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"firm" *fi v-sw 31313," “ 1 n‘ ‘ u '\;- r- w 1'" 1'" I 2,: n“? % ‘ ~52" u . n 1. s . ‘ a. -. a m.- 'd.‘ J _ . .1. 1 _ l 6&57'31 ‘13.?“ l -- a u 1 .. ‘ ' ”m7? 4‘.” '“f‘h . . ‘ _ ”5:57“ ‘ m " ‘ Mm ‘ J" '1 rut-l Va ,1 332m . m . L '3. _, Ax .. , um)“; ._. , emf: m, . (4 . .u v I u Elfin 7‘: .1 ,_ 4‘ n :1 ~ .11 ”MI . a 3..» an PAH-Hr- v-Ju Ion-flaunt)»: IHIIIHIIWIIIHII WJHIJII 31293 00895 5852 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled IDENTIFICATION AND ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS, THEMES, AND VALUES ABOUT FAMILY AS USED BY INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS presented by I Carolyn Andree has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. (16ng Human Ecology \Jllrflc/YL/V'j/ g fllfli/ Major professor Date November 1990 MSU Lt an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 ~A r w‘. LIBRARY Michigan State University x ,J _—_ PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE H m _,. W Wi€1ooc W n .. hr r ' 0W fig L JUE I‘ MSU le An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution emana-DJ ____-fl-._.__ .. IDENTIFICATION AND ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS, THEMES, AND VALUES ABOUT FAMILY AS USED BY INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS By Carolyn Andree A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Family and Child Ecology 1991 ABSTRACT IDENTIFICATION AND ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTS, THEMES, AND VALUES ABOUT FAMILY AS USED BY INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS By Carolyn Andree As the world moves with escalating speed toward globalization, a new paradigm is called for with new ways of conceptualizing this world. These new conceptualizations may currently be in development by global and intercultural futurists. To learn what influential intercultural futurists are saying about family in the direct intercultural-interaction dimension of globalization, the writings of ten intercultural futurists were content analyzed in an inductive, interpretive study. From the data, 27 conceptual categories emerged, which clustered into two main groupings, descriptions of dimensions of family and family’s intercultural functioning. ‘The last grouping clustered further into four groupings along the criteria of whose turf and whose perspective were used in the intercultural interaction. In addition, seven overarching themes emerged, which dealt with intercultural interaction in general. Examples of family occurred in each theme. These seven themes were (a) Globalization is Carolyn Andree inevitable and exciting, (b) The world is interconnected in many ways, .(c) A major part of globalization is through individual people, (d) Adaptation of the individual is required, (e) Culture affects communication, (f) One culture is not better than another, and (9) Knowing about intercultural interaction links to helping do it successfully. The 27 categories and 7 themes generally paralleled concepts from human and family ecological theory. These intercultural futurists saw family in intercultural interactions sometimes as an entire unit in intercultural/interna— tional settings, sometimes in how internal family dynamics affected intercultural interactions, sometimes simply as a description of family in a given culture, but most often as the source of support, socialization, and cultural learning for family members. In addition, the ten intercultural futurists varied greatly in how much they discussed family. In general, the intercultural futurists’ applied writings, especially training materials, incorporated family more often than did their research or theory writings. Interestingly, this lack of family as a variable in the direct, personal dimensions of globalization was also apparent in a search of the related research literature. The present study and most of the writings on which it was based help fill this gap. Dissertation chair: Dr. Joanne G. Keith ACKNOWLEDGMENTS No project of this size is ever accomplished in isolation. I would like to express my deep appreciation to the following people, without whom the goal would not have been reached. First and foremost, to Joanne G. Keith, teacher, encourager, and friend, for nurturing the development of a methodology and the exploration of a new paradigm; for innumerable instances of practical and personal support; and for facilitating my growth in my own path, when other paths would have been easier. To all who served on my guidance committee for generously sharing ideas and for supporting me to move in new directions: Margaret M. Bubolz, S. Joseph Levine, Mary L. Andrews, Linda Nelson, and George H. Axinn. To Donald P. Hartmann, for encouragement and help in countless ways, especially with computers and statistics. And finally, to the memory of Beatrice Paolucci, who inspired the new and the possible. iv LIST OF TABLES LIST OF TABLES ....................... Chapter I. INTRODUCTION .................... Globalization and Intercultural Interaction . . . . Family in Intercultural Interaction ........ Intercultural Futurists .............. Importance of Concepts .............. Interpretive Science, Induction, and Qualitative Methodology ................... Purpose of the Study ............... II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ............ Family in Intercultural Interaction ........ Theory and Methodology .............. Meta-theory ................... Human and Family Ecological Theory ....... Inductive Methodology .............. Qualitative Analysis .............. Content Analysis ................ Category Development .............. Units of Analysis ................ Reliability ................... Validity .................... III. METHODOLOGY ..................... Overview of the Research Process ......... Pilot Study .................... Research Questions ................ Operational Definitions .............. Selection of the Ten Intercultural Futurists . . Sampling, Recording, and Context Units ...... Sources of Possible Bias ............. Data Collection .................. Letters to Intercultural Futurists ....... 39 Population of Writings ............. 42 Sampling, Scanning, and Searching for Keywords . 43 Category and Theme Discovery .......... 50 Reliability Check for Categories ........ 55 Validity .................... 57 IV. FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ................ S9 Conceptual Categories ............... 60 Themes ...................... 69 Theme One .................... 74 Theme Two .................... 75 Theme Three ................... 75 Theme Four ................... 77 Theme Five ................... 78 Theme Six .................... 80 Theme Seven ................... 80 Relationship of Categories and Themes to Human/ Family Ecological Theory ............ 82 Concepts From the Present Study With Core Parallel to Ecological Concepts ............. 85 Concepts From the Present Study That Are More Limited Examples of Ecological Concepts ..... 89 Relationship of Themes to Ecological Concepts and Values ................... 90 Relationship of Findings to Literature on Family Internationally/Interculturally ......... 92 V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND WHAT STILL NEEDS TO BE DONE ...................... 98 Summary and Conclusions .............. 98 What Still Needs to Be Done ............ 103 Further Research ................ 104 Application of What Is Known .......... TOG Strategies for Influencing the Emerging Paradigm ................... 107 APPENDICES A. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE TEN INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS ..................... 110 8. COVER LETTER TO INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS ....... llZ C. A DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY ............. ll3 D. WRITINGS ANALYZED .................. ll4 vi E. FAMILY-RELATED TERMS FOR NORD SEARCH ........ F. CONCEPTUAL CATEGORIES ................ LIST OF REFERENCES ..................... vii LIST OF TABLES Table Page I. Intercultural Futurists Included in the Study ..... 37 2. Total Number of Population Pages and Sampling Units by Intercultural Futurist .............. 46 3. Family-Related Keywords and Pages With Keywords Per Intercultural Futurist ............... 49 4. Categories and Groupings of Categories Used by Intercultural Futurists ............... 53 5. Category Descriptions ................. 6l 6. Distribution of Descriptive Categories by Inter- cultural Futurist .................. 65 7. Distribution of Intercultural-Functioning Categories by Intercultural Futurist .............. 66 8. Overarching Themes .................. 7O 9. Relationships of Conceptual Categories, Groupings, and Themes ..................... 7l l0. Relationship of Research Categories to Ecological Concepts ...................... 83 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION GT Ti ion d t l r n action In the past few years the world has experienced an unprecedented increase in global interconnectedness, combined with a growing awareness of that interconnectedness (Bleedorn, l988). Numerous authors have contended that this awareness 01: a global, interconnected world constitutes a paradigm shift of major proportions, which will eventually affect most of humankind (Feather, T980; Harman, T988; Lynch, T989). Harman (T988) went so far as to compare this paradigm shift to the scientific revolution that followed the Middle Ages. According to the World Future Society, this paradigm shift will require a holistic, interdependent, and multidimensional way of thinking (Feather, T980). In describing the five Secretaries General of the United Nations, Bleedorn (T988) identified an eclecticism of thinking that transcends boundaries, and she argued that a systems view of the world will be essential for global thinking. "This systemic unity and interconnectedness is sometimes argued to be the most important characteristic goal of a global approach" (Lynch, T989). Global interconnectedness takes many forms, some direct, some indirect. One direct form is the contact of people across cultural boundaries, or intercultural interaction. Intercultural interaction is a particularly critical dimension of globalization because, ultimately, other global issues, such as the environment, the economy, and technology, must be addressed by people across cultural boundaries. Family in Intercultural Interaction Whether viewed interculturally or intraculturally, people do not function from a vacuum; they are rooted in and form many environments, both human and nonhuman. Of the human environments, culture and family may be two of the most important. Hall (1989) wrote of the significance of culture in human interactions and the importance of knowing more about culture: Many messages are implied or have a cultural meaning, and there is a tacit agreement as to the nature of that meaning which is deeply rooted in the context of the communication. There is much that is taken for granted in culture that few people can explain but which every member of the culture accepts as given. . . The rewards [for solving problems between people of different cultures] are not only material but psychological and mental as well. New frontiers are not only to be found in outer space or in the microworld of science; they are also at the interfaces between cultures. (pp. 29-31) Intersecting with culture is family. In every culture, family serves a range of functions and plays a variety of roles. For example, family forms part of what Hall (T989) called context within a culture. "Context is the information that surrounds an event; it is inextricably bound up with the meaning of that event" (p. 6). In other words, family is part of already shared meaning within a culture. For example, members of the culture may have clearly formed ideas about what family is or should be--ideas that may or may not be shared across cultures. Family may also be a major conduit of culture and, at least in part, may prepare its members to think and act or not to think and act in global or intercultural terms. Conversely, globalization and intercultural interaction may affect family in several ways. A new, global paradigm may well view family in new ways, or perhaps ways new to North American culture, either in functions or in structure. And on a more personal level, intercultural interactions of one or more family members might so influence their thinking that internal processes within the family change significantly. Thus, as a basic unit of human society, family may have inter- faces with culture through intercultural interactions in many critical ways. Intercultural Futgriete Such a fundamental shift as the change to global thinking moves through a culture, such as North America, over a period of time. Some members of the culture are thinking, writing, and working in global terms, some are just becoming aware of the dimensions of global thinking, and still others have not yet been touched by the global thinking at all. On the forefront of global thinking is the Society for Intercultural Education, Training and Research (SIETAR, Interna- tional), an organization that has as its central purpose the promo- tion of global awareness and intercultural interaction. I_. Robert Kohls, a founding member of SIETAR, encapsulated this thinking in the foreword of Develeping Intereulturel Awerenese (l98l): Let me say it as simply and as fercefully as I can: There is no more noble calling, in the last quarter of the twentieth century, than to help the people of the world live together in peace and understanding, with a fully developed spirit of inquiry about other cultures and other ways. If America has reached any degree of maturity, we have certainly come to the realization that it is time for us to learn from others as well as to teach others about our ways. (p. v) Among the past and present SIETAR members are intercultural futurists, who, by their wide networks working with and teaching or training others about intercultural interaction, are helping shape the intercultural-interaction dimension of a global-thinking para- digm, particularly in North America. They are people who, in their role as paradigm shapers, are called upon by government, business, volunteer organizations, educational institutions, and religious organizations. Importance of Concepts Human beings interpret their experience of the world through paradigms and other cognitive maps, built upon intellectual structures, including concepts and explanatory models, which are primarily culturally learned (Kirk & Miller, T986; Kokot, Lang, & Hinz, 1982). Hall (T977) described the cognitive maps individuals use: Culture directs the organization of the psyche, which in turn has a profound effect upon the ways people look at things, behave politically, make decisions, order priorities, organize their lives, and last but not least, how they think. Self- awareness and cultural awareness are inseparable; man must now go beyond culture, as the greatest separation feat of all, in order to free oneself from this grip of the unconscious culture. (p. 29) Human beings learn and teach others these concepts and models or frameworks through symbolic communication, whether written, oral, or nonverbal (Krippendorff, T980). The symbolic communication regarding intercultural interaction, and specifically the place of the family in intercultural interaction, may well take place through cognitive categories, or concepts and conceptual frameworks, learned within the cultural context. As intercultural futurists train neOphyte interculturalists, the concepts they use may well provide the building blocks for the way family in globalization is perceived in the future. And reflexively, the way an institution such as the family is perceived affects, at least in part, the way it is treated. Stamps (T983) identified the need for such a conceptual framework for coping with the emergence of global thinking: Conceptual change starts with brief flickers and flashes of anomalies, exceptions, crises, and lonely protesting voices which slowly gather strength and influence, but the shift to a new world view, when it comes, comes swiftly and suddenly. For most people, habitually blind to the precursors of fundamental change, the new wisdom will seem to burst forth suddenly, fully-formed and ready to address the myriad crises of the present. In our present collective drama, this moment has not yet occurred, nor it is preordained in our open-ended script of the future. I think two conditions are required for a "sudden shift" to a new world view: (l) deteriorating social/psycho- logical conditions necessitating SOME change in the shared world view; and (2) the availability of an appropriate concep- tual framework. (p. 50) What, then, are the concepts about family in the intercultural- interaction dimension of globalization that are being used by the intercultural futurists who may well be shaping future thinking? Do these concepts fit the holistic, interdependent, and multidimen- sional framework called for by the World Future Society? n er r iv i nc nd ion and u l a ive Me h d To understand family in intercultural interaction from the perspective of these intercultural futurists implies a method of inquiry that allows us to view the world through their eyes rather than our own. In research, this entails an interpretive-science approach, using an inductive methodology. Brown and Paolucci (1979) explored the value of home economics/ human ecology as an interpretive science and called for the clarification of concepts: If home economics were an interpretive science, it would seek to analyze its concepts and to draw from the analysis of concepts made by others. Such analysis would result in greater clarity in conducting professional activity on all fronts: the work of the practician, the work of the researcher, and the conduct of professional education. (p. 92) Linked with an interpretive-science approach and inductive methodology, analysis of qualitative data best taps the richness of description of conceptual categories, such as those used by these intercultural futurists. P r th d If influential intercultural futurists are making important contributions toward shaping the intercultural-interaction paradigm, what are they saying about family in intercultural interactions? Using a content-analysis methodology to analyze the writings of ten intercultural futurists, the purpose of the study was to identify and describe their concepts, overarching conceptual themes, and value statements about family in intercultural interaction and to analyze these concepts, themes, and values in relationship to a theoretical base. The sample of intercultural futurists was purposively selected to include both male and female writers who have been linked with SIETAR, International, and who also have extensive networks for influencing other people through professional activities in writing, training, teaching, consulting, project management, and program direction. Definitions, boundaries, and examples of' the concepts described, along with the overarching themes and value statements, were then compared with concepts and values in the family ecological theory to determine whether the conceptual model used by these intercultural futurists parallels that of family ecology. The research was not a deductive, hypothesis-testing study in the positivist tradition. To be so would lose the opportunity to view family in intercultural interaction through the eyes of those intercultural futurists. Instead, the study was inductive but recognized what many recent authors in the inductive-deductive, qualitative-quantitative discourse have been discussing--that every researcher is also a product of his/her own culture and brings learned ways of perceiving into the research process. The researcher does not begin at the very beginning of induction as if he/she *were a blank page, but approaches the research process part way along the path of induction with very tentative notions of what, in this case, some of the concepts and conceptual framework of these intercultural futurists might be. Yet it is possible and desirable for a researcher to describe a part of the world through the eyes of those being studied. To accomplish this, however, the researcher must make explicit for the readers what his/her own tendencies of perception may be. For this study, the researcher began with familiarity of family ecological theory and concepts and the tentative notion that these ten intercultural futurists might use concepts similar to those of family ecology. The research comprised three major phases. First was development of the methodology for an inductive content analysis of written works, using qualitative data. Second was identification of the concepts, overarching themes, and value statements about family in intercultural interaction. Third was the comparison of these concepts, themes, and value statements with the concepts and values of family ecological theory. CHAPTER 11 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE Femjly jn Intercultural Intenantjon References to family in the international/intercultural context may be embedded in a *wide range of literature. However, the literature that has directly addressed family from this perspective has approached the topic in a variety of ways. Often this literature has dealt with globalization, but rarely has it focused on direct; person-to-person intercultural interactions, the part of globalization that is the primary concern of the ten intercultural futurists. Some of the literature has been in the form of descrjptive studies of family in a single culture; some has comprised hypothesis-testing studies relating family variables usually to societal-level variables; and, to an increasing degree, some has been comparative studies across cultures. References included in this review had to clearly indicate one of two situations. One was that direct intercultural contact, whether across national boundaries or between cultural groups in one nation, was discussed. The other was that indirect intercultural influence occurred through changes in the local situation, stimulated by some form of international contact. Most of the literature either fell into the latter category or was unclear as to 10 which of the two categories it fit. Although hypothesis-testing, single-culture studies often fit the second criterion, rarely did descriptive, single-culture studies fit either criterion; hence, these descriptive studies were not included in the literature reviewed. Studies on indirect intercultural influence and the family were often addressed from a cause-and-effect, hypothesis-testing perspective, using a wide range of variables. In some studies, the direction of cause and effect focused on how this indirect intercultural influence affected families. One way 'hi which indirect intercultural influence affects the family is through participation in the wage labor market, where this is not an indigenous pattern. Bloch (T988) studied the effect on children’s behavior of mothers’ participation in wage Tabor. A number of researchers have addressed the effect of wage labor participation on extended family co-residence (Mogey & Bachmann, T986; Oke, l986; Thornton, Chang, & Sun, T984). Market wage employment, identified as a foreign influence, sometimes from colonialism and sometimes from the global economy, has affected access to family members’ availability to perform child care (Bloch, T988), correlated with higher divorce rates for Ghanian women (Amoateng & Heaton, T989), and provided inducement for Arab women to gain formal higher education (Fernea, T986). But the relationship between market wage labor participation and family is not universally a linear cause-and-effect relationship, and certainly not always with family as the recipient 11 of the effect. That is, family may be the causal factor, or the relationship may be more reciprocal or multidimensional. For example, Khandker (T988) stated that family situation affects women’s work choices in most developing countries, choices among market wage labor force participation, employment in the informal economy, or full-time family household work. And in Bangladesh, if the husband has substantial assets, the wife may be less likely to participate in the market wage labor economy. However, higher wages induce women into that employment (Khandker, l988). Family labor in Turkey allows small firms to compete in local and international markets (Cinar, Evcimen, & Kaytaz, l988). And Fernea (T986) contended that it is the participation of Arab women and children in the informal economy, such as in domestic and child care work, which allows the modern, market economy to proceed. Lacey (T986) echoed Fernea’s position, saying that Nigerian women who migrate to urban areas often play support roles in the informal market sector. On the men’s side, rural-to-urban migration of African males to participate in the labor market may provide their wives with increased power and decision-making opportunities at home (Lele, T986). Indirect intercultural influence on the family has also been studied regarding fertility. For instance, the cause-and-effect relationship has been used in policy planning to try to control fertility by providing Western-style public pensions (Entwisle & Winegarden, T984). The current change from collective farming to household-level production is expected to motivate higher fertility 12 in China (Nee, T986). On the other hand, infrastructure change due to global technology has allowed Iranian villagers to emigrate, an emigration necessitated by already high indigenous fertility (Mir- Hosseini, T987). .At the same time, increased Western-style education of the husband and increased income lead in) lower fertility (Chen, Bendaraf, & Hicks, T987). But fertility drops with wives’ participation in the formal economy in Japan (Osawa, l988). Globalization actually raises the fertility rates in some states in Mexico, due to improved international medical technologies (Poston, Briody, Trent, & Browning, T985). The cause-and-effect relationship between indirect intercul- tural influence and family can work the other way, as well, with family influencing globalization. Perez (T986) noted that Cuban- origin families’ economic success in the United States results from their own family patterns of high labor force participation. Oshima (T988) examined the role of the Japanese family in preparing high- quality human resources to function in the current complex global world. And Marceau (T989) studied the influence of family on the making of a new international management elite. In another vein, lack of trust in the pace and development of capitalism prompted Sudanese families to withhold their labor from the development process (Abdelkarim, T985). Another example occurs in African extended families, which pool their resources to provide Western, international education or other advantages for one or more promising members in anticipation that the whole family will benefit from the increased status and income 13 of their educated member (Obikeze, T987; Oke, l986; Stark & Lucas, T988). The anticipated benefits do not always work out, however. This formal Western education, which often entails direct intercultural interaction, increases earning capabilities and tends to promote rural-to-urban migration, but it also has other effects. It affects attitudes and values of the educated family member-- attitudes and values that are incompatible with those of the rest of the family--and it diminishes commitment to the extended family (Obikeze, T987). In this instance, there appears to be a reciprocal relationship, with families acting upon globalization in anticipation of certain benefits, but with globalization influencing them in ways they did not expect. In addition to formal, Western-style education and participation in the wage labor market, other variables have also been studied. For example, patterns of power and decision making appear to change in relation to indirect intercultural influence in some cases but not in others. Conklin (T988) found that, with modernization, decision making was shared more in Indian marriage and that power was shared more in the marriage when the wife engaged in wage employment. On the other hand, Hickson (T986) found that globalization lessened power of wives in Polynesia, and Vergin (T985) reported that power of the male head of household did not appear to change in Turkey with modernization. The cause-and-effect relationship regarding indirect intercultural influence and family structure is also unclear. On 14 the one hand, indirect intercultural influence, in its many forms, produces new marriage structures through social mobility (Nassehi- Behnam, T985); lower commitment to extended kin (Obikeze, T987; Rawat, T986); lowered commitment, especially to kin with little in common (Oke, T986); higher divorce rates where extended kin commitments continue (Oke, T986); and an increase in fictive kin relations (Oke, T986). At the same time, it produces some change and some continuity in family structure (AT-Haj, T988); change in conjugal cohabitation differing by education (Banerjee, T984); a complex interaction among variables (Mogey & Bahhmann, T986); and no effect (NT extended family' structure (AT-Thakeb, T985; Conklin, T988; Sow, T985). In addition to hypothesis-testing, single-culture studies, cross-national studies have often tested hypotheses, as well. Lee (T982) compared family structure and interaction across cultures, and further Lee (T984) argued for increased use of cross-cultural data in family sociology. In a review of cross-societal family research, Osmond (T980) found an underlying theme of social change and the interrelationship of marital, family, and stratification systems with other societal elements. This interrelationship of family, marriage, and societal elements was also studied by Warner, Lee, and Lee (T986) as they compared conjugal power with different types of family structures across cultures. And other researchers have compared social values of North American and Chinese children (Domino & Hannah, T987), patterns of adult-child associations 15 (Mackey, T988), and age structuring across cultures (Kertzer & Schaie, T989). Direct intercultural contact through international sojourns of Westerners was addressed by Torbiorn (l982) and Adler (T99l). In each study, the sojourn, with its intercultural interactions, was experienced differently by different members of the family, depending on their reason for engaging in the sojourn, their access to need satisfiers in the local culture, and their preparation for the sojourn. Part of the reason that the relationship between family and both direct intercultural interaction and indirect intercultural influence is unclear is that families appear to be highly adaptable. Hickson (T986) reported a complementarity of old ways and new ones, and Sangren (T984) described an adaptive use of old Chinese family structures in new Chinese businesses in America. Both Marshall (T984) and Hickson (T986) reported cultural patterns in which women were protected from modern influences as a means of safeguarding old cultural patterns. Another part of the reason that the relationship is unclear is because both direct intercultural contact and indirect intercultural influence affect different people or different groups within a culture in different ways. Sow (T985) reported that different parts of Islam have responded differently to modernization, and AT-Haj (T988) concluded that family attitudes and behavior toward modernization change in different ways in economic, social, and cultural spheres. Moreover, males and females within the same 16 family may experience indirect intercultural influence differently (Gladwin & McMillan, T989; Mann, T985; von Braun & Webb, T989), and last, change in family structure differs by social stratum (Nassehi- Behnam, T985). r t d l Meta-thenny Interpretive theory aims to describe a segment of the world through the eyes of participants in that world. Agar’s (T982) description of ethnography also applies well to interpretive theory. He said that it is "neither ’subjective’ nor ’objective.’ It is interpretive, mediating two worlds through a third" (p. 783). In a chapter on family ecological theory for a forthcoming book, Bubolz and Sontag (in press) built on this position and argued that family ecological theory lends itself particularly well to an interpretive science perspective. Human an Famil colo ical Theor Because of its focus on a holistic picture, interrelatedness, and interdependence, family ecological theory may provide particularly effective explanatory value for understanding the relationships between family and intercultural interactions. Concepts in family ecological theory have been listed and categorized numerous ways. For example, Bubolz, Eicher, and Sontag (T979) emphasized the interaction between the organism and its environment and proposed three types of environments-—the natural 17 environment, the human behavioral environment, and the human constructed environment. A different conceptualization of environment was proposed by Bronfenbrenner (T979) by viewing multiple levels or nested environments, beginning with the microsystem as the most imediate, progressing through mesosystem and exosystem to the broadest environment, the macrosystem, or culture. In a similar vein, Westney, Edwards, and Brabble (T986) organized environment of the individual into three groupings--the internal environment; the external microenvironment, which includes the family and interpersonal relationships; and the external macroenvironment, which includes culture, economic system, religion, and many other systems. A grouping of environmental concepts was identified by Bubolz and Sontag (T988) as one of four organizing groups of family ecological concepts. Environment was also listed by Bubolz and Sontag (in press) as a major concept of family ecological theory, stemming from human ecology. The cluster of concepts under environment is only one part of family ecological concepts. Andrews, Bubolz, and Paolucci (T980) looked at numerous concepts, particularly organizing the concepts around family as an energy-transformation system and family as a producer of human competencies. And, in addition to environment, Bubolz and Sontag (T988) identified three other groupings of concepts, individual/family concepts, interaction concepts, and outcome concepts. Of particular interest also is the concept of human potential, or the capacity to develop, identified by Westney et al. (T986) and similar to human development, suggested by Bubolz 18 and Sontag (T988) as an individual/family concept. In a more recent writing, Bubolz and Sontag (in press) identified groupings of general systems concepts, human ecology concepts, and family ecology concepts. Whereas any of the concepts under these three groupings may parallel concepts about family in intercultural interaction, some seem to have particular potential. Under general systems concepts, those that might parallel family in intercultural interaction could include energy, information, space, and time. Of the human ecology concepts listed by Bubolz and Sontag (in press), organism, interaction, interdependence, perception, and adaptation suggest issues as humans interact across cultures. So, too, do the concepts of family, needs, values, decision making, communication, and human development listed under family ecology concepts. Additional concepts identified by Andrews et al. (T980) that may parallel family in intercultural interaction include human-derived rules, interface, boundary, and feedback. In addition to containing numerous concepts, family ecological theory is value based. Bubolz and Sontag (in press) pointed out two undergirding values, with numerous, more specific values evolving from these two bases. One basic value is survival. ‘The other is human betterment, with its related, specific values of equality, freedom, peacefulness, meaningful experiences, and nobility of human character. Also related to these two basic, undergirding values is the ecological perspective that humans have a responsibility for stewardship of their environment. 19 Induttjve Methodnlngy An interpretive theory depends at its inception on an inductive approach to research. To begin with a priori concepts and relationships deductively reached by the theorist may well obscure or overlook the very concepts and relationships between concepts that are of significance to those people for whom it speaks. Without firsthand information about the research setting, it is difficult for quantitative researchers to develop adequate conceptual frameworks for their studies. . . . Such studies lack external validity. . . . [But] this difficulty can be alleviated by basing conceptual frameworks on [one’s own or others’ inductive, qualitative analyses]. (Smith, T988, p. 3) Thus, an inductive approach allows the researcher to move into the data from the perspective of the subjects. Glaser and Strauss (T97T) described the grounding of theory on data inductively arrived at, with concepts of that theory emerging as the data are analyzed, rather than defined in a deductive, a priori sequence. Later' writers, however, have expanded on and modified Glasser and Strauss’s approach by arguing that researchers and theorists, like the human beings they study, never stand completely outside of their own culturally shaped perceptions of the phenomena they observe. Krieger (T985) discussed . . . the many ways in which our analyses of others result from highly interactional processes in which we are personally involved. We bring biases and more than biases. We bring idiosyncratic patterns of recognition. We are not, in fact, ever capable of achieving the analytic ’distance’ we have long been schooled to seek. (p. 309) Krieger and other writers have argued for an approach that attempts to recognize explicitly at least some of the researcher’s 20 or theorist’s a priori categories. As cultural products themselves, social scientists approach their own work with at least loosely defined categories or concepts and models. This approach seems to fall somewhere between the purely deductive and the purely inductive and addresses the question of scientific objectivity by arguing that the important issue is neither the inductive nor the deductive direction, but rather the underlying concepts of the scientist’s own background, which may in part shape the collection and interpretation of the data. This recognizes an almost circular process, rather than a linear one. Qnelitetive Anelyeie Use of qualitative data for analysis has received increased attention among the social sciences in recent years. Qualitative data are being used with a wide variety of research techniques, making a technique-dependent definition of qualitative analysis inappropriate (Kirk & Miller, T986; van Maanen, T982). Among the techniques appropriate to the analysis of qualitative data is content analysis of written works (Holsti, T968; Krippendorff, T980; Rosengren, T98l; Sepstrup, l98l). In fact, Sepstrup (T98l) reported that the main stream of content analysis of written communications in Europe has for many years been in using qualitative data within a critical-theory framework. And Holsti (T968) recommended use of qualitative data in communication analysis to develop standards and bases of comparison for other writings. 21 If qualitative data analysis is not linked to a technique- specific definition, what then are its characteristics? "Technically, a ’qualitative observation’ identifies the presence or absence of something, in contrast to ’quantitative observation’ which involves measuring the degree to which some feature is present" (Kirk & Miller, T986, p. 9). Qualitative analyses are necessary when an actual understanding, a detailed description, or a description and overall comprehension are sought (Sepstrup, l98l). "Analysis of qualitative material is more explicitly interpretive, creative and personal than in quantitative analysis, which is not to say that it should not be equally systematic and careful" (Walker, T985, p. 3). Content Analy§i§ Content analysis is a research technique used in a wide variety of disciplines, to address a wide variety of research questions (Holsti, T968). However, content analysis may be most frequently used to study symbolic meaning of written communications to make "replicable and valid inferences from data to their context" (Holsti, T968; Krippendorff, T980; Weber, T983). Although content analysis can be used to study the message, its sender, or its receiver, most frequently it is used to study attributes of the message itself (Holsti, T968; Krippendorff, T980). One commonly used objective for content analysis is to draw inferences from the written medium to the culture that forms the context within which it is written (Allen-Meares, T984; Weber, 22 T983). Krippendorff (T980) described this as helping to "conceptualize that portion of reality that gave rise to the analyzed text" (p. 23). He further stated that what appears on the surface to be simply descriptive always entails an inference to the context that produced it and is present first in the assignment of data into conceptual categories. He went on to state that: Entirely descriptive tasks in content analysis should not be underestimated in their scientific importance or in their practical significance. Whether the inferences aimed at by a content analysis go far beyond the description of conventional meanings, a correct representation of the symbolic qualities in data may be essential. (p. l59) Krippendorff (T980) discussed a number of characteristics of content analysis. First, it is an unobtrusive method of data collection. Second, it can be used with unstructured material and can deal with large volumes of data. Third, content analysis is able to process symbolic forms because it is context sensitive. Content analysis can be used to examine the manifest or obvious content through such procedures as word counts or syntax analyses. Or content analysis may be used to examine underlying, latent meanings through the analysis of concepts or themes (Krippendorff, T980). Three guidelines for content analysis were proposed by Holsti (T968). First, content analyses must exhibit objectivityu Holsti defined this as carrying out the analysis "on the basis of explicitly formulated rules which will enable two or more persons to obtain the same results from the same documents" (p. 598). Second, content analyses must be systematic, which Holsti described as the 23 inclusion and exclusion of content or categories according to "consistently applied criteria of selection" (p. 598). Third, content analyses must have generality, by which Holsti meant that "findings must have theoretical relevance" (p. 598). Cetegpny Development The process of category development for coding of data is crucial to content analysis (Holsti, T968). Several authors have described the process as an oscillating pattern, moving back and forth between the data and the tentative category, where no step is completed before moving on to the next step (Holsti, T968; Jones, T985; Krippendorff, T980; Russell, T984). Coding categories may be arrived at either inductively or deductively, depending on the nature of the research problem (Holsti, T969; Krippendorff, T980). When the research design indicates a deductive approach, the categories are first suggested by concepts derived from the theoretical framework of the study (Krippendorff, T980). When the research design indicates an inductive approach, the categories usually grow directly out of the data. Numerous writers on ethnographic research methods have stated that the researcher begins category development by gaining an extensive familiarity with the data and allowing the categories to be suggested by the data. After this point, both the deductive and inductive approaches are quite similar. The first tentative categories are given working descriptions and tested against additional data. This new testing and subsequent tests with 24 additional data indicate through repetition where the central definition of a category lies, where data that do not fit indicate gaps between existing categories, what would be typical examples of data within a category, and by contrast what would not fit within the category. Category development continues until all of the data can be coded using the category descriptions. Recent writers, however, have taken the position that the researcher, as a member of human society, does not come to the data as if he/she were a blank page. Researchers, like all humans, have learned ways of perceiving the world in which they live, and these learned ways of perceiving create biases in both the deductive and inductive approaches to science. For the deductive approach, choice of theory and concepts of that theory provide one of the places bias occurs; for the inductive approach, that bias is more likely to suggest tendencies in category or concept definition. That is, the researcher is more likely to "see" certain categories than others-- our knowledge grows out of our previous knowledge (Huberman & Miles, T982; Jones, T985). To limit unidentified bias in the research, these authors indicated that the researcher needs to specify as thoroughly as possible the probable biases that may shape his/her perception of the uncategorized data but that the researcher begins without a firm set of guiding categories. Agar (T982) asserted that researchers recognize their inappropriate preconceptions through what he called "breakdowns." In other words, as the researcher tries to organize the data into these emergent categories, sometimes the new data do not "fit.” This lack of fit is the signal that the 25 researcher’s categories are probably not the categories used by those being studied. Agar argued that, to do inductive research effectively, the researcher must be consistently open to recognizing when a breakdown has occurred and be amenable to redefining categories until the data do fit. Hawkins (T982) delineated what a well-developed category should look like. First, the category should have a clear definition that is easily read and unambiguous. This definition should not be easy to confuse with other definitions. Second, the category definition should include a description of the boundaries of the category. Third, the category definition should include a descriptive name; a general, dictionary-type description; an elaboration of how this category differs from other categories; typical examples of data within this category; and borderline cases with an indication of which ones would be included in the category and which would be left out, with explanation for the inclusion or exclusion. Holsti (T968) suggested using sensitizing questions. to help define category boundaries. These sensitizing questions help the researcher focus on dimensions of the data without necessarily firmly defining the category. Unit; pf Analytjs Holsti (T968) and Krippendorff (T980) both described three levels of unitization in content analysis. The first level of unitization is the sampling unit, which identifies what portion of communication will be analyzed. Usually sampling units have 26 physically identifiable boundaries, such as a page, an article, a book, or a periodical. Holsti (T968) pointed out that although single-stage sampling is sometimes appropriate, more often content analysts need to use a multistage sampling technique. Most commonly the content analyst will need to decide on the sources of communication to use, then sample documents from within that source, and finally sample parts from within each document used. In addition, stratified sampling is often used to permit "dissimilar subclasses of a large class of sources to be treated differently" (Holsti, T969, p. l30). For example, stratified sampling might be used to allow equal representation of written works from sources that differ in length. The second level of analysis is the recording unit, which identifies "the specific segment of content that is characterized by placing it in a given category" (Holsti, T968, p. 647). Unlike the sampling unit, the recording unit is usually identified by a descriptive characteristic rather than a physical one. One type of recording unit, the theme, corresponds with the word "concept" in the~ present study. Holsti (T968) stated that it is "a single assertion about some subject [and] is the most useful unit of content analysis" (p. 647). Although the concept or theme yields the most valid data, however, it is more difficult to categorize than a word or other physically bounded unit (Holsti, T969). The third level of analysis is the context unit, which identifies the outer limits of surrounding material that may be 27 examined to characterize a recording unit (Krippendorff, T980). Whereas neither sampling units nor 'recording units may overlap, context units may do so (Krippendorff, T980). Thus, a sentence, a paragraph, a page, or even an entire document could constitute a context unit. Reliability Andren (l98l) pointed out that numerous definitions of reliability and validity exist among different authors and that the definitions often used in content analysis are drawn primarily from theories and methodologies in psychology. Andren further stated that these may not be fully adequate to address the needs of content analysis: "Reliability in its broadest sense refers to the consistency of measurements" (Weber, T983, p. T32). According to Sepstrup (l98l), "the reliability problem concerns the question whether the same individual at different points in time (intrareliability) and/or different individuals at the same point in time (interreliability) reach the same conclusions concerning the text" (p. T38). Where several raters are coding data into categories, inter-coder reliability is an issue. In all content analysis, category reliability is always of concern. Where category reliability is found to be a problem, Holsti (T968) suggested three possible approaches. One is to exhaustively define the categories, reducing coding from a judgmental to a mechanical task. However, Holsti stated that few categories will lend themselves to that approach. Another technique Holsti 28 suggested is to collapse categories that require discriminations that seem to be too fine. Here, he recommended looking again at the research problem to determine the level of discrimination needed. A third method of increasing reliability is to organize a series of decisions, with each level of decision making addressing only one of the relevant concepts in the categorization. Andren (l98l) reported that it "is a common view that the requirement of reliability is weaker than the requirement of validity" (p. 45), and that validity implies reliability although not vice versa. In content analysis, however, a paradox exists regarding the relationship between reliability and validity. Mechanically counted units, such as word counts, can attain perfect reliability but may lack relevance or validity. On the other hand, themes, lacking physical unit identifiers, tend to be more difficult to identify and therefore lend themselves to lower reliability but provide richness of information and often are highest in validity (Holsti, T968). At present, no fully desirable alternative has been found. Weber' (T984) reported that although computer' counts for words and syntax of language provide excellent analyses, much of thematic analysis is lost with computer use. Reliability of coding categories, for qualitative or quanti- tative data, may be reported quantitatively. Statistics for calculating reliability of categorical data should be reported for ”each variable that is the focus of substantive analysis" (Hartmann, T982, p. 63). The statistic used may include correction for chance agreement, differences in location of disagreement rather than 29 merely sums of frequencies, subject-by-observer interaction variance, and systematic differences between observers (Hartmann, T982). Cohen’s (T960) kappa considers all of these sources of potential error. Thus, each code, or conceptual category, developed for a content analysis can be analyzed for reliability, using one statistic to incorporate consideration of each of these sources of possible error. Levels of acceptable reliability vary greatly, ranging from .90 for raw data to .60 for kappa-like statistics (Hartmann, T982). An acceptable level of reliability of theme categories may usually be lower than for a word count, for example. Validity Even when the aims of content analysis are descriptive, validity considerations should be addressed (Krippendorff, T980). Further, the kind of evidence needed to validate results should be specified in advance (Krippendorff, T980). "We speak of a measuring instrument as being valid if it measures what it is designed to measure, and we consider a content analysis valid to the extent its inferences are upheld in the face of independently obtained evidence" (Krippendorff, T980, p. l55). Content validity has been most frequently used with content analyses, and if the research is of a descriptive nature, content validity is normally deemed to be sufficient (Holsti, T968; Weber, T984). 3O Construct validity is of particular interest as it addresses the question of how well the results of the study parallel a theoretical framework (Anastasi, T976; Andren, T98l; Holsti, T969). Further, construct validity has stimulated a search for novel ways to analyze validation (Anastasi, T976). "It would seem that there are no external criterion variables for content categories, but the issue is not clear-cut" (Weber, T984, pp. T34-l35). Krippendorff (T980) suggested that the structural correspondence between the content analysis and an established theoretical framework provides an appropriate construct-validation procedure. CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY 0v rv' w f e Res ar h Proc 55 Because the study was essentially an inductive process, steps in the research design followed a somewhat unique plan. As with all research, the researcher’ began with an overview of the related literature, including an extensive review of meta-theory and methodology. However, unlike a deductive study, the in-depth literature search of family in intercultural interaction and the details of concepts in the potential theoretical base of family ecological theory were deliberately treated only in a general manner in the beginning in order to leave both theory and conceptual categories about family 'hi intercultural interaction as free as possible from a priori definition before data collection and analysis. Next, pages from the works of ten influential intercultural futurists were content analyzed, using stratified random sampling and scanning for key family-related words. When keywords were found, surrounding text was read to understand the concept signaled by the keyword. Using a qualitative, inductive method, conceptual categories, overarching themes, and values regarding family in intercultural interaction were identified. The conceptual categories were quantitatively checked for reliability. 3] 32 The third step was to compare conceptual categories, overarching themes, and values with a detailed literature analysis of family ecological theory concepts and values as a check for construct validity and with concepts from a detailed literature search about family in intercultural interaction. Pilot Study Following the initial literature review, the research began with a pilot study, which was conducted in two parts by the researcher. The first part entailed a library search of the Social Stience Citation Index and Qttt database to identify the range and availability of written works by each of ten identified potential intercultural futurists. As a result of this search, one potential intercultural futurist in the population was replaced because few of his works were published after T980. This first part of the pilot study also included a detailed reading of 50 pages from each of four of the intercultural futurists to search for family-related keywords, to check for method of identifying keywords, and to check whether family references appeared with sufficient frequency to be able to develop categories of references. Frequency of references to family ranged from approximately every three pages to every l2 pages, and length of discussion of the family-related concept ranged from a phrase to several pages in length. Many of the family-referenced sampling units appeared to contain more than one concept, a finding 33 consistent with reports from both Holsti (T968) and Krippendorff (T980). The second part of the pilot study tested additional details of methodology and consisted of an analysis of the works of an intercultural futurist not included among the ten identified for potential analysis. This part of the pilot study tested a library- based search for intercultural futurists’ writings, a method for identifying sampling units, the use of a computer scanner for transferring content from sampled pages onto a computer-readable disk, a program for searching the disks and recording family-related keywords and stems, a method for marking pages containing keywords or pages to be recoded for reliability, and the method to use for early stages of category development. As a result of the pilot study, the library-based search for intercultural futurists’ writings expanded to include Psychtit, ERIQ, and AflIIntp databases and gpmmunjtation Apetracts and Sptial Seientes Index for academic publications, as well as Reader’s Guide to Periodical thflgjjfl for popular publications. Use of the scanner simply entailed learning how to use the machine and avoid loss of data because of improper use or machine malfunction. Also, some words, primarily those in large size or unusual type fonts, were not read accurately. This was a problem particularly in headings, italicized abstracts, graphs, and charts, resulting in the need for a human visual scanning of all headings, abstracts, graphs, and charts by the researcher. The keyword-search program was tested and revised to eliminate excessive instances of picking up stems 34 embedded in unrelated words, such as maKINg. Adhesive-backed notes in a variety of colors to indicate different stages in the research process were tested, with color change being the only modification of this step. Adhesive-backed notes were also tested and accepted for writing down examples of family-related references found on the sample pages. Research Questions From the pilot study and an overview of related literature, the following research questions were developed: l. How is family portrayed in the writings of North American intercultural futurists? 2. In what ways is North American family viewed differently from non-North American family? 3. Do North American intercultural futurists express any value positions related to family? If so, what are they? 4. How do North American intercultural futurists view the relationship between family and intercultural interaction, including cause-and-effect relationships and functional relationships? 5. In what ways do the concepts used by North American inter- cultural futurists about family in intercultural interaction parallel family ecology concepts? er iona e 'ni ' n Operational definitions were developed at several stages in the research process, some at the inception of the study and others as categories emerged. 35 tangent-Used interchangeably with the terms "category" and "code" to refer to a clearly defined idea or symbol used to conlnunicate. This term includes the notion "a single assertion about some subject," which Holsti (T968, p. 647) referred to as a theme. The category, code, or concept is not necessarily recognizable in content analysis by grammatical, syntactical, or physical boundaries, such as a sentence would be. gnltnne--Artifacts, or human-created physical products, and particularly mentifacts, or shared symbols, beliefs, values, and knowledge, which distinguish a nationality or ethnic group. ‘This term is used only in the narrow definition of culture. ,[anily--A group of two or more human individuals bound together by bloodties, marriage, or other culturally recognized bonds of kinship, such as adoption or mutual agreement to be fictive kin. A family may also include members who are deceased and members yet to be born. Family member--An individual human being linked by blood, marital, or other culturally recognized kinship bonds to one or more human beings in a group. Globalization--Changes in the life experiences of human beings due to direct or to clear, but indirect, international contact. Interatt--To act and cause reciprocal responses between two or more parties, especially between human beings in direct contact. Intenenltnna1__intenaettpn--A person-to-person or people-to- people contact that involves elements of more than one culture. The cultural element(s) may be direct or indirect. 36 Mainstream North Anerican cfltut‘enArtifacts and particularly mentifacts assumed to be shared by all or most North Americans. Nprth Ameriean intercultural futurjat--An individual whose professional work is primarily based in North America, focusing on cross-cultural or intercultural interactions among human beings and who is recognized by others interested in intercultural interac- tion. This recognition may include referring to the intercultural futurist’s ideas and information on intercultural interaction by citing his/her written works, by inviting him/her to speak at conferences, by bestowing honorary titles, or by hiring him/her as a consultant in the field of intercultural interaction. Inene--A broad idea or pattern that overarches or underlies the concepts and categories of communication of a group of people or that shows the relationships among those categories. Selection of the Ten Intereultural Futurists The ten intercultural futurists chosen were individuals who fit a series of criteria. First, they were all people whose professional work included or focused on intercultural interaction in one or more of the following ways: research; teaching in formal education; training in business, government, or nongovernment organizations, such as missionary or youth exchange programs; consulting; diplomatic service; publishing the works of others; or directing or managing programs related to intercultural interaction. All of the ten chosen worked in several of these capacities. Moreover, the people chosen were all working in capacities where 37 they had opportunity to have influence over other people through mentoring, training, teaching, writing, publishing, or program directing. All had written several documents during the period from T980 through T990. All were or had been connected with intercultural~interaction networks through professional organiza- tions, such as SIETAR, International. Each was recognized in intercultural-interaction work through a variety of means, including two who were honored by SIETAR, International, with the Primus inter Pares Award. Other methods of recognition included being sought out as a consultant and being asked to speak at conferences. Finally, the intercultural futurists included at least one male and at least one female, who also represented a range of content specializations. The final list of ten intercultural futurists is shown in Table l. Biographical sketches of the ten intercultural futurists are given in Appendix A. Table l.--Intercultural futurists included in the study. Nancy J. Adler Richard W. Brislin Glen Fisher Cornelius L. Grove William B. Gudykunst David S. Hoopes L. Robert Kohls Paul B. Pedersen George W. Renwick V. Lynn Tyler 38 Sampling, Regarding, and gentext Units Unitization in content analysis, or identifying boundaries of groups of data for purposes of analysis, requires three levels of groupings. For this study, the sampling unit was a page of text, obtained through a stratified sampling technique. The recording unit was the category about family in intercultural interaction, located by but not limited to a family-related keyword. And the context unit consisted of text surrounding the keyword. The length of text analyzed depended on how far the researcher needed to read to have clarity about the recording unit. In some instances of very condensed writing, one sentence was adequate. Ihi other instances, however, where the reference identified by the keyword entailed a more complex discussion, as much as the entire document constituted the context unit. Sources of Possible Bias Although an inductive approach allows the categories or concepts to emerge from the data rather than being imposed by the researcher, nevertheless the researcher is the vehicle through which these categories take shape. Therefore, relevant characteristics of the researcher, which might in part shape the perceptions of the researcher, should be made explicit. Characteristics of the researcher include underlying cognitive structure of linear, Western logic; conscious training in family ecology theory; socialization as American female; formal education in Home Economics/Human Ecology, 39 Psychology, Sociology, Anthropology, and Education; professional educator; and international sojourner. t C l c i n e t to tercultura F t ri t A list of writings was compiled for each intercultural futurist, using library sources. The researcher then wrote to each intercultural futurist, enclosing this list of his/her publications, a brief biographical sketch with information gleaned from speakers’ lists at conferences and from book jackets, and a one-page description of the study. The intercultural futurist was asked to do three things. One was to make any corrections to the reference list; another was to amend the biographical sketch; and the third, as a validation of the selection of the ten intercultural futurists, was to nominate the individuals they considered most influential in intercultural interactions. In an effort to maximize response rate, the cover letter' was kept very short, the three requests were prioritized, and the intercultural futurist was invited to simply return a vita. (See Appendix B for the cover letter and Appendix C for the description of the study.) Eight of the ten responded. Six provided information in all three categories requested. One provided a list of publications and professional activities, but not a list of most-influential intercultural futurist nominees. Another provided a list of publications and a list of nominees, but not of professional activities. 40 Lists of references from these eight intercultural futurists were used to augment the list of writings already developed by the researcher. Overall, the lists were quite similar with some exceptions. The original list lacked T990 publications not yet indexed, chapters in books edited by other authors, and publications not in general circulation in North America. Thus, the lists of references for the two nonresponding intercultural futurists might be biased in their lack of coverage of these areas. The final list of each intercultural futurist’s writings is in Appendix E. Professional biographical information was provided by seven of the ten intercultural futurists. Overall, information from their vitas varied in amount of detail and in what dimensions of their professional accomplishments they presented as particularly significant in their area of expertise. Intercultural futurists whose careers had been primarily focused on consulting provided more information on projects and clients, whereas those with more academic backgrounds focused more on publications and positions within the academic organization. Nominations for most-influential intercultural futurists came from seven of the ten intercultural futurists. The letter requesting the nominations did not describe the research or the types of intercultural futurists already chosen. However, the one- page description of the study, which accompanied the letter, described the intercultural futurists as coming from a range of disciplines and working in a variety of capacities, as well as 41 writing in styles ranging from practical, "how-to" books to abstract theory. The lists of nominations differed from futurist to futurist. Some grouped their nominees by subject-matter area of expertise, some grouped by amount of influence, and others did not group but identified their nominees by organizational areas of influence, such as government, business, and so forth. Overall, intercultural futurists whose careers appeared to be predominantly in an academic arena nominated other academicians, but not consultants or other practitioners. Consultants, trainers, and administrators, (NT the other hand, tended to nominate from a wider range of career arenas. Unfortunately, of the three intercultural futurists from whom nominations were not available, one was a consultant to governments and businesses, one was editor-in-chief of a publishing house, and the third directed an international training program and consulted with businesses. Therefore, the nominations might be skewed in favor of academicians, but this is not clear. Eight of the ten intercultural futurists in this study were nominated. Three received three nominations each, four received two nominations each, and one received one nomination. Numerous other individuals were nominated, usually with one nomination each. One person not included among the ten intercultural futurists received four nominations and another received five; both were academicians. Another approach partially confirmed the validity of original choices, however, by the fact that two of the ten intercultural futurists had received the SIETAR, International, Primus inter Pares 42 Award. Also, a possible additional indicator of mutual acceptance as influential intercultural futurists was the number of times these ten individuals were joint authors, wrote forewords or prefaces for each other’s books, or wrote chapters in books edited by others among the ten. Tuenty-six such instances were counted, including seven instances that, of the ten intercultural futurists, involved the two not nominated. Eppulationofuritinga Written works in the population of writings included articles, books, and chapters in books published between T980 and T990. The research purpose was to analyze the concepts, themes, and values about family in intercultural interaction in the works written by these intercultural futurists that may have an influence on other North Americans’ conceptions of intercultural interactions. To that end, works not in general circulation in research or public libraries, including most foreign publications, occasional or technical papers, and papers presented at conferences or developed for limited audiences, were not included unless additional information directly from the author indicated that he/she thought a publication in this group had particular significance or influence not immediately discernible to the researcher. In addition, edited works were deemed to be unclear in whether or not they represented the thinking of the editor. Therefore, works edited by the intercultural futurists were generally excluded. An exception was made when the format from one section or chapter to another was so 43 similar that it appeared that the editor had been very involved in identifying exactly what content was to be included, as in the case with Sulturgnamt, edited by V. Lynn Tyler. Of the T44 culturgrams included in the two volumes, the format from culturgram to culturgram was almost identical, including topics covered. A second instance in which edited works were included was [he Study of the Dynamica pf Heating, edited by Cornelius L. Grove, who, in personal communication with the researcher, indicated that he had been extensively involved in the writing of these works and that they did represent his thinking. Sampling, Seanning, and Searching for Keyuords Qualitative analyses suffer from the problem of an overwhelming amount of data to analyze. Because most of the references to family were buried within the writings being studied, systematic sampling from the population was necessary. Three ways of conducting the systematic sampling might include, first, maintaining a constant number, such as l00 pages per intercultural futurist; second, maintaining a constant proportion, such as one-tenth of the population of pages per intercultural futurist; and third, taking a middle road by maintaining a constant sampling fraction of the population of pages per intercultural futurist. Due to the wide range of pages per intercultural futurist, from 239 to l,82l, the third option was chosen. The first option would have seriously 44 overrepresented intercultural futurists with fewer pages, and the second option would have seriously underrepresented them. The standard error of the proportion statistic, SE2 pro . (variance/n) x (N-n)/N, where N - population of written pages per intercultural futurist and n = sample size per intercultural futurist, was used to provide proportional representation for each intercultural futurist separately. To obtain the total number of pages in the population, N, all content pages were counted for each intercultural futurist, excluding such noncontent pages as titles, publication information, tables of contents, prefaces, forewords, and lists of references. No attempt was made to subtract noncontent pages embedded in the middle of a writing. A total sample size for all intercultural futurists together, which would provide a manageable amount of data and yet be large enough to potentially represent the breadth of categories, was identified as T,000 pages. To calculate n, the number of sample pages for each intercultural futurist, all pages included in N for each of the ten intercultural futurists were added together to give a total of 8,650 pages. This was divided by ten (intercultural futurists) to give an average N per intercultural futurist of’ 865. A constant sampling fraction, (N-n)/Nn, was calculated with the average number of pages per intercultural futurist N, 865, and the desired average number of sample pages per intercultural futurist n, l00, to give a constant of .009. The N for each intercultural futurist was then used to calculate n in the formula: 45 .009 - (N-n)/Nn For example, the number of population pages, N, for Nancy Adler was 550. .009 - (550-n)/550n .009 x 550n . 550-n 4.95n - 550-n 5.95n - 550 n = 92.4 or 92 The desired sample size, n pages, was similarly calculated for each intercultural futurist. The total number» of pages in the population, N, for each intercultural futurist was then divided by n to give a, where T/a = fraction of N pages to be sampled. The range of a was from 3 to T7. Writings of an intercultural futurist were then randomly arranged, and for the purpose of identifying sampling units, all of his/her writings together were treated as one document. However, approximately 2% of the final sampling unit pages were added at the end, rather than being randomly arranged, because delays from the interlibrary loan borrowing process did not provide them in time for the original randomization. Every ath page thereafter was identi- fied as a sampling unit and marked with a small yellow adhesive note. Where a fell on a page that contained less than one-fourth page of type, the following page was used. In all instances, however, using every ath page slightly over- or underrepresented the desired number of pages for proportional representation. To correct 46 this, excess pages were randomly removed from or insufficient pages were randomly added to the analysis. The total number of pages and number of sampling units per intercultural futurist are given in Table 2. Table 2.—-Total number of population pages and sampling units by intercultural futurist. Intercultural Futurist Population Pages Sampling Units Adler 562 92 Brislin l,678 l04 Fisher 425 88 Grove 569 93 Gudykunst l,82l l05 Hoopes T,575 l04 Kohls 2T9 74 Pedersen 823 98 Renwick 239 77 Tyler 737 96 Total 8,650 93l A keyword and key stem list was developed, using as a starting point the family—related terms from Booth and Blair’s (T989) Thesaurus pf Speiplpgical Indexing [erms and from the Ihesaurus of P ol i a nd x rms (T985). The list of keywords and key stems is in Appendix 0. Two modes of scanning were used to identify keywords on sampling-unit pages. One method was computer scanning to record a sampling page onto a disk for computer searching. The other was human visual scanning, here referred in) as manual scanning. 47 Computer scanning was used for solid pages of type, especially research reports, where~ manual scanning resulted in error from fatigue. However, computer scanning had some problems with unreliability, especially with variation in font sizes or styles, irregularities of printing or photocopying, column-width variation, lines, and nonhorizontal print. Two methods were used to determine reliability of computer scanning. One was the figure given by the scanner itself on percentage of words recognized. Average word recognition per page was 90% where computer scanning was used. Where the recognition dropped below the 90% average, manual scanning was used to supplement computer scanning. The second form of reliability check for computer scanning was to photocopy twice the same randomly selected page of solid type and then scan each of the photocopies. Paper copies of the duplicate scanned pages were then printed, one for the original scanning and one for the second scanning. These were manually compared to check for any discrepancies in recognition by the scanner. Of 635 words on the page, l38 were not the same in both paper-copy versions. For example, one of the T38 nonidentical paired words was printed "SELFLDISCLOSE" in one version and "SELF~ISCLOSE" in the other. Phrased another way, 78% of the words were the same on both printed versions of the scanned page; why 22% of the word pairs were not identical was not clear in this case. The manual method of scanning was used for sampling units with larger type, more headings, and where charts, graphs, columns, or 48 other page-layout variations caused computer scanning to decrease in reliability. Also, human unreliability from fatigue appeared to be less of a problem with large print and variations in page layout. To check for reliability, however, 32 pages were chosen at random from the sampling units. A research assistant first scanned and searched for keywords and separately recorded all keywords found. The researcher than manually scanned the same pages and recorded keywords found. Reliability for the two trials was .64, using Cohen’s kappa, within the acceptable range for reliability, according to Gelfand and Hartmann (T975). In ll instances the researcher found keywords not identified by the computer scanning. On the other hand, computer scanning identified feur keywords not found through manual scanning. Where human fatigue could be kept to an acceptable minimum by limiting work hours to two-hour segments and by manually scanning less technical, more visually diversified pages, manual scanning appeared to be a more reliable method. However, it was not used for highly technical documents with relatively undiversified type because of the fatigue factor. A test-retest reliability procedure was attempted for manual scanning for keywords. The researcher retested herself on randomly selected pages approximately three weeks after the first scanning. During those three weeks, the researcher had read probably hundreds of additional pages. Despite the time lapse and additional readings, it was apparent that recall of the sample pages was too high to provide a valid test of reliability. Because the researcher 49 was the only person manually scanning, no other reliability measure appeared to be appropriate, and this check was abandoned. Manual scanning was also used in all documents to look for headings, tables, charts, or illustrations that contained references to family. This was conducted as a double-check to be sure that the sampling process did not omit a large section referring to families. No major previously unsampled sections were found. Numbers of sampling-unit pages where keywords were found are listed by intercultural futurist in Table 3. In some instances a scanned page contained no keywords; in other instances only one keyword; and in still others, multiple keywords. Thus, the number of family-related keywords might differ markedly from the number of sampling pages. Table 3.--Family-related keywords and pages with keywords per intercultural futurist. Intercultural Futurist Keywords Pages With Keywords Adler 26 2T Brislin 44 39 Fisher ll 6 Grove 50 33 Gudykunst l0 8 Hoopes 2 2 Kohls 30 23 Pedersen 24 T9 Renwick 6 6 Tyler T72 43 Total 203 l57 50 Ca 0 a Th me ' over The first stage was category discovery, which progressed through major iterations with many small stages of testing and modification within each of the iterations. When modifications became so extensive within an iteration that it was difficult to work with, another major iteration was produced. Category discovery began by identifying with grey adhesive notes all sampling-unit pages that contained keywords. The researcher then read the first one-half of the keyword passages for each intercultural futurist several times. Because the documents had previously been randomly arranged for each intercultural futurist, the categories were developed from the first half of the writings and tested for reliability against the second half. The first iteration consisted of uniting extensive notes containing a wide array of family-related references from each of the intercultural futurists, with each reference on a separate adhesive- backed note. These notes were randomly stuck onto a 2’ x 3’ piece of paper and studied again to discern commonalities or groupings beginning to emerge. During this process, the notes were repeatedly grouped and regrouped. During the second iteration, a category description was written, which included both the central idea of the category and also the range of variation represented in the clustered examples. At this iteration, emergent categories were typed onto paper, cut apart, and stuck with a tacky, movable adhesive onto a 4’ x 6’ sheet 51 of paper. These were also moved and regrouped until not only categories, but the beginning of two groups of categories, emerged. The first clustered around descriptions of particular dimensions of family in a given culture, a group of cultures, or even culture in general. The second group of categories dealt with helping people function interculturally. Family fit into this intercultural functioning in a variety of ways. One organizational picture that then began to emerge within the intercultural-functioning grouping was whether the people involved were North Americans or came from some other culture. After the groupings and subgroupings began to emerge, a yes-or- no question was written about whether the purpose of the document was intercultural functioning. This question was written to use the groupings to help coders later simplify their coding process. This unanticipated division of categories into more than one level of decision making fulfilled a recommendation by Holsti (T968) to use multiple levels to increase reliability of coding. The third iteration, like the second, was comprised of adhesive notes laid out on a 4’ x 6’ piece of paper. However, in this iteration, category' descriptions were refined, explanations were expanded to clarify boundaries between categories and to identify each category’s range of foci, and additional examples were included to cover the major foci within the explanation. Several categories were collapsed to form 8 descriptive and TT intercultural- functioning codes. 52 The fourth iteration was typed into the computer and organized on standard 8-l/2" x ll" paper. Two descriptive categories, 7 (Power) and l2 (Systems interaction), were added. Four intercultural-functioning categories were also added. These were l5 (North American family sending a family member interculturally), 20 (Foreign individual or family interacting with North American culture), 24 (Culture not clarified), and 25 (Non-North American). Table 4 shows the categories and groupings. Appendix F gives full descriptions, explanations, and examples of the categories. The fifth iteration was developed in conjunction with discussions with the second coder, who was learning the category coding system for intercoder reliability testing. The second coder was chosen because she had a background similar to the researcher’s in several ways, a matching suggested by Krippendorff (T980) to maximize potential agreement and control for variability in perceiving the same reference quite differently. The second coder was a female North American second-year graduate student in Family and Consumer Studies, with coursework in family, including family ecology, and in anthropology, psychology, communication, and sociology. Thus, the biases in perception between the researcher and the second coder might be quite similar. As a result of questions raised by the second coder, six code explanations were clarified by adding a word or phrase, one category description was modified by changing a descriptor, and two intercultural-functioning categories, 26 (Family receiving a member 53 Table 4.--Categories and groupings of categories used by intercultural futurists. Does the keyword have a family-related meaning? NO YES Does the family-related reference deal with intercultural functioning? TO. 11. NO / DESCRIPTION OF CULTUREISI Unit of society Private Structure Economic/physical/material/ social class Gender-based Generation Power Size Parenting/child development Marriage Wedding Systems interaction ._I_ YES I INTERCULTURAL FUNCTIONING NORTH AMERICANS FUNCTIONING IN ANOTHER CULTURE (N.A. PERSPECTIVE; NON-N.A. TURF) l3. N.A. family Q') non-N.A. family 14. N.A. indiv. <-->non-N.A. family 15. N.A. family -=>member/intercultural T6. N.A. indiv.,family €->non-N.A. culture 17. N.A. indiv.<->indiv. PERSON(S) FROM ANOTHER CULTURE FUNCTIONING IN NORTH AMERICA (N.A. PERSPECTIVE; N.A. TURF) l8. Indiv. <-9 indiv. l9. Non—N.A. indiv. own family Family, indiv./intercultural <9 own culture NOT CLEARLY N.A. AS HOST OR GUEST (PERSPECTIVE AND TURF NOT CLEAR, CHANGE OR NON-N.A.) 23. Switch perspective 24. Culture not clarified 25. Non-North American 26. Family <-- member/interculturally 27. Family -e>member(s) interculturally 54 interculturally) and 27 (Family launching a member intercultu- rally), were added. During each iteration, categories were revised when previously used or new examples from the first one-half of the writings did not fit into the existing categories or when they might be categorized in more than one way. This process corresponds with Agar’s (T982) concept of "breakdowns" in inductive, qualitative research, where the tentative categories do not fit new data, indicating the need for a revision of categories. Throughout category discovery, guidelines from both ethnographic category development and code development were used. Ethnographic methodology provided the best guidance for an inductive, interpretive approach. However, ethnographic methodology has been criticized from positivist science as lacking reliability indicators (Kirk & Miller, 1986). Therefore, reliability procedures growing out of the positivist tradition of code development were employed to show clarity of coding categories. As the inductively' derived categories developed, it became clear that they were not evenly distributed into groupings. For example, five categories dealt with North Americans functioning in another' culture. Equivalent categories, or non-North Americans functioning in North America, incorporated only three categories. No effort was made to force a deductively created structure on the categories. In fact, every effort was made not to interpret beyond what the intercultural futurists appeared to be saying. To this end, theory' writings, particularly ecological theory, were laid 55 aside and not reviewed during the months of data collection and analysis so that the ecological-theory-based concepts might be less clear in the researcher’s mind. Toward the end of the stage of discovering categories and groupings of related categories came a process of discovering themes, which overarched category concepts and groupings. Discovery of themes differed somewhat from discovery of categories, in that an ethnographic technique was followed more exclusively, omitting the intercoder quantitative reliability analysis. Unlike categories, family-related keyword references were not always the starting point for* discovery of’ themes. Since the family-related references and surrounding context had been extensively analyzed 'hi the category-discovery stage, overarching themes came occasionally from the relationships between categories, but more frequently from broad concepts underlying all or most of the categories, even if the theme did not show how the categories related to each other. Temporally, themes began to emerge at the mid-to-final iteration stage of category development. li b'l' k r C t orie The question of category reliability was addressed by using an intercoder reliability technique to test whether the researcher and another qualified person would identify the family-related references of these ten intercultural futurists as falling in the same category. 56 The researcher spent approximately 12 hours with the second coder in training her to use the coding categories. Following the recommendations of Reid (1982), training began with a discussion of the research design and the coding categories. The second coder then spent time studying the codes, followed by another discussion on clarification of boundaries between concepts. Then followed numerous rounds of practice coding of family-related references from the first one-half of each intercultural futurist’s works. During this practice the researcher and second rater independently rated randomly chosen examples, with each rater using a different color of adhesive notes. The notes were compared periodically with discussion of why each rater chose the category she did. During these discussions, six categories were clarified by waking slight linguistic changes, and two categories, numbers 26 (family receiving member interculturally) and 27 (family launching members interculturally), were added. When agreement appeared to be acceptably high, the agreement level of 50 family-related references from the first half of the data was calculated using Cohen’s kappa. The resulting kappa was .64, within the range of acceptability indicated by Hartmann (1982). However, since some discussion took place during this coding and since the references all came from the first half of the written works, a second reliability test was run, using 10% to'20% of the second half of the references from each intercultural futurist. From intercultural futurists with few family-related references 20% were sampled; from intercultural 57 futurists with many references 10% were sampled. Both raters’ codings were compared, resulting in a kappa of .83. Reliability of groupings of categories and of themes, however, followed a more qualitative than quantitative procedure. Kirk and Miller (1986) supported the use of descriptive statistics for showing the quality of what is being studied. However, they warned against losing the richness of qualitative data in excessive use of numbers or quantitative reliability procedures. According to them, detailed descriptions of context of data collection and analysis are a better means of providing the replicability of a study. Validity Validity of’ each category was shown by comparing it with developed concepts from family ecology theory. Anastasi (1976) recommended comparison of a research concept with accepted theory as one means of establishing construct validity. Kirk and Miller (1986), in writing specifically about inductive, qualitative research, pointed out that the opportunity to constantly reformulate tentative hypotheses maximizes the potential for construct or theoretical validity' checks. By their' view, construct or theoretical validity was already analyzed during the data collection and analysis. However, as an additional measure of precision, Anastasi’s recommendation was followed. Discovery of categories and themes preceded review of ecological concepts. In fact, at each stage in category and theme discovery the researcher periodically reviewed the ten intercultural 58 futurists’ work to try to minimize the temptation to interpret what they were saying in any manner different from the way they were really intending it. Delaying review of ecological concepts was another attempt to remain as immersed as possible in the intercultural futurists’ work. However, after categories and themes were discovered and clarified and categories were tested for reliability, review of the human and family ecology literature was carried out to compare in detail categories and themes with family ecological concepts. CHAPTER IV FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS Writings of the ten intercultural futurists covered a wide range in several dimensions. First, they ranged in type from abstract theory and basic research to very applied, "how-to" guidebooks. One of the ten intercutural futurists, L. Robert Kohls (1981), best captured the notion of this range of writing: Many people write books to amplify and expound. I write to simplify and clarify. There is danger inherent in my approach, however, for one can end up looking like s/he knows less than is actually the case. I am willing to take that chance. (p. v) Second, documents were intended for a range of readership from internal AFS documents, to very general readership in area studies background reading, to research and theory for a highly specialized audience. 'Third, intercultural futurists ranged in quantity of publications, with academicians producing more documents overall than people in more applied fields, whose influence may be expected to come largely in direct contact with clients and trainees. Fourth, intercultural futurists ranged widely in percentage of sampling pages containing family-related references, from 2% to 50% of all sampling pages. Overall, this researcher assumed that the ways family was viewed by these intercultural futurists would be reflected in their writings, although the quantity of family 59 60 references may or may not be reflective. For instance, one of the intercultural futurists, Glen Fisher, in his cover letter accompanying his vita, commented that his writings did not reflect the extent to which he had dealt with family issues when he worked in the State Department. Cpnceptual Categoriee Family-related keywords were used to identify the unit of analysis, the category or concept. In some instances one keyword corresponded to one category. In other cases, however, several categories might be identified in the context unit that surrounded one keyword. In still other cases, several keywords might link together into one category. As conceptual categories emerged, they were described in three ways, following Hawkins’s (1982) suggestion. First, they were given a short name, then a dictionary-type definition. Second, an explanatory category was developed, which included the central concept, focus or foci of the concept, and in some cases where confusion with other categories might occur, description of what was not included in the category. Third, examples that corresponded to major foci within the category were taken from the population of writings. Category descriptions are given in Table 5. The coding instrument with complete descriptions, explanations, and examples of categories is in Appendix F. 61 Table 5.--Category descriptions. QESQBIEIIVE QATEGORIES 1. Unit of society-~Family is an important, close, bounded or con- tinuous unit of society. 2. Private/internal--Family life is private. 3. Structure--Family membership structure is referred to, discussed, or analyzed. 4. Economic/physical/material/social class-~Economic customs, material goods, or standards of living are discussed. 5. Gender-based--Gender-based distinctions in the family or related to the family are discussed. 6. Generation--Generational identity within the family is dis- cussed. 7. Power--Type or amount of power within the family is discussed. 8. Size--Size of family is discussed in terms of membership. 9. Parenting/child development--Parenting or development of chil- dren is identified or implied. TO. Marriage--Marriage, marital relationship, or marital status is discussed, including age at marriage, arranged or individual choice, monogamous or polygamous, legalities, permanence, secular or divine, two families (not just individuals) joined, romantic love. 11. Wedding--Process or ritual of becoming married is discussed. 12. Systems interacting--A description of the interaction between mesosystems is given. NT R T RA FUNCTIONING ATEGOR ES North Amenjgana Funttjoning in Anpther Culture 13. N. A. family<-->non-N.A. family--North American family inter- acts with family in another culture. 14. N.A. individual<-->non-N.A. family-—North American individual interacts with a family from another culture. 62 Table 5.--Continued. 15. l6. l7. N.A. family -a»member(s) interculturally--North American family sends one or more of its members into an intercultural experience, or prevents them from going. N.A. individual, family <--)Non-N.A. culture--North American family member, subset of family, or family interact or avoid interaction with another culture. N.A. individual <--> individual -- Individual -to-individual inter- actions where at least the "guest" is a North American. Bersonls) From Another tulture Funetioning in North America 18. 19. 20. Individual <-->individual--Individuals from different cultures interact, but carry with them family-related or family-taught patterns. Non-N.A. individuals (--)N.A. family--An individual from another culture interacts with, experiences, or observes a North American family. Non-N.A. individual, family<-->N.A. culture-~An individual, subset of the family, or family from another culture interacts with a North American nonfamily group or less—defined North American setting. Functipning in Culture of Origin. From Intergultural Perspective 21. 22. O 23. Individual/intercultural <--> own family--Individual family member has or has had intercultural experiences different from the rest of the family, which may or may not affect his/her relationship with the rest of the family. Family, individual/intercultural <--> own cultureuA family member, subset of the family, or the family has intercultural experiences different from the other members of the culture of origin. h Am r' H u Switch perspective -- Intercultural interaction is viewed first from the perspective of one culture and then from the perspective of the other culture. 63 Table 5.--Continued. 24. Culture not clarified—-Does not clarify which cultures or groups of cultures are being discussed or does not clarify whether one of the parties is North American. 25. Non-North American or unclear--Discusses people from one or more cultures functioning interculturally, but they are not North Americans or nationality is unclear. 26. Family <—- member/interculturalTy--Family receives, has received, or releases a recently received member intercultu- rally. 27. Family -£>member(s)/interculturally--Family launches member(s) interculturally. Categories were not equal in breadth. Some had one clear focus, whereas others had several possible foci surrounding one central concept. An example of the latter would be category 9, Parenting/child development. This category included procreation, parental responsibility, and what a child learns from his/her family. Overall, while overarching themes were evenly distributed among intercultural futurists, categories were not. All intercultural futurists used a variety of categories, but most intercultural futurists tended to use some categories to the exclusion of others, reflecting the different foci of application in their work. No clear pattern emerged, however, which might indicate differing foci of application or use of categories by gender of intercultural futurist. Since themes diffusely overarched all intercultural futurists, they were best treated with qualitative descriptions. 64 However, a quantitative distribution of the use of categories, as seen in Tables 6 and 7, was not only possible but also elucidating. As the conceptual categories emerged, they appeared to cluster into one of two basic groupings. The first grouping entailed a description of a dimension of family, such as marriage, presented essentially as background information. The second grouping included categories that. dealt with actually functioning interculturally. Although examples. in ‘the second grouping often included a descriptive background element, they did not stop there, but focused instead on how that element affected intercultural interacting. For example, marital problems may resurface in an overseas setting and affect the ability of the marriage partners to be interculturally effective. In both the descriptive and the intercultural- functioning category groupings, the reference might entail a single culture, a specific group of cultures, or cultures in general. The descriptive grouping dealt mostly with cultural norms about some dimension of family, such as typical family structure or gender-based power relationships. Although these categories covered both descriptive information about particular cultures and descriptive research on variables related to culture, such as the function of generation within the family in a given culture, they rarely covered either causal relationships or change within the dimension. For example, rarely did these intercultural futurists discuss why families have a particular norm about marriage or even that the norm is changing due to some societal or global influence. 65 Table 6.--Distribution of descriptive categories by intercultural futurist. Descriptive Category Author Total 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ll 12 Adler l 1 0 O l 0 0 0 O 3 O 5 ll Brislin T O 0 l O l O O 6 2 11 Fisher 0 O 2 O 0 0 O 0 3 l l T 8 Grove 3 O 0 0 0 0 0 0 O O 0 O 3 Gudykunst l 0 O O 0 0 0 0 3 4 0 l 9 Hoopes O O 0 O 0 0 0 O l O 0 O l Kohls O 0 O O 1 O O 0 l 0 0 l 3 Pedersen 3 5 l l l 0 l O 4 0 0 2 l8 Renwick O 0 0 0 0 O 1 l 0 0 2 Tyler 30 l4 16 TO 13 TO 4 l6 8 28 9 7 165 Total 39 20 T9 12 16 ll 5 T6 27 37 10 T9 Key to descriptive categories: Unit of society Private Structure Economic/physical/material/social class Gender-based Generation Power Size Parenting/child development Marriage Wedding Systems interaction mmwmmth—a 66 Table 7.--Distribution of intercultural~functioning categories by intercultural futurist. Intercultural-Functioning Category Author Total 13 14 15 16 T7 18 T9 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Adler 0 0 3 7 0 O O O 0 2 1 0 T O 1 T5 Brislin 2 3 0 7 5 3 0 3 2 O 5 l 2 O O 33 Fisher 0 l O O T 0 O O T O O O O O 0 3 Grove 0 4 0 O O O 2 5 9 6 0 3 l 10 7 47 Gudykunst 0 O O O l O O O 0 O O 0 O O O T Hoopes 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 l O 0 l Kohls 0 3 5 6 6 O T O l 2 l 0 2 O O 27 Pedersen 0 O O O O O O O T T O 4 O O O 6 Renwick O O l O 0 O O l 2 O O O 0 2 6 Tyler 0 O l l 0 O 0 l O O T O l O 5 Total 2 ll 8 22 T4 3 3 8 l6 l3 7 9 7 ll 10 Key to intercultural functioning categories: 13 - N. American family interacting with non~N.A. family 14 - N. American individual interacting with non-N.A. family 15 - N. American family sends member interculturally 16 -‘N. American individual or family interacts with non-N.A. culture 17 - N. American individual interacts with another individual 18 - Non-N.A. individual interacts (in N. America) with individual 19 - Non-N.A. individual interacts (in N. America) with N. American family 20 - Non-N.A. individual or family interacts (in N. America) with N. American culture 21 - Individual with intercultural experience interacts with own family 22 - Family or individual with intercultural experience interacts with own culture 23 - Switch perspective (usually N. American and non-N. American) 24 . Culture not clarified 25 - Non-North American 26 - Family (culture not specified) receives member interculturally 27 - Family (culture not specified) launches member(s) interculturally 67 This descriptive grouping of categories often dealt with family as a unit, which was particularly apparent in category 1 (Unit of society), but. it also permeated categories 2 (Private), 3 (Structure), 4 (Economic/physical/material/social class), 7 (Power), 8 (Size), 10 (Marriage), and 12 (Systems interaction), and occasion— ally 6 (Generation), 9 (Parenting/child development), and 11 (Wedding). An example of regarding family as a unit within category 2 (Private) would be that a visitor would usually find the entire French family at home on most evenings. Under category 7 (Power), an example might be that Austrians have an authoritative family structure, or family category 8 (Size) that the average family size in urban areas is smaller than in rural areas. Family as a set of interacting roles was apparent in category 5 (Gender), often in 6 (Generation) and 9 (Parenting/child develop- ment), and sometimes in 10 (Marriage) and 11 (Wedding). Examples here would include references to males having most of the power in the family in a particular culture (category 5--Gender), or that in another culture the elder generation is looked up to for wisdom, respected, and cared for (category 6--Generation). Rarely did these descriptive categories look at individual family members outside the context of their families. The second grouping of categories was held together by an overall concern with individuals functioning interculturally. Within this intercultural-functioning grouping, two other dimensions were important as distinguishers between clusters of concepts. One was whose perspective was taken. The other was on whose turf the 68 interaction took place. More than half of the categories clarified both perspective and 'turfh Some categories, however, were not entirely clear or incorporated a shift in either perspective or turf. For instance, in category 23 (Switch perspective) an inter- cultural interaction might be described as it would be perceived in Culture A and then the same interaction described as it would be perceived in Culture 8. Nevertheless, both perspective and turf were deemed important. Interestingly, there were five categories for North Americans interacting on non-North American turf but only three for non-North Americans on North American turf. Perhaps North American intercultural futurists can well be expected to see more nuances of North Americans interacting elsewhere, especially since probably most of the people they train, teach, or study are North Americans. In the second grouping of categories, the examples most frequently dealt with the individual family member, sometimes dealt with the family as a unit, and sometimes dealt with the interactions between them. Categories 17 (North American individual interacting with another individual within North America. where family is a silent partner) and 18 (Individual interacting across cultural boundaries with another individual outside of North America) both focused on individual family members. Category 13 (North American family interacting in North America with a non-North American family) focused on family as a unit. Categories 15 (North American family launching one or more members interculturally), 21 69 (Individual having intercultural experience interacting with own family), 26 (Non-culture-specific family launching a member inter- culturally), and 27 (Non-culture-specific family receiving a member interculturally) all dealt with the interactions between the family as a unit and the individual family member. Five of the remaining categories, 14 (North American individual interacting with a non- North American family), 16 (North American individual or family interacting with a non-North American culture), 19 (Non-North American individual interacting with a North American family), 20 (Non—North American individual or family interacting with North American culture), and 22 (Non-culture-specific family or individual interacting with own culture), could include either family as a unit or individual family member, but usually focused on the individual family member. Overall, in the intercultural-functioning grouping, unlike the descriptive categories, references seemed 1x1 focus more often on the individual family member than on the family as a unit. This appeared to be another example where inductively derived categories did not fall into symmetrical patterns. Theme; Seven general themes overarched all of the intercultural futurists and all of the conceptual categories. The themes are described in Table 8. 70 Table 8.--Overarching themes. *1. Globalization is inevitable, exciting, and laden with opportu- nities, but it is not easy. 2. The world is now interconnected in multiple ways. 3. A major dimension of globalization is intercultural interac— tion, which is a personal process and takes place between and within persons. *4. Successful intercultural interaction requires adaptation in the person. 5. Cultural boundaries affect the direct human communication through which intercultural interactions take place. *6. One culture is not better than another. 7. Knowing about intercultural interaction is linked with doing something about it in the form of helping others interact successfully. *Designates a value-based theme. An overview of the relationships of conceptual categories, groupings of categories, and themes is shown in Table 9. However, as Table 9 indicates, the relationship among conceptual categories, groupings of categories, and themes was not a simple pattern of increasing levels of clusters of categories. Rather, at the most basic level, categories stood as separate concepts. Then at a second level, groupings of categories emerged into two clusters, descriptive categories and intercultural-functioning categories. The intercultural-functioning cluster subdivided into four clusters along the criteria of perspective and turf. However, at the broadest level, groupings of categories did not then cluster into 71 Table 9.--Relationships of conceptual categories, groupings, and themes. THEMES Globalization is inevitable, exciting, but not easy World is interconnected —a—J—J N—‘O‘DQNO‘W bUN-d Intercultural interaction is primarily between individuals Adaptation is required Culture affects comunication One culture is not better than another IF Link application to research and theory___l G P F S F N NT R T Unit of society 13. N.A. family (--> non-N.A. family Private 14. N.A. indiv. (anon-N.A. family Structure u_ 15. N.A. family -9member/intercult. Economic/physical/material/ a: 16. N.A. indiv. , family 6)flOfl-N.A. culture social class a 17. N. A. indiv. <5indiv. Gender-based g 18. Indiv. (”>indiv. Generation < 19. Non- N. A. indiv. <9 N.A. family Power L; 20. Non-N.A. indiv., family <> N.A. culture Size : 21. Indiv./intercultural <~>own family Parenting/child development a 22. Family, indiv./intercult. (pawn culture Marriage g 23. Switch perspective Wedding 5 24. Culture not clarified O. 25. Non-North American 26. Family <- member/interculturally 27. Family -~>member(s) interculturally Systems interaction 72 separate themes. Instead, the seven general themes emerged that overarched all categories and groupings. As Table 9 implies, themes about family in intercultural interaction did not emerge. Two of the intercultural futurists, Tyler and Grove, did have consistent generalizations about family, and a third, Brislin, incorporated family so frequently that family might be considered a generalization. However, Brislin dealt with family in such a variety of ways that no generalizations about family emerged in his work. Consistent in Tyler’s work, however, was a generalization that family is one of the most significant dimensions of any culture, and people interacting interculturally must understand family within that other culture. Grove also had a consistent, overarching generalization, but his was different from Tyler’s. Grove’s generalization was that family is a predominant shaper of its members; is conversely affected by its members; and is, therefore, a significant factor when one of its members engages deeply in intercultural interaction. It is interesting, however, that generalizations about family were» not shared from one intercultural futurist to another and therefore could not be considered themes. Moreover, the remaining seven intercultural futurists exhibited such a range in the frequency of their inclusion of family and the ways they dealt with family that generalizations about family in intercultural interactions did not emerge in their work. Thus, overall, using any of the 27 conceptual categories, family appeared as an integral, although more limited, part of the 73 seven general themes. Although in most cases family was not the focus of what they wrote, on the whole, these intercultural futurists tended to ‘treat family as deeply integrated into the behavior and identity of the individual on whom they did tend to focus. In this integrated way, their examples included family as a unit (e.g., in an international move), internal positions and role- related activities of family (e.g., the cultural-translator role of a young immigrant among his elder relatives), family as an intervening variable between the individual and culture (e.g., providing emotional and financial support for their international- student daughter), and family as a conduit of culture and a shaper of ideas and identity (e.g., teaching and modeling a collectivist value system). In general, the more applied the writing, the more often family was included, in part because research and theory were more narrowly focused and the applied materials, such as training materials, covered a broader context. Of 'the seven themes, three entailed clear value positions. None of the value positions was an exposé about what should not be. All three seemed to be both positive about globalization at the international, national/cultural, and individual levels, and optimistic about the future. Explanations of the themes with quotations from the ten intercultural futurists are given below. These explanations are organized by first giving a general description of the theme, then a non-family-related quotation that expresses the general conceptual framework reflected in the theme, 74 and finally one or more examples of how family appears within the theme. Ineme One The first major theme, a value-based one, was that globalization is taking place at an exponentially increasing rate, is exciting, and is laden with opportunities for a new way of experiencing the world. These futurists were by no means predictors of doom. They saw individual human beings as living in an era of a fundamental change, which offered many opportunities. Several of the intercultural futurists dealt with the potentially enriching experience of whole families or parts of families in intercultural experiences. For example, Grove (1989) addressed the opportunities for families to host an international student: Your family will also benefit from the experience of hosting in intangible ways; for example, at the end of your hosting experience you probably will have gained a broader perspective on world issues, increased your knowledge of a foreign country, and gained deeper insight into the values and patterns of your own culture. (p. 78) However, these futurists did not present a romanticized, idealized view of the human dimension of globalization; they did not predict an easy experience-~only a potentially fulfilling one. In training materials for volunteers working in Nepal, Renwick (1987) wrote: During the period of adjustment . . . volunteers often feel they have a tremendous opportunity in Nepal, but they also feel distant from the Nepalis, frustrated because each day is different (but unable to express their frustration), and preoccupied with themselves and their adjustment. (p. 10) 75 Theme Two A second major theme was that the world is now interconnected in multiple, interdependent ways. Applying this interconnectedness to education, another of the futurists, Hoopes (1980), wrote: International education traditionally looked at the world in segments. Countries and cultures spread around the globe made contact through war, trade, and tourism, but we tended to view them either as separate entities or as part of a scheme of one-way power relationships between the strong and the weak. International education stressed Igathering information about separate cultures and analyzing power relationships. Now we are called upon to view the earth as a whole, to see as one the entire range of social, cultural, economic, and political relationships woven together into a single system. (pp. 6-7) Usually, however, these intercultural futurists moved quickly from the broad, abstract interconnectedness into much more individual, personal examples. As this relates to family, each of the categories from the intercultural-functioning grouping iii the present research fits under this second theme. In each of these intercultural-functioning categories, family plays a somewhat different role--sometimes interfacing directly with another family across cultural boundaries, sometimes sending one or more members into an intercultural interaction, sometimes receiving a member interculturally, and sometimes functioning as a silent partner when one of the family’s members is interacting with a person from a different culture. [heme Three A third major theme was that globalization takes place at a personal level, between individual people and within a person. 76 Brislin (1981) described some of the reasons for this emphasis on persons: Predictions about future day-to-day living in various parts of the world include greater amounts of face-to-face contact among people from very different cultural backgrounds. (p. vii) This theme of globalization experienced through personal contact could be in any context. Specifically applied to higher education, Varney and Brislin (1990) wrote: The pursuit. of' higher education in the 1990’s will entail vastly greater contact with people from other nations and various cultural groups from all over the world. Within any one country, diverse ethnic groups want their cultural uniqueness to be recognized and refuse to be placed into a homogeneous melting pot. (p. 9) As these ten intercultural futurists dealt with people, their orientation was a very holistic, personal one. Only very rarely did they look at globalization as an impersonal trend. In fact, one of the intercultural futurists, Tyler, succinctly referred to people- to-people interactions (1989) and spoke of ambassadorship of the individual in the globalization process (1988). Occasionally, they viewed the individual as an occupier of roles, or through categories, groups, or aggregates. For example, Adler (1986) addressed the difficult position of dependent spouses in the international move and the frequent lack of sources of contact with the host community to form meaningful relationships. Sometimes these intercultural futurists viewed interaction between small groups, such as the family, but more often they saw the family as the major social linkage--a source of socialization and cultural identity for the individual. As one example, Brislin 77 (1981) found that children of parents with an authoritarian parenting style were less tolerant of members of the out-group and hence Tess accepting of people from other cultures. [heme Eour A fourth theme was value-based and related closely to the third one--successful interaction requires adaptation it: the individual. Again, the focus was on individual adaptation, usually not group or societal. Again, related to the first theme, adaptation was viewed positively and was clearly a value-based approach. They saw adaptation as necessary, possible, and positive. However, this adaptation implies change, accompanied by strong feelings and a cost in terms of stress, human-energy demands, and perhaps difficulty fitting into a comfortable niche. Renwick (T987) addressed the cost of adaptation in the following way: Operating too, of course, is the requirement to change. Changes of this kind, for many human beings, are stressful. One reason is that we usually cannot change on just one level. Like other organic systems, we need to maintain internal consistency. As our behavior changes, our perceptions and attitudes may change as well. As each does, there is a wrenching inside us. This consumes energy. It takes time. And it takes work-~hard internal work. (p. 9) An additional cost often comes in the differences between the adaptation or experiences of the individual and those of his/her family, or sometimes whole culture. In writing about the return of young sojourners after an international youth exchange experience, Grove (1989) stated: 78 It is important to keep in mind that the natural parents of the student have not been able to share their child’s experiences abroad or to witness his or her emotional turmoil during that time. (p. 111) Differential adaptation does not always create distance between the family and its individual members, however, as Brislin, Landis, and Brandt (1983) pointed out. Groups, particularly family groups, that travel or immigrate together usually experience fewer adjustment problems, in part because they can use special interactional skills of one family member for the benefit of the whole group (p. 23). Even when there is a potential cost, however, these intercultural futurists saw adaptation as allowing for human connectedness across cultural boundaries, for rapid personal growth, and for a-new vision of the world. Theme Five A fifth theme was that intercultural interactions take place through direct human communication across or affected by cultural boundaries. Fisher (1988) described the cultural base of patterns of thinking and communication in his book, Mindsets. This communication theme deals heavily with individual human perceptions, how they are learned, and how they can be expanded and modified. Brislin (1986) described the process through which children’s perceptions of and consequent interactions with people from groups other than their own are formed to mirror those of their parents (p. 84). And Gudykunst (T983) contrasted the child~rearing practices of North American and Japanese parents and the consequences those practices have for the later intercultural interactions of their 79 offspring (p. 594). These perceptions and patterns of thinking can be modified in later life, however. Despite the potential for change through the expansion or modification of perceptions, nevertheless, individuals continue to maintain their own core perspective and their own core pattern of thinking, which are culturally learned, with family as one of the major conduits of culture. This culturally learned perspective may modify, but people are not without one. To communicate successfully across cultural boundaries, then, individuals must be aware of their own and others’ perceptions, expectations, and perspectives. A. substantial portion of these perceptions and expectations are about what family is and what it should be. Sometimes the intercultural interaction is rejected in favor of family interactions, as Pedersen (T982) addressed 'hi the question of turning to family as a support group rather than accepting cross-cultural counseling. When the perceptions, expectations, and perspectives learned from the family are carried into individual interactions, family often becomes a silent partner in the transaction. In Intereultural Interactions: A Praetthl Snipe, Brislin, Cushner, Cherrie, and Yong (1986) incorporated into many of their 100 critical incidents this notion of unconscious expectations from and about family affecting an intercultural interaction. The awareness of silent expectations and perceptions often comes through unanticipated responses, which indicate that confusion or misunderstanding has occurred and that each party in 80 the interaction has given different meanings to the same symbols used in the interaction. Theme Six A sixth major theme, and the third value—based one, was that one culture is not better, more advanced, or more enlightened than another. Overall, these intercultural futurists took the position that intercultural interactions are enhanced by being nonjudgmental about the ways of other cultures. In treating each person as an ambassador, Tyler (1987) wrote: Ethnocentrism is normal; it is sometimes patriotic and acceptable--as long as it is not imposed on other people, when it becomes a negative influence. Every person is entitled to his or her own world view, self-esteem, cultural pride, and dignity. Understanding this idea is imperative for an ambassador, so that misunderstanding and offense can be avoided. (p. 5) This nonjudgmentalism also applies to the returning sojourners viewing the ways of their own culture, including their own families. This means that the individual sees his/her own perspective as one alternative, neither abandoning it run: viewing it as superior. Pedersen (1988) described this nonjudgmental perspective~taking in terms of multicultural awareness: Multicultural awareness provides a safe and accurate approach to differences across groups in a multicultural population. Multicultural awareness is safe because it provides a third alternative to judgments of right cu“ wrong between two culturally different people in conflict. (p. vii) m ev n Last, the seventh major theme links the practical and applied with the theoretical and abstract. These intercultural futurists 81 researched and theorized about how individual human beings succeed in this new global paradigm by tnjdging intercultural gaps; then they moved on to help people learn how to do it. Many of them have developed training materials to help in this learning process. Renwick (1987) wrote: A carefully designed program, based on the research now available, prepares the volunteers to move through the process [of cultural adaptation] in the ways most constructive for each of them--in fact to learn a great deal, both personally and professionally, from the process, then get on with their jobs. (p. 10) In another document describing training, Renwick (1990) pointed out that participants are not especially receptive to directly hearing the implications of research findings for themselves as "individuals, marriage partners, parents and team members" in their adjustment to culture shock (p. 18). But research can be filtered through other forms of application, as he described in a training program: [The participants] are, however, intrigued by colorful, relevant stories. The first is the story of the Taylor family whose experience in China was difficult, meaningful and successful. The second recounts the story of the Steele family whose experience and response were so negative that they left China after eight months. The creative and descriptive dynamics of these and other family systems are diagrammed and discussed. Each couple in the program considers the patterns and potential of their own family, anticipates the consequences in China and plans accordingly. They do this together, in private. (p. 18) These ten intercultural futurists, then, were optimistic about globalization and that part of it that is the people-to-people interaction. Fundamentally, they believed in the ability of human 82 beings to grow and learn and were committed to supporting the process. Relationship pf Categories and Themes to Human/Family Ecological Theory Following the recommendation of Anastasi (1976), categories and themes were compared with concepts from human and family ecological theory' to demonstrate construct validity. Overall, themes and groupings of conceptual categories paralleled ecological concepts more often than did individual categories. Individual categories, on the other hand, were more often examples of ecological concepts, but had a core definition too narrow to be considered parallel to the ecological concept. Comparing core of concept in the present study with core of concept in ecological theory, 5 of the 12 descriptive categories, the overall grouping of the intercultural-functioning categories but not the individual categories, and four of the seven themes had cores that clearly paralleled ecological concepts. The separate intercultural-functioning categories often were examples of ecological concepts but did not have parallel cores. Table 10 shows the relationships between categories from the present study and ecological concepts. Those marked with an asterisk are conceptual categories from the present study that function as examples of the ecological concepts indicated but are not broad enough to be core ecological concepts. 83 Table TO.--Relationship of research categories to ecological concepts. Categories From Present Research Ecological Concepts Qeecriptive Categories 1. Unit of society Private Structure kWN Economic/physical/material/ social class 5. Gender-based . *Generation . *Power . *Size 1:0me . *Parenting/child development 10. *Marriage ll. *Wedding 12. Systems interaction I ter tural-Functionin Ca e ories (Perspective) (Turf) Family Boundary Family structure Near environment Human-constr. environ. Human-behav. environ. Family roles Decision making Socio-cultural norms Decision making Family structure Roles Human development Socio-cultural norms Socio-cultural norms Mesosystems Interaction Adaptation Meanings Socio-historic-cultural Environment Natural environment Human-constr. environ. Human-behav. environ. Internal environment Intellectual process. External environment 84 Table lO.—-Continued. Categories From Present Research Ecological Concepts l3. *N.A. family interacts with non-N.A. family 14. *N.A. individual interacts with non-N.A. family 15. *N.A. family sends member inter- culturally 16. *N.A. individual or family inter- acts with non-N.A. culture 17. *N.A. individual interacts with individual interculturally 18. *Individual interacts with individual 19. *Non-N.A. individual interacts N.A. family 20. *Non-N.A. individual, family interact with N.A. culture 21. *Individual with intercultural experience interacts with own family 22. *Family, individual with inter- cultural experience interacts with own culture 23. *Switch perspective from one culture to another 24. *Culture not clarified 25. *Non-North American 26. *Family receives member inter- culturally 27. *Family launches member(s) inter- culturally Interaction; Interaction; Interface Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interaction; Interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface interface 85 Table lO.--Continued. Themes From Present Research Ecological Concepts 1. Globalization is inevitable, exciting 2. World is interconnected in many ways Ecosystems 3. Focus on individual in intercultural Organism interaction 4. Individual adaptation is necessary Adaptation for success 5. Communication is across cultural Perception boundaries Meaning Information process. Internal environment 6. No culture is superior to another 7. Futurists are committed to action *Category from the present study that is an example of the cor- responding ecological concept or concepts indicated. Concepts From the Present Study With Core Parallel to Ecological Concepts Under the descriptive category grouping, category 1 (Unit of society) focuses on family as a bounded, recognized, continuous unit of society, including internally shared beliefs that distinguish it from other groups or from its environment. This category parallels Bubolz and Sontag’s (in press) definition of family as a basic unit of analysis, "composed not only of persons related by blood, marriage, or adoption but also . . . who share some common goals, resources, and a commitment to each other over time" (p. 31). 86 The third category (Structure), also it: the descriptive grouping, deals with the pattern of family membership. Family structure was listed by Bubolz and Sontag (1988) as one of the individual/family concepts in human ecological theory. Category 4 (Economic/physical/material/social class) focuses on material and economic well-being, physical surroundings, and social class. Some of these foci can be classified under the concepts of near environment of the home and local community (Bubolz et al., 1979) and human-constructed environment of food, shelter, clothing, and other artifacts (Bubolz et al., 1979; Bubolz & Sontag, 1988). However, category 4 of the present research includes economics and social class, which would better parallel the human-behavioral environment concept of Bubolz et al. (1979). Thus, category 4 parallels concepts from ecological theory, but boundaries in the two sets of concepts differ somewhat. The fifth category (Gender-based) incorporates norms, structure, processes, or position within the family that are gender related, as well as gender-based power and decision making. Some parallels exist between the more general concept of family roles and the concept. of' decision making classified by Bubolz and Sontag (1988) as individual/family' concepts, on the one hand, and the gender-based category on the other. As with category 4, however, core dimensions of ‘the sets of' concepts are the same but the boundaries differ. Category 12 (Systems interacting), the last of the descriptive categories, has closer parallels with ecological concepts both in 87 core and in boundaries. The definition within the present research includes the interaction of the family or its members with some external system. It does not include interaction of the family with its members, however. These interactions of the family and its members with external systems most closely parallel Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) mesosystems, where the individual is nested both in the family system and also in systems external to the family but interacting with it. The entire second grouping of categories, intercultural functioning, focuses on the interaction of the individual or group with other individuals, groups, or culture in general, across cultural boundaries. This description fits well within the human ecological concept of interaction presented by Bubolz et al. (1979) --that "interaction is the organizing concept of human ecosystems and takes place among components within an environment . . . and between organism and environment" (p. 30). It also fits with Westney' et al.’s (1986) definition of human interaction as the "reciprocal relationships of the individual with family, neighborhood, and community" (p. 9) and within Bubolz and Sontag’s (in press) statement that interaction is "a process whereby a change or action in one part of the ecosystem induces a change in another part" (p. 74). Moreover, it fits within the definition given by Wright and Herrin (1988) of family ecology as the "conceptual orientation that centers on the interactions and reciprocal relationships between families [and individual members] and their 88 varied contexts [natural and human constructed]" (p. 144). The definition of interaction in the present study was restricted to intercultural interactions, and the environment referred to was the cultural system. Thus, each of the definitions from the literature was broader but fully encompassed that of the present study. Also, within the second grouping of categories were two guiding concepts for classifying the included categories. One was perspective, which deals with meanings growing out of individual, social, and cultural history. The concept of perspective seems to incorporate components of two concepts, meaning and socio-historic- cultural patterns, listed by Bubolz and Sontag (1988) under environmental concepts in ecology. The second term, turf, was used to denote a sense of ownership of space, with the supporting social and cultural patterns that connect the individual (H‘ group cognitively and emotionally with that space. Several ecological concepts presented by a variety of writers overlap the "turf” concept. First, an early, very broad definition of environment by Bubolz et al. (1979), "the sum total of the physical, biological, social, economic, political, aesthetic, structural surroundings for organisms," included the much more narrow concept of turf. Andrews et al.’s (T980) description of environment as including natural, human-constructed, and human— behavioral dimensions also covered the much more narrow concept of turf. A later definition by Bubolz and Sontag (in press) said that the "environment . . . [is] the totality of the physical, biological, social, economic, political, aesthetic, and structural 89 surroundings for human beings and the context for their behavior and development" (p. 28). And Westney et al. (1986) included both internal environment (intellectual processes) and external environment with family and culture in their overall description of environment. A11 of these definitions of' environment are much broader than the concept of turf. Turf may, however, incorporate examples of each of the dimensions described. Concepts From the Present Study That Are More Limited Examples of Ecologieal Spneepta Category 6 (Generation) deals with singling out one or more generations for special attention, a specific example of socio- cultural norms listed by Bubolz and Sontag (1988) as an environmental concept. The next. category, 7 (Power), addresses decision making within the family or amount of power. This category appears to be an example of decision making, a family ecological concept (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). Size, category 8, refers to average family size, an example of the ecological concept of family structure (Bubolz & Sontag, l988). Parenting and child development, category 9, may deal with parenting role, development of the child, or the parent-child relationship, a concept that is a more limited instance of two ecological concepts, roles and human development, which Bubolz_ and Sontag (1988) listed as individual/family ecological concepts. And the ecological concept of socio-cultural norms (Bubolz & Sontag, 1988) is illustrated in both category 10 (Marriage) and category 11 (Wedding). 90 Each of the intercultural-functioning categories is an example of interface, a general systems concept listed by Bubolz and Sontag (1988). And all of the intercultural-functioning categories except categories 15 and 27, which both deal with a family launching one or more of its members interculturally, serve as illustrations of the ecological concept of interaction, the process by which a change in one part of the ecosystem prompts a change in another part (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). Relationship of Themes to Ecologieal Concepts and Values Four of the seven overarching themes discovered in the present study had parallels in ecological concepts. The first theme, a value-based one, is that globalization is inevitable, exciting, and laden with opportunities, but not easy. This theme does not really have a parallel concept in ecological theory. Perhaps the possibilities inherent 'hi globalization might parallel the ecological value of human betterment described by Bubolz and Sontag (in press). The second theme, that the world is interconnected in multiple ways, is very closely parallel to the ecological perspective described by Andrews et al. (1980), incorporating looking at phenomena in their "wholeness of interaction and interdependence" (p. 30). The third theme, that intercultural interaction between individual persons is a major dimension of globalization, focuses on the individual human being. This focus on the individual human 91 being as the unit of analysis parallels the human ecological concept of organism described by Bubolz and Sontag (in press). They saw an organism as an "individual, controlled, living system" (p. 74). An example of an organism is an individual family member. The fourth theme, a value-based one, is that successful intercultural interaction requires adaptation within the person and is similar on the individual level to Bubolz and Sontag’s (in press) analysis of adaptation as a "behavior of living systems [e.g., the family] that changes the state or structure of the system, the environment, or both" (p. 30). At a very basic level, there are also similarities between valuing adaptation and valuing survival, a value underlying ecological theory (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). The fifth theme focuses on communication, particularly the communication that occurs in conjunction with or across cultural boundaries and is the foundation of intercultural interactions. This theme parallels several ecological concepts, specifically communication, perception, meaning, and information processing. Bubolz and Sontag’s (1988) definition of communication specifically focused on the family. However, if the application could include individual family members interacting outside of the family, their definition fits the present findings well. They said that communication is "the process of interaction by which information and meaning are created and transmitted between individuals in the family or between the family and other systems in the environment" (p. 80). Regarding perception, Nelson (1980) saw a "process by 92 which environmental information is registered by the senses, organized and made available for use" (p. 263). That human beings give meanings to their environments was listed as a core concept by Bubolz and Sontag (1988). Also listed as a core concept by Bubolz and Sontag (1988) was information processing, an interaction concept. The sixth and seventh themes, that one culture is not better than another and that these futurists showed a commitment to help others in the intercultural-interaction process, ck) not appear to have parallel ecological concepts. However, the value base of theme 6, respecting all cultures equally, shows substantial similarity to valuing human betterment, with its component emphasis on equality (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). Overall, about one-half of the conceptual categories, groupings of categories, and themes found in the present study parallel human ecological concepts well, particularly in the core of the concept, although boundaries around the concepts may differ somewhat. Most of the remaining concepts appear to be examples of ecological concepts. And two fundamental values undergirding family ecological theory, survival and human betterment, with its related dimension of lack of confinement, may be similar to values expressed in the themes of these ten intercultural futurists. Relationship pf Ejndings tn thenature en mi 1 n l r l The conceptual categories, groupings of categories, and themes discovered in this study in some cases paralleled and in other cases 93 markedly diverged from the variables, approaches, and value positions found in the literature on family internationally and interculturally. Most of the concepts grouped in this study as descriptive categories appeared irI the international/intercultural family literature. However, unlike the findings of the present research, in most studies in the literature the concept went beyond a description of a specific culture or cultures in general and linked the family category with another variable, usually either a macro-level dimension of globalization or another concept in the descriptive category group. And also unlike the findings of the present study, the literature often dealt with cultural change and either analyzed or implied a cause-and-effect relationship. One of the macro-level dimensions of globalization that was studied in relationship to family was participation in the wage labor. market, somewhat similar to category 4 (Economic/physical/ material/social class). This participation in the wage labor market has been linked in several studies to concepts covered in category 9 (Parenting/child development) (Bloch, T988; Cinar et al., 1988; Fernea, l986; Khandker, 1988). Also covered in category 9 (Parenting/child development) is procreation, frequently dealt with in the literature under fertility. Again, studies have linked education and economics to fertility (Chen et al., 1987; Entwisle & Winegarden, T984; Nee, T986; Osawa, 1988). In addition, category 9 (Parenting/child development) parallels concepts in several comparative studies 94 addressing development or treatment of children within the family (Domino & Hannah, 1987; Lidz, Lidz, & Borsuch, T989; Mackey, T988; Mann, 1985; Trost, 1987). Participation in the wage Tabor economy also was studied in conjunction with several of the other concepts emerging into descriptive categories of this study. A number of researchers had addressed the effect of wage labor participation on extended family (Al-Thakeb, T985; Conklin, T988; Sow, T985) and extended family co-residence (Mogey 8| Bachmann, l986; Oke, 1986; Thornton et al., 1984), concepts related to category 3 (Structure). Category 3 (Structure) has also been studied with respect to change, finding that change differs by social stratum (Nassehi- Behnam, 1985). In addition to these studies, Soliday’s (T980) bibliography of the history of family and kinship listed more than 5,000 studies, divided primarily by geographic region, of which many were descriptive studies of family structure or kinship in one specific culture. And within the United States, Nye and Berardo (T973) looked at family structure and function, comparing families across ethnic groups. Effect of globalization has been related to the unity, commitment, or solidarity of the family, both extended and nuclear, which parallels category 1 (Unit of society) (AT-Haj, T988; Obikeze, T987; Oke, l986; Rawat, 1986). Gender roles and differential effect on the two genders, here similar to category 5 (Gender), have been studied with respect to power and decision making (Hickson, l986; Lele, l986; Vergin, T985) 95 and differing experiences in globalization (Gladwin & McMillan, T989; Mann, 1985; von Braun & Webb, 1989). Some studies, beginning from a feminist perspective, have looked at gender and globalization, taking a clear value position on what family and women’s roles within the family and society should be (Charlton, Everett, & Staudt, 1989). When these studies have addressed the effect of globalization, they have tended to view problems and potential problems, however, rather than the opportunities of globalization, one of the themes of the ten futurists. Marriage (Category 10) has appeared in a number of studies. Some of these have been comparative studies, looking at marriage across cultures (Kerckhoff, 1972; Warner et al., 1986). Others have looked at the effect of dimensions of globalization on marriage in a single culture (Amoateng & Heaton, T989; Banerjee, 1984). Yet another group of studies could best be described as focusing on concepts covered in the intercultural-functioning categories. Category 21 (Individual with intercultural experience interacting with own family) has appeared in studies by Obikeze (T987), Oke (T986), and Stark and Lucas (1988) as families provide one member with international education or other advantages so that member will later provide additional benefits for the family. On the other side of this relationship, however, the attitudes and values of the educated member may then become incompatible with those of other family members (Obikeze, T987). 96 A small body of the literature seems to parallel the theme found in this study that relates to adaptation of family members in intercultural interaction. However, unlike the value of adaptation discovered in the present study, the literature usually has not presented adaptation as a desired or valued end (Dhruvarajan, 1988; Gold, 1989; Marceau, T989; Mendoza, T989; Torbiorn, 1982). Also, similar to theme 7, in the literature are writings about family internationalTy/interculturalTy, which have linked theory and application, addressing needs of families (United Nations, 1986), women and children (Kilbride & Kilbride, 1990), and children alone (Alnwick, Moses, & Schmidt, 1988). Thus, although many of the descriptive categories seem to parallel variables used in single-culture studies in other countries and in cross-national comparative studies, few of the categories grouped ““1 the present research under intercultural functioning appeared in the literature. Moreover, social change permeated the variables of the more recent literature but did not appear to any pronounced degree in the categories of the intercultural futurists’ writings. Another way in which the literature seemed to differ from this study more than to parallel it was in the overarching themes. The first theme, excitement about the potential of globalization, rarely appeared in the body of literature. In fact, more often the literature seemed to express concern for problems prompted by globalization. The second theme, that the world is interconnected in multiple ways, did appear in much of the literature that dealt 97 with facets of globalization. The third theme, that globalization takes place at an individual, personal level, seemed to be uncommon in the international/intercultural family literature, where more emphasis was on roles, small-group, or macro-level societal dimensions. The fourth theme, that adaptation can and must take place at the individual, personal level, was also uncommon in the literature, where adaptation was addressed on the small-group or macro level. Like the third and fourth themes, the fifth theme focuses on the individual--that communication across cultural boundaries must address the differences 'hi culturally based perceptions and perspectives-~and was uncommon in the literature. The sixth theme, a cultural relativism or nonjudgmental view of all cultures, may have appeared in some of the literature, especially cross-societal surveys and frequently in single-culture descriptive studies. And the seventh theme, the linking of theory and applied work to help people with globalization, appeared in a small proportion of the literature. Overall, the writings of these intercultural futurists seemed to take a unique perspective on family in globalization and specifically on family in intercultural interaction, as they focused on a positive, humanist, applied approach to a potentially massive world change. CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND WHAT STILL NEEDS TO BE DONE m r n on n The study was an inductive, interpretive content analysis of written works of ten intercultural futurists, using qualitative data to describe their conceptual categories, themes, and values about family in intercultural interaction. The purpose was not to learn what is being said about family in intercultural interaction, but rather to learn what influential futurists in intercultural interaction, who are at present being heard, are saying. In inductive, interpretive research the researcher is the instrument and the filter through whom the categories and themes emerge. Therefore, potential bias in "seeing" certain concepts and not others should be made explicit. In this study, the researcher consciously reexamined the findings and applied Agar’s (T982) concept of breakdowns to prevent any excessive tendency to overinterpret family in intercultural interaction or to use family ecological concepts that might result more from the researcher’s training than from the writings themselves. From the data, 27 conceptual categories emerged, which clustered into two main groupings, descriptions of family and family in intercultural functioning. One of the groupings, intercultural 98 99 functioning, clustered further into four groupings along the criteria of whose turf and whose perspective were used. In addition to conceptual categories and groupings of categories, seven overarching themes emerged that dealt not directly with family in intercultural interaction, but rather with intercultural interaction in general and the place of family in those interactions. When compared with family and human ecological concepts, approximately one-half of these conceptual categories, groupings, and themes had parallels, at least in ‘the core of the concept if not in the boundaries. All of the remaining conceptual categories were more limited examples of broad ecological concepts. Values integrated into the themes were also illustrations of the broader ecological values of survival and human betterment (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). Moreover, the philosophy expressed by these ten intercultural futurists, a belief in human growth, focus on human beings in their total ecosystem, and informing action through research and theory, paralleled the philosophy and value system of human ecology described by Brown and Paolucci (1979). Five research questions guided the study. The first question asked how family is portrayed in the writings of North American intercultural futurists. Findings indicated that dimensions of family were described through 12 descriptive categories, which primarily addressed culturally normative structures and behavior. In addition to the descriptive conceptual categories, family was portrayed in examples scattered throughout all 27 conceptual categories and seven themes as a launcher or receiver of individual 100 family members in intercultural interactions, as a unit moving into intercultural/international interactions, as a conduit for cultural learning, and as a silent partner when individual family members engage in intercultural interactions. The second research question asked about the ways in which North American family is viewed differently from non-North American family. The differences were not major, but consisted mainly of extent of categorization of family in intercultural interaction. Of the 15 categories that dealt with intercultural functioning, five dealt with settings of North American family’s intercultural interactions, and three categories dealt with corresponding settings of non-North American family’s intercultural interactions. Perhaps this difference in number of conceptual categories reflects a difference in North American intercultural futurists seeing more nuances of North Americans’ than of non-North Americans’ settings. The third research question asked whether North American intercultural futurists express any value positions and, if so, what they are. In three of the themes of the intercultural futurists, value positions clearly emerged. One was that globalization is a positive force; another' was belief in human beings’ ability to change, grow, and adapt in intercultural contact; and the third was that one culture is not better than another. The fourth research question dealt with how North American intercultural futurists view the relationship between family and intercultural interaction, including cause-and-effect relationships 101 and functional relationships. Unlike the related literature, these intercultural futurists did not deal with societal-level cause-and- effect relationships. Functional relationships, however, they dealt with heavily in the 15 intercultural-functioning categories, looking at whose turf and whose perspective were used to describe the interaction and what the relationships were among the individuals and families interacting across cultural boundaries. The fifth research question asked in what ways the concepts used by the North American intercultural futurists about family in intercultural interaction parallel family ecological concepts. Of the 27 conceptual categories and seven themes, approximately one- half paralleled ecological concepts. In a number of these parallels, the boundaries differed between the categories from the present study and ecological concepts; however, the cores were parallel. All of the remaining conceptual categories were examples of family ecological concepts. Overall, these intercultural futurists worked iriia wide range of areas, focusing on intercultural friendships, cross-cultural counseling, international ,youth exchange, missionary' preparation, international diplomacy, multinational business, and international governmental consulting. They ranged widely in the ways they saw family in intercultural interactions, sometimes focusing on the whole family in an intercultural/international setting, but more often seeing the family as the source of support, socialization, and cultural learning for its members. They also looked somewhat at internal dynamics within the family as those dynamics are affected 102 by or affect intercultural interactions. Sometimes they simply described family in a specific culture or cultures in general. In addition to a range of what they said about family, they also varied widely in how much they said about family, from Tyler whose very condensed writing style often described numerous dimensions of family' within one sentence, to Grove whose discussions of international youth exchange were inexorably intertwined with both the natural and host families, to Hoopes and Gudykunst who rarely mentioned family. Nevertheless, given the individualistic nature (H’ North American society and the fact that these ten intercultural futurists were not specifically chosen because they focused on family, family appeared in the writings of most of them in a rich variety of ways and with enough frequency, on the average, to indicate that they viewed and simultaneously represented family as a deeply integral part of intercultural interaction. Also, because the nature of a qualitative study is to discover and analyze what is being said, not how much it is being said, amount of discussion of family was not a major consideration in the analysis. In general, however, applied writings incorporated family much more extensively than did research or theory writings. Interestingly, this lack of family as a research variable in the direct, personal dimensions of globalization was also apparent in the literature. Within the applied writings it seemed that a more holistic picture of persons was addressed, especially in training 103 materials, and that the intercultural futurists saw family as deeply integrated into the wholeness of the person. But the links among research, theory, and application were close for these intercultural futurists. In fact, some have done research on the application of their concepts, such as some of Pedersen’s research on the effectiveness of cross-cultural counseling. Overall, this study, in tandem with the writings that form the data for this study, partially fill a gap in the literature on family in globalization. The existing body of literature addresses macro-level globalization influences, cross-national comparative studies, descriptions of family in a single culture, and the relationship between family variables and society-level variables, but it does not help one understand how individual families and family members actually function in intercultural contacts. The present study and the writings on which it was built address this last issue. This study provides the conceptual tools for understanding family in intercultural interaction, and it sheds light on the themes and ecological base of what seems to be an emerging global paradigm. Wnat Still Needs to BeiDone Although these intercultural futurists incorporated a wide array of ways of viewing family in intercultural interaction, for most of them this concern with family did not seem to be a conscious and intentional focus. They have made a substantial contribution, advertently or inadvertently, to the body of knowledge on family in 104 intercultural interaction, yet gaps remain. Further research is one way to help fill these gaps. Another is creative application of what is known. A third way to address what still remains to be done is to examine strategies for effectively implementing the use of knowledge. Inevitably, in clustering examples into categories and themes, less-emphasized ideas are lost. Thus, the suggestions that follow more often deal with areas less emphasized, rather than areas that were not touched on at all. Further Reaearch Examples of family in the writings of these ten intercultural futurists tended to appear more in applied writings than in research studies. Overall, the intercultural futurists who focused more on research addressed family the least often, leaving a gap in grounded knowledge about the place of family in intercultural interaction. This suggests the need for more research as one source of adding to the body of knowledge. The findings of this study suggest a number of research questions that seem critical to understanding family in intercultural interaction. One of the most critical deals with the issue of adaptation. If adaptation is essential in intercultural interaction, what and how much can individual family members and family units change without losing their integrated core identity? And what characteristics help the family as a whole unit shift 105 smoothly to a new global and intercultural paradigm and yet remain cohesive? Another research question relates to the role the family plays in the development of its members so that they are able to adapt in an intercultural experience, and in reentry and reintegration after an intercultural experience. How much and in what ways do family form and family patterns in early years of development of the individual family member affect that member’s intercultural effectiveness? How do individuals learn culture, and in what ways is family a conduit of culture for its members? A paradigm shift of the scale envisioned by the World Future Society requires a massive adjustment of the thinking of an entire culture, but such a shift takes place for different people at different 'times, including different family' members at different times. What might this variance in world view within a family imply both for the family and for its individual members? 00 the first individuals to shift paradigms stand in a no-man’s land between two cognitive structures, or are they viewed within their family as a liaison with a coming era? What family characteristics correlate with support for the family member who is at the forefront of change, and what rewards and reinforcements are given to that family member? On the other hand, what family characteristics correlate with lack of family acceptance and support? If family is not a support for these individuals, what external support may be given from other sources to that family member or to the family as a whole to assist it in its support function? A major area to address is 106 the adaptation of the family around the global or intercultural experiences and perceptions of one or more of its members. Yet another research area deals with questions about the interface between cultures. To manage this interface effectively, must the parties involved share a mutually agreed upon core of values, perceptions, and meanings? If so, how does this core link with family? What variables relate~ to successful intercultural marriage? Increasingly, research studies in family in intercultural interaction need to address the question through an interpretive approach. At the inception of a paradigm shift such as the shift to global thinking, attempting to see as much as possible through the eyes of the people experiencing the shift seems critical. Application of What Is Known In addition to research, the second major area in which work needs to be done is in application. Building a body of knowledge through research is critical. Using that knowledge and building further knowledge through creative, effective, and exploratory application is of equal importance. The ten intercultural futurists whose works were studied here are effective, in part, because as a group, and often as individuals, they integrate research and application with a frontier spirit”. Among most of these intercultural futurists who are already effectively functioning in a variety of applied areas, an openness to family in intercultural interaction is already present. It would seem, then, that new 107 knowledge from research may well have an established outlet for application already. But those applications must be expanded to meet the needs of a new era. Application may also be an excellent source of qualitative data for an inductive, interpretive-science approach, even if the analysis of those data may be presented in a less formal format. The complexity of effective application, however, should not be underestimated; at least a substantial portion of the best energies in the area of family in globalization and intercultural interaction should be addressed to application. This application could take many forms. Because a transition to a new paradigm will probably be spread over a fairly long time period, application might take the direction of training in such areas as helping families understand the new paradigm, helping them understand the perspective of their front-runner members, and helping them ‘work. toward accepting, supporting, and integrating those front-runner members into their family. It might also take the form of helping individuals who stand as a liaison between a new paradigm or an intercultural experience, on the one hand, and their family, on the other, to educate their own families and help their families be supportive of them. Strategies for Influengjng the m r in Paradi m In addition to research and application, the third major area of what needs to be done is a pragmatic look at how to be most 108 effective in influencing the emerging paradigm and serving individuals and families in the process of that emergence. The ten intercultural futurists were chosen for this study because they are being heard and are having influence over other people. This third dimension of what needs to be done addresses the question of strategies for being heard and for being effective; there are not enough resources among family specialists to allow for less-than- effective resource use. Here, there is much to be learned from the effectiveness of these intercultural futurists. One of the themes that ran throughout the writings of these ten intercultural futurists was an emphasis on globalization taking place through individuals. Perhaps this emphasis on the individual reflects the futurists’ participation in the individualist paradigm of North America. On the other hand, because of the highly divergent experiences of individual members of any family in contemporary North America, only rarely would a whole family unit simultaneously experience globalization through intercultural interaction, especially in the early stages of the shift to a global view. Perhaps these intercultural futurists’ focus on individuals is a pragmatic reflection of this. It may also be that these intercultural futurists are effective precisely because they do couch their message within the dominant paradigm and experience of the culture in which they work. In other words, they communicate in a way their listeners will hear. The issue here is not the content of the message, but phrasing it in a way that will be culturally understood. This may suggest the need for interpretive studies or 109 other similar sources of ethnographic data about how various organizations or groups do function and communicate. To gain the ear of a range of people who will use information about family in intercultural interaction implies publishing research outside of the most typical family journals. Moreover, writing for popular reading may be another strategy for getting information dispersed about family in intercultural interaction, including such forms as materials international travelers might read while traveling. And gaining the ear of a range of people implies developing new networks. Even gaining access to the highly dispersed families who are having intercultural interactions may require new networks. In conclusion, human and family ecological theory and value base appear to be fully compatible with the type of conceptual paradigm needed in globalization and intercultural interaction. Effectively building on the theory and value base will require more research, extensive exploration in developing creative and effective applications, and a strategy for maximizing resources to impact the environment. APPENDICES APPENDIX A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE TEN INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS 110 Biographipal Sketches of the Ten Intertultural Futurists DR. NANCY J. ADLER is President of Adler and Associates and Profes- sor of' Organizational Behavior and Cross-Cultural Management at McGill University. She is the recipient of the American Society for Training and Development International Leadership Award and was Distinguished Researcher in Residence at the University of Hong Kong. In addition, Dr. Adler has extensive experience in giving seminars and courses on cross-cultural communication and interna- tional business management for managers and executives at Bocconi University (Milan, Italy), Institut Europeen d’Administration des Affaires (Fontainebleau, France), People’s Republic of China, University of Hawaii, and the American Graduate School of Interna- tional Management. DR. RICHARD W. BRISLIN, a cross-cultural psychologist, is research staff member at the Institute of Culture and Communication, East- West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii. His areas of special interest include intercultural communication; close intercultural relation- ships; cross-cultural theory, methodology, and application for improved intergroup relations; and leadership, management, and the use of power. Dr. Brislin has been Visiting Professor at numerous institutions, including the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University; has served in an editorial capacity for some of the most highly regarded cross-cultural publications, such as the qurnal of Cross-Cultural Psyehology; and has been on the governing committee and is presently on the Research Advisory Board of SIETAR, Interna- tional. DR. GLEN FISHER, professor-diplomat, currently at Monterey Institute of International Studies, was previously Adjunct Professor of International Communication in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Dr. Fisher spent many years in the Foreign Service, including three years as Dean of the Center for Area and Country Studies of the Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. Department of State and overseas assignments in Bolivia, the Philippines, and Venezuela. OR. CORNELIUS GROVE currently is President of Cornelius Grove and Associates, intercultural relations consultants. For 11 .years he was with American Field Service (AFS), serving as Director for the AFS Center for the Study of Intercultural Learning, while also holding adjunct and visiting positions at Georgetown University, Beijing Foreign Studies University, and the New School for Social Research. In addition, Dr. Grove is editor of the Bulletin pf Internatjpnal Interthangea and has held numerous offices and commit- tee positions in SIETAR, International. 111 DR. WILLIAM B. GUOYKUNST is Professor of Speech Communication at California State University, Fullerton. During the past ten years, Dr. Gudykunst has served on editorial boards for 26 journals, has published widely in research and theory on many dimensions of cross- cultural communication and cross-cultural psychology, and has received numerous university awards. OR. DAVID S. HOOPES is Editor-in-Chief and Marketing Director of the Intercultural Press, Inc. A recipient of the SIETAR, International, Primus inter Pares Award, Dr. Hoopes is former Executive Director of SIETAR, International, and Intercultural Network, and is a staff member of the Summer Institute of Intercultural Communication. DR. L. ROBERT KOHLS is Professor of International Relations and Director of International Programs at San Francisco State Univer- sity. As a consultant and trainer for Fortune 500 companies, he has prepared thousands of people for more effective intercultural/inter- national interacting. Dr. Kohls is a recipient of the SIETAR, International, Primus inter Pares Award. OR. PAUL B. PEDERSEN is Professor in the School of Education and Chair of the Counselor Education Program at Syracuse University. In addition, he consults actively internationally, offering ten or more workshops a year on intercultural communication or mental health. One of his primary areas of interest is the effect of cultural and national group differences on interpersonal interaction in numerous settings, including cross-cultural counseling, multinational corporations, education, and the community. Dr. Pedersen was Presi- dent of SIETAR, International, for three years. DR. GEORGE W. RENWICK, President of Renwick and Associates, has for ten years been Visiting Professor at the annual intensive course on Intercultural Communication for International Management at the American Graduate School of International Management and is a faculty member of the Stanford Institute and Intercultural Communi- cation Institute. For three years he was principal investigator and director of the State of the Art Study for the U.S. Department of State, analyzing 30,000 cross-cultural training programs from 72 countries. Dr. Renwick has directed cross-cultural and interna- tional business training programs for numerous national governments and multinational corporations and has been increasingly engaged in advising and consulting with senior executives on strategies for internationalizing their organizations. OR. V. LYNN TYLER is Director of Intercultural and Outreach Programs at the David M. Kennedy Center for Area Studies, Brigham Young University. A founding member of SIETAR, International, Dr. Tyler directs research for communication guides. In 1987 he was honored with the Senior Interculturalist title by SIETAR, International. APPENDIX 8 COVER LETTER TO INTERCULTURAL FUTURISTS t e n e l l u ri ts Dear Dr. For my Ph.D. dissertation I am analyzing the content of the books, chapters, and articles written since 1980 by ten influential inter- culturalists. You are one of those ten. So that I do not misrepresent you, could you please send me some information to augment what I have compiled. I am aware that your time is limited, so I have prioritized below which information would be most helpful to me. - A current list of your publications (or any other source from which I can make corrections or additions to the enclosed list of your writings) - A current copy of your vita (or any other source from which I can make corrections or additions to the enclosed information about you as an inter- culturalist) - Your nominations of individuals whose past and present work in intercultural interactions you consider especially influential on others who work or live interculturally (as a validity check of my list of ten influential inter- culturalists) I have also enclosed a description of my study. Thank you for sharing with me any information I can use in this study; but even more important, thank you for your contributions to this very exciting field. I am enjoying studying your writings. Sincerely, Carolyn Andree APPENDIX C A DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY 113 A es ri tion h Ph.D. dissertation in Human Ecology at Michigan State University Family and Child Ecology major Adult Education minor, with an international focus The study is a content analysis of the books, chapters, and articles written between 1980 and 1990 by ten interculturalists who have exceptional influence over others in how they think about intercultural interactions. The result of this influence may take many forms. It may affect issues considered salient, questions considered relevant, and paradigms considered explanatory or useful. It may range from a practical "how to" approach to abstract theory. These ten interculturalists were chosen from a range of disciplines, a range of career histories, and a range of publication types and quantities. In addition to their publishing, however, they may influence others through training, teaching, consulting, public speaking, mentoring, managing or administering, developing educational programs, or other professional activities. They are people who create ideas, share those ideas among themselves, and disseminate them to others. Of course, dissertation research must be quite focused. With a major in Family and Child Ecology, this study is looking for what people of intercultural influence say directly or indirectly about family in intercultural interaction. The study is qualitative rather than quantitative-~what, not how much, is being said. Moreover, the study focuses on what is being said by those people who are really being heard, not what is being said overall about family. The data will first be analyzed in descriptive categories about family in intercultural interaction. The data will then be analyzed to discover linkages between the categories, or more overarching themes of family in intercultural interaction. APPENDIX D WRITINGS ANALYZED 114 rit n n l e AN . Adler, N. J. (1981). Re-entry: Managing cross-cultural transi- tions. drpup and Organizational Studies, S, 341-356. Adler, N. J. (l983a). Cross-cultural management: Issues to be faced. International Studjea pf Management and Qrganjzatjon, 1;, 7-45. Adler, N. J. (l983b). Cross-cultural management research: The ostrich and the trend. WW. 8. 226- 232. Adler, N. J. (1983c). Organizational development in a multicultu- ral environment. The Journal f A i h viora Science, 12, 349-365. Adler, N. J. (l986a). Do MBAs want international careers? Inter- national Journal of Intercultural Relations, 19, 277-300. Adler, N. J. (l986b). nt rnational im io s or ni ' nal pehavior. Boston: Kent. Adler, N. J. (1988). Pacific Basin managers: A gaijin, not a woman. In N. J. Adler & D. N. Izraeli (Eds.), Women in manage- ment worldwide (pp. 226-249). Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Adler, N. J. (1989). Women do not want international careers: And other myths about international management. In J. N. Sheth & G. S. Eshghi (Eds.), Glpbal human resources perspeetivea (pp. 110-124). Cincinnati, OH: South-Western Publishing. Adler, N. J., Campbell, N., & Laurent, A. (1989). In search of appropriate methodology: From outside the People’s Republic of China looking in. Jour l o n na ion 1 u i , an, 61-74. Adler, N. J., Doktor, R., & Redding, S. G. (1986). From the Atlantic to the Pacific century: Cross-cultural management reviewed. dpurna[ of Management, 1;, 295-318. Adler, N. J., 8 Graham, J. L. (1989). Cross-cultural interaction: The international comparison fallacy? qurnal_p£_tnternatlpna1 Busineas Studies, 29, 515-537. 115 Adler, N. J, Graham, J. L, & Gehrke, T. S. (1987). Business negotiations in Canada, Mexico, and the United States. dpurnal mm 1.5. 411- 429. Adler, N. J., & Izraeli, D. N. (1988). Women in management world- wide. In N. J. Adler & D. N. Izraeli (Eds.), Hpmen in manage- ment worldwide (pp. 3-16). Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Adler, N. J., & Jelinek, M. (1986). Is ”organization culture" culture bound? Human Respurte Management, 2S, 73-90. Adler, N. J., & Kiggundu, M. N. (1983). Awareness at the cross- road: Designing translator-based training programs. In D. Landis & R. W. Brislin (Eds.), Handpppk pf intereultura! training: Vol. 2. Issues in training methpdplogy (pp. 124- 150). New York: Pergamon. Ghadar, F., & Adler, N. J. (1989). Management culture and the accelerated product life cycle. Human Reapurce Planning, 12, 37-42. Jelinek, M., & Adler, N. J. (1988). Women: World-class managers for global competition. The Academy of Management Exeeutjve, z, lT-l9. Lee, M. 0., Waters, J. A., Adler, N. J., & Hartwick, J. (1987- 1988). Evaluating managerial skill development. The Organi- zatjpnal Behavipr Teacnjng Review, 12, 16-34. BRISLIN, RICHARD W. Brislin, R. W. (l980a). Cross-cultural research methods. In I. Altman, A. Rapaport, & J. F. Wohlwill (Eds.), Human behavior and environment: Advanees in theory and reaeargh (pp. 47-82). New York: Plenum. Brislin, R. W. (l980b). Translation and content analysis of oral and written materials. In H. C. Triandis & J. W. Berry (Eds.), Handbook pf cross-pultural payghplogv: Vol. 2. Metnpdplpgy (pp. 389-444). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Brislin, R. W. (1981). Cr s-c Tt r encount r : ce- o-f interaetipn. New York: Pergamon. Brislin, R. W. (l983a). The benefits of close intercultural relationships. In S. H. Irvine & J. W. Berry (Eds. ), Human asaessment and cultural fattpra (pp. 521- -538). New York. Plenum. 116 Brislin, R. W. (l983b). Ch. 5: Comment. In J. B. Deregowski, S. Dziurawiec, 8 R. C. Annis (Eds.), x i tio ' cr - eultural paycholpgy (pp. 41-43). Netherlands: Swets & Zeit- linger. Brislin, R. W. (l983c). Ch. 9: Comment. In J. B. Deregowski, S. Dziurawiec, & R. C. Annis (Eds.), Eypiseations in press- tultural paypholpgy (pp. 71-73). Netherlands: Swets & Zeitlinger. Brislin, R. W. (l983d). Cross-cultural research in psychology. Annual Review of Psychology, St, 363-400. Brislin, R. W. (1985). Cross-cultural psychology. In A. Kuper & J. Kuper (Eds.), The toeial §cienee encyeldpedia (pp. 175-176). London: Routledge a Kegan Paul. Brislin, R. W. (l986a). A culture general assimilator: Prepara- tion for various types of sojourns. Internatipnal dpurnal pf Intercultural Relationg, 1Q, 215-234. Brislin, R. W. (l986b). Prejudice and intergroup communication. In W. B. Gudykinst (Ed.), Intergroup eommunicatipn (pp. 74-85). London: Edward Arnold. Brislin, R. W. (T986c). The wording and translation of research instruments. In W. J. Lonner & J. W. Barry (Eds.), Field methpds in trots-eultural researtn (pp. 137-164). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Brislin, R. W. (1988). Increasing awareness of class, ethnicity, culture, and race by expanding on students’ own experiences. In I. S. Cohen (Ed.), The G. Stanley Hall Lecture Series (Vol. 8, pp. 141-180). Washington, DC: American Psychological Asso- ciation. Brislin, R. W. (1989). Intercultural communication training. In M. K. Asante & W. B. Gudykunst (Eds.), Handbopt pf interna- tional and intereultural ppmmunicatipn (pp. 441-457). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Brislin, R. W. (Ed.). (1990). Applied crass-cultural payehp[pgy. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Brislin, R. W., Boscher, S., & Lonner, W. (1985). - ral perspeptives on learning. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Brislin, R. W., Cushner, K., Cherrie, C., & Yong, M. (1986). Intercultural interactions: A practical guide. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. 117 Brislin, R. W., & Hughes-Wiener, G. (1989). Collaborative research: The anticipation of potential difficulties. In D. M. Keats, D. Munro, a L. Mann (Eds.), Heterpgeneity_in gLQ§§;§ultural_p§ytnplpgy (pp. 104-121). 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Y Y N Coon, D. L., 8 Tyler, V. L. (1982). Questigns esked ebout Ameriea. Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, David M. Kennedy Center. Kohls, L. R., 8 Tyler, V. L. (1988). A seleet guide to aree stugies_resgurees. Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, David M. Kennedy Center. Tyler, V. L. (1980). intrgductign to lengueties. n.p. 131 Tyler, V. L. (1984). - 'm n r 1 omm i - tion. Provo, UT: Brigham Young University. Tyler, V. L- (1985a). W1 mpgels Provo, UT: Brigham Young University. Tyler, V. L. (1985b). Lends, ereetures, netipns, kingregs, tengues, peoples. Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, David M. Kennedy Center. Tyler. V. L. (1987). Intersultural_1nterasting- Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, David M. Kennedy Center. Tyler, V. L. (Ed.). (l988a). Culturgrems; Ine netigns ergung us (Vols. 1-2). Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, David M. Kennedy Center. Tyler, V. L. (l988b). An interculturellinternetionel mepping exercise for svnergic tti e d' tment. 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APPENDIX E FAMILY-RELATED TERMS FOR WORD SEARCH Seeren Word Famil ()Clan ()Kin() Relative Gamy Andry ()Matri ()Patri ()Marr Marital Conjugal Connubia Divorc ()Widow Wife Wives Husband Spouse ()Woman ()Women ()Man() ()Men() 132 amil - e d er s W r h Kex_uords_to_Look_Eor Family, family’s, families, familial Clan Kin, kinship Relative, relatives (in the case of family relatives) Polygamy, monogamy Polyandry Matriarchy, matriarch, matriarchs, matriarchies, ...matriarchial, matrifocal, matrilineal Patriarchy, patriarch, patriarchs, patriarchies, ...patriarchia1, patrifocal, patrilineal Marry, marriage, married, marries Marital Conjugal Connubial Divorce, divorces, divorcee, divorcees, divorced Widow, widowed, widower, widows, widowers Wife’s Wives Husband, husbands, husband’s Spouse, spouses, spouse’s Woman Women, womenfolk Man Men Menfolk Mother Father Parent ()Child Grandchild Stepchild Offspring Filial Daughter ()Son Sister Brother Sibling Cousin Aunt Uncle 133 Menfolk Mother, mothers, motherhood, motherly, mothering, grandmother (with variations of grandmother), great-grandmother (with variations), mother-in law (with variations), stepmother (with varia- tions Father, fathers, fatherhood, fatherly, fathering, grandfather (with variations), great-grandfather (with variations), father-in-law (with varia- tions), stepfather (with variations) Parent, parents, parenthood, parental, grand- parents (with variations), great-grandparents (with variations), parents-in-law (with varia- tions), stepparents (with variations) Child, children, child’s, children’s Grandchild, grandchild’s, grandchildren, grand- children’s Stepchild, stepchild’s, stepchildren, step- children’s Offspring Filial Daughter, daughters, daughterly, daughter’s, daughters’ Son, sons, son’s, sons’, son-in-law (with varia- tions), stepson (with variations), grandson (with variations) Sister, sisters, stepsister, half-sister, sisterly, sister’s Brother, brothers, stepbrother, half-brother, brotherly, brother’s Sibling, siblings Cousin, cousins Aunt, aunts, great-aunt Uncle, uncles, great-uncle ()Mate Wedding Bride Groom 134 Mate Wedding, weddings Bride, brides, bride’s, bridegroom Groom, grooms, groom’s APPENDIX F CONCEPTUAL CATEGORIES 1&35 Does the keyword have a family-related meaning? YES 1. no "‘T"J Does the family reference deal with functioning interculturally? YES I no I R T AT G This group of categories includes descriptions of dimensions of family and may refer to changes in these dimensions. It may also include a complex cultural description, such as a research finding. The references may be for North American culture, a non-North American culture, a group of cultures the author treats as related cultures, a comparison of groups within one cul- ture, or culture in general without reference to any specific culture or cultures. The purpose of the passage may be to increase cultural awareness. However, there is no clear reference or clear implication that the passage discusses how to function in another culture or analyzes results of intercultural interactions. Explanation, Boundaries, Description Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 1. UNIT 0F SOCIETY Family is a clearly bounded, Family is considered the basic recognized, continuous unit of unit of society in Bulgaria. (Family is an impor- society. This category may tant, close, bounded, focus on importance or ubiqui- Flemish Belgium has strong fam- or continuous unit of tousness of family; on micro- ily life. society.) level view of internal cohesiveness, strength, and Belgian family life is close- shared beliefs which distin- knit. guish this group from other groups and from its environ- Costa Ricans value family ment; or on continuity via traditions. traditions. The cohesive/ bounded/shared nature may be positive or negative. 136 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 2. PRIVATE/INTERNAL (Family life is private.) Focuses on exclusiveness or internal processes of family life. This may deal with home as a place reserved for family members, or it may deal with a . micro-analysis of issues, beliefs, linkages, interac- tions, or activities which are shared only among family mem- bers and perhaps close friends, however “family" is defined. Does not focus on the content of these processes, such as power, economics, or gender- based or generation-based distinctions. Most families in Mediterranean cultures socialize primarily within their own family. Out- siders are rarely invited into their homes. On most evenings you will find French family members together in their home. 'Triads have been used in fam- ily therapy to illustrate pathogenic coalitions." 3. STRUCTURES (Family membership structure is referred to, discussed, or analyzed.) This category deals with the pattern, or structure of mem- bership. It may simply describe typical family struc- ture within a culture, or it may describe functions served by the family structure. This category does not deal with gender-based distinctions of lineage or of power struc- ture. Most families live in an extended family arrangement, although some nuclear families are also present. Extended kin are a support group for one another. Brazilian godparents are essen- tially part of the family. 4. ECONOMIC/PHYSICAL/ MATERIAL/SOCIAL CLASS (Economic customs, material goods, or standard of living are discussed.) Focuses on social class, physi- cal surroundings, material or economic well-being of the fam- ily. This may include descrip- tions of food, shelter, cloth- ing, or other possessions: it may include norms about sharing one’s good fortune (or lack) with other family members; or it may directly discuss stand- ard of living. Most families in Quebec have at least one car, a television, a telephone, and adequate housing. In the Columbian family, mem- bers feel obliged to share their good fortune with other family members. Columbian families usually eat their main meal between 1 and 2. 137 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 5. GENDER-BASED (Gender-based dis- tinctions in the family or related to the family are dis- cussed.) Deals with norms, family struc- ture, family processes, or position within the family, but focus is on gender as the decisive factor. It may also include terms or unlabeled examples of gender-based family lineage. Where parental roles are indicated, the emphasis is on position rather than rela- tionship with the child(ren). Males have most of the power in the family. The father is the head of the household. Males are deferred to for their opinion or for decisions. Females have most of the respon- sibility for day-to-day deci- sions in the family. Lineage is traced through the mother’s side of the family. 6. GENERATION (Generational identity within the family is discussed.) One or more generations are separately singled out for special attention or special value, either positively or negatively. The elder generation in respected and cared for. Fami- lies would be shocked to think of putting their parents into a rest home. The North American family is child-dominated, with much attention given to hearing the child’s wants, needs, and opin- ions. The older generation is looked up to for wisdom and decision making; but children are also highly valued, with a lot of family resources being invested in the care and education of children. 7. POWER (Type or amount of power within the family is discussed.) Focuses on decision making or on type or strength of power within the family, rather than the importance of the family as a social unit or gender distinctions of power. Austrians have an authoritative family structure. 138 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 8. SIZE (Size of family is dis- cussed in terms of membership.) Average size of the family is given in actual numbers, in comparison with some other fig- ure (such as estimated world average or average in the U.S.), or in a non-numeric comparison, such as large or small. The average family size is 4.3. The average family size in Country X is 5.5, compared with 3.1 in the U.S. Urban families are smaller, on the average, than rural fami- lies. 9. PARENTING/CHILD DEVELOPMENT (Parenting or development of children is identified or implied.) May focus on parenting role, parent-child relationship, procreation, birth rate, abortion, or growth and development of the child. Gender of the parent may be indicated, but is not the central issue, nor is the marital relationship. Mothers usually work outside of the home. Parents are responsible for major decisions regarding their offspring’s future. In Finland, paid maternity leave was extended to 11 months. Approximately 70% of all births in El Salvador are to unmarried parents. Children learn cultural themes from family, T.V., and other cultural sources. 139 Explanation, Boundaries, Examples Description Inclusions, Exclusions 10. MARRIAGE Focus is on marriage as an institution, on the marital (Marriage, marital relationship, or on norms relationship, or and functions surrounding marital status is the marriage, but not on discussed, including weddings or parental roles. Age at marriage Arranged or individual choice Monogamous or polygamous Legalities Permanence Secular or divine Two families, not just individual, are joined Romantic love Couples marry later than in the U.S. Couples have more individual choice in a marriage partner than previously. Couples usually decide on a marriage partner and announce to their families their inten- tions. Polygamy is a legal and socially acceptable option, but it is rare in actual practice. In Country X, as in all of Islam, a man may have up to four wives. Laws regarding marriage are codified cultural values. Marriages are usually lasting. Divorce is rare. Marriage endures after death. Marriage is viewed as sacred. Japanese parents may check about the extended family of their daughter’s choice of marriage partner before they give their approval for the marriage because they know that their two families will be joined. Love is expected to develop after marriage, not before. 140 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples ll. WEDDING (Process or ritual of becoming married is discussed.) May focus on the actual wed- ding ceremony, other non- gender-based norms or innovations that precede or succeed the ceremony, or practices or explanations that replace the ceremony. In China, weddings are usually simple. The couple go to the appropriate government agent to have their union made official. A few exchange rings. In many sub-Saharan African cultures, the groom’s family is responsible for providing to the bride’s family a bridal token, usually money now, although previously it would have been cattle. Weddings are elaborate and are the responsibility of the par- ents of the couple. Often the two sets of parents live together for a brief period in order to carry out their respective obligations for the wedding. 12. SYSTEMS INTERACTION (A description of the interaction between (meta)-systems is given.) Focuses on the interaction of the family or its members with some external system. The interaction may be viewed as one system affecting the other, one causing certain effects in the other, or a reciprocal interaction. This category does not deal with interactions between the family and one or more of its members. The Austrian government gives each newly married couple $650- $700. The Communist Chinese govern- ment in the PRC has tried to replace loyalty to the family with loyalty to the state. C T RA FUN 141 This group of categories includes clearly stated or strongly implied descriptions of problems that arise when functioning interculturally or instructions on how to function interculturally. Intercultural may refer to international or between-group within the same nation, and may include groupings of cultures the author treats as related. NORTH AMERICANS FUNCTIONING IN ANOTHER CULTURE Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples Focus is on culture(s) outside of North America or outside of mainstream North American culture, even if the physical setting is within North Amer- ica. Included may be a group- ing of cultures the author identifies as having charac- teristics similar to North America. A large enclave of South and Central Americans living in El Paso, Texas, would be consid- ered to be outside of mainstream North American culture. A person coming from an indi- vidualist culture, such as North America, may be surprised to experience the degree of con- formity expected in a collec- tivist culture. l3. N.A. FAMILY<-> NON-N.A. FAMILY (North American family interacts with family in another culture.) Focus is family-to-family. May include subsets of fami- lies, such as the married couple or all of the chil- dren, may include the whole family, or may be nonspe- cific about how many family members are included. Because of the child-centered- ness of North American family life, a North American family living in Belize offends its host family during a social evening because the N.A. chil- dren are inquisitive, talka- tive, and show dislike for the food. In Belize, children are expected to be unobtrusive. A North American couple feels rejected when the Spanish host- culture families do not invite them into their homes, a place reserved only for family mem- bers in Spain. 142 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples l4. N.A. INDIVIDUAlé-> NON-N.A. FAMILY (North American individual interacts with a family from another culture.) Focus is on the individual, the host-culture family, or the interaction between the two, but not on the family launching the N.A. indi- vidual. Learning to live with a host family in a youth exchange pro- gram accelerates personal growtr but is also exhausting. When living with a host family, what items are personal property and what is expected to be shared? 15. N.A. FAMILY-é MEMBER(S)/ INTERCULTURAL (North American family sends one or more of its members into an intercul- tural experience, or prevents them from going.) Focus is on the launching North American family or subset of the family, on other cultural elements, or on family patterns directly related to the intercultural experience, rather than on the indi- vidual family member or members in that inter- cultural experience. Natural parents of international youth exchanges need training information regarding what to expect in the international exchange and need a supportive relationship with the sponsor- ing organization. 16. N.A. INDIVIDUAL, FAMILYQ>NON-N.A. CULTURE (North American family member, subset of family, or family interact or avoid interac- tion with another culture.) Focus is on the actual or anticipated relationship, possibly reciprocal, between the host culture and the N.A. family or family member, but not on a host- culture family. Issues about the North American family may include internal family processes, expecta- tions, attitudes, values, or norms. Issues about the host culture or host group may include expectations, norms, values, or physical conditions. A North American child enters a Japanese school, and his mother is asked to cease sending his American-style lunch. A Japanese-style lunch is expected. The North American child was raised with an indi- vidualist value orientation, but he is now living in a col- lectivist society and is expected to conform. A North American business employee returns to his Indo- nesian home after a short business trip and is enraged to find that the Indonesian servant has not taken his wife. ill with malaria, to a hos- pital. 143 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 16. (CONT’D) Members of the host culture treat the North American sojourner family with unusual kindness. Marital problems within the North American family resurface and intensify without the usual support system and make the intercultural adaptation espe- cially difficult. Authoritarian parenting style affects the offspring’s ability to tolerate outgroup members, and thus to interact effec- tively interculturally. A foreign assignment is usually more difficult for the dependent wife and children than for the employee. An employee refuses a foreign assignment because his spouse would not be able to find mean- ingful employment overseas. l7. N.A. INDIVIDUAK- -> INDIVIDUAL Focus is on the North Ameri- can individual interacting with another individual (North American or not) in another culture. Family is not the focus but may affect the interaction. Perspective may switch, but the interaction does not take place in N.A. A Swedish manager refuses to work over the weekend with his N.A. counterpart on an important project because the Swede wants to balance work and family life. 144 PERSON(S) FROM ANOTHER CULTURE FUNCTIONING IN NORTH AMERICA Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 18. INDIVIDUAL45 INDIVIDUAL (Individuals from different cultures interact, but carry with them family- related or family- taught patterns.) Focus is on a foreign individ- ual and a North American interacting predominantly in North America. Family is not the focus but may be referred to, deferred to, or may be a silent partner via expecta- tions or norms incorporated into the individual(s) involved. An American college student is dating a foreign student and invites the date to her home to meet her parents. In the for- eign student’s culture this has far more significance in terms of permanent commitment than it does to the American. l9. NON-N.A. INDIV.()N.A. FAMILY (An individual from another culture interacts with, experiences, or observes a North American family.) Includes international youth exchangee, foreign guest, or foreign sojourner in N.A. interacting with a N.A. fam- ily. Focus may be either on the North American family; the foreign individual; or the interaction, experience, or observation between them. A visitor from the Philippines observed that North American children do not willingly offer their services to their parents but must be coerced or rewarded into helping. 20. NON-N.A. INDIV., FAMILY()N.A. CULTURE (An individual, sub- set of the family, or family from another culture interacts with a North American nonfamily group or less-defined North American setting.) Focuses on expectations or norms from natural family of foreign individual or for- eign family, which they carry into North American culture. Does not focus on North American family as representative of North American culture. A Nigerian youth gains a schol- arship to a North American uni- versity and with it much praise and special attention from his extended family. However, he does not experience the same high status or special merit once he arrives in the U.S. 145 FUNCTIONING IN OWN CULTURE OF ORIGIN, BUT FROM INTERCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 21. INDIVIDUAL/ INTERCULTURALQ- -) OWN FAMILY (Individual family member has or has had intercultural experiences different from the rest of the family, which may or may not affect his/ her relationship with the rest of the family.) May focus simply on differ- ences between the individual’s intercultural experiences and those of the family, on how those differences affect the relationship between the individual and the family, or on how the individual~ relates to the rest of his/ her culture of origin with the family involved in that relationship indirectly. Does not focus on being launched or received as family member(s). A young Japanese woman returns to Japan after studying in the U.S. and is asked to give English lessons by a friend of her family. The young woman wishes to openly pursue the pos- sibility in an American manner, but her mother correctly inter- prets that the family friend is now politely avoiding the dis- cussion, in the Japanese manner, and that it is most appropriate to drop the subject. Neither the mother nor the daughter, however, is conscious of the daughter’s confusion resulting from the discrepancy between U.S. and Japanese norms. 22. FAMILY, INDIV./ INTERCULTURABGBOWN CULTURE (A family member, subset of the family, or the family has intercultural experiences different from the other mem- bers of the culture of origin.) Culture of origin may be dif- fuse or it may include the extended family, if extended family is not the primary family reference. However, this category is not focused on being different from one’s own nuclear family. A married couple, whole nuclear family, or even an extended family live abroad and return to their culture of origin to find that they, and not their cul- ture, have changed significantly A sojourner family returns to its culture of origin to dis- cover that its members are expe- riencing reentry shock and are not even fitting in well with the extended family. A Japanese worker returns from a sojourn in Libya and keeps his marriage a secret from his department head because he now sees his family life as private from his work life. Employees and their spouses returning from an international sojourn find that they have learned and grown personally. 146 NOT CLEARLY NORTH AMERICAN AS HOST OR GUEST Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 23. SWITCH PERSPECTIVE (Intercultural interaction is viewed first from the per- spective of one culture and then from the perspective of the other culture.) Focuses on differences between specific cultures or groups of cultures along a particular dimension, stating or implying that these differences may cause problems in an inter- cultural interaction. In group-oriented cultures, personnel directors expect to hire other employees’ friends and relatives. In the U.S., hiring friends, acquaintances, or family members is considered unfair favoritism. 24. CULTURE NOT CLARIFIED (Does not clarify which cultures or groups of cultures are being discussed or does not clarify whether one of the parties is North American.) Focuses on dimensions along which cultures may differ, without ever indicating any specific culture or group of cultures involved or without clarifying that one is North American. The discussion may state or imply that this dimension can be a source of difficulty or misunderstand- ing between members of dif- ferent cultures. Cultures differ in the degree to which they emphasize individual develOpment at the expense of group (including family group) unity. 25. NON-N. AMERICANS 0R UNCLEAR (Discusses people from one or more cultures functioning interculturally, but they are not North Americans or nation- ality is unclear.) May focus on individual, subset of family, or family. Host culture may be clear or unclear. A Swedish family living in Kashmir hires a servant, gives him a raise, and is surprised when he stays at home and pays his brother to work in his place. 26. FAMILY<$- MEMBER/ INTERCULTURALLY AFS youth exchangees must learn what are expected family roles in their host families in order to adjust successfully. Focus may be on the host fam- ily, the exchangee/guest, the process of receiving (or being received), or on nonfamily aspect of culture affecting a recently received any part of the receiving/ member intercultu- being received. This category rally.) also includes the letting go of a recently received family member. (Family receives, has received, or releases 147 Description Explanation, Boundaries, Inclusions, Exclusions Examples 27. FAMILY --> MEMBER(S)/ INTERCULTURALLY (Family launches member(s) interculturally.) Focus may be on the launching family, the member being launched, the launching pro- cess, or a nonfamily aspect of culture affecting any part of the launching. Does not cover the return or reinte- gration of the launched member. It is important for natural par- ents to have trust in the spon- soring organization when sending one of their children into an international exchange experi- ence. LIST OF REFERENCES LIST OF REFERENCES Abdelkarim, A. (1985). Why do Gezira tenants withhold their households’ labour? Jgurnel pf Asian end Afriean Stugies, 29, 72-88. Adler, N. J. (1991). Internetional gimensipns pf erganizetional pehaviur (2nd ed.). Boston: PWS-Kent. Agar, M. H. (1982). 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