degree to which sexual harassment is a problem may
affect their beliefs. It has been argued that the impact of a sexualized work
environment may move outside the realm of the workplace--i.e., a
sexualized work environment may affect not only one's co-workers and how
they are treated, but also how one thinks about and treats the people one
serves as a part of one's job. If the environment in which police work and

spend the vast majority of their time reinforces the idea women want to be

51

flirted with and want to harassed, and like it, then the credibility of a date
rape victim when she reports the assault may be severely questioned.

The measurement and testing of these ideas becomes somewhat
problematic because existing research and measures on sexual
harassment have concentrated primarily on pereeptiens of sexual
harassment--i.e., the degree to which sexual harassment is perceived as a
problem. This is not the same as an objective measure of the degree to
which sexual harassment actually Queues. Although it would be very
informative to examine the impact of the eeeurrenee of sexual harassment
on officers' beliefs, this model explored only a first step and investigated the
impact of pereeiyed sexual harassment in the workplace. To label actions
as harassing requires a certain awareness--awareness that women are
people, not objects or sexual objects. Thus, officers who believe that sexual
harassment is a problem in their workplace may have more progressive
attitudes toward date rape.

2 ' ' 1-1 1 r i r ri l

a) Sex role stereotypes. General attitudes toward women have
been reported to be strong predictors of opinions toward rape (Burt, 1980;
Feild, 197 8). Officers who have liberal, progressive ideas about women may
be less victim blaming on the issue of rape. People who believe that women
should have many choices and have control over their lives and bodies are
at a very different place than those who believe that women should service
men and children. Favorable attitudes toward women in general may be
related to more progressive attitudes toward date rape in particular.

3, Quteeme yariable, The outcome variable was perceptions of date

rape. Attitudes and beliefs about rape are quite complex and multi-faceted

52

(Burt, 1980; Feild, 197 8; Ward, 1988). This project defined perceptions of
date rape more broadly than previous research by construing attitudes
toward dating violence, attitudes toward why women report rape, general
attitudes toward date rape, and beliefs about the similarities and
differences between stranger rape and date rape as indieatere of
perceptions of date rape. 10 The primary difference between this study and
other research is that previous work has used attitudes toward dating
violence as predictors of rape beliefs (Burt, 1980). But, date rape ie dating
violence, consequently, this project conceptualized attitudes toward dating
violence as a component of perceptions of date rape. Thus, this study used a
more inclusive definition and assessment of perceptions of date rape.
Sr r thoelanH thses

These five latent variables (three contextual-level variables, one
individual-level variable, and the outcome variable) were used to create the
model, forming three levels. The first level included contextual variables:
experience with rape cases, perceived helpfulness of training on rape, and
perceived sexual harassment in the workplace. The second level was sex
role stereotypes. The third level was perceptions of date rape. See Figure 1

for the conceptual schematic of the model.

 

10 It is important to note the distinction between iu_di_c_atg_r_s of latent constructs and the
lateutjgusmlcts themselves. In this instance, the latent construct, perceptions of date rape,
has multiple indicators (four). The other latent constructs in this model (experience,
perceived helpfulness of training, perceived sexual harassment, and sex role stereotypes)
have only a single indicator. The measurement difficulties of having only a single
indicator for a latent construct will be discussed and resolved in following sections.

Figure 1

fD te

hematic of the Model Predi ‘tin Poli e Per e tion

1

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54

Research from social psychology was instrumental in creating the
structure of the model. Social psychological literature has suggested that
attitudes are best predicted by other, very related, attitudes (Ajzen, 1982).
Adapting this idea to the current model, opinions toward date rape may be
affected by attitudes toward women. Other variables, although having
some impact on rape beliefs, would be more distant and less predictive
influences. As a result, experience, perceived helpfulness of training, and
perceived sexual harassment in the workplace were modeled as first-level
variables-those most distant to the outcome variable. Direct links between
all three of these contextual-level variables and perceptions of date rape
were hypothesized.

These contextual-level variables, though, may have a more general
impact on police. Experience with rape cases and training on rape may
impact how officers think about women in general. Similarly, believing
that sexual harassment is a problem in the police work climate may be
related to officers' attitudes toward women. Consequently, links between
experience, perceived helpfulness of training, and perceived sexual
harassment in the workplace and sex role stereotypes were hypothesized.

The final links in the model were between sex role stereotypes and
perceptions of date rape. Beliefs about women in general may have a strong
impact on beliefs about date rape in particular.

Thus, two pathways to perceptions of date rape are modeled: 1) an
indirect pathway--experience, perceived helpfulness of training, and
perceived sexual harassment in the workplace tQ sex role stereotypes t9

perceptions of date rape; and 2) a direct pathway--experience, perceived

55

helpfulness of training, and perceived sexual harassment in the workplace
te perceptions of date rape.

This model must be evaluated at three levels: 1) Did the overall model
work? (i.e., Did the data fit the proposed model?); 2) Were the slgue on the
path coefficients consistent with the predictions about how these variables
are related to officers' perceptions of date rape? and 3) Was the eiae of the
path coefficients sufficient (i.e., Were the path coefficients significant?) It
was hypothesized that more experience, perceiving training on rape as very
helpful, and believing that sexual harassment is a problem in the
workplace would be related to more progressive attitudes toward date rape.
Positive attitudes toward women in general were also hypothesized to be
related to progressive attitudes toward date rape. Thus, all of the path
coefficients should be p_Q_si_ti_ue and significant.

Methed
h r i ' n

The research participants for this study were the same as in Study
One. Police officers from the Champaign, Illinois Police Department (CPD)
(N=53) and the Michigan State University Department of Public Safety
(DPS) (N=38) were surveyed (total N=91).

D i n Pr r

The design and procedure for Study Two were identical to Study One.
Measures

Eight quantitative scales from the written questionnaire were used
for the analyses in Study Two. While detailed information regarding scale
development is presented below as appropriate, a brief summary of the

quantitative scaling rules is warranted. For items within a scale, item

56

standard deviations were examined and reliability analyses were conducted
to generate corrected item-total correlations. The decision rules employed
required that items with standard deviations of less than .50 and items
whose corrected item-total correlations were less than .30 were dropped.
The remaining item-total correlations were also examined to ensure the
difference between the largest and smallest remaining correlations was not
greater than .30. Items not meeting this criterion were dropped.
1 n x l-level redic r meas re

a) Experience with rape-The Experience With Rape Scale
(EWR). Police officers' experience with rape cases was assessed by eight
questions developed by the researcher that asked if they have ever known a
stranger/date rape victim, if they had ever interviewed a stranger/date rape
victim, if they had ever been stranger/date raped, and if they had ever
testified at a stranger/date rape trial. These items were dichotomously
coded and then summed to create a scale where higher scores reflect more
experience with rape cases. Four items were dropped from this scale due to
lack of variability or low corrected item-total correlations (personally raped
and testifying at trial questions). Table 5 presents the final EWR scale
items, means, standard deviations, and corrected item-total correlations.
Alpha for this scale was .60.

b) Training on rape--The Helpfulness of Training Scale (HTS).
Only two items comprised the Helpfulness of Training Scale. Officers were
asked how helpful their fi_ret training on rape was and how helpful their
matteeent training on rape was. Officers answered on a five-point scale

(1=not helpful at all; 5=very helpful). Due to the fact that this scale had so

57

few items, the internal consistency was somewhat low (alpha=.40). Table 6

presents the HTS scale and its psychometric properties.

Table 5

P h m ri Pr erties of Ex erience

ithRa e c le E

 

 

Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
1. Knows a stranger .32 .47 .37
rape victim
2. Knows a date .42 .50 .42
rape victim
3. Has interviewed a .86 .35 .40
stranger rape victim
4. Has interviewed a .75 .44 .37

date rape victim

Alpha=.60 Scale Mean=2.35

Scale SD=1.20

 

Table 6
Peyehemetrie Prepertiee ef Helpfulnese ef Training Seale (HTS)

 

 

Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
1. Helpfulness of first 3.31 .97 .36
training
2. Helpfulness of most 3.97 .36 .35

recent training

Alpha=.40 Scale Mean=7.27 Scale SD=1.15

 

c) Sexual harassment in the workplace--The Sexualized Work
Environment Scale (SWES). Sexual harassment in the workplace was
measured with Gutek et al.'s (1990) Sexualized Work Environment Scale.
The scale consisted of eight items that asked how frequently various events
(e.g., flirting) occur in the workplace. Respondents answered on a four-
point scale that ranged from "very frequently" to "not frequently at all."
These ratings were then summed to create a scale. Higher scores indicate
that the participants' saw sexual harassment as a problem in their
workplace. One item in the original scale was dropped due to a low item-
total correlation. The psychometric properties of the final scale are
presented in Table 7. The SWES had an alpha of .83, which was higher
than in Gutek's original work (.73).

Table 7

P ho-m ' 'vrortie OfSXU-‘llZB oorkEnvirnm‘n -

11' - A‘ -

 

 

Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
1. There is social pressure 2.77 .51 .56
to flirt with men
2. There is social pressure 2.75 .49 .51
to flirt with women
3. Sexual harassment is a 2.59 .54 .39
problem
4. Women dress to appear 2.89 .81 .58
sexually attractive
5. Men dress to appear 3.05 .79 .57
sexually attractive
6. Women act sexually 3.36 .66 .74
seductive
7. Men act sexually 3.28 .73 .73

seductive

Alpha=.83 Scale Mean=20.69

Scale SD=3.23

 

a)

2. Individual-level predictor measure,

a) Sex role stereotypes--The Attitudes Toward Women Scale
(ATW). A modified version of Spence, Helmreich, and Stapp's (1973)
Revised Attitudes Toward Women Scale was used to assess sex role
stereotyping. The Revised ATW consisted of 25 items that assessed Opinions
toward the rights and roles of women in society. Respondents rated their
agreement with each item on a five-point Likert scale (1=strongly disagree;
5=strongly agree). Five items were dropped a priori due to ambiguous
wording (i.e., the attitude statement could be interpreted several ways) and
an additional ten were dropped because of very low factor loading values
reported by Spence et al.. The remaining ten items were administered to
the participants in this study. Subjects' ratings for each item were
summed to create the final scale: some items were reverse scored so that
higher scores reflect more favorable attitudes toward women. Five items
were dropped due to low item-total correlations. These five items did not
form a separate scale. Table 8 presents the final five-item scale and its
psychometric properties. This version of the ATW had acceptable internal
consistency (alpha=.82).

3, Quteeme measures, Given that perceptions of date rape are likely
quite complex, this latent variable was "unpacked" and measured with four
indicators.

a) Perceptions of date rape--The Attitudes Toward Dating and
Violence Scale (ATDV). Two established measures were used to create the
ATDV scale. Burt's (1980) scale of Adversarial Sexual Beliefs (ABS) and
her scale of Acceptance of Interpersonal Violence (AIV) were included to

assess opinions toward dating and violence in intimate relationships. The

Table 8

Psychemetrie Prepertiee Qf Attitudes Teward Wemen Seale (ATW)

 

 

Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
1. Women should worry 4.21 .83 .61
about being good wives
and mothers (R)
2. Women should not 4.21 .91 .63
expect the same freedom
as men (R)
3. Fathers should have more 4.19 .85 .64
authority (R)
4. Women should concentrate 4.29 .80 .67
more on raising
children (R)
5. Men should be given 4.02 .99 .56

hiring preference (R)

Alpha=.82 Scale Mean=20.92

Scale SD=3.37

 

Nate, R=item was reverse scored.

62

ABS consisted of nine statements about the adversarialness of male-female
intimate relationships. Subjects rate their agreement with each item on a
five-point Likert scale (1=strongly disagree; 5=strongly agree). Based on the
item-total correlations reported by Burt, four items were dropped a priori
and a five-item version was used in this study. The AIV has an identical
format and consisted of six attitude statements about violence in intimate
relationships. Again, based on the published psychometric properties, two
items were dropped a priori and a four item scale was administered to the
participants. The modified ASB and AIV were very highly correlated
(_r;=.80, p <.01), so the items were combined into one scale. Reliability
analysis was conducted on the combined nine-item scale. Subjects' ratings
for each item were summed for the final scale and higher scores indicated
more progressive attitudes toward dating and the acceptability of violence in
intimate relationships (i.e., ideas that dating is not fundamentally
exploitive and that violence is not acceptable in dating situations). One item
was dropped due to lack of variability. The psychometric properties of the
final eight-item scale are presented in Table 9. The ATDV had acceptable
internal consistency with a final alpha of .89.

b) Perceptions of date rape--The Attitudes Toward Rape
Reporting Scale (ATRR). Eight items written by the investigator examined
perceptions of why women report rape. Four reasons, asked first about
stranger rape, then date rape, were presented. All of these reasons have
been cited in the literature as reasons given by victims for reporting (e.g.,
education/counseling for the rapist) or are stereotypical reasons often
thought of as motivating reporting (e.g., revenge). For each statement,

respondents rated their agreement on a five-point Likert scale (1=strongly

Table 9

P h me ri Pro erties of A ti udes Towar Datin and

iol nce c l

 

 

(ATDV)
Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation

1. A woman will only 1.55 .65 .59
respect a man who will
lay down the law to her

2. A man must show who 1.46 .62 .74
is boss

3. Women are sweet until 1.90 .83 .74
they get the man

4. Women take advantage 1.76 .68 .79
of men

5. Women are sly and 2.19 1.00 .61
manipulating

6. Being roughed up is 1.81 .75 .58
sexually stimulating to
women

7. Women want to have 1.79 .67 .68
sex forced on them

8. Sometimes the only 1.48 .55 .64
way to turn on a cold
woman is to use force

Alpha=.89 Scale Mean=13.93 Scale SD=4.35

 

64

disagree; 5=strongly agree). With respect to the final scale, four items were
dropped due to low item-total correlations. Although these items did not
create an internally consistent separate scale, they appeared to all be
"positive" reasons why women may report (education/counseling for rapist
and feelings by victims that rape is a crime and should be punished). The
ratings from the four remaining items were summed to create a final
score. Higher scores reflect a more positive evaluation of why women
report rape (i.e., do not believe women report to seek revenge or to protect
their reputations). Table 10 presents the psychometric properties of this
scale. The ATRR had a final alpha of .73.
c) Perceptions of date rape--The Attitudes Toward Date Rape

Scale (ATDR). The Attitudes Toward Date Rape Scale was developed by the
investigator and consisted of 20 statements that respondents rated their
agreement with on a five-point Likert scale (1=strongly disagree; 5=strongly
agree). The majority of the items in the ATDR were drawn from existing
measures (16 of 20 questions, 80%). Six items came from Ward's (1988)
Attitudes Toward Rape Victim Scale; six items from Feild's (1978) Attitudes
Toward Rape Scale; and four items from Larsen and Long's (1988) General
Attitudes Toward Rape Scale. In addition, four new items were created.
Since no measure has yet been developed that specifically assesses attitudes
towards date rape and date rape victims, most of the items from the other
questionnaires were modified to make them applicable.

The subjects' ratings of each item were summed to create the scale.
Some items were reverse scored so that higher scores indicate more
progressive and less stereotypical attitudes toward date rape. Examining

the corrected item-total correlations indicated that five items must be

 

 

Table 10
P 101' 1' _' op'rl' ofA i 0.: Tor-.rq '29' "straw _ -. ‘ i. N
Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
1. Women report 2.93 .64 .39
stranger rape to
seek revenge
2. Women report 2.72 .60 .55
stranger rape to
protect their reputations
3. Women report 2.49 .64 .62
date rape to
seek revenge
4. Women report 2.32 .67 .55

date rape to
protect their reputations

Alpha=.73 Scale Mean=10.46 Scale SD=1.90

 

66

dropped due to low correlations. Table 11 presents the final 15-item scale
and its measurement properties. Alpha for this scale was .81.

d) Perceptions of date rape--The Stranger Rape/ Date Rape
Comparison Scale (SRDR). In contrast to the previous scale, which
measured attitudes toward date rape, the SRDR scale asked respondents to
compare stranger rape and date rape on a number of dimensions. Thus,
the difference between these two outcome measures is that the ATDR
considers date rape in itself and the SRDR considers date rape in
comparison to stranger rape. The SRDR consisted of three items written by
the investigator that asked participants to compare stranger rape and date
rape on a number of dimensions, such as perceived seriousness as a crime,
psychological impact on victims, and seriousness of punishment. Subjects
rated each item on a one to seven scale (1=stranger rape is more of the
quality being questioned; 3=stranger rape and date rape are equal on the
quality being questioned; 7=date rape is more of the quality being
questioned). Subjects' ratings of each item were summed to create a final
score. Lower scores reflect beliefs that stranger rape is more serious, more
psychologically harmful to victims, deserving more severe punishment
than date rape; higher scores reflect beliefs that date rape is more serious,
more psychologically harmful, deserving more severe punishment than
stranger rape. Table 12 presents the SRDR scale and its measurement

properties. This scale had acceptable internal consistency (alpha=.7 7).

Table 11

 

 

'. hm ° 'Hrrie ofAti e T .11 D ' l ATD'
Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Tota1 Correlation
1. Most date rapes are 2.37 .81 .41
true (R)
2. Resistance should be an 2.17 .99 .50
important factor
determining a rape
3. Date rape is a woman 1.77 .82 .54
changing her mind
afterwards
4. It is OK to have sex with 2.35 1.11 .24
a drunk woman
5. It should be difficult to 2.31 .95 .39
prove date rape
6. Women claim date rape 2.41 .76 .53
to protect their '
reputations
7. Women put themselves 1.69 .83 .31
in risky situations
because they want to be
raped
8. Drunk women want sex 2.48 .90 .30
9. A woman should only 1.44 .83 .38
report rape if she was beaten
10. Even sexually 1.65 .64 .20
experienced women are
hurt by date rape (R)
11. Date raped women lack 1.82 .72 .59

good judgement

Table 11 (cont'd)

 

 

Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Total Correlation
12. A woman should feel 2.30 .80 .52
guilty following a date rape
13. Date rape happens 2.20 .76 .65
because women lead men on
14. Date rape is a 2.51 .95 .53
misinterpretation of
sexual cues
15. A woman cannot claim 1.48 .52 .39

rape if she had prior sex
with the assailant

Alpha=.81

Scale Mean=30.97

Scale SD=6.53

 

Note, R=item was reverse scored.

 

 

Table 12
h m ri Pr erties f Stran er Ra e/Dat Ra om rison 1
£832.31
Scale Items Item Item Corrected Item
Means SDs -Tota1 Correlation

1. Comparing psychological 2.98 1.53 .52

trauma of stranger rape

and date rape
2. Comparing the seriousness 3.20 1.21 .72

of stranger rape and

date rape
3. Comparing the severity 3.27 1.17 .64

of punishment for
stranger rape and
date rape

Alpha=.77 Scale Mean=9.45 Scale SD=3.00

 

7O

DataAnalxses

This model was tested via estimation with analysis of covariance
structures in LISREL VII (J oreskog & Sorbom, 1989). Table 13 presents the
correlation matrix analyzed. 11 The LISREL approach to path modeling
has two parts. The measurement model refers to the relationship of the
latent variables to the indicators (e.g., the relationship of perceptions of date
rape to the four scales used to assess it). The structural equation model
contains the structural relationships among the latent variables (e.g., the
relationships among experience, sex role stereotypes, and perceptions of
date rape). LISREL VII assesses the measurement model and structural
model simultaneously.

When assessing both models simultaneously, it is preferable that all
latent variables have at least two indicators (Bollen, 1989; Hayduk, 1987;
Schmitt & Bedeian, 1982). Due to the fact that not all of the latent variables
in this model had multiple indicators, adjustments for data analysis had to
be made. Followingia procedure recommended by Schmitt and Bedeian
(1982), the single indicators were randomly divided into two, making two
indicators for each of these latent variables. For example, the items in the
Experience With Rape Scale were randomly divided into two scales. Thus,
the latent variable "experience with rape" then had two indicators. This
procedure was used on the Experience With Rape Scale, the Helpfulness of
Training Scale, the Sexualized Work Environment Scale, and the Attitudes

Toward Women Scale (see Table 13 for correlations of the divided scales).

 

11 A correlation matrix is presented in this table for ease in interpretation, but for the
analyses it was converted to a covariance matrix. See Hayduk (1987) for a discussion on
why covariances must be used in LISREL instead of correlations.

71

Table13
li Mrixer lPreitinPlicPr i f

 

EWR1 EWR2 HTS1 HTS2

1. Experience With 1.0 ---------------
Rape Scale (pt. 1)

2. Experience With .90 * 1.0 ----------
Rape Scale (pt. 2)

3. Helpfulness of .07 .09 1.0 -----
Training Scale (pt. 1)

4. Helpfulness of .09 .11 .80 * 1.0
Training Scale (pt. 2)

5. Sexualized Work .21 * .17 .15 .14
Environment
Scale (pt. 1)

6. Sexualized Work .17 .18 .16 .15
Environment
Scale (pt. 2)

7. Attitudes Toward .49 * .48 * .36 * .34 *
Women Scale (pt. 1)

8. Attitudes Toward .48 * .51 * .32 * .35 *
Women Scale (pt. 2)

9. Attitudes Toward .29 * .32 * .39 * .38 *
Dating and Violence
Scale

10. Attitudes Toward .48 * .52 * .12 .16
Rape Reporting
Scale

11. Attitudes Toward .38 * .41 * .38 * .40 *
Date Rape Scale

12. Stranger Rape/ .28 * .25 * .27 * .29 *
Date Rape

Comparison Scale

Table 13 (cont'd)

 

1. Experience With
Rape Scale (pt. 1)

2. Experience With
Rape Scale (pt. 2)

3. Helpfulness of

Training Scale (pt. 1)

4. Helpfulness of

Training Scale (pt. 2)

5. Sexualized Work
Environment
Scale (pt. 1)

6. Sexualized Work
Environment
Scale (pt. 2)

7. Attitudes Toward
Women Scale (pt. 1)

8. Attitudes Toward
Women Scale (pt. 2)

9. Attitudes Toward
Dating and Violence
Scale

10. Attitudes Toward
Rape Reporting
Scale

11. Attitudes Toward
Date Rape Scale

12. Stranger Rape/
Date Rape
Comparison Scale

.86 *

1.0

.15

.17

.20 *

.20 *

.34 *

.20 *

.90 *

.75 *

.49 *

.76 *

.49

1.0

.70 *

.52 *

.77 *

.47 *

73
Table 13 (cont'd)

 

ATDV ATRR

1. Experience With ..........
Rape Scale (pt. 1)

2. Experience With ..........
Rape Scale (pt. 2)

3. Helpfulness of ..........
Training Scale (pt. 1)

4. Helpfulness of ..........
Training Scale (pt. 2)

5. Sexualized Work ----------
Environment
Scale (pt. 1)

6. Sexualized Work ..........
Environment
Scale (pt. 2)

7. Attitudes Toward ----------
Women Scale (pt. 1)

8. Attitudes Toward ----------
Women Scale (pt. 2)

9. Attitudes Toward 1.0 -----
Dating and Violence
Scale

10. Attitudes Toward .48 * 1.0
Rape Reporting
Scale

11. Attitudes Toward .80 * .52 *
Date Rape Scale

12. Stranger Rape/ .35 * .29 *
Date Rape
Comparison Scale

ATDR

1.0

.61 *

SRDR

 

Note, N=91 * p <.05

74

Results
E l i n f h M 1
As mentioned previously, there are three issues to consider in
evaluating the results of this model. First, the overall fit of the model was
considered. Three criteria are used to determine if the data fit the proposed

model:

1. A Chi Square Goodness of Fit Test: This should be _n_o;1;
significant, which indicates that there is no difference between
the data and the model. In other words, a non-significant chi
square means that the data fit the proposed model. But, with a
large number of parameters estimated (as is in this model) it is

too powerful a test and the two other criteria are used
(Hayduk, 1987; Joreskog, 1978).

2. Goodness of Fit Index/Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index:
These indices should be above .90 and .80, respectively. These

measures are used because the chi square test is often too
powerful (Hayduk, 1987).

3. Root Mean Square Residual: This measure should be close to
zero (Hayduk, 1987).

The three goodness of fit measures were within their appropriate range of
values, indicating that the data fit the proposed model. The chi square test
was significant (x 2 = 72.08, df=48, p = .01), but the Goodness of Fit Index
was .90, the Adjusted Goodness of Fit Index was .83, and the Root Mean
Square Residual was .06. The three contextual-level variables (experience
with rape cases, perceived helpfulness of training on rape, perceived sexual
harassment in the workplace) were significant predictors of the outcome
variable (perceptions of date rape). In addition to this direct path, the

contextual-level variables predicted the individual-level variable (sex role

75

stereotypes), which, in turn, predicted the outcome variable (perceptions of
date rape). Figure 2 presents the empirical evaluation of the model.

Second, the sign of the path coefficients was examined. It was
predicted that more experience, perceiving training on rape as very
helpful, and believing that sexual harassment is a problem in the
workplace would be related to more progressive attitudes toward date rape.
Positive attitudes toward women in general were also hypothesized to be
related to progressive attitudes toward date rape. All of the path coefficients
were hypothesized to be positive. As can be seen in Figure 2 all coefficients
were indeed positive.

Third, the s_i_z_e of the path coefficients was considered. It was
hypothesized that all of the relationships modeled would be significant (i.e.,
all path coefficients would be significant). Since the coefficients in the
measurement model are almost always significant,12 the key issue is
whether the indicators of a given underlying construct correlate more
highly with each other than with the other indicators. For example, the
two parts of the Experience With Rape Scale should correlate more highly
with each other than with any other indicators. This criteria was satisfied
fairly well in this model. As can be seen in Table 13, the two parts of the
Experience With Rape Scale did indeed correlate more highly with each
other than other indicators. This pattern was also found for the
Helpfulness of Training Scale and the Sexualized Work Environment Scale.

Similarly, the four indicators of the latent construct "perceptions of date

 

12 It is for this reason that asterisks do not appear on the path coefficents in the
measurement model) (Hayduk, 1987).

76

Figure 2

Dte

tin

v luation of th Model Pr dictin P lice Perc

 

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72.32.33 3.
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77

rape" were highly intercorrelated. The path coefficients for the structural
model were all statistically significant with one exception. The pathway
from perceived sexual harassment in the workplace to sex role stereotypes
only approached significance (p = .11). Given that most participants in this
project were male and that the police work environment is predominantly
male, this results is not surprising.

mm 1 s n E l i n f H h s

The purpose of this study was to propose and evaluate a model
predicting police officers' perceptions of date rape. The goal of this model
was to help understand what factors influence officers' beliefs so that we
might have some idea how to address and change negative perceptions of
date rape. The results of this study suggest that a complex web of factors
influence officers' ideas about date rape.

It was hypothesized that the data would fit the proposed model and
there was empirical support for this prediction. This model suggested that
officers with more experience held more sympathetic beliefs about date rape
and date rape victims. Officers who found their training on rape to be very
helpful and officers who believed that sexual harassment was a problem in
the workplace also had more progressive attitudes toward date rape. These
contextual-level variables also predicted officers' general attitudes toward
women. Officers with more experience and those who perceived that
training was very helpful and believed sexual harassment was a problem
had less negative and stereotypical attitudes toward women. Thus, this
model suggested that both contextual-level and individual-level variables
were significant predictors of perceptions of date rape. Practically, these

results suggest that addressing the work experiences and work climate, as

78

well officers' sex role stereotypes, may be effective starting points for

changing negative perceptions of date rape.

CHAPTER 4

DISCUSSION

This research project had two goals. First, police officers’
perceptions of dam were examined. Previous studies had concentrated
on attitudes toward stranger rape, almost to the exclusion of date rape or
other forms of nonstranger rape. Second, this research considered a wide
variety of factors that predict officers' perceptions of date rape. Existing
work had focused almost exclusively on individual-level predictors. This
study examined both individually-based and ecologically-based predictors.
Understanding what factors predict perceptions of date rape could be
helpful in understanding how to change those perceptions.
M ' 'n in

These two goals were examined in two studies. The results of Study
One suggested that the police officers' perceptions of date rape were rather
negative. The officers believed that stranger rape is more psychologically
devastating than date rape. They also felt that date rape was caused more
by a need for sex and that stranger rape was caused more by a need for
power. The police were rather victim blaming in that they felt victims were
more to blame for date rapes, but assailants were more to blame for
stranger rapes. The Victims' creditability was also questioned in that many
officers believed that date rape victims report the assault for revenge or to
protect their reputations; these police did not believe that stranger rape
victims report for these vindictive reasons as often. Thus, the officers saw

many differences between date rape and stranger rape.

80

Yet, most officers reported that they felt date rape and stranger rape
were equally serious and deserved equally severe punishment. These
results appear somewhat contradictory in light of the other findings.
However, the police officers' answers are no more contradictory than the
laws of most states. Most state laws make no mason distinction between
stranger and nonstranger rape and define rape by the act committed, not by
who committed it. In other words, most laws state that stranger rape and
date rape are equally serious and deserve equally severe punishment. But,
these laws also have evidentiary guidelines that allow testimony on
previous sexual contact between the victim and the assailant. In essence,
these laws indicate that there are circumstances associated with
nonstranger rape that go beyond the simple issue of an act of penetration by
the use of force or the threat of force. These guidelines do not state that
victims are to blame or that they report for vindictive reasons, but they do
set a standard of questioning the circumstances of date rape cases. This
standard of questioning was evident in the officers' perceptions of date rape.

Given that these officers appeared to have rather negative and
stereotypical perceptions of date rape, it would be helpful to know what
factors predict (and ultimately could help change) these beliefs. Study Two
examined a model predicting officers' perceptions of date rape and found
that both individual-level and contextual-level variables were good
predictors. Officers with more experience with rape cases had more
progressive attitudes toward date rape. Previous work had found that
experience had no impact on rape attitudes. This model also suggested that
police officers who found their training on rape to be very helpful and

officers who believed that sexual harassment was a problem in the

81

workplace had more sympathetic attitudes toward date rape. In addition to
this direct impact of the contextual-level variables on perceptions of date
rape, an indirect impact was also supported. Experience, perceived
helpfulness of training, and perceived sexual harassment predicted
officers' general attitudes toward women. Officers with more experience
and those who perceived that training was very helpful and believed sexual
harassment was a problem had less negative and stereotypical attitudes
toward women. These positive perceptions of women, in turn, predicted
more progressive perceptions of date rape. In this model, both contextual-
level and individual-level variables were significant predictors of
perceptions of date rape.
Im li in n Fu r Direci us

These findings have several implications for legal policy and
interventions. One of the key issues raised in this project was the explicit
and implicit messages of sexual assault laws. Most laws have a
differential standard for nonstranger rape, and the police officers in study
also perceived date rape differently. The results of this research suggest
that the goals of the rape reform legislation to shift the focus from the
victim to the assailant may not have been satisfied yet in the case of date
rape. If the focus of rape laws and rape trials is to be on the assailant's
behavior and the act in question, then the laws need to further clarify that it
is the act in question WW that is to be considered.
Other incidents are irrelevant. With this explicit modification, rape laws
would send the implicit message that it does not matter how many times

the victim consented before this incident--on this incident, if she said "no"

82

and the assailant used force or the threat of force to have intercourse
anyway, then the assailant committed a punishable crime.

The results of this study hi-light the present inconsistencies in the
law by demonstrating how the enforcers of the law perceive this crime.
Working from the feminist perspective that all rape is rape, further
reforms of the law are necessary as is educating the police to these reforms.
Changing the laws is no guarantee that officers' own beliefs will change as
well.

Notwithstanding this issue of legal reform, the findings from this
project suggest that police officers still need education on date rape. As
mentioned previously, the law does not state, for example, that victims are
more to blame for date rape, which is what most of the police in this study
indicated. Even within the current legal framework, officers' perceptions
of date rape are still rather biased and stereotypical. Although this project
did not link these attitudes with actual behavioral responses, other
research has suggested that officers' negative and stereotypical attitudes
are sometimes communicated to the victim (Kerstetter & Van Winkle,
1990). The police are very important to the victim: they can influence how
she feels about herself and what decisions she may make (Feldman-
Summers & Palmer, 1980; Kerstetter & Van Winkle, 1990; Madigan &
Gamble, 1991). The model evaluated in this research can suggest several
approaches for addressing officers' beliefs about date rape.

First, encouraging rape victims to report the assaults will increase
police officers' contact with victims. Through experience officers may be
able to better understand the impact of rape and may change their

perceptions and treatment of rape victims. Increasing reporting rates

83

could benefit police officers, and, assuming sensitive treatment by the
officers, the victims as well. Reporting date rape is a necessary (although
not sufficient) step for prosecution and public recognition of date rape as a
crime.

Yet, concentrating on increasing reporting rates may not be the sole
answer to the present institutional bias against date rape. Ensuring
sensitive treatment by the police is critical. This model suggested that
officers who found training on rape to be very helpful had less negative and
stereotypical perceptions of date rape. It is, however, possible that these
officers already had progressive attitudes toward women and rape, and
hence, they learned more in training. This implies that training
interventions on rape may not be able to start with the issue of rape.
Instead, they may need to first concentrate on more general issues, such as
attitudes toward women and their rights and roles in society. Training
programs that address both general perceptions of women as well specific
information on rape may be effective in changing biased attitudes toward
date rape.

Field work and training programs are only part of the experiences of
police officers. The climate of their work environment may also impact
how they think about their job and how they actually perform their job. In
this study, officers who thought they were working in a sexually harassing
environment had more progressive perceptions of date rape. As noted
previously, this model did not examine the impact of the actual occurrence
of sexual harassment on attitudes toward date rape, but this relationship
should be explored in future research. Given that even perceived sexual

harassment was predictive of officers' attitudes, addressing sexual

84

harassment in the police work environment could be another beneficial
intervention strategy. Creating supportive work environments that do not
contribute to the degradation of women may help create a climate of respect
for women. Such a climate may impact officers' beliefs about women in
general and rape victims in particular.

Implicit in all of these interpretations and intervention suggestions
is the importance of attitudes toward women as determinants of rape
beliefs. Addressing women's rights and roles in society and sexist beliefs
may be an important place to start when educating or re-educating police
officers on rape. Within a feminist framework, this approach makes
intuitive and practical sense because rape is not just about an act of
penetration, it is about power, male power over women, and women's place
in society. Examining and challenging the larger social framework
addresses the deeper causes of rape.

M l ' l Limi i ns

There are several methodological problems that limit the usefulness
of this study in explaining how police officers perceive date rape. First, the
total sample size did not permit the testing of bi-directional relationships in
the path model. For example, it would have informative to test if the path
between perceived sexual harassment in the workplace and sex role
stereotypes was bi-directional. Conceptually, this is quite plausible since
awareness of sexual harassment is likely related to general attitudes
toward women, and vice versa. Adding this parameter in LISREL, and
other plausible bi-directional relationships, would have required nearly 30
more participants for an identifiable model (Hayduk, 1987). Practically,

this would have required surveying another research site.

85

Second, all of the data collected in this study were self report. Rape is
a very controversial and sensitive topic and officers have reason to bias their
answers to appear more aware and sensitive to the problem of rape. The
officers' answers may have been strongly influenced by social desirability
bias. Given that this possibility was not specifically tested for, it remains a
major threat to the validity of these results.

Third, a related problem is that the officers have been surveyed many
times, and as a result, may have a good idea how researchers seek
information. Out of simple practice learning how to give socially desirable
responses, their answers may be very biased. The mug; of their data is
somewhat questionable. It is important to note, however, that many
officers were quite direct in expressing stereotypical perceptions of date
rape, and, overall, officers' answers on many items did not necessarily
reflect great sensitivity to rape. But, since social desirability was not
directly assessed, it cannot be determined how biased officers' answers
were.

Fourth, common method bias may have affected the results. Only
one type of data were collected (self report) and no independent sources of
information were surveyed. For example, it might have been useful to
collect archival data from the police departments to verify how many rape
cases the officers had actually worked on. Similarly, an observational
technique to assess sexualization of the work environment and sexual
harassment may have been beneficial to provide another, convergent source
of data.

Finally, both samples were selected based on their availability, and,

therefore, the generalizability of these findings are unknown. The

86

demographic characteristics reported suggested that the officers' education
level was higher than national averages: 74% of the officers in this sample
were college graduates compared to 37% on the national level (Carter &
Sapp, 1991; US. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1992).
Thus, these results may be generalizable only to other officers with similar
education levels.
Conclusions

An exploratory examination of police officers' perceptions of date
rape was presented in this study. The findings suggested that officers'
attitudes were rather victim blaming and stereotypical. This research also
examined a multi-level model predicting police perceptions of date rape.
There was some evidence that both contextual-level and individual-level
variables, such as experience with rape, perceived helpfulness of training,
and perceived sexual harassment in the workplace, may affect officers'
perceptions of rape. These variables, and others, should be examined more
closely in future work to further articulate the impact of multi-level factors
on police perceptions. The fact that these contextual-level factors did affect
police perceptions of date rape lends support to the argument that changing
how the criminal justice system perceives and responds to rape cases will

require both individual and structural changes.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

Survey of Police Perceptions of Rape

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are a few questions that ask for some background information about
you. Please remember that this questionnaire is anonymous and all
information is confidential.

Please circle the appropriate response category or fill in the requested
information.

1. What is your gender?
l. MALE 2. FEMALE

2. What is your age?

 

3. What is your relationship status?

l. NO SERIOUS RELATIONSHIP AT THIS TIME

2. SERIOUS RELATIONSHIP, NOT LIVING TOGETHER

3. SERIOUS RELATIONSHIP. LIVING TOGETHER AND NOT MARRIED
4. SERIOUS RELATIONSHIP, MARRIED

5. SEPARATED (EITHER LEGALLY OR NON-LEGALLY)

6. DIVORCED. NOT IN A NEW RELATIONSHIP

7. DIVORCED, IN A NEW RELATIONSHIP

8. REMARRIED

9. WIDOWED

4. How do you describe your sexual orientation?

1. PRIMARILY OR EXCLUSIVELY HETEROSEXUAL
2. BISEXUAL

3. PRIMARILY OR EXCLUSIVELY LESBIAN OR GAY
5. How do you describe your racial/ethnic background?

I. ASIAN/ASIAN AMERICAN

2. BLACK/AFRICAN AMERICAN
3. CAUCASIAN/WHITE

4. HISPANIC

5. NATIVE AMERICAN

6. OTHER

 

6. Do you have children?
I. YES 2. NO
6a. If yes, how many . . .

BOYS GIRLS

 

 

7. What is your highest education level attained?

1. HS DIPLOMA/GED

2. SOME COLLEGE

3. COLLEGE DEGREE

4. SOME GRADUATE SCHOOL

5. MASTERS OR OTHER ADVANCED DEGREE

8. How long have you been a police officer? YEARS MONTHS

9. How long have you been at this police department?___YEARS __ MONTHS

10. What is your current position/job title?

 

11. How long have you held this position? YEARS MONTHS

12. What is your current shift?

 

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are a few general questions about crime and the way crime can
impact victims. Please circle your answer to each question, choosing from
the response categories listed after each question.

The response categories are a little different for some questions, so please
read them carefully.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

Please circle only one number for each statement.

1. Would you say that being a victim of a property crime would cause a person to be . . .

MUCH MORE AFRAID OF PROPERTY CRIME

SOMEWHAT MORE AFRAID OF PROPERTY CRIME

A LITTLE MORE AFRAID OF PROPERTY CRIME

NO CHANGE IN HOW AFRAID THEY ARE OF PROPERTY CRIME

 

 

 

AwwI-a

89

2. Would you say that being a victim of a property crime would cause a person to be . . .

MUCH MORE CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR PROPERTY 1
SOMEWHAT MORE CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR PROPERTY 2
A LITTLE MORE CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR PROPERTY 3
NO CHANGE IN HOW CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR PROPERTYW4

3. Would you say that being a victim of a violent crime, such as assault or battery, would
cause a person to be . . .

MUCH MORE AFRAID OF VIOLENT CRIME

SOMEWHAT MORE AFRAID OF VIOLENT CRIME

A LITTLE MORE AFRAID OF VIOLENT CRIME

NO CHANGE IN HOW AFRAID THEY ARE OF VIOLENT CRIME

 

poorer-I

 

4. Would you say that being a victim of a violent crime would cause a person to be . . .

MUCH MORE CAUTIOUS WITH THEIR SAFETY 1
SOMEWHAT MORE CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR SAFETY 2
A LITTLE MORE CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR SAFETY 3
NO CHANGE IN HOW CAUTIOUS OR CAREFUL WITH THEIR SAFETY 4

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are a few questions about rape and how to define it. For most of these
questions you will be asked to write a brief answer in your own words.

For a few questions you will be asked to choose your answer from the
response categories listed after the question.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

Please circle only one number for each statement.

5. As you know, it's the legislators that make the laws and decide how to define crimes and
what the punishments will be. But, you are actually out in the communities dealing with
victims, dealing with criminals, which likely gives you a very different perspective.

Given this perspective, how do you define rape? Not what the law says, but rather what is
your definition of rape?

6. Similarly, how do you define date rape/acquaintance rape?

EX)

7. When thinking about the psychological impact on victims, how does being a victim of
stranger rape compare to being a victim of date rape?

STRANGER RAPE MUCH MORE SERIOUS IMPACT
STRANGER RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SERIOUS IMPACT
STRANGER RAPE LITTLE MORE SERIOUS IMPACT
EQUAL IMPACT
DATE RAPE A LITTLE MORE SERIOUS IMPACT
DATE RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SERIOUS IMPACT
DATE RAPE MUCH MORE SERIOUS IMPACT

 

 

ammpwww

8. Now thinking about the actual legal definition, what is the definition of Criminal
Sexual Conduct?

9. Do you see rape and Criminal Sexual Conduct as the same thing?

1. YES
2. NO

10. As you know, the issue of consent (whether consent to have sex was given) is sometimes
important in rape cases. What do you think should be the legal criteria for leek of consent?
Please check all that you think should be used in the law. Then, please rank order the
criteria you selected. Assign a "1" to the factor you think should be most important in
defining consent in the law, a "2" for the second most important factor, and so on.

USED RAN K

A VERBAL "NO" FROM THE POTENTIAL VICTIM
REPEATED VERBAL "NO" FROM THE POTENTIAL VICTIM
NON-VERBAL "NO" (E.G., BODY LANGUAGE THAT SAYS
"NO") FROM THE POTENTIAL VICTIM

REPEATED NON-VERBAL "NO" (E.G., BODY LANGUAGE
THAT SAYS "NO") FROM THE POTENTIAL VICTIM

ANCACT OF PHYSICAL RESISTANCE FROM THE POTENTIAL
VI TIM

REPEATED ACTS OF PHYSICAL RESISTANCE FROM THE
POTENTIAL VICTIM

11. Now thinking about conditions under which a victim could give consent, do you think
the law should include the following stipulations? Please check all of the categories that
you think the law should include.

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF LEGALLY DRUNK

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF
ALCOHOL (NOT LEGALLY DRUNK)

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF HIGH ON DRUG(S)

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF UNDER 18

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF SHE/HE MENTALLY
HANDICAPPED

A VICTIM CANNOT GIVE CONSENT IF SHE/HE IS A VIRGIN

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are some questions about several different issues concerning rape
(e.g., reporting rapes, prosecuting rapes). Please circle your answer to

91

each question, choosing from the response categories listed after each
question. For one question you are asked to write in a brief answer in your
own words.

The response categories are a little different for some questions, so please
read them carefully.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

Please circle only one number for each statement.

These questions are about the causes of stranger rape er date/acquaintance rape.
12. How much do you see an assailant's desire for sex as a cause of stranger rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

UlohOONr-i

13. How much do you see an assailant's need for control and power as a cause of stranger
rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

(J'IubfirOINDI-dI

14. How much do you see alcohol use by an assailant as a cause of stranger rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

UIAwlOt-i

15. How much do you see "craziness" of an assailant as a cause of stranger rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

muthI—t

16. How much do you see the behavior of women (dress, their actions) as a cause of stranger
rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

01$me

92

17. How much do you see an assailant's desire for sex as a cause of datum? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

Oinkwwr-t

 

18. How much do you see an assailant's need for control and power as a cause of date rape?
As a . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

crescent-i

19. How much do you see alcohol use by an assailant as a cause of date rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

Ulnb-OONH

20. How much do you see "craziness" of an assailant as a cause of date rape? As a . . .

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

 

Grammar-t

 

21. How much do you see the behavior of women (dress, their actions) as a cause of date
rape? As a.

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACTOR (I.E., THE SOLE CAUSE)
A VERY IMPORTANT FACTOR (BUT NOT THE SOLE CAUSE)
SOMEWHAT IMPORTANT FACTOR

A LITTLE IMPORTANT

NOT A CAUSE AT ALL

 

(”ACORN—-

 

Now thinking about the responsibility for stranger rape or date/acquaintance rape . . .
22. In most cases, how much is the victim to blame in a stranger, rape?

TOTAL BLAME

A LOT TO BLAME

A LITTLE TO BLAME
NO BLAME

 

 

4:me

93

23. In most cases, how much is the assailant to blame in a stranger rape?

TOTAL BLAME

A LOT TO BLAME

A LITTLE TO BLAME
NO BLAME

 

 

 

uI-‘nOONJH

24. In most cases, how much is the victim to blame in a date rape?

TOTAL BLAME

A LOT TO BLAME

A LITTLE TO BLAME
NO BLAME

 

 

 

hector-t

 

25. In most cases, how much is the assailant to blame in a date rape?

TOTAL BLAME

A LOT TO BLAME

A LITTLE TO BLAME
NO BLAME

 

 

beaten-u

 

These next questions are about why women report stranger rape 9x date/acquaintance rape
to the police.

26. How often do you think women make up or lie about strenger repe to seek revenge
against the alleged assailant?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

heater-t

27. How often do you think women make up or lie about stranger rape to protect their
reputations?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASION ALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

.5me

28. How often do you think women report stranger rape because they want
education/treatment for the alleged assailant?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

#ODNH-i

 

29. How often do you think women report stranger rape because they felt it was a crime and
should be punished?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

94

30. How often do you think women make up or lie about daterape to seek revenge against
the alleged assailant?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

Aurel—s

31. How often do you think women make up or lie about date rape to protect their
reputations?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASION ALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

ACQNH

32. How often do you think women report date rape because they want education/treatment
for the alleged assailant?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

33. How often do you think women report date rape because they felt it was a crime and
should be punished?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

~5me

Some womenchoownottoreporttothepolicefihwenextquestionsare aboutwhywomen
don't report stranger Q: date/acquaintance rape.

34. How often do you think women DON'T report a stranger rape because they were afraid
of some form of retaliation from the assailant?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

ACORN-

35. How often do you think women DON 'T report a stranger rape because they were afraid
no one would believe them?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

uthH-i

%

36. How often do you think women DON'T report a stranger rape because they have no
physical injuries or physical evidence?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

 

thH-t

37. How often do you think women DON'T report a stranger rape because they were afraid
their family or friends might find out about the incident?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

38. How often do you think women DON 'T report a stranger rape because they were afraid
of how the police might respond/treat them?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

39. How often do you think women DON 'T report a stranger rape because they don't want to
go through the lengthy process of reporting and prosecuting a rape?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

hater-d

40. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they were afraid of
some form of retaliation from the assailant?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

41. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they were afraid no
one would believe them?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

been»:

42. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they have no physical
injuries or physical evidence?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

%

43. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they had had sex with
the assailant before?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASION ALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

:5me

44. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they were drunk at the
time of the assault?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

theater-

 

45. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they were afraid their
family or friends might find out about the incident?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

ACORN-I

46. How often do you think women DON'T report a date rape because they were afraid of
how the police might respond/treat them?

 

 

 

VERY FREQUENTLY 1
OCCASIONALLY 2
SELDOM 3
NEVER 4

 

47. How often do you think women DON‘T report a date rape because they don't want to go
through the lengthy process of reporting and prosecuting a rape?

VERY FREQUENTLY
OCCASIONALLY
SELDOM

NEVER

 

hutch-

Now, thinking now about how seriousness a crime stranger rape 9x date/acquaintance
rape is . . .

48. How serious a crime is stranger rape?

NOT AT ALL SERIOUS

A LITTLE SERIOUS

SOMEWHAT SERIOUS

VERY SERIOUS

THE MOST SERIOUS OF ALL CRIMES

 

 

 

O'NAOONH

 

49. How serious a crime is date rape?

NOT AT ALL SERIOUS

A LITTLE SERIOUS

SOMEWHAT SERIOUS

VERY SERIOUS

THE MOST SERIOUS OF ALL CRIMES

 

 

 

with-“NH

 

97

50. How serious a crime is stranger rape compared to date rape?

STRANGER RAPE MUCH MORE SERIOUS
STRANGER RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SERIOUS
STRANGER RAPE A LITTLE MORE SERIOUS
EQUALLY SERIOUS
DATE RAPE A LITTLE MORE SERIOUS
DATE RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SERIOUS
DATE RAPE MUCH MORE SERIOUS

 

 

 

 

 

 

QmCflhwwt-i

 

51. How do you think the punishment for date rape should compare to the punishment for
stranger rape?

STRANGER RAPE MUCH MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT
STRANGER RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT
STRANGER RAPE A LITTLE MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT

CONH

SAME PUNISHMENT

DATE RAPE A LITTLE MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT
DATE RAPE SOMEWHAT MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT
DATE RAPE MUCH MORE SEVERE PUNISHMENT

QOSUIIB

52. Do you think there should be a separate statute! separate law for date rape (different
C80)?

1. YES
2. NO

52a. Why or why not?

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are a few questions that ask about rape, rapists, and rape victims.
For each question, please select your answer from the response categories
listed after each question. Please place a check mark on the line by your
answer.

Please choose one category for each question.

53. What percentage of women are victims of rape?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

59.

98

What percentage of raped women knew their attacker?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%
__76%-95%
__MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

What percentage of rapes are reported to the police?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

What percentage of rapes reported to police result in arrests?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

What percentage of accused rapists are found innocent or have their case dismissed?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

What percentage of rapes involve physical violence?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

What percentage of rapes involve alcohol by one or both parties?

LESS THAN 5%
5%-25%

26%-50%

51%-75%

76%-95%

MORE THAN 95%

 

 

 

 

 

 

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are some questions about your job as a police officer. Some of these
items are statements about the place in which you work (this police
department). For each statement, please decide whether you think the item
is true or false. Ifyou think the statement is true, or mostly true, please
circle true. If you think the statement is false, or mostly false, please circle
false.

For the other questions please circle your answer to each question, choosing
from the response categories listed after each question. The response

categories are a little different for some questions, so please read them
carefully.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

Please circle one answer for each statement.

60. The work of a police officer is really challenging. TRUE FALSE
61. There's not much group spirit here at this department. TRUE FALSE
62. A lot of people seem to be just putting in time here, TRUE FALSE
but don't really care.
63. People seem to take pride in the department. TRUE FALSE
64. People put quite a lot of effort into what they do. TRUE FALSE
65. Few people ever volunteer. TRUE FALSE
66. It is quite a lively place to work. TRUE FALSE
67. It's hard to get people to do any extra work. TRUE FALSE
68. The work in this job is usually very interesting. TRUE FALSE

69. Would you say that joking or talking about sexual matters at your work place happens .

 

 

FREQUENTLY 1
SOMETIMES 2
NOT AT ALL 3

 

70. Where you work, how much social pressure is there for women to flirt with men?

A LOT 1
SOME 2
NONE 3

100

71. Where you work, how much social pressure is there for men to flirt with women?

 

 

A LOT 1
SOME _ 2
NONE 3

 

72. How much of a problem at your place of work do you consider sexual harassment to be?

 

 

MAJOR PROBLEM 1
MINOR PROBLEM 2
NO PROBLEM 3

 

73. How many women (any women at work, including secretaries, support staff, etc.)
dress to appear sexually attractive to men at work?

MOST
SOME
HARDLY ANY
NONE

 

poorer-

74. How many men dress to appear sexually attractive to women at work?

MOST
SOME
HARDLY ANY
NONE

 

Aerator-i

75. How many women present themselves in sexually seductive ways to men at work?

 

 

MOST 1
SOME 2
HARDLY ANY 3
NONE 4

 

 

76. How many men present themselves in sexually seductive ways to women at work?

MOST
SOME
HARDLY ANY
NONE

 

#wNI—t

 

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are several questions about your personal and professional
experience with rape and rape victims. Please circle your answer to each
question, choosing from the response categories listed after each question.
For some questions, you will be asked to write a brief answer in your own
words.

The response categories are a little different for some questions, so please
read them carefully.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

101

Please circle one number for each statement.

77. As part of your job, have you ever received any special training dealing with rape?

1. YES (GO TO QUESTION 78 THROUGH 81, THEN ANSWER 82)
2. NO (GO TO QUESTION 82.)

78. How many times have you had training?

ONCE

TWICE

THREE TIMES

FOUR OR MORE TIMES

 

 

 

hector-I

 

79. When did you first receive this training?

IN POLICE TRAINING SCHOOL
WHEN YOU FIRST CAME TO THE DEPARTMENT
AFTER YOU HAD BEEN AT THE DEPARTMENT FOR A WHILE

 

(IDIOT-l

 

80. What was covered in the training? Please check all that apply. (If you have had
training more than once, please check the topics that were covered in any/all of the
trainings.)

THE CRIMINAL SEXUAL CONDUCT LAW
EVIDENCE COLLECTION PROCEDURES
INFORMATION ON RAPISTS
PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPACT ON VICTIMS
HOW TO DEAL WITH VICTIMS

OTHER

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

81. How helpful was this training?

NOT VERY HELPFUL AT ALL
SOMEWHAT HELPFUL
A LITTLE HELPFUL
VERY HELPFUL

beater-

 

82. Would you like to have (more/any) training on the t0pic of rape?

1. YES (IF YES GO TO QUESTION 83 THROUGH 86, THEN ANSWER 87)
2. NO (IF NO GO TO QUESTION 87)

83. What topics would you like to have covered in training? Please check all that apply.

THE CRIMINAL SEXUAL CONDUCT LAW
EVIDENCE COLLECTION PROCEDURES
INFORMATION ON RAPISTS
PSYCHOLOGICAL IMPACT ON VICTIMS

 

 

 

 

102

HOW TO DEAL WITH VICTIMS
OTHER

 

84. How helpful would victim's accounts/stories from victims be in a training program?

NOT VERY HELPFUL AT ALL
SOMEWHAT HELPFUL

A LITTLE HELPFUL

VERY HELPFUL

 

4:me

85. How helpful would rape counselor's stories/expertise be in a training program?

NOT VERY HELPFUL AT ALL
SOMEWHAT HELPFUL

A LITTLE HELPFUL

VERY HELPFUL

 

4:me

 

86. How helpful would lawyers be in a training program?

NOT VERY HELPFUL AT ALL
SOMEWHAT HELPFUL

A LITTLE HELPFUL

VERY HELPFUL

hector-d

(EVERYBODY ANSWER REMAINING QUESTIONS)
87. Have you personally known a woman who was raped by a stranger?

1. YES (IF YES, HOW MANY _ __)
2. NO

88. Have you personally known a woman who was raped by someone she knew ?

1. YES (IF YES, HOW MANY _ __)
2. NO

89. Have you personally ever been raped by a stranger?

1. YES
2. NO

90. Have you personally ever been raped by someone you knew?

1. YES
2. NO

91. Have you ever testified in court during a rape trial?

1. YES (IF YES, HOW MANY TOTAL _ _;
HOW MANY STRANGER _ _;
HOW MANY DATE _ __ )

2. NO

92. How many times have you interviewed stranger rape victims about their rape? _ _

93. How many times have you interviewed date rape victims about their rape? __ _

103

These next few questions ask you to respond in your own words about how you handle (i.e.,
respond to) rape cases in your job.

94. BRIEFLY walk me through how you have responded (or would respond if you have
never worked on a rape case) to a strange: rape case. Please start at the point where you
have received the call and have gone to see the victim (or the victim was brought in).
Please write about how you try to decide if a rape occurred and the factors that influence
your decision (e.g., the victim did/did not have injuries and this is a very
important/somewhat important/a little important to me in trying to sort out the case).
Also, please write a little on the types of questions you ask victims. Finally, please write a
little on the procedures you follow.

Decision Making Process & Important Factors:
Questions for Victims:

Procedures:

95. BRIEFLY walk me through how you have responded (or would respond if you have
never worked on a rape case) to a date rape case. Please start at the point where you have
received the call and have gone to see the victim (or the victim was brought in). Please
write about how you try to decide if a rape occurred and the factors that influence your
decision (e.g., the victim did/did not have injuries and this is a very important/somewhat
important/a little important to me in trying to sort out the case). Also, please write a little
on the types of questions you ask victims. Finally, please write a little on the procedures
you follow.

Decision Making Process & Important Factors:
Questions for Victims:

Procedures:

96. How have your opinions and perceptions of rape changed as a result of your experience
working on rape cases?

97. How have you changed the way in which you respond to rape cases and rape victims
since you first became a police officer? In other words, how has your treatment of these
cases changed from earlier in your career to later in your career?

98. What in your experiences (either professional or personal) has been most helpful to you
in responding to rape cases?

99. How has your department and colleagues influenced how you respond to rape cases?

100. How has you department and colleagues influenced how you think about rape in
general?

104

INSTRUCTIONS:

Below are a number of statements. Please rate the degree to which you
agree with each statement using the following scale:

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Many of the following statements may offend you. Again, please be patient
and answer the questions as best you can.

Please circle the number that corresponds to your answer.

Do not place a mark between two numbers, please pick one number for your
answer.

Please circle only one number for each statement.

 

1. Most charges of date rape are true.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

2. The degree of a woman's resistance should be the major factor in determining if a
date rape has occurred.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4---- -- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

3. A woman should not feel guilty following a date rape.
l -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

4. Rape of a woman by a man she knows can be defined as "a woman who changed

her mind afterward."
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5

STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

10.

11.

105

Women who "give in" to psychological pressure from men to have sex are really
raped.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

There is nothing wrong with a man having sex with a woman when she is drunk or
stoned on drugs.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

In order to protect the male, it should be difficult to prove that a date rape has
occurred.

 

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 - —5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women often claim rape to protect their reputations.

 

 

 

I - 2 -------- 3 --4 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Date rape is the expression of an uncontrollable desire for sex.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women who have sex with a man because they are afraid he might hurt them
should feel justified believing they were raped.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women put themselves in situations in which they are likely to be sexually
assaulted because they have an unconscious desire to be raped.

T -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5

STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

106

12. Intoxicated women are usually willing to have sex.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

13. Rape by a date or boyfriend is more psychologically painful to women than rape by
a total stranger.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

14. Only women who are physically beaten should feel justified in reporting a rape.
l -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

15. Even sexually experienced women can really be emotionally hurt by date rape.
l -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

16. Women who have been raped by someone they know lack good judgement.
l -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

17. Women who feel guilty about engaging in premarital sex are likely to falsely

claim rape.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

18. Most date rapes happen because women lead men on.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

19. Date rape is generally a misinterpretation of sexual cues.
l -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY

DISAGREE AGREE

 

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

107

Women who have had prior sex with a man can't claim rape.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

A woman will only respect a man who will lay down the law to her.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

A man's got to show the woman who's boss right from the start or he'll end up
henpecked.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women are usually sweet until they've caught a man, but then they let their true
selves Show.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

In a dating relationship a woman is largely out to take advantage of a man.

 

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Most women are sly and manipulating when they are out to attract a man.

 

T -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Being roughed up is sexually stimulating to many women.
I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5

STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

 

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

108

Many times a woman will pretend she doesn't want to have intercourse because
she doesn't want to seem loose, but she's really hoping the man will force her.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Sometimes the only way a man can get a cold woman turned on is to use force.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

A man is never justified in hitting his wife.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women should take increasing responsibility for leadership in solving the
intellectual and social problems of today.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Both husband and wife should be allowed the same grounds for divorce.

 

I -------------------- 2 --------------- 3 — ------ 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Under modern economic conditions with women being active outside the home,
men should share in household tasks such as washing dishes and doing the
laundry.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

There should be a strict merit system in job appointments and promotions without
regard to sex.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5

STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

109

Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives
and mothers.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women earning as much as their dates should bear equally the expense when
they go out together.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

A woman should not expect to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the
same freedom of action as a man.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in the bringing
up of children.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

Women should be concerned with their duties of childbearing and house tending,
rather than with desires for professional and business careers.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5
STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in
being hired or promoted.

I -------------------- 2 -------------------- 3 -------------------- 4 -------------------- 5

STRONGLY DISAGREE NEUTRAL AGREE STRONGLY
DISAGREE AGREE

APPENDIX B

Qualitative Coding Sheet

5. As you know, it's the legislators that make the laws and decide how to define crimes and
what the punishments will be. But, you are actually out in the communities dealing with
victims, dealing with criminals, which likely gives you a very difl’erent perspective.
Given this perspective, how do you define rape? Not what the law says, but rather what is
your definition of rape?

CODES:
Was mentioned:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. penetration 1. YES 2. NO
2. threat of force 1. YES 2. NO
3. use of force 1. YES 2. NO
4. psychological pressure/psychological force 1. YES 2. NO
5. lack of consent/"unwanted"/against will 1. YES 2. NO
6. 080 mentioned 1. YES 2. NO
7. gender neutral 1. YES 2. NO
8. "known" neutral 1. YES 2. NO
9. emotionally harmful to victims 1. YES 2. NO
10. date rape/stranger rape distinction made 1. YES 2. NO
11. stranger rape more violent than date rape 1. YES 2. NO
12. stranger rape less violent than date rape 1. YES 2. NO
13. rape is most violent/one of most violent acts 1. YES 2. NO
14. intent of assailant--sex 1. YES 2. NO
15. intent of assailant--power, control 1. YES 2. NO
16. intent of assailant--"I didn't realize it" 1 YES 2. NO
17. general statement on crime of passion/sex 1 YES 2. NO
18. general statement on crime of violence/coercionml. YES 2. NO
19. was sexual activity that got out of hand 1. YES 2. NO
20. is woman's fault 1. YES 2. NO
21. is man's fault 1. YES 2. NO
22. alcohol often involved 1. YES 2. NO
23. drugs often involved 1. YES 2. NO
24. mental illness of perpetrator 1. YES 2. NO
25. mental state of victim 1. YES 2. NO
26. time of assault 1. YES 2. NO
27. place of assault--familar to victim 1. YES 2. NO
28. place of assault-mot familiar to victim 1. YES 2. NO
29. assailant had expectations to think sex was OKml. YES 2. NO
30. injuries sustained by woman 1. YES 2. NO
31. OTHER 1. YES 2. NO
32. NO ANSWER 1. YES 2. NO

 

110

111

6. Similarly, how do you define date rape/acquaintance rape?

CODES:
Was mentioned:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

42. SAME (circle codes from above too) 1. YES 2. NO
43. SAME, but DR more violent (above codes too) 1. YES 2. NO
44. SAME, but DR less violent (above codes too) 1. YES 2. NO
45. SAME, but know rapist (above codes too) 1. YES 2. NO
46. SAME, but trusted rapist (above codes too) 1. YES 2. NO
47. penetration 1. YES 2. NO
48. threat of force 1. YES 2. NO
49. use of force 1. YES 2. NO
50. psychological pressure/psychological force 1. YES 2. NO
51. lack of consent/"unwanted"/against will 1. YES 2. NO
52. CSC mentioned 1. YES 2. NO
53. gender neutral 1. YES 2. NO
54. "known" neutral 1. YES 2. NO
55. emotionally harmful to victims 1. YES 2. NO
56. date rape/stranger rape distinction made 1. YES 2. N O
57. stranger rape more violent than date rape 1. YES 2. NO
58. stranger rape less violent than date rape 1. YES 2. NO
59. rape is most violent/one of most violent acts 1. YES 2. N O
60. intent of assailant--sex 1. YES 2. NO
61. intent of assailant--power, control 1. YES 2. NO
62. intent of assailant--"I didn't realize it" 1. YES 2. NO
63. general statement on crime of passion/sex 1. YES 2. NO
64. general statement on crime of violence/coercionml. YES 2. NO
65. was sexual activity that got out of hand 1. YES 2. NO
66. is woman's fault 1. YES 2. NO
67. is man's fault 1. YES 2. NO
68. alcohol often involved 1. YES 2. NO
69. drugs often involved 1. YES 2. NO
70. mental illness of perpetrator 1. YES 2. NO
71. mental state of victim 1. YES 2. NO
72. time of assault 1. YES 2. NO
73. place of assault--familar to victim 1. YES 2. NO
74. place of assault-mot familiar to victim 1. YES 2. NO
75. assailant had expectations to think sex was OKml. YES 2. NO
76. injuries sustained by woman 1. YES 2. NO
77. OTHER 1. YES 2. NO
78. NO ANSWER 1. YES 2. NO

 

8. Now thinking about the actual legal definition, what is the definition of Criminal
Sexual Conduct?

CODES:
Was mentioned:

88. mentioned that are 4 degrees of CSC 1. YES
89. provided brief definition of 4 degrees of CSC 1. YES
90. look it up/no time to answer/too detailed 1. YES
91. mentioned unwanted sexual touching 1. YES

112

92. gave an answer, but is incorrect (total or partial)m1. YES
93. I don't know

94.

OTHER

 

95. N O ANSWER

1. YES
1. YES
1. YES

2. NO
2. NO
2. NO
2. NO

52a. Do you think there should be a separate statute/ separate law for date rape (different
CSC)? Why or why not?

97. answer given for this item

CODES:

98. because date rape is a less serious crime
99. because date rape should have lesser punishment

1. YES

 

 

1.YES
1.YES

100. because 2 cases differ in type of evidence available 1.YES

101.

because issue of consent is different

1. YES

102. because 2 cases should have diff procedural guidelinesm1.YES
103. b/c 2 causes should have different evidence guidelinesml.YES

104. because more women may report date rapes
105. because is different crime if 2 people know each otherm
106. because alcohol often involved in DR cases

107. because drug use often involved in DR cases

108. because DR is harder to prove
109. because more assailants will be charged, arrested, etc.__1.

 

1. YES
. YES
. YES
. YES
. YES
YES

1
1
1
1

110. because crime of DR would get more public recognitionml. YES
111. because public would take crime of DR more seriouslyml. YES
112. because would be too hard on the CJS
113. because DR is not a crime

114. because it would be dif. to define stranger/nonstranger”
115. because both are rapes (=in seriousness)
116. because both should have same punishment
117. because use same procedures in both

 

 

118. because fewer women may come forward to report

119. because law can prosecute either/law is OK as is

120. OTHER

121.

 

NO ANSWER

. YES
YES
YES
YES
YES
YES
YES
YES
. YES
. YES

HHHHHHHHHH

2.

NO

96. How have your opinions and perceptions of rape changed as a result of your experience
working on rape cases?

CODES:

122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.

more sympathy for victims

 

less sympathy for victims
more sympathy for assailant
less sympathy for assailant
see as more common

 

see as less common

 

see as more serious
see as less serious
changes in how see causes

 

see reporting as "bigger deal" for victims
do not see why victims don't report
more favorable attitudes toward women
less favorable attitudes toward women

more aware of impact on victims
less aware of impact on victims

 

 

think woman to blame more now

113

138. think woman to blame less now

139. think man to blame more now

140. think man to blame less now

141. see alcohol to blame more now

142. have become more "numb" to this crime
143. have become less "numb" to this crime
144. more aware of how to respond to victims .
145. more aware of false reports/mentioned false reportsm .
146. no change in opinions
147. OTHER

148. NO ANSWER

 

 

 

 

mmmmmmmmmm

 

QEQQEEEEEEE
Npppwgpwppp

97. How have you changed the way in which you respond to rape cases and rape victims
since you first became a police oflicer’? In other words, how has your treatment of these
cases changed from earlier in your career to later in your career?

CODES:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

149. more sympathy for victims 1. YES 2. NO
150. less sympathy for victims 1. YES 2. NO
151. more sympathy for assailant 1. YES 2. NO
152. less sympathy for assailant 1. YES 2. NO
153. see as more serious 1. YES 2. NO
154. see as less serious 1. YES 2. NO
155. more aware of impact on victims 1. YES 2. NO
156. less aware of impact on victims 1. YES 2. NO
157. think woman to blame more now 1. YES 2. NO
158. think woman to blame less now 1. YES 2. NO
159. think man to blame more now 1. YES 2. NO
160. think man to blame less now 1. YES 2. NO
161. see alcohol to blame more now 1. YES 2. NO
162. have become more "numb" to this crime 1. YES 2. NO
163. have become less "numb" to this crime 1. YES 2. NO
164. feel more comfortable with these cases now 1. YES 2. NO
165. feel less comfortable with these cases now 1. YES 2. NO
166. change in how question parties 1. YES 2. NO
167. change in procedures used 1. YES 2. NO
168. more aware of false reports/mention false reports 1. YES 2. NO
169. change in how handle cases, no elaboration 1. YES 2. NO
170. no change in how handle cases 1. YES 2. NO
171. OTHER 1. YES 2. NO
172. NO ANSWER 1. YES 2. NO

 

98. What in your experiences (either professional or personal) has been most helpful to you
in responding to rape cases?

CODES:
173. training in police academy
174. training at work
175. having a friend raped
176. being raped (self)
177. feedback from superiors
178. feedback from colleagues
179. feedback/information from rape counselorsmm_ _
180. having more contact with rape victims
181. having more contact with rapists

 

 

 

 

 

f‘f‘f‘fil‘l‘l‘l‘l‘
5335555353.
2
O

 

182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.

114

other training/presentations

 

media

 

experience with these cases/practice

 

experience with false reports

 

becoming more aware of rape

 

seeing impact on victims
showing/expressing compassion/empathy
not blaming victim

 

nothing
OTHER

 

NO ANSWER

Hr‘t‘fir‘l‘t‘l‘r‘f‘.
U)

99. How has your department and colleagues influenced how you respond to rape cases?

CODES:

193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.

made them see rape more seriously
made them see rape less seriously

 

1. YES
1. YES

influenced the professionalism with which they respondl. YES

education/training
thoroughness of procedures

 

more compassion/empathy for victims

 

dept. made it more difficult/more bureaucratic
dept. is now catching up to the officer
no influence on how handle cases

 

OTHER

 

NO ANSWER

1. YES
1. YES
1. YES
1. YES
1. YES
1. YES
1. YES
1. YES

100. How has you department and colleagues influenced how you think about rape in

general?
CODES:

204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.
210.
211.
212.
213.
214.
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221.

more sympathy for victims

 

less sympathy for victims

 

more sympathy for assailant
less sympathy for assailant
see as more common

 

see as less common

 

see as more serious
see as less serious
changes in how see causes

 

changes in how view reporting

 

changes in how think should be prosecuted
changes in opinions toward women in general
dept. now catching up to the officer
more aware of impact or welfare of victims
training/education/experience
no influence on how think about rape

 

OTHER

 

NO ANSWER

APPENDIX C

Qualitative Coding Sheet Instructions

1./47. PENETRATION

2./48. THREAT OF FORCE

3./49. FORCE

4./50. PSYCH. FORCE

5./51. LACK OF CONSENT

7./53. GENDER NEUTRAL

8./54. KNOWN NEUTRAL

9./55. EMOTION. HARM.

have sex--yes

violation-mo

unwanted sexual activity/contact/gratification--no
intercourse-~yes

coercion--yes
threat of force-~yes
psychological pressure, talking, etc--no

use of force/used force--yes
"forced"--yes
"making . . . "--no

begging, talkinguyes
mental force--yes

till gives in--yes
psychological pressure--yes
mental violation-mo

"unwanted"--yes
"unwelcomed"--yes
"unwanted"--yes

"no"/"no means no"--yes
against her will--yes
force/forcibly--no

without consent/no consent--yes

someone, anyone, person-~no
she/he; her/him--yes
regardless of gender--yes
either sex-~yes

(analogous to gender neutral question)
must be explicit that can happen to someone known to victim
or unknown

implies or states that there is some emotional harm to
victims
degrading, humiliating--yes

10./56. DR/SR DISTINCTION mentions "classic" DR things-~yes

mentions DR exists--yes

115

14./60. INTENT SEX

15./6 1. INTENT POWER

16./62. INTENT DIDN'T R.

17./63. GEN. STATE. SEX
18./64. GEN. ST. POWER
25./71. MENTAL ST. VIC.

88. MENTION 4 DEGREES

89. DEFINE 4 DEGREES

91. SEXUAL TOUCHING

92. INCORRECT

116

for sexual gratification--yes
for sex--yes

for power or control--yes

for humiliation--yes

this is different than a general statement about power and
control

intent wasn’t to hurt, just got carried away--yes

must be a general statement/idea that is done for sex
rape is crime of power/coercion/control--yes

shaken up--yes
blacked out--yes
really wanted it--yes
drunkuno

this is an either/or with 89.
this is for people who say are 4 degrees or list CSC I-CSC IV,
but give no def

explained the 4 degrees
does not have to be "correct"

mentioned outside context of 4 CSCS
must be mentioned by itself

partial or totally incorrect
(but if are off on one tiny detail, then DO NOT mark as
incorrect)
2 ways to get this:
1. for people who define CSC (89.), but are wrong
2. people who don't define CSC, and get it wrong

LIST OF REFERENCES

LIST OF REFERENCES

Ajzen, I. (1982). On behaving in accordance with one' s attitudes. In M. P.

Zanna, ET. Higgins, & C.P. Herman (Eds) W
beh ayier, The Ontarie, (PP 3- 15). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum

Associates.
Amir, M. (1971). Patterns in foreible rape. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.

Balos, B., & Fellows, ML. (1991). Guilty of the crime of trust: Nonstranger
rape. W15. 599-618.

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