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This is to :ertifj that the

dissertation entitled

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: PERCEPTION OF
MEMBERS OF SMALL-FARM FAMILIES

presented by

Eflena Hidaflgo de Avifla

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Dnm‘rm degree in W

 

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Major professor

Date Oc/tobejt 4, 7991

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University

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MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution
c:\c|rc\dat.edm.pm3~p.t

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: PERCEPTION OF MEMBERS OF
SMALL-FARM FAMILIES, SAN JUAN, ARGENTINA.

By

Elena Hidalgo de Avila

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Family and Child Ecology

1991

67?- 9620

ABSTRACT

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: PERCEPTION OF MEMBERS OF
SMALL FARM FAMILIES, SAN JUAN, ARGENTINA.

By

Elena Hidalgo de Avila

People in families play an essential role in
sustainable development. The research focus is on
perceptions of sustainable development of three members of
ten small-farm families in three rural communities of San
Juan Province, Argentina. As participants in development
programs, with some leadership responsibilities in their
communities, these family members were asked questions from
which their perceptions of sustainable development could be
deduced. What are the concepts and terms used, and how do
the issues and symbols come about?

Within a human ecological framework, an interpretive
paradigm and a qualitative method (in—depth interviews) were
used. Emerging categories and properties of the concept
contributed toward the development of a grounded theory of

sustainable development.

 

The ways in which these small-farm families had been
affected by a severe earthquake in 1977 were revealed in all
the responses about sustainability. Major categories of
change, values, and human attributes perceived by men,
women, and youth with their similar and distinct properties
in each of the three locations emerged from the data. The
human attributes of resilience, endurance, self-valorization
including self-identity, self-confidence, self-esteem, and
rootedness were emphasized by informants in the three areas.
Instead of alluding only to the natural environment
preservation, informants emphasized the human qualities of
the social-cultural environment along with minimal material
conditions of the human built environment. These categories
are nonprofessional inputs in the conceptualization of
sustainable development. The insights of rural people led
to implications for theory construction, future research,

and practice in extension activities.

DEDICATION

To the memory of Ruben Antonio Hidalgo, my father.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to many who made
possible the completion of this dissertation and other
requirements for the doctoral degree.

I had the privilege of an advisory committee integrated
by Drs. Linda Nelson, Margaret Bubolz, Lillian Phenice and
George Axinn. They provided me with wisdom through class
instruction, intellectual stimulation, encouragement of my
independent thinking, assistance and friendship which has
been greatly appreciated.

Very especially, I am indebted to my major professor,
Dr. Linda Nelson. Provided by bilingual proficiency and
understanding of Latin American culture, she reviewed this
manuscript offering her valuable insights into theory and
methodology as well as accuracy in the translation of
expression from original ethnographic data. Her wisdom,
honesty, and extraordinary generosity will always be with me
as an example to follow.

I would like to recognize the financial sponsorship
from my working institution, INTA, and the support from Agr.
Ing. Humberto Galmarini and Ing. Agr. Enrique Fontemachi,

and very especially from Lic. Clara Martin de Quiroga.

I also would like to thank the participant families
that shared with me their time, information, feelings and
insights.

I am indebted to many friends in Argentina and the USA
who helped me in different ways, especially the Jeffries
family, the Pennings, and the De Voogds.

Last, but not least, my special thanks to my son Luis
for his contribution in the graphics. I extend my love to
my husband, Carlos, and our children, Luis, Analia, Noelia,
and Martin, for making me realize the joy of going to

graduate school while raising a family.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE
LIST OF TABLES ....................................... x
LIST OF FIGURES ...................................... xi
CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION 1
The Problem ................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ................... 2
Purpose .................................... 2
Justification .............................. 2
Conceptual Rationale .......................... 3
Disciplinary Views of Development .......... 4
Human Ecological Perspective ............... 5
Sustainable Development .................... 7
Assumptions ................................... 11
Participants' perceptions .................. 11
Researcher’s Position ...................... 11
Rural Development .......................... 12
2. THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING AS CONTEXT FOR RESEARCH 14
The Country ................................... 15
The Province .................................. 16
The Rural Communities ......................... 19
The Institution ............................... 21
3. METHODOLOGY 25
Research Approach ............................. 25
Paradigms .................................. 26
Methods .................................... 27
Qualitative Research Design ................... 30
Constant Comparison Process ................ 31
Theoretical Sampling ....................... 33
Research Strategies ........................... 35
Approaching the Fieldwork .................. 36

Selection and Description of Settings and
Informants ................................. 37

vii

Selection procedure ..................... 37

Description of settings ................. 40
Description of informants ............... 42
Collecting Data ............................ 42
Working with Data .......................... 45
PERCEIVED CHANGES 49
Urbanized Area ................................ 50
Close Rural Community ......................... 54
Distant Rural Community ........................ 59
Summary ....................................... 62
EMERGING VALUES ' 65
Urbanized Area ................................ 66
Family Values .............................. 66
Instrumental Values ........................ 68
Close Rural Community ......................... 70
Family Values .............................. 70
Instrumental Values ........................ 72
Distant Rural Community ....................... 73
Family Values .............................. 74
Instrumental Values ........................ 75
Summary .................................... 76
EMERGING HUMAN ATTRIBUTES 79
Resilience.............. ...................... 80
Endurance ..................................... 81
Self-Valorization ............................. 82
Self—identity .............................. 82
Self-confidence ............................ 83
Self~esteem ................................ 84
Rootedness .................................... 85
Summary ....................................... 87
INTEGRATION OF DEVELOPING CONCEPTS 88
DEVELOPING PROPOSITIONS AND HYPOTHESES 96
Preliminary Propositions ...................... 96
Preliminary Hypotheses ........................ 103
SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THEORY, RESEARCH AND
PRACTICE 105
Summary ....................................... 105
Implications for Theory ....................... 108
Implications for Research ..................... 108
Implications for Practice ..................... 110
Conclusion .................................... 111

viii

GLOSSARY
APPENDIX A:
APPENDIX B:
APPENDIX C:
APPENDIX D:
BIBLIOGRAPHY

GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION

CONSENT FORM

DEMOGRAPHIC DATA OF INFORMANTS
GUIDE OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

ix

112
115
118
120
122
123

TABLE

1.

LIST OF TABLES

PAGE
Cultivated Area by Valleys in San Juan Province,
Argentina .......................................... J?
Qualities of Change Perceived in Local Ecosystems
by Informants in Three Communities, San Juan,
Argentina .......................................... 50

Changes in Three Environmental Dimensions Perceived
by Informants in Three Communities, San Juan,
Argentina .......................................... 63

Emerging Values in Three Communities, San Juan,
Argentina .......................................... 77

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. Rural family as a part of a human ecosystem ........ 6

2. Formation of the concept of sustainable

development by interrelation of terms at
different levels ................................... 9

3. Grounded theory procedure for theoretical
elaboration ........................................ 31

4. Grounded theory procedure for generating theory:
inductive and deductive reasoning .................. 33

5. Concept of rural sustainable development as
perceived by informants in three communities,
San Juan, Argentina ................................ 94

6. Major environmental emphases of the concept of
rural sustainable development derived from
professional literature, researcher's
and informants' perceptions ........................ 107

xi

1. INTRODUCTION

Sustainable development is a current goal of
development programs. Families play an essential role in
social and economic development. As in many other places
around the world, small-farm families in San Juan,
Argentina, are subjects in development programs. However,
how do members of those small-farm families conceive
sustainable development? What are the concepts and terms
used, and how do the issues and symbols come about? Do
members of unitary and cohesive groups like farm families

have different perceptions?

The Problem

Sustainable development has been defined by planners
and scholars from different disciplines. However, in any
society one finds people holding different conceptions and
having different reasons for wanting development as they
conceive it, and giving it different priorities within their
whole range of values and purposes. Instead of assuming
that we know, can predict or agree on the criteria or the

outcome of development for a given people in a given

2

context, this research was designed to discover what rural
families conceive as sustainable development, what they want
and expect to gain or lose from it. These folk perceptions
of sustainable development can be compared with perspectives
of the planners or with scientific conceptualizations and
theories, but it is essential to recognize diverse
perceptions of betterment. Those of the rural participants
can be included by drawing upon their emerging categories
and properties of the concept as a contribution toward a
grounded theory of sustainable development.
Statement of the Problem

This research focussed on the discovery of perceptions
of sustainable development of members of small-farm families
who have been participants of development programs in three
rural communities of San Juan Province, in central-western
Argentina (see Appendix A, Maps).
Purpose

The major goals of this study were to generate
propositions and hypotheses for further research as well as
practical suggestions for the local Rural Extension Service,
which is part of the Agricultural Experiment Station of the
National Institute for Agricultural Technology (INTA).
Justification

This study of perceptions of sustainable development
held by the farm family members attempted to fill a

theoretical and a practical gap. A central theoretical

3
csncsrn is to generate categories, properties and hypotheses
from the perspective of the people who experience rural
development, eliciting the participants' categories rather
than testing given abstract propositions.

The practical concern is to provide a useful tool for
extension agents of INTA San Juan, Argentina. To know about
perceptions of farm families is important because how the
concept of rural sustainable development is defined affects
the form of programs which may be designed to deal with it.
Cognitive perceptions become values which orient attitudes
and guide individual and social actions. In a broader
sense, to know about perceptions of farm families could be
worthwhile for any practitioners from any other institution
working in the area in the field of rural development. How
various individuals and groups selectively define the
problem will influence which of the many possible programs

are finally selected to address it.

Conceptual Rationale

The disciplinary foci of development have limited the
scope of the process, therefore, the researcher sought bases
for a holistic approach as well as for the concept of

sustainability.

4

Disciplinary Views of Development

The meaning of development has changed thrOugh time.
It is a normative concept, both a process and a goal. Means
and ends of development are prescribed in theories which
deal with different aspects of both unilinear and cyclical
development (80, 1990). In the economic literature, which
is most often used in INTA, development is a perhaps
inevitable, usually unilinear, movement towards a condition
of maximum industrialization, modern technology, high(est)
GNP, and high(est) material standards of living, the two
last being popularly assumed to go together.

Philosophically, however, Wallman (1977) said
development implies progress, which itself implies evolution
towards some ultimate good, all of these notions being
specific to particular times and places. Efforts to improve
conditions in developing, undeveloped, less developed
countries continue to assess that improvement
quantitatively--more is good, growth is progress--and to
rate all areas in terms of their shortfall from some
implicit development goal, which they have failed to reach.
The identification of development with economic growth is by
now too discredited to call for extended refutation, however
much influence the conception may still exert in national
planning and in political discourse. It is natural that a
determination to quantify development and measure rate of

progress should be foremost among the preoccupations of

5
analysts and planners, but this has brought about an
unfortunate predisposition to restrict the vision of
development to what can be measured (UNRISD, 1980).
Human Ecological Perspective

Human ecology offers an integrative approach to
development, conceiving it as systemic, interrelated and
multifaceted (Nelson, 1978). Development is a
multidimensional process which includes societal,
attitudinal and infraestructural changes including the
elimination of inequality and poverty, and increases in
economic growth (Torado, 1981). It involves synergism
within the system that is based on the need of individuals
and is directed toward improving the quality of life
(Miller, Nelson & Vaughn, 1989);

Individual humans are socialized within family units.
Families together with their environments constitute
ecosystems. As a part of human ecosystems, families are
integrative units of interacting and interdependent persons
who have at least some common goals and resources, whose
members have some feeling of unity and sense of common
identity within the environment (Bubolz, Eicher & Sontag,
1979). The environment of the family constitutes the life
support system. In the human ecological model three
different but related environments can be distinguished:
natural physical-biological, human-built and social-cultural

(Bubolz & Sontag, in press). These authors defined the

6
natural physical-biological environment (NE) as consisting
of unaltered natural phenomena. Human transformations and
alterations of those natural phenomena comprise the human-
built environment (HBE), while the social—cultural
environment (SCE) includes other humans along with their
abstract cultural constructions and social and economic
institutions. Within this scheme, perceptions of small-farm
family members are a cultural construction and part of the

social—cultural environment (see Figure 1).

    
 
  
    
 

Local Community

  
  

 
  

/
/
/
/
/ /,//
/ /
/ /’/
\ \ V\ / j / / \ \ \
/ l
/ . /
/ / / Sacral-Cultural /
/ f /,/ Envkonment I
// umanBth \
Envnonment \
lNatural Physical-Biological _ __ //
\ \ \ Environment .~ . :: \ / ////

\
\ /

Figure 1. Rural family as a part of a human ecosystem.

7

The perceptions of members of small-farm families about
sustainable development cannot be understood in isolation;
they must be studied in relation to the interdependence of
the families with the local community or microenvironment
and with the total macroenvironment. Environments pose
limitations and constraints as well as possibilities and
opportunities (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). The family is a
dynamic adaptative system which can respond, change and
develop, and can act on and modify its environment.
Adaptation is a continuing process in the family ecosystem;
a core value underlying an ecological perspective is that of
survival. It includes survival of humans as well as other
living species. The family is also a goal directed system
in which betterment is a value based goal.
Sustainable_DexelQRment

In practical terms, there is a crisis located at the
interface of the relationship between people, their
environment, and their desire not only to develop their
economy but also to improve the quality of their lives
(Major, 1988). Especially for the rural population, it is a
difficult feat to increase food production at the same time
that it restores, rehabilitates, and protects the natural
environment upon which farming depends (Runnalls, 1986).
Runnalls might have said not only farming, but also farm
families. There is a close link between poverty,

environmental degradation and economic growth. The

8
cumulative effects of natural resource degradation have
served to raise the issue of sustainable development in many
countries.

Sustainability can be defined as the ability of an
agroecological system to maintain productivity in the face
of natural and structural hazards, such as drought or
farmers' indebtedness (Conway, 1984). Alternatively,
sustainable development can be defined as a process of
improving the living conditions of the poor majority while
avoiding the destruction of natural resources so that
increases in production and improvements in living
conditions can be maintained over long periods (IIED, 1982).
It is increasingly clear that sustainable development means
more than ecological and agricultural stability in less
developed countries; it inevitably has livelihood——as a way
of life——components, without which conservation objectives
cannot be met (Chambers, Saxena & Shah, 1989). Sustainable
development practices need to be matched to specific
environmental conditions, but it is equally important that
the social and economic components of household decision—
making are considered part of what is sustainable (Redclift,
1986).

This study concerns sustainable rural development.
Although it is a key issue of international dimensions, no
research was found about folk perceptions of sustainable

development in Argentina. Basically development assumes

9
change; if no change, there is not development (Axinn,
1978). Development is a normative phenomenon, a value based
concept, a matter of perceptions. Sustainability is a time
phenomenon. Therefore, the concept of sustainable rural
development implies a planned change for some betterment in
rural areas during a long period of time. It is the

interface of three dimensions: change, values, and time (see

 

Figure 2).
Pnnnuve Change LHe Quath
Planned change Betterment
(change dimension) (value dimension)
Deflved
Development Sustainability
(normative concept) (time dimension)
Specific SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
(core concept)

 

 

 

 

Figure 2. Formation of the concept of sustainable
development by interrelation of terms at
different levels.

The definition of the facets of the studied concept is
built in steps upon one another and thus comes to comprise a
system of interrelated concepts, but probably the best means

available to explain the development of an idea is to employ

 

10
the ancient form developed by Aristotle. An Aristotelian
definition consists of two parts (Chafetz, 1978). The
first, called gence_pncximcm, tells what the phenomenon in
question shares with a large class of phenomena. The second
part, called the genns_snecificad tells what is peculiar to
the phenomenon in question. The Aristotelian definition of
sustainable development, therefore, is a planned change
(genus proximum) for some betterment, in any geographic
area, that preserves the environment and thus can be
maintained over a long period of time (genus_snecifica).

Rural sustainable development can then be conceived as
a planned change that includes attitudinal, societal and
infrastructural changes: elimination of inequality and
poverty, increase in economic growth directed towards
improving the quality of life, and avoidance of the
destruction of natural resources. Sustainable development
can be perceived at any level, for example at the micro
level, such as rural community, as well as at the macro
level, such as a nation or continents.

Perceptions of members of small subsistence farm
families could be conscious and articulated or expressed in
ambivalence and inconsistency. It is worthwhile to identify
both the aspects or elements which are clear and those which
are confused. Folk perceptions could reflect theoretical
models or suggest additional dimensions or priorities which

fit the multiple constraints of ordinary life of families

 

11

with small-farms.

Assumptions

Key assumptions about participants' perceptions, the
researcher's position and issues of rural development are
specified.

Participants' Perceptions

In an effort to isolate perceptions of sustainable
development as a significant problem for analysis, various
assumptions are made.

a) It is important to distinguish between subjective
perception and objective reality. Only subjective
perception is the focus of this study.

b) There are different perceptions about development
and different ideas about how to achieve it.

c) It is important that values, aspirations and
perceptions of members of rural families participating in
the processes of rural development be taken seriously,
however inconsistent they appear to be, and however limited
their power in the political-economic spheres.
Researcher's Position

a) Cultural diversity is a requisite for sustainable
development (Avila, 1989). Therefore, the researcher
assumes the validity and usefulness of indigenous cognitive

perceptions and knowledge.

 

12

b) The researcher is an instrument in qualitative
research (Spradley, 1979).

W

Normative, conceptual and empirical assumptions have
been recognized.

In the normative domain,

a) sustainable development should be people-oriented.
People should come before things and resource-poor farm
families before resource-rich farm families (Korten and
Klauss, 1984; Cernea, 1985; Chambers, 1987).

b) The goal of rural development should be defined by
rural people (Chambers et al., 1989).

0) Local participation should be an essential condition
for sustainable development.

In the conceptual domain,

d) sustainable development does not progress in a
single direction or a movement towards a fixed goal, but is
a process of continuous adaptation and problem-solving to
maximize well-being in changing conditions (Chambers, 1987;
Chambers et al., 1989; Leonard, 1989; Milbrath, 1989).

e) Causality is complex and circular, not simple and
lineal (Jamieson, 1985, cited by Chambers, 1987, p. 241;
Griffore & Phenice, 1988).

In the empirical domain,

f) small-farms are usually complex and diverse and

small-farm families are often doing different income

13
producing activities at the same time. Diversity and
complexity are usually greater for the resource-poor
families than for resource-rich families (Chambers, 1987).
g) The rate of ecological change appears to have been
accelerating, which implies changes in agriculture,
livelihoods, economy and society (Chambers, 1987; Chambers

et al., 1989; Leonard, 1989; Milbrath, 1989).

2. THE ECOLOGICAL SETTING AS A CONTEXT FOR RESEARCH

For this study, family ecosystem is the concept that
best represents and describes the interrelationship between
small-farm families and their context. In fact, the family
is the primary living group and support system, and
ecological consciousness about interactions and interchanges
between the family and the environment are essential. The
environment of the family furnishes the resources necessary
for life and constitutes the life support system.
Environment is conceptualized to include three distinct but
interrelated natural, human built and social-cultural
components (Bubolz & Sontag, in press). Transactions
between farm families and the environments are guided by the
immutable laws of nature, e.g. earthquakes and drought, and
the human-derived and changeable rules, e.g. allocation of
resources, social customs and role expectations (Bubolz,
Eicher & Sontag, 1979; Andrews, Bubolz & Paolucci, 1980;
Sontag & Bubolz, 1988; Bubolz & Sontag, in press).

This research was conducted with members of small—farm
families in rural communities of San Juan Province,
Argentina, where the researcher has been employed since

1969. The ecological setting, which is mainly known through

14

 

15
employment experience, is described for the benefit of those
who do not know the area. The focus is on small-farm
families together with the physical features of their
habitat at national, provincial, and local community levels.
A brief description of a key institution and its leadership

training program is included.

The Country

Looking at the national level, the Republic of
Argentina is a large country occupying most of southern
South America, covering a triangular continental area of
2,777,815 square kilometers (1,072,240 square miles); it is
bordered on the west by Chile, on the north by Bolivia and
Paraguay, and on the east by Brazil, Uruguay, and the
Atlantic Ocean. Its population was 31.1 millions in 1991
(Censo, 1991). The northeastern plains have a humid
subtropical climate; to the west, the climate of the Andean
highlands is much drier, with semidesert and desert
climates. The rain line of 500 mm divides the country into
two big areas; to the east, there are the humid pampas, the
most densely populated region supporting more than 75% of
the country’s population. The pampas, previously a prairie,
have become one of the world's most productive areas of
extensive agriculture, providing 90% of Argentina’s exports

and most of its domestic food production. Argentina is

16
virtually self-sufficient in almost all agricultural
products. The humid pampas also account for about 80% of
the nation's industrial activity and contain the Great
Buenos Aires, a dynamic city of 12 million people (Censo,
1991). To the west, the arid region, with a basically
agricultural economy, generates 15% of the gross national
product and 6% of the industrial one. The Andean highlands
contain extensive mineral deposits and rugged mountain
terrain. The highest peak in the Andes is Mount Aconcagua
at 6,960 m (22,835 ft) in the central part of the
Argentinian Andean Range, close to where San Juan Province

is situated.

The Province

San Juan’s geographic area is 96,493 square kilometers
(37,256 square miles) along the western border, 80% of which
is covered by arid deserts and mountain terrain; the
remaining 20% are valleys at 620 m, and 1,200 m and more
above sea level. These are called central and Andean
valleys respectively. All the valleys have good conditions
for agriculture, but since water is the most scarce
resource, only 10% of the land is cultivated, about 96,000
hectares or 237,037 acres (see Table 1). Sources of water
for artificial irrigation are two rivers run off from the

Andean Range that represent 90% of the water resource for

17
agricultural purposes; alluvial water deposit is an
alternative resource of water procurement. Electric driven
pumps provide water over critical drought periods in the
central valleys.

Table 1. Cultivated Area by Valleys in San Juan
Province, Argentina.

 

Valleys Cultivated area Percent
Central 80,500 83.5
High Mountain 9,200 9.5
Jachal 5,800 6.0
Valle Fertil 740 0.5
Total 96,240 99.5

 

Source: INTA San Juan Agr. Exp. Sta. Report. 1986.

The population of San Juan Province is 529,920
inhabitants (Censo, 1991). Few people live outside the
valleys without irrigation systems. However, some families
do live in remote dry areas, isolated in puestos (small
domestic settlements) or in distant small communities.

Their economic activity is primitive, precarious and
artisanal. With this productive base, the living conditions
of the desert families are more depressed than those in the
irrigated valleys.

The Andean Province of San Juan is a seismically active
area. The most recent and the biggest earthquakes occurred
in January 1944 and November 1977; they destroyed the cities

of San Juan and Caucete respectively.

 

18

Four seasons and different agroclimates can be found in
the valleys. The annual average temperature is 17.2 C (63
F) with wide variations: 46.3 C maximum (115 F) and -8.5 C
minimum absolute (17 F). The average relative humidity is
low, 30-40%, and the annual average of rainfall is only 93
cubic mm.

Artificially irrigated agriculture is the base of the
local economy. Annual and perennial crops are cultivated in
cases. The prevailing perennial crop is grapes; 65% of the
cultivated agricultural land, all in the central valleys, is
devoted to vineyard, and then, olives (7%) and fruits (4%).
The remaining cultivated land is used for annual crops:
cereals and fodder (15%) and vegetables (8%). This percent
distribution was almost constant between 1965 and 1980.
Viticulture represents 78% of San Juan's agricultural
production value. The local economy has been affected by
the low price for grapes and wines, the commercialization
constraints, and by the distance to the national market in
the humid pampas. The most alarming related social
phenomenon has been the rural migration. Migration
intensity is not the same in all the valleys, but is greater
in the distances farther from the central valleys of Tulum
in which San Juan city, the Province's capital, is located.
Its suburban area is growing because of the local migration
from all other valleys (Censo, 1991). Migration is an

effect of the combined impact of negative capitalization and

19
the current economic crisis (Allub, 1990).

Wherever the movement of energy, goods, and information
is important, so is the geographic distance and relative
location of the studied area. Currently, San Juan Province
is physically arid and also structurally isolated from the
other regions. Considering the human environment, the
impact of the development of the humid pampas more than the
arid region has affected San Juan Province; the gap has been
increased and strengthened over time. Another feature that
has affected San Juan Province is the macroenvironment
economic relationships. Foreign debt, fed by high interest
rates and adverse terms of international trade, is
strangling the national and local economies in Argentina
(Poneman, 1987). Inequality, poverty, rural migration, and
unemployment can be seen. The impact of the aridity on the
people is another feature; the idea that land is scarce
because water is scarce is part of the culture and affects

the individual's cognitive orientation (Trivifio, 1977).

The Rural Communities

From the human ecological perspective, communities are
conceptualized as shared microenvironments with definite
territorial boundaries and common resources, connected with
larger systems. ”Rural communities as ecosystems, are

aggregations of associated species...together with the

 

     

 

 

20
physical features of their habitat” (Dice, 1955, p. 2).
Note that the people, other organisms, and their
environments, together make up the ecosystem of each rural
community.

San Juan’s rural communities are found in a diversity
of physical ecological environments: from west to east, high
mountain, central valleys, and desert. High mountain rural
communities are characterized by the farther distances to
San Juan city. In spite of their excellent natural
conditions for human life and agriculture, they lament a
long-time stagnation process and intensive migration. Most
of the rural communities are in the central valleys, where
artificially irrigated agricultural production is the base
of the local economy. Sixty three percent of the
agricultural land and most of the rural labor force are
devoted to vineyards, introduced by the Spanish immigrants
around 1880; grape wines are the major industrial product
offering seasonal work opportunities. The remaining
agricultural resources are devoted to vegetables, fruits,
olives, and alfalfa seed production. To the east, desert
communities suffer the biggest impact of aridity revealing
the adjustment capacity and self-sufficiency of the desert
families. People in those small communities have the most
limited resources; they subsist by raising goats and sheep,
doing handicrafts, extracting minerals on a small scale and

preparing charcoal. They have been surviving for

 

 

21
generations in their own environment; however, the youth
migration is significant. The youth look for other sources

of income as migrant workers in the central valleys.

The Institution

The National Institute of Agricultural Technology
(INTA) was created in 1956, by national law, to promote and
strengthen agricultural research and extension, to
accelerate the spread of technology, and to improve the
agricultural enterprise and rural life. Formally, it is a
technical institution which is financially supported by a
specific tax over agricultural exports.

Agricultural Extension, as defined by FAQ is “a service
or system which assists farm people, through educational
procedures, in improving farming methods and techniques,
increasing production, efficiency and income, bettering
their level of living, and lifting the social and
educational standards of rural life" (Axinn, 1988, p. 48).

Twenty eight professionals (fifteen researchers and
thirteen extensionists) worked full time in the San Juan
Experiment Station and seven Extension Agencies in 1990.
Priority programs were agriculture, natural resources, crop
diversification, and rural community development.

San Juan’s physical environment presents heterogeneous

farming areas and the rural land stratification tends to be

 

22
a bi-modal distribution. In terms of human resources,
Extension's clientele have contrasting characteristics and
skills; the bigger farmers, in the central valleys, use
modern technology, banking systems and management
techniques. Farming systems of industrial crops (grapes,
fruits, seeds) have a high technical level; in terms of
farming equipment, 92% of farms over 5 hectares have a
tractor, and 7,000 electric driven pumps between 35 m and
450 m of depth provide alternative underground water in the
central valleys. However, farmers with limited land
specialize in labor intensive agriculture. Their farming
methods are labor intensive transmitted as cultural
practices of European immigrants. Those with the smallest
farms, characterized by a shortage of land and no capital,
are at a disadvantage in the modern market system, but their
culture provides them with techniques and attitudes to
survive droughts, market variations, earthquakes, inflation,
and so on. They live on the farm unlike bigger producers
who usually live in the capital city.

Farmers in the central valleys with more land
frequently demand INTA's technical assistance. They are
willing to try innovations and change according to the
marketing perspectives. The smaller producers are more
cautious about experimenting with irreplaceable materials
and money. In spite of the predominance of smaller

producers, the agricultural extensionists have not been able

23
to assist them proportionately because of the pressure of
the rich—resource farmers who have both the knowledge and
the means to apply the technology being diffused (Roling,
1982).

As a part of the Extension Service, rural family life
agents, with preparation as rural primary school teachers,
social workers, and sociologists, were a major supplier of
educational programs in rural communities working with
female groups in nutrition, health, housing, and community
development programs called Rural Home (Hogar Rural). This
extension staff initiated a long—term training program of
Rural Home leadership in 1976, which continued to 1986 on a
progressive basis. As Edwards and Jones (1977) emphasized,
the process by which leadership develops is typically a
gradual one. Supported by the Rural Extension Service of
INTA as a regional plan, the training program content
included technical, human, and educational issues. It
alternated periods of study of theoretical concerns followed
by rural community practice and reflexive analysis.

Community problem solving and opportunities for family
involvement helped those homemakers to develop community
leadership based on actions that were readily visible to
community members. Assembling data and opinions about
community problems, resources, and goals, these community
leaders shaped local development by initiating, mobilizing,

and coordinating conscious actions to cope with basic or

24

fundamental needs.

These human resources represent an active intermediate

level that offered strong support in educational activities

as demonstrators or diffusors of new ideas and procedures at

community level. In San Juan, more than 100 community
leaders, mostly females from homemakers' groups, have been
provided with knowledge, techniques, and opportunities for
personal involvement in local projects of community
development, nonformal education, and health. Homemakers’
groups are linked at local, regional, and national levels
which provide additional opportunities for leadership.

The researcher actively participated as an extension
agent in the leadership training program. These employment

experiences combined with a growing awareness that

development theories were changing led to the formulation of

the desire to discover what the rural people think about

development.

3. METHODOLOGY

The term methodology applies to how the research is
conducted, based on assumptions, researcher's interests, and
purposes. Because no other study was found that had
explored the perception of small—farm family members about
rural sustainable development in Argentina, the topic and
purposes of this research dictated an interpretive paradigm
and a qualitative method of study. Later, the qualitative
data in this study could be used to complement a
quantitative approach by generating theoretical statements
as a stimulus for further research. The following sections
are: research approach, which includes theoretical
discussions about paradigms and methods; qualitative
research design; and research strategies, which explain how

the research was conducted.

Research Approach

Modes or paradigms of social research are positivistic,
interpretive, and critical (Paolucci & Bubolz, 1980; Bubolz,
1985; Bubolz & Sontag, in press). They are based on

different assumptions and propose different aims, modes of

25

26
rationality, nature of knowledge, and research methods. The
theoretical discussion is about paradigm and method; the
appropriate focus for this research approach is on the
interpretive paradigm rather than positivism, and on the
qualitative method rather than the quantitative method.
Paradigms.

In the social sciences, the two major theoretical
perspectives or paradigms are positivism and interpretivism,
both with roots in physical and biological sciences. The
first, positivism, traces its social science origin from the
theorists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
Positivism seeks the facts or causes of social phenomena
apart from the subjective states of individuals (Taylor &
Bogdan, 1984). The second major theoretical perspective or
paradigm, interpretativism, is committed to understanding
social phenomena from the actor’s own perspective. The
interpretive paradigm includes research that is termed
ethnographic, hermeneutic, interactive, naturalistic, or
phenomenological. All these types of research are
interpretive in that they seek an explanation for social or
cultural events based upon the perspectives and experiences
of the people being studied. In this way, interpretive
research is ”grounded" in the everyday lives of people
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). In doing so, interpretivists seek
to make sense of an object of study, "to bring to light an

underlying coherence" (Noblit & Hare, 1988, p. 12).

 

27

Since positivists and interpretivists take on different
kinds of problems and seek different kinds of answers, their
research demands different methodologies. Adopting a
natural science model of research, the positivist paradigm
quantifies social events and assesses the statistical
relationship between variables in the service of
constructing an abstract theory. Positivist studies seek
cause—and-effect laws that are sufficiently generalizable to
ensure that a knowledge of prior events enables a reasonable
prediction of subsequent events. Once there is enough
knowledge, the world will be predictable, if not
controllable. The interpretivist seeks understanding
through qualitative methods which strive for comprehension,
on a personal level, of the motives and beliefs behind
people's actions (Noblit & Hare, 1988).
Methods

Qualitative and quantitative research methods represent
two very different sets of intellectual habits and frames of
mind. In the broadest sense, qualitative methodology refers
to the research that produces descriptive data: people's own
written or spoken words and observable behavior. More than
a set of data gathering techniques, qualitative methodology,
like quantitative methodology, is a way of approaching the
empirical world. This way of approaching is characterized
by Taylor and Bogdan (1984, p. 5—8) whose eight selected

verbatim citations appear in bold.

28

1. Qualitative research is inductive. Researchers
develop concepts, insights, and understanding from patterns
in data, rather than collecting data to assess preconceived
models, hypotheses, or theories. In qualitative studies,
researchers follow a flexible research design beginning with
only generally formulated research questions.

2. In qualitative methodology the researcher looks at
settings and people holistically; people, settings, or
groups are not reduced to variables, but are viewed as a
whole. The qualitative researcher studies people in the
context of their past and situations in which they find
themselves. The human ecological perspective is a holistic
approach.

3. Qualitative researchers are sensitive to their
effects on the people they study. Qualitative research has
been described as naturalistic. That is, researchers
interact with informants in a natural and unobtrusive
manner. In in-depth interviewing they model their
interviews after a normal conversation, rather than a formal
question and answer exchange. Although qualitative
researchers cannot eliminate their effects on the people
they study, they attempt to minimize or control those
effects or at least understand them when they interpret
their data.

4. Qualitative researchers try to understand people

from their own frame of reference. Qualitative researchers

29
empathize and identify with the people they study in order
to understand how they see things.

5. The qualitative researcher suspends, or sets aside,
his or her own beliefs, perspectives, and predispositions.
The qualitative researcher views things as though they were
happening for the first time, and nothing is taken for
granted.

6. For the qualitative researcher, all perspectives are
valuable. The researcher seeks a detailed understanding of
other people’s perspectives, not necessarily truth or
morality.

7. Qualitative methods are humanistic. When people are
studied qualitatively, the researcher gets to know them
personally, to learn about the inner lives of the people.

8. Qualitative researchers emphasize validity in their
research. By observing pa ple in their everyday lives,
listening to them talk about what is on their minds, and
looking at the documents they produce, the qualitative
researcher obtains first-hand knowledge of social life
unfiltered through concepts, operational definitions, and
rating scales. Whereas qualitative researchers emphasize
validity, quantitative researchers emphasize reliability and
replicability. This is not to say that qualitative
researchers are unconcerned about the accuracy of their
data. A qualitative study is a piece of systematic research

conducted with demanding, though not necessarily

 

30
standardized procedures (Goetz & LeCompte, 1984).

Perhaps the most striking difference between the
methods is the way in which each tradition treats its
analytic categories. The quantitative goal is to isolate
and define categories as precisely as possible before the
study is undertaken and then to determine the relationship
between them. The qualitative goal, on the other hand, is
often to isolate and define categories during the process of
research. Well defined categories are the means of
quantitative research and they are the object of qualitative
research (McCracken, 1988).

Glaser and Strauss (1967) relate qualitative methods
with theory development. The ”grounded theory" approach is
a method for discovering theories, concepts, hypotheses, and
propositions directly from data, rather than from a priori
assumptions, other research, or existing theoretical
frameworks. According to Glaser and Strauss, social
scientists have overemphasized testing and verifying
theories and neglected the more important activity of

generating theory.

Qualitative Research Design

Two major procedures of grounded theory methodology for

generating theory were proposed by Glaser and Strauss

(1967). The first is a "constant comparison method” in

31

which the researcher simultaneously codes and analyses data
in order to develop concepts by continually comparing
incidents in the data. The second procedure is ”theoretical
sampling" in which the researcher selects cases or
informants based on their potential for helping to expand
the concept or the theory being developed.
Constant Comparison Process

Constant comparison is a continuous process used by the
researcher for developing and identifying properties of the
studied concept. The process is a concept-indicator model
in which empirical data are indicators of a concept derived
from them by the researcher. It is a process of conceptual
coding and discovery of relationships. Graphically, (see
Figure 3) it can be represented, as an iterative, ascending,

progressive process (Bubolz, 1989).

 

Core central concept

 

 

 

 

Categories T related to proposed
______________ ‘1‘; _ _ _ _ _ _ hypotheses
i 7 ——————
Concepts M N X
other concepts
_____ _.._____ _..._._..______ .__._JL_._____..
Em irical i ’ D I d
p B D G L coded categories
Indicators 1r ‘1’
Empnmal I STU ' TI | i | I
Data 8 f 5 j w 2 h 7 k u y r 099” 009mg

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 3: Grounded theory procedure for
theoretical elaboration.

32
Theoretical elaboration can be done with different data
sources, either qualitative or quantitative. The process is
described by Glaser and Strauss (1967, p. 105) in four
stages: comparing applicable incidents in each category,
integrating categories and properties, defining, and writing
theory.

The first step in grounded theory is to obtain the
data from the empirical world. "The analysis starts with
coding each incident in the data into as many categories of
analysis as possible, as categories emerge or as data emerge
that fit an existing category" (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p.
105). By continually comparing specific incidents in the
data, the researcher refines these concepts, identifies
their properties, explores their relationships to one
another, and integrates them into a coherent theory. In the
process of comparison of incidents and comparison of codes--
concepts--to incidents, codes of higher levels of
abstraction are developed.

Integration of the theory takes place at the many
levels of generality that emerge. It must be
emphasized that integration of the theory is best
when it emerges, like concepts.... The truly
emergent integrating framework, which encompasses
the fullest possible diversity of categories and
properties, becomes an open—ended scheme, hardly
subject to being redesigned (Glaser & Strauss,
1967, p. 41).

The integrating scheme is delineated through the

constant comparisons. Initially, grounded theory uses

inductive reasoning, from the particular to the general, but

33
it can move to the deductive mode, when concepts and
hypotheses are applied to new data (See Figure 4. Source:
Modified from Bubolz, 1989). This is not only an iterative,

but also a cyclical and generative research process.

DEVELOPING HYPOTHESIS

(Data analysis: coding, memos)

gathered data CONCEPTS data collection

D
e
d
Return to CORE CATEGORIES Return to U
previously [1 additional if
i
v
e

o<—~oca3-

EMPIRICAL DATA

REJECTI ON/CORROBORATI ON
of HYPOTHESIS

Figure 4: Grounded theory procedure for generating
theory: inductive and deductive
reasoning.
Theoretical Sampling
Samples in qualitative research are usually small, tend
to be purposive, and can change because research is
conducted progressively and iteratively. Even in a highly
inductive mode, the qualitative field researcher usually

starts with some general research questions which typically

fall into one of two categories: substantive and theoretical

34

or formal; these are questions related to in-depth
understanding of the particular setting studied and those
related to general theoretical insights. Sampling is driven
in large part by the research questions which indicate the
foci and boundaries within which samples are selected.
Sampling involves not only decisions about which people to
observe or interview, but also about settings, events, and
social processes. It is tied also with issues of
generalizability (Miles & Huberman, 1984, p. 36).

Generalizability to a population, the major purpose of
random samples, is not as crucial in qualitative research as
validity of descriptions, concepts and hypotheses. One may
learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the
purpose of the research by selecting information-rich cases
for study in depth as one way of sampling qualitatively,
thus the term ”purposeful" sample. There are several
different strategies for purposeful sampling. According to
Patton (1987) some strategies are extreme or deviant case
sampling, maximum variation sampling, homogeneous samples,
typical case sampling, critical case sampling, snowball or
chain sampling, criterion sampling, confirmatory or
disconfirming cases, sampling politically important cases,
and convenience sampling.

Glaser and Strauss (1967) named “theoretical" sampling
as a procedure whereby researchers consciously select

additional cases to be studied according to the potential

35
for developing new insights or expanding and refining those
already gained. This theoretical sampling is an active,
purposeful, searching way of collecting data, providing
constant direction to research. Once additional
observations do not yield additional insights, the
"theoretical saturation“ point, in the words of Glaser and
Strauss, has been reached. Arnold (1970 cited by Brewer &
Hunter, 1989, p. 120) has suggested a somewhat different
approach which he calls "dimensional" sampling. This
approach combines the survey researcher’s concern about
precision in defining units and selecting samples prior to
data collection with the qualitative researcher's concern
about gathering rich data on a few, selected, comparative
cases.

Sampling involves decisions about settings. Although
all settings are intrinsically interesting and raise
important theoretical research questions, ”the ideal
research setting is one in which the observer obtains easy
access, establishes immediate rapport with informants, and
gathers data directly related to the research interests"

(Taylor & Bogdan, 1984, p. 19).

Research Strategies

Presented as research approach and qualitative research

design, the researcher has attempted to discuss theoretical

 

36
dimensions of both the interpretive paradigm and qualitative
methods, and to describe methodological procedures of
grounded theory. According to research interests and that
theoretical framework, this section of research strategies
explains how the research was conducted, given the specifics
of the methodology. It includes approaching the fieldwork,
selecting settings and informants, collecting data, and
working with data.
Apppcaching the Fieldwork

The researcher is a human instrument. “Relying on all
its senses, thoughts, and feelings, the human instrument is
a most sensitive and perceptive data gathering tool"
(Fetterman, 1989, p. 41). To be explicit, the researcher
assumed a holistic perspective, the recognition of intra and
intercultural diversity, respect and recognition of the
participants' perspectives, and a nonjudgmental orientation
in this research.

The holistic perspective demands a great deal of time
in the field to gather the many kinds of data that together
create a picture of the social whole. The long—term
relationship with the informants, families, and communities,
along with human ecological conceptual guidelines, led the
researcher to the holistic orientation for contextualizing
data.

Neither groups like families nor communities are

completely homogeneous. The inter and intracultural

 

37
diversity among families and communities selected for this
study is recognized. The researcher assumes the recognition
and acceptance of multiple perceptions about rural
sustainable development, in spite of the fact that the
participants’ perceptions may not conform to an objective
reality. This is an attempt at scientific analysis of the
insiders' or locals' perspective. A nonjudgmental
orientation required the researcher to suspend personal
valuation and also to recognize social identity and cultural
diversity. Approaching the fieldwork in this manner
increases the possibility of the validity and usefulness of
the collected data.

This section includes the description of the selection
procedure as well as the description of the settings and
informants actually selected.

Selecticn_prccedure. A theoretical, nonprobability
sample was selected. The procedure used by the researcher
was a combined approach called dimensional sampling which
was suggested by Arnold (1970, cited by Brewer & Hunter,
1989). This was done in order to get an exhaustive,
theoretically representative sample. Applying this sampling
strategy, the researcher first selected the salient
theoretical dimensions of the study and then used these to
construct an attribute list that included family type,

composition, principal activity, leadership role in the

38
local community, and community type and location to define a
theoretical sampling frame or universe. In other words, the
researcher, according to the research question, looked only
at some actors in some contexts dealing with some issues.

For this study, rural leaders or key actors with farm
family members of two or three generations living at home,
in rural communities located at different distances from the
urban centers were the attributes of potential informants.
Other factors considered important like established rapport
and employment related resources available to the researcher
were also evaluated.

Following the recommendation of Taylor and Bogdan
(1984, p. 19) with respect to an ideal setting, three
communities in the central valley of Tulum, part of the
researcher's working area in the Rural Extension Service
since 1970, were selected as socio—spatial units for this
research. Two of them are agricultural rural communities;
both are stable communities with social and territorial
identity and some commonly felt sense of place. They are
located at different distances from and with relative
integration to the cities. A third spacial unit, although
not included in the research proposal, was selected for two
reasons, one practical and the other methodological.

The practical reason was that many rural families moved
to the urbanized area because of housing availability while

maintaining their agricultural rural work. Due to the

 

 

39
increasing migration of rural people to urbanized areas, it
was assumed that the perception of these urbanized families
could make a contribution to this research. The
methodological reason was triangulation. By drawing on a
third type and source of data the researcher could gain a
deeper and clearer understanding of the research topic.

Once the communities were selected, one rural and close
to the urban area, another rural and distant from the urban
area, and a third urbanized area with rural immigrants, then
the researcher conducted the selection of informants. For
selecting information-rich participants, the criterion was
to select only families with at least one member playing a
leadership role in the local community. The criterion for
determining leadership included personal involvement in
local projects of community development which was usually
accompanied by relatively long residence in the area. The
researcher assumed these characteristics would provide deep
knowledge and understanding of the setting. The leaders
were initially chosen from among those rural home
participants whom the researcher had helped to orient,
although it became evident that other members of their
families also held leadership roles.

Ideally, qualitative researchers develop close and open
relationships with informants or participants. Rapport and
trust come slowly, but close relationships with families in

these communities had already been cultivated by the

 

 

40
researcher. Some informants can be called key actors, a
term used by Fetterman (1989) referring to individuals in
the social group under study who are formal or informal
leaders, who generally answer questions in a comprehensive
fashion, with explanation about the larger picture,
conversational tangents, richness and texture.

Ten families with members who fulfilled the selection
criteria were found in the three selected areas. All the
leaders had spouses and at least one adolescent or young
adult child at home; if more than one child over 13 lived at
home, the oldest was chosen. Some leaders also had a parent
or parent-in-law available. All of them agreed to be
participants in the study. During July and August of 1990,
the research settings were selected and informants gave
their agreement for participation (see Appendix B for
consent procedure).

Deecrippicn_cf_eetpipge. Although major ecological and
human factors are indicated, the specific communities have
not been named, as part of the effort to protect the privacy
rights of the participants. The rural community close to
the urban area is 7 kilometers away from the nearest urban
area, the county seat. The distinctive feature of this
community is aridity. It lacks potable drinking water. The
irrigation water runs along a paved canal that bisects the
rural neighborhood. Most of its residents worked in the

fields as rural workers on the large surrounding farms. The

 

41
adult family members are skilled in vineyard cultivation.
It is a poor community formed by nuclear families, living in
substandard or temporary housing located at the base of a
mountain. The mountain is covered by minimal vegetation; in
this arid environment people find firewood especially in
times of poverty. The 50 families average 5.5 members.
There is an elementary school, a post office, and bus
service twice a day to the urban center. The most common
transportation resource is the bicycle.

The rural community distant from the urban area is
located 26 kilometers from the urban area. Most of its
residents are small—farm owners. This is a traditionally
agricultural area surrounded by cultivable land. A paved
road traverses the community. The houses are standard
constructions made of brick and are better than in the
community close to the urban area because the buildings are
permanent rather than temporary constructions. There is an
elementary school, a post office, and frequent bus service.
A private winery is the only industry in the area. The 55
families average 4.5 members, the majority of them descended
from Spanish immigrants.

The urbanized area was planned as a residential sector
that encircles a small city which is a county seat;
collective housing projects called peppice (neighborhoods)
offered the opportunity of a new seismic resistant house for

families which were victims of the earthquake in 1977.

 

42
Since the housing projects with all facilities, such as
potable water provision, electricity, market, health and
recreation services, were located in the city, a wave of
migrants from the rural areas to the urban center was
produced.

Descripticn_cf_lnfcrmants. In the three spatial units,
ten families were found with the specified family
requirements. Ten female leaders were found who attended
the leadership training program during 1976-1986, who in
1990 were active as informal community leaders or key
actors. Eight spouses and four younger members also
identified themselves as playing a leadership role in the
local community (see Appendix C for family data).

A total of 31 informants, members of the 10 families,
were participants in this study; both parents, an adolescent
or young adult living at home, and one grandmother, were
able to participate. Nobody who was invited refused to
participate. 0n the contrary, many commented that they
appreciated the opportunity to express their own ideas.

ct' at

When the methodology was tested in September 1990 with
a family with similar structure which did not live in any of
the selected communities, a few minor changes were
suggested. The one of most utility was the preferable order
for the interviews with family members, starting with the

person with whom the researcher had the most rapport, which

 

43
was usually the adult female.

Information from local officials of the Rural Health
Service--data actualized three times yearly at the household
levels-provided background information on the setting.
Between September and December 1990, the researcher visited
the homes of those families which met the criteria and had
given consent to participate. Usually the researcher was

invited to have lunch, or drink mate (a kind of tea, a

 

traditional beverage usually served in a gourd and sipped
through a silver straw) with informants. This contact
strengthened long—term relationships with them, in addition
to enabling the researcher to talk with them informally and
learn about their perspectives, perceptions, and lives.
Background information on each family was collected through
a genogram, including family composition, sex, age,
occupation, ethnic background, religion, formal education,
and general health as well as recent changes.

After the initial conversation, an individual interview
was conducted with each selected family member, when
possible, in a private space like the kitchen or living
room. In families with limited housing space, the
researcher made arrangements considering family members’
schedules and used the researcher's office in three cases.
Some scheduled interviews were postponed when visitors or
other family members would be spectators or disturb the

results. Since the interviews were made in places familiar

 

44
and comfortable for the participants, the interviews were
conducted in an open conversational style in keeping with
the qualitative methodology. The use of the tape recorder
for these interviewers was accepted by all participants.

The interview consisted primarily of a central core
followed by optional questions according to the initial
responses. A set of questions for the interview was not
followed rigidly but was a useful guide (see Appendix D).

The introductory question was preceded by the
researcher sharing the experience of study abroad and saying
that on many occasions she was asked to describe her living
place to an international audience. Immediately the
question of ”How would you describe this place to someone
who has never been here and wanted to know what is was like
to be here?” let the interview begin easily.

No question was made directly nor specifically about
the central concept of sustainability or sustainable
development. Although these terms are in use professionally
in Argentina, it was not known whether or not they really
are in use in the rural areas. Therefore, they were not
used in order to avoid the possible introduction of a new
term thus creating a bias or contamination of the data.
Instead, the conversation was about what they know and see
in the community and their family as they were asked to do
in the original invitation to participate. During the

interviews, no participant mentioned terms like development,

 

45
sustainability, or sustainable development, therefore, no
occasion for additional questions about these terms
appeared.

As expected, informants were completely open. Several
reacted emotionally to the point that tears appeared in
their eyes: one man when remembering a public recognition
for their family, two others, referring to their attachment
to their place and land; one woman remembering their son's
participation in the Falkland Islands war, another the
earthquake when their son died, and a third relating a
childhood sad event; two youth when talking about the
probability that they will have to leave their home and
friends soon because they need to find a job.

Working with Data

The researcher was concerned with developing the
concept of sustainable development in the people’s own
terms. The researcher collected, transcribed, coded, and
analyzed the data. The intensive inductive analysis of data
started in the first week of 1991 with the transcripts of
tapes, coding, theoretical and methodological memos using
the constant comparison analysis as it was described, and
the analysis continued throughout the writing stage.

The informants were identified by letters A to J to
represent the family to which they belong. Letters A to D
indicate families in the urbanized area, E to G those in the

rural community near to urban area, and H to J those in the

 

46
distant community. Family member informants were identified
by the numbers 1 for youth, 2 for wives, 3 for husbands, and
4 for the grandmother. Thus, C2 indicates the wife in one
family from the urbanized area.

One important lesson from experience is about the
quality of tapes and recorder: the lower the quality the
more time was needed for transcriptions. Another difficult
experience was to translate literally, conserving as much as
possible the style, rhythm, tone, emphasis and probable
punctuation of the original oral conversation to a foreign
written language.

Inductive data analysis is a dynamic and creative
process which occurred during each step of the research.
Patterns emerge out of the data. Through analysis, the
researcher looked for natural variation in the data, for
convergent data and for divergent data. Insights were
grounded in and developed from the data themselves. The
researcher also drew on the first—hand experience with
settings, informants, and documents to make sense out of the
data. Recognizing emerging patterns by examining them in as
many ways as possible, identifying themes and developing
concepts, is a gradual process. It is a discovery process
by combining insight and intuition with an intimate
familiarity with the data. According to Taylor and Bodgan
(1984), there is no formula for identifying themes and

developing concepts, but their suggestions follow. First of

 

 

47
all, collect all field notes, transcripts, documents, and
other materials and read through them carefully. Read and
reread your data prior to the time to engage in intensive
analysis. Keep track of themes, interpretations, and ideas.
Write memos to note themes and record any important idea or
interpretation. Another author (Charmaz, 1983, cited by
Taylor & Bodgan, 1984) described the same process as one of
writing, sorting, and integrating memos for developing
grounded theories. Spradley (1979) used worksheets, lists,
charts, and diagrams to discover underlying patterns. The
construction of typologies or classification schemes was a
useful aid in identifying themes and developing concepts.

In this study, the researcher followed the informants'
own perspectives and ideas. Common sense criteria like
gender, age and place of residence were used in order to
make comparisons and distinctions between perspectives. The
data, the emerging graphics which led the researcher to
reexamine the theoretical concepts, and the continued
exploration of literature nourished each other and provoked
additional insights.

The next stage was to develop concepts and theoretical
propositions, moving from description to interpretation and
theory. In the words of Taylor and Bodgan (1984, p. 133)
”developing concepts is an intuitive process. It can be
learned, but not formally taught.” Words and phrases in the

informants’ own vocabularies that capture the meaning of

 

48
what they say or do are referred to as concrete concepts.
They take their meaning solely from the culture studied and
not from the scientific definition. They help a
researcher's attempt to gain a deeper understanding and
continually refined interpretations of what has been
studied.

Always trying to remain grounded in the data, the
researcher interprets and reorganizes the data to form
concepts to increasing degrees of abstraction in an effort
to contribute to an emerging theory. The resulting
classification of the informants' perspectives dictated a
nontraditional style of presentation of results in several
chapters about perceived changes, emerging values and human

attributes.

 

4. PERCEIVED CHANGES

With respect to the place where they live, the
informants expressed a variety of perceptions of changes.
Although some did not perceive any change at the beginning
of the interviews, everyone recognized some changes by the
time the interviews were completed. Some perceived few
changes, while others perceived many changes in the place
where they lived. Regardless of the quantity of changes
perceived, it was possible to note variety in the intensity
of the changes from slight to substantial. The direction of
perceived changes varied between positive, or improving,
ameliorating changes, and negative, or, worsening,
deteriorating changes (see Table 2).

Informants described changes in the natural, human
social-cultural, and human built environments. There are
similarities in the perceptions of informants who share the
microenvironment of their local community; however, there
are some differences among the residents of the three areas
studied. Changes perceived in the urbanized area are
presented first, followed by changes perceived in the rural
community close to the urban area and in the rural community

distant from the urban area.

49

50

Table 2. Qualities of Changes Perceived in the Local
Ecosystems by Informants in Three
Communities, San Juan, Argentina.

 

 

Qualities Urbanized Close rural Distant rural
of change area community community
Existence Many No change WORSENING
changes STAGNATION Stagnation
PROGRESS Few changes Few changes
Intensity Substantial Slight Slight
Direction POSITIVE NEGATIVE NEGATIVE
negative positive positive

 

Those perceived changes in capital letters were mentioned
first, and with more emphasis and frequency, by most of the
informants as documented in the tapes.

Urbanized Area

All informants perceived that the place where they live had
changed. These changes were generated by the devastation
and desolation produced by an earthquake on November 17,
1977 and the posterior reconstruction.

(The urban area) changed; the earthquake of ’77
produced this agglomeration of people, this
modernization. (B1)

Yes, it changed (referring to the urban area). I
do not know if it is for disgrace or for luck. The
earthquake that happened in '77 in this area
punished it so much that there are still traces
that cannot be erased yet; I see it in the semi-
destroyed houses, in the solitary walls, in the
fractured highways. But I find a (place) more
vigorous, with more commerce, with more working
opportunities for the people. Because the
earthquake destroyed everything, destroyed
properties, houses, there were many people that

 

51

left. We came to (the urbanized area). (D3)

With the earthquake, the people moved to the

(city) center. After some time, the new housing

was ready and we found that there are no sources

of work. (B3)

In relation to the direction of the changes, the
informants perceived a diversity of effects and a need for
personal and familial adaptation to urban life, although

they maintain links to the rural areas as a source of work.

Overall, there are favorable changes, others that
hurt. (CS)

One is adapting to the life's circumstances;
changing, one has to change; we have to adapt. It
is neither a radical nor a temporary change; it is

a change that one is feeling, is touching. (A3)

Some of the perceived personal and community changes

are related to the human built environment indicating

directions of changes.

This is my house, my first (own) house. I do not
live in a borrowed one, but I miss the country.
(82)

We have more help. (Referring to the proximity to
health services). (A2)

There are shopping passages that we did not have
before in the commercial area, the illumination;
now it looks very beautiful and makes the city
important, many restaurants, more stores, fashion
stores, jewelry. In the last four years there was
a change. (C2)

There is not enough money to make many changes.
There are projects that are never begun. There
are some improvements — the central avenue was
restored, things like that, (a local) radio
station, but important changes, no, not yet. (B1)

(The urban area) has progressed in housing, but on
the other side has attracted the people from rural
areas and crowded them in the center of the

 

52

county, and at the same time people need to walk 4
or 5 kilometers to go to their jobs. Another
important change is in the commercial section:
more intensity, more variety, more money turnover.
Another change is in transportation. The circuit
(local connection between communities and the
center of the county) brings people to the center
to purchase groceries, to use health services
(and) to the civic center, thus there is a more
intense complementarity between the rural and the
urban area. Many of those who lived in rural
areas obtained housing in the city by lottery or
by administered loans. Change for betterment, but
people had to go elsewhere to look for work
because here there is none. At the school level,
a wave of new students came to the urban schools
which do not have enough capacity, classes are
offered by shifts, students are transferred to
nearby schools, they are taken by bus. (C3)

This was reinforced by a youth (A1) who mentioned the
perceived change of ”bus service for school" (for older
youth and adults who are trying to complete elementary or
secondary schools). Other personal and community changes
perceived by informants refer to the social environment.

In my family, my youngest son (18 years old,
computer student) thinks in another way, (like)
another (social) class. (This) makes a change in
his studies and in his thinking. There is a
tendency to increase (referring to social class).
Computation is a change. (Careers like)
construction, electricity, have always existed in
(the urban area). (C2)

Seems to me that we are going backwards because
the people don't like to work. I don't know.
Everyone has gone from the countryside. Yes,
there is a change, but who will work the fields?
(C2)

At the beginning the people didn't trust each
other; they didn't know each other. (B2)

People have changed. They know each other. (D3)

To bring people together is the most important.
The people of the neighborhood admire us (women's

 

53

sub-committee of the neighborhood group). (To the
meeting) a huge number of women come. That is
what's wonderful about this neighborhood. I say
that the women are better than the men. They
congratulate us from all sides. This is the best
organized neighborhood group in (the urbanized
area). (A2)

Inevitably comparison with the previous life arises,
comparison between rural and urban life.

In the countryside people live in families. I
used to work side by side with my husband, because
he was a contracted worker (in the vineyard); he
pruned and I tied; he plowed, I took out the
limbs; with my husband and children we played by
throwing dirt (at each other) in the field, to
catch hares, (to watch for) birds, bird nests. We
shared as a family all day, very happy. In the
country people live as a family...the work wasn't
any trouble, neither was the house. But now he
(husband) leaves before sunrise and returns after
sunset. And this (the change) can’t be measured in
money but in affection...The affection sustains
us. (B2)

The town is very beautiful, but there is not any
firewood, nor animals, eggs, vegetables; here
everything is obtained with money. (C2)

If all houses were not constructed in the urban
area, the people wouldn't have migrated. (B3)

It is a very good place. I have lived in the
country very far from population centers and (you
know how it is) to arrive here where I fin

myself surrounded by everything, that is to say,
where I find myself in a comfortable house that I
didn't have in any other place, schools nearby.
(D3)

When one is in the country, one doesn’t value what
one will leave the day that one leaves. Because
we have always had a small garden, flowers,
animals, (it is difficult) to come to a place
where this is not permitted, where we can't have
them; yes, change, change comfort for scarcities.
(B2)

(In the country) we used intelligence to
substitute some things for another. People are

 

54
more alert, more cunning, they use nature in the
real dimension. Comfort brings conformity;
don't have to make an effort, things come to me
ready, (sales persons of) vegetables and meat come

to my door. In the past, we had a garden and we
didn’t have a problem with money. (Bl)

Close Rural Community

The majority of the perceptions of change in the rural
community close to the urban area refer to the last 15
years. However, some informants related changes which
occurred in a longer time period, for example, the case of
the grandmother who described the changes she perceived in
approximately the last five decades. The perceptions of
changes varied between those who did not perceive change and
those who perceived little change; there were no perceptions
of substantial changes.

No, it hasn’t changed. (F2)

It has changed very little. (E1, G3)

It changed, not much, but it changed. (E3)

Before there wasn't electricity, now there is, but
other changes, few or nothing. (F1)

Yes, it has changed a little. (E2)

In relation to the direction of changes,
informants of three generations described the perceived
changes referring to their slow rhythm.

This is going backwards. There isn't work. And
these kids (where will they go?) And where are

they going to find jobs? (They) earn so little
and life is so expensive! (F4)

 

55
(The place) has changed. It's poorer. At this
moment there is more poverty. (E3)
But we are progressing a tiny bit. (E2)

You can’t say that (this place) is progressing
much, it remains the same. (F1)

It’s progressing in very short steps. (F1)

(It is progressing) not as we would like it to,
but we have achieved something. (E3)

Female informants described changes in the human built
environment of their local community.

(The place) is modernizing, we have electric
light. (F2)

The roads are improved, covered with gravel. (G2)

Now you can enter the neighborhood at night, the
streets are illuminated. There are four street
lights. (E2) -

Male informants described other changes in the human
built environment. All of them referred to the effects
produced by the earthquake in their families and local
community; like almost all families in this community, their
houses were destroyed.

(From the things that we had) when we got married,
of the furniture we had, only this little table is
left, (however) we had everything. Here
(referring to the place) everything fell down.
(Thus, I had to) begin again. (E3)

The other Community Committee (did the appropriate
legal work) to secure the legal distribution of
the land (with deeds). The land was divided in
measured units. Before that, we couldn’t
distinguish one boundary from the next because of
the disorder. (G3)

From their perspective, the younger informants perceived

56
advantages derived from changes in the human built
environment.

All is changing, is modernizing. Now we have

energy, we have (electric) light; we can stay out

later (at night), we talk together on the corner
with our friends. In the past no, when night

came, each one went to his house; now it's

different. (E1)

Informants perceived changes in the social-cultural
environment, related to social organization and human
resources. The loss of human resources, mentioned by all
informants, was considered a kind of poverty.

We are a little more organized. (G2)

The people are (now) more united, there is more

contact between one person and another, we have

more contacts with people (outsiders). Before,

nobody came here. (E2)

In the past, all this (place) was inhabited. We
were many families. (F3)

In the past, at least there were more young

people. Now we are very few, we should be 10

boys, and girls, well, there are very few. Many

young people have gone. (E1)

Many families got a house in the city (urban area)

and they left and we are left underpopulated. We

are few. In this sense, we are poorer. (E2)

The informants perceived a relationship between the
exodus of youth and families and the precarious housing
conditions, the shortage of working opportunities, and the
impossibility of constructing housing due to the lack of
drinking water, which is a required governmental condition

prior to the construction of new housing neighborhoods.

I know how much one suffers living in these
ranchitcs (small precarious houses)! (F2)

57

The people have gone because here, in these
ranchitos, everybody and everything gets
completely soaked (when it rains); when it rains,
everything is ruined. (E2)

We bought this plot, we built this house, the
earthquake demolished it, then we built this
ranching...1 m very uncomfortable with these
living conditions. . Having a house, one knows
that if it is raining one wouldn’t get wet; if a
wind is blowing, one wouldn't eat dirt as we do.
Our hope is this: to have a house. (G2)

Many people left because there is little work and

the housing was constructed in the center (urban

area). They have gone because of housing and work

problems. It's not because they wanted to go, but

that they saw it as an obligation. (E3)

A water treatment plant would be just what we

need. Although we have the ranchitcs, we can't

build houses because we don't have the (potable)

water. We have the barrier of the lack of safe

drinking water. (E2)

Specifically, the work issue refers not only to supply
and demand, but also to the minimal diversity and the social
benefits which are available only to permanent workers, such
as health benefits, life insurance and family salary. Also,
this issue is related to family resource use and
administration practices and their effects on the children’s
welfare. In this subculture, children have assigned
responsibilities such as caring for siblings and running
errands, especially shopping for food, which they do daily
because of the lack of refrigerators and money.

One has no other work than in the vineyards. (F1)

In the past, work was always available; now it

isn’t. If you have five children and don't receive

(supplemental) family salary which you got

previously, there are families that are having a
bad time. For this reason they leave...The income

58

that enters the house is very little. Sometimes
they manage badly also. (There are) people who
don't control. (E3)

(People) don't know how to manage what they have.
If they have a bike and they sell it, they sold
the bike and the next day, they “ate it" (that is,
spent all the money on food). Nothing is solved.
And now, to buy a bicycle means lots of money for
someone who works on the farms because you earn
just enough to eat. (E3)

Many families don't have even a bicycle; (there
are) mothers who send the children on foot in
order not to spend money (for bus fare). Here the
children suffer a great deal. (G2)

In a long term perspective, a grandmother described the

changes that she perceived in the last five decades.

time,

(This place) has been changing. (Before there
were) men more capable, who liked to work, have
their house, each one with the vegetable garden
and an orchard. What you see now is kids in the
streets begging for bread; in the past, you didn’t
see this. People earned less, (but) all the
fathers went to work and brought bread (food) to
their houses, but not now. Now you see a lot of
misery. Before many worked on the X farm and the
other one across the road; these farms are
bankrupt. (These farms) had innumerable horses,
cows, sheep, everything, ”flowering" (abundance)
of animals; trucks for transporting workers, and
now you see nothing, all earth. And so it has
terminated. (F4)

The informants perceived that ideas change throughout
generation by generation.

One makes a part like my father did; later another
generation comes along and continues advancing;
the ideas change. It could be a complete change,
a well organized neighborhood, everything neat.
(G3)

Perhaps they, my grandparents and great
grandparents, tried to do the same. Previous
times are not the same as now; those people
perhaps didn't have the ideas that we have. The
young people come with new ideas. (E1)

 

59
Distant Rural Community

Most of the perceptions of change in the rural
community distant from the urban area are within a time
period of the last 15 years. However, some informants
referred to changes which occurred in a longer term, in the
last 25 years. The perceptions of changes varied between
those who perceived backwardness and those who did not
perceive any change to those who perceived little change;
there were no perceptions of substantial changes.

Here, you can’t see any progress, just the
opposite. (J1)

No, it remains the same. This is a place that is
flattened because it is permanently dead. The
fields were left, abandoned. Changes in the
county no, in the area no, here no. (H2)

Yes, of course, it has changed somewhat. (12)
In relation to the direction of changes, the informants
perceived negative structural changes related to agriculture, the
principal activity in the area.

Yes, it has changed. In the past, this place was
beautiful, (it) was very productive, very neat,
because the real owners were here; then came the
subdivision (of land), and then, this started to
terminate. 3)

Instead of going ahead, it is going down. Twenty
years ago, these were not fields, it was a
village. .Now it is (just a) field. (J1)

There isn't production, (there’s) shortage of
work, we have the X winery that employs two or
three girls, no more. Here there is a great
poverty. Here there is nothing for the women; the

60

woman who wants to work has to go to the city.
(H2)

It can be said that, 10 years ago, the vineyards
and wine production were still a good deal, (but)
for the last 10 years they aren't. (J3)

It’s a life always the same, there aren’t great
changes because we haven't evolutionized in
industry. (We) live like many years ago with the
difference that the wine consumption in Argentina
is reduced; having less consumption, the
agriculture was down, it's impossible to live
well. And the other things you can try to plant
have (a) market but not much. Now we have trade
with Brazil, but Europe and USA are a little
closed to our production. (H3)

The informants who lived at a distance from the urban
area appeared to perceive an especially slow rhythm of
changes.

We can say that there are small advances for an

agricultural area like this. We could have much

bigger advances, but there aren’t any. To the
contrary, it tends to decrease. (H3)

Male, female and younger informants perceived positive
changes in the human constructed environment.

We had a house in good condition, it was

demolished by the earthquake. Now I have a

seismic resistant house. (H1, H2, H3, J1, J2, J3)

We have a new school building. (H2, I2, I3, J1)

In the past we didn't have post office,

electricity, paved road. In things like this,

much has changed. (I2)

With electricity, one has all the comforts
(electric equipment) that one can acquire. (H3)

Kids can go during the night to the high school
because now we have (a special) bus service. (H2)

There is a small drainage system; with the new
canal I can irrigate twice as much (land)...They

 

61

are improvements, advancements. (H3)

In the social environment, changes in social
organization and human resources were perceived. In its
origin, this area was organized as a colony of Spanish
immigrants.

In the past, we were all one family. We had (a)
Directive Committee and our neighbors were just
like family. We have grown with these people as a
family. Now, we have just neighbors. (J1)

We also had a cooperative, the X Cooperative; we
built a winery. It was going very well. We had
wine distribution market in X state; we had
railroad equipment for wine transportation also,
these things...For a cooperative, human values and
honest people are needed, especially honest
people. (J3)

Before, the school was a school (for teaching).
Now the school is for everything; for parents'
meetings, for friends' meetings, for praying, all
is (in) the school. In the past, no. We don't
have Community Committee and this is needed. (I2)

Many people left. (H3)

There is an explicit recognition of the goodness of the
natural resources, especially water and soil.

We have water, good soil, little salinity...ln

fact, this area’s soil and water are excellent...

with a little sacrifice and care, all can be

recovered. (J3)

The earth has to be cared for. (13)

I don't like this dryness. How water changes
(things)! (H3)

They are rich areas that can give in themselves a
means of life. (H2)

 

62

Summary

In spite of the variety of changes perceived by the
informants about the place where they live, there are
analogies in the perceptions of informants who share the
microenvironment of their local community. They described
changes in the natural, human social-cultural, and human
built environments of their local ecosystems, which are
displayed in Table 3.

Informants of the three studied areas described changes
in the natural, human built, and human social-cultural
environments. According to their perceptions, some
conclusions about change emerged from the data.

From the natural environment, the earthquake of
November 1977 produced both unplanned and, later, planned
changes in the natural, human built and human social—
cultural environments in the three studied areas. It
produced a need for adaptation to the new environment, which
was mentioned with emphasis in the urbanized area. It
produced positive changes in the human built environment of
the urbanized area. These changes are perceived as positive
at the community level and as mixed, positive with some
negative, at the familial level. Positive changes were
perceived in the social-cultural environment by male, female

and younger informants in the urbanized area.

 

63

Table 3. Changes in Three Environmental Dimensions
Perceived by Informants in Three Communities, San
Juan, Argentina.*

 

 

Environment Urbanized Close rural Distant rural

dimensions area community community

Natural EARTHQUAKE EARTHQUAKE EARTHQUAKE
Soils

Human built +NEW HOUSING ~POOR HOUSING -FLATTENED

+HEALTH SERV —POVERTY -ABANDONMENT
+SCHOOL SERV —LESS PEOPLE —POVERTY
+COMMERCE —LACK OF WORK TLAND SUBDIVIS

+CROWDING +Electricity ‘ECON CRISIS
+PROGRESS +Street light —LESS PEOPLE

+COMFORT +Better roads +Drainage sys
+CITY RHYTHM +Deeded plots +New canal
+UTILITIES +Paved roads
-Lack garden +Secure houses**
—Lack of work +Electricity**
—Need money +New school**

+Post office**

Human socio— +SOC SUPPORT —FAMILY EXODUS -FAMILY EXODUS

cultural +WELL BEING -YOUTH EXODUS —YOUTH EXODUS
+VIGOR —STAGNATION —STAGNATION
—Crowding +UNITED PEOPLE —FORSAKEN
—Forced move +ORGANIZED —Neighbors not
+Plot owners a family
+New ideas —Now fields not

a village

 

* Those perceived changes in capital letters were
mentioned first, and with more emphasis and frequency, by
most of the informants as documented in the tapes. The
Symbols (+ and -) refer to the direction of the change as
interpreted by the researcher from the taped data.

** Items that probably were taken for granted and were not
mentioned until the last part of the interview in response
t0 probes. All these human built items had been completed a
few Years after the earthquake and in recent years no
additions have appeared.

64

Overall, a positive, progressive process is perceived
] . E . I] 1 . I . 'I E I] i
f 1 I I' 1 I] 1 E I] I I'E

Negative and a few positive changes are perceived in
the human built, and human social~cultural environments at
the community and familial level by informants in the rural
community close to the urban area.

v I s ' ’ 'v
o ‘ e c m it c s t rb re

Negative changes are perceived in the natural
environment by informants in the rural community distant
from the urban area. In addition to the devastation of the
earthquake which affected all the informants, those in the
distant rural community also perceived the deterioration of
their soils, although they expressed the idea that these
soils can still be recovered with care.

Negative structural changes and some positive changes
are perceived in the human built environment by informants
in the rural community distant from the urban area, at the
community and familial level. Negative changes are
perceived in the social—cultural environment by these same
informants at the community level.

Ove kw r0 5 's e ce'v 'nf rmants
. I] i' I I J 'I . 'I E I] .

'I' E I] J' E II . J

 

5. EMERGING VALUES

The analysis of data about how the informants described
the place where they lived, the needs that they felt, what
they want to change, and why they struggle, provides the
opportunity to discover what they value, and especially the
values related to the studied concept of rural sustainable
development. It is assumed that expressions and terms used
by informants throughout the conversational interviews
express or represent their values.

There are similarities in the terms used by informants
when they described their local community. Data from
informants in the urbanized area are presented first, and
then, data from informants in the near rural community and
distant rural community. General descriptions and then
values which the researcher interpreted as fundamental and
instrumental are presented at the individual, family, and
community levels. Fundamental values, which for these
informants were mainly family oriented, are essential ones
that were distinguished from instrumental values which serve

as means .

65

 

66

Urbanized Area

The initial part of the interview was an open,
situational question in which the informants described the
place where they live. Their description of the area was
based on its qualities, inhabitants, and facilities.

It's big. (D2)

It's a more complex place, more proportion of
inhabitants. (C3)

It's more or less modern. (A1)

It’s a very familiar zone (social relationships).
(A1, )

(It's a place) with human warmth. (D2)

There are many people, people who came from the
country, who like to work. (A1)

Humble people, but who want to grow, to have a
clean neighborhood, very nice. (A3)

It's a place where we have safe drinking water,
electric light, comfort, conveniences. )

Eamilialues

The value of the family emerged from the expressed
opinions of youth, wives and husbands. In the opinions of
the youth, to remain in the family home was strongly
connected with the problem of lack of work, the forced
exodus, the uncertainty and the anguish.

The family (is) first, after that, everything

else. I want to be always with them (family

members), but I can’t. Now I have to emigrate.

I'm the oldest. Here there is nothing (referring
to work). I don't know where I can find a job.

 

 

67

To have to go leaving what we love a great deal,
that is what hurts me now. (B1)

The family is the richness, the happiness, the
desire to live. (B2)

To give (things) to the kids, because that is what
pains one the most, the kids. (A2)

The kids need to know what is going on at home,
the whole family has to know what (we) plan to do.
I have attained a family because of this, because
I have known how to dialogue. What is better than
if a child (who) has a problem tells it to one (a
parent)! (B3)

When they are 18, many kids have studied, have

graduated, but the doors are closed for them, they

don't have any place to work. (She thinks that

her son is going to emigrate.) This is division

of the family, it's a sorrow. (C2)

Given the importance of the family, values recognized
in the family are projected to the immediate community as a
huge family. In most of the interviews, the values of
friendship, unity, tranquility, progress, respect, hope and
giving or sharing are emphasized and interrelated. In the

researcher's view these are long standing values.

To have many friends and these two sons are my
pride. (A3)

I have many friends, I feel good. (C1)
To have to leave them (the friends) hurts. (Bl)
There is friendship among neighbors. (D2)

I'm trying to achieve unity among the neighbors.
I always say, we have to be united as a family at
home. If you can’t get an agreement within the
family, (how can you) pretend to get an agreement
in the community. How can you do it outside if
you aren't practicing it inside? (B2)

This a quiet neighborhood, nice, there’re many
kids. (A2)

 

68

For me, progress is the beauty of the place, (to
be able) to count on all the necessary facilities.
(C3)

(It's desirable that) people feel comfortable,
that kids have a place to play. (A2)

I teach them (sons) respect. (A3)

I received a lot and I had the opportunity to give
and this is important, to give without interest,
from the heart, and people recognize this, feel
this. (CZ)

(Attitude of service) This comes at birth, I was
born with this ideal, I've always tried to do it
(serve) the most humbly possible to avoid
reactions. (C3)

Instrumentalialues

Informants in the urban area referred to issues that
reflect instrumental values that prepare the new generations
for the future.

One of the objectives that I have with my wife is
that the kids are educated, not like one who had
to live all (his) life in the country and remains
marginal. (D3)

I'm a son of a single mother. I suffered a lot.
Since I was a kid, I’ve had a goal: to have a
family, to form a home. To give to my kids all I
can and educate them, because I'm illiterate.
(BB).

(The country gives many things.) But it
eliminates this part — the education to struggle,
to raise oneself more easily in life. You’ve seen
that with education it is easier to elevate
oneself than to work the land. (These) are the
factors that one seeks, urban areas to move ahead.
(D3)

The issue of work is connected with the value of

education and equity which in a broad sense is interpreted

 

69
as ethical rights. Since the principal activity of all of
the male informants in rural areas is connected with
agriculture, they referred to rural work.

Teach the youngsters the love of work, because
with health and work, there is well—being. (CB)

I can see much desertion by rural kids, lack of
work, they emigrate to other places, they look for
new horizons. I believe that there ought to be
periodic meetings, programs of work, of (rural)
organization. (C3)

They haven't created any sources of work...There's
nothing. You know, my kid has studied
(construction). For what? To be here loading
logs! And, what can he do? The other kid had to
emigrate to another place, and so on. Here we are
very bad in this (sources of work). (B3)

I would like to say that if a youth graduates, he
prefers to work in the urban area because of the
conveniences. The rural work is hard and the
salary is low. For only one person, (it’s) just
enough to maintain himself, but for a family, it's
low. (C1)

The rural areas have not been valued, the people
who work in the country have not been valued.
Here, the people who work in the fields need to
be given value. Nobody likes to work in the
fields. If I could stop going to the fields
tomorrow, to go to work at something else, I’d do
it. If we have the poorest salary, we don't have
help, the health insurance we have has no value,
we are the most unprotected. We can't strike
because the owner will say I’ll hire someone else
and you can go, such as has already happened to
several. Two fellows lost their jobs because they
asked for shoes that is a legal right. Because we
are all trying to catch (find) a job (this
happens). Four months of work and comes the next
(worker; turnover related to work laws). We don’t
have anybody's support, nobody defends us. Thus,
for this (reason) nobody wants to work in the
fields. This is what you have to see, the law,
the government, (but) if they are also the owners,
this is the bad thing. (B3).

 

70

Close Rural Community

Informants described their local community by referring
to its qualities, its inhabitants' characteristics and its
resources. Most of the informants described this rural
community alluding to its tranquility.

This is a very tranquil place. (E1, E2, F1, F2,
F4, G1, G3).

(This place is) small. (G1)

(This place is) precarious. (E1, Fl)

People (are) simple, humble. (F1, E3)

We are distant from the city. (G2)

We are here permanently. (E2)

There is a lot of land. (G3)

(There is) good soil. (E3, F3)
Emily—Values

Youth, wives, and husbands expressed coincident
opinions of the value of the family. For adolescents to
remain in the family home was linked with work opportunities
and socialization to face life, which they call "struggle“.

My family (is) beautiful. (G1)

I like this place because I'm close to my daughter
and (because of) the tranquility. 4)

We (family members) live together, and everyone in
the family shares the house expenses, the things
that we have and the things that we haven’t. We
(parents) dialogue with the older kids, adding
their ideas to ours. (G2)

When we were 15, we started to work, to gain the

 

 

71

small salary that is paid here. In this way we
were learning the rigor of the job, and then, to
the point of doing a task like we did with my wife
(getting married). After that, to have the
knowledge to be a parent of a family and to share
with my kids, and (I’m) actually very thankful for
my kids. They’re for me and I'm for them. We are
struggling to get what we want. If we abdicate,
we get nothing. The whole life is a struggle for
us. (G3)

Additional values recognized by the informants related
to the immediate family and community are friendship, unity,
tranquility, progress, respect, hope and giving or sharing.
They appear interrelated and were expressed in most of the
interviews with emphasis. In the researcher’s impression,
these values are long standing.

That the people are united, that they greet each
other, (that) they are friends. (E3)

We live in unity, we are friends. (E1)

I can imagine (in the future) a big family, my
brothers with kids, always united, just like 'til
now. (F1)

What most interests me is that everyone is
together, that the neighborhood be united. (E2)

(This) is a tranquil place, precarious but very
tranquil. (E1)

The principal thing that we want is housing, that
the economic situation is better for all, that so
much poverty doesn't exist. This is what we
desire. God willing, someday it will happen. If
we don't get it, (we hope) that the ones who
follow us get it. (E3)

Having a job and a house, people wouldn’t leave
this place; they wouldn’t move from here. Because
all of them have ideas like ours. The majority
that have a little job, have it in the fields near
here. So, if someone moves to the city, (he)
needs to come back here to work. Having a job and
a small house, the people don't leave, and the

 

72

neighborhood would go ahead, but if they are
lacking (nothing happens). Here there is not a
shop, nothing. There are very few people. (E2)

It could be that these things are improved a
little. The poor that work the vineyards don't
raise their head. They are paid little. I hope
that things here will move, will go, that there is
work. (F2)

I can imagine 10 years from now, each neighbor
with his/her new home. (G1)

I had a good house. The earthquake destroyed it.

Had to start again. I made this house like

lightening. Tomorrow we could have a good house

on this plot. I have a job on the farm. Here all

is hope. (G3)

To work in the community kitchen is voluntary

work. It gives me satisfactions, happiness for

the kids. I have been working there for the last

five years, and all this time ad-honorem, as a

volunteer. (E3)

(Referring to a new family that came) There were

10, those of us here were going to help them,

among all neighbors, but they left. (E2)
Instrumentallaluea

Informants in the rural community near to the urban
area also referred to issues like education and work, that
reflect instrumental values that prepare the new generations
for the future. In the matter of education, the problem of
the distance to the secondary school affects the educational
opportunities of the youngsters, but especially of the
girls, according to the data. The effort to study by rural

youth is valued by families.

I didn’t risk sending her to study because of the
distance. (G2)

Before, I was the woman of the house, to prepare
food, to clean (the house) and I never imagined

 

73

going outside, to make new friends, meet other
people, other lives. My opinions are more valued
than his because he (husband) realized that I
wasn't here enclosed. He didn’t have this
opportunity. He says, ”Kids, make opinions with
your mother; your ideas are better, they're more
developed." (G2)

Ah, I think so much and I ask God to give me life
to see my kid working with his studies, for which
he sacrified so much, to see him working, to gain
his money, that he’s not dependent on his father.
We have struggled a lot with them. The sacrifice
that those kids made to go to school, get up at 5
o'clock ... You can see that the kids graduating
in whatever, have to go outside to look for a job
because here, there isn't any. (F2)

There isn’t secure, permanent work. (G1)

You earn little. (F4)

Here in Argentina, all is in a bad situation.
There isn't secure, permanent work. For me, I
think, this is everywhere; this is important
because my future depends on it. 1

With 600,000 australes (60 US$ 24 April 1991), can
you believe that is enough for a living?
(referring to her husband’s monthly retirement
income as rural worker)... We have to support our
kid (student). He gets the retirement after more

than 40 years of work. What do you think? A
whole life! This is bad. (F2)

Distant Rural Community

All informants emphasized that, in the past, this was a
wonderful, very populated, familial, and productive
community with a source of employment and connection by rail
for wine sales. They described it in the present as an

isolated place, tranquil, healthy, with honest people, good

 

74
social relations, but suffering the depression of an
economic crisis. Progress in the human built environment is
valued; it did happen in the past, but not currently.

This is an isolated place, very solitary. You
have things far (away). Here we don't have meat
nor vegetable sellers door to door; you have to go
to the village, 30 blocks away, to look for
groceries. Here each one has his own animals, his
own vegetables, you have your survival, (you)
don't (have) to be going (shopping) every day,
shopping is done weekly. Ten blocks from here,
the vegetable seller passes twice a week, the meat
seller too, (but) not here. I have the luck to
have electricity, so I have my conveniences. (H2)

I see it as a very humble zone, with few resources
For living it's a tranquil place, for the kids
it's wonderful as they can do what they like, but
it's also a place of apathetic people. (H1)

It’s tranquil, with few changes, very healthy;
there aren't great vices, there aren't drug(s),
because of the economic level of the people,
neither is there a market for those people (drug
dealers). (H3)

This is a good place; the people are all rural.
Here nothing is lost (honesty). The people are
very respectful. If someone is not at home, the
neighbor takes care of (the house), keeping guard
and thus we take care of one another. And if
something is lost, one knows who was walking and
who wasn't. (I3)

This place is really rural (isolated). I don't

like to live here anymore because one doesn't see

any progress. (J1)
FamilLlalues

Interviews emphasized the value of the family. Witness
the expressions of a woman, mother of five, all students in

secondary school and college, who became the earner of the

family when their vineyard was burned by accident. Her

 

75

husband worked recovering the land, starting again, but the

recovery of a vineyard takes many years. She was an active

volunteer demonstrator in the Rural Extension Service

who

used these skills to earn money when this became necessary.

To improve, try to improve the level of life of my

family, this always has been my objective and it’s
going to be. That my kids be someone in life and
that they achieve this by themselves. We have to

start...In the last five years, with the help of
my two sons, I have been sustaining the home;
sometimes I get very tired...You have to deny
yourself to be able to give, to deny yourself to
give life to the others. (H2)

Additional values recognized by the informants related

to the immediate family and community are friendship,

honesty, respect, and giving or sharing. They appear

unity,

interrelated and were emphasized in most of the interviews.

We are friends of all of our neighbors. (I2)

Helpful people. If something happens to you, a
neighbor will help you, will assist you. (This

is) a place in which you live alone, neighbors are

far away and at the same time you are friends of
all neighbors. Because here one knows everyone

else, we are all friends. We all know each other

and if something happens to one, everyone else
will eventually know. (H2)

Here nothing gets lost. (I3)

What I learned, I learned from somebody else (not

in the school). I teach (my peers) what I
learned. (12)

I always wanted to go somewhere else to teach what
one knows (what I learned as a demonstrator). (J1)

Wines

Education is highly valued by informants in the rural

community distant from the urban area. They also referred

 

76

to the problem of the distance to secondary school and how
it affects the educational opportunities of the youngsters,
but especially of the girls. This issue and work
opportunities and migration were considered by these
informants.

I always wanted to have a degree to be someone

more valued (but) I always lived too far away

(from education centers). In the past, parents

didn't let (girls) go outside by themselves.

Those were old customs. (12)

The future of my son is outside. He is doing
well. He has his studies, is capable. (H3)

I didn't attend high school because my grandfather
was opposed. He thought that girls are for
home...Here the woman who wants to work has to go
to the city; I'm here in the house doing the
housework. (J1)

My kids will not work on the farm. They will have
to look for a job outside. They don’t like to
work in the fields. (12)

I am going to look for work in the city. If I am
here, I will come to my house to sleep, to rest.

I am going elsewhere, my work will take me
elsewhere. (H1)

Summary

The summary of the emerging values of informants in the
three studied communities is presented in Table 4. They
are, according to the researcher’s interpretation,
characteristic values of the rural subculture, an integral

part of human social—cultural environment.

77
In the display, work appears as an instrumental value
in spite of the fact that it was highy valued in itself.
Many facets of the issue were mentioned by informants, like
availability and diversity; some facets were emphasized,

like low valorization of rural work, low social recognition,

low salaries, unsatisfactory working and social security

 

 

conditions, which the researcher interpreted as ethics.
Table 4. Emerging Values in Three Communities, San Juan,
Argentina

Emerging Urbanized Close rural Distant rural

values area community community

Individual Family Family Family

Family and community

Fundamental
Friendship Friendship Friendship
Unity Unity Mutual help
Progress Tranquility Tranquility
Give/share Give/share Give/share
Respect Respect Honesty
Hope Hope
Instrumental

Education Education Education
Work Work Work
Ethics Ethics

Community Modernity Familiarity Solitude
Complexity Tranquility Tranquility
Grand scale Humility Health

 

 

78

Work and education were interrelated and closely
related to the phenomenon of rural migration. In this sense
they were classified as instrumental. The researcher
supposes that ethical rights did not appear as a value in
the distant rural community because the families were owners
of their land, worked the land with their own families, were
not workers on others' farms, and, therefore, were not

directly concerned with workers' rights.

 

6. EMERGING HUMAN ATTRIBUTES

As a third component of the emerging theory, some
emerging human attributes were emphasized by informants of
the three studied areas. Specifically, these human
conditions are resilience and endurance; self-valorization
including self-identity, self-esteem and self—confidence;
and rootedness or identification with a place,. These
emerging attributes are important contributions to the
objective of this study: the concept of sustainable
development as perceived by members of farm families which
play a leadership role in their local community. A sense of
humor is another possible human attribute which forms part
of the culture. Although there are evidences of this
quality in the data, the humor is not easily translatable
and, therefore, is not presented as evidence. In the
opinion of the researcher, these human attributes are
related to human conditions or qualities assumed by the
informants as underlying conditions for sustainable
development. Because these were presented by all informants
in one or another expression, the distinction among studied
areas is not necessary. Distinctions by gender among adults

can be found for some human attributes.

79

80

Resilience

The human attribute of resilience emerged when
informants referred to their own capacity to recover
themselves, to rebuild their ecosystem after a disaster or
crisis in a natural, human built or human social—cultural
environment, like the earthquake of November 1977, drought,
economic crisis, salinization, fire or lack of social
recognition of rural work and life. They were referring to
resilience in their own words; their own flexibility which
they call ”struggle“. But there are different approaches
between men and women; men referred to struggle linked to
machism as a cultural style, but women's expressions were
more elaborated, linked with pragmatism and hope, and in
more active terms.

(He described that the earthquake destroyed the

houses in the area.) One struggles and struggles.

It's hard because we don't get what we want. What

we are doing is struggling for the whole

neighborhood. If we all abandon (give up), that

is the saddest thing. (E3)

(After mentioning some successes) These are

changes which are carrying us forward and

following behind them we are struggling. Now we

have the intention to leave this, the poverty of

(precarious houses built in the emergency
after the earthquake of '77) for a nice house. We
already made a step; the youth will make another.

(G3)

Sometimes it was hard, but we have continued with
the (rural) community activities. (C3)

I can see that, in spite of the (difficult)

 

81
situation, the people don’t decay. They continue
struggling, they try all the time to improve. I
can see it in ourselves. That is, as you know, 1
go to a night school X. This high school is for
adults...We started with 220 students (5 years
ago) and now there are 900...Yes, the people have
each day more desire to make something (of
themselves), in other words, they are taking more
value, notion of what they are. (D2)

One should never lose hope. (A2)
Endurance

The difficulty and rigorousness of rural life under
those living conditions make endurance a repeatedly
expressed human characteristic. The informants, especially
adults, mentioned that toughness and endurance are important
attributes to prepare the new members for their hard living
conditions. However, toughness or hardness is accompanied
by a sensitivity, which could be associated with the hige
tuna (a cactus which has dry thorns on the outside and is
juicy and sweet inside).

The struggle here is very hard. I have worked too
much. (F3)

(In spite of the fact that the father wanted to
"protect” his daugther) I wanted my daughter to
have a job to learn about life, because life needs
to be learned. (B2)

The government doesn't do anything for us. We are
far away, isolated from all, but that’s not (a
reason) to stop. (H2)

We need to find a way of not stagnating, of not
remaining the same, no, (we) have to continue
struggling. (D3)

82
We have the same ideas - that we all try to work
together through the community committee in order
to realize all (our needs). (G1)
All my life I have worked in the fields and my
whole life has been a sacrifice for me. What I
have is what I have struggled a whole lot for. I
have struggled (along) with my wife. (B3)
Loving, with goodwill all can be done. (A3)
(After a detailed description of her childhood
with many sisters and brothers abandoned by her
parents in poverty, she concluded as follows)
Well, our history is hard, that's why I'm a woman

that totally loves life, and all the beings that
life has given me. (D2)

Self-Valorization

The emerging profile of the informants emphasized some
of their psychological characteristics as social actors:
self—identity, self—esteem and self—confidence. These human
attributes, in the researcher’s interpretation, are basic,
that is, they form a part of human qualities needed as a
prerequisite for sustainable development. In the data, all
these human conditions appeared interrelated as self-
valorization. Also, they appeared integrated with a sense
of belongingness, that is, a personal and familial
identification with a place.

S JE-'i Id

This is solid and also emphasizes group identity as a

collective identity.

I teach my children: love life as much as I have
loved it. I go to school (secondary), but I know

83

that at my age 1 don't know if I will have an
opportunity to work as a teacher or (even as a)
substitute, but this serves as my own satisfaction
and as a role model for my kids. (D2)

The only thing that I ask is that my kids always
take the good road; in the future, when they have
to form a home...that they be a good model for
their children and that they never lose this love
for the family, because without love, it doesn't
matter how much money we have, nothing is gained.
(D2)

I tried to change my person (as a trained
demonstrator); I was dull, ashamed to talk. Now I
feel more relaxed for all, also I try to do
everything. (J1)

(Our community) is healthy in the sense that we
still have importance, we are important. (D2)

Never have Mother’s Day or Children's Day passed
without celebration. Last year (also) we made a
toast to say good bye to the old year; all the
neighbors came, all contributed with ingredients
for dinner. (E2)

Selfmnfidence
Self-confidence, which also appeared related with hope,
is expressed by adult and young informants.

I'm achieving good things, getting the best things
for my family. I think that when a human being
proposes to do something, she always achieves it.
It’s a saying that I always say, that is, if we
want to have the best, we don't have to stop, (we
have to) continue day by day looking for the best
for the family and thus the best for the place
where we are living, for the community. We never
have to remain with crossed arms and 1 have faith
that, in this way, day by day we will go ahead.
(D2)

1 think that the neighborhood will change
(improve), as the community committees are moving
(working). (A1)

For me, (this place) will grow because of its
people, not for the men that are in the
government. (D3)

Il'

84

(She decided to remain in the rural community.
There, ten years ahead) I can imagine each
neighbor with a new house, not a ranchito like we
are living (in now); with a first aid center. (G1)

Self;es.t_e_em
Collective and gender identifications along with self—
esteem appear in the discourses of women who are leaders.

Now we are struggling for a site, a place that is
ours (to be our community room)(referred to a
multiple function room, to be used as headquarters
for the community committee). (E2)

(Youth) looking for a future they leave, they go
outside the province, outside the country, and, if
they aren't accepted, they have to return with
their heads down; this is sad (embarrassing). (C2)

We know ourselves well and this fills us with
pride; in spite of the economic situation, of the
crisis that is global, in every place, here you
don’t see it because we are rural people
(resilient). I value this so much because I see
that there is human warmth. (D2)

Because many times when a couple gets married,
they think that the woman should only be at home,
that is, that the husband gets the position of
machitc (small macho) in the home and the woman is
for cooking, cleaning the kids and thus the
husband believes that he loves his home and no!
Now there are many conveniences and because of
them (this place) is changing. We are liberating,
but for good. With what I've seen, with what I’ve
experienced, I’ve always said I’d write a book; of
course, I’d lack pages, in every sense, because
here and in my job (as a cleaning person), I'm a
woman thankful for my life. (D2)

The culturally rooted value of the men as food provider
for the family also appeared.

Here, welfare is killing the nation, starting with
the food package (from the National Food Program),
now the food bag (the same program), food bonus
(similar to food stamps); this shouldn’t exist.
Give them (the poor) sources of work. (C3)

85

Rootedness

The sense of belonging to a place, the personal and
familiar identification with a specific rural community,
according to the researcher’s interpretations, functions as
a reaffirmation of their own identity. Rootedness appeared
integrated with psychological qualities of self-
valorization, specifically self-identity. This sense of
belongingness becomes another important characteristic
emerging in the data. Informants in rural communities
referred to their rootedness on their farm land and in their
local communities, and informants from urbanized areas
referred to their identification with their city, county, or
another bigger and less defined place which they call “our

land”.

This land is something sacred for us, because here
the eight brothers have been born. (13)

This is the place where I was born, I grew up
here, I have many friends; if someday I leave,
I'll miss the customs a lot. (J1)

We have a house and a job to live from, we have
everything here. (F2)

If I get a chance to finish my studies (as an
elementary school teacher), I would like to teach
there (his own commumity). If I had to teach
somewhere else, well, I'll have to go. (F1)

(The urban area) "pulls” (attracts). (B1)

There is no land like one's land, even if it's
poor. (C3)

86

Even if it were the poorest in the world, there is
no land like one's land. (A3)

Wives expressed definite identification with their

place, using clear words and emotional involvement.

It’s a place that has to be loved to be able to
live in it. (H2)

(This place) it's nice, I like it. (H2, 12, J2)
There is peace, I like it here. (E2)

When you love your family, you love your
community, because this is where your kids will

live. (B2)

Informants in the urbanized area referred to the

country, the rural area, giving it more value.

area

I find myself surrounded by everything. .(but) we
couldn't live in cities if nobody produces in the
country. (D3)

There are more possibilities of progress, of work,

in rural areas. I never lose hope of returning to

the country. (C3)

Informants of the rural community distant from an urban
confirm the value of the country.

Here you have to seek the hub in the country. (J3)
Reactivation of the country. That we

industrialize what we grow (produce) in the area.

I have always had this idea. (H3)

1 always struggled for more progress in the
country. (H2)

I feel good. Here is the place where people
offered me love, that kindness that you don’t find
in another place. (12)

87

Summary

The human attributes of resilience, endurance, self
valorization (self-esteem, self-confidence and self-
identity) and rootedness, appeared as baseline human
characteristics expressed by informants, and as human
conditions necessary for remaining in the environments in
which they find themselves. In the researcher’s

interpretation of the data, these emerging human qualities

are a basic ingredient if development is to be sustainable.

7. INTEGRATION OF DEVELOPING CONCEPTS

This stage of developing concepts is integrative, it is
an intuitive process, moving from description to
interpretation. Concepts from informants were analyzed.
Words and phrases in informants' own vocabularies that
captured the meaning of what they say or do were examined.
These are referred to as concrete concepts. Their meaning
is taken solely from the informants’ expressions rather than
from scientific definition.

Informants in the three studied areas communicated
clear perceptions of what the researcher classified as
changes, values, and human characteristics. How are all
these approximations related to the concept of sustainable
development?

Using the framework of human ecology and conceiving
rural families and their communities as ecosystems, the data
provide insights about the conceptual issue: the concept of
rural sustainable development. The researcher can infer
from the data that informants held their own concept based
on their own experience as leaders or key social actors and
on their knowledge about the area, including problems,

needs, and survival strategies common in the subculture,

88

89
especially struggling. Their perspective is holistic,
communicating a picture of the social whole of their local
community, inserted in a larger national environment.
Frequently they made comparisons with other places: a close
urbanized community, central cities, other provinces, other
countries.

The informants have definite opinions and clear
perceptions in relation to the past and present, especially
defined in relation to the 1977 earthquake. Opinions were
usually based on and illustrated with facts. Young people,
however, did not risk opinions about their own future, as if
they did not like to think about it or reveal the lack of
control that they really have over their own future. With
one exception, the most educated ones, expressing their
preference for urban life and its opportunities, have
already decided to leave. The less educated said they
preferred to remain in their local community, but explained
the advantages and gave reasons. It is a sort of stage
migration phenomenon: Those who live in rural settings leave
them for a nearby urbanized area; those who live there move
to a larger urban center. In this continuum, the county
seat appeared as an intermediate center, more accessible
culturally and socially as well as more practical in terms
of time, money and energy. The maximum was a young student
of computation who plans to study abroad, in a developed

country, because of the level of education, but he plans to

90

study and to return. In this sense, members of a unitary
and cohesive group like a rural Latin American family do
hold different perceptions. On the other hand, parents’
opinions about the future of their young adult sons and
daughters seemed in all cases to be very realistic; they
considered qualities and limitations separately from their
feelings and desires.

The informants use critical thinking. They recognized
a gap between what is and what should be. This emerges in
their considerations, testimony and indications about
ethical rights. They know that they value familism,
friendship, unity and dignity in a system and structure that
value and involve individualism and alienation. They value
equality, social recognition and self-realization in a
system and structure that involve domination and
exploitation.

Strong influence is played by kinship ties. Rootedness
appeared integrated with psychological qualities of self—
valorization, specifically self—identity. This sense of
belongingness is shown by all informants in the three
studied areas. However, the urban orientation of the upper
classes in Argentina, as well as of middle classes which
emulate them, generates a social dualism in the whole
society which evolves to the emergence of a contradictory
dichotomy in social and cultural values between urban and

rural ways of life.

 

91

Demographic studies present rural women as those likely
to move from rural to urban areas (Griffin and Williams,
1980; Jones, 1980; Wilkie and Wilkie, 1980). However, all
adult female informants in the distant rural community
expressed sound identification with their place, emotional
involvement and the decision to remain on the farm in spite
of the migration of the youth. They recognized as a
contradiction the urban congestion on one hand and
unexploited rural areas on the other. Their ownership of
the small—farm land, as compared to non—owners, could be an
important variable to be considered in future studies.

Adaptation was mentioned as a challenge for adult and
young informants in the urbanized area. Comparisons between
aspects of current urban and previous rural life were
frequent in all three human ecological environments. Young
informants expressed their confidence in the new
environment. The leadership role was translated from rural
to urban areas by all adult female informants. Is this an
evidence of the self-confidence of the female rural leaders?
Is this a positive result of the Rural Extension leadership
training program? Is this a result of the need for social
organization in the new neighborhood to fulfill common
needs? This issue could be studied in depth. Adult male
informants, caught in the dualism of shared rural work and
urban home environments, mentioned ethical rights issues

related to work and educational situations in which younger

 

92
people with more formal education cannot find employment.

As indicated when describing the collection of data,
most of the informants were open. Not only did they express
opinions fluently, but also they shared their own feelings.
Sometimes they cried; also many times the informants and the
researcher laughed. A sense of humor is part of the culture
and it is unfortunate that these evidences were not
translatable. The role of these qualities in long periods
of crisis is suggested for further studies.

Serious disaster from the natural environment, like the
earthquake of 1977, and prolonged uncertainty from the human
environments and the agricultural and economic crises,
require special human conditions, especially resilience and
endurance. The informants rated these human conditions as
high values to be transmitted through the socialization of
new members. Qualities of self-valorization including self—
identity, self-esteem and self-confidence appear as a part
of the concrete concept.

This is an attempt at a scientific analysis of the
insider’s point of view. The folk perception is integrated
by the convergence of many features. These features can be
used as a guideline in order to facilitate the constant
comparison of both the folk and scientific versions of rural
sustainable development in the future.

Focussing on the concept as it was presented in the

first chapter, the terms are basically integrated by three

93
dimensions: change dimension, value dimension and time
dimension. In the informants’ point of view all these
dimensions are "artificial" because they appear interrelated
in the whole of their reality.

The most primitive term that integrates the studied
concept is change, and specifically planned change. This is
the change dimension. Informants perceived changes of
different kinds, levels, intensity, directions and sources.
Planned changes and also unplanned changes involve the
natural physical—biological environment and the human built
and social—cultural environments (see Figure 5).

Another primitive term which forms part of the studied
concept is quality of life, specifically betterment. This
is the value dimension that appears in folk perceptions.
Informants expressed their own ideas of betterment,
emphasizing fundamental values of familism, friendship,
unity, progress, giving and sharing, hope, respect, honesty.
Additionally, they indicated instrumental values of work,
education and ethical rights. The idea of betterment
involves the human built and social-cultural environment in
which the material economic aspect of progress is included.
Material conditions related to the satisfaction of basic
needs were mentioned by informants in all studied areas.
However, they indicated different qualitative levels; the
resource—poor rural families mentioned their house (roof,

protection), while the families who owned small farms

94

mentioned the economic benefits and the prices of the

products (assets, security). They conceive betterment

related with economic growth, but overall it appeared

essentially related with ethical rights.

Idea of Change Idea of Betterment

(change dunenmon) (vaue dunenson)
NE.HBE.SCE HBE,SCE

unmanned changes iundamentalvmues

8 Manned changes fannnsm,fnendsmp,unuy

progress, giving/sharing

hope,respect,honesty
instrumental values

work,educanon,euucalfights

Development Idea of Sustainability
(normafive concepn Mime ownenmon)
NE.S E
naturalresources
land, water

human attributes
resHience,endurance
self-valorization
rootedness

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
(core concepn

Figure 5. Concept of rural sustainable development as
perceived by informants in three communities,

San Juan, Argentina.

The third dimension is temporal. Sustainability is a

derived term that refers to the idea of preservation over

 

95
time and the folk perception of informants suggests
qualitative differences. Not all informants emphasized the
biological or environmental sustainability as is emphasized
by academic and professional developmentalists. However,
all informants did emphasize other features related to the
idea of preservation over time. These are human conditions
or qualities of resilience and endurance; self-valorization,
including self-identity, self—esteem and self—confidence;
and rootedness or belongingness. The idea of sustainability
involves the natural physical-biological environment, but
especially the social—cultural environment.

All of these attributes are human attributes, part of
the concrete concept of sustainable development.
Sustainability is viewed in order to preserve the human
environment for future generations. These human qualities
are vital conditions for health, and thus for preservation,
not only of the natural environment, but of human beings.
In the researcher’s interpretation of the data, these
expressed human qualities emerged as a basic ingredient if
development is to be sustainable. These can be labeled
human conditions for sustainable development in the
researcher’s interpretation of the perceptions of the

members of small-farm families in San Juan, Argentina.

 

8. DEVELOPING PROPOSITIONS AND HYPOTHESES

From interpretation to theory, this chapter deals with
proposition building related to the concept of rural
sustainable development. Preliminary propositions and
related hypotheses help the researcher’s attempt to gain a
deeper understanding and to refine continually the
interpretations of the concept of rural sustainable

development.

Preliminary Propositions

The proposed propositions are underlined and supported
by information from this research and the literature as well
as by key words which link the concepts in nine increasingly
complex relationships identified by Roman numerals.

I o e

.1 I] I I‘ E I ] H
1 . ]_]. 1 . J . i 1 1 . l . 1
over a long pericd cf time,

 

1. Sustainability Natural environment
(physical—biological)

 

96

 

97
However, in this study, some human attributes were
perceived by informants as most important in the concept of
rural sustainable development. Human conditions emphasized
by informants of the three studied areas are part of the

human social-cultural environment.

 

11. Sustainability Human environment
(social-cultural)

 

 

The human conditions mentioned by informants are
important qualities for social actors. These enable them to
be participants. And participation is a condition for
development, in this case, rural development (Axinn, 1978;

Cohen & Uphoff, 1980; Campbell, 1984).

 

111. Human conditions Participation
Participation Development

 

Participation is a condition of autonomy. Autonomy
requires real indigenous participation, inside actors not
only spectators. In order to be sustainable, development

has to preserve autonomy.

 

1V. Human conditions Participation
Participation _____ Autonomy
Autonomy _____ Sustainable development

 

In extension education, rural development can be
promoted using different participation levels and
approaches. Ruddle and Rondinelli (1983) distinguish two

approaches for rural development; one is called the

98
transferential approach, focusing on agricultural production
and the other, the transformational approach, focusing on
quality of rural life. In an extreme of the participation
continuum are the beneficiaries or presumed beneficiaries,
treated as passive recipients of a set of standard
techniques and practices under the main emphasis on
transferring technology. Sophisticated technology is tested
under experimental conditions and extension transfers it in
order to increase production. Meanwhile, the marginal,
resource-poor farmers rely on their skills, inherited
knowledge and traditional practices. On the other hand, the
transformational approach promotes human, rural community
development through participation of social actors. Many
rural people, farming families and migrant families with
basic needs unsatisfied look for satisfaction of physical
and social needs before technologies. However, in the
researcher’s experience, it is the transferential approach

to rural development which is legitimized in many

 

 

organizations.

V. Human conditions Participation
Participation-actors____ Transform. approach
Transform. approach ____ Autonomy
Autonomy ____ Sustainable devel.

 

At present, San Juan Province is facing the most
massive and pervasive transfer of people from rural

communities to urban centers in history (Censo, 1991). One

99
of the most crucial areas for policy action in the coming
decade will be to rebuild rural livelihood. Rural
livelihood, in contrast to the urban concept of employment,
means an adequate and secure stock and flow of cash and food
for the household throughout the year and during
contingencies for small-farm families and landless laborer
families, which often piece together a living through many
different activities and enterprises (Chambers, et al.,
1989).

Farmers migrate from rural to urban areas creating a
social desertification of rural areas that is comparable to
the soil desertification. Along with this, human conditions
can be eroded producing human depletion. These human

conditions were perceived by rural informants in this study.

 

VI. Human conditions Cultural identity

 

resilience

endurance

self—valorization
self-identity
self-esteem
self-confidence

rootedness

Cultural identity Rural sust. develop

 

 

Central to everyday life in the studied areas is the

 

100
identification with family and rural community. This is
obvious from the amounts of contact and visiting or
socializing that take place in rural families; interpersonal
relationships and loyalties are valued. In many instances,
the total community is seen as an extended family in which
each person experiences a sense of belonging and being
appreciated as a valued member of the community.

Also central to daily life is the indigenous knowledge
and the accompanying practices, also called empirical,
ethnoscience, local, non—scientific or traditional, which
are vital to development. In this respect, Arispe (1988)
emphasized that the present conditions of the international
system are making people in countries of the Southern
Hemisphere poorer in economic resources, but they are also
making them poorer in knowledge, and, what is perhaps even
worse, poorer in confidence with which they could continue
to create knowledge. This cultural erosion is a tragic fate
for cultures that have created great civilizations.
Simultaneously, biologists are warning, in the words of
Wilson, cited by Miller (1985, p. 189)!

The one process on-going in the 19808 that will

take millions of years to correct is the loss of

genetic and species diversity by the destruction

of natural habitats. This is the folly our

descendants are least likely to forgive us.

The counterpart of this loss of genetic diversity and
of species in the realm of culture is the loss of diversity

of human knowledge and of cultural traditions (Arispe,

 

101
1988). Human beings have the capacity to adapt to rapidly
changing environments, including changes from the natural
environment. Although the informants displayed traditional
characteristics and a slow rhythm of change, they also
showed a high capacity for adaptation to many changes which
ranged in intensity. The major one was the devasting
earthquake that destroyed their houses, furniture, almost
all material things; after that, many decided to rebuild the
house on the same plot.

Adaptation is based on the ability to learn from
experience. It is probable that some development failures
can be traced to the lack of attention to varied forms of
local, traditional or indigenous conditions, needs, practice

and knowledge. The recognition of existence of indigenous

 

]| J i' 'I II . i i I I . :
developmenp.

 

VII. Cultural Rural sustainable
diversity _______ development

 

Diversity is a central concept in ecology, and cultural
diversity is a central concept in human ecology. Although
cultural diversity is needed for rural sustainable

development, it alone is not sufficient. Cultural identity

 

102
is a corresponding attribute which is required. If the
people in a community have lost their cultural identity,
they have nothing to contribute to development. Since this
is an attribute that can be eroded, it needs to be
respected. In order for this to happen, recognition and
effective use of cultural diversity is a characteristic
required of those who promote development. Both the
cultural identity of insiders and the recognition and
effective use of cultural diversity by outsiders are crucial

for rural sustainable development.

 

VIII. Both,
cultural identity
and cultural diversity Rural
sustainable
development

 

Finally, human conditions are an essential part of
cultural identity which permit the maintenance of rural
subculture, the generation of folk knowledge and the

creation of survival strategies.

 

IX. Cultural

identity __ Maintenance of rural subculture
Generation of folk knowledge
Creation of survival strategies

then,

loss of

cultural

identity __ Extinction of rural subculture
Weak generation of folk knowledge
Non-creation of survival

strategies

 

103
Natural and human environments are part of the human
ecosystems. Human environment is composed of two kinds of
environments: human built and human social—cultural
environments. Both of them are important and need to be
preserved in order for development to be sustainable.
Human, material and ecological conditions were pointed out
by informants.
The most general proposition is that in_hemen
I' J . 1 1. . J! J .1 !.I 1
] ] 1' 'I ‘I' 1 ] i I . I]
deyelcpment. In order to be sustainable, rural development
has to avoid the destruction of natural and human resources,
preserve the physical-biological, natural environment and
the human built and social—cultural environment, and thus

can be sustained over a long period of time.

Preliminary Hypotheses

1. Potential for rural sustainable development is
positively related to the level of cultural identity of
insiders and acceptance of cultural diversity by outsiders.

2. Transformational approaches to rural development
which recognize and integrate indigenous and scientific
knowledge and practices in local situations with high local
participation will be more successful than transferential

approaches which are based on low local participation.

 

104

3. Human conditions of resilience and endurance; self—
valorization including self—identity, self—esteem and self—
confidence; and rootedness or identification with a place,
as an integrated set, will be positively related with local
participation in rural development projects.

4. Encouragement and support of local participation by
enhancing renewed ties of family, kinship and social
solidarity will be positively associated with a sense of
belonging.

5. Encouragement and support of local participation by
supporting peoples’ initiatives and cultural identity will
be positively associated with a creation of a new "sense of

place” in a global social—culturally sustainable society.

 

9. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THEORY, RESEARCH AND PRACTICE

Summary

A current goal of development programs is sustainable
development which has been defined by planners and scholars
from different disciplines. However, how do members of
small-farm families conceive sustainable development? What
are the terms used and how do the issues and symbols come
about? Is environmental degradation taken into account? Do
members of unitary and cohesive groups like farm families
have different perceptions? i

To discover the perception of rural sustainable
development, qualitative data were provided by informants
who are members of families in three communities of San Juan
Province, Argentina. Husbands, wives and one adolescent or
young adult child in each of 10 families of rural leaders
were interviewed separately between September and December
1990. The rural people described their past, present and
future situation in a clear, holistic, integrated manner.
However, members of farm families hold different perceptions
about development. Written material from verbatim

transcriptions of in-depth ethnographic interviews,

105

 

106
observations and basic demographic data were used in the
process of comparison of incidents and comparison of
concepts to incidents; codes of higher level of abstraction
are presented. Then, propositions and hypotheses were
developed.

The literature stresses ecological sustainability in
order to preserve natural resources so that increases in
production can be maintained over a long period (IIED,

1982). The contribution from informants of this study, all
of them nonprofessional rural people, is that although rural
development has to avoid the destruction of natural
resources and preserve the natural environment, human
conditions and some material conditions are required so that
development can be sustained over time (see Figure 6).

The development literature specifies planned changes.
The informants recognized not only planned changes, but also
unplanned changes from the natural environment such as the
1977 earthquake which was mentioned by almost all
informants. Most of them experienced material depletion;
also they have been observing an incipient ecological and
increased social depletion in their rural communities.
Predominant values identified are familism, friendship,
unity, progress, giving and sharing, hope, respect, honesty
as well as work, education and ethical rights.

They emphasized endurance as a human quality because

life for them means ”struggle". Also, the informants

 

107
emphasized other human attributes identified by the
researcher as resilience, self-valorization including self-
identity, self-esteem and self-confidence, and rootedness.
These human qualities were determined by the researcher as

necessary for rural sustainable development.

 

CONDFHONSfor
SUSTNNABLEDEVELOPMENT

Literature *NE 0 ice sustainablllt
Preservation ol natural resources
Percepnon

of Cultural diversity
Researcher Integration of native and sclentlllc
- knowledge and pracnces

Ecological conditions:
Preservation of natural resources
Perception (sell and water)

of - I Material condlt' -
* SCE * NE '°”&
informants Mlnlmun material conditions

6W
Human qualities: endurance
reslllence
self-v lorlzatlon
roote ness

SOURCES ENWRONMENTS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 6. Major environmental emphases of the concept of
rural sustainable development derived from
professional literature, researcher’s and
informants’ perceptions.

Based on the results of the research, some implications

for theory, research and practice are suggested.

108

Implications for Theory

1. The methodology used is appropriate for development
of theoretical concepts.

2. Theoretical conceptualizations can be enriched with
secular conceptualizations from nonprofessional views.

3. The research results can be compared with central
concepts and emphases of different theories about social
change and development.

4. Argentina’s data united with data from other
countries may extend and develop a theory of sustainable

development.

Implications for Research

1. New research about the same topic and with the same
methodology could be done with informants in other
ecological settings in San Juan province, specifically farm
families in the high mountain valleys and in the desert
area.

2. Comparison with research results about the same
topic and with the same methodology could be made with other
informants in San Juan Province involved in rural
development such as agricultural extensionists, social area

extensionists, members of families without leadership

 

109
skills, owners and nonowners of land, members of resource—
rich rural families and small-farm families in other
ecological settings.

3. The conversational style of the interview including
the original guide of questions was appropriate and very
useful to cover all information needed from informants.

4. The sense of humor could be the focus for future
research, especially as a strategy for survival in crises.

5. The inclusion of the emergent dimensions and
categories of the concept of rural sustainable development
in a more structured instrument would permit the weighting
of the relative importance of social, material and
ecological conditions for rural sustainable development.

6. There is a possibility of analyzing the data by
family units in the future, focussing on family members’
roles, gender and age, ethnic background, family values and
power structure.

7. Comparison with new data from families in other
parts of Argentina could be implemented in the future.

8. The methodology could be applied to the exploration
of other concepts which are shared by professional and

nonprofessional partners in development processes.

 

110

Implications for Practice

1. Policies need to be established to stop or reverse
the rural migration trend. According to the recent data
(Censo, 1991), rural migration in San Juan Province is
alarming. Given existing conditions, this process will be
perpetuated.

2. Policies need to be established to rebuild the
possibilities of obtaining a livelihood in rural areas.

3. Consideration and services need to be given to
families of small and medium sized producers and migrant
workers as well as to larger commercial farms and resource-
rich farmers. This is one of the most crucial areas for
policy action now and in the coming decade to rebuild rural
livelihood.

4. Leadership training programs should be considered as
suitable methodology for Extension.

5. Change agents need to avoid the further erosion of
human qualities in rural areas by using methods which
enhance the family and community values and the creation of
the human conditions which the rural producers and their
family members see as essential. The human conditions of
resilience and endurance, self—valorization including self—
identity, self—esteem and self—confidence, and rootedness or

identification were emphasized by rural family members

 

111

engaged in rural development.

Conclusion

The idea to be emphasized from the research experience
is that in order to be sustainable, although rural
development has to avoid the destruction of natural
resources and preserve the natural environment, the rural
people value human conditions and expect only minimal
material conditions, like safe housing and drinking water,
so that development can be sustained over a long period of
time.

In order to accomplish this, the professionals who
share development with these rural producers need to
reconsider approaches and recognize alternatives to
understanding of development. Professionals need to have
the nonprofessional concepts in mind during planning,

implementation and evaluation of development activities.

GLOSSARY

ASSUMPTION: "statements taken as given and not subject to
direct empirical...testing" (Chafetz, 1978, p. 33).

CONCEPTS: abstract ideas generalized from empirical facts.
In qualitative research, concepts are sensitizing
instruments (Blumer, 1969; Taylor & Bodgan, 1984) that are
used to illuminate social processes and phenomena that are
not readily apparent through descriptions. "Building
blocks" or basic content of theories (Chafetz, 1978, p. 45).

CONCRETE CONCEPTS: concepts from informants; their meaning
”is derived indigenously from the culture studied" (Bruyn,
1966, p. 39 cited by Taylor & Bogdan, 1984, p. 133).

CULTURAL DIVERSITY: the variety of knowledge and practices,
their different sources, their relative historical
development and the patterns of distribution in a given
human ecosystem at a given time (Avila, 1989).

ETHNOGRAPHIC: "refers to a basic approach within
interpretivism that is common to anthropologists and
sociologists....(1t) usually mean(s) long—term, intensive
studies involving observation, interviewing, and document
review” (Noblit & Hare, 1988, p. 13).

EXTERNAL RELIABILITY: refers to the degree that independent
researchers can discover the same phenomena or generate the
same constructs in the same or similar settings (Bubolz,
1989). Although no study attains perfect external
reliability, the uniqueness or complexity of phenomena and
the individualistic and personalistic nature of the
ethnographic process make approaching external reliability
more difficult for ethnographers than for practitioners of
other research models. The external reliability of the data
can be enhanced "by recognizing and handling five major
problems: research status position, informant choices,
social situations and conditions, analytic constructs and
premises, and methods of data collection and analysis“
(Goetz & LeCompte, 1984, p. 214).

EXTERNAL VALIDITY: refers to the degree to which authentic
representations can be compared legitimately across groups

112

113

(Bubolz, 1989). In most qualitative studies, as well as in
many quantitative studies, the strictures required for
statistical generalization may be difficult to apply. Rules
for appropriate sampling improve the generalizability of
quantitative studies; however, qualitative researchers may
have to address rather different issues, especially those
that obstruct or reduce a study’s comparability and
translatability.

INTERNAL RELIABILITY: refers to the degree that other
researchers, given the previously generated constructs, can
match them with data in the same way as did the original
researcher (Bubolz, 1989). Qualitative researchers
”commonly use any of five strategies to reduce threats to
internal reliability: low—inference descriptors, multiple
researchers, participant researchers, peer examination, and
mechanically recorded data" (Goetz & LeCompte, 1984, p.
218).

INTERNAL VALIDITY: refers to the extent to which scientific
observations and conceptualizations are authentic
representations of some reality.

The claim of ethnography to high internal validity
derives from the data collection and analysis
techniques used...First, (long—time relationships)
and collecting data for long periods provide
opportunities for continual data analysis and
comparison to refine constructs and to ensure the
match between scientific categories and
participant reality. Second, informant
interviews...necessarily must be phrased close to
the empirical categories of participants and are
less abstract than many instruments used in other
research designs. Third, (interviews as well as)
participant observation(s are) conducted in
natural settings that reflect the reality of the
life experiences of participants more accurately
than do more contrived or laboratory settings.
Finally, (qualitative) analysis incorporates a
process of researcher self—monitoring, termed
disciplined subjectivity (Erickson, 1973), that
exposes all phases of the research activity to
continual questioning and reevaluation (Goetz &
LeCompte, 1984, p. 221).

INTERPRETIVE: refers to the major paradigm that seeks ”an
explanation for social or cultural events based upon the
perspectives and experiences of the people being studied."
(Noblit & Hare, 1988, p. 12)

114

INTERSUBJECTIVITY: in qualitative research, agreement among
relevant scientists becomes important and is a means to
increase validity. It must be disciplined in qualitative
research; researcher must limit intrusion of the self onto
the participants and give them the psychological space to
state their perspectives in their own words (Bubolz, 1989).

PARADIGM: general orientation toward a subject matter
"based on assumptions concerning the nature of the reality
in question, the questions that are important to ask of that
reality," how they should be asked, how "best...to attempt
to answer those questions," and what rules should be
followed in interpreting the answer obtained. "In his
seminal work, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, first
published in 1962, Thomas Kuhn called these general
orientations ’paradigms’...." (Chafetz, 1978, p. 36).

POSITIVISM: refers to the major paradigm that is optimistic
about the prospects for general theories and laws and
largely seeks to develop them. The explanation in this
paradigm is causal and predictive. Because the positivists
see knowledge as accumulating, they have interest in
developing approaches to research synthesis.

QUALITATIVE: "refers to the range of approaches practiced
within the interpretive paradigm. including ethnography,
case study research, intensive interviewing studies, and
discourse analysis, among others" (Noblit & Hare, 1988, p.
13).

RELIABILITY: is concerned with the replicability of
scientific findings. (It) "refers to the stable functioning
of the research instrument" (Chafetz, 1978, p. .
“...(R)eliability poses serious threats to the credibility
of much ethnographic work. However, validity may be its
major strength” (Goetz & LeCompte, 1984, p. 221).

VALIDITY: is concerned with the accuracy of scientific
findings. It refers to the issue of correspondence with
reality and ”the degree to which that which is being
measured corresponds to that which the scientist thinks is
being measured” (Chafetz, 1978, p. 53); the degree of
correspondence between operationalization and the
theoretical concept. Establishing validity requires
determining the extent to which conclusions effectively
represent empirical reality and assessing whether constructs
devised by researchers represent or measure the categories
of human experience that occur (Pelto & Pelto, 1978).

APPENDIX A: GEOGRAPHIC LOCATION

Included:
1. Map of location of Argentina Republic.
2. Map of location of San Juan Province.

3. Map of location of selected communities.

Source: UNSJ. (1988).

115

 

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116

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ATLAS SOCIWICO DE LA PROVINCIA DE SAN JUAN

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117

 

 

 

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ATLAS SOCIOECONOIICO DE LA PROVINCIA OE SAN JUAN

SISTEMA DE ASENTAMIENTOS HUMANOS

NIVELES JERAROUICOS

 

Figure A.3.

Map

of location of selected communities.

 

 

APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM

The consent form approved by UCRIHS:

I understand that INTA San Juan (the National Institute of
Agricultural Technology) is sponsoring an investigation of
Perception of Sustainable Development by Small—Farm Families
of San Juan, being directed by Dr. Linda Nelson, Professor
from the Department of Family and Child Ecology at Michigan
State University.

I understand that INTA Extensionist, Elena Avila, the
researcher, will visit with me for the purpose of seeking
information about the perception of development of parent,
one adolescent and probably a grandparent, if available.

I understand that each participant from the family will be
interviewed for approximately 2 hours.

I understand that the questions will be related to my
ideas about the history, current situation and possible
future of development in my community and in my family.
Those ideas could be helpful for INTA San Juan.

I understand that I am under N0 obligation to participate,
that this will NOT affect my relationship with INTA San
Juan.

I understand that all information that I give will be
treated CONFIDENTIALLY and that my name will not appear on
any written record or report.

I give my permission to allow the researcher to tape—
record interviews and erase the cassettes when relevant
information has been transcribed and coded.

I understand that I am free to discontinue my
participation in the research at any time or REFUSE to
answer any question asked of me without any consequences in
my relationship with INTA San Juan.

I understand that my participation in the research does
NOT guarantee any beneficial results to me,

I understand that, at my request, I can receive a summary
of the research findings after the research is completed.

Signature of researcher .............................

Signature by participants ...........................
Date ................................................

118

119
The form was adapted to the cultural conditions in rural
Argentina. The English translation of the adapted consent

form:

As you know, I was outside our country studying for a few
years. One of the requirements that 1 have to fulfill is to
do research. I am completing this assignment here, with
you, and with members of other families in this place. I am
not doing a survey; it is more a conversation about your
life as (producer, homemaker, adolescent) and the place you
know, about which you already have ideas. We will not only
talk about the present, but also about the past and the
future.

The conversation will be confidential; what you tell me
will not appear in any report identified with your name. Of
course, you have the right to participate or not, or stop at
any time. If you permit me, I would like to use this tape
recorder so I will not have to write everything. Since our
conversation is confidential, when I have finished with the
tapes, I will erase them. If you prefer, I will not use the
recorder; if we use it, you can ask me to turn it off at any
time. To be a little more formal about the cooperation of
every person, this form was prepared to sign if you agree.
If you wish, we can read it. In any event, I will leave you
a copy.

Signature of researcher .............................
Signature of participants ...........................
Date ................................................

APPENDIX C: DEMOGRAPHIC DATA OF INFORMANTS

Table D1. Self—recognition of Leadership Role in the
Local Community

 

 

 

Family Husband Wife Son/daughter
A L L NL
B NL L L
C L L NL
D NL L L
E L L NL
F L L NL
G L L L
H L L NL
1 L L NL
J L L L
L : leadership NL: non-leadership role.

Table D2. Age of Informants

 

Family Husband Wife Son/daughter

A 50 42 19

B 55 46 22

C 55 49 18

D 46 42 19 (F)

E 45 38 20

F 68 61 22

G 41 41 23 (F)

H 53 48 24

1 50 46 18

J 65 59 29 (F)
Range: 41-68 38—59 18—29
Mean: 52.8 47.1 21.4

(F): female or daughters; the others are sons.

 

120

121

Table D3. Education of Informants

 

Family Husband Wife Son/daughter
A SI PC SI
B NS SI SC
C SC SI SI
D PC 81 SC
E PC PC PC
F PC PC T1
G PC PC SI
H PC SI UC
I SI PC SI
J PC PC PC

Range NS-SC PC—SI PC—UC

NS: no schooling

PC: primary complete (seven years of schooling)

SC: secondary complete (twelve years of schooling)

SI: secondary incomplete

TC: tertiary complete (fourteen years of schooling)
TI: tertiary incomplete

UC: university complete (seventeen years of schooling)

Table D4. Principal Occupation of Informants

 

Family Husband Wife Son/daughter
A SP HM ST
B RW HM/ST UE
C SP HM ST
D RW HM/ST ST
E RW HM RW
F SP HM ST
G RW HM UE
H SP HM PR
I SP HM ST
J SP HM SB
SP: small producer HM: homemaker
RW: rural agricultural worker ST: student
UE: unemployed PR: professional

SB: small home-based business

 

APPENDIX D: GUIDE FOR INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

How would you describe this place to someone who has never
been here and wanted to know what is was like to be here?

How long have you lived here? Where did you come from?

Has this community changed in your memory? Do you perceive
any change in your family, province and/or country lives?

If yes, do you think it has become better or worse? Why?

If better, do you think that this/these change/s will be
maintained for a long time?

If it is for worse, what do you prefer it to be?

What do you think will really happen in this community in
the next ten years? Will you still be here? If not, where
will you be?

(For the parents) What do you think will be the future of
your children, especially (name the adolescent included)?

(For the adolescent) What do you think will be the future of
your parents?

In addition to these basic core questions, some families may
be asked additional questions, if appropriate, such as
please describe any changes that you have tried to make in
the community.

122

 

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