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Hg ‘. 7' v .31 1;; ~. « 3w- 34:3.«1r1 F: > I '1 ~ «33$..n V3. . .f ‘7‘ « “nightlggn-nmu . v” :31 v wily“): ¢;kfflg‘é:§{‘i£9' ‘4‘ ‘ x, 41"” '33,)?»qu ”Tia“ ‘ ‘ m ., ‘ :‘ :‘fyfi ‘ 23h: ‘ngfiw .7 r- “a. a ‘1 '21: ; $153333: 1"."\ 1'59' 7"; .. . _ v 1“u4.__.r.§.¢3gam - ‘ , . “h“; 4.5:”? 5‘ mt? qr '.s.‘»¢~gr_. 3w 4 .4. ' 4‘ Pbg 33a, ..,,_ 1- 3:23“ W... a" rh’T‘mrTr» 'v I u. N': "I" .... . #557“? Q 1 In . ' , _¥:. A ' ‘78 man LEV - l r wmm mmm‘u'ummul'lm'n‘uul'l‘wW 3 1293 0089 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled The Effect of Occupational Socialization, on Attitudes Related to Police Occupational Culture: A Case Study of the Cadets in the Police Academy of the State of Kuwait presented by Mehareb Ali Al-Enezi has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Sociology flew“ C3, 3%aww. Major professor Date Feb. 22L1991 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 I, l LIBRARY Michigan State L University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE l OCT 0:1“ 2005 ‘ o a» j | i 8 I J MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution omens-m THE EFFECT OF OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION ON ATTITUDES RELATED TO POLICE OCCUPATIONAL CULTURE: A CASE STUDY OF THE CADETS IN THE POLICE ACADEMY OF THE STATE OF KUWAIT By Mehareb Al-Enezi A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1991 ABSTRACT THE EFFECT OF OCCUPATIONAL SOCIALIZATION ON ATTITUDES RELATED To POLICE OCCUPATIONAL CULTURE: A CASE STUDY OF THE CADETS IN THE POLICE ACADEMY OF THE STATE OF KUWAIT By Mehareb Al-Enezi This study investigated the effect of the socialization process upon the attitudes of police cadets; specifically, it examined whether or not the socialization process had an effect in changing the cadets’ attitudes to be more similar to attitudes of the police officers. The sample contained 534 police cadets and 40 police officers. Two questionnaires, one for police cadets and one for police officers, were used to collect the necessary data. One major and four subsidiary hypotheses were tested. The major hypothesis was divided into thirteen sub-hypotheses. General descriptive statistics such as frequency, and percentage were used to describe characteristics of the cadet sample. Analysis of variance was used to test the relationship between the independent variable (socialization) and the dependent variable (cadets’ attitudes toward the occupational culture dimensions). Pearson’s correlation coefficient was used to determine the strength of the association of the relationship between the independent and dependent variables. Multiple regression analysis was used to determine the interaction effect of the moderating and independent variables on the occupational culture dimensions. Mehareb Al-Enezi The findings indicate that only four of the thirteen sub-hypothesesupolice autonomy, police perception of public attitudes, the importance of police work, and police attitudes toward the publicuhad statistically significant differences. Findings for the subsidiary hypotheses indicated that self-esteem had an interaction effect on only one of the occupational culture dimensions, namely, dogmatism. Urban-rural origin had an interaction effect on the following dimensions: police autonomy, police power, police attitudes toward the public, dogmatism, and anomy. Informal socialization had an interaction effect only on the occupational culture dimension of police attitudes toward the public. However, there were no interaction effects found between socioeconomic background and any of the occupational culture dimensions. Based on the research findings, recommendations were provided. DEDICATION I dedicate this work to my beloved country Kuwait, the innocent and peace-loving country that was savagely raped under darkness Of the night by a power-thirsty tyrant. Second, to all of those freedom-loving countries and individuals who stood by Kuwait and its people in this crisis. Finally, to all those who already lost their lives and those who are still fighting for the liberation of Kuwait. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS All thanks and praise are due to God, the Creator, the most merciful, the lord and cherisher of all the words, who provided me with strength and patience to complete this work. The author would like to express his sincere appreciation to those individuals who made the completion of this research possible. The author also wishes to express his indebtedness to his dissertation committee chairman, Prof. William A Faunce, who encouraged and guided me until this research was completed. It is difficult tO thank him enough because he spent so many hours of his own time, and was generous, patient, and understanding throughout all stages of this research. Thanks and gratitude are also due to the other members of my guidance committee, Dr. Chris Vanderpool, Dr. Harry Schwarzweller, for their willingness to become members of the committee. Special appreciation is extended to Dr. Robert Trojanowicz for his consideration and willingness to become a member of my committee at a very crucial time in the last stage of the research project. Grateful acknowledgment is extended to Dr. Peter K. Manning, a former committee member, for his valuable suggestions. Deepest appreciation to my parents, who were praying for my success in this life and in the hereafter, and to my respected Oldest brother Saleh, who gave everything a person could give to help his younger brother to achieve his goals. Special thanks go to my nephew, First Lieutenant Salem S. Al-Anezi, for his effort in helping me during the data collection process. I owe a special debt and deep gratitude to Mr. Saad Alzahrani, a good friend and colleague, who not only listened, criticized, and encouraged, but helped me in a thousand ways to complete this research. I would like to express my thanks to Mr. Mohammed Kamali for his valuable assistance in the data analysis, without which the present work could not have been completed. Thanks and good wishes are extended to my colleagues Saad Al-Saaran and Mohammed Alwahid for their valuable discussion during the dissertation’s proposal stage. I would like to express my thanks to Mr. Gene Purdum, who handled the typing of the dissertation. Appreciation is due to all cadets and officers who participated in this study. Finally, this acknowledgment would be incomplete without recognizing the love, encouragement, and support of my family. My profound gratitude is due to my wife, F atema Al-Bahar, who courageously struggled with me all the way, and to our beloved children, Fawaz, Fahed, Paris, and our lovely daughter Fay. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Rag: LIST OF TABLES .......................................... x Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . 1 Purpose of the Study ................................... 2 Importance of the Study ................................. 4 Background of the Police Organization in the State of Kuwait ................................... 5 Limitations of the Study ................................. 9 Definition of Terms ................................... 10 Organization of the Study .............................. 11 II. THEORETICAL DISCUSSION AND LITERATURE REVIEW . 12 Introduction ......................................... 12 General Theories of Socialization ........................ 12 Theoretical Approaches to Adult Socialization ............... 17 Theory of Occupational Socialization ...................... 23 Police Recruit Socialization and Attitudes .................. 29 Self-Esteem and Attitudes .............................. 39 Police Occupational Culture and Attitude .................. 42 Summary ........................................... 48 III. RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY Hypotheses ......................................... 49 Major Hypothesis ............................... 49 Subsidiary Hypotheses ............................ 49 Study Setting ........................................ 50 Population and Sampling ............................... 51. Description of the Research Instruments ................... 53 Cadet Questionnaire ............................. 53 Officer Questionnaire ............................ 54 Translation of the Questionnaire ......................... 55 vii TABLE OF CONTENTS, CONT’D. Em Validity and Reliability of the Questionnaire: The Pre-Test ........................... 55 Validity ...................................... 56 Reliability ..................................... 57 Data Collection ...................................... 58 Some Difficulties with Data Collection ................ 60 Measurement ........................................ 61 Independent Variables ............................ 61 Moderating Variables ............................ 61 Dependent Variables ............................. 64 Data Analysis .................................. 67 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ................... 70 Description of the Cadet Sample ......................... 71 Description of the Officer Sample ........................ 82 Major Hypotheses .................................... 84 Solidarity ...................................... 8S Autonomy ..................................... 86 Police Perception of Public Attitudes ................. 87 Satisfaction with Police Work ...................... 88 Importance of Police Work ........................ 90 Police Power ................................... 91 Police Toughness ................................ 92 Police Secrecy .................................. 93 Problems with Social Relations ..................... 94 Police Attitudes Toward the Public .................. 95 Varieties of Police Work .......................... 96 Dogmatism .................................... 97 Anomie ....................................... 98 Subsidiary Hypotheses ................................ 101 Discussion ......................................... 109 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . 117 Summary of Procedures ............................... 117 The Problem .................................. 117 Purpose of the Study ............................ 117 Methodology .................................. 118 Summary of the Findings .............................. 122 Conclusions ........................................ 124 viii TABLE OF CONTENTS, CONT’D. Em Relationship of the Findings to Previous Research ......................................... 126 Recommendations ................................... 132 Recommendations for Further Research ............. 134 APPENDD( A - CADET QUESTIONNAIRE ................... 136 APPENDIX B - OFFICER QUESTIONNAIRE .................. 159 APPENDDC C - SHORT DOGMATISM SCALE ................. 177 APPENDIX D - ANOMY SCALE ............................ 178 APPENDIX E - SELF-ESTEEM SCALE ....................... 179 APPENDD( F - CORRESPONDENCE ........................ 180 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 181 3.1 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 LIST OF TABLES Distribution of Cadets According to School Year and Response Rate ............................. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets According to Academic Year ...................... Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets by Age in the Academy .......................... Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets by Total Monthly Family Income, in KD ............. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets Education of the Cadet’s Father .................... Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Occupation of the Cadet’s Father ............................ Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Place Where Cadet’s Paternal Grandfather Lived ........... Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets with Relatives Who Had Worked or Still Work in the Police Force ............................... Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time Outside the Classroom with Instructors, According to Year in the Academy .......................... Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time Outside the Field with Trainers, According to Year in the Academy ................................ £382 52 72 72 73 74 75 77 78 4.10 4.11 4. 12 4.13 4.14 4.15 4.16 4.17 4.18 4.19 LIST OF TABLES, CONTD. Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time with Other Academy Members, According to Year in in the Academy ................................ Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Discussion Time of Personal Problems with Instructors, According to Year in the Academy .......................... Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Discussion Time of Personal Problems with Trainers, According to Year in the Academy .......................... Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time with Other Officers from Outside the Academy, According to Year in the Academy ................. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers by Age in the Academy .......................... Frequency and Percentage Distribution Of Time Spent at the Academy by the Officers ............... Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers According to Rank at the Academy ................. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers According to Type of Job ........................ Means, Standard Deviation, F—value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Solidarity ............. Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Autonomy ............. P322 79 80 80 81 82 83 84 84 86 87 4.20 4.21 4.22 4.23 4.24 4.25 4.26 4.27 LIST OF TABLES, CON'PD. ‘ Bag: Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Police Perception of Public Attitudes .................................... 88 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Satisfaction with Police Work ............................................ 89 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Importance of Police Work ............................................ 91 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Power as a Desirable Attribute of Police .................................. 92 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Toughness as a Desirable Attribute of .................................... Police9 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Secrecy Among Police Officers .......................................... 94 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Police Problems with Social Relations .................................... 95 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Police Attitudes Toward the Public ........................................ 96 4.28 4.29 4.30 4.31 4.32 4.33 4.34 4.35 4.36 LIST OF TABLES, CONTD. Means, Standard Deviation, F -value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Varieties of Police Work . . . Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Dogmatism .............. Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Anomie ................ Pearson Correlation Coefficients between Occupational Culture Dimensions and Cadet Year in the Academy ...... Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Cadets’ Self-Esteem on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension ...................................... Standardized Regression Coefficient for Socialization by Different Level of Self-Esteem .................... Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Cadets’ Socioeconomic Background on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension ............................... Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Cadets’ Urban/rural Origin on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Orlmre Dimension ............................... Standardized Regression Coefficient for Socialization by Urban/ rural Origin ............................. xiii ..98 ..99 .100 102 . 103 . 107 LIST OF TABLES, CONT’D. Table Page 4.37 Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Informal Socialization on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension ....................................... 108 4.38 Standardized Regression Coefficient for Socialization by Level of Informal Socialization ..................... 109 xiv CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Police occupy a unique position in society. The organizational units which they represent are charged with the necessary, but sometimes conflicting, functions of enforcing the law, maintaining public and private order, preventing crime, apprehending criminals, protecting lives and property, and insuring the safety of the general citizenry. To achieve these goals, police organizations apply special socialization programs in which cadets learn the knowledge, methods, and skills necessary for their tasks. In the course of these programs, however, personal attitudes and values are also changed. In this regard, police socialization means the process by which the new police recruit (cadet) learns the values and behaviors that characterize experienced police Officers (Lundmann, 1980). Recently, writers on the police have paid increasing attention to employee socialization, pointing out the various ways in which new employees learn the norms and roles needed to function in an organization (Bahn, 1984). Employee socialization in police work is a very important process. More than in many other occupations, the police occupation incorporates the need to develop an occupational identity so strong that it permeates the individual’s life and alters all other social roles the individual occupies. After the police officer becomes a ”cop," this identity infiltrates all aspects of his life and determines, to a large degree, the kind of neighbor, friend, father, and/ or husband he will be (Bahn, 1984). Organizations in general, and police organizations in particular, apply many different socialization strategies. Such strategies include training, education, apprenticeship, debasement experiences, and cooperation (Wanous, 1980). Whatever socialization strategy is used, it must be effective in order to be successful. As Wanous (1980) pointed out: Effective socialization usually means that the newcomer has changed some basic attitudes and beliefs. Effective socialization thus means an internal commitment to the organization, rather than just compliance with organization practices. At the basis, then, Of the socialization process is the need to understand how people’s attitudes change. (p. 171) The efiecfive socialization of the police recruit is no exception. This study will examine the socialization process applied by the police academy in the state of Kuwait to determine the attitude changes of new recruits as they learn their new role. W! The socialization of police is a very important process because, through socialization, police organizations achieve their fundamental goal of maintaining law and order. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate the socialization process currently used, and how this process helps in changing the attitudes of recruits presently enrolled in the police academy in the state of Kuwait. Toward this end, the study will attempt to examine the attitude changes Of both new and old recruits. Thus, the study revolves around three interrelated questions: 1. How does the socialization process change the personal attitudes of the recruit? 2. Are attitudinal changes during the four years at the police academy due to police socialization, or are at least some of these changes due to other social influences? 3. DO cadets’ attitudes become consistent with officers’ attitudes? These questions will be answered by comparing the attitudes of cadets in classes one through four of the Academy with each other and with the attitudes of police officers on the Academy staff. It should be noted that our primary concern is with whether the socialization process increases the similarity in the attitudes and values of cadets and Academy staff and not with the general, normative issue of whether this will make them better policemen. Whether the existing police culture facilitates or impedes police work is obviously an important question and will be given some attention. The study deals mainly, however, with whether the cadets absorb whatever occupational culture exists. hnmnancennhem The Kuwaiti police force of about 17,000 officers is charged with maintaining law and order. Of these officers, approximately 1,500-2,000 are commissioned officers. The vast majority of them received their basic training in the police academy; this continues to be the case. Therefore, any study that focuses on the police socialization process is of vital importance for understanding how the police force of Kuwait functions. Furthermore, this study could produce valuable information about newcomers (recruits) to the police organization that could be helpful when assessing present goals and objectives, as well as determining future goals for police training and Operations. Studying the attitudes of cadets at different levels in the academy would provide an indication of the success of the socialization process. Although there is contradictory evidence, some studies have shown, for example, that the police socialization produces dogmatism and anomic. If the cadets become more dogmatic and more anomic, the socialization process needs to be modified. It is essential for the functioning of police organizations that police Officers become less dogmatic, so that they may learn the new values and beliefs that are necessary to their roles in attaining organizational goals. It is also important that they become less anomic. Social situations are generally more comfortable when everyone agrees upon how to act. However, sometimes there is confusion about how and when to act. At times, norms seem to have been suspended, become contradictory, or become nonexistent. This situation could occur through a sudden disruption in patterns of social life, such as the death of someone close. Suddenly the rules that regulated daily life are thrown into turmoil, and the resulting confusion about how to act is called anomie. The main function of the police organization is to face the various crisis situations that occur daily. It is important that the organization be able to function in an appropriate manner that cases its task. Socialization is the means by which the police organization teaches its members to act and behave according to society’s expectations. Therefore, eliminating or reducing the state of anomie in its members is very beneficial. In addition to these general attitudes, there are attitudes and values specific to police work that cadets should learn during their training. The extent to which they do so will also be assessed. Although authors on this subject have studied these and other kinds of attitudes among police officers, their results are not clear and there is no consensus among them. This study will contribute to the ongoing debate by offering some information regarding police socialization in Kuwait. WWII-0'“. l S [K . Police Act 23/68 identified law enforcement forces and defined the police as regular armed forces under the command of the Minister of the Interior. Its tasks are to keep peace and order within the state, to protect people and property, and to enforce the law (Ministry of Interior, 1968). Under "23/68," police members are subject to many rules similar to those for the military. Therefore, the Kuwaiti police force is considered a regular organization which could be called ”quasi- military." The Kuwaiti police is a national police administered as one body by the Ministry of the Interior. All police departments and stations throughout the country are controlled by and considered part of the Ministry of Interior. At the top of the police administrative hierarchy is the Minister of Interior, assisted by a ministry undersecretary who is usually a senior police officer. The Minister of Interior, with the assistance of the undersecretary, formulates general ministry policy, which is implemented by the various police departments and stations throughout the country. As mentioned previously, Kuwaiti police are considered to be a quasi-military organization. This status is reflected in the police force’s rank structures. Police ranks are similar to the ranks Of the army and are divided into the two grades of commissioned and non-commissioned officers. In order to become a commissioned officer, a candidate has to meet certain qualifications, among which are a diploma from one of the police colleges. Police colleges, in turn, require a high-school diploma as an admission prerequisite. The candidate who fulfills the requirements must spend three and one-half years in the police academy. According to the Annual Educational Plan (Ministry of Interior, 1987) for the Police Academy of 87/88, the academic school year contains two semesters (fall and spring). Each cadet is required to complete 109 semester hours in order to graduate. These hours are divided differently between these semesters. In addition, each cadet has to complete the required military training which augments the classroom study. The police academy curriculum includes a wide variety of subjects. These courses can be categorized three ways: 1. Courses required for academic study. 2. Courses required for police work. 3. Courses designed for specific purposes, such as computers and topography- Each of the two semesters during the academic year contains between 33 and 37 hours. In the first academic year, cadets study criminology, basic law, constitutional law, and criminal and traffic law. In the second year, the cadets must complete 34 hours. These courses include more advanced material dealing with specific subjects, such as criminal law (special), here each crime is studied in detail; administrative law; and criminal investigation and evidence. In the third year, the cadet has to complete 37 hours. The required courses for the third year differ somewhat from the previous two years in that in-depth courses such as criminal procedures, public administration, and general civil rights laws are covered. There have been no major changes in the curriculum in the past five years. There is an additional semester in which the cadets study course material not covered in the previous semesters. In addition, they have to enter an internship program designed especially for cadets getting ready for graduation and life outside the academy. The program lasts from one to three months. In this program, cadets go to different police stations around the country to observe traffic departments, criminal investigation departments, and so on. Non-commissioned police officer grades start with the rank of private and end with the rank of first sergeant. The requirements for this grade are almost the same as for commissioned Officers except that they are not required to have a high-school diploma. Non-commissioned officers spend only one year in the police academy, compared to three years for commissioned Officers. Structurally, the police are divided into two divisions: (1) the regional division, and (2) the functional division. For the regional division, and for administrative purposes, Kuwait is divided into five provinces or "governorates." Each govemorate is headed by a governor. In each govemorate, there is a police department headed by a director, usually a commissioned officer appointed by the Minister of Interior after being nominated by the governor. In terms of function, the Ministry of Interior is divided into several general departments. These departments include the General Department of Civil Defense, the General Department of Migration, the General Department of Criminal Investigation, the General Department of Prisons, the General Department of Police Academy, and the General Department of Criminal Evidence and Forensic Science. Each of these departments contains many other ‘ smaller sub-departments that perform their specific function throughout the country. A department is headed by a director with one of the highest ranks, or by a civilian appointed by the Minister of Interior from nominations submitted by the Minister’s undersecretary. 1"' £151 The extreme lack of research regarding the police in general and socialization within an organization or occupation within Kuwait forced the researcher to rely upon research done in other countries such as the United States and Europe. Second, because there were no alternatives, only male cadets who were going to become commissioned officers were chosen as subjects for this study. Finally, recommendations and findings generated by the study’s data are exclusive to the Student Officers College within the Police Academy. Generalizations to other colleges or schools such as the Policeman’s School, Sergeant’s Institute, and Officers’ Training Institute in the State of Kuwait may not be appropriate. 10 D E . . [I . We; refers to a recruit who is preparing to be a commissioned Officer holding the rank of second lieutenant in the law enforcement agency after his graduation. Wm refers to the formal and informal process by which the new police cadet acquires the skills, knowledge, attitudes, values, and motives currently in the police organization of which he is or will become a member (Sewell, 1963). In this study, the socialization variable refers to the length of time that cadets spend at the Police Academy. Length of time is used as an indicator for whatever experiences occur in that period. Dogmatism refers to the lack of accepting, evaluating, and acting upon outside received information based on its intrinsic merits (Rokeach, 1960). Anomie refers to ”A state of mind, a cluster of attitudes, beliefs, and feelings in minds of individuals. Specifically, it is the feeling that the world and oneself are adrift, wandering, lacking in clear rules and stable moorings" (McClosky & Schaar, 1965, p. 19). W refers to a set of shared norms, attitudes, and values held by police officers (commissioned and non-commissioned) in the police academy. M refers to the locality of the home of the police cadets (urban/rural). Rural includes those of bedouin origin. 11 W refers to the personal judgment of worthiness that is expressed in the attitudes the individual holds toward himself (Coopersmith, 1967). Q . . E l S l The study is organized into five chapters. This first chapter has provided an introduction to the study, the statement of the problem, discussions of the purpose and importance of the study, background of the organization in Kuwait, limitations of the study, and definition of terms. Chapter II contains a theoretical discussion and an extensive review of the literature. Chapter III is devoted to discussing the research hypotheses and the methods used in collecting and analyzing the data generated by the study. Chapter IV presents the data analysis and interpretation of the findings. Chapter V summarizes the major findings and conclusions drawn from those findings and its relations to previous research, and presents some recommendations for improving the quality of cadets’ socialization at the Police Academy. Finally, some recommendations, based on information elicited by the study, are given. CHAPTER II ' THEORETICAL DISCUSSION AND LITERATURE REVIEW Intrmlnsfinn This chapter will be divided into seven sections. The first section presents general theories of socialization. The second section discusses theories that deal with adult socialization; whereas, the theory of occupational socialization will be examined in the third section. The fourth section of the chapter will concentrate on police recruit socialization and its relation to attitudes. Section five discusses the relation between self-esteem and attitudes. The sixth section examines attitudes and their relation to police occupational culture. Finally, the last section presents a summary of the literature review. Genera] Theories of Socialization Human behavior is overwhelmingly the result of learning or socialization, although learmng takes place within the human biological developmental context. The mental development of children, for example, goes hand-in-hand with their physical development. One of the earliest sociologists who attempted to develop a theory of this maturation process was Cooley (1964). According to Cooley, the development of the self reflects the opinions of others. Cooley called this the "looking-glass 13 self" because people come to understand themselves by imagining how other people feel about how they act and look. The three components of the looking- glass self are: our perception of how our behavior appears to others; our perception of their judgments of this behavior; and our feelings about their judgments. The self is formed as a social product through many encounters with the judgments of others. Cooley believed that the self develops most fully in primary groups, with the family being the most important primary group where children form a sense of self through their ”sympathetic” relationship with their parents. Another prominent sociological theorist interested in the interaction between self and society is Mead. According to Mead (1934), children at very early ages do not realize that they are separate from others. As they develop language and learn to understand symbols, children begin to develop a self-concept, wherein they can represent themselves in their own minds distinct from everything else. Their self has been formed—they become objects to themselves. Mead divided the self into two parts: (a) the "I"--which represents the spontaneous, unique, and ”natural” traits of each individual, such as the unrestrained impulses and drives found in every normal infant and child; and (b) the "me”-which represents the social part of the self, the internalized demands of society and the person’s awareness of these demands. Mead (1934) suggested that development of the self involves a continuing "conversation" between the "me" and the "I." In fact, language is a central concept 14 in Mead’s stage theory of self development. It is shared symbols or language which enable individuals to eventually take the perspective or role of the other. Therefore, according to Mead, there are three stages in the development of the self: The imitative (pre-play) stage, in which children imitate the behavior of others. The play stage, in which the child plays one role after another; he or she learns the meanings associated with specific roles in relation to other roles and learns to take the role of the "significant other.” The child begins to be able to ”see himself" from the perspective of others. The game stage, in which the child does not merely assume the role of a particular significant other, but assumes several roles simultaneously, or the perspective of ”the generalized other,” which is analogous to the entire community or organized social group. The generalized other constitutes the internalized social conscience of the actor. While Cooley (1964) and Mead (1934) stressed the harmony between the individual and society, Freud (1962, 1964) theorized a basic conflict between the two. He saw the self as the result of social experience, but frustrated and repressive rather than creative and harmonious. According to Freud’s theory, the self is comprised of three parts: id, ego, and superego. Id refers to instinctual 15 desires and operates under the pleasure principle. As infants, humans have these desires and want them fulfilled but are not concerned with how they are fulfilled. The superego embodies society’s social restrictions and morality-the young child learns these social restrictions and acquires a superego through interaction with others. In a sense, the superego is a form of social conscience that arises from socialization. The ego is conscious and rational and acts as a mediator between the unconscious impulses of the id and the demands of the superego. Freud believed that much, if not most, human behavior is unconsciously motivated and that neuroses often have their origins in early childhood memories or wishes that have been repressed. Following from this, Freud felt that an individual’s adult personality was ”molded" by age six. Writing somewhat later than any of the above-mentioned theorists was Erikson (1950), whose conception of "the eight ages of man” is one of the most influential frameworks to deal explicitly with the issue of socialization over the life-span. While some views of socialization, like those discussed so far, emphasize inner thoughts and emotions, behaviorists consider the inner workings of the mind to be beyond the reach of scientific investigation. Skinner (1971), the most prominent scholar advocating this position, believed that the human being can be studied only in terms of behavior, and that socialization is purely a means of influencing behavior. Behaviorism teaches that because desired behavior is rewarded, whether the desired behavior is that of a rat going through a maze or 16 a child controlling temper tantrums, and because behavior can be molded or changed. Behaviorists disapprove of punishment. Even though it might work at first, it may lead to other types of unwanted behavior, and the punished behavior may reappear when the punishment ceases. Punishment also may escalate into cruelty. Anthropologist Linton (1936) proposed that socialization can be explained in terms of role and status. A "status" is a position one holds in society, and a ”role” is the behavior expected of the person who occupies that status. According to Linton, there are two types of status: ascribed and achieved. An ascribed status is one we are born into or which is assigned to an individual at various stages in the life-cycle, such as male or female, or son or daughter. An achieved status is attained through effort. Examples include occupational statuses such as doctor, lawyer, plumber, or senator; social statuses such as married men or women; and educational statuses such as high school graduate or college student. According to this perspective, much of the aim of socialization is to prepare a person for filling the roles of one or more achieved statuses. However, even for ascribed statuses, a certain amount of socialization is necessary. For example, humans are born into the ascribed status of male or female, but perceptions of these statuses and sex roles vary. 17 I] .1! I ”15.1.. The term "adult socialization" refers to changes in learning and attitudes that take place after the adolescent years. For example, political or religious attitudes may change. At other times, changes in thinking take place as a person changes roles. Marriage and parenthood can bring about changes in interests and attitudes as well as in life-styles. Changes in status can also lead to new experiences and attitudes. For example, a worker who is promoted to supervisor, a management position in which orders must be given, may complain about slow workers rather than grumble about the boss. The full power of the socialization process can be seen in what is called ”resocialization." This kind of socialization differs from other types of adult socialization in that it points to a rapid and drastic change, usually one that is forced upon the individual to some degree. Basic training in the military involves resocialization because this kind of training is a deliberate attempt to remold a person’s life and personality in certain respects. The recruit is stripped of previous status and gains a new status only by meeting the demands of the Theoretical approaches to the adult socialization process are quite diverse. There is substantial variation in the conceptualization of what constitutes adult socialization, the role in the process of the person being socialized, and the causal variables considered to be of greatest importance. 18 Of central importance in the conceptualization of adult socialization is the extent to which the person undergoing socialization is more passive versus active in determination Of outcomes. In contemporary role theory (Merton, 1957; Brim, 1966; Turner, 1974), socialization is seen as a process of acquisition of appropriate norms, attitudes, self-images, values, and role behaviors that enable acceptance in the group and effective performance of new roles. The individual learns primarily through interaction with significant others and observation of reference groups. Identification theory, which focuses on the strong affective relationship between a model and identifier through which socialization occurs, similarly views the process as rather predictable and the socializee as dependent, having a strong emotional attachment to the model, wanting to be like him, and emulating his behavior (Bandura, 1964; Block & Haan, 1971; Dager et al., 1976). Thus, Rosow (1974) posited three psychological elements of socialization: (a) cathexis of the role; (b) identification with a real or ideal model; and (c) ”introjection" of the model’s values. Another conceptualization, called ”generalization theory,” hypothesizes that the socialization of attitudes, values, and ways of thinking is abstracted and generalized from successful adaptation to daily life situations (Seeman, 1967; Kohn, 1969; Schooler, 1972; Kohn & Schooler, 1983; Mortimer, Lorence & Kumka, 1986; Inkeles & Smith, 1974; Kanter, 1977a). For example, orientations developed in the work situation may be generalized to the family. While assuming that actors choose and mold their new roles in accordance with 19 previously developed cognitive orientations, this perspective, nonetheless, deemphasizes the socializee’s role in the determination of outcomes. The assumption is that when confronted with similar situations, people will tend to respond in similar ways. Thus, role identification and generalization theories all view the socialization process as rather predictable. They see the socializee as relatively passive, responding to the actions of socializers or adapting to requirements of the environment. In contrast, another set of approaches emphasizes the fluidity of the socialization process itself. Because from this perspective the characteristics of the person being socialized are seen as exerting an important influence upon eventual outcomes, the socialization process is considered highly dynamic and rather unpredictable. The socializee actively selects situations that are conducive to the attainment of his objectives or to the confirmation of his self-image, and then significantly determines the course of socialization. In the symbolic interactionism approach, socializees constantly create new meanings, develop their own understandings and definitions of the situation, and structure ambiguous social settings to meet their goals and solve common problems (Cottrell, 1969; Geer, 1972). Socialization is conceptualized as a highly dynamic process, with the constant possibility that the socializer’s goals, meanings, and definitions will be disrupted by the socializees. This approach allows for and, in fact, predicts deviant responses, maladaptive outcomes, and change, depending on the dynamic course of the process (Van Maanen, 1976). 20 Similarly, exchange theory assumes that the socializee is an independent . and active negotiator maneuvering for advantages in relationships with role partners and membership groups. Outcomes are seen as highly influenced by the individual’s own resources and strategies as he bargains for rewards in return for contributions (Homans, 1961). Expectancy theory (Iawler, 1973) likewise attaches great importance to the actor’s expectations regarding the behavioral outcomes of his efforts and the group’s response to them. Only if the expectancy of rewards is sufficiently high will the individual be motivated to remain in, be socialized by, and contribute to the group. Life-span development theories of socialization-devoted to "the description and explication of ontogenetic (age-related) behavioral changes from birth to death” (Baltes & Goulet, 1970, p. 12)-were originally developed to counter theories of developmental psychology that posited irreversible, unidirectional, and age-determined change. According to this theoretical perspective, age, per se, is not the most important variable affecting change (Baltes & Goulet, 1970; Baltes, 1979). Instead, many life-span researchers recently have emphasized the interaction of individual and social characteristics in explanations of behavioral change (Hultsch & Plemons, 1979; Baltes, 1979; Baltes & Brim, 1979; Brim & Kagan, 1980). For example, according to Baltes (1979), three sets of antecedent factors interact with each other, accumulating over time to produce developmental change. First, there are ontogenetic age-graded (or normative 21 age-graded) influences, that is, biological and environmental determinants highly correlated with chronological age. Second, there are evolutionary (normative history-graded) influences that basically refer to cohort efiects. Finally, there are non-normative influences that refer to events that are significant but do not necessarily occur for everyone, such as serious illness, divorce, and so on. The research that takes direction from the life-span perspective reflects this model in which the three sets of influences interact. As noted by Rosenberg and Turner (1981): To varying degrees, research done within the life- span perspective stresses the complexity of the interactions between biological, psychological, and historical antecedents as well as the interindividual variability in life experiences. (p. 152) A large range of very important subjects have been examined using this broad orientation. These include cognitive development (Flavall, 1970), moral development (Kohlberg, 1973), intellectual abilities (Baltes & Schaie, 1976), sex-role development (Emmerich, 1973; Huston-Stein & Higgins-Trenk, 1978), attachment behavior (Lerner & Ryff, 1978), family development (Hill & Mattessich, 1979), and even the changing meaning of personal possessions throughout the life-span (Furby, 1978). The results of the above discussed research have challenged common assumptions. For example, until recently, accepted wisdom on adult cognitive development held that there is a plateau and then a gradual decline in abilities (Thomas, 1979). With the advent of life-span oriented research, this view has been questioned. Baltes and Schaie (1976) have maintained that consistency and change in adulthood are dependent upon a variety of individual, social, and historiml variables; in particular, health, education, and socioeconomic status. Schaie (1979) concluded that theories of intelligence throughout adulthood do not take interindividual and cohort variability into account. He stated that: "It is abundantly clear that reliable decrement until very old age (and by that I mean late 80’s) cannot be found for all abilities or for all individuals” (p. 104). The life-span approach appears to be an avenue leading researchers to challenge heretofore accepted assumptions regarding both substance and method. Similarly, the life-span orientation draws attention to differences in the ways in which individuals experience similar life events. Stressful life events and adaptation to them are a central theme in many of these researchers’ investigations of socialization (Rossi, 1968; Lopata, 1973; Datan & Ginsberg, 1975). Using this approach, Hultsch and Plemons (1979) examined a variety of variables and processes that affect individual responses to life events. They looked at ”individual” and ”cultural" events. The former included marriage, birth of a child, or death of a loved one. The latter, such as periods of depression, economic prosperity, war, and so on, were “not experienced as part of the usual life course and (which) affect a larger number of individuals" (p. 19). It is the intersection of these kinds of events that makes the life experience of each cohort unique. Thus, it is apparent that research done within the life-span orientation concentrates upon a variety of factors and processes ranging from the biological to the historical, with an emphasis upon the interaction between ontogenetic, age-graded development, and the cultural or historical context. 1] f0 . 15.1.. The study of occupations and professions has received considerable attention from many sociologists and other behavioral researchers. Many researchers have attempted to show how occupation affects the participant relative to his attitude formation, personality development, and view of life (Hall, 1948; Merton, 1957; Becker et al., 1961; Moore, 1969; Van Maanen & Schein, 1979; Wanous, 1980). Through socialization, the new recruit is introduced to role requirements imposed by the occupational organization. The advance of individuals within the organizational hierarchy depends upon the success of the socialization process in terms of accomplishing the requirements of the organizational role (Harris, 1979). In explaining the occupational socialization process and how it works, Kadushin (1972) stated that: Studies on the socialization of professionals have generally assumed that, in addition to learning technical skills, a student physician or lawyer acquires values, attitudes, and self- concept of a professional. These aspects of the professional role are acquired through participation in the formal social structure of the professional school, but especially through informal interaction with inspectors and students. (p. 152) The process of occupational socialization and attitude formation depends upon many different variables. Some of these variables are easy to control but others are difficult to control. Also, their impact upon individuals within the work environment varies. Pavalko (1971) discussed occupational socialization by stating the following: While the function of occupational socialization is to change persons—to instill in them skills, knowledge, attitudes, values peculiar to their future occupation and work group—each occupation may have a readily distinguishable if not entirely unique idea of what its future members ought to be moving toward and what the end product of the training process ought to look, think, and feel like. (p. 93) The concept of occupational socialization is not necessarily confined to high-status professions such as medicine, law, teaching, or engineering. Harris (1979) tried to explain how occupational socialization was understood among students of occupation by pointing out that some occupation writers consider some occupations, such as medicine, law, university professors, and engineering to have the status of ”profession." Other writers did not consider the status of profession important-except for the occupational members themselves. Most studies of socialization on occupations have focused on those traditionally regarded as professions. Socialization into occupations does not happen randomly or in a single dose; usually the socializee goes through several organized steps to gradually enter the occupational role. In her study of student nurses, for example, Simpson (1972) showed that socialization of an adult into an occupational role involves a sequential process. Simpson showed that socialization into an occupation goes through three distinct stages. Each stage involves some learning of the cultural content of the role and some self-identification with it. During the first stage, the individual shifts attention from the broad goals that led him to select the occupation to the goal of proficiency in a particular work task. During the second stage, certain significant others in the work setting become his main reference group. In the final stage, the socializee internalizes the values of the occupational group and adopts the behaviors it prescribes. These three stages may overlap, but in general they constitute a sequence. The emphasis in Simpson’s analysis was on the way professional schools change the socializce’s conception of the occupation as well as their occupational values and goals. In addition, Simpson emphasized the importance of new reference groups in bringing about these changes and in transmitting professional standards to the socializee. Among other research undertaken to examine occupational socialization effects was a study of the training of occupational therapists. According to Sabari (1985), the socialization processes which take place during the professional education of occupational therapists have profound influence on the future practice of these therapists. Sabari analyzed the professional socialization process and showed that several important factors play a role in shaping professional socialization. These factors include the goal of professional training, the different stages of training, and the participants (i.e., student or recruit, the other socializees or peers, the trainers or socializing agent, and the patient). Her analysis emphasized the role-values and attitudes that are transmitted from the socializing agents to the socializees. She pointed out that factors such as material 26 used in training and length of training are important criteria for determining the effects of socialization. As is apparent from these studies, the relationship between socialization and values and attitude change is fundamental. It is the goal of the socializing agent to facilitate change in some of the socializee’s attitudes and beliefs and to promote new attitudes and beliefs which serve the objectives of the socialization process. Military socialization is another area where the socialization process has been studied. It is widely known that the socialization process in military training is very strict and attempts to establish definite roles to be played by officers after their graduation. Several researchers have examined the socialization process and demonstrated that many of the values and attitudes of cadets become different after finishing the four years of academy training (Lovell, 1964; Priest, Fullerton & Bridges, 1982). Dornbush (1954) conducted one of the earliest studies when he examined the socialization process that took place in the Coast Guard Academy. The Coast Guard program usually requires four years to complete. During the first two months of this program, cadets cannot leave the academy. According to this study, during the four-year period, each cadet has to go through many changes in his attitudes and beliefs. These changes take place for several reasons. One reason is the control system used in these types of institutions. According to the 27 study, the solidarity of the control system is one of the most effective conditions used to control behavior and change attitudes and beliefs of the cadets. During the four years spent in the military academy, the honor system is used to foster certain values and attitudes within the individuals. The emphasis is on group work, the spirit of bureaucracy, and following the command of the higher rank. In other words, the socialization process taking place during military training usually attempts to make the individual incorporate all the new attitudes, values and beliefs into his old attitudes, values, and belief system. So he develops different characteristics consistent with the new role that he will play in his professional life. According to Dornbush (1954), military training attempts to establish the required changes in attitudes and the belief system in each cadet by isolating them. This also helps them to identify with the new role and to change their self-image or ideas that are inconsistent with what is supposed to happen during their training time. In summary, the training, the material studied, and the attitudes and beliefs being instilled during the four years in the academy all have one goal: to change the trainee and foster new qualities consistent with his/her professional role in a military career after graduation. Another recent research study concerning socialization in the military was conducted at the Air Force Academy by Defleur and Warner (1987). The study was concerned with the change in attitudes and self-concepts of those who were still in the academy and those who had dropped out before graduation. Since subjects were both male and female, three variables were examined: sex-role identity; values and attitudes about society’s role for both males and females in occupational life; and values related to military life. One of the apparent changes was the change in attitude about female roles among both males and females. Surprisingly, the females who left the academy before graduation had a greater tendency to classify themselves as masculine than those who remained. This finding perhaps can be explained by the fact that in a place where males are dominate, females who display masculinity would be less likely to survive or stay. This may be why some females left the academy. However, those females who stayed in the academy showed more traditional values. Even though they were more assertive and independent, they displayed more feminine traits. In conclusion, the overall results showed that both male and female cadets displayed some changes in their attitudes, values, and beliefs about gender identity and female roles, although the change was more significant among females who left the academy before their graduation. In spite of the fact that many studies reveal that occupational socialization is generally successful in producing changes in attitudes and values, this is not always the case. Davis, Olesen and Whittaker (1966), in their study of collegiate nursing programs committed to training and producing future nurses for leadership in the profession, reported that young women entering this program were primarily oriented toward traditional female roles revolving around marriage, raising children, and homemaking. The nursing school faculty’s effort to change their orientation toward a stronger commitment to long-term careers 29 in nursing and an active leadership role in the profession proved unsuccessful. By the end of their training, the nursing students were generally no more committed to long-term careers and were no more likely to aspire to assuming professional leadership roles than were first-year students. Davis, Olesen and Whittaker (1966) summarized their study as follows: The overall picture emerging from our data is that of conventionally oriented young women, much more heavily invested in traditional feminine life goals than in career pursuits and reluctant to make more than incidental concessions toward professional involvement. Even more discouraging, perhaps, from the vantage point of the nurse educator, is the finding that in nearly every respect this essentially conservative outlook holds firm, and in some instances grows firmer, through the three years of university nursing education. (p. 159) RIB 'S'l" “.1 For some professions, one cannot understand occupational socialization without considering the social organization in which the existence of that profession is dependent. Police work is one such occupation. Therefore, studying police occupation socialization requires that attention he focused on organizational structure because the formal organizational structure, in combination with other factors such as the informal organizational structure, plays a major role in police socialization. In general, occupations have applied many different kinds of strategies for the socialization process. All of these strategies are aimed at providing newcomers with the skills necessary to do their job. At the same time, these strategies also attempt to provide newcomers with attitudes appropriate for their 30 new job (Manning, 1983). Van Maanen and Schein (1979) identified and analyzed six different tactics which the organization can use to socialize its new members to their new role. According to them, socialization is collective, formal, sequentially fixed, serial, and involves investiture. Therefore, police socialization could be accomplished by having all recruits go through a set of experiences separate from the fieldwork, and training them in consecutive stages. This would also enable them to acquire the necessary knowledge in a given time. These processes should follow a series of specific stages and, finally, socialization should be oriented to investiture into the new status and "stripping” away of the old ones. Regarding formal socialization, which is the main concern of this research, Van Maanen and Schein (1979) stated that it is the "process in which a newcomer is more or less segregated from regular organizational members while being put through a set of experiences tailored explicitly for the newcomer” (p. 236). This type of socialization tactic can be found in organizations such as police academies, professional schools, and various kinds of internships. Informal socialization, however, has no special program design that one can follow. It is a type of ”laissez-faire" socialization by which the newcomer learns a new role through trial and error (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). Formal socialization processes basically exist in organizations where there are special preparations for new positions that are to be occupied and where it is important for newcomers to learn the "correct” attitudes, values, and protocol associated with the new roles (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). Therefore, the 31 formal socialization process focuses mainly on attitudes rather than acts (Van Maanen, 1975). Occupation socialization researchers have identified some developmental stages that characterize the occupation socialization process. For instance, Feldman (1976) identified three phases of employee socialization as "getting-inf "breaking-in," and ”settling-in.” The occupational socialization process starts with the "getting-in” stage, which begins prior to the individual’s entry into the occupation. Brim (1966) and Merton and Rossi (1968) maintained that applicants for an occupational role begin to anticipate the demands and expectations of their future occupation and to view themselves as role incumbents. The individual’s reference groups, whether real or imagined, provide a perspective from which the individual meaningfully organizes and explains experience (Shibutani, 1967; Hyman & Singer, 1968). At the ”getting-in” stage, two sets of reference groups exist. The first set consists of groups that transmit impressions of the occupation but are tangential to the police themselves, such as the media, friends, and relatives who simply express beliefs about the police. The second set consists of actual police-related groups such as friends, neighbors, or relatives who are members of the police occupation. These groups transmit information to the applicant such as perceived status, future role expectations, self-conceptions, and attitudes and values which consider policing a valuable occupation (Bennett, 1984). Two factors can facilitate or retard the outcome of this stage. First, the amount of time the applicant 32 spends within the stage determines the level of anticipatory socialization (Van Maanen, 1975). Second, the accuracy of the information transmitted determines the ease with which the recruit will attach to the occupational reference groups in later stages of the socialization process (Thornton & Nardi, 1975). The second "breaking-in" stage is the formal socialization stage, which involves the immersion of the recruit into the formal police organization. This can be accomplished by placing the recruit into the police academy where he/she starts to learn the appropriate roles, attitudes, and values. Harris (1989) described the police academy and its activity as follows: A police academy is basically a school established to accommodate classroom teaching of recruits as well as physical and self-defense training, and parade or field maneuvers. Some academies include firing ranges, combat courses, and high-speed driving areas. State-police academies have dormitories for their recruits and follow the military model for training. Criminal justice training centers are academies that also include in-service training for all elements of the criminal justice system, e.g., judges, prosecuting attorneys, and defense attorneys. (p. 402) Lundman (1980) discussed the traditional paramilitary approach to police training which still exists in some police academies as follows: Police academies rarely treat recruits as special. Instead, they almost immediately inform them that they will be watched constantly and they can be dismissed for even minor infractions of the rules. They encourage recmits to eliminate signs of individuality and to identify with the department generally and the recruit class specifically. During the long classroom hours, which take up most of the student’s time, the academies treat them like recalcitrant high-school dropouts. They tell them where and who to sit with, what they can and cannot have on top of their desk, and, if it proves necessary, as it likely will, how to yawn properly. Lastly, elaborate rules govern the interaction between recruits and their superiors. (P- 77) 33 However, police academies have undergone considerable changes recently. Lundman (1980) pointed out that the socialization process in police work has undergone gradual change from a traditional paramilitary style to one that is less stressful for the new recruit. But this change is not very widespread. As a result, recruit training for the police officer becomes an important stage of his socialization process into the police profession. Although organizational socialization generally occurs at all career stages, the stage of "breaking-in” in the academy is very important because what follows will depend substantially on what has been learned in this stage. In addressing the importance of the "breaking-in” stage, Van Maanen (1985) stated: It is during the break-in period that the organization may be thought to be most persuasive, for the person has few guidelines to direct his behavior and has little, if any, organizationally based support for his "vulnerable selves” which may be the object of influence. (p. 204) During this stage, the recruit has to face the hardship of occupational socialization, regardless of whether the police are traditional or nontraditional. This stage will continue to be psychologically stressful and socially awkward until the occupational identity of the recruit becomes forged. The psychological stress and anxiety are triggered for some recruits by their firearms and firearm training; for other intellectually gifted recruits, psychological stress is triggered by the burden of the subjects taught in the academy (Bahn, 1984). In explaining how the new recruit copes with the stresses of training, Van Maanen (1985) mentioned that the recruit becomes more aware of his need to depend upon his other fellow recruits who will help him/her get rid of old attitudes and forget old acquaintances. The main result of such stress training is that the recruit soon learns it is his peer group rather than the "brass” which will support him and which he, in turn, must support. For example, the newcomers adopt covering tactics to shield the tardy colleague, develop cribbing techniques to pass exams, and become proficient at constructing consensual ad hoc explanations of a fellow recruit’s mistake. Furthermore, the long hours, new friends, and ordeal aspects of the recruit school serve to detach the newcomer from his old attitudes and acquaintances. (Van Maanen, 1985, p. 207) In short, the academy impresses the recruit that he must now identify with a new group-his fellow officers. Despite the intensity of the academy experience, the socializee is not a passive recipient in the socialization process. He or she will have to decide what to accept and what to totally reject. This point was made by Schein (1968), who identified three reactions-rebellion, conformity, and creative individualism-taken by individuals toward socialization. Creative individualism is defined as falling between rebellion and conformity, and is shown by the individual who accepts the broad outlines of organizational norms, but retains some leeway for creative or innovative activity. For police officers, creative individualism cannot be an option; therefore, this is an express goal of the "breaking-in" stage (Bahn, 1984). The "settling-in" stage is when the new officers go on duty, and the objective is to achieve complete and automatic incorporation of the conformity that has been developed at the academy. This stage also marks the emergence of the informal socialization process of peer values as opposed to the 35 organizational values acquired in the "breaking-in” stage. While some of these peer influences appear during academic training, their full impact is felt during this stage (Bahn, 1984). Many studies on the attitudes of police officers have described them as having negative attitudes toward youths and the public in general (Piliavin & Briar, 1964; Reiss, 1967; and Wilson, 1968). Other studies have found that police officers feel isolated, suspicious, and cynical (Clark, 1965; Clark & Gibbs, 1965; Skolnick, 1966; Dodd, 1967; Niederhoffer, 1967; Toch, 1965; and Westley, 1970). Some studies reveal that police officers who have similar backgrounds show similar conservatism, authoritarian, and dogmatism profiles (Wilson, 1967; Skolnick, 1966; and Watson, 1967). Furthermore, research such as that done by Galliher (1976), Radelet (1973), Ahern ( 1972), Blumberg (1976), Bordua (1967), Chevigny (1973), and Niederhoffer (1967), paint a picture of the police as being authoritarian, cynical, dogmatic, and suffering from anomie. There has also been a tendency to represent the police as showing generally low faith in the public and exhibiting a high degree of paranoia. On the other hand, some studies reveal different findings. Parker (1980) examined several attitudes of police officers and, contrary to previous findings, found that police officers do not appear to be dogmatic or suffer from anomie. Nor did the officers exhibit a high level of mistrust for the general public. Another study conducted by Regoli (1977) on police and citizen anorrrie levels showed that police are less anomie than the citizen population studied. 36 All of these studies examined real police officers whose attitudes might be affected by the surrounding environment, such as the police organization and the society at large. But what about the one who has not yet become a real police officer-the one who is still in the academy preparing to play the future role of the real police officer? In reviewing the research regarding the attitudes of police recruits, one can find several studies. Teasley and Wright (1973) studied the effect of training on police recruit attitudes (conservatism and dogmatism). Their sample consisted of 45 state patrol recruits who were enrolled in a training program in the training academy. Their findings indicated that the change in conservatism was moderate but the change in dogmatism was greater. These findings suggested that the police recruit became slightly more conservative and dogmatic due to the training experience. Another study by Colman and Gorman (1982) used the Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory, Eysenck’s Social and Political Attitude Inventory, Rokeach’s Dogmatism Scale, and the Lee-Warr Balanced-F Scale to measure the level of conservatism, dogmatism, and authoritarianism. Their sample consisted of 48 recruit police constables. The scales were administered to the constables at the beginning and at the end of their basic training. The sample also consisted of 36 probationer constables with an average of 20 months of police experience, and 30 control subjects matched with the police groups in socioeconomic status. The findings of this study revealed that the mean scores of each of the three groups 37 on all of the psychometric scales, except for Rokeach’s Dogmatism Scale, differed significantly in the following ways. First, for the Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory (WPAI), data showed that the control group was significantly less conservative than either of the police groups but the mean scores of the two other groups (recruits and probationers) were not significantly different. Second, for Eysenck’s Social and Political Attitude Inventory (ESPAI), the findings showed that the control group was least conservative, whereas the probationers were the most conservative of all groups. The only significant difference was between the control and probationers groups. Third, data from the Lee-Warr Balanced F-Scale (LWBF-Scale) were also significantly different among the three groups. For this scale, the control group scored significantly lower than the other two groups. On the other hand, none of the police groups differed significantly from each other. Fourth, in contrast to the other scales, data from Rokeach’s Dogmatism Scale (RDS) showed that the three groups did not differ significantly. The study also analyzed the recruit groups after the nine-week basic training program. The analysis showed that after going through the basic training, the recruits were significantly less conservative and significantly less authoritarian on the Lee-Warr Balanced F-Scale; whereas, data from the other two scales (ESPAI and RDS) were not significantly different. 38 In discussing the results of this study, the authors attempted to draw a relationship between socialization of the police into the subculture and conservatism, dogmatism, and authoritarianism by stating the following: The statistical analyses of the psychometric test scores lend no support to the view that socialization into the police subculture leads to an increase in conservatism, dogmatism, and authoritarianism among those who have already joined the force, although there was a consistent non-significant tendency for the probationers to score higher than the recruits on the conservatism and authoritarianism measures. (pp. 8-9) However, in discussing the effect of the training program on the recruits, the authors stated that: The significant changes in the recruits’ psychometric test scores following nine weeks of basic training were interesting and unexpected. On the Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory and the Lee-Warr Balanced F-Scale, the recruits’ scores were significantly lower following basic training than they were three days after arrival at the training center. (p. 9) From a review of the literature, it is apparent that the attitudes of police officers vary. Police organizations attempt to unify these different attitudes through their training methods (socialization). While some of these methods are successful, others are not. Van Maanen (1975) pointed out that there are several distinctive elements that can be anticipated to have an effect on the final product of the organizational socialization process. He stated that: Five interrelated but conceptually distinct characteristics can be expected to influence the outcome of socialization attempts. First, the formality of the setting-that is, the degree to which the setting is segregated from the ongoing work context-«suggests the extent to which the organization is concerned with a novice’s absorption of the appropriate demeanor and status associated with the target role. Second, the degree to which new members are processed individually or collectively plays a related but somewhat different role influencing the results of the socialization process. 39 Third, the serial or disjunctive character of socialization settings also plays a significant part in the transition process. Fourth, the length of time for which the newcomer must continue as a formally designated recruit is another powerful socialization mechanism. Finally, the presence, distance and visibility of a "coach” (or coaches) to assist the newcomer through some or all of the socialization stages has an undoubtedly potent effect. (pp. 225-226) Wards: Researchers have offered a variety of definitions for self-esteem, but most agree that it is a trait referring to an individual’s degree of like or diser of themselves. For example, Alport (1961) wrote that “Pride is one common synonym of self-esteem, self-love another" (p. 120). After extensively researching self-esteem, Rosenberg (1965) stated that ”Self-esteem is a positive or negative attitude toward a particular object, namely the sell" (p. 30). Elder (1968) defined self—esteem as "feelings of personal worth . . . influenced by performance, abilities, appearance, and judgments of significant others" (p. 258). Thus, the basic element of self-esteem is the favorability of an individual’s characteristic self-evaluation. Certain individuals show a generalized tendency to evaluate themselves positively but others do not. Furthermore, an individual’s self- esteem varies according to situation and time. People usually have two kinds of self-esteemusituation-specific and global self-esteem (Brockner, 1988). Wells and Marwell (1976) stated that for some researchers, ”Self-esteem is assumed to be related to ’healthy’ behavior. This position asserts that self- esteem is not only more hedonistically referred than low self-esteem, but also 40 more socially and psychologically functional" (p. 70). They indicated that the self-esteem presumption is an essential component of both a self- acceptance perspective and sociological treatments of self-concept. With this perspective, Rosenberg (1965) suggested that persons with low self-esteem are more likely to have less self-confidence, be more 1 dependent on others, display more shyness, and be less investigative. Other researchers have added that persons with low self-esteem are more likely to be less creative and less flexible (Coopersmith, 1967). Boshier (1969) found a positive relationship between low self-esteem and authoritarianism. In contrast, an opposite view was expressed by Cohen (1959), who advocated the notion that people with high self-esteem are less open to attitude change. Because their self-confidence is usually high, they are likely to be less influenced by new attitudes. Many researchers have empirically examined the relationship between self—esteem and attitude change. Research in this area can be divided into three categories. The first category includes those early studies in which high self-esteem was found to have a positive relationship with attitude change (Asch, 1958; and Janis, 1954). The second category includes those studies which found that the relationship between self-esteem and attitude change is closer to a U-shape than a linear relationship (e.g., Cox & Bauer, 1964). The third category includes those studies which specified the components of attitudes that might be related to self-esteem. For example, McGuire (1968) pointed out that self-esteem may have different effects on different attitude components. The effects of 41 self-esteem on attitude reception were optimal compared to its effects on yielding. In other words, people with high self-esteem were more likely to pay attention and comprehend received messages than peOple with low self-esteem. However, self-esteem had no significant effect on their acceptance of the message or their attitudinal change. Several studies have supported McGuire’s theory. For example, Nisbett and Gordon (1967) found that the relationship between self-esteem and attitude change was moderated by the difficulty of the message. In the simple-message case, individuals with moderate self-esteem were more likely to display attitude change than high self-esteem groups. However, in the complex-message case, the high self-esteem group displayed the greatest change in attitude. It seems that individuals with high self-esteem are more stimulated by messages that need a high elaboration process. Researchers have also examined the effect of self-esteem on the area of political attitudes and behavior (Rosenberg, 1965; and Carmines, 1982). Carmines (1982), for example, tried to examine the political implications of self-esteem on political attitudes of adolescents. His data were based on 346 high-school students from two small rural communities, both of which were characterized as economically depressed. It was found that self-esteem played an important role in political orientation, attitudes, and beliefs of adolescents for whom politics was noticeable, but its impact on those for whom politics was not 42 noticeable was small. The study revealed the following relationships among those adolescents who were interested in politics: 1. Adolescents whose sense of self-worth decreased are more likely to hold a vague, unclear, and inaccurate view of the political world than those with high self-esteem. 2. Low self-esteem adolescents are more ”politically cynical or distrustful" than adolescents with high self-esteem. 3. Self-esteem is linked to a feeling of political ineffectiveness. 4. Adolescents with high self-esteem display less participation in "protest activities” than adolescents with low self-esteem. The findings of this study revealed that people with high self-esteem are more likely to have more flexibility in adopting new attitudes and values which they deem to be most relevant. It is also possible to infer that individuals with high self-esteem will have less dogmatism and less anomie, and more faith in people. The implication for the present study is that cadets with high self-esteem will display a greater willingness to accept new attitudes and beliefs relevant to their future occupational career. Police chtpatignfl Qultute and Attitude The development of police occupational culture is a product of many different internal and external forces operating together in the total work 43 environment. In describing the role of the environment in shaping police occupational culture, Alderson (1979) wrote: Police cultures are most discernible where police feel most threatened. The greater the feeling of threat from a hostile environment the greater the cultural cohesion and group solidarity. This understandable behavioral reaction can be healthy or morbid, depending on varying circumstances. Where the entire environment is permanently and unlawfully hostile it is easier for police to develop a healthy and productive cohesion. It is healthy and productive in the sense that it enables police to survive and to discharge their lawful function against unlawful behavior. (p. 65) But what does occupational culture mean? Manning (1989) identified occupational culture as "a set of shared understandings about skills, roles, people, and organization” (p. 361). He argued that several role norms of police work give rise to the kind of police culture which in turn defines police socialization. Specifically, he maintained that police work is characterized by uncertainty and the need for control of information. These characteristics, in addition to others, promote the existence and persistence of certain police-cultural norms such as secrecy, violence, mutual dependence, and collective ties. The notion of autonomy and the rigidity of authority are also parts of police culture. All of these cultural norms are, to a great extent, products of the interaction between police organization requirements for success and survival, on the one hand, and some structural cultural factors on the other hand. Socialization, then, will tend to promote attitude change or attitude acquisition only to the extent that such a change or acquisition is in accordance with these police cultural norms. Scholars have identified some variables that influence the kind of norms adopted by police officers. The sense of danger, the monoply to use deadly force, and the need for cooperation are some of these variables. Other researchers mentioned uncertainty as a very influential factor in shaping police culture. For example, McNamara (1967) pointed to the uncertainties in police work. Based on an empirical study of the New York Police Academy, be analyzed uncertainty and presented some strategies to minimize or prevent uncertainty. He indicated that it is important to train recruits to have clear knowledge of their duties. In particular, training Should include training the recruits to have some self-direction to handle problems legally and socially. In addition, recruits should be trained to achieve the main objective of police work, which is control. This is an important strategy and requires teamwork. However, there are several important background factors or characteristics that have to be considered to avoid uncertainty when training recruits. For example, McNamara (1967) mentioned that most recruits come from lower-middle class groups. This factor has been hypothesized to be related to authoritarianism as measured by the F -scale. McNamara acknowledged that the ideal objectives emphasized in training may not exist in daily police practice, which of course gives rise to conflicts between ideal and actual practices or between training and what is called police culture. Manning (1983) explained the importance of informal socialization, manifested by personal knowledge acquired through interacting with more 45 experienced police offers, in the assimilation of police arltural norms. There are many factors that contribute to the emergence and enhancement of the occupational culture. One such factor is the nature of police work. Working as a group would enhance and enforce the cohesiveness of the occupational culture because police officers usually work collectively. The different kinds of methods and the skills manifested in that work, and the dedication and unscripted task of policing, in some work situations, becomes a corporate enterprise. In this regard, Bradley et a1. (1986) stated that: To rely on the resourcefulness of others as well as one’s own increases the degree of uncertainty in an already open-ended situation, but also increases the amount of trust, respect and sheer comradeship required and generated amongst police groups. Such intimacy of interaction again allows shared norms and values to flourish. (p. 195) Regarding the emergence of the police occupational culture, police observers point out that one adaptive response exhibited by police is the rise of a subculture within police organizations (Westley, 1953, 1956; Gilston & Podell, 1959; Banton, 1964; and Wilson, 1967). This actual police behavior stems from occupational concerns of the police rather than an "overt concern" for applying the law (Hartjen, 1974). N iederhoffer and Blumberg (1976) noted that: Police, who have already been socialized and shaped in one society, are required to adopt to a new world when they enter the police culture. . . . The special structural qualities of police culture include: the unifomi, ceremonials, etiquette, power and authority, a unique set of duties, strong kinship and solidarity among policemen, a sense of isolation from the rest of the community and other occupations, and a perception of common hazards and dangers that are shared by all police officers. This combination endows the police organization with an irresistible 46 psychological power, so that most officers internalize the traditional values of the police culture. (p. 173) Connected to the development of a subculture as one response to the feeling of isolation from the rest of the community, is the possibility of police viewing themselves as marginal members. Alex (1969) pointed out that the police feel that the community often views them with ambivalence and suspicion rather than appreciating the very dangerous and thankless tasks required of them. A broader explanation as to why police feel isolated from the rest of the community was given by Van Maanen (1978), when he stated that: Policemen generally view themselves as performing society’s dirty work. As such, a gap is created between the police and the public. Today‘s patrolman feels cut off from the mainstream culture and unfairly stigmatized. In short, when the policeman dons his uniform, he enters a distinct sub-culture governed by norms and values designed to manage the strain created by the outsider role in the community. (p. 292) In Van Maanen’s view, such a working environment would force the police officer to adopt cultural norms, which may include negative attitudes toward the public. The feeling of isolation by the police leads them to associate with and rely more upon each other. As a consequence, solidarity will emerge and become a very important part of the police occupational culture. In explaining how the emergence of police solidarity takes place, Skolnick (1981) explained that: The elements of authority reinforce the element .of danger in isolating the policeman. Typically, the policeman is required to enforce laws representing puritanical morality, such as those prohibiting drunkeness, and also laws regulating the flow of public activity, such as traffic laws. In these situations the policeman directs the citizenry, whose typical response denies recognition of his authority, and stresses his obligation to respond to danger. The kind of man who responds well to danger, however, does 47 not normally subscribe to codes of puritanical morality. As a result, the policeman is usually liable to the charge of hypocrisy. That the whole civilian world is an audience for the policeman further promotes police isolation and, in consequence, solidarity. (p. 100) Whatever the causes of police isolationism, the final result usually is that police omcers tend socially as well as professionally to associate more with each other than with those outside their profession. This association is a very important factor in terms of peer-group pressure regarding their relation to police socialization. As occupational culture exists in the real police work, it also exists in the police academy. But how does this culture come about in the police academy? Fielding (1988) explained how police training school helps in the existence and emergence of police occupational culture of the cadets: Novices are here for the first time in continuous contact with police, many of whom have greater experience, but also with many of their peers as well. The latter enable a rehearsal of how occupational culture can nurture and protect its members, with exam-swapping syndicates, a social life involving those in the same groups and some of the norms of collaboration and collusion that any body of students use to survive the student role. At the same time, contact with police instructors and other experienced officers is a source of knowledge about the essential tenets of police culture. This may be imparted formally, that is, by explicit reference, but is much more likely to emanate from the couching of ideas, the examples given and the style of filling-in talk, back-chat, and corridor conversation. (p. 54) One way cadets are made to feel that links to the outside are being replaced by commitment to the occupation’s culture is through formal training. Recruits are treated as peers who are mainly indifferentiable and who have no identity except for being raw material. Then recruits have no signs of their 48 former status, even losing most if not a majority of their former attitudes (Fielding, 1988). Summer The second stage of police socialization, i.e., their formal training, seems to be the period in which recruits’ attitudes and beliefs are changed or modified, and the components of the roles which they will play become identified. During this period, socializing agents expend time and effort to ensure that the socializee specifically learns new values and beliefs. However, there is another element that moderates the socialization process. This element is the cadet’s self-esteem, which will be considered in this research. For these reasons, it is expected that cadets will display some differences in their internalization of the newly learned attitudes and beliefs. For example, cadets in the beginning year will tend to show little change in their attitudes and beliefs compared to cadets who are at the end of the second, third, or fourth year. In addition, the socioeconomic background and the rural-urban origin of the cadets might contribute to the difference in their attitudes and values. CHAPTER III RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY The main purpose of this study is to investigate the socialization process currently used for police cadets by the Police Academy in the State of Kuwait and how this process helps in changing the cadets’ attitudes. This chapter discusses the methods used in conducting the study. It is divided into the following sections: (a) hypotheses; (b) study setting; (c) population and sampling; ((1) description of the research instrument; (e) translation; (f) pretest of the validity and reliability of the measures; (g) data collection; (h) measurement; and (i) data analysis. Emirates In carrying out this research, the following general hypotheses will guide the analysis: I I . H l . . H1: The socialization process will make the cadets’ attitudes increasingly consistent with the occupational culture of the police. 31.1.11! . H2: The self-esteem of the police cadets will affect the relationship between the socialization process and their attitudes and values. H3: The socioeconomic background of the police cadets will affect the relationship between the socialization process and their attitudes and values. 50 H4: The rural or urban origin of the police cadets will affect the relationship between the socialization process and their attitudes and values.’ H5: The frequency of interaction between cadets and police officers will affect the relationship between the socialization process and their attitudes and values. The general argument for linking the independent and the dependent variables is that the longer the exposure to police occupational culture, the greater the similarity to the officers. Strictly speaking, it is the occupational culture of the officers in the Academy to which the cadets are exposed rather than the general occupational culture of police in Kuwait. Although we do not have data regarding the representativeness of the Academy staff, their selection process should ensure that their attitudes and values are not very different from the norm. There may be variables influencing the extent to which exposure to police culture changes cadet attitudes and values. Self~esteem, socioeconomic background, urban/ rural origin, and informal socialization are examples of such variables. 51115115211111: Until its establishment in 1956, formal police training in Kuwait was nonexistent. In the years since then, the country has experienced rapid growth with vast development and social change. Accompanying this growth was a huge influx of migrant laborers. All of these factors have not only increased the crime level, but have also contributed to creating new types of crime. These increasing social complexities required a greater level of experience on the part of the police 51 organization. Consequently, the Student Officers College was established in 1969. Two other schools were subsequently created: the Sergeants’ Institute in 1975, and the Police Officers’ Training Institute in 1977. All three schools are now located in the Police Academy, where the present study was conducted. This study’s setting was constituted by, first, the Student Officer’s College, which is located within the Police Academy, and second, the Police Academy itself. The entire Police Academy was considered part of the setting because this study investigated the occupational culture of the police officers (commissioned and non-commissioned) who worked at the Academy. Thus, the setting for this study included both the Student Officers College and the Police Academy as a whole. E l . l S l' The aim of this study is to investigate the occupational socialization process currently taking place and how this process helps in changing cadets’ attitudes to be similar to those held by police officers in the Police Academy in the state of Kuwait. Hence, the population of the study comprises all cadets who were enrolled in the Student Officers College of the Police Academy. In addition, the population consists of all police officers, both commissioned and non-commissioned, at the Police Academy. The total population under study consists of 562 cadets, which is the total number of cadets enrolled in the Student Officers College at that time. The total 52 number of respondents is 534, which is 95.18 percent of the total population. Table 3.1 shows the response rate and the distribution of cadets according to their school year. In addition, 54 officers were selected from the Academy as part of the total population of officers under study. The selection of these officers was based upon the direct relationship of these officers to the cadets, i.e., officers who do not have any regular contact with the cadets and who, therefore, presumably do not influence them were eliminated from the sample. Table 3.1 . Distribution of Cadets According to School Year and Response Rate. --— " 1 School Year 7 Population Study Sample ,, _, Percentage First 169 166 98.22 I Second 153 152 9935 Third 122 98 80.33 I Fourth 118 118 100.00 Total 562 _ 534 95.02 ll According to Table 3.1, fourth-year cadets had the highest response rate (100 percent) to the questionnaire. The second-highest response rate was from the second-year cadets, with 152 of the 153 cadets answering the questionnaire (99.35 percent). The lowest response rate was from third-year cadets, where only 98 of the 122 (80.33 percent) cadets responded. Cadets in the first year had the 53 next-to-lowest response rate, with 166 of the 169 cadets returning the questionnaire (98.22 percent). Nine of the returned questionnaires were omitted from the data analysis because more than 25 percent of the questions were not answered. The remainder (19) of the questionnaires were not returned to the researcher; all of these questionnaires were from third-year cadets. The researcher attempted to contact these non-respondents but was unsuccessful in soliciting additional responses. Desm'ptign of the Reseazgh Instruments Two questionnaires were used to collect data for the study. The first questionnaire was developed for distribution among cadets in the Student Officers College at the Police Academy. The second questionnaire was developed for distribution to police officers (commissioned and noncommissioned) who had direct contact with cadets due to their positions at the Police Academy. A description of each questionnaire is given below. C l D . . The cadet questionnaire (see Appendix A) consisted of four parts. The first part included items designed to elicit some information about the cadet’s background and his self-esteem that might have some effect upon the relationship between the socialization process and the cadet’s attitudes. The second part of the cadet questionnaire was designed to measure the informal process of 54 socialization. The third part was intended to discover if the cadets had the same attitudes toward police work as those held by the officers. The fourth part of the cadet questionnaire consisted of two types of scales-dogmatism and anomy. The purpose of these scales was to ascertain whether the cadets and officers had the same or different attitudes. D fifi Q . . The officer questionnaire (see Appendix B) consisted of three parts. The first part asked the officers for demographic information such as age, number of years as a police officer, number of years at the Police Academy, present rank, type of job, and relationship with the cadets. Part two of the officer questionnaire dealt with those characteristics identified in the literature as some of the main characteristics that shape the police environment. These characteristics included loyalty, honesty, secrecy, sacrifice, and sense of solidarity. Finally, the third part of the officer questionnaire consisted of two types of scales-dogmatism and anomy. These scales were designed originally to measure individuals’ attitudes in general. They were seen here as part of police occupational culture. The researcher gathered information regarding the following variables: (a) age; (b) social origin; (c) family background; ((1) informal socialization; (e) occupational culture; (f) dogmatism; (g) anomie; and (h) self-esteem. 55 I l . I l O . . To test for conceptual equivalence, the questionnaire was given a primary translation from English into Arabic by the author. It was subsequently submitted to a group of graduate students who speak Arabic. The translated version was given to the Department of Linguistics at Michigan State University for their approval (see Appendix F). It was separately back- translated by another group in order to obtain an accurate translation which would best serve the purposes of this study. 1 WC . . . II E -I In any questionnaire design, there are two basic goals: (a) to obtain information relevant to the purpose of the study; and (b) to collect this information with maximum validity and reliability. These two goals relate to the accuracy of the questionnaire. Blalock (1979) stated that, ”The term validity is sometimes used to refer to the appropriateness of the index" (p. 137). As Kerlinger (1973) stated, "The commonest definition of validity is epitomized by the question: Are we measuring what we think we are measuring?" (p. 457) Reliability, on the other hand, refers to the accuracy and consistency of the measuring instrument and its execution. If the same set of objects is measured again and again by a questionnaire, and the results are the same or very close, the questionnaire is considered a reliable instrument. 56 Malian! Given that the validity of an instrument consists of its ability to measure what it sets out to measure, the researcher took the following steps to insure the validity of the instrument. First, regarding the construction of the police occupational culture items, the researcher relied upon related literature in the field and, in addition, consulted with research experts in the field to ascertain the validity of the contents, the criteria for selection, and the construction of the items. The argument for validity rests on the face validity of the items in the index. Second, with regard to the dogmatism, anomy, and self-esteem scales, the measures included are frequently used scales with established levels of validity and reliability. In addition, the researcher gave these items to a group of seven sociology professors at Kuwait University and asked them to indicate which of the three instruments each item belonged to. Five out of those seven gave the correct answer for every item. The other two were accurate 75 percent of the time. Third, a pilot test for all the items was conducted by the author using a randomly chosen sample of 30 cadets. The questionnaire items were completely answered by these respondents, with the researcher noting any ambiguity, misunderstanding, or sensitivity that occurred. Some respondents sought clarification on some items, and items were modified accordingly. 57 The positive reaction of the respondents toward the questionnaire items and their interesting comments were noted and taken as an indication that the questionnaire was meaningful and valid. B 1.1.]. In order to construct a good questionnaire and increase the likelihood of reliability and validity of questionnaire items, Hill and Kerber (1957) developed the following steps, which were applied to this study: 1. 2. The questionnaire had a central topic. The questionnaire sought only information that could not be obtained from non-survey data. The questionnaire requested only data essential to the subject matter. Respondents were given clear and complete instructions on how to answer each item. The questions were objectively constructed with no hint of desired responses. Questions were presented in good psychological order, proceeding from general to more specific responses; embarrassing questions were avoided. The test of reliability for the measures included in the questionnaire was an internal consistency test, Cronbach’s Alpha. As a pretest, the questionnaire 58 was administered to a random sample of 30 cadets from the Police Officers College. The test of reliability (internal consistency) was carried out to see how consistent the items were with each other in terms of the investigated variables. Although the sample was small, there was moderate consistency among answers. Cronbach’s Alpha was also used to test the reliability of the measures used in the final test of hypotheses. This analysis is reported in the section below on measurement. Datafiollmiau After receiving official permission to collect the data needed for this research, the researcher held a meeting with the head of the Police Officers College and one of his officers to discuss which officers (commissioned and non-commissioned) to include within the domain of the Police Academy. The appropriate time for administering the questionnaires was also discussed. It was agreed that the most suitable time for administering the questionnaires to the officers was from 8:00 am. to 1:30 pm, Saturday through Wednesday. This time period was selected because the cadets had no lectures or field training during this time. The data collection process took place in November and December of 1989. The officer questionnaires were personally distributed by the researcher. The process of distributing and collecting the questionnaire took approximately 59 one week. Of the 54 questionnaires distributed, 45 were returned. Five of these questionnaires were incomplete; the response rate was 74 percent. Distribution and collection of the cadets’ questionnaires took almost two weeks. The questionnaires were distributed to as many of the 562 police cadets at the Police Academy as possible. Cadets were grouped according to their school year at the Academy. The cadets in the fourth year (numbering about 118) were divided into two groups. The first group gathered on the evening of November 25, 1989, in a large room near the cadets’ dorm. Before distributing the questionnaire, the researcher explained the purpose of the questionnaire, the voluntary nature of the questionnaire, and asked for the cadets’ cooperation. The cadets were told that they would be given 1-1/2 hours to complete the questionnaire. If they needed any help in understanding any questionnaire items, they were told to leave the items unanswered until the researcher returned at the end of the 1-1/2 hour period and could help them. Some cadets had questions regarding some of the items, and explanations were, provided to them. The same procedures were followed for the other half of the fourth-year cadets on the next day, November 26, 1989. The same procedures were used with cadets in the third-, second-, and first-year levels, with the only exception being the room location. Administration of the cadet questionnaire took two weeks, during which there was a response rate of 86 percent. A third week was designated for enhancing the response rate. The cadets were gathered again and those who had not answered the questionnaire were requested to do so. As a result, the response rate was increased to 95 percent. The data were then coded and recorded on computer data sheets and entered into the M.S.U. mainframe computer for further analysis. The first output was devoted to examining and cleaning the data. After the cleaning process, data were re-entered for final analysis. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was employed in these analyses. 5 DE l' '11: {211' The process of data collection was not without some difficulties. The first problem was that the cadet questionnaire could not be distributed during normal daytime hours of 8:00 am. to 5:00 pm. because the cadets were busy with either field training or lectures during this time, in addition to their other activities in or out of the Academy. Therefore, it was decided by the researcher and an official in the Academy to distribute the questionnaires in the evening between 6:00 pm. and 9:00 p.m., after the cadets completed their required activities. The second problem with data collection was related to third-year cadets. A considerable number of these cadets were assigned to supervise the non-commissioned officers in both the corporal and private schools located in separate buildings on the Academy grounds. After noting the number and location of these cadets, the researcher went to them personally and tried to 61 gather them together in a nearby room. Unfortunately, the researcher could not locate all of these cadets. So, while additional respondents were gained, some of the third-year cadets did not show up. Memmnent Indemndsntlatiahls The main independent variable for this study was the socialization process. This variable was measured by the length of time the cadet had been at the Academy and was expressed by his school year levelufirst, second, third, or fourth year (Question #10). This assumes that the longer the cadets remain in the Police Academy, the more they are exposed to the police occupational culture. Measurement of informal socialization was accomplished through a set of questions designed by the author specifically for the purpose of measuring intensity of socialization experience, i.e., frequency of interaction with Academy staff (Questions 11-18, Appendix A). I I l . I! . l l The four moderating variables included in this study were self-esteem, socioeconomic status, urban/ rural origin, and informal socialization. The main moderating variable was self-esteem. Measurement was done according to Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale (1965), which is constructed from 10 items designed to measure attitudes toward the self along a favorable-to- unfavorable dimension. In the cadet questionnaire, this scale was represented by 62 items nos. 24, 30, 37, 43, 49, 55, 61, 68, 72, and 73 (Appendix A).1 Point values are assigned to responses according to the following: "strongly agree” 2 5 points; "agree” a 4 points; "uncertain” = 3 points; ”disagree" = 2 points; and ”strongly disagree” = 1 point. Thus, the higher the score, the more favorable the respondent’s attitudes toward himself. The highest possible score (adding the items and dividing by their number) was 5; the lowest possible score was 1. This procedure was preferred over a sum-score procedure because the interpretation of the score of the created variable is meaningful in that context (i.e., 5 = strongly agree; and 1 = strongly disagree). Levels of validity and reliability were established for the original Rosenberg scale. Using data from the present study. the scale was subjected to examination for internal consistency. The measure of reliability used was Cronbach’s Alpha; an alpha level of 0.55 was obtained. The second moderating variable-socioeconomic background-was represented by the following items: What is your father’s occupation? How much education did your father complete? Approximately what is the total monthly income of your family from all sources? 1Items 37, 49, 55, 61, and 72 were eventually deleted to obtain a higher alpha level. 63 The third moderating variable was rural or urban residence of the cadet and was represented by the following items: Where is your family home? Have you lived there most of your life? The fourth moderating variable was informal socialization. This variable was measured according to two sets of items. The first set included the following items: How often do you meet with your instructors outside the classroom? How often do you meet with your trainers outside the classroom? How often do you meet with other members of the Academy staff outside the classroom? DO you ever discuss any personal problems you have with your instructors? Do you ever discuss any personal problems you have with your trainers? Since you have been at the Academy, do you get together socially with any police officers who are not connected with the Academy? These items were subjected to examination for internal consistency. The measure of reliability used was Cronbach’s Alpha. An alpha level of 0.54 was obtained. The second set of items for the fourth moderating variable was represented by a single item: Do you discuss your personal problems with your fellow cadets? Wank: There were three dependent variables in this study: attitudes related to dogmatism; anomie; and occupational culture. For dogmatism, the researcher relied upon a professionally developed and frequently used scale, the Short Dogmatism Scale developed by Schulze (1962). This scale was designed to measure dogmatism along the same lines as the scale developed by Rokeach in 1960. It consists of 10 items taken from Rokeach’s original dogmatism scale. In the instrument used for this study, this scale was represented by items 21, 32, 38, 39, 44, 52, 56, 58, 59, and 67.2 Although this scale is much shorter than the original scale developed by Rokeach, acceptable levels of validity and reliability have been established in previous research. In this study, the measure of reliability was Cronbach’s Alpha, and the alpha level obtained for cadets questioned was only 0.35. For this reason, caution must be exercised in interpreting results using this scale. For measuring the second dependent variable, anomie, the researcher also relied upon a professionally developed and frequently used scale. Anomie is defined as "normlessness." The scaling instrument used for this variable was the anomy scale developed by McClosky and Schaar (1965). This scale is composed of nine items that are designed to measure anomic feeling. The following items 2Items 21 and 38 were deleted to obtain a higher alpha level. 65 in the instrument represented this scale: 23, 28, 35, 50, 54, 57, 60, 63, and 69.1 The scale used a Likert-type scoring process, where the highest score possible was 5 and the lowest score possible was 1; thus, the higher the score, the higher the anomie feeling. The measure of reliability was Cronbach’s Alpha, and the alpha level obtained for cadets questioned was 0.54. The third dependent variable was attitudes of the cadets regarding some dimensions (aspects) focusing specifically on police work. In order to measure these attitudes, the researcher relied upon a set of questions constructed specifically to measure those dimensions of the occupational culture of the police officers in the Police Academy. The following are the dimensions (aspects) of the occupational culture that this study examined: solidarity among police officers, police autonomy, police perception of public attitudes, police satisfaction with work, importance of police work, power and toughness as a desirable attribute of police, secrecy among police officers, problems with social relations, police attitudes toward the public, and police attitudes toward the varieties of police work. The researcher also considered and treated dogmatism and anomy scales in the police ofiicer questionnaire (Appendix B) as part of the police occupational culture. Therefore, the responses to all of these items in the police officer questionnaire were used to measure the chosen aspects of the occupational culture of the police at the 1Items 28, 60, and 69 were deleted to obtain a higher alpha level. academy. For the items dealing specifically with policing, a separate scale was also constructed using a five-point Likert-type response format. Some of the items in both the police officer and the cadet questionnaires regarding police work were combined for the purpose of attitude measurement. Items that were grouped together were subjected to examination for reliability using Cronbach’s Alpha. For those items, the alpha levels obtained for both cadet and officer items were as follows: police perception of public attitude (two items), 52 and .56, respectively; satisfaction with police work (five items), 54 and .60, respectively; and importance of police work (two items), .50 and .65, respectively. Other aspects of police occupational culture were measured with single items. The aspects and items were as follows: solidarity among police (item 18), police autonomy (item 70), police secrecy (item 28), problems with social relations (item 65), police attitudes toward the public (item 41), and varieties of police work (item 24) (see Appendix A and B). For each of the above and other aspects of occupational culture, a score for each occupational culture dimension was computed by subtracting the officer mean score from each cadet score. A high difference score indicated that cadets and officers were more dissimiliar in terms of occupational culture, while a low difference score indicated that cadets are more similar to police officers in terms of occupational culture. 67 Cronbach’s alpha was also calculated for the dogmatism and anomy scales in the officer questionnaire. The alpha values obtained were 0.581 and 0.502, respectively. The measure of the three dependent variables was administered to both cadets and police officers at the Academy. Responses of the cadets were compared with those of the officers. This comparison was used to determine the extent to which the attitudes of the cadets were consistent with the police occupational culture in the Academy. Differences in attitudes and increasing consistency of attitudes found in comparison of first-year cadets with cadets from each higher level class were also interpreted as socializing effects. Wis Several statistical techniques were used to achieve the objectives and to test the hypotheses of this study: 1. Simple descriptive statistics, such as frequency, percentage, and mean were used to determine the magnitude and variation of the cadets’ attitudes toward the police occupational culture. 2. One-way analysis of variance (AN OVA) was used to determine whether the levels of dogmatism, anomy, and the other occupational culture variables of police cadets (dependent 1Items 12 and 26 were deleted to obtain a higher alpha level. 2Items 18, 52, and 44 were deleted to obtain a higher alpha level. variables) varied with number of years in the Academy, i.e., level of socialization (independent variable), and to see whether or not these attitudes varied from or were similar to those held by the officers. 1 The Pearson product moment correlation coefficient (Pearson’s r) was used to determine whether a statistically significant relationship exists between the level of socialization and cadets’ occupational culture. Multiple regression was utilized to determine the interaction effect of the moderating variables (self-esteem, socioeconomic back- ground, urban/ rural origin, and informal socialization) and the independent variable (socialization) upon the difference scores of the occupational culture dimensions. The analysis used cross-sectional data and treated "year in police college" as an indication of length of socialization in the Academy. This is important to note since a major part of the analysis is based on the expectation that the attitudes of each class of cadets will become progressively similar to the attitudes of the officers. The legitimacy of using cross-sectional data as a substitute for longitudinal data rests on two assumptions: there have been no major differences in the kinds of students entering the Academy over the four years; i.e., second, third, and 69 fourth year students were similar to the present first-year students at the time they entered the Academy; and the experiences of the cadets in each year have been similar in terms of training programs, teaching techniques, and other conditions that might influence socialization. These assumptions seem to be justified, in light of a discussion that the author held with an officer, who had been in the Academy for more than five years, who said that there had been no major changes either in the Academy’s procedures or curriculum. CHAPTER IV DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION The purpose of this chapter is to report the results of the data analysis. The main objective of the study was to investigate the socialization process, and how this process helps change the cadets’ attitudes and make them more similar to those of the police officers. In order to achieve this result, four steps were carried out in analyzing the data. First, some descriptive statistics, such as frequency, and percentage were used to describe the sample characteristics. Second, one-way analysis of variance (one-way AN OVA) was used to test the hypotheses regarding the relationship between cadets and police officers in terms of their attitudes toward occupational culture dimensions. Third, Pearson’s correlation coefficients were used to determine the direction of the relationship between number of years in the Academy and the cadets’ difference score for each occupational culture dimension. Finally, multiple regression analysis was used to determine the interaction effect of the moderating and independent variables on the difference scores of all occupational culture dimensions. For the last two steps, difference scores were used instead of actual scores to test the hypotheses. Difference score 71 refers to the difference between each cadet’s score on the attitude variables and the mean of the officers’ scores on these measures. 12 . . E l C l S I As stated in the previous chapter, the cadet sample for this study consisted of 534 cadets who were enrolled in the Police Academy. Table 4.1 shows the distribution of cadets according to number of years in the Police Academy. The table indicates that the largest number (169, or 30.1 percent) was enrolled in the first year and the lowest number of cadets was in the fourth year (118, or 21.0 percent). The relatively low percentage in the third year can be explained by the fact that many cadets in this level were promoted to the corporal or sergeant level and were given responsibility for supervising other non-commissioned police officers (Police Personnel School and Police Corporal School) who were still in training courses within the Academy. As a result, they were not available despite the efforts made by the researcher to obtain their responses. The relatively low percentage of cadets in the fourth year compared to the first and second year was due to cadets dropping out or failing to pass the requirements of the examination for the previous year in the Academy. 72 Table 4.1 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets According to Academic Year Year in the Academy Frequency Percentage First 169 30.1 Second 153 27.2 Third 122 21.7 Fourth 1 18 21.0 Total 562 100.0 Table 4.2 shows the distribution of cadets’ ages. The data indicate that 97.5 percent of the cadets in the Academy were under 25 years of age; only 2.5 percent were older than 25 but younger than 30 years of age. Table 4.2 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets by Age in the Academy Ormulative Cadet’s Age Frequency Percentage Percentage Less than 20 years 186 33.5 35.5 20 to less than 25 years 325 62.0 97.5 25 to less than 30 years 13 2.5 100.0 Missing 10 .- - | Total 534 100.0 - Table 4.3 presents the cadets’ monthly family incomes. The data show that there was some variation with regard to cadets’ family incomes. Almost 57 percent of the cadets had a total annual income of less than 899 KD1 11 Kuwaiti dinar = approximately $3.37 73 (approximately $3030). Since this is lower than the average family income in Kuwait, this means that cadets with relatively low family incomes are more attracted to police jobs than those whose family income is higher. Table 4.3 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets by Total Monthly Family Income, in KD Cumulative Income Frequency Percentage Percentage Less than 500 84 15.9 15.9 500 to less than 899 217 41.0 56.9 900 to less than 1299 110 20.8 77.7 1300 to less than 1699 45 8.5 86.2 1700 to less than 2099 33 6.2 92.4 2100 or more 40 7.6 100.0 Missing 5 - - Total 534 100.0 . -- Table 4.4 shows the education of the cadets’ fathers. The table shows that 82.4 percent of the cadets’ fathers had little or no education. Ten percent of the cadets’ fathers had a high school diploma, and only 7.5 percent had a college or post-graduate education. It appears that cadets whose fathers had little or no education were more likely to join the police force. 74 Table 4.4 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Education of the Cadet’s Father Cumulative Father’s Education Frequency Percentage Percentage No education 185 35.0 35.0 Elementary school 111 21.0 56.0 Intermediate school 140 26.5 82.4 I High school 53 10.0 92.4 I College 34 6.4 98.9 I Post-graduate 6 1.1 100.0 Missing - - Total 534 100.0 - Table 4.5 shows the occupation of the cadets’ fathers. The data in this table indicate that 80 percent of the cadets’ fathers were clerical or semi-skilled workers and 16.3 percent had professional occupations. This indicates that in this sample, more individuals whose fathers were clerks or semi-skilled workers were willing to be police officers than those individuals whose father’s occupation was either merchant/ high government official or professional. Table 4.6 provides data regarding where the cadet’s paternal grandfather lived. The table shows that the paternal grandfathers of 34.9 percent of the cadets lived in a city; 65.1 percent of the cadets had a grandfather who lived in a village or was an unsettled nomad. In other words, there were more cadets whose paternal grandfathers came from rural or bedouin areas than those whose grandfathers came from urban areas. 75 Table 4.5 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Occupation of the Cadet’s Father _ Cumulative Father’s Occupation Frequency Percentage Percentage Merchant/ high government 19 3.7 3.7 official Professional 84 16.3 20.0 Clerical/semi-skilled 411 80.0 100.0 Missing 20 - - Total 534 100.0 - Table 4.6 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Place Where Cadet’s Paternal Grandfather Lived Place Where Cadet’s Cumulative Grandfather lived Frequency Percentage Percentage Large city (> 50,000) 64 12.1 12.1 Small city (5000-50000) 120 22.8 34.9 Village (<5000) 89 16.9 51.8 Unsettled/nomad 254 48.2 100.0 Missing 7 - - Total 534 100.0 -- Table 4.7 presents the number and percent of cadets with relatives who had worked or who still worked for the police. The table shows that 79.4 percent of the cadets had relatives who either had worked in the police force or were still working in the police force. This is clearly an important variable and the data lead to the conclusion that cadets who had relatives who worked for, or had 76 previously worked for, the police were much more willing or able to join the police force than those without relatives working for the police force, either now or previously. Table 4.7 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Cadets with Relatives Who Had Worked or Still Work in the Police Force Cadet Has Relatives Who had Worked or Still Work with the Police Force Frequency Percentage Yes 409 79.4 I No 106 20.6 I Total 534 100.0 I Table 4.8 shows the interaction between cadets and their instructors. Instructors are those officers who lecture to the cadets in the classroom. Since this interaction is expected to have an important bearing on the socialization process, it is an important variable for the purposes of this dissertation. The table indicates that 58.4 percent (97) of the first-year cadets never interacted with their instructors outside the classroom. Among second-year cadets, 42 percent (64) never interacted with their instructors. The percentage is even lower for third-year cadets, with 35.4 percent (34). However, 46.6 percent (55) of the fourth-year cadets never interacted with their instructors outside the classroom. Table 4.8 also indicates that there was more interaction on a weekly basis for cadets in each year than on a daily or monthly basis in each year. The high percentage of the absence of interaction between cadets and their instructors is an indication of the low level of informal socialization between the two groups. Table 4.8 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time Outside the Classroom with Instructors, According to Year in the Academy I Once Once or T‘wice/ or Twice/ week month Row 12.1% 58.4% 31.2% 21.1% 42.1% 28.6% 15.6% 35.4% 18.0% 16.1% 46.6% 22.2% 16.2% 47.0% 100.0% Table 4.9 presents data concerning interaction time between cadets and their trainers. Trainers are those officers commissioned and non-commissioned who trained the cadets in the field. The table shows that the majority of cadets (77.1 percent) in all academic years did not interact with their trainers outside the field. Of the second-year cadets, 86.1 percent (130) never interacted with their trainers. Only 66 percent (64) of the third-year cadets never interacted with their trainers. Although the interaction time among cadets who did interact was very low, third-year cadets interacted with their trainers more than any other class of cadets. The low level of interaction time between cadets and trainers is a further indication of the low level of informal socialization between cadets and their trainers. 78 Table 4.9 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time Outside the Field with Trainers, According to Year in the Academy Once Once Cadet’s Every or Twice / or Twice / Seldom Row Year Day week month or Never Total First 4.8% 10.8% 10.8% 73.5% 31.2% Second 2.0% 14.4% 6.0% 86.1% 28.4% Third 7.2% 11.5% 12.4% 66.0% ' 18.2% Fourth 0.9% 12.7% 6.8% 79.7% 22.2% Column Total 3.6% 10.5% 8.8% 77.1% 100.0% Table 4.10 presents the interaction between cadets and other police academy members. Other police academy members are those commissioned and non-commissioned officers who had no formal social interaction with the cadets. The table shows that the majority of cadets in each year never interacted with other academy members. Although 74.2 percent (107, the highest number) of the second-year cadets never interacted with other members of the academy, only 60.8 percent (59, the lowest number) of third-year cadets never interacted with other academy members. Among those cadets who interacted with other members of the academy every day, 23.7 percent were third-year cadets. 79 Table 4.10 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time with Other Academy Members, According to Year in the Academy Once Once Cadet’s Every or Twice / or T‘wice/ Seldom Row Year Day week month or Never Total First 105% 11.7% ‘ 11.7% 66.1% 31.0% I Second 8.2% 8.8% 8.0% 742% 28.1% I FIhird 23.7% 115% 4.1% 60.9% 18.5% I fiomth 9.4% 6.8% 145% 69.2% 22.4% Column Total 12.0% 9.8% 10.1% 68.1% 100.0% Table 4.11 presents the data for the cadets’ discussion of personal problems with instructors. The data indicate that most cadets did not like to discuss their personal problems with their instructors; few actually discussed such problems with their instructors. Second-year cadets were highest (146, or 96.1 percent) in terms of not discussing their personal problems, and first-year cadets were the lowest (153, or 92.2 percent). Table 4.11 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Discussion Time of Personal Problems with Instructors, According to Year in the Academy M Cadet’s Row Year Often Sometimes Rarely Never Total First 0.6% 42% 3.0% 922% 313% I Second - 2.0% 2.0% 88.0% 28.6% 1 Third - 3.1% 1.1% 95.9% 183% Fourth .- 35% 1.7% 86.2% 21.8% Column Total 02% 32% 2.1% 945% 100.0% Table 4.12 presents the data for how much time cadets spent discussing personal problems with their trainers. The table shows that most cadets (96.6 percent), regardless of year in the Academy, did not discuss their personal problems with their trainers. Fourth-year cadets were the highest (116, or 98.3 percent) and first-year cadets were the lowest (155, or 93.4 percent). First-year cadets were the highest (10, or 6.0 percent) among all cadets who reported they even rarely discussed personal problems with their trainers. Table 4.12 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Discussion Time of Personal Problems with Trainers, According to Year in the Academy Cadet’s Row Year Often Sometimes Rarely Never Total First - 0.6% 6.0% 93.4% 31.3% I Second - 0.7% 13% 98.0% 28.3% Third - -- 1.0% 97.9% 18.1% Fourth -- 1.7% - 98.3% 22.3% Column Total - .8% 2.5% 96.6% 100.0% 81 Table 4.13 indicates the data for the interaction time of cadets with officers from outside the Academy. According to data in the table, cadets generally interacted with officers from outside the Academy. As Table 4.7 suggests, these are probably mostly relatives. Third-year cadets (82, or 89.1 percent) interacted more than cadets in other years; first-year cadets (1 14, or 69.1 percent) interacted least. Among those who did not interact, first-year cadets were the most numerous (51, or 30.9 percent) and third-year cadets were the least numerous (38, or 10.9 percent). From these data, one can conclude that cadets who socialized with officers outside the Academy outnumbered those who did not socialize with officers outside the Academy; however, this interaction did not occur often. The ”sometimes" category had the highest percentage. Table 4.13 Frequency Distribution of Cadet’s Interaction Time with Other Officers from Outside the Academy, According to Year in the Academy Cadet’s Row Year Often Sometimes Rarely Never Total First 12.7% 42.4% 13.9% 30.9% 31.9% Second 17.2% 44.1% 12.4% 26.2% 28.0% Third 29.4% 48.9% 10.9% 10.9% 17.8% Fourth 21.7% 53.9% 12.2% 12.2% 22.2% Column Total 19.0% 46.6% 12.6% 21.9%__ 100.0% From the above tables, it appears that on almost all of the interaction measures, third-year cadets interacted with officers more than did cadets of the other years. This could be explained by the fact that cadets in the third-year level 82 had more access to the officers than their fellow cadets in other levels. Because a considerable number of cadets in this level are in charge of other cadets in other levels (first and second years), they are required to constantly meet with officers. As a result, third-year cadets were expected to be most like officers in terms of their attitudes. A greater frequency of interaction may be even more important than the fact that fourth-year cadets had been there one year longer. D . . E l O EE 5 l The officer sample consisted of 40 officers. Table 4.14 shows the distribution of the officers according to their age. The data show that the majority of the officers (97.5 percent) in the Academy were under 45 years of age; only 2.5 percent were older than 45 but younger than 50 years of age. Table 4.14 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers by Age in the Academy Cumulative Officer’s Age Frequency Percentage Percentage Less than 21 years 2 5.0 5.0 21 to less than 25 years 8 20.0 25.0 25 to less than 30 years 13 32.5 57.5 30 to less than 40 years 22.5 80.0 , 35 to less than 40 years 15.0 95.0 I F0 to less than 45 years 2.5 975 I 100.0 I 45 to less than 50 years Suds-3°50 N Ul Table 4.15 shows the time spent by the officers serving at the Academy. According to the table, 65.8 percent of the police officers served at the Academy for more than five years. Table 4.15 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Time Spent at the Academy by the Officers Cumulative Time Spent Frequency Percentage Percentage From 1 to less than 5 years 13 34.2 34.2 From 5 to less than 10 years 15 39.5 73.7 From 10 to less than 15 years 6 15.8 ‘ 89.5 From 15 to less than 20 years 2 5.3 94.7 From 20 to less than 25 years 1 2.6 97.4 25 years or more 1 2.6 100.0 Missing 2 - - Total Table 4.16 shows the rank of the police officers. The table shows that out of the total number of officers in the sample, 55 percent were non-commissioned (rank of corporal up to rank of first sergeant). Having more non-commissioned officers than commissioned ones is due to the fact that non-commissioned field trainers were the majority among all officers who engaged in direct relations with cadets. Table. 4.16 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers According to Rank at the Academy Cumulative Officer’s Rank Frequency Percentage Percentage Commissioned ' 18 45.0 45.0 I N on—commissioned 22 55.0 100.0 Total 40 100.0 - Table 4.17 shows the type of job held by officers in our sample. The table shows that the majority of those officers (76.9 percent) were engaged in training jobs, whereas only 7.5 percent were engaged in teaching jobs. Table 4.17 Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Officers According to Type of Job Cumulative Ofiicer’s Job Frequency Percentage Percentage Administration 6 15.4 15 .4 ? Teaching 3 7.7 23.1 Training 30 76.9 100.0 Missing 1 - - I Total 40 100.0 .. j W The general guiding hypotheses were stated in Chapter III. In this chapter, the following specific hypotheses and sub-hypotheses will be tested. Hypothesis 1: The longer the period of socialization, the greater will be the similarity in occupational culture between cadets and officers. 85 To address this hypothesis, one-way analysis of variance (AN OVA) and Pearson correlation coefficients were used. In using AN OVA, an attempt was made to determine whether or not statistically significant differences exist in the attitudes on occupational culture” dimensions between cadets and officers. ANOVA was performed to test whether cadets in each year in the Academy differed significantly on these attitudes from the officers. In this analysis, the actual attitude scores were used. However, when using Pearson correlation coefficients, the difference between each cadet’s score and the officers’ mean was utilized. Pearson correlation coefficients were used to determine whether a statistically significant relationship existed between the cadets’ difference score and the period of socialization. The following are sub-hypotheses for the first hypothesis, as related to each occupational culture dimension, along with the analysis of variance for each one. Each sub-hypothesis is based on the assumption that length of exposure to the attitudes of the police officers will increase the similarity between the two groups. This assumption was based on the fact that these officers will be important role models for the cadets in addition to being the source of power and control over the cadets. Sl'l' 1a. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward solidarity will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.18 presents the analysis of variance for the difference between cadets in each academic year and the officers for the dimension of solidarity. 86 The table indicates that a statistically significant difference in attitudes toward solidarity exists between officers and first-year cadets (F = 4.9623, p < 0.05), third-year cadets (F = 6.1659, p < 0.05), and fourth-year cadets (F = 5.2962, p < 0.05). For cadets in these years at the Academy, the mean score on importance of police solidarity was higher than that of the police officers. However, no statistically significant difference in solidarity was observed between officers and second-year cadets (F = 3.5440, p > 0.05). The results show that the importance attached to solidarity among police cadets in the first, third, and fourth years of the Academy was even higher than that of the police officers. The pattern of means for cadets in different years does not suggest any convergence toward the officers’ mean score and does not, therefore, support Hypothesis 1a. Table 4.18 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Solidarity W — Occupational Level Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig Cadets: Year 1 164 3.939 1.295 4.9623“ 0.0272 Solidarity among Year 2 152 3.862 1.297 3.5440 0.0613 police officers Year 3 98 4.020 1.218 6.1659‘ 0.0142 Year 4 118 3.949 1.190 5.2962‘ 0.0227 Officers 39 3.410 1.482 'significant at _<_ 0.05 level 611.1thme lb. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward autonomy will decrease with increasing socialization. 87 Table 4.19 presents the analysis of variance for the difference between cadets in each academic year and the officers for the dimension of attitude toward autonomy. The table indicates that a statistically significant difference in autonomy was found between officers and first-year cadets (F = 11.6868, p < 0.05) and second-year cadets (F = 7.1281, p < 0.05). For cadets in these two levels, the mean autonomy scores was higher than that of the officers. However, there were no statistically significant differences in attitude toward autonomy between officers and third-year cadets (F = 2.2298, p > 0.05) and fourth-year cadets (F = 2.8166, p > 0.05). The results show that first- and second-year cadets held different attitudes regarding autonomy than did the police officers, while the third- and fourth-year cadets held attitudes that were more similar to the officers. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis. Table 4.19 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Autonomy I Occupational Level Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig Cadets: 1 Year 1 165 1.436 .665 113623" 0.0008 j Police Year 2 151 1.477 .790 7.1281“ 0.11182 . autonomy Year 3 97 1.608 .896 2.2298 0.1377 i Year 4 118 1.610 .785 2.8166 0.0953 , i Officers 40 1.850 .770 j ‘significant at g 0.05 level 21.2 . [Ell'l'l 1c. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police perception of public attitudes will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.20 presents the analysis of variance data for the difierence between each cadet year and the officers for the dimension of police perception of public attitudes. A statistically significant difference in police perception of public attitudes was observed between cadets in the first and second years and the oficers. This difference is represented by F = 14.1728 (p < 0.05) for first-year cadets and by F = 5.7651 (p < 0.05) for second-year cadets. The mean police perception of public attitudes among cadets in these two years was higher than that of the officers. However, no statistically significant differences in police perception of public attitudes was found between officers and third-year cadets (F = 0.4057, p > 0.05) and fourth-year cadets (F = 1.0536, p > 0.05). The results indicate that first- and second-year cadets perceived the public as being more in favor of the police than did the officers themselves. Since third- and fourth-year cadets were not significantly different from officers on this dimension, the results support Hypothesis 1c. Table 4.20 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of UicMPerceptiofblic Attitudes. Occupational Level ‘ Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig Cadets: ‘ ‘ Police Year 1 166 4.259 . 14.1728‘ 0.0002 . perception of Year 2 152 4.109 . 5.7651‘ 0.0173 ‘ public attitudes ‘significant at g 0.05 level if .it I‘ n he ii: :h. c II 89 1d. The difference between cadets and ofiicers in their attitudes toward satisfaction with police work will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.21 presents the analysis of variance results for the difference between cadets of each year and the officers for the dimension of satisfaction with police work. As shown in Table 4.21, there was a statistically significant (p < .05) difference in satisfaction with police work between officers and cadets of the first year (F = 28.1223), second year (F = 6.6987), third year (F = 5.0614), and fourth year (F = 11.0987). For all these cadet years, the mean satisfaction with police work for cadets was higher than the officers’ mean. This indicates that cadets were more satisfied with police work than were the officers, regardless of year in the Academy. It is possible that officers do not communicate their dissatisfaction to cadets, in which case no socialization effect would be expected. Table 4.21 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (ANOVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Satisfaction with Police Work — Occupational Level Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig Cadets: Year 1 166 4.143 .589 28.1223‘ 0.0000 Satisfaction with Year 2 152 3.862 .600 6.6987‘ 0.0104 police work Year 3 98 3.879 .727 5.0614 0.0261 Year 4 118 3.945 .578 11.0987' 0.0011 Ofiicers 40 3.580 .661 I —— __ — 'significant at g 0.05 level lmmrtanccnfl’nh’caflnrk 1c. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward the importance of police work will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.22 shows the results of analysis of variance for the difference between cadets of each year and the officers for the dimension of importance of police work. The data in Table 4.22 indicate that there was a statistically significant difference with regard to importance of police work between officers and first-year cadets (F = 6.0412, p < 0.05). The mean importance of police work for first-year cadets was higher than that of the . officers. However, no statistically significant differences in the importance of police work were observed between officers and cadets of the second (F = 0.2274, p > 0.05), third (F = 0.1153, p > 0.05), or fourth (F 20.0711, p > 0.05) years. The results indicate that first-year cadets gave greater priority to police work than did the officers, and that whatever socialization occurred on this dimension took place during the late first or early second year. The means for cadets in the second, third, and fourth years were very similar to that of the officers. 91 Table 4.22 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to omcers, for the Dimension of Importance of Police Work ‘significant at _<_ 0.05 level W If. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police power as a desirable attribute of police will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.23 presents the results of analysis of variance for the difference between each cadet year and the officers for the police power dimension. The table shows that there were no statistically significant differences between cadets of the first (F = 0.1768, p > 0.05), second (F = 0.4190, p > 0.05), third (F = 0.0269, p > 0.05), or fourth (F = 3.1921, p > 0.05) years and the officers. It appears that on this dimension, cadets enter the Academy with views similar to officers or acquire these views during the first year prior to the time the study was done. Table 4.23 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Power as a Desirable Attribute of Police Occupational Level Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig Q Cadets: Year 1 166 2.181 1.276 0.1768 0.6746 ; Police power Year 2 152 2.132 1.243 0.4190 0.5182 [ Year 3 98 2.316 1.374 0.0269 0.8699 Year 4 118 1.907 1.078 3.1921 0.0759 : Officers 40 2.275 1.261 W 1g. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police toughness as a desirable attribute of police will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.24 presents the results of analysis of variance for the difference between each cadet year and the officers for the police toughness dimension. As shown in the table, there were no statistically significant differences between cadets of the first (F = 1.5177, p > 0.05), second (F = 0.4438, p > 0.05), third (F = 1.1555, p > 0.05), or fourth (F = 3.2475, p > 0.05) years and the officers. On this dimension, the cadets entered the Academy with views that did not differ significantly from the officers and they stayed that way. There does, however, seem to be a pattern of change. Third- and fourth-year cadets saw police toughness as a less desirable attribute than did the first- and second-year cadets. This could be a socialization effect if what officers said to cadets about toughness was different from their privately held views. Of course, there is no way of knowing if this is true. 93 Table 4.24 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Toughness as a Desirable Attribute of Police Level Group SD F of Sig Cadets: Year 1 165 3.273 1.385 1.5177 0.2194 Police Year 2 152 3.132 1.326 0.4438 0.5061 toughness Year 3 98 2.704 1.356 1.1555 0.2843 Year 4 118 2.551 1.278 3.2475 0.0753 Officers 40 2.975 1.310 Ballgame: 1h. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police secrecy will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.25 presents the results of analysis of variance for the difference between each cadet year and the officers for the police secrecy dimension. The table shows that there were no statistically significant differences between cadets from the first (F = 0.0870, p > 0.05), second (F = 0.0646, p > 0.05), third (F = 0.1988, p > 0.05), or fourth (F = 0.0498, p > 0.05) years and the officers. Cadet views were initially very similar to those of the officers or soon became so and did not change over the four years. Table 4.25 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Secrecy Among Police Officers Officers 40 4.725 0.506 Ell 'lS'lBl' 1i. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward problems with social relations will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.26 shows the results of analysis of variance for the differences in the dimension of problems with social relations between each cadet year and the officers. No statistically significant differences were found between cadets from the first (F = 0.0063, p > 0.05), second (F = 0.8000, p > 0.05), third (F = 0.3274, p > 0.05) or fourth (F = 0.2322, p > 0.05) year and the officers. Because there was little difference at the first year, socialization would not be expected to produce any changes during the next three years. 95 Table 4.26 Means, Standard Deviation, F—value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Police Problems with Social Relations A Occupational Culture Dimension Police problems withsocial relations 21.3.11 llEll' lj. The differences between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward the public will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.27 presents the results of analysis of variance for the differences in police attitudes toward the public between each cadet year and the officers. The table indicates that there was a statistically significant difference in attitudes toward the public between officers and first-year cadets (F = 9.4382, p < 0.05), second-year cadets (F = 4.4083, p < 0.05), and third-year cadets (F = 5.4176, p < 0.05). The mean attitude toward the public for all these cadets was more ' favorable than that of the officers. However, no statistically significant difference was found between officers and fourth-year cadets (F = 2.1791, p > 0.05). This means that cadets in the first three years of the Academy had more favorable attitudes toward the public than did the officers and that any influence of officers had on cadet views occurred during the late third or early fourth years. Table 4.27 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the 96 Dimension of Police Attitudes Toward the Public Occupational Level Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig f Cadets: ‘ Year 1 160 3.006 1.367 9.4382“ 0.0024 1 Police attitudes Year 2 151 2.782 1.380 4.4083" 0.0371 fi ‘ toward the public Year 3 97 2.856 1.354 5.4176‘ 0.0214 E Year 4 117 2.615 1258 21791 0.1419 ; Oficers 40 2.275 1.261 ‘significant at _g 0.05 level 11.. EEl' III] 1k. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitude toward the varieties of police work will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.28 shows the results of analysis of variance for the difference between each cadet year and the officers regarding the varieties of police work dimension. The table shows that there were statistically significant differences between first-year cadets (F = 19.3536, p < 0.05), second-year cadets (F = 27.9136, p < 0.05), third-year cadets (F = 5.4481, p < 0.05), and fourth-year cadets (F = 17.9213, p < 0.05) and the officers. The mean for varieties of police work for all these cadets was higher than that of the officers. This indicates that cadets were more in favor of the varieties of police work than were the officers. The pattern of means suggests no differences between cadets in different years in the Academy; therefore, the data do not support Hypothesis 1k. 97 Table 4.28 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Varieties of Police Work ‘significant at _<_ 0.05 level W 11. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward dogmatism will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.29 presents the results of analysis of variance for the difference in the dimension of dogmatism between each cadet year and the officers. The table shows that there were statistically significant differences between first-year cadets (F = 25.6697, p < 0.05), second-year cadets (F = 16.4761, p < 0.05), third-year cadets (F = 41.7783, p < 0.05), and fourth- year cadets (F = 13.8959, p < 0.05) and the officers. For all of these cadets, the mean for dogmatism was higher than that of the officers. This result means that cadets were more dogmatic than the officers. The data do not support the hypothesized socialization effect. 98 Table 4.29 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Dogmatism F 25.6697 " 16.4761‘ 41.7783‘ 13.8959‘ ’significant at _<_ 0.05 level Anemia 1m. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward anomie will decrease with increasing socialization. Table 4.30 presents the results Of analysis of variance for the difference in the anomie dimension between each cadet year and the officers. The table shows that there was a statistically significant difference between third-year cadets (F = 3.9595, p < 0.05) and the officers. The mean anomie score for third-year cadets was higher than that of the officers. No statistically significant differences were found for first-year cadets (F = 0.0020, p > 0.05), second-year cadets (F = 2.3346, p > 0.05), and fourth-year cadets (F = 0.2128, p > 0.05) and the officers. The results show that only third-year cadets were more anomic than were the officers. There does not appear to be any basis in socialization theory for explaining this finding. 99 Table 430 Means, Standard Deviation, F-value, and Probability Value (AN OVA) for Each Cadet Year Compared to Officers, for the Dimension of Anomie Occupational Level 1 Culture Dimension Group N Mean SD F of Sig . Cadets: I Year 1 166 3.402 .589 0.0020 0.9642 Anomie Year 2 152 3.543 .549 2.3346 0.1282 3 Year 3 98 3.593 .528 3.9595‘ 0.0486 ‘ Year 4 118 3.448 .635 0.2128 0.6452 Officers 40 3.397 .474 ‘significant at g 0.05 level In summary, the findings lend support to the hypotheses regarding the relationship between socialization and the following dimensiOns: police autonomy, police perception of public attitudes, importance of police work, and police attitudes toward the public. An additional way of testing the major hypotheses is to compare first- through fourth-year cadets in terms of the differences in attitude measures between each cadet’s score and the officers’ mean score (difference score). Therefore, correlation coefficients were used to determine whether a statistically significant relationship exists between socialization and the cadets’ difference score for all occupational cultural dimensions. Table 4.31 presents the Pearson correlation coefficients between year in the Academy and the cadets’ difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. As indicated in Table 4.31, statistically significant relationships existed between year in the Academy and the cadets’ difference score in the following occupational culture dimensions (all have a p-value < 0.05): perception of public attitudes toward police (r = -0. 1390), satisfaction with police work (r = -0.1013), and police attitudes toward the public (r = -0. 1255). For all of these dimensions, the negative correlation coefficient indicates that the higher the year in the Academy, the narrower the gap, i.e., more similarity, between cadets and officers in terms of these occupational culture dimensions. Table 4.31 Pearson Correlation Coefficients between Occupational Culture Dimensions and Cadet Year in the Academy Difference Score for Each Pearson Occupational N Correlation Culture Dimension Coeff. (r) p-value Solidarity among police officers 532 -0.0499 0.125 I Police autonomy 531 -0.0060 0.445 Perception of public attitudes toward police 534 -0. 1390‘ 0.001 I Satisfaction with police work 534 0.1013: 0.010 IImportance of police work 534 -0.0610 0.080 Folice power 534 -0.0317 0.232 I Police toughness 533 0.0290 0.252 Secrecy among police 532 -0.0041 0.463 Problems with social relations 534 -0.0057 0.448 Police attitudes toward the public 525 -0. 1255‘ 0.002 Varieties of police work 531 —0.0284 0.257 Dogmatism 534 -0.0276 0.262 I 534 0.0561 0.098 I All of these significant relationships in the hypotheses are supported by the analysis of variance reported in the preceding section, which lends additional support to these findings. 101 In all other dimensions, no statistically significant relationship was observed for number of years in the Academy and the cadets’ difference score. W The following specific subsidiary hypotheses were tested: Hypothesis 2: The higher the cadet’s self-esteem, the greater the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. To test this hypothesis, multiple regression was used to determine whether or not there was a significant interaction effect of socialization and self-esteem on the difference scores for each occupational culture dimension. The self- esteem variable was divided into two categories according to the median. There- fore, the score above the median represents high self-esteem and the score below the median represents low self-esteem. Table 432 shows the results of the multiple regression analysis for the interaction effect of socialization and self-esteem on the difference score of each occupational culture dimension. The table indicates that there was a statistically significant interaction effect (t = 2.122, p < 0.05) of socialization and self-esteem on the difference score of the dogmatism dimension. Further examination of the standardized regression coefficient for the effect of socialization for cadets with low and high self-esteem separately, as depicted in Table 4.33, indicates that socialization increases the gap (between cadets’ and officers’ attitudes) for cadets with high self-esteem (beta = 0.090368), while it reduces the gap for cadets with low self-esteem (beta = -0.1009). Thus, the standardized regression coefficient of 0.090368 for cadets with high self—esteem indicates that a one-unit increase in socialization has a 102 corresponding increase of 0.090368 units in the cadets’ difference score of the dogmatism dimension. However, the negative standardized regression coefficient of -. 100924 for the cadets with low self-esteem indicates that a one-unit increase in socialization corresponded to a reduction of -. 100924 units in their difl'erence score for the dogmatism dimension. Table 4.32 Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Cadets’ Self-Esteem on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension Difference Score for Each Standardized Occupational Regression Culture Dimension Coeff. (beta) T-statistic Sig-T Solidarity among police officers 0.053315 0.492 0.6230 Police autonomy 0.69736 0.643 0.5204 Perception of public attitudes toward police 0.133666 1.242 0.2147 [Satisfaction with police work 0.67567 0.625 05322 Importance of police work 0.120063 1.113 0.2664 Police power -0.068742 -0.633 0.5270 I Police toughness 0.035630 -0.328 0.7430 I Secrecy among police officers 0.104411 0.967 03341 Problems with social relations 0.048440 0.448 0.6545 Police attitudes toward the public 0.06131 1 0.569 0.5694 Varieties of police work -0.045956 -0.424 0.6719 I Dogmatism 0.227238 2.122‘ 0.0343 Anomie 0.121983 1.127 ‘significant at g 0.05 level 103 Table 4.33 Standardized Regression Coefficient for Socialization by Different Level of Self-Esteem Difference Score of Moderating Standardized 1 Occupational Culture Variable Regression I Dimension . Level Coefficient j low self-esteem -.100924 ! Dogmatism I high self-esteem .090368 E N o statistically significant interaction effect of socialization and self-esteem was observed for any of the other remaining occupational culture dimensions. Therefore, Hypothesis 2 should be rejected for all of the remaining occupational culture dimensions. Hypothesis 3: The higher the cadet’s socioeconomic background, the less the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. In order to test this hypothesis, multiple regression was used to determine whether or not a significant interaction effect of socialization and cadets’ socioeconomic background existed on the difference scores for each of the occupational culture dimensions. For the purpose of this analysis, cadets’ socioeconomic background was divided into low and high socioeconomic background using the median. Table 4.34 shows the results of the multiple regression analysis for the interaction effect of socialization and cadets’ socioeconomic background for each Occupational culture dimension. The table reveals that there was no statistically significant interaction effect of socialization and socioeconomic background for 104 any of the occupational culture dimensions. Therefore, Hypothesis 3 was rejected. Table 4.34 Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Cadets’ Socioeconomic Background on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension Difference Score for Each Standardized Occupational Regression ' Culture Dimension Coeff. (beta) T-statistic Sig-T ! Q Solidarity among police officers -.017072 0.156 0.8763 3 Police autonomy -.057025 0521 0.6026 Perception of public attitudes toward police -.053403 0490 0.6242 Satisfaction with police work -.05 9295 -O.543 0.5874 Importance of police work -.030706 -O.280 0.7799 I Police power .095880 0.873 0.3831 Police toughness .056945 0.518 0.6044 Secrecy among police officers .054302 0.495 0.6211 Problems with social relations .084501 0.769 0.4420 I Police attitudes toward the public -.102742 0.944 0.3456 I Varieties of police work .126369 1.154 0.2492 I Dogmatism -.016568 -O.151 0.8803 Anomie .061089 0.557 0.5778 ‘significant at _<_ 0.05 level Hypothesis 4: The effect of socialization on the difference score for each occupational culture dimension will be greater for cadets with an urban background than for those with a rural background. 105 To test this hypothesis, multiple regression was used to examine whether or not socialization and cadets’ urban/ rural origin had a significant interaction effect upon the difference scores for each of the occupational culture dimensions. Table 4.35 shows the results of the multiple regression analysis for the interaction effect of socialization and cadets’ urban/ rural origin on the difference score of each occupational culture dimension. The table shows that a statistically significant (p ,< 0.05) interaction effect of socialization and urban/rural origin was observed for the occupational culture dimension of police power (t = -2.428), police attitudes toward the public (t = -2.044), dogmatism (t = -2.345), and anomie (t = -2.206). For these occupational culture dimensions, a detailed analysis of the standardized regression coefficients, as reported in Table 37, indicates that socialization had a greater effect in reducing the gap (between cadets and officers) among urban cadets (beta = -0.202080, -0.268690, -0.161830, and -0.679575) than among rural cadets (beta = 0.041026, -0.06335, 0.058185, and 0.126436). Therefore, for these dimensions, Hypothesis 4 should be accepted. For the dimension of police autonomy, the interaction effect of socialization and urban/ rural origin was also statistically significant (t = 2.646, p < 0.05). However, a detailed analysis of the standardized regression coefficient in Table 4.36 reveals that the effect of socialization is greater in increasing the gap among urban cadets while socialization reduces the gap among rural cadets, which is contrary to this hypothesis. Therefore, Hypothesis 4 should be rejected for this variable. For all other occupational culture dimensions, no statistically significant interaction effect of socialization and urban/ rural origin was observed 106 at alpha < 0.05. Therefore, with regard to these dimensions, Hypothesis 4 should be rejected. Table 4.35 Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Efl’ect between Socialization and Cadets’ Urban/ rural Origin on the Difference Score of Each Occupational Culture Dimension Difference Score for Each 'significant at g 0.05 level Standardized Occupational Regression Culture Dimension Coeff. (beta) T-statistic Sig-T Solidarity among police officers ' -.091171 -0.870 0.3846 Police autonomy .276722 2.646' 0.0084 ‘ Perception of public attitudes toward police .017445 0.167 0.8671 Satisfaction with police work -.083034 0797 0.4260 Importance of police work -.158493 -1.510 0.1318 Police power -.253705 -2.428’ 0.0155 Police toughness -.035532 0338 0.7357 Secrecy among police officers .132319 1.262 0.2075 Problems with social relations .007687 0.073 0.9418 Police attitudes toward the public -.212486 -2.044‘ 0.0415 Varieties of police work -.155344 -1.480 0.1396 Dogmatism -.245550 2345‘ 0.0194 ‘ Anomie -.230652 -2.206" 0.0279 107 Table 4.36 Standardized Regression Coefficient Socialization by Urban/ rural Origin Difference Score of Moderating Standardized Occupational Culture Variable Regression Dimension , Level Coefficient Police autonomy cadets’ rural background -0.085509 cadets’ urban background 0.161771 Police power cadets’ rural background 0.041026 cadets’ urban background -0.202080 Police attitudes toward cadets’ rural background -0.063350 the public cadets’ urban backgron -0.268690 Dogmatism cadets’ rural background 0.058185 cadets’ urban background -0.161830 Anomie cadets’ rural background 0. 126436 cadets’ urban background -0.079575 Hypothesis 5: The higher the frequency of interaction between cadets and officers, the more the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. Multiple regression analysis was also used to test Hypothesis 5. Table 4.37 shows the results of multiple regression analysis for the interaction effect of socialization and informal socialization on the difference scores for each of the occupational culture dimensions. There was a statistically significant interaction effect of socialization and informal socialization was observed for the occupation- a1 culture dimension of police attitudes toward the public (t = -2.032, p < 0.05). Further analysis of the standardized regression coefficients for the effect of socialization for cadets with low and high frequency ‘of interaction separately, as shown in Table 4.38, indicates that socialization decreases the gap between cadets and officers for cadets with both high and low frequency of interaction. 108 However, socialization had a greater effect in decreasing the gap between cadets’ and officers’ attitudes for those with high frequency of interaction (beta 2 -.218823) than among those with low frequency of interaction (beta = -.051060). In this case the standardized regression coefficient of -.218823 for cadets with high frequency of interaction indicates that a one-unit increase in socialization had a corresponding decrease of -.218823 units in the cadets’ difference score for the dimension of police attitudes toward the public. Similarly, the standardized regression coefficient of -.051060 for cadets with low frequency of interaction indicates that a one-unit increase in socialization has a corresponding decrease of -.051060 units in cadets’ difference score for the same dimension. Therefore, the hypothesis regarding this dimension should be accepted. No statistically significant interaction effect of socialization and informal socialization was found for any of the remaining occupational cultural dimensions. As a result, Hypothesis 5 should be rejected for all of the remaining occupational culture dimensions. 109 Table 4.37 Multiple Regression Analysis Results for the Interaction Effect between Socialization and Informal Socialization on the Difference Score of Bach Occupational Culture Dimension Difference Score for Each Standardized Occupational Regression Culture Dimension Coefi. (beta) T-statistic Sig-T Solidarity among police officers .076623 0.693 0.4887 Police autonomy .089920 0.811 0.4177 , Perception of public attitudes , toward police .023160 0.211 0.8333 ; : Satisfaction with police work .148241 1.348 0.1782 . Importance of police work -.019811 0179 0.8581 Police power .102876 0.930 0.3526 Police toughness .049691 0.448 0.6540 , Secrecy among police officers -.051858 -0.469 0.6390 I Problems with social relations -.126636 -1145 02527 I Police attitudes toward the public -.221418 -2.032‘ 0.0436 Varieties of police work -.092066 -0.831 0.4066 Dogmatism -.018950 0171 0.8639 ‘. Anomie -.150605 -1.370 0.1714 ‘significant at g 0.05 level Table 4.38 Standardized Regression Coefficient for Socialization by Level of Informal Socialization Difference Score of Occupational Ollture Dimension Moderating Variable Level Standardized Regression Coefficient Informal socialization low frequency of interaction high frequency of interaction -0.05 1060 110 D. . The present study was designed to test one major hypothesis about the relationship between socialization and police occupational culture, and to test four subsidiary hypotheses about the effect of some moderating variables, which included self-esteem, socioeconomic background, rural/urban origin, and informal socialization, on the relationship between socialization of cadets and police occupational culture. The major hypothesis included thirteen sub-hypotheses, each dealing with one component of police occupational culture. In general, the findings showed that four of these sub-hypotheses were supported, specifically, for sub-hypotheses dealing with autonomy, perception of public attitudes, importance of police work, and police attitudes toward the public. Cadets in the early years in the Academy Showed more significant differences from officers than those in later years. The importance of the finding lies in the fact that socialization made those cadets who had been enrolled longer more Similar to the officers in the Academy. In other words, the longer the socialization period, the higher the similarity on these dimensions between cadets and the officers. In four additional sub-hypotheses, those dealing with solidarity, satisfaction, varieties of police work, and dogmatism, there were initial differences between cadets and officers but these differences were not consistent with the basic assumption of increased similarity between the two groups with increasing socialization: with one exception, the cadets in all four classes differed Significantly from the officers. Cadets held stronger views than officers regarding 111 satisfaction, varieties of police work, and dogmatism and these differences did not diminish from the first to the fourth year. In sub-hypothesis 1a, significant differences on solidarity were found between officers and cadets in the first, third, and fourth years, but not with cadets in the second year. Cadets in the first three categories attached more importance to solidarity than did officers. However, cadets in the second year had attitudes toward solidarity more similar to the officers’ attitudes. This finding is puzzling since the differences did not occur between academic levels, as the basic hypothesis asserts. All that can be said here is that the observed differences for these dimensions between officers and cadets do not support the sub-hypotheses because the basic assumption of gradual decline in differences, i.e., difi'erences from one academic level to the next, did not take place. The remaining five sub-hypotheses dealing with police power, police toughness, secrecy, social relations, and anomie were also not supported. No statistically significant differences fitting the predicted pattern were observed between officers and cadets in any of the four years in the Academy. This is taken to mean that socialization made no difference for the cadets for these dimensions of police occupational culture. The question that arises here is, why did these sub-hypotheses fail to materialize? There are several possible reasons for these unexpected findings. First, for the dimensions where no differences existed between officers and cadets (Hypotheses 1f, 1g, lb, and 1i), the initially similar views suggest that the 112 selection process for admitting cadets and / or the anticipatory socialization stage on the part of the cadet may make additional socialization unnecessary. It is also possible that cadets perceive officers’ views immediately after being admitted and adapt quickly. Moreover, it is possible that cadets who come to the police academy are those who have certain qualities similar to their officers to begin with. If this is the case, officers who see desirable attitudes being held by first-year mdets may not be greatly concerned with trying to make these attitudes Stronger among cadets. In other words, when cadets come to the Academy with the desirable attitudes, officers see no need to devote further attention to these dimensions. This may also explain instances in which the cadets have even stronger opinions than the officers and do not change over the four years. If these are seen as desirable attributes, there may be no attempt to change them. Another possible explanation is that these dimensions of police occupational culture are not easily acquired merely through education and training, but can only be learned by actual experience on the job in the real world. A fourth possibility is that officers may not communicate their own beliefs and attitudes to the cadets with regard to those dimensions. This may explain the negative results in Hypotheses 1a, 1d, 1k, 11, where differences persisted over the four years. There were four subsidiary hypotheses. The first one asserts that "the higher the cadet’s self-esteem, the greater the effect of socialization on the difl'erence score for each of the occupational culture dimensions.” This hypothesis was confirmed only with respect to the relationship between the dogmatism 113 dimension and socialization. The relationship between socialization and the other twelve occupational culture dimensions were not affected by how much self-esteem the respondents had; i.e., there were no interaction effects as a result of introducing self-esteem as a moderating variable in the relationship between socialization and the other twelve dimensions of occupational culture. The question that can be raised here is, why did self-esteem not have an interaction effect on these dimensions? One possible answer is that self-esteem is not important in most aspects of occupational culture. Specifically, occupational culture dimensions for police are less affected by cadets’ self-esteem. This may be true since cadets are expected to do their best regardless of what they think of themselves. Since the cadets cannot fail and Still be accepted in this type of training, the Academy does not leave much room for self-esteem to operate. Another explanation for this finding is that the items measuring self-esteem were not representative enough of the domain that they were supposed to measure. It is possible that more items were needed to give a clear understanding of cadets’ self-esteem. Finally, it is possible that cultural differences in viewing self-esteem led to this result. The design of this measure was based on Western cultural standards and understanding of self-esteem. However, people of other cultures may have other ways of conveying how much self-esteem they have. In some cultures, the idea of self-esteem is probably less likely to be related to the aspects dealt with by the measures in this study. 114 The second subsidiary hypothesis asserts that ”the higher the cadet’s socioeconomic background, the less the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions.” As indicated earlier in this chapter, socioeconomic background had no effect on the relationship between socialization and occupational culture dimensions. This result may be explained as a consequence of the selection process adopted by the Academy, which emphasizes factors unrelated to socioeconomic status of family. Another possible explanation is that individuals who chose to attend the police academy came mostly from one specific segment of the population. This conclusion is most likely to be true. As can be seen in Table 4.7, of the 515 cadets who answered the questionnaire, 409 (79.4 percent) had at least one relative working in the police force. This factor is, then, the most valid predictor of people who go to the police academy. The third subsidiary hypothesis states that, ”the effect of socialization on the difference score for each occupational culture dimension will be greater for cadets with an urban background than for those with a rural background." Urban/ rural background showed interaction effects on the relationship between sociali- zation and five of the thirteen occupational culture dimensions (see Table 4.35). Using simple regression analysis (Table 4.36), it can be seen that in three dimen- sions the hypothesis was confirmed. Cadets from urban backgrounds were more likely to be similar to the officers on these dimensions as a result of socialization. The dimension of police autonomy was significant, but in the opposite direction. In other words, cadets from an urban background were more likely 115 than cadets from a rural background to be dissimilar from the officers in their attitude regarding police autonomy. This is contrary to the hypothesis. For the dimension of police attitudes toward the public, the hypothesis was also confirmed. However, it can be only said that cadets from an urban background had greater similarity to officers; it is not known if the difference between rural and urban cadets is Significant along the dimension since the scores of the two groups of cadets were in the same direction. The fourth subsidiary hypothesis states that, "the higher the frequency of interaction between cadets and officers, the more the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions." The hypothesis was confirmed only with regard to the relationship between the dimension of police attitudes toward the public and socialization. The other twelve dimensions were not affected by how much informal socialization the respondents experienced. In other words, there were no interaction effects as a result of introducing informal socialization as a moderating variable in the relationship between socialization and the other twelve dimensions. There are several possible explanations for this result. One is that the informal interaction between cadets and officers was limited by the rules of formal interaction. In other words, it is hard to draw a boundary line between formal and informal interaction taking place between cadets and their officers. The strict rules and unequal power that governs the relationship between the two groups in formal interactions makes it hard for cadets to engage in informal interaction beyond what is defined by the rules of formal interaction. So what is 116 perceived by cadets as informal interaction is probably a mere extension of the formal interaction that takes place during training or class time. For example, cadets may think of their communication after class as informal interaction even when it consists of merely asking about some material related to the class or other activities related to training. This tendency of cadets to exaggerate the level of the informal interaction with officers, as a way of feeling the importance of having contact with high authority figures, is probably the reason why cadets were not affected by what seems to them to be informal interaction. Another explanation is related to the time spent in informal interaction. In most police academies in Arab countries, the cadets have a very heavy load of courses and training, to the extent that there is little time left for informal socialization among cadets themselves, let alone between cadets and their oficers. The amount of informal interaction between cadets and officers is so limited that its consequences are minimal. Indeed, the findings seem to support this argument. Tables 4.8-4.12 reveal that the majority of cadets reported that they interacted with the officers only rarely or not at all. As a result, changes in cadets’ attitudes are only minimal. Finally, the lack of the effect of informal socialization may be due to the lack of any elaborate program at the Academy for inducing such interaction between cadets and officers. It is probably true that when informal socialization does take place between cadets and officers, it does so only by some kind of trial-and-error basis (Van Maanen & Schein, 1979). Therefore, it is difficult to set up items to measure this kind of informal socialization. CHAPI'ERV SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS SummanLnLEmcednms W The sociological problem addressed in this research was the effect of occupational socialization in changing police cadets’ attitudes. The intention of this research was to examine the relationships between the independent variable (socialization) and the dependent variable (acquisition of police occupational culture). Also, the effect of the moderating variables (self-esteem, socioeconomic background, urban/ rural origin, and informal socialization) upon the relationship between the independent and dependent variables was examined. W The purpose of the study was to investigate the current socialization process and how this process helps in changing the attitudes of police cadets presently enrolled in the Police Academy in Kuwait. The study also analyzed and tested the relationship between police cadets’ attitudes and officers’ attitudes with regard to different police occupational culture dimensions. 118 Mathndolm Wag. All of the cadets enrolled at the Police Academy were used as the subjects for this study. In addition, the entire population of police who had a direct relationship with the cadets in the Academy were used as another group of subjects for the study. Of 562 cadets and 54 officers at the Academy, 534 cadets and 40 officers were included in the final analysis. W The study depended mainly on a self-administered questionnaire distributed to two populations (police cadets and police officers) at the Police Academy in Kuwait. Two questionnaires were constructed to collect the desired information from the cadets and officers. The cadets’ questionnaire consisted of three sections. The first section was aimed at collecting personal and demographic information such as cadet’s age, social origin, father’s job and level of education, total family income, and year in the academy. Such demographic data assisted in testing the research hypotheses. The second section consisted of seven items related to the cadet’s experience in interacting with academy staff outside of the classroom. The third section consisted of 55 items. Respondents were asked to indicate on a five-point Likert scale whether they strongly agreed, agreed, were uncertain, disagreed, or strongly disagreed about each 'of the items. The questionnaire was distributed to all 562 cadets enrolled at the Academy. The officers’ questionnaire consisted of two sections. The first section included some information related to the officer’s position (job) in the Academy. 119 The second section consisted of 45 items, all related to the dependent variable. The respondents were asked to indicate on a five-point Likert scale whether they strongly agreed, agreed, were uncertain, disagreed, or Strongly disagreed about each of the 45 items. The questionnaire was distributed to all 54 officers at the Academy. Before administering the questionnaire, a pilot study was carried out to determine cadets’ reactions, and to ensure their participation, and to ascertain whether there were any problems or confusing points regarding the subject matter and items in the instrument. Finally, the instrument was typed in Arabic and administered to the Study subjects. Measurement. The independent variable (socialization process) was measured according to the length of time the cadet had been at the Academy and was expressed by his school-year level. The moderating variables were measured according to the following. Self-esteem was measured with Rosenberg’s self-esteem scale. Socioeconomic background was measured with a set of questions intended to elicit information regarding the father’s education and occupation, and family income. The third moderating variable, urban / rural origin, was measured with two questions. The last moderating variable, informal socialization, was measured with a set of items designed to obtain information about the informal relationship between cadets and officers. The dependent variables were attitudes related to dogmatism, anomie, and police occupational culture. Dogmatism was measured with a short dogmatism 120 scale developed by Schulze. Anomie was measured with McClosky and Schaar’s scale. The third dependent variable, occupational culture, was divided into several dimensions (aspects) by the researcher, who then constructed a set of items to measure these dimensions. Although dogmatism and anorrrie were measured with separate scales, the research also treated them as occupational culture dimensions. Hypotheses. The following major, submajor, and subsidiary hypotheses were formulated for this study: ' The longer the period of socialization, the l I . I l . l l . greater will be the similarity in occupational culture between cadets and officers. 1a: 1b: 1c: 1d: 1e: 1f: The difierence between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward solidarity will decrease with increasing socialization. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward autonomy will decrease with increasing socialization. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police perception of the public will decrease with increasing socialization. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward satisfaction with police work will decrease with increasing socialization. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward the importance of police work will decrease with increasing socialization. The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police power as a desirable attribute of police will decrease with increasing socialization. 121 1g: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police toughness as a desirable attribute of ’ police will decrease with increasing socialization. 1h: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward police secrecy will decrease with increasing socialization. 1i: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward problems with social relations will decrease with increasing socialization. lj: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward the public will decrease with increasing socialization. 1k: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward the varieties of police work will decrease with increasing socialization. 11: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward dogmatism will decrease with increasing socialization. 1m: The difference between cadets and officers in their attitudes toward anomie will decrease with increasing socialization. W: The higher the cadet’s self-esteem, the greater the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. W3: The higher the cadet’s socioeconomic background, the less the effect of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. W: The effect of socialization on the difference score for each occupational culture dimension will be greater for cadets with an urban background than for those with a rural background. W: The higher the frequency of interaction between cadets and officers, the more the effect of of socialization on the difference score for each of the occupational culture dimensions. 122 S E l E' 1' This study includes one main independent variable (socialization) and four moderating variables (self- esteem, socioeconomic background, urban/ rural origin, and informal socialization). This was done in an attempt to investigate the effect of the socialization process on the attitudes of cadets toward the police occupational culture. In order to achieve this purpose, the hypotheses listed above were formulated. It was found that for four of these hypotheses (1b, 1c, 1e, and lj) there was a statistically significant difference between cadets’ and officers’ attitudes during these early years at the Academy but no significant differences in the later years. These hypotheses were, therefore, supported by the data. Differences were also found between cadets and officers in four additional sub-hypotheses (1a, 1d, 1k, and 11). These difierences were not consistent with the basic assumption of increased similarity between cadets and the officers since they persisted throughout the four years. Therefore, these sub-hypotheses were not supported. In all four cases, the cadets held consistently stronger views than the officers. It is possrble that these were regarded as desirable attitudes and no attempt was made to change them. For four of the five remaining sub-hypotheses (1f, 1g, 1h, and 1i), no statistically Significant differences were found between cadets and officers. Therefore, these sub-hypotheses were rejected. In these cases the cadets entered 123 the Academy with views similar to the officers or acquired them early in their first year. This was probably explained by selection or anticipatory socialization. Regarding the last remaining sub-hypotheses (1m, anomie), although there was a significant difierence in third year cadets and officers, this different was not supported by socialization theory. Therefore, socialization had no effect. For the first subsidiary hypothesis, it was found that self-esteem had a statistically significant interaction effect only with respect to the relationship between socialization and the dimension of dogmatism. N o statistically Significant interaction effect was found between socialization and self-esteem on any of the remaining dimensions. Therefore, except for the dogmatism dimension, the hypothesis was rejected. Regarding the second subsidiary hypothesis, there were no statistically significant interaction effects of cadets’ socioeconomic background on the relationship between socialization and any of the occupational culture dimensions. Therefore, the hypothesis was rejected. For the third subsidiary hypothesis, a statistically significant interaction effect of cadets’ urban/ rural background was observed between socialization and the following dimensions: police autonomy, police power, police attitudes toward the public, dogmatism, and anomie (see Table 36). For all of these dimensions, the statistically significant interaction effect supported the hypothesis, except for the police autonomy dimension. There, the interaction effect for cadets with a rural background was greater than for those with an urban background, in terms 124 of the cadets’ attitudes becoming more similar to those of the officers. Therefore, for this dimension and the remaining ones the hypothesis was rejected. For the last subsidiary hypothesis, a statistically significant interaction effect of informal socialization, with regard to the relationship between socialization and the dimension of police attitudes toward the public, was found. No statistically Significant interaction effects were found between informal socialization and number of years in the Academy on any of the remaining dimensions. Therefore, except for this one dimension, this hypothesis was rejected. Conclusions Based on the literature review and the study’s findings, and within the limitations of this research, the following conclusions are provided. 1. The socialization process has a strong impact in changing cadets’ attitudes toward some aspects of occupational culture to be more like the attitudes of the police officers. However, there are some other processes that may also lead to the cadets’ attitudes being Similar to those of the officers, such as the selection process and the anticipatory stage of the socialization process. It is important to study these additional processes when investigating police socialization so that a clear picture of all processes involved is obtained. 125 Cadets in the higher levels of the Academy were more affected by the socialization process than cadets in the lower levels. This is probably to be expected because cadets in these levels had more time and interaction with officers in the Academy. In other words, the socialization process led cadets in the later years to adopt the role, attitudes, and values of the police officers. The effect of the socialization process on cadets’ attitudes toward the occupational culture dimensions was greater for some 1 dimensions than for others. It was not clear why this was so and. this finding merits further research. Cadets in all academic levels were more satisfied than the officers in the Academy. Cadets in all academic levels exhibited more interest in varieties of police work than the officers in the Academy. Cadets in all academic levels were more dogmatic than the officers in the Academy. With the exception of the dogmatism dimension, self-esteem had no effect on the relationship between the socialization process and the occupational culture dimensions in this study. Socioeconomic background of the cadets had no effect on the relationship between socialization process and any of the occupational culture dimensions. 10. 11. 126 As indicated by the findings of this study, cadets’ urban/ rural origin had an effect on the relationship between socialization and some of the occupational culture dimensions. Cadets with relatives who had or still worked in law enforcement were more likely to join the force than were those who did not have relatives in law enforcement. This could be an important factor in making the socialization process more acceptable to the cadets. The findings of this study did not lend support to the idea that informal socialization plays an important role in the adoption of officers’ attitudes by the cadets. This may, however, be because little informal contact occurred. 81' 1' El E'l’ W The finding of the present study Showed four distinct patterns: 1. On the police cultural dimensions relating to police autonomy, police perception of public attitudes, the importance of police work, and police attituch toward the public, our hypotheses were supported. For example, for the autonomy dimension, cadets of the first two years showed Significant differences from the officers. This implies that those cadets placed less importance on police autonomy than third- and fourth-year cadets. This finding is 127 consistent with previous research. McNamara (1967) emphasized the role of training in fostering this dimension among police recnrits. In other words, as the training increases the importance of autonomy will increase. Another dimension is police perception of public attitudes toward police. The findings showed that first- and second-year cadets had more positive perceptions of the public attitudes toward them. However, third- and fourth-year cadets were similar to the oficers in believing that the public had negative attitudes toward them. This finding is also consistent with the findings of other researchers. Van Maanen (1978) indicated that police officers view themselves as performing society’s dirty work, and therefore suffer the negative attitudes of the public. As predicted, the increase of socialization led to a more negative perception of the public’ 5 attitude toward the police. This finding probably explains the police officer’s feeling of isolation from the public, as found in some research (e.g., Clark, 1965; Clark & Gibbs, 1965; Skolnick, 1966; Dodd, 1967; Niederhoffer, 1967; and Westley, 1970). The opposite dimension to the above is the attitude of police toward the public. On this dimension, cadets in the first three years showed significant differences from the officers. Those cadets had more favorable attitudes toward the public than did 128 officers and cadets in the final year, who indicated that police should keep a distance from the public. This negative view among fourth-year cadets and the officers strengthens their isolation and may be caused by their tendency to want more control, secrecy, authority, and to have more cynicism (Manning, 1989; Clark, 1965). Taken together, these findings seem to support Simpson’s model of socialization. As pointed out by Simpson (1972), socialization into an occupation occurs gradually. Socializees go through three stages, each involving some learning about the wntent of the role and role acquisition. It is possible that cadets in the first and second years still needed more interaction with Significant others (officers) to see them (the officers) as their main reference group. Before achieving this level of socialization, assimilation of officers’ attitudes and norms would not happen, and dissimilarity between cadets and officers would continue. However, cadets in the third and fourth years appeared to have reached the final stage regarding this dimension, according to Simpson, because they showed attitudes similar to their officers, which indicated that the cadets had internalized the values of the reference group (in this case, the officers). On several other dimensions relating to police power, toughness, secrecy, and problems with social relations, the findings did not 129 support the hypotheses about the predicted change. For example, cadets in all years did not difier from omcers on the secrecy dimension. Both officers and cadets scored high in the secrecy dimension, which implied that cadets were similar to the officers in believing that secrecy is an important factor in police work. This finding is consistent with the findings of other researchers. Westley (1956) indicated that secrecy within police officers is an unwritten law, and is considered of such importance that policemen will break the law to support it. For a third pattern, the finding on dimensions relating to solidarity, satisfaction with police work, variety of police work, and dogmatism were not supportive of the hypotheses. For example, for the dogmatism dimension, the findings Showed Significant differences between cadets in all years and the officers: the hypothesized changes with socialization did not occur as predicted. Cadets were more dogmatic than officers, but this difference between the two groups did not decrease with increased socialization as measured by training and education. This finding reflects inconsistent and contradictory results found in previous research. For example, Teasley and Wright (1973) mentioned that an increase in training led to an increase in dogmatism. In other words, officers and cadets at higher levels should be more dogmatic than cadets of 130 lower levels. Obviously these results are in contradiction with the present finding. However, in another study, Colman and Gorman (1982), using Rokeach’s dogmatism scale, found no difference associated with training. These inconsistencies in findings have yet to be solved. Part of the problem is probably caused by the ambiguity of the concept of "dogmatism" in the context of police work. The general measure of dogmatism should be reevaluated and its construction based on more solid empirical examination in the police context, i.e., it should be more closely related to police experience. However, according to Schein’s (1968) model of occupational socialization, which identifies three reactions to socialization, we might also say that with regard to this dimension, that cadets had not passed what Schein calls the "rebellion stage.” This is expected from individuals like those cadets who were mostly in their early adulthood stage. As they. grow older, they might become more similar to their officers on dogmatism. They would discover when they engage in actual police work that things are not either black or white, but rather there is a continuum between these two dimensions which plays an important role in shaping people’s values, norms, and judgments about events in daily life. 131 In the pattern regarding the ”anomie" dimension, the present findings showed less striking differences between officers and cadets. In fact, only third-year cadets showed a significant difference from officers. In all other years, both officers and cadets showed similar patterns of anomie. Previous research findings showed that police officers were less anomie than ordinary citizens (Regoli, 1977). This might imply that as time spent in the police profession increases, the level of anomie decreases. Since we did not have ordinary citizens in our sample, we cannot make any direct comparison with their study. However, we may extrapolate that cadets in the first and probably second year in the Academy should be less anomic than the officers. This was not, of course, the case in the present study. The present finding cannot be explained except by suggesting that the lack of differences is a consequence of the anticipatory socialization of the cadets. Such a process has been found to occur among people who apply to professions such as police work. Brim (1966) found that applicants had anticipated the demands of their future occupation and showed a tendency to view themselves in the role of incumbents. This may also apply to several other variables in this study. Finally, with regard to the moderating variables, it can be seen from the above findings that some of them had no effect at all and 132 some of them had only slight effect on some of these dimensions. Previous research findings do not seem to offer any help in explaining this inconsistency. One reason probably stems from the fact that these variables are seldom if ever examined together in the same study. A researcher may examine the role of self-esteem on police toughness alone in a study. However, having to examine all of the variables incorporated into the present Study is probably a good indicator of the possible inconsistencies a researcher will encounter in attempting to see the effect of one or more of the moderating variables mentioned above. Rmnmcndatinns Based on the findings of this research and a review of the literature, the following recommendations are made. 1. Socialization of cadets into the police occupation is an important process. Therefore, organizations, in general, and police organizations, in particular, should be careful when proposing any strategy of socialization that will be applied to recruits. It is only logical to ask that the training and education programs of the recnrits be evaluated or examined periodically. One way to do this is to investigate specific aspects, similar to what has been done in 133 the present study, and try to implement the findings of such investigations. The findings of this study indicate that cadets from urban areas more readily adopted four desirable dimensions of the police occupational culture. However, most cadets were from rural areas. In order to increase the socialization effect, more cadets with an urban background should be admitted. This Study shows that cadets in the higher levels of the Academy were more affected by the socialization process than were those in the lower levels. Therefore, effort should be directed at modifying the socialization process for those in the lower levels. In other words, there should be a close examination of the kind of education and training implemented during the first and second years at the Academy. It might be that there is less emphasis on making cadets learn or acquire new values and attitudes than the emphasis given to that kind of training and education in the last two years. There should be an explicit effort to emphasize those dimensions which are necessary and useful for police to function, and at the same time, to avoid those dimensions which negatively affect the function of the police. Therefore, some effort by educators should be made to explain and emphasize to cadets in the Academy the 134 importance of the desirable police occupational culture dimensions while avoiding the undesirable ones. W The following are suggested recommendations for further research. 1. The socialization process is a complex one. To study such a process necessitates detailed investigation of each phase. This can be achieved best by longitudinal research, which allows a researcher to follow one group of cadets from the beginning of their enrollment to their graduation. Through following the cadets, we will have a clearer picture of their previously held Skills and attitudes, their newly acquired skills and attitudes, and the kinds of changes that took place as a result of the socialization process. Occupational culture dimensions are frequently mentioned by researchers, but there are few empirical studies examining this ‘ area. Future research should focus more on examining specific dimensions of police occupational culture, including possible dimensions that were not examined in this Study. Further research Should be directed toward examining the continuing socialization process among police officers already on the job. Officers continue to adapt to the police occupational culture after their formal training. This research would be 135 particularly useful regarding dimensions on which differences between cadets and officers persist through the training period. When studying police occupational culture, researchers should investigate occupational culture dimensions among those officers who deal with daily police field situations and not focus entirely on officers engaged solely in an academic environment. APPENDICES APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE FOR CADETS 136 Dear Cadet: The following survey is part of a study of the attitudes of police cadets. I am doing this study as one of the requirements for my doctoral degree in sociology from Michigan State University in the USA All of the cadets at the Academy are being asked to fill out the questionnaire and, since only you can provide the information needed, your cooperation is necessary for the study. However, answering these questions is voluntary. You may choose not to answer some or all of the questions without any penalty or loss of benefits. The answers you give to this questionnaire will be treated with great confidence and will remain anonymous. Therefore, do not write your name on the questionnaire. The information to be gathered will be used only for this study and will be seen only by the study director. Please answer all questions to the best of your knowledge. Your cooperation is highly appreciated. If you need to ask me any questions regarding the questionnaire, please feel free to do so. Thank you, The researcher, Mehareb Al-Enezi 137 First, we would like some information about you and your family. 1. How old are you? _ (years) 2. Where is your family home? (name of city or village) (If nomad with no fixed residence, check here: _) 3. Have you lived there most of your life? (check one) _YCS _ no If no, in what city or town have you spent most of your life? (name of city or town) 4. What is your father’s occupation? (please give a specific job title such as teacher, carpenter, farmer, soldier, office worker, etc. (job title) 5. Is that the job he had most of the time when you were growing up? (check one) _ yes _ no If no, what was his main job while you were growing up? (job title) 6. How much education did your father complete? (check one) _ no education _ elementary school _ intermediate school _ high school _ college _ post-graduate 10. 138 Approximately what is the total monthly income of your family from all sources? (check one) _ less than 500 K.D. _ 500 to 699 K.D. _ 700 to 899 K.D. _ 900 to 1099 K.D. _ 1100 to 1299 K.D. _ 1300 to 1499 K.D. _ 1500 to 1699 K.D. _ 1700 to 1899 K.D. _ 1900 to 2099 RD. _ 2100 KB. or more Where did your paternal grandfather live most of his life? (check one) _ large city (more than 50,000) __ small city (5,000 to 50,000) _ village (less than 5000) _ unsettled nomad Do you have any relatives who have worked or currently work in the police force? _Yes _No If yes, what is their relationship to you? (check any of the following:) _ grandfather _ father _ brother _ uncle _ cousin _ other (relationship to you: ) In which year of the police academy are you? first _ second _ third _ fourth 139 Now we would like some information about your experiences here at the Academy. 11. 12. 13. 14. How often do you meet with your instructors outside the classroom? (check one) __ more than twice a day _ once or twice a day _ once or twice a week _ once or twice a month _ seldom or never How often do you meet with your trainers outside the classroom? (check one) _ every day _ once or twice a week _ once or twice a month _ seldom or never How often do you meet with other members of the Academy staff outside the classroom? (check one) _ every day _ once or twice a week __ once or twice a month _ seldom or never Do you ever discuss any personal problems you have with your instructors? (check one) _yes _ no If yes, how often do you do this? _ rarely _ sometimes _ often 15. 16. 17. 18. 140 Do you ever discuss any personal problems you have with your trainers? (check one) _ Yes _ no If yes, how often do you do this? _ rarely _ sometimes __ often Do you discuss your personal problems with your fellow cadets? _ yes _ no If yes, how often do you do this? _ rarely _ sometimes _ often Are there any of your fellow cadets that are your close friends? ._ yes _ no If yes, how many? Since you have been at the Academy, do you get together socially with any police officers who are not connected with the Academy? _ yes _ no If yes, how often do you do this? __ rarely _ sometimes __ often 141 The following Statements are intended to find out your attitudes about different things. There are no right or wrong answers. We are just interested in your opinions. Each statement has five difierent response possibilities (SA = strongly agree, A = agree, U = undecided, D = disagree, and SD = strongly disagree). Please read each statement carefully and choose the appropriate category of your agreement or disagreement by checking one box for each statement. Examnls‘t: _ --A _- U ME! -IIIII good job for me. The person in this example chose the second category (Agree) which represents his opinion about the statement. Please respond to the following statements by checking one category for each statement. 19. Police officers should never expose ‘ fellow officers’ mistakes to others. [20. Because of the important role of the police, they are highly respected in the community. 21. In the history of mankind, there have probably been just a handful of really I great thinkers. 22. Police work has always been the only choice for me. mum 23. It seems to me that other people find it easier to decide what is right than I do. . 24. I feel that I’m a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. 142 g IIMEI 25. The different aspects and duties of police work make it the most attractive job for me. 26. If my son chooses to work as a police oficer, I will encourage him to do so. 27. The police uniform is more presti- gious than any other uniform. 28. With everything so uncertain these days, it almost seems as though anything could happen. 29. Secrecy is a very important factor among police officers. ! 30. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 31. The image of the police is very favorable among the public in Kuwait. 32. Once I get wound up in a heated discussion, I just can’t stop. 1 33. The most important reason for joining the police is that it gives me some power over others. 34. Most parents would not want their son to become a police ofiicer. 35. Everything changes so quickly these days that I often have trouble deciding which are the right rules to follow. 36. The most important characteristic of a policeman is being tough. 37. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. . The worst crime a person can commit is to attack publicly the people who believe in the same thing he does. 143 - - - é 1..-_l5_1_m 39. A person who thinks primarily of his ' own happiness is beneath contempt. 40. The best police officers know how to get around organizational rules and procedures in order to get their jobs done. . When I become a police officer most of my close friends will probably be other police officers. 42. Police officers should maintain some distance between themselves and the public. 43. I am able to do things as well as most other people. 44. In this complicated world of ours, the only way we can know what is going on is to rely upon leaders or experts who can be trusted. 45. If there is a conflict between police work and family responsibilities, priority must be given to police work. 46. There is more emphasis on proce- dures and regulations than on officers’ needs in police work. 47. I think most of my satisfaction in life will come from doing police work. 48. I want to become a police officer because I like helping others. 49. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. . I often feel that many things our parents stood for are just going to be ruined before our very eyes. 51. 144 Police need a lot of power because they never know what will happen nan. -.“IE 52. Fundamentally, the world we live in is a pretty lonely place. 53. Police duty has to be the first priority in a policeman’s life. 54. With everything in such a state of disorder, it’s hard for a person to know where he stands from one day to the next. 55. I certainly feel useless at times. 56. It is often desirable to reserve judgment about what’s going on until one has a chance to hear the opinions of those one respects. 57. People were no better off in the old days when everyone knew just how he was expected to act. 58. Most people just don’t know what’s good for them. 59. While I don’t like to admit this even to myself, I sometimes have the ambition to become a great man like Einstein, Beethoven, or Shakespeare.‘ . I never feel awkward and out of place. 61. I wish I could have more respect for myself. 62. Compared to all other jobs, police work requires the highest level of dedication and commitment. rtem ”I t- .Wm;.- at o y e i ra ter an names are mentioned. 145 . What is lacking in the world today is the old kind of friendship that lasted for a lifetime. mum; . Although police work is important, my self comes first. . 65. Police should have no mercy toward . When I become a police officer I will probably have fewer close relation- ships with my previous friends, family members, and other relatives. 67. In the long run, the best way to live is to pick friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs are the same as one’s own. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. 69. The trouble with the world today is that most people really don’t believe in anything. 70. Police officers should stick together and help each other even if it means no following the rules. 71. The best officer is one who strictly follows organizational rules and procedures. Atfimealthinklamnogoodatall. 73. I take a positive attitude toward myself. THANK YOU FOR YOUR HELP Please return the questionnaire to me personally or to the person who gave it to you. 146 Mflo’flmm al.,-HI 1...!“th 1.1,; A‘AAA‘AA “LU! 9’1. 5w Wei-31.x” 3.1440; 'Jp? m)..." 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Jul-laugh (1v nu” o'uJ J’Mvr—‘qgfw WWWJUI er-lublu \I 158 - «hormonal-servo t/lhaa an WdJLI-‘v-h Let-err My: 5M.” ’ Y J" “—5.1 J—MJ. 3“— fig h—Llhgs—JI’I “La. l_.l_.: s—JM al ”.41 pt..." ,6 us...» in 3.395%! 1.1.1..." 93,9.» 1,511.2qu nut-n Mpg-brine. (v- ‘M Jr-Jqu-rpfidfil’fihu but, “0,”! £5.31 pan,” 4).) e—acu :- ”=14 Iii-l J» M many, not,” yuan ,tei and 9911......“ (Vt 343' mfirhunflw (w ccc H‘H Al’s—31 .auwijgmammrfigmku‘u, APPENDIX B QUESTIONNAIRE FOR OFFICERS 159 Dear Officer: The following survey is part of a study of the attitudes of police cadets. I am doing this study as one of the requirements for my doctoral degree in sociology from Michigan State University in the U.S.A. All of the officers at the Academy are being asked to fill out the questionnaire and, since only you can provide the information needed, your cooperation is necessary for the Study. However, answering these questions is voluntary. You may choose not to answer some or all of the questions without any penalty or loss of benefits. The answers you give to this questionnaire will be treated with great confidence and will remain anonymous. Therefore, do not write your name on the questionnaire. The information to be gathered will be used only for this study and will be seen only by the study director. Please answer all questions to the best of your knowledge. Your cooperation is highly appreciated. If you need to ask me any questions regarding the questionnaire, please feel free to do so. Thank you, The researcher, Mehareb Al-Enezi 160 First, we would like some information about you and your family. Please check whichever response is appropriate. 1. How old are you? _lessthan21 _21-lessthan25 25-lessthan30 _30-lessthan35 _35-lessthan40 _40-lessthan45 _45-lessthan50 _ 50 or more 2. How long have you been a policeman? _ less than 1 year 1 - less than 5 years _ 5 - less than 10 years _ 10 - less than 15 years _ 15 - less than 20 years __ 20 - less than 25 years _25-1essthan30years _ 30 years or more 3. How long have you been working in the police academy? _ less than 1 year _l-lessthanSyears _ 5 - less than 10 years _ 10 - less than 15 years _ 15-less than20years _ 20 - less than 25 years _ 25 years or more 161 What is your current rank? A. Commissioned _ 2nd lieutenant __ lst lieutenant _ captain _ major _ lieutenant-colonel _ colonel or higher B. Noncommissioned _ private _ corporal _ sergeant _ lst sergeant What kind of work do you currently perform in the police academy? (please check whatever is appropriate) _ administration _ teaching _ training _ general staff _ other (Specifr- ) How long have you been in your present job? _ less than 1 year _ 1 - less than 5 years _5-less than 10years _ 10 - less than 15 years _ 15 - less than 20 years _20 years or more Do you interact with cadets as part of your job? _ yes _ no 162 If yes, please indicate how many times in a typical week. _ once twice three times four times _ five or more times Do cadets ever come to you to discuss their personal problems? _ yes _ no If yes, please indicate how often. 9. _ rarely __ sometimes _ often Do you ever get together informally with cadets? __ no If yes, please indicate how many times in a typical week. _ once _ twice __ three times __ four times _ five or more times 163 The following statements are intended to find out your attitudes about different things. There are no right or wrong answers. We are just interested in your opinions. Each statement has five different response possibilities (SA = strongly agree, A = agree, U = uncertain, D = disagree, and SD = strongly disagree). Please read each statement carefully and choose the appropriate category of your agreement or disagreement by checking one box for each statement. Example: My family regards police work as a very good job for me. The person in this example chose the second category (Agree) which represents his opinion about the statement. Please respond to the following statements by checking one category for each statement. 10. Police officers should never expose fellow officers’ mistakes to others. 11. Because of the important role of the police, they are highly respected in the community. 12. In the history of mankind, there have probably been just a handful of really great thinkers. 13. Police work has always been the only choice for me. 14. It seems to me that other people find it easier to decide what is right than I do. 15. The different aspects and duties of police work make it the most attractive job for me. 16. 164 If my son chooses to work as a police oficer, I will encourage him to do so. lunar; 17. The police uniform is more presti- gious than any other uniform. 18. With everything so uncertain these days, it almost seems as though anything could happen. 19. Secrecy is a very important factor among police officers. 20. The image of the police is very favorable among the public in Kuwait. 21. Once I get wound up in a heated discussion, I just can’t stop. . The most important reason for joining the police is that it gives me some power over others. Most parents would not want their son to become a police officer. 24. Everything changes so quickly these days that I often have trouble deciding which are the right rules to follow. . The most important characteristic of a policeman is being tough. . The worst crime a person can commit is to attack publicly the people who believe in the same thing he does. . A person who thinks primarily of his own happiness is beneath contempt. . The best police officers know how to get around organizational rules and procedures in order to get their jobs done. 29. Most of my close friends and 165 acquaintances are police omcers. 30. Police officers should maintain some distance between themselves and the public. 31. In this complicated world of ours, the only way we can know what is going on is to rely upon leaders or experts who can be trusted. 32. If there is a conflict between police work and family responsibilities, priority must be given to police work. 33. There is more emphasis on proce- dures and regulations than on officers’ needs in police work. . Most of my satisfaction in life comes from doing police work. 35. I wanted to become a police officer because I like helping others. I often feel that many things our parents stood for are just going to be ruined before our very eyes. 37. Police need a lot of power because they never know what will happen next. 38. Fundamentally, the world we live in is a pretty lonely place. [39. Police duty has to be the first priority in a policeman’s life. . With everything in such a state of disorder, it’s hard for a person to know where he stands from one day to the next. 41. 166 It is often desirable to reserve judgment about what’s going on until one has a chance to hear the opinions of those one respects. l-IIEIE 42. People were no better ofi in the old days when everyone knew just how he was expected to act. A 43. Most people just don’t know what’s good for them. . While I don’t like to admit this even to myself, I sometimes have the ambition to become a great man like Einstein, Beethoven, or Shakespeare.‘ 45. I never feel awkward and out of place. Compared to all other jobs, police work requires the highest level of dedication and commitment. What is lacking in the world today is the old kind of friendship that lasted for a lifetime. & . Although police work is important, my self comes first. h \0 I | . Police should have no mercy toward criminals. . Being a police officer has decreased the number of close relationships with my previous friends, family members, and other relatives. . Inthelongrun,thebestwaytoliveis to pick friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs are the same as one’s own. ‘This item will be modified so that only fields rather than names are mentioned. 167 52. The trouble with the world today is that most people really don’t believe in anything. 53. Police officers should stick together and help each other even if it means no following the rules. 54. The best officer is one who strictly follows organizational rules and procedures. 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In the history of mankind there have probably been just a handful of really great thinkers. Most people just don’t know what’s good for them. Once I get wound up in a heated discussion I just can’t stop. The worst crime a person can commit is to attack publicly the people who believe in the same thing he does. In this complicated world of ours the only way we can know what is going on is to rely upon leaders or experts who can be trusted. In the long run the best way to live is to pick friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs are the same as one’s own. While I don’t like to admit this even to myself, I sometimes have the ambition to become a great man like Einstein, or Beethoven, or Shakespeare. Source: Schulze, R.H.K., A Shortened Version of the Rokeach Dogmatism Scale, Journal of Psychological Studies, 1962, 13, 93-97. APPENDIX D ANOMY SCALE 178 Anomy Scale 1. With everything so uncertain these days, it almost seems as though anything could happen. 2. What is lacking in the world today is the old kind of friendship that lasted for a lifetime. 3. With everything in such a state of disorder, it’s hard for a person to know where he stands from one day to the next. 4. Everything changes so quickly these days that I often have trouble deciding which are the right rules to follow. 5. I often feel that many things our parents stood for are just going to be ruined before our very eyes. 6. The trouble with the world today is that most people really don’t believe in anything. 7. I never feel awkward and out of place. 8. People were no better off in the old days when everyone knew just how he was expected to act. 9. It seems to me that other people do not find it easier to decide what is right than I do. Source: McClosky, H. and J.H. Schaar. Psychological Dimensions of Anomy. American Sociological Review, 1965, 30(1), 14—40. APPENDIX E SELF-ESTEEM SCALE 9. 10. 179 Self-Esteem Scale I feel that I’m a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. I am able to do things as well as other people. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. I take a positive attitude toward myself. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. I wish I could have more respect for myself. I certainly feel useless at times. AttimesIthinkIamnogoodatall. Source: Rosenberg, M. Society and the Adolescent Self-Image. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1965. APPENDIX F CORRESPONDENCE 180 MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY mammal-nu mum-Imm-anc-lm oomormcurmrsmcnmrc. nammmmmum “unusual. Novenber 7. 1989 To when it any concern: This is to certify that the Arabic version of the questionnaire entitled. "Police Cadet Attitude Survey” and. ”Police Attitude Survey" written by Ph. 0. candidate. Hehareb Ali Al-Znesi of Sociology Department. Michigan State University is a true' and accurate translation, to the best of ny knowledge. $40.... Halik Dalia Arabic Instructor Department of Linguistics an: Germanic. Slavic. Asian and African Languages tti-:aigtn State University Wells Hall East Laming. MI 48824-1027 1*“ ””5954?“ Tobi: «males .0 Cflr: m IUG "SUD-”WWW“ BIBLIOGRAPHY 181 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ahern, James F. (1972). W. New York: Hawthorn Books. Alderson. John ( 1979) EekmfmedemAEemmentamenJhs-anllemmasm WW Estover. Plymouth: MacDonald & Evans, Ltd. Alex, Nicholas (1986)- W New York: Appleton Century-Crofts. Alport. GW- (1961). Waller New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston. Asch, SE. (1958). "Effects of Group Pressure Upon the Modification and Distortion of Judgments.” In. BMW—59.913115191191955 ed. E. E. Maccoby, T. M. Newcomb, and E. I... Hartley, pp. 174-182. New York: Holt. Bahn, Charles (1984). 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