Il— fi' LIBRARY University L PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. Michigan State J TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. JHUEC 2 DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE W999 I . til MSU I. An Affirmdive Action/Equal Opportunity Inditution‘ ammo-9.1 ————— THE EXPERIENCE OF CROWDEDNESS IN A PHILIPPINE MINING COMMUNITY by Mary Anne Enriquez Alabanza A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1991 ABSTRACT THE EXPERIENCE or CROWDEDNESS IN A PHILIPPINE URBAN MINING COMMUNITY BY Mary Anne Enriquez Alabanza The study' set forth. to ‘explore relationships among variables related to the crowding experience and how people respond and cope with high density conditions in a Philippine mining community. Data for the research was conducted in the Benguet Gold Operations (BGO) mining community. A survey of 416 household heads and spouses was conducted to gather information about their housing conditions. The survey instrument contained questions that represented four sets of predictor variables (i.e. demographic characteristics, physical properties of the unit, household composition and cultural orientation). In addition, socio-behavioral responses (i.e. negative behaviors experienced, neighbor relations, extent of happiness) and home organization strategies (i.e. use of dividers, eating/sleeping arrangements) were studied. Central to this research were two measures of the experience of crowdedness. The "adequacy of space” and "feelings of crowdedness" scales were developed to describe the respondents' levels of crowdedness. Using multiple regression analyses and.bi-variate tests, several major relationships were established among the variables. First, the best predictors of adequacy of space were: spatial density (square feet per person); 2) access to the outside; and 3) number of years living in the bunkhouse. In addition, feelings of crowdedness were best explained by; 1) ethnic origin; 2) access to the outside; 3) gender; 4) number of people living in the unit; and 5) educational attainment: Second, adequacy of space was not related with any of the socio-behavioral responses to crowding. On the other hand, moderate feelings of crowdedness were found to be related to having good neighbor relations and being moderately happy with where the respondents' were living. Third, several predictor variables were associated with the various socio-behavioral responses. These included the following: 1) not being able to practice traditional beliefs; 2) gender; 3) having no easy access to the outside; 4) floor of residence; 5) number of years stay in the bunkhouse; 6) families with young children and male dependents of transition age (between the ages of 10 and 20); 7) families with mixed gender dependents of transition age; and 8) families with young children and mixed gender dependents of transition and adult ages. Fourth, the measures of crowdedness were not found to be related with any of the home organization strategies except for eating arrangements. Copyright by Mary Anne Enriquez Alabanza 1991 To my parents, Joseph and Nelly, who have instilled the value of education in us and To Leonard, Trixie and Dennis for their support. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Mr. Amado Lagdameo, my mentor in Benguet Corporation, whose intellectual pursuit of life has constantly inspired me. Gratitude is extended to the members of my doctoral committee. Thank you to Dr. June Thomas, whose guidance helped me attain my academic goal; Dr. Harry Schwarzweller, who challenged me to reflect on the practical side of this study; Dr. Roger Hamlin, who provided.me with the opportunity to enrich my academic experience; and Dr. Milton Steinmueller, whose encouragement helped me maintain a genuine interest in this research. My sincere appreciation to my friends and colleagues who have supported me throughout this dissertation phase of my doctoral program: Martin D'Cruz, Cheri Beth Tan, Dr. John Schweitzer, Florence Salinas, Benjie Abellera, Sister Mechtilde and the twelve dedicated interviewers. To John, whose example of discipline and spirituality has been my model for hope and a deeper faith. Finally, my deepest gratitude to the people of the 360 community who have shown me how to appreciate life. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES INTRODUCTION AND RATIONALE Introduction Problem Statement and Background to the Statement Objectives Research Questions Rationale Importance Limitations THE COMMUNITY History Location and Physical Characteristics The Community Educational Facilities and Opportunities Economic Activities Health Care and Medical Services Camp Rules and Regulations Housing Conditions The People Dumia Family Cawed Family Lopez Family Mercado Family CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Animal Studies Human Studies Antecedents of Crowding Physical Conditions High Density Architectural Features Social Conditions Household Composition Social Density vi ix xi 57 57 60 63 64 64 68 70 71 71 Demographic Characteristics Gender Ethnicity Responses/Consequences of Crowding Stress ‘ Behavioral Outcomes Hostility Worry Helping Behavior Social Relations Weak family relations Use Satisfaction Coping and Adaptive Behaviors RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Research Design Definition of Crowding Hypotheses and Operationalization of Variables ‘ Hypothesis 1 Hypothesis 2 Hypothesis 3 Population and Sampling Target Population Sample Selection and Procedures Characteristics of the Sample Instrumentation Guidelines Pre-testing Training of Interviewers Results of the Pre-test Validity of the Instrument Reliability of the Instrument Data Collection Research Methods The Survey Case Study Method DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Hypothesis 1 Hypothesis 2 Hypothesis 3 DISCUSSION Physical Characteristics of the Unit and Crowdedness Ethnicity and Feelings of Crowdedness Gender and Feelings of Crowdedness vii 73 73 74 76 76 77 77 77 77 79 81 83 84 88 88 92 94 96 114 118 126 126 128 130 137 138 139 141 141 142 142 144 144 144 148 150 151 180 191 205 208 210 222 Social Density and Its Role in the Crowding Experience The Value of Social Relationships and the Family in the Midst of Crowdedness Household Composition and Home Organization Strategies THE UPLAND PROJECT REVISITED An Alternative Physical Form Use of Indigenous Materials The House as an Institution Settlement Pattern A Self-Help Strategy Home Ownership SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION APPENDICES Appendix A Appendix B LIST OF REFERENCES viii 225 229 239 245 246 251 252 255 257 262 265 271 271 277 293 LIST OF TABLES Frequencies and Percentages of Family Types Distribution of Families by Minesite (BGO) Distribution of Respondents by Ethnicity Distribution of Respondents by Age Group Distribution of Respondents by Educational Attainment Distribution of Respondents by Occupation Distribution of Respondents by Beta Beta Beta Beta Beta Number of Years in the Bunkhouse Coefficients of Demographic Factors as Related to Measures of Crowdedness Coefficients of Physical Properties of the Unit as Related to Measures of Crowdedness Coefficients of Household Composition Factors (including 12 family types) in Relation to Measures of Crowdedness Coefficients of Household Composition Factors (including 5 family types) in Relation to Measures of Crowdedness Coefficients of Cultural Orientation Factors as Related to Measures of Crowdedness Multiple Correlation Coefficients (squared) of Paired Predictor Variables as Related to Measures of Crowdedness Multiple Correlation Coefficients (squared) of the Three Strongest Relationships Pairs of Predictor Variables and Adequacy of Space ix Page 106 127 133 133 134 136 137 154 155 157 160 162 165 171 5.10 5.11 5.12 5.14 5.15 5.16 5.17 5.18 5.19 5.20 5.21 5.22 Multiple Correlation Coefficients (squared) of the Three Strongest Relationships Between Pairs of Predictor Variables and Feelings of Crowdedness Multiple Correlation Coefficients (squared) of Predictor Variables Combinations in Relation to Measures of Crowdedness Factors Predicting Adequacy of Space Factors Predicting Feelings of Crowdedness Correlations Between Measures of Crowdedness and Socio-Behavioral Responses Frequency Distribution of Whether Respondents Experienced Negative Behaviors in the Last Six Months Neighbor Relations by Feelings of Crowdedness Extent of Happiness by Feelings of Crowdedness Neighbor Relations by Extent of Happiness Types of Dividers Feelings of Crowdedness by Eating Arrangments Factors Related to Negative Behaviors Experienced Traditional Beliefs by Ethnic Origin Factors Related to Extent of Happiness Eating Arrangements and Family Types 174 175 178 178 181 182 184 186 187 187 190 192 194 197 201 LIST OF FIGURES Research Design of the Study Summary of Variable Groups and Their Factors Sleeping Arrangements by Length of Stay in the Bunkhouse Sleeping Arrangements by Number of People in the Bunkhouse Spatial Densities of Ethnic Groups Average Unit Size of Major Ethnic Groups Suggested Housing Form xi Page 91 153 202 204 212 213 248 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Among Third World countries, a recurring attribute so evident in low-income housing is the prevalence of crowded conditions. Coupled with other features such as inadequate sanitary facilities, deteriorated physical structures and dilapidated roads and pathways, high density living has become an accepted fact of life among poor urban populations. Growing up close to a mining community, characterized by some of’ the above features, has somehow' perturbed. this researcher's conscience. The uneasiness moved her to develop ties with the community in the form of friendships and, eventually, employment with the company which serves as the primary source of sustenance for the people. The researcher's job entailed. the formulation. of Ihousing and. development strategies to enhance the quality of life of the community. One of the most obvious problem encountered was an acute crowding situation in the bunkhouses, which are multi-story housing structures provided by the company. It was quite common to find families of six or seven members cramped in dwelling units the size of approximately ten by twelve square feet, equivalent to about three standard American bathrooms. 2 Being mindful of these living conditions has prompted the researcher' to .001). Table 5.22 shows that households who were inclined to eat together were type 1 or families with young children (47.8%) and type 3 or families with young children and transition aged dependents (35.7%). On the other hand, families who ate in shifts were still type 1 or families with young children (30.4%); type 3 or families with transition and adult aged dependents (29.0%): and type 4 or families with young children and transition aged dependents (26.1%). Please note that family types used in this analysis was compressed into five types according' to age levels rather’ than ‘the original distribution of twelve clusters which included a gender factor. 201 Table 5.22 Eating Arrangements and Family Types Type1 Type2 Type3 Type4 Types Together 166 22 24 124 11 (47.8%) (6.3%) (6.9%) (35.7%) (3.2%) In shifts 21 7 20 18 3 (30.4) (10.1) (29.0) (26.1) (4.3) EMflVUmw 1.; familieawithyoungchildren 2 - familieswithdependemsoftransitionage 3 - families with dependents oftransitionandadultages 4 I familieswithyoungchildrenanddependemsoftransitionage 5 - families with a combination of young children, transition and adult dependents The last home organization strategy studied.was sleeping arrangement, measured by the number of areas inside the unit designated for sleeping. Factors related to sleeping arrangements ‘were the number' of“ years in the Ibunkhouse (F=3.8889, df=3/411, N= 414, p < .010) and number of people living in the unit (F=5.7179, df=3/412, N=415, p < .001). Figure 5.2 shows a summary of mean number of years and sleeping arrangements. It was observed that there was a gradual progression of means as the number of places for sleeping increased. The group that slept in only one place had a mean stay of 10.3846 years, followed by those who slept in two places, with a mean of 11.1443 years. The succeeding two groups representing three sleeping places and four or more places had means of 15.3158 and 15.8571, respectively. A 202 Figure 5.2 Sleeping Arrangements by Length of Stay in the Bunkhouse “Number of Years in the Bunkhouse One Two Three Four or More Number of Sleeping Places 203 Scheffe test assisted in identifying the groups that were contributing to the significant differences in variances. Group one (families who slept in.only one place) was seen to be remarkably different from group three (families who slept in three areas). Please take note that one respondent did not remember the length of stay in the bunkhouse so this case was treated as missing. Even more significant is the relationship between number of people and sleeping arrangements, as expected. An F-test revealed that larger families have more number of places for sleeping. As indicated in Figure 5.3 the number of areas for sleeping increases as the average number of persons per family/household increases as well. Those who sleep in one place .have an. average of 5.5148 persons living in. the bunkhouse compared to families/households who sleep in two, three or four or more areas with means of 6.1386, 6.5263 and 7.4286 persons, respectively. A scheffe test provided further evidence that, among the four groups, groups two and three were markedly different from group one. This chapter described the various results of the statistical tests which corresponded with each of the three research hypotheses. The core of the study involved.multiple regression analyses of the predictor variables in relation with the two measures of crowdedness (i.e. adequacy of space and feelings of crowdedness) . Furthermore, both bivariate and multiple regression tests were utilized to address hypotheses 2 and 3. 204 Figure 5.3 Sleeping Arrangements by Number of People in the Bunkhouse a Number of People Living in the Bunkhouse One Tm Three Four or More Number Of Sleeping Places CHAPTER SIX DISCUSSION This chapter provides discussion about the various significant relationships among variables related to the crowding experience in the BGO community. Succeeding a brief summary about results of the data analysis, this chapter will focus on explaining possible reasons for the existence of these relationships. Chapter Five discloses various relationships among variables related to the crowding experience. Multiple regression analyses and bi-variate correlational tools were utilized to predict factors associated with the measures of crowdedness, socio-behavioral responses and.home organization strategies. As evident, factors combined to best explain adequacy of space were spatial density, easy access to the outside and number of years stay in the bunkhouse. Additionally, ethnic origin, easy access, gender, number of people living in the unit and educational attainment were found to be associated with feelings of crowdedness. The measures of crowdedness (i.e. adequacy of space and feelings of crowdedness) were not found to be associated with negative behavior experienced. In terms of neighbor relations 205 206 found to be inversely associated with these responses. In other words, people who had intense feelings of crowdedness got along better with neighbors and, likewise, felt happier than those who did not feel crowded. Moreover, the only home organization strategy affiliated with crowdedness was eating arrangements. The predictor variables were also tested for their possible relationships with both socio-behavioral responses to crowding and home organization strategies. In regards to socio-behavioral responses, multiple regression tests revealed a relationship between several factors and negative behaviors experienced. A combination of not being able to practice traditional beliefs, gender, family type 7 (families with children and male dependents of transition age) and type 4 (families with mixed gender dependents of transition age) predicted negative behaviors experienced. Physical attributes of the residential unit (i.e. floor and.easy access) were related.to neighbor relationse In.other words, those who lived on the top floors and who have easy access to the outside tend to have good neighbor relations. In addition, when using the 5 family types, it was shown that type 4 (families with a combination of children and dependents of transition age) contributed in predicting how one got along well with neighbors. Extent of happiness was related to a number of factors which include family type 12 (families with children and mixed gender dependents of transition and adult ages), number of 207 years stay in the bunkhouse and easy access to the outside. Families with this type of composition was found to feel less happy than the other types. On the other hand, those who stayed longer in the bunkhouse and who had easy access felt more happy. In terms of home organization strategies, dividers were more evident among families with relatively higher percentages of female dependents. Eating arrangements were associated with number of people in the unit, number of years lived in the bunkhouse, family type and having adequate space for various household activities. Likewise, sleeping arrangements were also found to be correlated with the number of people residing in the unit and number of years lived in 'the bunkhouse. In view of these findings, several major topics warrant discussion. These include the following: 1) the importance of the bunkhouse unit's physical attributes in explaining crowdedness: 2) ethnicity and feelings of crowdedness; 3) gender differences in feelings of crowdedness: 4) concept of social density: 5) the value of social relationships and the family in the midst of crowdedness: 6) the relationship between household composition and home organization strategies. Each of these topics will be discussed separately. Si .7 1a a e St. , 0 9' r are ,°W!‘21‘ ‘3 Adequacy of space was found to be related with spatial density and easy access. Except for number of years in the 208 bunkhouse, physical attributes such as the two just mentioned explained how one perceived the space in the bunkhouse unit to be sufficient for household needs. This section will focus- specifically on spatial density and.easy access as they relate to the measure of crowdedness. Of all the other predictor factors, spatial density proved to have the largest contribution (8.2%) to adequacy of space (r sq.= .105, N=402, p < .001). In other words, the space allotted per person living in the unit defines how one perceives space adequacy. Such result, of course, was expected since having more space per person implies that the need for space is satisfied thus rating it as adequate. Furthermore, density, generally described as the relationship between people and space, is considered a prerequisite to the state of crowding. Clarification.must be made regarding this thought. It is known in the crowding field that density is an antecedent of the experience but not necessarily the only factor in determining a person's level of crowdedness (Stokols, 1972). Not.having easy access to the outside as related to space adequacy may be interpreted in two ways. First, since the adequacy scale consists of questions that involved activities outside the unit, such as, cooking for some families, using the toilet, taking a bath and.washing clothes, responses were probably based on the distance required to fulfill these activities. As such, having easy access to the outside was considered an important factor in determining whether space is 209 adequate. In other words, people's perception ofadequacy may not end in the physical area needed to undertake an activity, but extends to include access to that space. This may be one explanation to why easy access to the outside became a significant factor in determining space adequacy. Another explanation involves the observation that the outside of the bunkhouse is used as a public open space where household activities further take place because of limited space inside the unit. Such open space is often used for entertaining visitors, relaxing and playing for young children. It was noticed a number of times during the data gathering stage of this study that visitors were entertained in the public square because they could not be accommodated inside the unit. Chairs were laid out and.guests sat around with the hosts. In addition, the outside of the bunkhouse structure was used as a meeting place for housewives, especially in the early afternoon. This is where they chat, curl each other's hair, knit and crochet. It is an.advantage, therefore, to have easy access to the place where this much awaited daily activity is held. Finally, since the cramped space inside the unit does not make a good play area, young children often play outside the bunkhouse structure. Having easy access to this play area influences how they perceive space adequacy, especially for mothers, because they have the need to supervise their young children. In other words, mothers who have to travel a distance to the play area would probably tend to rate their unit as inadequate because of the need to have their children 210 close-by. It is important.to:recognize that spatial density'was the largest predictor of adequacy of space. The opposite was found to be true when focusing on feelings of crowdedness. It was shown that spatial density did not even enter ‘the regression equation in explaining feelings of crowdedness. The physical aspects of the unit, except for easy access, did not have significant contribution in describing feelings of crowdedness. Rather, more attributes associated with the individual such as ethnic origin, gender and educational attainment accounted for feelings of crowdedness. One may, therefore, conclude that the physical features of housing define the perception of space in relation to the fulfillment of needs rather than the subjective feeling of being crowded. ILWW: At the onset of this research, it was hypothesized that uplanders would feel more crowded, especially in the presence of lowlanders, because of the historical background behind the relationship between these two groups. Although among themselves uplanders are demonstrative about their affections, they tend to be less open to lowlanders. This observation provided support for believing that uplanders have larger personal space than lowlanders. Therefore, when ethnic origin resulted in being the largest factor determining variability in feelings of crowdedness it was thought that, indeed, uplanders had larger territorial space. Restriction posed by the bunkhouse unit aggravated the situation. Further 211 statistical analyses, nevertheless, generated the need to dwell deeper into the subject matter of ethnicity and crowdedness. A major reason for uplanders feeling more crowded is because, in reality, they live in smaller bunkhouse units than the lowlanders. Figure 6.1 presents the differences in spatial densities among the ethnic groups. Lowlanders had 33.9 sq.ft. per person while the uplanders and.nixed families had 27.2 and 26.3 sq.ft. per person, respectively. When a highly’ significant relationship (at 'the .001 level) was evident between spatial density and ethnic origin, it was thought that perhaps uplanders had more children or other people living in the unit.to account for lesser space allotted per person than that of the lowlanders. This was not proven to be true because there was no relationship between total number of people and ethnicity. The average number of people living in the unit among lowlanders, uplanders and mixed families were 5.8, 6.2 and 5.6 persons, respectively. If number of people could not account for significant differences in spatial densities between uplanders and lowlanders, then the only other factor probable was the actual physical area of the units. As Figure 6.2 indicates, there was evidence to prove that the total area of uplander units was considerably smaller than those of lowlanders 212 Figure 6.1 Spatial Densities of Ethnic Groups 35 Spatial Density (sq ft/person) Lowlanders Uplanders Mixed Ethnic Origin 213 Figure 6.2 Average Unit Sizes of Major Ethnic Groups 00 Ave. Total Area of Unit (sq ft) 150 100 50 Uplander Lowlander Maior Ethnic Groups 214 (F=6.5653, df=2/409, N=412, p < .005). The average area of units belonging to uplanders was 154.7 square feet while those of lowlanders was 175.5 sq. feet. All things considered, the differences in feelings of crowdedness between the uplanders and lowlanders may be strongly attributed to spatial discrepancy between their bunkhouse units. The differences between uplanders and lowlanders in regards to feelings of crowdedness was initially attributed to a relationship found between educational attainment and ethnicity (H=60.8816, df=2, p < .001) . Uplanders were inclined to be less educated than their lowland counterpart. There was a possibility that due to low educational attainment, resulting to lower position jobs, uplanders were assigned less space. However, this was not proven because no associations between spatial density or total area of the unit and educational attainment were evident. In 'other words, education cannot explain why uplanders were given less space in the bunkhouses than lowlanders or mixed families. Again, variability in feelings of crowdedness among the ethnic groups was traced back to the spatial limitations placed upon uplanders. Some ideas regarding the discrepancy of space will end the discussion of ethnicity and crowdedness. Meanwhile, other considerations in attempting to understand why uplanders tend to feel more crowded than lowlanders will be dealt with at this point. These considerations may be ascribed to diverse cultural factors between the two groups. The first deals with the concept of 215 independence which a young child learns and carries throughout adulthood. Compared to lowland towns that are more populated, uplanders cluster around smaller villages interspersed between mountain ranges. This geographical feature which isolates villages also contribute to cohesiveness in the tribe. Such cohesiveness is manifested by adult members taking responsibility over the welfare of young children of the tribe. Parents, therefore, are assured of their safety and allow them to independently explore the village. In a specific upland group which typifies other tribes, this type of independence is enhanced by minimal supervision by the parents (Mangawit, 1981) . One must remember that the physical environment of these upland villages encourage extensive exploration because they are situated in the midst of vast natural surroundings. It is easy to detect, therefore, that the uplander's quest for adventure and independence is somehow stifled in the atmosphere of the bunkhouses. Physical restrictions placed upon people in the BGO community as a result of a congested housing environment does not allow uplanders to be close to nature and this may be associated with having more intense feelings of crowdedness than the lowlanders. In fact, Cove and Hughes (1983) theorized that people who come from rural backgrounds tend to be more reactive to crowding because of spacious surroundings they have been accustomed to. Another possible explanation.to the relationship between uplanders and feelings of crowdedness stems from the concept 216 of social distance. Social distance, which is characterized by behavior modes sanctioned by the group, is applied according to one's position in the group. Examples of social distance, or the lack of it, as possibly influencing people's crowding experiences will be described. .A case is the role of the native priest in the tribe. Please remember that he is not to be mistaken as a priest of the Catholic church. The native priest's major function is to perform countless rituals dealing with almost every aspect of tribal life. One must take. note that 'uplanders actually' have :more traditional rituals than the lowlanders. Again, this may have emerged because of the impact that the Catholic religion had on suppressing the practice of ”un-Christian" customs. Native priests are among the most distinguished people in the community. They are viewed as possessing powers of healing, aS‘well as, reading'and.interpreting'signs.and.omens. Their word is authority and they are sought for ritual counseling (Sacla, 1987) . Although they live among the people, social distance is kept as there are certain prescribed ways of interacting with the priests. Tribal life is greatly influenced by a belief in the spiritual world and disrespecting native priests who have connections with this realm may bring misfortune. Social distance is also kept with respect to the elders of the tribe. The elders are regarded as the wisemen of the community and often oversee the everyday affairs of the group. They are usually perceived as the protectors of tradition and 217 are.given the privilege of leading some of the ritualse Since they are older and have more experience, they function as a judicial court where disputes are settled. The elders are also regularly consulted with any issue arising within families or the entire community. Again, there are accepted ways of socializing with them. Among uplanders, social status is dictated upon by a family's wealth. It is believed that the agricultural nature surrounding the economic life of ethnic tribes contributes to the social structure of the group (Cawed, 1980). Wealth is measured in terms of the number and land area of wet rice fields owned by a family. In addition, possession of many domestic animals also marks wealth. Among these tribes, social distance and prescribed behavior is kept between the rich and poor. Intermarriage between these classes, for example, are frowned upon. If this happens, however, the status of the poor spouse cannot be equated with the higher class. The above examples of positions that define social distances among upland groups are weak or lacking in the BGO community. Since uplanders and lowlanders live together in the bunkhouses, some of the traditional customs are eliminated. Social status within tribal groups is not as defined compared to when they were living in the provinces. Material wealth in the form of rice fields do not distinguish between classes anymore. Medical personnel employed by the company occupy the function of the native priest in healing 218 the sick. In addition, company managers regulate everyday affairs of the people ‘which the tribal elders used to undertake. These changes may explain why uplanders feel more crowded than the lowlanders. Aside from the physical limitation posed by having smaller units, changes in the social structure may have caused a little social distress. This, in turn, may have affected their feelings of crowdedness. In the study by Gove and Hughes (1983), they believed that a deficit in social power determines one's reactions to crowding. Applying this to the BGO community, the uplanders who carried high statuses in their tribes may have felt more crowded because of the power deficit associated with living in a diverse community. Please take note that social status is often times carried over to the family. To be specific, the family of an elder or native priest also possesses high status in the community. Such position is linked not only to the immediate family but the familial lineage as well. Before ending the discussion on ethnicity and feelings of crowdedness, it is relevant to describe two possible conditions that may have led to a disparity in space provided to various groups in the community. One explanation to the discrepancy between bunkhouse sizes is the possibility that upland enclaves have developed within the community and, by chance, they agglomerated in bunkhouses that had smaller units. It is likely that when given the choice, they preferred to have a smaller unit and to live with upland 219 neighbors than have more spacious dwellings and mix with lowlanders. Caution must be made in making such a conclusion though. Scientific proof to such speculation cannot be gathered with the survey data. An extension of this research is necessary to determine if there really are enclaves of ethnic groups in the BGO community. Furthermore, discrimination against uplanders, conscious or unconscious, may be a stronger possibility in the discrepancy of bunkhouse unit size. A brief history of the mountain people would shed light on their being at the fringes of society. As a historian wrote, "These Filipinos used to be called ethnic minorities because their ancestors resisted assimilation into the Spanish and American empires and therefore retained more of the culture and customs of their ethos, or tribe, than their colonized brothers who eventually came to outnumber them. They scarcely appear in the pageant of history presented in the Philippine school system because they lived outside Spanish control and therefore show up in the Spanish records which form the basis of Philippine history simply as outcasts, brigands and savages" (Scott, 1982). Long before the Spanish domination of the Philippines, uplanders and lowlanders maintained good trade relations with each other. The lowlanders would often trade their domestic animals with gold from the mountains. These relations were disrupted when the Spaniards conquered the islands. As early as 1500's, the colonizers attempted at taking control of the mountain regions because of the abundance of gold in the area. They were met with strong resistance from the uplanders. Strategically, they decided to involved the lowlanders, 220 particularly the Ilocano group, who were already subjected to Spanish rule, to take up arms and raid upland villages (Scott, 1974). Such action aggravated hostilities between these two Filipino camps. In addition, because the uplanders were a group difficult to penetrate, the Spaniards gave them a bad reputation among their Filipino brothers and sisters. Nevertheless, Catholic missionaries set out to befriend these so-called warrior-like people. Some of the Spaniards prevailed in establishing rapport with the natives but their mission of converting to Christianity did not meet immediate success. All their efforts of friendships, however, were wasted when the colonial military conducted raids in the mountains. It was this historical basis that led to discrimination against uplanders. Carino (1985) articulates this by writing: "In terms of present ethnicity, the Igorots (mountain people, this researcher's translation) are different from the Filipino majority--- in.their'mode of production, their socio-political institutions, their world views and cultural traditions, leading one Filipino statesman to comment a few years back that 'the Igorots are not Filipinos'." Ms. Carino further explains that.prejudice against these uplanders was institutionalized through religion and education. They were not given educational opportunities. This may have accounted for the upland respondents being less educated. The coming of the Americans in 1898 did not ameliorate the problem of discrimination. Their intent in controlling these minorities was similar to the Spaniards but 221 in a more subtle tone. It is known for a fact that the Americans had economic interests on the gold resources of the uplanders (Fry, 1983) . Laws were developed to encourage American companies to spur the national mining industry. This was how Benguet Corporation found its roots. In addition, the logging industry was given incentives to expand. Their operations often overlapped into many ancestral lands owned by these ethnic groups. Their plea not to touch what is considered sacred to them fell on deaf ears. Such type of oppression was also evident in national planning policies that disregarded social development projects in this region. According to Carino (1985) , corporations as well as the national government have derived profits from the resources abundant in this region but the inhabitants of the area are continuously deprived of many basic services. Discrimination is evident in Carino's statement about the conditions of her people: "Literacy rates are among the lowest in the country. Hospitals and clinics are so unevenly’ distributed that. preventable communicable diseases continue to be the main cause of death. Roads are concentrated only in areas where logging and.nining corporations need transport facilities..... The end result of such development policy has been the aggravation of the disparity and unevenness in development between the nation as a whole and the minorities in.particular, such.that today, the national minorities, among whom are the Igorots, are among the most neglected, underprivileged and powerless sectors in Philippine society." An entire discourse could focus on other manifestations 222 of discrimination against uplanders. For the purposes of this research, the ideas presented are sufficient in showing a possible explanation to the discrepancy in bunkhouse sizes between the two cultural groups. 111W: The findings of this research study support the hypothesis that females feel less crowded than their male counterpart. There are several explanations to the differences in feelings of crowdedness posed by a person's gender. One deals with societal norms that allow women to express their sentiments when stressful conditions befall them, such as the experience of crowding (Epstein and Kaolin, 1975) . In their study, they explained that if norms were made different in a way that reverse behavior between males and females are ascribed, probably males would feel less crowded and manifest more positive group behavior. In other words, the inability to express feelings contribute to the experience of crowdedness. In Filipino society, the above contention applies. Women are expected to be demonstrative about their feelings unlike the men. In funerals, for example, if the women do not wail, the typical community would think they are not grieving and doubts emerge about their love for the dead person. In other instances, Filipino women are permitted to show their anger through banging doors, rattling plates or slamming drawers (Makers, 1980) . Also, among BGO housewives it is common to see them complaining about almost anything. Having the 223 opportunity to verbally express disappointments and frustrations enable them to cope with crowdedness as a stressor. This takes us to a point involving the function of chatting or visiting as a positive outlet for people in the bunkhouse, particularly the women. In the early afternoon, there are a few hours of leisure time before the wives prepare dinner so they usually come out in public spaces and chat. This is the time they are able to vent their emotions to one another. In Jocano's study (1975) of slum dwellers, he views "gossip" as a functional activity in building group cohesion. Social norms are articulated through ”gossip" because exemplary behavior is praised and violations of normal behavior are condoned. In summary, females may feel less crowded than males because they are permitted to express their feelings openly. Men, on the other hand, have to live up to a macho image of being unemotional. As such, their negative reactions may be manifested in their perception of crowdedness. In other words, admitting they are crowded may be a subtle way of expressing certain negative feelings. The second explanation to gender differences in feelings of crowdedness originates from Cove and Hughes (1983) study of households in Chicago. They hypothesized that females, because of their nurturing function, require less privacy than males. Although it was disproved in that particular study, it may apply in the study of the BGO community. The role of 224 women in Filipino society, just like other societies, is that of a caregiver. Early in life, daughters are trained to babysit over their younger spouses and to do household chores (Infante, 1975: Sevilla, 1982: Mendez, 1974: Jocano, 1982: Jocano, 1975) . Because of demands placed upon them to be attentive to the needs of the family and community, they are inclined to have less privacy than males and, therefore, would have less feelings of crowdedness. Hall (1966) provides an example of upper middle class English homes where the man manifests the need for more privacy through the construction of a private dressing room. In addition, he is usually given the masters bedroom for privacy. Privacy, or the lack of it, as related to feelings of crowdedness may also be explained in the context of social norms which. dictate patterns of’ behavior* for' males and females. As earlier stated, women are permitted to be open about their feelings unlike the men. In order to deal with emotions, men usually require privacy. An introspective way of handling emotions is acceptable thus the need for more privacy (Bossley, 1976). Hall (1966) discusses the concept of visual space and variability of perceptions due to gender. According to him, no two people see exactly the same thing when they are actively using their eyes in a situation. Differences in the way people relate to the environment contributes to the concept of visual space. One's visual space is influence by factors such as familiarity with the surrounding and cultural 225 orientation. Hall provides an example of how males and females have different perceptual vision of the environment. His wife can easily locate an item in the refrigerator because of her familiarity with the surrounding. But even when the item is right in front of him he still has difficulty finding it. The distinct ways males and females view reality can explain their differences in feelings of crowdedness. It is theorized that due to familiarity with the bunkhouse unit, females have become comfortable with it and have learned to employ adaptive mechanisms to decrease stress generated by lack of space. For example, they are able to go back to the kitchen for privacy or would decide to wash clothes outside if they started feeling cramped. On the other hand, the males spend most of their time in their job site and have not learned to cope to the extent the women have in decreasing space-related stress. Furthermore, since their work site is more spacious than the bunkhouse unit they may, unconsciously, be comparing the amount of space for movement between the two places. To the women, their visual perception of the unit may consist of it being neat and orderly while the men may view it as cramped. Varying perceptions of space, therefore, may account for differences in feelings of crowdedness between the male and female respondents. IV. 0 -. "1‘ 11’. .‘ to ‘ i 9‘— 0... 1- .19‘ ‘1‘: In describing the crowding experience of people in the BGO community, findings revealed that the number of people 226 residing in the bunkhouse unit was an important factor. In this study, social density (i.e. the number'of'people residing in the unit), together with other factors, has been associated with feelings of crowdedness. In light of the literature dealing with social density, there seems to be an eminent observation about the qualitative condition describing the experience of having numbers of people present in a given situations On one hand, experiments dealt with participants who did not necessarily interact with one another (Dooley, 1974: Griffitt and Veitch, 1971; Saegert, 1974). Findings Of these studies showed that group size contributed to factors of crowdedness such as high levels of arousal, negative affect and even feelings of warmness, temperature-wise. If, in the absence of interaction, crowdedness occurs then it is also probable that arousal is felt when social exchanges do exist. In household situations, especially among large households, social interaction is inevitable which establishes a strong likelihood for crowdedness. This may be explained by' a theory’ of crowding ‘which attributes the experience to the impact of excessive stimulation from social sources (Desor, 1972: Milgram, 1970: Saegert, 1974). It is believed that the complexity of inputs (i.e. social stimulation) leads to negative ramifications. One must keep in mind, however, that such negative condition may eventually lead to the employment of adaptive mechanisms. In the BGO community, the idea that larger households is associated with feelings of crowdedness is supported — fl" — A .‘II fin“, _. _ 227 statistically. The mean number of people (x=6.5) belonging to the "very crowded" group is significantly different from the twolother levels.of crowdedness (x=5.7 for“the "crowded" group and x=5.8 for the "not crowded" group). It would seem likely that social stimulation among large households are more intense, particularly since the residence is a one-room unit. This feature contributes to the relationship between social density and crowdedness. Nevertheless, one must again take into account that the difference in.means among the different levels of crowdedness is equivalent to approximately one person, if not less. Such observation qualifies the extent of social stimulation induced by a single person. In other words, it would seem that the presence of one more person in the household does not determine, to a considerable degree, variability in feelings of crowdedness. Statistically, this has been revealed in a relationship acceptable only at the .05 level of significance. Social density in the bunkhouses may also be characterized by the presence of other people besides the immediate familyu Many, if not all, of these other'people are related by blood or marriage to the family. The Filipino family is known for accepting relatives into the home at a more permanent basis than.mere guests. The four case studies proves this point in the succeeding chapter. Carroll (1970) observes that the percentage of families who house relatives is a function of increased levels of urbanization. He attributes this trend to the high costs of living in urban 228 areas which discourages relatives from having separate households. Castillo (1973) supports this observation as well. Her study reveals that contrary to western experience with urban families, Filipino urban households tend to include extended families compared to rural households which are predominantly the nuclear type. In the BGO community where housing is free and basic service costs are minimal, inviting relatives to stay in the bunkhouses becomes an attractive alternative. Notwithstanding the fact that camp regulations prohibit relatives from staying for long periods of time, families still value their kinspeople. According to several respondents, one cannot change the custom of having relatives in the household. Statistically, the existence of other people residing in the unit was proven to be unrelated to levels of crowdedness since this specific factor did not enter the regression equation. Such result parallels Mitchell's study (1971) of Hong Kong families. It was explained that toleration for social stimulation was more apparent among kinsmen than unrelated people. In the BGO study, this holds true among relatives but may be the opposite among immediate family members as indicated by a significant association between feelings of crowdedness and number of people residing in the unit. Milgram (1970) and Anderson (1972) theorized that in spite of excessive stimulation from the social and physical environment, people are generally capable of adapting to 229 circumstances. Gove and Hughes (1983) postulated that physically leaving the situation of stimuli overload is a way of coping. For this reason, they proved that people living in detached single-family housing, where accessibility to the outside is prominent, would be less reactive to crowding than those living in high-rise apartment buildings. Likewise, in the BGO study, having easy access to the outside was significantly associated with feelings of crowdedness. In Mitchell's study of Chinese households (1971), the floor or residence was found to be significant with emotional illness among multiple family dwelling units. He reasons that people who have less difficulty escaping the crowded household are able to cope better with the situation. 1‘ V. _- o- ocla ;- a oi:i o; .12 i: an I !‘ 5 ss: The findings of the survey revealed that in spite of having either "very crowded" or "crowded" feelings, people were still able tclget.along well with their neighbors. Based on these results, one easily senses the value of good social relations. Of the 416 respondents, only eight persons (1.9%) claimed they did not get along well with neighbors. 335 people, or 80.5% of the sample, qualified neighbor relations as "well", while 73 (17.5%) said they got along "very well". This association leaned towards the opposite direction where favorable neighbor relations were characteristic of crowdedness. (Please take note that this was the case regardless of ethnic origin.) Most of the ideas presented 230 apply both to upland and lowland cultures but one must.bear in mind that there may be features distinctive to tribal groups. These differences were identified in the section dealing with ethnicity and feelings of crowdedness. For now, the following discussion about Filipino culture ‘will be in a (general context. Cultural factors play an important role in explaining why in spite of feeling "crowded" or "very crowded" respondents have favorable relations with neighbors. Social acceptance is a theme that generally runs through every fiber of Filipino social life. To be received positively by others is the basis for a person's security. Frank Lynch (1973) discusses ways that Filipinos achieve social acceptance. People will exert much effort to be pleasant in their social dealings. They do not want to displease others for fear of not being accepted. Americans in the Philippines are often perceived as being "brutally frank" because they do not try to be pleasant. In general, Filipinos avoid any overt signs of conflict which may disrupt smooth interpersonal relationships. They cannot disagree openly because it may estranged, alienate or disrupt existing friendships (Mayer, 1980) . ”Pakikisama" or good public relations is a quality often strived for by many. In this light, people in the bunkhouse continuously attempt at nurturing good social relationships among neighbors. If any dissatisfactions or discomforts are felt, they do not interfere with social relations. The four case studies discussed in chapter two support this contention. 2 3 1 Studies which have investigated the ingredients that make low-income communities develop and sustain cohesion bring out the central contribution of social relationships among their members. Among urban slum dwellers, the criteria for belonging to the community is neighborl iness (Hollsteiner, 1971) . Unless a family adapts their ways to comply with social and behavioral expectations, they will not be regarded as "insiders" . Among some of the major expectations is getting along well with neighbors and participating in their small informal gatherings. Again, this typifies the need to establish amiable relationships with others. As implied above, the presence of social conflict is a danger sign rather than a healthy indictor of a community's stability . It is known that when these interrelationships are strained between two individuals, an entire community may be affected. People in the bunkhouses try to avoid conflict because social networks will certainly be disrupted. In Frank Lynch's (1973) words: 'Security is sought not by independence but by interdependence. Correlated with this interdependence is the group's acceptance of responsibility for the actions of the individual member. Although relatives may regret very muchthatmattershavecometosuchapass,andmayreservetoalaterdate their own punishment of a trouble making kinsmen, they will ordinarily back himupinadispute. ’l'heopposingprincipalwillbringhisowngroupintothe fray, the resulting conflict being one which—especially in a small community- can cause considerable and possibly long-lasting damage to the social, political, and economic life of the residents. Inotherwords, when twoFilipinoshaveaserious fight, thereismuch moreatstakethanwhentwoAmericansbreakofi'relations. Thisfactis,inmy opinion,onereasonwhysmoothinterpersonalrelationsaremorehighly cultivated in the Philippines than in the United States.“ (p.14) Maintaining good relations is deemed essential for the 232 majority but the need seems to be catered to one's position in the group or community. This is true especially when a person of status has to preserve his/her reputation. Mr. Dumia, one of the key informants of the case studies as described in Chapter Two, claimed that because he was the athletic director for the community, he did not want to displease anyone. In addition, the Lopezes, being agents of the "jueteng" game need to maintain. good social relations in. order to increase people's bets. To an extent, they are looked up to as astute and innovative entrepreneurs. Three female respondents who served as bunkhouse chairpersons also mentioned that because they had a position, it was necessary to be friendly with neighbors. These responses manifest a Filipino's need to protect one's social status. Anything that challenges his/her status hurts the ego usually takes time to heal (Meyers, 1980). Sometimes grudges are held on to the next generation. Relationships are at stake when this happens so people try to act cordially towards each other. One can also readily recognize that affirming social relations supersedes the impact of congestion on a person's extent of happiness. Statistically, there was a relationship between feelings of crowdedness and the respondents' level of happiness. Nevertheless, such relationship was characterized by the observation that those feeling either "crowded" or "very crowded" were "moderately happy". The case studies demonstrate how congestion in the bunkhouse does not necessarily relate to feeling unhappy. 233 Jocano (1975) in his study of slum families acknowledged the way low-income populations frame their perception of happiness. Despite the physical conditions surrounding them (i.e. congestion, poor sanitary facilities, scarcity of clothing and medicine, etc...), they are able to find happiness. Their concept of happiness consists of having social integration with family and neighbors, as well as a non-preoccupation ‘with gathering' wealth. .Analyzing' his experiences with these slum dwellers, Jocano concluded: "Often, it is how we look at slum life that bars a better understanding of slum conditions. We stop short at the material needs of the people: we seldom go beyond the decaying cardboard walls in order to grasp the inner dimension of slum life. True, the slum is characterized by chronic difficulties and widespread sufferings. However, as we have shown, there are also moments of shared relief from these burdens: moments of shared togetherness that articulate the feelings of contentment, of belongingness, of emotional attachment to one another as members of the same group that transfonm basic impulses to purposes in life, impressions into perceptions, dreams into realities. It is these elements of group identity, as found in communal associations and mutual sharing of slum life, real or imagined, that cushion the impact of economic shortcomings and other forms of inadequacies in the lives of slum dwellers. Even in their state of extreme economic want, hope is amazingly present. It is in this context that happiness is defined and actualized." (p. 196). In explaining the impact that social relations have on adaption patterns and the acceptance of otherwise adverse living conditions, one thinks of the concept of’ place- identity. The environmental system, in this case the 234 neighborhood, which surrounds an individual contributes greatly to his/her development of self-identity. 'Memories, ideas, feelings, attitudes, values, preferences, meanings, and conceptions of behavior and experience' all constitute a definition of self which usually stem from personal social contacts over a time period (Rivlin, 1987). Place-identity also involves having attachment to a neighborhood where one's roots are established. Again, such attachments have been brought about by positive affective relationships developed within the community. In general terms, one may apply the place-identity concept to the BGO community where people are socialized into a network of affirmative bonding. A number of respondents have claimed that it will be difficult to leave the community when they or their spouses retire. Attachments to the community is quite evident by the number of private shacks located at the fringes of the campsite. In summary, the pronounced concept of the group as a functional unit enables people to cope better with their crowded situation. The social organization existing within bunkhouses in the BGO community fulfills many of the basic social needs of individuals. People maintain this social network as a buttress for their joys and frustrations. Belonging to the group is a way that assists them in adapting to and/or accepting the conditions. The discussion will now focus on the family as a social unit" One must.not forget that the tendency to accept crowded conditions in the bunkhouses stems from the value of family 235 togetherness. The respondents were asked what were some reasons for liking the bunkhouse and 409 (98.3%) identified the statement "It is a place where my family can be together" as a major factor. Likewise, among the Chinese in San Francisco, being close to family becomes a compensatory factor to crowdedness of the dwelling unit. One respondent articulated this value by saying, 'I like to live with all my family members even though it is crowded. I've gotten used to it. Sometimes crowding causes unity.' (Loo, 1984, p.73). The family takes a central place in Filipino culture. It is the personal group where a child is socialized: a growing adolescent's identity is molded: and an adult finds his/her refuge for emotional security, economic support and belongingness. The family is the locus for one's loyalty and commitment. In adverse environmental conditions, it serves as a buttress for frustrations and other negative responses. The following discussion is organized in such a way that traits characterizing the Filipino family are described in accordance with the contention that families in the bunkhouses are malleable to not so desirable situational factors. Division of labor is clearly defined in Filipino households (Seville, 1982) . Age and gender are the basis for assigning specific chores. Girls are expected to help in preparing meals and cleaning the dwelling unit. Boys, on the other hand, are responsible for heavier tasks such as fetching water and firewood if there is a need. Toe, the older siblings assume caring for the younger ones even when the 236 parents are around. It is not uncommon in the bunkhouses to observe boys and girls about eight years old carrying their baby siblings on their backs while playing outside. The mother is generally responsible for marketing, cooking and raising the children while the father is the major breadearner. Conducting the survey and case studies, however, has revealed that it was becoming more proverbial for housewives to engage in small businesses, provided these activities do not take them away from their basic duties. It is thought that having distinct roles in the household helps in dealing with feelings of crowdedness. Members develop a sense of belonging to family because of their contribution to accomplishing tasks necessary for its functioning. The view of "we are in this situation together", therefore, facilitates acceptance of housing conditions. Since everyone is involved in maintaining the household, they also are able, as a group, to find alternative ways to cope with limited space. Filipino families, as discussed earlier, especially among the poor, are characterized by a number of children. The societal expectation and personal desire to have children bears upon how people in the bunkhouses feel about their crowded situation. In other'words, respondents may have felt more crowded with having more children but this is not associated with negative socio-behavioral responses as indicated in the previous chapter. It was clarified earlier that the relationship between number of people in the bunkhouse and feelings of crowdedness may have been 237 statistically determined rather than it being a representation of reality. Ethnographic studies focusing on grassroots populations typify values related to the family in the BGO community, particularly the desire to have children. Jocano (1975) explains that the term "mag-anak" or family is derived from two root words, anak (child) and mag (implies the ability or intention to have children). Among slum dwellers, children constitute the family. A couple without children is not regarded as a family. In.a rural town, folks believed that the major reason for marriage is to raise children (Mendez and Jocano, 1974). The presence of children ensures stronger ties that bind a couple together. Women believed that if they could not bear children their husbands would seek other women. In general, Filipino men regard having children as a proof of masculinity. The concept of family and the emphasis on children is again clearly seen in the term "kaaman" used by a lowland ethnic group (Jocano, 1982). The root word is "ama" or father and the literal meaning translates into "sired by the ama". This, of course, underscores again the importance of children in stabilizing family life. Among upland tribes, the foundation of a marriage are children (Bello, 1972). In a period of five years, the community watches over a newly wed couple. If they cannot hear children, their respective kinsmen would advise them to seperate and find another spouse they can have children with 238 (Garming, 1977). Another upland tribe, the Bontocs, also value children to the same extent as other Filipino groups do. The family is likened to a kiln stove which needs at least three stones to be called a stove and to serve its purpose (Botengan, 1975). Children makes a family complete. They believe that children compensate for whatever economic problems beset the family. The community's commitment to rearing up children is evident when suckling mothers provide milk to children even if they are not their own. Such high value placed on children is manifested in.many superstitious beliefs and taboos circumscribing pregnancy. Among some of these are: 1) She must not leave windows opened when she sleeps because spirits might come in and steal her baby: 2) She must not linger in the entrance of the dwelling unit because she might have a difficult delivery: 3) She cannot go out at night because this is the time evil spirits come out: 4) Building, constructing additional parts and remodeling the house are not allowed.when a woman is pregnant because this may cause miscarriage or difficult delivery: and 5) She is not allowed to see ugly pictures because they may cause resemblance in her baby (Jocano, 1975: Jocano, 1976: Mendez & Jocano, 1974). There are quite a number of other cultural customs attached to pregnancy. One can recognize that the value for having children is shared by the entire community because members provide utmost care to pregnant 239 women and those in the post-natal stages. Parallel to the above cases among low-income populations, families in the BGO community still esteem children in spite of acknowledged hardshipsm The companionship and fulfillment they provide for the parents account for relatively large families in this community. The importance of having the family together compensates for crowdedness associated with living in the bunkhouses. v .ou -,.g. .m.. ., .,. ,.u- a .i, a ., . -. -_; The home organization strategy found to be associated with the measures of crowdedness was eating arrangements. However, household composition (i.e. number of people residing in the unit, family type and percentage of female dependents) clearly predicted how families organized their households. As indicated in Chapter Five, it was hypothesized that the use of dividers was attributed to the percentage of females in the household. A significant relationship showed that the higher the percentage of female dependents, the more likely the household uses dividers to delineate activities. Filipino culture which is strongly based on religious tones overprotects the growing female from the evils of the world. Adolescent females, especially, are supervised.more carefully than the males (Sevilla, 1982) . Maintaining a good reputation is of utmost concern to parents and this is often times carried out by restricting their daughters from spending too much time outside the home. 240 Because of the physical changes brought about by this stage, daughters are often given more "private space" in the dwelling unit. If possible, dividers are used to especially delineate their sleeping space from the rest of the family (Jocano, 1979 in Sevilla, 1982). This may explain why families with more female dependents are more likely to use dividers. One must bear in mind that the statistical analysis conducted considered all female dependents in computing the percentage. It did. not take into account their ages. However, the comments given by several respondents about the need for more space when their daughters grow up indicates that future conditions are thought of and may have an impact on how the dwelling unit is arranged at the present. Before ending this discussion about the association between the use of dividers and percentage of female dependents, a major point must be dealt with. Many of the literature on the Filipino family recognize the need for puberty-aged daughters for more privacy. If one does not understand Filipino culture, an inconsistency between the earlier point about females requiring less privacy because of their nurturing function and the one being dealt with at present may be conceived. However, one must qualify what privacy for adolescent females constitutes. Privacy for adolescent females is given priority in the household mainly for sleeping, changing clothes and hygiene care. To families, having space for these activities must be accommodated. If it is not possible, parents express deep concern. Daughters of 241 this age are not only carefully watched but also are given more attention. During menstruation period, for example, daughters are excused from doing housework. There are many taboos related to menstruation such as daughters should not eat sour or sweet food or cannot take a bath or wash their hair. Therefore, when parents mentioned that their daughters needed privacy, they did not mean it in terms of having quiet time for introspection. Rather, it involved the physical needs attached to puberty. One must realize that the concept of privacy encompass the needs posed by physical changes in the body rather than a refuge from social stimulation. Westerners' privacy is more of an introspective condition where the individual is able to be alone with one's feelings and thoughts. This is not the case in the Philippines. Because we are a social-centered culture, privacy as described in western context is not a necessity; In fact, that.type of privacy is even frowned upon because it marks a desire to be away from the group. In addition to the use of dividers, eating arrangement was shown to be associated with household composition (i.e number'of people residing in.the unit, family type, and.number of years living in the bunkhouse). Since number of people residing in the unit was correlated with number of years living in the bunkhouse, larger and older families tended to eat in shifts. Of course, as the dependents grew older their different schedules dictated eating patterns. In addition, 242 these who perceived the space to be adequate for their needs were inclined to eat together while those with lesser scores ate in shifts (t=2.81, df=99.65, N=416, p < .01). It may be said that eating separately is a way that people cope with space restrictions. A relevant finding to discuss is the association between family type and eating arrangements. It was observed that families who ate together where of type 1 or families with young children (47,8%) and type 4 or families with young children and transition-aged dependents (35.7%) . As initially believed, families with younger dependents needed more supervision in eating thus the arrangement. Supervision is needed not only in terms of the manner of eating but for the social aspects attached to it. Parents want to inculcate the value of food to younger children and transition aged dependents thus the practice of eating together. People believe that food, particularly rice which is a staple food, is a sacred gift from God and should be respected (Jocano, 1982) . It is a general rule among households to prohibit singing and making noise, except for cordial conversations, in front of food. In addition, rice should not.be spilled on the table or floor. If it does, the grains should be picked up immediately and set aside. Another interesting belief focusing on food is that no one should leave the table while others are eating because that brings bad luck to the family. Too, clearing dishes out especially if a young woman is still eating is believed as destining her to be an old maid. These 243 are some of the social aspects related to food which parents would like their young children to learn thus the practice of eating together. Another home organization strategy‘ which was found associated with household composition, particularly the number of people residing in the unit, was sleeping arrangements. It is obvious that the more people there are, the more places for sleeping is required. Since people in the bunkhouses are innovative and adaptive they' made use of the floor' or appropriate furniture for sleeping (i.e. sofa, bench, table). The Dumia and Cawed families are examples of'upland.people*who were able to cope with lack of space for sleeping by sending the older children to sleep‘with other relativesu This is not uncommon among the tribes because in their respective villages, such is the practice. When dependents reach puberty age, they sleep in community houses designated for each gender. Among the tribes, the boys sleep in a seperate structure which is also a gathering place for the elders and other men in the village (Barton, 1949: Cawed, 1980). The girls go to the "clog" where they are further taught about rituals related to marriage and appropriate behavior in front of men. These traditional customs make it easier for upland families to find alternative lodging places for their older children. In summary, this chapter discussed several significant findings and. explained. them in ‘the context of Filipino 244 culture. These ideas were based on the researcher's direct experience, knowledge and study of her own cultural heritage. She admits tclthe fact that in-depth research.and analysis are necessary to validate the explanations discussed. As indicated, the negative implications of crowding are superseded by the importance of social networks, both in the family and neighborhood, built up by the environment in the BGO community. In addition, the differences posed by upland and lowland cultures, as well as gender, determined one's experience of crowdedness. As expected, social density or the number of people present in a crowding situation was found to be significantly related to a measure of crowdedness. These findings, in general, has provided a broader understanding of crowding in the context of the BGO community. CHAPTER SEVEN The Upland Project Revisited: A Housing Development Plan for the BGO Community The relevancy' of this research. is best shown. when specific alternative housing strategies are developed to improve the quality of life for people in the BGO community. As stated in Chapter One, an important segment of this study involves the formulation of a housing plan which addresses some of the major problems of living in bunkhouses. This chapter focuses. on. specific recommendations ‘that. may’ be adopted for a housing program. In 1981, the concept of an innovative project, referred to as the Upland Project, was conceived by the Office of the Vice-President for Personnel at Benguet Corporation. The project was initiated in response to a Philippine law which states that "a lessee of a productive mine or mineral land should take necessary measures to provide for the growth and development of any industry suitable for the area other than mining so that when the mine is exhausted, the people'who used to work for the mine will have a substitute industry or business activity to support their means of livelihood" (Alabanza and Lagdameo, 1983) . In order to promote self- sufficiency among employees and their families, the upland 245 246 project consisted of specific housing and livelihood plans which were to be pursued in joint efforts between management and the people. Due to mining operation priorities and anacute legal problem involving disputes on surface claims, the project was stopped. This dissertation will hopefully rekindle the interest and commitment of Benguet Corporation to improve living conditions of the people and provide opportunities for self-sufficiency. Based on the upland project's conceptual framework, results of the survey, personal observations and insights gained from the case studies, housing alternatives are discussed in this chapter. It will be divided into various sections dealing with: 1) the alternative physical form: 2) use of indigenous materials: 3) the house as an institution: 4) settlement pattern: 5) self-help strategy: and 6) home ownership. W: The two most significant physical features associated with crowding were spatial density and easy access to the outside. In view of this, a physical form comprised of a single detached dwelling unit is suggested for employees and their families. A basic physical characteristics of this dwelling unit includes a one-room home on stilts. Since more space is directly related perceptions of adequacy, the floor area of the unit will be made larger than the existing bunkhouse units. This, of course, would have to be incorporated into the landsite development plan which defines 247 the boundaries of the housing project site. At present, the average spatial density is 31 sq. ft. per'person living in the unit. It is suggested that the houses be uniform in design and floor area to facilitate the planning and management of this project. As shown on Figure 8.1, the physical form is characteristic of a native hut but may be made of conventional materials such as corrugated G.I. sheets for the roof and wooden panels for the structural sidings. If possible, as discussed in the next section, indigenous materials will be used. The advantages for implementing such design are the following: 1. As mentioned, floor areas are even for all the housing units. To accommodate the spatial needs of various family types, building extensions to this main structure will be allowed. The design is simple and any additions do not require excessive modifications of the structure. It is necessary, however, that the community formulate certain standards in the construction of extensions. Hopefully, these standards will regulate how large an extension families can build. 2. Additional flexible space is provided by the design of the unit. The space below the house is traditionally used for raising domestic animals, storage or entertaining visitors. However, families will be given freedom to use this space for their own needs. 248 .9... .. 9.» union .. 20:.me 083 .GXerxev .mUaigl: "$3 m0 0... 0003 ".0 .OZ .. 02.05 mOEmwa sou _ . . .92 . 802 ".0 Boygul ~06? . filed? Iii . .! l: .i:! llfl wzJ 0230mm FWOQ 0003 .0 50 i- I 6: 249 3. Easy access to the outside of the unit is ensured. Having the features of detached housing provides the occupants with easy access to the outside. Traditionally, access is through a stable ladder which is lifted at night. 4. To address the need for having easy access to sanitary facilities, this type of housing provides space for a toilet and bathroom in every dwelling unit. A sanitary core ("poso negro" in the dialect) may be placed under the unit. 5. A.small attic in the roof area may serve as additional storage space or even a sleeping area for young children. Granting that a railing is constructed to prevent the children from falling down during their sleep, this space is safe and practical. 6. The wide A-frame type of roofing is most appropriate for water conservation. The province of Benguet, where the BGO community is located, has an average annual rainfall of 4,489 millimeters or 180 inches (Cleto, 1986). Having steady rainfall ensures people with adequate water supply if retention modes are effective. A tank or large industrial drum.may be situated right on the spot where water falls from the roof. Water is then collected for domestic use such as for washing clothes, taking a bath, cleaning the toilets and drinking for domestic animals. Unlike in the United States, the air in the area is not infested with chemical pollutants which.would.make the water unsafe for the purposes mentioned. To ensure safety, however, water tests will be conducted. 250 7. This design gives more freedom of spatial choice for women in conducting daily household chores. Architecture of household dwellings had always been male dominated. It seems that women's needs are not always considered in drawing a housing plan. An evidence of this observation, particularly in Philippine society, is the size and quality of spaces where housewives usually do their work. The kitchen and laundry area are not given as much attention as the living room where the household head relaxes. These areas of work are located at the back of the house and are small in size. Kitchens do not provide enough space for movement which is especially needed in the preparation of meals. Many laundry areas are cemented where the woman is sitted on the ground while washing clothes. Furthermore, there is rarely a designated place which the woman refers to as her relaxing area. In view of these observations, the proposed housing plan gives the woman of the household additional spaces to undertake her chores. She has a choice of locating the kitchen on the ground or extending the structure from the floor line. The additional space under the unit also provides her with the opportunity to pursue interests such as weaving or even setting a small business. This space may also be used for relaxing. 8. The house on stilts is adaptable to any type of terrain. Considering that the BGO area is generally described as rugged terrain, this type of housing is appropriate. The structure can be situated on any moderate range of slope. 251 Man-made modifications on the ground is minimized except for essential spaces that need to be flattened. This, of course, preserves the natural setting of the place. WWW: Many housing projects in the Philippines have been modeled after those in the United States and other western countries which are characterized as being capital-intensive. These involve mass production and distribution, rationalization of resources and rapid construction. In addition, the design (i.e high-rise buildings), site development and even materials used are imported. Indirectly, the sponsors of these project manifest their preference of imported materials and discredit the quality of local materials. Funding is rare for the study and development of these indigenous materials thus their reputation of having inferior quality. It is recommended that efforts be made to use available local materials that ensure housing quality and safety for the families. Obviously, the costs of these materials would have to be affordable by the people. If certain materials are found to be extremely costly, conventional ones, of which the company has access to, will be used. Another alternative may be for the company and government agencies (e.g. National Science Technology Administration) to subsidize the study and development of these indigenous materials for the housing project. Among some of the potential materials found in the uplands are timber (for the sidings) , bamboo and ipil-ipil 252 (native trees that can be used for kitchen sinks, bathroom sidings and cabinets) and pine needles (for furniture and baskets). One major suggestion regarding the use of available local resources is for Benguet Corporation and, possibly, the Bureau of Mines to provide funding in the study of mine tailings as a potential ingredient in building materials such as bricks or hollow blocks. These can be used for the bathroom or kitchen sidings. Families may also want to use these as walls for the space under the proposed physical structure. Mine tailings or wastes from the process of separating the gold from other materials are definitely abundant in the area. In fact, the operations management is foreseeing a problem because the retention pond for these mine tailings is about to reach full capacity. If funds are appropriated in discovering safe ways of using these wastes for building materials, then housing costs may be made more affordable. Not only will this move be economical but will also protect the environment from any mine tailings spill which would certainly affect the rivers and, ultimately, have negative repercussions on communities that use these rivers. W: 'The house is an institution, not just a structure, created for a complex set of purposes' (Rapoport, 1969, p. 46) . In his study of many house forms around the world, Rapoport has arrived at a conclusion that the physical structure represents more than a shelter away from the 253 elements. It especially reflects the social and cultural patterns of the community. Identification of these patterns is essential before one reaches an understanding of the relationship between house and culture. One result of the survey was the significance of not being able to practice traditional beliefs in predicting negative behaviors. Such result manifests the importance of culture in everyday living. The proposed housing project for the BGO community is in congruence with the social and cultural environment in which it will be built. Firstly, traditional customs before the start of construction will be practiced since the residents are the builders of their own homes. Among the uplanders, for example, the killing of chickens to check the liver structure is performed before constructing the house. If the liver shows abnormalities such as a double structured bile or if there are unusually more lining, then construction cannot commence. They will have to wait several days or even weeks until the omens are interpreted by the native priests as good and lucky. The lowlanders also practice a custom where they mark the posts of the house with crosses to ward off evil spirits. Chicken blood may also be placed on the four corners of the dwelling unit. The other customs were described earlier in chapter five. One must remember that when people practice these customs, a special type of bonding is strengthened. Identity to their traditional culture is enhanced and a sense of 254 belongingness is reinforced. This social outcome in relation to constructing houses constitutes the cultural aspect of housing. Secondly, the physical environment is best appreciated when it is placed within the context of a group's social organization. Among the uplanders, for example, special areas for the elders' houses must be designated. In addition, they may want to continue practicing their custom.where adolescent girls sleep in one place which is supervised by a well- respected woman. Dormitories for boys may also be desired. The BGO community consists of many families that are related to each other. Among the lowlanders, better housing units are usually assigned to the eldest male child in the family because he is expected to provide housing for his aged parents. Thus, in this housing project, the eldest male child may get a piece of land that has superior location over his other siblings' units. Or, he may be given the option, by his siblings, to choose the area he would like to build his house on. Lastly, the proposed project provides freedom to express cultural symbols. Because people are given the opportunity to make decisions regarding the use of space, they are able to display designs or artifacts of cultural significance. For example, among the upland.tribes it is common.to»carve lizards and other artistic symbols on the wooden sidings and posts of the dwelling unit. A representation of the lizard is a sign of good luck and prosperity. Furthermore, among Catholics, a 255 built altar inside or outside the unit is an important use of space. They display the child Jesus or statues of saints on the altar. Some families practice the custom of placing candles and flowers on these altars. Another common use of space is an outside grotto of the Virgin Mary or the Holy Family. These customs described are examples of cultural symbols that are expressed more freely in the kind of environment being proposed. Residents are given more control over space utilization inside the dwelling unit and the surrounding areas outside. Wm: The relationship of dwelling units to each other will be arranged in various clusters to be decided by the residents themselves. Settlement patterns of this sort facilitates energy conservation and entails less cost and effort in distributing basic services. It must be made clear that the clustered housing being suggested does not consist of clusters that are distant from each other. A few feet of buffer zones between clusters is seen to be most appropriate. This idea was based on the settlement pattern characteristics of several tribal groups. As evident among the Bontocs, for example, special dwellings are designated for the council of elders, dormitories for young men and women (Cawed, 1981) . Activities center around these places. It is not uncommon to find several houses grouped around central points such as the ones mentioned. Recommendations for a more livable BGO community consists of a clustered settlement 256 pattern that encompasses a central point and several dwelling units surrounding it. Decision as to what constitutes clusters would rest on the members of the community. It is not surprising if distinctions between lowland and upland clusters would develops. If it is agreed upon by the community as the most appropriate arrangement, then the plan must be implemented. One may criticize this settlement pattern as creating cultural enclaves and isolating ethnic groups from each other. If people feel more comfortable with such pattern and other strategies are pursued to socially integrate these groups, no detrimental effects are foreseen. If at all possible, various central locations will be designated for community services such as medical centers/clinics, schools, day care centers, cooperative stores, retail establishments, recreational facilities, and multi-purpose social halls. Religious structures may also be built. The ultimate product of development is seen to be a self-contained community. Especially important are areas to be designated for agricultural fields. Many of these miners, whether they are uplanders or lowlanders, have originated from farming regions and providing them with a plot of land for tilling would help augment their family incomes because they are already skilled. The residents would have to identify agricultural sites and distribute the plots according to their criteria. 257 Contrary to many low-cost housing programs in the Third World, the project will be the outcome of consolidated efforts among Benguet Corporation, government housing and planning agencies and the residents themselves. As experienced in many areas, low-cost housing development is not sustained when the occupants are not involved in the decision-making process. This is especially true when residents are low-income and uneducated. It is essential that they participate in the planning process. Turner and Fichter, housing experts, strongly suggests in his writings that if people are given the opportunity to control major decisions pertaining to the design, construction and management of low-income housing, individual and social well-being is produced (Lea, 1979). They further state that deficiencies and imperfections brought about by the people's own doing are more tolerable and acceptable than if these were someone else's. In their own words: 'When dwellers control the major decisions and are free to make their own contributions in the design, construction, or management of their housing, both this process and the environment produced stimulate individual and social well-being. When people have no control over nor responsibility for key decisions in the housing process, on the other hand, dwelling environments may instead.become a barrier to personal fulfillment and a burden on the economy.' (Turner and Fichter, 1972) Several features of the self-help strategy recommended will be discussed. One major characteristics of the 258 strategies lies in the effort to encourage the residents themselves to build their own homes. Although public staff and corporate experts will be made accessible for consultation and advise, the people would have to take responsibility in constructing the houses. The "bayanihan" style of building, a lowland custom where a community as a whole transfers a house from a location to another and the people involved are given a "handaan" (party) may be an alternative strategy. While no cash exchange takes place, social bonding is strengthened. On the other hand, if people are willing to hire their own laborers then they should not be prevented from doing so. The ultimate objective is that people are given the opportunity to make their own decisions. In relation to this, the physical form.discussed earlier will have to be approved by the people. Of course, the advantages of adopting this design will be explained. Other physical designs may be suggested but a housing committee, consisting of community representatives, government.officials and corporate staff, will have to approve the specifications before construction actually commences. Another characteristic of the self—help strategy being recommended is the role of Benguet Corporation as the channel to which resources are obtained. A misconception of self-help lies in the thought that these types of housing projects should let the beneficiaries do everything on their own without any help extended to them. After all, the term "self- help" implies they help themselves. The self-help strategy 259 now recommended involves the contribution of the company in major activities such as purchasing building materials. Whereas Benguet Corporation acquires materials in bulk for its mining' operations, it should also be able to shop for construction materials needed for the housing project. A distribution system must be set in place in order that residents will be able to purchase necessary materials from the company at low cost. In addition, utilities such as waste and disposal systems, water distribution and electricity are to be constructed through joint efforts between Benguet Corporation and appropriate government agencies at the local, regional and national levels. It is important that the company work at helping the people obtain other services needed to make the site a better place to live in. Furthermore, it would be cost-effective if this corporate entity supply the residents with technical assistance. Since the company has an existing technical pool dedicated to construction work throughout the mining camps, it may hire temporary personnel to provide consultation in regards to the housing project. Assistance is seen to be especially needed for site development and project management. It must be made clear, however, that the company's role in these tasks is advisory rather than decision-maker. The self-help strategy being proposed consists also of the role of residents in the selection of the project site. Most public or corporate housing projects, considering their 260 allotted resources and genuine commitment to low-income housing, have insisted.on specific sites for'developmentn For the government, these locations are usually areas that cannot be developed for income-generating activities such as commercial or industrial. For many private companies, these sites are always those that require less development costs. Costs supercede the residents' needs. The proposed housing project will entail the participation of people in locating the site. It is, of course, understood that technical experts be involved in the activity because they hold important information necessary to make decisions. Together with the residents, the technical experts can study the geographical characteristics of several possible sites (i.e. slopes, terrain, rock formation. etc. . .) , as well as, land capability and suitability; Moreover, legal assistance is essential to identify land titles and facilitate the process of acquiring the property. A number of options for tenure are discussed in the section on home ownership. The concept of "self-help" has often times been criticized for various reasons. critics have claimed that this kind of development is extremely unorganized and takes a longer time to complete. These comments seem to come from technocrats who emphasize the ends rather than the means. The proposed housing project for BGO families is based on the belief that the process of development is as important as the product. A balance should be set between accomplishing the objectives and ensuring that people are learning and, in the 261 long run, being empowered by the process. If the project were concentrated.mainly on constructing the houses while ignoring the social and cultural factors that interplay“with fulfilling housing needs, another white elephant may be created. It will not be surprising if the residents would abandon their homes and squat on available vacant land surrounding the minesites. Another criticism attached to self-help efforts is the retention of control in the agencies sponsoring the projects. According to these critics, authority is never given to the people. Rather, in the name of self-help, they make it seem like people actually participate in decision-making. This is a critical issue that most self-help projects face. The company may be able to gain complete control over the project because of the resources (i.e. technical expertise, management, access to conventional building materials, study and development of the use of mine tailings) they directly contribute. On the other hand, government agencies may also attempt to exert their authority over the project. To avoid this pitfall of the self-help strategy, it is suggested that a third party, a non-profit service organization safeguards the interests of the community and ensures that authority over the project lies in the hands of the residents themselves. High regard and respect have been due these non-profit community-based organizations. These institutions are most likely the ones to protect the community because of their social consciousness and service commitment. 262 At a theoretical level, a prevailing opinion among Marxist theorists is that self-help strategies camouflage acute inequalities between the rich and the poor (Lea, 1979). These so-called autonomy schemes shifts the responsibility of providing housing from oppressive structures, such as capitalist governments and corporate entities, to the poor. While this reversal takes place the rich still get richer and the poor are to fend for themselves. This marxist view is understood but in the Third World where people's basic needs are not always met, material gains from self-help strategies is more relevant than the mental stimulation benefitted only by the intellectual elite. In this particular case, people are able to gain a dwelling unit and piece of land which they can call their own. It uplifts their self-worth and provides them with choices about the future. In general, the self-help strategy is viewed to be the most appropriate type of development for the alternative BGO housing project. Many case studies around the world have proven that this method has high potential for the success of housing projects targeted for low-income populations. Housman: A self-help strategy known as autonomous housing has been popularized by John F.C. Turner. He emphasizes the need for builders to be owners of what they build. Costs turn out to be lower than if a contractor was hired by the company or the appropriate public housing agency. Too, the quality of work 263 will not be inferior because people want to live in decent homes. The proposed housing project supports Turner's concept of a owner-builders type of housing and suggests that the company or public agency create a mechanism to actualize this recommendation. One extremely important aspect is to acquire land for this purpose. Benguet Corporation holds a critical position in relation to how people will own the land they build their houses on. Since legislation dictates that underground property rights are further translated to surface claims, the company has vast lands for the housing project. In other words, if a mining entity owns underground land, they automatically also own the corresponding surface area. If agreeable with the company, they lease the land to the residents until they are able to play the property values at the time of negotiation. Financial institutions and the appropriate public agencies also pay an important role in this particular aspect of the project. The ultimate goal is for residents to personally own the land and the physical structure built. Quite common among self-help projects is the concept of "sweat equity". Since low-income people do not have the cash to pay for building materials or even the land itself, their payment will be in terms of manual labor. By rendering a number of work hours, they are able to pay off the lease to ensure ownership. More specifically, they may be able to participate in site development activities or assist in the 264 construction of community facilities. For beautification and agricultural purposes, they may also contribute their labor in building terraces among the rugged slopes prevalent in the area e To conclude, the proposed housing project encompasses many aspects. One must remember that the components discussed above are planning suggestions based on knowledge about the housing conditions and community life of the BGO residents. Ultimately, they would have to decide the most appropriate plans for their housing environment. CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION §BEEQII= This research study set forth to explore relationships among variables related to the crowding experience and how people respond and cope with high density conditions in a Philippine urban mining community. using the results of a survey sample of 416 male and female respondents, multiple regression analyses and bi-variate correlation tests were conducted. These tests showed that the best predictors of the first measure of crowdedness, "adequacy of space", were: 1) spatial density: 2) not.having easy access to the outside: and 3) number of years residing in the bunkhouse. In addition, feelings of crowdedness were best explained by: 1) ethnic origin: 2) not having easy access to the outside: 3) gender: 4) number of people living in the unit: and 5) educational attainment. Although, as mentioned in the text, the multiple correlation coefficients of these significant equations were not large enough to make conclusive statements. A major observation was that people's perceptions of adequacy of space were associated more with the physical features of the unit. On the other hand, social and cultural aspects explained feelings of crowdedness. 265 266 This study also aimed at establishing possible relationships between the experience of crowdedness and socio— behavioral responses to crowding. Three variables constituted these responses to crowding (i.e. negative behaviors experienced, neighbor relations, extent of happiness). The first measure of crowdedness, adequacy of space, was not found to be related with any of the three variables. However, in regards to feelings of crowdedness, neighbor relations and extent of happiness were significantly related with this measure. Surprisingly, inverse relationships appeared. In other words, those who felt crowded had good relations with neighbors and were moderately happy living in the bunkhouse. As forms of adaptation to high density living, home organization strategies such as the use of dividers and eating and sleeping arrangements were studied as to their relationship with the measures of crowdedness. Neither use of dividers nor sleeping arrangements proved to be associated with the experience of crowdedness. However, eating arrangements significantly explained variability in the two measures of crowdedness. The analyses revealed that those who ate in shifts perceived the space in the unit to be adequate for their needs but, at the same time, felt moderately crowded. The predictor variables were entered into regression equations to see the extent of their predictability of the three socio-behavioral responses. Results revealed that: 1) not being able to practice traditional customs: 2) families 267 with children and male dependents of transition age: 3) male gender: and 4) families with mixed gender dependents of transition age were significantly associated with experiencing negative behaviors. In addition, floor of residence and not having easy access to the outside significantly predicted good neighbor relations. Furthermore, families who expressed unhappiness were: 1) those with children and mixed gender dependents of transition and adult ages: 2) those who had lived in the bunkhouse for a few years: and 3) did not have easy access to the outside. Lastly, predictor variables and home organization strategies were tested for any significant relationships. There was evidence to show that families with female dependents tended to use dividers in their homes. Eating arrangements were observed to be associated with family type, total number of people and number of years living in the bunkhouse unit. Similarly, sleeping arrangement was observed to be related with total number of people and number of years residing in the unit. Implisatiema Results of the study suggest that a closer look into the issue of ethnicity and feelings of crowdedness be undertaken. Although possible discrimination against the uplanders was hinted at, a more in-depth analysis of the matter is necessary to validate or revamp the contention. In addition, a study of personal space differences between the two ethnic groups contributes to a broader perspective of the relationship 268 between culture and crowding. In order to investigate other aspects of the crowding experience, a number of variables to represent crowdedness may be utilized. It is suggested that future studies consider the concept of privacy in relation to crowdedness in the household. This particular study initially asked the question about whether they had individual and family privacy but these concepts were difficult to grasp as indicated by their responses. If a similar study were to be conducted in a Philippine setting, the concept of privacy must first be explored in a cultural sense then investigated in a crowding context. One other crowding variables being suggested is the extent to which a person feels overstimulated by both the physical and social environment posed by the dwelling unit. Both the level of privacy and extent of overstimulation provides a broader understanding the crowding experience. Finally, extensions of this study can encompass the relationship of work and crowding. Of the literature reviewed by the researcher, not one addressed the issue of work satisfaction and crowding. Most of the household studies dealt with relationships centered around the family such as husband-wife and parent-child relationships. It is possible that the work environment contributes to a person's feelings of crowdedness because the home is generally viewed as a refuge from the "outside world". If the dwelling unit does not fulfill an individual's need for "shelter", crowding may occur. A study that will address this idea is suggested. 269 c s'o : As a whole, this research study of the BGO community has reverberated a number of findings common to the literature on crowding. Gender, spatial density, social density, having access to the outside of the dwelling unit, length of exposure to high density conditions, and cultural orientation were some of the factors that explained the experience of crowdedness. One unique outcome of this research is the emphasis it has placed on the social and cultural component of crowdedness. In spite of crowded conditions, people in the BGO community have developed adaptive mechanisms to overcome the discomfort and inconvenience brought about by a low quality housing environment. Especially of note are the strong social structures and cultural bonding that provide support for people in low-income conditions. From the researcher's perspective, she knows that these factors make Filipinos, in general, tough survivors in any circumstance of distress. However, she is acutely conscious of the problem of laxity when research findings of this sort reach decision- makers at the policy-making level. The results of the study should not be used to justify current operations or curtail future development efforts to improve the housing situation in the community. The researcher's view is that Benguet Corporation Management should revive the interest and commitment to implement alternative housing strategies in conjunction with one of their basic principles stated as "Corporate responsibility is social responsibility". This 270 study will provide part of the basis for management to actualize this principle by addressing the housing needs of the community. Particularly, this study suggests a housing strategy consisting of single-housing units made of indigenous materials, if feasible. To guide the management of such program, the self-help principle of development be adopted which includes home ownership alternatives. As emphasized in the text, people participation in the planning, implementation and maintainance of the program must be given utmost attention. APPENDIX A PHOTO DOCUMENTATION 271 This is a view of the bunkhouses. Every BGO rank and file employee dwelling consists from two and. his/her family is provided. with a one room unit in the bunkhouse. A bunkhouse structure of more than twenty units. These structures range floors to five floors. 272 The typical family in the BGO community is composed of 4 to 5 dependents. 273 Most families lay out a mat or blanket and use the floor for sleeping. Those with furniture such as sofas and benches also use these for sleeping. Please note that the young boy asleep has outgrown his sleeping place. 274 Space must be utilized to its fullest. Please notice the basket which is hung above a couple's sleeping area. This basket is used as a crib for an infant. Since sleeping is considered a private activity, curtains are often used as a divider to delineate the space. 275 Housewives look forward to the afternoons for leisure time such as chatting with neighbors. 276 Children often play on any vacant space around the bunkhouse. 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N .5...................... ...... ..5.........E.... ....E... 0 0.0 .0509... . ......=.&........:. .. 5:35.. .200... ..5. .00 .5. .... 3.... ....» ...c .3. .m... 292 3 ~ .9. cinEficfi .= «338%: ect—".283 25> .8 :ca «52:. mam—.— sol—b £909. .235 e ramp—EU o... n $33.? .2332... 2: .c EXEoE 3:5 9 3:: case—:.::.— 2: 5 9:3. 53.20% m 222—m N 0252:2352 _ CR 8.29355 ... Lt:?&=z .= Euficst ... SE..&=E=:EE§ :35 .a 23. v 2.3: m_ 8.27. 3:; .95 .238 v.5. “.5... :c» 2. 2.3 .2. LIST 01" REFERENCES 293 LIST OF REFERENCES Abellera. Benjamin C- (1986) MW . Quezon City: Benjamin Abellera, University of the Philippines Asian Center. Aiello, J. a D. Thompson. (1980). "Personal Space, crowding, and special behavior in a cultural context" in I. Altman, A. Rapoport and J. Wohlhill (eds.), flnm§n_fleh§xig£_§n§ Enxir2nmentl__X91i1i__Enxirgnment__3uni__snltuze. New York:Plenum. Alabanza, Mary Anne and Amado S. Lagdameo. (1983) geneepj; . Makati: Benguet Corporation. Alabanza, Dr. Nelly E. and Maria Theresa D. 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