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293 00896 3260

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

THE PROSPECT OF SUDANESE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION
CHANGING THE LANGUAGE OF INSTRUCTION FROM ENGLISH TO
ARABIC, IN LIGHT OF THE SYRIAN EXPERIENCE

presented by

MaTik E. M. A. BaTTa

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degreein Educational Administration

    

Major professor

Date May 29, 1991

MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institun'on

0-12771

 

 

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Michigan State 1
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TO AVOID FINES return on or betore date due.

‘ DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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MSU I: An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution
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THE PROSPECT 0F SUDANESE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION
CHANGING THE LANGUAGE OF INSTRUCTION FROM ENGLISH TO
ARABIC, IN LIGHT OF THE SYRIAN EXPERIENCE

By

MaTik E. M. A. BaTTa

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fquiTTment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of EducationaT Administration

T991

67?“ 9668

ABSTRACT

THE PROSPECT OF SUDANESE INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION
CHANGING THE LANGUAGE OF INSTRUCTION FROM ENGLISH TO
ARABIC, IN LIGHT OF THE SYRIAN EXPERIENCE

By
Malik E. M. A. Balla

The implications of educational and language policies in Sudan
and developing nations in general make this study relevant and
important. The» researcher investigated the potential effect on
Sudanese institutions of higher education of a government scheme to
change the language of instruction from English to Arabic. In doing
so, the researcher focused on broader effects on the development and
advancement of knowledge transmission associated with teaching in
Arabic. The implications a policy of Arabicization of higher
education would have on Sudan’s national unity, identity, economic
growth, and national political system were cHscussed. The
researcher used a comparative approach by analyzing the Syrian
experience of teaching exclusively in Arabic for the last 70 years.
The role of Sudanese institutions of higher education in the realms
of national development, international connections, and
institutional relations was examined.

Higher education in Sudan is currently undergoing massive

expansion and reorganization. One of the key issues in discussions

Malik E. M. A. Balla

of the direction of this reorganization is the choice of primary
language of instruction. The majority of those who support the
change from English to Arabic come from the predominantly Muslim and
Arabic-speaking northern half of Sudan. Opponents of the proposed
change are primarily the elite who have studied abroad, as well as
southern Sudanese who believe that Arabicization of instruction is
part of the North’s hidden agenda for advancing the frontiers of
Arabic culture and Islamic religion at the expense of local
languages and religions.

The results of this research showed that the Syrian experience
is far from being perfect; its negative aspects outweigh its
positive ones. Sudan, in particular, needs to wait before making
the change from English to Arabic as the medium of instruction; such
a change is not a priority in light of the urgent problems

threatening the country’s existence.

For the soul of my father, Elkhair Balla;
my beloved mother, Amena Bint Gali;
and my beloved wife, Hafsa Abdalla (Umm Al-Mumineen).
May God bless them.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my deep gratitude to my committee
chairman, Dr. Louis Hekhuis. Over the years I have known him, he
has been more than helpful to me. During my research work, he
contributed significantly with his valuable suggestions and
guidance, without, which this dissertation never' would have been
completed. He was not only a supervisor, but also a stimulating
teacher, friend, and someone who cares. I appreciate his concern
about my personal well being and about my family and country. Such
an intellectual debt can only be acknowledged, never repaid.

I am also greatly indebted to my other committee members, Drs.
Eldon Nonnamaker, Marvin Grandstaff, and Kenneth Neff, all of whom
were helpful since the early stages of my proposal. Their insights
and suggestions helped shape this study.

I want to express my gratitude to the University of Khartoum
for granting me leave and sponsoring part of the study to complete
my doctoral work. Special thanks to my colleagues and friends at
the University, who were the inspiration behind my pursuit of this
study.

Appreciation and thanks are also extended to those who made my
stay at MSU worthwhile and rich with many experiences. I want to

thank the Learning Community Program in the Department of Teacher

Education for the opportunity they gave me, not only to work on
their excellent program but also to interact with their promising
student teachers and competent cooperative teachers in different
classrooms. Many thanks to Dr. Susan Florio-Ruane, Sharon Schwille,
and all my colleagues, the field instructors. I also extend my
thanks to Dr. John Schwille, Assistant Dean for International
Studies in Education, for his endless efforts to help international
students in the College of Education and to facilitate and enrich
their stay at MSU.

As an African student, I discovered a homelike atmosphere at
MSU’s African Studies Center, as well as an encouraging spirit of
support and readiness to go out of the way to do whatever it takes
to make our stay at MSU meaningful and exciting. Thanks to all of
those working for the African Studies Center under the leadership of
Dr. David Wiley and his colleagues.

The Department of Linguistics and Language furnished a place
for me to help teach other people language and culture, and it also
gave me experiences and capabilities I would not have encountered
elsewhere. My thanks go to my teacher-assistantship supervisor, Dr.
Grover Hudson, and all my colleagues and staff‘ members in the
department.

My thanks also are extended to Dr. Bruce Burke, Director of
Graduate Studies in Education Overseas, and his staff for the
wonderful times I spent with them, helping to make the stay of

international participants pleasant and fruitful.

vi

Very special words of appreciation are extended to my friend
Dr. Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim, former Dean of the College of Arts at the
University of Khartoum, Sudan, and Director of the newly established
Sudan College for Women, for his help and hospitality during my
field work. My thanks to Dr. Ali Salih Karar at the Central Records
Office in Khartoum, the General Secretariat of the National Council
for Higher Education in Khartoum, and all the Syrian university
graduates who participated in this study.

I also want to thank here my beloved wife and lovely children
for their love, support, and confidence in me. Their love and
support have been a corner stone in any success I have gained or
ever will gain. As a husband and a father of three teenagers,
working and going to graduate school have had many ups and downs.
My gratitude to Hafsa, Soad, Mohamed, and Elkhair for their ability
to cope.

Finally, I would like to express my appreciation to my earliest
and most influential mentors, my parents, the late Elkhair Balla
(may God rest his soul) and Amena Bint Gali, by dedicating this work

to them, although they are unable to see or read.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF FIGURES ....................... x
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY
The Problem .................... l
Purpose of the Study ............... 3
Importance of the Study .............. 3
Research Questions ................ 4
Limitations and Generalizability of the Study . . . 4
Background on the Countries Included in This
Study ...................... 5
Sudan ...................... 5
Syria ...................... 9
Definition of Terms ................ l3
Summary and Overview ............... l4
II. LITERATURE REVIEW .................. l7
Introduction ................... l7
Review of Literature on Higher Education in Syria . l8
The Syrian Experience With Using Arabic as the
Medium of Instruction .............. l9
Higher Education and the Language of Instruction
in Sudan .................... 20
The Idea of Arabicizing Education in Sudan . . . . 22
Summary ...................... 33
III. DESIGN OF THE STUDY ................. 34
Introduction ................... 34
Methodology .................... 34
Data-Collection Procedures ............ 37
Subjects ..................... 38
Survey and Interview Analysis ........... 39

viii

IV. RESULTS OF THE ANALYSIS ...............

Introduction ...................
The Current Situation in Syrian Institutions of
Higher Education ................
Perceptions of Syrian Graduate Students Regarding
the Language Used in Teaching ..........
Advantages and Disadvantages of Teaching in
Arabic Versus English, as Viewed by Syrian
University Graduates ..............
Advantages ...................
Disadvantages ..................
Evaluation of the Syrian Experience ........
Contemporary Institutions of Higher Education in
Sudan ......................
The Current Situation Regarding the Language
of Instruction in Sudan .............
Perceptions of Deans at the University of Khartoum
About Changing the Language of Instruction . .
Students’ Reflections on Changing the Medium of
Instruction From English to Arabic .......
Changing the Language of Instruction and the
North/South Dichotomy ..............
Summary ......................

V. DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND
IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH .........

Introduction ...................
Discussion ....................
Conclusions ....................
Recommendations ..................
Implications for Further Research .........
APPENDICES
A. AREA AND POPULATION OF SUDAN ............
B. INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN SUDAN ......

C. APPROVAL LETTER FROM THE UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON
RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS ..........

D. LETTER TO SYRIAN UNIVERSITY GRADUATES ........

E. TELEGRAM FROM THE COMMISSIONER OF EQUATORIA
PROVINCE TO THE MINISTRY OF INTERIOR, KHARTOUM

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................

ix

Page
42
42
43
44

95
96

99
100

101
103

Figure

01th

LIST OF FIGURES

A Political Map of the Contemporary Arab World . . . .
Map of Sudan .....................
Map of Syria .....................
Distribution of Respondents According to Specialty . .

The Syrian Respondents’ Positions on Arabicizing
Higher Education ..................

Page

10
40

45

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

The Problem

Three practices relative to ‘the language of instruction in
higher education are followed in the Arab World: (a) teaching
almost entirely in a foreign language, as in the case of Sudan; (b)
teaching the scientific subjects largely in foreign languages and
the humanities in Arabic, as in the case of Egypt and most Arab
countries; and (c) teaching entirely in Arabic, which was pioneered
by the University of Damascus in Syria as early as 1920 and now
prevails in all Syrian universities and postsecondary institutions.
(See Figure l for a map of the Arab World.)

The Sudanese institutions of higher education are considering
changing the medium of instruction from English to Arabic, in
response to commitments that the government or the institutions
themselves have made to regional Arab organizations or governmental
agencies. Although every institution is governed by its own rules
and traditions, all of the institutions are linked to the National
Council for Higher Education (NCHE), which serves as a coordinating
body between institutions of higher education and the government
(see Appendix A). Until recently, the NCHE president also served
as the Minister of Education and could be appointed by the Prime

Minister or the President of Sudan.

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Unlike» most Arab countries, Sudan is inhabited by sizable
minorities whose mother tongue is not Arabic and who, to some
extent, are suspicious of any attempt to promote Arabic over other
languages. Consequently, Arabicizing higher education does not have

the full support of all citizens of Sudan.

Purpose of the Study

The researcher’s purpose in this study was to investigate the
prospect of Sudanese institutions of higher education changing the
language of instruction from English to Arabic in light of the
Syrian experience. An attempt. was made ‘to focus on the broad
effects that teaching in Arabic has had on Syrian institutions of
higher education. The description of the Syrian experience was used
to predict the effect that Arabicization might have on Sudanese
institutions of higher learning. The researcher compared the
historical experiences of these two countries and examined their
consequent effect on higher education in those countries. From
studying and examining the Syrian experience, recommendations were
developed that could be helpful to Sudanese institutions of higher
education in considering any language changes for instructional

purposes.

Importance of the Study
The findings from this study could help Sudanese policy makers
and institutions of higher learning assess both the positive and
negative aspects of Arabicizing higher education in light of the

Syrian experience, which is more than 70 years old. The study

should be of interest to the central government and the National
Council for Higher Education. The findings also will be of interest
to universities in Africa, where the use of national versus foreign
languages for instruction is undergoing debate and consideration.
This research also will of interest to the Association of Arab
Universities (AAU), which is debating and encouraging the use of
Arabic over foreign languages for instruction. The topic is of
vital concern because many Sudanese believe that the nation’s future

and stability are tied to the language that is used in education.

Research Questions

In this study, the following research questions were addressed:

1. In light of the Syrian experience, should Sudanese institu-
tions of higher education change the language of instruction from
English to Arabic? If so, why?

2. What has been the effect of teaching in Arabic rather than
a foreign language on Syrian institutions of higher education?

3. In what ways are the Sudanese and Syrian societies similar?
How do they differ?

4. How «can Sudanese institutions of higher education best

change the language of instruction?

Limitationsgand Generalizability of the Study

 

One limitation of this study is the fact that the survey was
limited to the perceptions of graduates of Syrian universities who

were studying or working in the United States. Generalizing the

findings to graduates of these universities who are working or
studying in Arabic countries or other countries where English is not
the medium of instruction might not be appropriate. The study
population was not the only appropriate one for such research.
Another important population comprises various groups of people who
are studying or working in different countries. However, it would
be difficult to contact and investigate such a population for
research purposes. The political figures and key persons who can
influence the decision-making process were not interviewed for this
study, as planned, because of the political situation brought about
by the nfilitary coup d’etat that took place on June 30, 1989, in

Sudan, when the researcher was conducting his field work.

Background on the Countries Included in This Study

Sudan

 

In terms of area, Sudan is the largest country in Africa and
one of the ten largest in the world. It covers an area of about one
million square miles, stretching from the Sahara Desert in the north
to the equatorial forest north of Uganda and Zaire. Sudan is about
1,250 miles long and about 1,062 miles wide, reaching from the Red
Sea to the heart of Africa in the west. The area of Sudan is
approximately equal to that of the United States east of the
Mississippi River.

Physically, Sudan is heterogeneous; its environment ranges from
deserts, savannah grassland, mountains, and swamps to equatorial

forest. In essence, the country is like an amphitheater surrounded

by mountains to the south, east, and west. The waters from the
Nile/Congo watershed and the Ethiopian plateau collect on the broad
and flat Sudanese flood plain and then flow north, forming the
longest river in the world: the Nile.

The White Nile starts in the lakes of the African rift valley
and enters Sudan at Nimule. As it flows north, it is joined by
numerous tributaries that collect rainfall from the Nile and Congo
basins. They enter the vast Sudd swamps, where half of the water
collected is lost through evaporation, before reemerging near
Malkaul and continuing north. The Sudd, which during the wet season
is almost the size of Ireland, has always been an obstacle to
communication and transportation between the northern and southern
parts of the country (Gurdon, 1986).

The Blue Nile begins in Lake Tana and flows from the Ethiopian
plateau across the flat plain into the Sudan River. The two rivers
meet at Khartoum and create the river Nile, which is the single most
important physical feature in that part of the country until it
enters Egypt, leaving behind a man-made lake south of the High Dam
(see Figure 2).

Demographically, Sudan is perhaps the most diverse African
country. The population is estimated at 22 million people (see
Appendix A), the majority of whom are concentrated along the river
banks. About 65% of the population live in rural areas. However,
like all developing countries, Sudan’s urban growth rate has
increased greatly because of the recent rural-urban migration

resulting from the drought and desertification of the late 19705 and

 

 

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early 19805 and the outbreak of the Second Civil War in the southern
part of the country early in 1983. All development projects are
concentrated in the central region; these projects, which have drawn
seasonal workers to the region, have amplified regional imbalance.
Most postindependence governments have been unable to solve this
problem because of the vastness of the country, the lack of
infrastructure, and the weak economy in which imports exceed exports
by a ratio of three to one.

In addition to the difficulties created by unequal development,
the vastness of the country, and the lack of infrastructure, Sudan
is diverse ethnically, culturally, religiously, and linguistically.
Some people tend to view differences in the country solely in terms
of the North/South relationship and do not take into consideration
other distinctions. They simply say that the North is Arab and
Muslim, whereas the South is African and Christian. However, the
situation is far' more complex, and this complexity has led to
problems that the government has been unable to solve. For example,
Arabic is more than just a language to sizable groups in the North,
East, and West, as well as the South.

The approximately 22 million Sudanese belong to 597 tribes,
speak about 115 languages, and can be classified into four ethnic
groups. People of Arab extraction inhabit Northern and Central
Sudan and constitute the largest major ethnic group. (According to
the 1956 census, non-Arabs constituted 62% of the population.) In
the East there are the Beja, in the West the Fur, and in the South a

group that forms the second largest group of an indigenous African
origin. Islam and Christianity are the principal religions,
although native African religions dominate Southern Sudan.

Unlike the experience of Syria, the Arabs peacefully
infiltrated the Christian kingdoms of Sudan after they were defeated
militarily and were compelled to sign a nonaggression treaty. They
presented themselves as a trustworthy people and, through the
matriarchal system of succession that existed in Nubia, they assumed
power and consequently converted their followers to ISlam. They
facilitated the spread of Arabic by encouraging teachers and
scholars to migrate to Sudan and by persuading Muslim Arabs crossing
Sudan on their pilgrimage to Mecca to stay indefinitely. The Arab
Muslims’ efforts to assume power led to a coalition with the
indigenous pe0ple and the creation of what was known as the Black
Sultanate in the early seventeenth century. This intermingling of
Arab Muslims with indigenous Africans helped shape modern Sudan’s
history. The spread of the Arab Muslims’ culture, language, and
religion gave them political leadership in the host society (Abd Al-
Rahim, Budal, Hardallo, & Woodward, 1985).

Syr;a

Syria is bordered by Turkey to the north, Iraq to the east,
Lebanon and the Mediterranean Sea to the west, and Jordan and Israel
to the south (see Figure 3). The total area of Syria is 71,500
square miles. About 43% of the land is cultivable; the remainder is
desert or rocky mountain areas. The four geographical regions in

Syria are:

10

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1. The coastal region along the Mediterranean Sea.

2. The mountain ranges that lie inland but run parallel to the
sea from north to south and are characterized by their height.

3. The eastern mountain ranges, which are not as high as the
western ranges.

4. The desert region in the southeastern section adjacent to
Jordan and Iraq. ‘The fertile Euphrates River Valley lies 'hi the
northeastern part of this region.

Syria’s climate is generally cool and rainy in the winter and
dry and hot in the summer. Annual rainfall ranges from 30 inches in
the coastal area to 10 inches in the eastern desert area.

The Arabs conquered Syria in the seventh century; the area then
included the countries known today as Syria, Jordan, and Palestine.
A military camp south of Damascus served as a temporary capital.
Arabian soldiers, soon to become the new citizens of these conquered
provinces, brought their families to the camps. The military camp
became the capital of the Muslim state in the late seventh century,
when its third governor general, appointed by Ummar in 640 A.D.,
became the fifth Caliph of Islam in 661 A.D. Muawiyan (the fifth
Caliph) and his son Yazid strengthened the position of Arabism and
Islam in the region (Hitti, 1959).

About 90% of the 10.5 million Syrians are Arabs; the remainder
are primarily Kurds, Armenians, Circassians, and Turks. About 86%
are Muslims and 13% are Christians (Parker, 1978). The official
language of Syria is Arabic. Before the 1920 Sykes-Picot Agreement,

in which the League of Nations gave France a mandate to administer

12

Syria, the Turkish language was second in use only to Arabic because
Syria had been part of the Ottoman Empire. After 1920, French
became the second language and was promoted by French authorities
and missionaries. Fluency in French became an important aid to a
successful career and remained so throughout the mandated period,
from 1920 to 1946. Syrians were aligned to Muslims in manner of
life as well as in environment (Longrigg, 1958). As with the Indian
intelligentsia, who appreciated English culture and yet vigorously
opposed British policies, learning French did not indicate Syrians’
devotion to France.

The Lebanese Christians, in particular, played an important
role in the development of Arabic literatune. Many Christians in
Syria and Lebanon were the first leaders and intellectuals of the
nationalist movement in the Arab World as a whole (Sinai & Pollack,
1976).

To Muslims, the idea of secular nationalism and a self-
contained Syrian state was not as powerful an attraction as it was
to the Christians. The Muslims regarded themselves as members of
the whole Islamic community and therefore subscribed to Pan Arab
nationalism, which envisioned all areas of the Arab World as forming
one unified state. A place for separate ethnic and cultural groups
was possible in this state, but, as in the days of the old
caliphate, the state itself would have to be Islamic and would have

to extend throughout the Arab World.

13

In the mid-nineteenth century, the cultivation of Arab language
and literature was the concern of Christian missionaries in Syria
and Lebanon. Yet toward the turn of’ the century there was a
reversal in the linguistic behavior of Christians and Muslims. The
Muslims’ educational institutions fostered the use of Arabic;
Christians, on the other hand, received a more advanced education in
schools and colleges supported by French, American, British,
Russian, and German missionaries, each nationality using its own
language. This linguistic pluralism was maintained as a consequence
of imperialistic rivalries.

In part, difficulties encountered in translating into Arabic
led to the practice of teaching the modern western sciences in a
foreign language. By 1880, even the Syrian Protestant College
resorted to using English in its educational program. Muslims
tended to remain aloof from the foreign schools because they were
concerned about the danger of“ Christian theological influences.
However, they were willing to attend the Turkish colleges and thus
maintained close ties to their Arabic heritage.

In response to this situation in education, the leadership of
the Arab nationalist movement changed hands from Christians to
Muslims. 11> no one’s surprise, Arabic became the language of

instruction in higher education institutions as early as 1920.

Definitions of Terms
The following terms are defined here in the context in which

they are used throughout the dissertation.

14

AMLL ‘The Association of Arab Universities. Its headquarters
is in Amman, Jordan.

ALESCQ. The Arab League Educational, Scientific, and Cultural
Organization. Its headquarters is in Tunisia, Tunis.

Arabicization. The process of changing to the use of Arabic as
the medium of instruction, replacing a foreign language.

Institutions of higher education. Universities, colleges,
polytechnic schools, and postsecondary institutions of higher
education in Sudan (see Appendix B).

Northern Sudan (the North). The five regions in the northern
part of Sudan: Eastern, Northern, and Central Sudan, Darfur, and
Kordofar.

Southern Sudan (the South). The three regions in the southern

part of Sudan: Equatoria, Upper Nile, and Bahr Al Auzal.

Summaryiand Overview

Chapter I contained a statement of the problem underlying the
study, the purpose and importance of the investigation, the research
questions, limitations and generalizability of the study, and
definitions of key terms. Background information on the two
countries of interest in the study was also presented.

Chapter 11 contains a review of the literature pertinent to
this research. The chapter begins with a discussion of higher
education in Syria, including how the idea of using Arabic as a
medium of instruction originated and has been implemented in Syria.

Next, higher education and the language of instruction in Sudan are

15

considered. The experience of Arabicizing secondary education in
Sudan and its repercussions is examined. Also discussed are the
implications of the Arabicization policy for sectors other than
institutions of higher education, specifically with regard to
North/South relations.

The design and methodology of the study are explained in
Chapter III. The data-collection procedures and the study sample
are described. Also discussed are the techniques used in analyzing
and reporting the data.

The study findings are presented in Chapter IV. These findings
relate to the current situation in the Syrian institutions of higher
education and perceptions of Syrian graduates regarding the use of a
foreign language versus their national language as the medium of
instruction. Findings relating to the advantages and disadvantages
of using a foreign language, as perceived by the Syrian graduates,
are also presented. The Syrian experience of teaching exclusively
in the Arabic language is evaluated. Concerning Sudan, the
contemporary institutions of higher education, their relationship to
the government, and their institutional aspirations are discussed.
Also considered are the current situation regarding the language of
instruction in Sudan and the perceptions of deans and students at
the University of Khartoum about changing the language of
instruction from English to Arabic. Possible effects of the planned
language change on the Sudanese North/South relationship are also

discussed.

16

Chapter V begins with a discussion of the use of Arabic and
foreign languages as the medium(s) of instruction in Syria and
Sudan. The study findings are interwoven with this discussion.
Conclusions based on the findings are presented, followed by

recommendations and implications for further research.

CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

Using a foreign language in education and debating the
viability of that language is nothing new. In the fourteenth
century, shortly before the Renaissance, Ibn Khaldun wrote in the
Mugddimah that "the non-Arab Muslim who studies to become a scholar,
learns his subject in a language other than his first [native] one
and by writing other than the one [language] whose habit he has
mastered" (Rosenthal, trans., 1958).

Potter (1960) noted that five main factors--race, religion,
culture, language, and nationality--may be said to divide mankind in
the modern world. He believed that "language is the most measurable
and the most readily ascertainable of all the factors that cause
divisions and hostility among mankind."

In considering the prospect of Sudanese institutions of higher
education changing their language of instruction from English to
Arabic in light of the Syrian experience, the researcher focused on
relevant literature concerning the experience of shifting from the
colonial language, usually English, to the national language in
these two countries. In the first section, literature on the

history of higher education in Syria is discussed. Next, Syria’s

l7

18

experience in using Arabic as the medium of instruction is examined.
Higher education and the language of instruction in Sudan are the
focus of the third section of the literature review. This is
followed by a discussion of the controversy surrounding Arabicizing

of education in Sudan.

Review of Literature on Higher Education in Syria

Before the medical school was established in Damascus in 1903,
Syrian higher education was tied to events in the Ottoman Empire and
Great Syria, which included present-day Lebanon. A law school was
established in Beirut ten years after the medical institute was
begun in Damascus (Parker, 1978).

After World War I, Syria enjoyed a brief period of
independence, during which time the Arab government of Syria
combined the law' and medical schools in Damascus. Arabic was
required as the language of instruction as a result of the efforts
of Syrian nationals.

In 1920, the League of Nations granted France a mandate over
Syria as a result of the Sykes-Picot Agreement. The invasion of the
French brought about many changes in the educational system. In
1923, the Syrian University was formed, and French became the
language of instruction in non-Arabic institutions (Knowles, 1977).

Syria attained its independence from France in 1945. New
colleges and institutions of higher education were established when
Syria united with Egypt to form the United Arab Republic in 1958.

The Syrian University became Damascus University. The University of

19

Aleppo, which was established as part of the Syrian University in
1946, became an independent university in 1960. A third university
was established in Latakia in 1971, and many secondary institutions
were upgraded to colleges. Two-year institutions attached to
universities were designed to prepare middle-level manpower for
priority vocations; at the same time, universities were expanding
programs at the graduate level in an effort to increase the supply
of high-level manpower.
The Syrian Experience With Using Arabic
as the Medium of Instruction

Various writers have differing viewpoints (HI the Syrian
experience with using Arabic as the medium of instruction. These
views range from admiration to severe criticism. Akrawi (1967)
argued that standards of excellence cannot be attained without
maintaining a cooperative relationship with outstanding universities
in the advanced world. In that regard, he suggested that students
entering a university in which Arabic is the medium of instruction
be required to have a command of at least two modern languages that
are currently used in the Arab World, namely English and French.
But as early as 1952, when the use of foreign languages in Syrian
institutions was prevalent, Williams (1952) noted that Syrian
students coming to study in the United States "experienced great
difficulty during their first year. A number of those could speak
almost no English upon arrival."

Students are not required to know English to qualify for higher

education in Syria. English is taught in the university language

20

center four to six hours a week, according to the British Council
(1978). Parker (1978) noted that a specific number of hours of
instruction is not required, and there are shortcomings in the
program at all levels. In general, the classes are too large, the
textbooks and related materials are usually inadequate, and most
Syrian English-language teachers have had little and infrequent
contact with native speakers of the language.

According to Haji—Omar (1988), "when language is not fully used
as a medium of academic discourse, the students’ mastering of it
cannot be expected to attain a level they would reach had the
language concerned been used as a nmdium of instruction." Parker
(1978) found that "medicine and engineering students do well on
English-language tests but that most of them need intensive English-
1anguage training experience in the United States before entering an
academic program in which success will depend upon English-language
proficiency if they choose to study there."

Douglas (1977) found that English proficiency was a major
problem for freshmen at the University of Khartoum in Sudan.
Students overcame this problem as they advanced in their university
studies to the upper level. The freshmen who were best in English
did well on their university examinations.

Higher Education and the Language of
Instruction in Sudan
Unlike Syrian higher education, the foundations of Sudanese

higher education were laid by the colonial administration. Lord

21

Kitchener conceived Gordon Memorial College shortly after the Battle
of Omdurman in 1898, after the British controlled Sudan. After
returning to Britain the same year, Kitchener announced the Gordon
College plan in a press release to honor General Gordon, who had
been killed 13 years earlier during the Mahadist Revolution (Beshir,
1969). The educational objective, according to Currie (1934), was
to create a native artisan class and a small native administrative
class who would ultimately fill many minor positions.

In 1906, Gordon College, which was begun as an elementary and
intermediate school to educate artisans and administrators, was
expanded to include secondary education. The new program was
designed essentially to prepare elementary teachers. The secondary
school also developed other programs to reduce government reliance
on Egyptian workers and teachers. Egyptian teachers, although more
expensive than their Sudanese counterparts, were still less
expensive than the British instructors. Because only British
instructors were hired for the secondary level and beyond, English
was relied on as the medium of instruction. Sudanese teachers who
had completed the teacher-preparation program taught in Arabic at
the elementary level.

By 1940, the higher education structure was shaped when
implementing the Dela War Commission’s recommendations of 1937 on
education. Gordon Memorial College became the center of higher
education, including the Schools of Agriculture, Arts, Law, Science,

Engineering, and Veterinary Science (University of Khartoum, 1981).

22

Gordon Memorial College was upgraded to Khartoum University
College in 1945; it had a special relationship with the University
of London, as did many other African colleges in the British
colonies. The University of London conducted the examinations for
students of Khartoum University College, and it awarded the degrees
to students: who satisfied its requirements, with an option for
others to obtain the local college diploma. The University of
Khartoum was the result of the national transformation of the
University College into a university when Sudan became an

independent state in 1956.

The Idea of Arabicizinq Education in Sudan

The idea of Arabicizing education in Sudan gathered momentum
when a transition government was formed under the British to work
for the country’s independence. The government decided to introduce
Arabic in schools in southern Sudan to counter what it perceived to
be the negative effect of the Southern Policy of 1919-1946 on the
situation of the Arabic language and Islam in that part of the
country. The Southern Policy (the Closed District Ordinance)
created a strange situation because it prevented northerners from
entering the South without prior permission from the Governor
General.

Abdel Rahaman Ali Taha, the first Sudanese to assume the post
of Minister of Education in the pre-independence transitional
government, demanded that the colonial government quickly Arabicize

southern, eastern, and western Sudan and discourage the emergent

23

missionary' education among various non-Arab Sudanese nationality
groups. Taha emphasized that "we must have Arabic in the schools in
the South because, he argued, how can a country coalesce if the
southerners can’t speak Arabic" (Kawa Awina, 1988).

Gumaa (1984) wrote that "Northern Sudanese responded to the
Southern Policy of separate development of the South and exclusion
of all persons or things Northern after independence by redoubling
their efforts to recover lost ground and to strengthen their
position and that of Arab culture in the South." With an eye toward
cultural integration, the government unified the educational system
and nationalized all missionary schools in the South. In 1964,
foreign Christian missionaries were expelled from the South.

The colonial British Southern Policy prevented Sudan from
taking the necessary steps leading to national integration and one
language. To remedy the situation, the government decided at the
Rajaf Conference of 1928 to introduce Arabic as a second language in
the South, to curb the extensive use of English and local languages
in that region. Yor-Ayik (1984) noted that, when Arabic was intro-
duced as a second language in the early 19505, although indigenous
languages and English continued as the main media of instruction in
southern schools, "the standard of education [there] was as high as
in other parts of the country and sometimes even higher."

The British administrators saw their role as balancing but not
resolving communal tension over political and educational matters.
British objectives were to maximize economic gain and to nfinimize

state expenditure. Further, the British designed the educational

24

system, not as a nationally integrated unit, but rather as a
collection of institutions with different objectives, often
integrated with the purposes of the religious organizations that
sponsored them. That is why, in the early stages, the British left
education in the South entirely to Christian missionaries and
excluded others, mainly Muslims, who were then unable to do the job
physically or financially. Awina (1988) wrote, "At political
independence in 1956, the Sudan emerged as many independent nations
and nation states that had hardly anything in common except,
perhaps, memories of a bitter kind."

When Sudan achieved independence, the language situation was as
follows: Arabic was the medium of instruction in elementary and
intermediate schools throughout most of the country; exceptions were
missionary schools, private institutes, and schools in southern
Sudan. English was the medium of instruction in all secondary
schools (there were very few of them) and in higher education.

As early as 1955, the International Committee on Secondary
Education recommended teaching in Arabic instead of English in
secondary schools (Hurreiz, 1983). The Committee also recommended
that the English language be kept at a high standard in secondary
schools. Those recommendations, although accepted by the Ministry
of Education, were not implemented until after the October 1964
Revolution, when a nationalistic enthusiasm overtook the country.
In July 1965, the Secondary School Teachers Trade Union pressed for

Arabicizing the medium of instruction in secondary schools and

25

threatened to boycott grading the National Certificate of Education.
This action forced officials out of their inertia but at the same
time prevented careful planning, which is necessary if one wants to
follow a wise course in the field of education (Hurreiz, 1983).

The dramatic change of Arabicizing secondary schools was
undertaken without any study and apparently without the approval of
the Cabinet or even the Prime Minister. The Minister of Education,
Mustafa Badawi, announced that Arabic would replace English as the
medium of instruction from the 1965-66 academic year onward. This
move was popular among teachers and some political groups. In fact,
a series of additional changes in educational policy reinforced this
direction of action. The same year, candidates for the Sudan School
Certificate exam were required to pass a religion exam, along with
Arabic and English languages, to qualify for the Certificate.

In a matter of years, the relative ethnic balance at all levels
of schooling, including higher education, was reversed. Yor-Ayik
(1988) noted that "as soon as Arabic was made the medium of instruc-
tion in the southern schools, many cases of dropout were witnessed
and eventually the entry to national universities and institutions
was drastically reduced."

English became a subject to be taught rather than a medium of
instruction. The plan was to teach English effectively fbr eight
years, beginning in the fifth grade, which was then the first year
of intermediate school. In 1969, amid this period of planning and
of evaluating the English-language problem and its remedies, a

military coup d’etat took place. To comply with the situation that

26

prevailed in most Arab countries, the number of years allocated to
English-language instruction in intermediate and secondary schools
was reduced. The educational system was altered to include six
years of elementary school, three years of intermediate school, and
three years of secondary school, as opposed to the previous system
in which four years were designated at each level. Hadra (1984)

noted that:

The implementation of this new educational system led to a
decrease in the number' of hours allocated to English
instruction in the intermediate and secondary levels. Here
English is offered for seven periods of 40 nfinutes’ duration
each; four periods are assigned for language teaching and three
for literature reading.

Hadra also observed that:

The average Sudanese school leaver often has a very inadequate
command of English, acquired mainly through reading simplified
classics and attending classes taught by Sudanese teachers who
often use Arabic in explaining the lessons. Having only this
school background, the average Sudanese student must face a
totally different situation upon entering the University.

It is not only the Arabicization and the decrease in the number
of years of teaching English that have impaired English status
at secondary schools, but it is also a lack of motivation, lack
of books and teaching aids, and an unfavorable classroom
situation. Trained teachers have either left the teaching
profession for better-paying jobs or crossed the Red Sea to
work in petro-dollars countries where there is :1 high demand
for them because of their bilingualism.

Because of this situation, freshmen entering institutions of
higher education often encounter a language problem (Douglas, 1977).

As Hadra (1984) described it:

On entering the university, the Sudanese student is faced with
new demands on his command of English. He begins, for the
first time, perhaps, hearing English spoken every day by native
speakers and educated Sudanese. He is expected to look for
information independently in textbooks and other sources and to

27

do almost all his assignments in English. He also finds

himself in a position where in: has to listen to lectures in

English and participate orally in English in seminars. He

needs English for receptive and productive operation.

Throughout its long history, higher education in Sudan has had
an autonomous identity, following the British pattern. During the
19505, the Sudanese elite in general and university professors and
students in particular began to use the higher education
institutions to spark nationalism among the Sudanese people and to
challenge the colonial authorities and later the Sudanese
government, civilian or military. Although the professors
themselves were a product of a colonial type of educational system,
they were the ones who initiated the call for reform and changes in
education, but always with a clear vision of the future. In 1971, a
ministerial committee appointed by the President and the Chancellor
of the University recommended many changes in the structure of
higher education, but the committee did not call for the immediate
implementation of Arabicization. In fact, the committee was vague
on this issue, stating, "Arabicization plans, for some practical
reasons, will not be implemented in all faculties of the University
since the scientific faculties will continue to use English as a
medium of instruction for some time" (Abbas, 1981). The academic
community, as well as the students, refused to accept these
recommendations and played an active role in eliminating them.

As a result of the ministerial committee’s experience, the

Sudanese government decided to deal with the issue of language usage

in higher education through the National Council for Higher

28

Education (NCHE). This Council then formed the Sudanese Committee
for Arabicization, with institutional representation. The committee
was to study the experiences of other countries and to report its
findings. This study has been an ongoing process.

Some pressure groups and individuals advocated Arabicization,
but nobody pushed this matter too forcefully. Even the student
union dealt cautiously with this subject through debate, research,
and conferences such as the one held in 1975, rather than through
the typical political actions students had taken with similar
issues. This is because students believed the issue was within the
faculty domain and, as such, necessitated a political decision
preceded by lengthy preparation. In response to a survey conducted
by Hurreiz and Bell (1975), only 8% of Khartoum University
professors indicated they supported the immediate implementation of
Arabicization, whereas 52%. advocated a lengthy study. Douglas
(1977) found that the nmjority of students opposed Arabicization,
even though they experienced difficulty with English as a medium of
instruction.

A committee formed by the Faculty of Economics and Social
Studies to investigate implementing Arabicization in the colleges
urged that the curriculum be restructured to avoid the need for
translation. After two years of study, the committee warned against
hasty and emotional decisions and emphasized the necessity of wise
planning and specific programming, along with a consideration of the

availability of resources (Faculty of Economics and Social Studies,

29

1984). In its report, the committee predicted the following
obstacles to Arabicization:

l. The scarcity of references and periodicals in Arabic, in
comparison to what is published in major foreign languages.

2. The possibility of a continuous decrease in students’
knowledge of English, which would affect not only students’
standards, but also the college or university and its foreign
institutional relationships and student-exchange program.

The committee pointed out that, because of the scarcity of
references in Arabic and lack of sufficient standards in English,
students might rely on teachers’ notes, which could have
unforeseeable repercussions. The dimensions of the language problem
were recognized by the Addis Ababa Agreement, the most influential
political document of postindependence Sudan, and were later
addressed in the constitution. The role of language is delineated
in Article 6 of the Agreement, which states that Arabic should be
the official language of Sudan and that English should become the
principal language of southern Sudan, without prejudice against the
use of any other language or languages as a practical necessity for
the efficient and expeditious discharge of executive and
administrative functions of the region (Thelwall, 1980).

In the South, English became the language of educated people,
who had been given the opportunity to attend schools in the South or
in neighboring countries during the First Civil War (1955-1972). An
African version of the Arabic language is widely used in the South

as a result of opening the southern part of Sudan during Turkish

30

rule (1821-1885) and British rule (1889-1956), although the British
tried to curb its spread by preventing northerners from traveling in
the region except by permission from the Governor General.

The linguistic map of Sudan today is no simpler than previous
maps, especially since the outbreak of the Second Civil War in 1983.
Among other issues that need to be addressed is the pluralistic
nature of the Sudanese society. Miller and Rendyani (1984)
predicted that, "in the years to come, the political situation will
have considerable influence on the language used." Juba Arabic will
certainly continue to be the lingua franca and a first language, but
contact with standard Arabic may be weakened. In that case, Juba
Arabic will evolve as an autonomous language, as in the case of Kia
Nubia (a version spoken in Uganda).

Some scholars such as Gabjanda (1984) have advocated
standardization of the Arabic spoken in both the North and the
South, in order to facilitate education. Gabjanda stated, "Unless
we adopt standardization, we shall in the near future face a serious
educational problem in the South, which will ultimately lead to
Berslein’s dichotomy of elaborated and restricted codes, since the
type of Arabic which is used in school will be foreign to the
child."

Because of the political and socio-linguistic dimensions of the
language issue, the regional Ministry of Education decided in 1974
to reinstate nine of the languages widely spoken in southern Sudan

where teaching materials in these languages were still available.

31

At the same time, the Ministry entrusted the Summer Institute of
Languages at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign with
investigating this possibility (Cowan & Czikoc, 1984). The present
situation in Sudan, according to Lado (1984), is to encourage the
use of the African language in education, particularly in southern
Sudan. Experienced Sudanese teachers think a policy of encouraging
the use of the local language in education is a favorable means of
stressing the acquisition of Arabic, the national or official
language.

Use of Arabic as a medium of instruction has for some time
ignited tensions and elicited negative reactions, as the literature
review revealed. This conflict extends beyond education, involving
some elements in the North and others in the South. Mahmud (1984)
examined the reactions of educated southerners ix: the concept of
Arabicization--in particular, the cultural and lingua franca aspects
as conveyed by the local media under the central government and by
certain elements of the society, especially those who wholeheartedly
favor Arabicization and Islamicization. 'The southerners’ reaction
has been represented in many articles published in English-language
newspapers and magazines, such as Nile Mirror, Southern Sudan, Sudan
Ngw, and Heritage. Mahmud noted that some southern writers have
used the same rhetoric in their defensive reactions as those who
advocate Arabicization.

In an apparent response to popular demand in the South, the
Regional Parliament for southern Sudan decided in June 1974 to

reinstate English as the medium of instruction. Twenty-two members

32

of Parliament supported the resolution, 13 abstained, and not a
single one opposed it. According to Mahmud, this support indicated
that the southerners were attempting to accentuate their African
identity in the face of what they considered an attempt to Arabicize
and Islamicize the South. Yongo-Bure (1988) wrote, "The ruling
clique, whether represented by the military or by civilian Arab
elites, has consistently pursued this policy of Islamicization and
Arabicization so as to assimilate the other nationalities."

In January 1979, the Faculty of Arts at the University of
Khartoum sponsored a symposium on Arabicization, which was attended
by scholars from Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Morocco, and Sudan. The
symposium participants recommended Arabicization of education and
urged university/higher education administrators and the government
to consider teaching all of the sciences in Arabic.

Arabicization of higher education has been under consideration
for a long time in Sudan. The call for using Arabic as a medium of
instruction has been influenced to some extent by the enthusiasm and
support of the people who oppose or are unenthusiastic about the
concept. The Department of History took the initiative of teaching
Islamic history in Arabic in the late 19505, and gradually the
department has included courses on the modern history of Sudan and
African history, which are also available in English for southerners
and non-Arabic-speaking students. The Department of Islamic Studies
started using Arabic when it was established in 1980. The

Department of Philosophy began teaching in Arabic to freshmen in

33

1980 as part of a plan to commence Arabicization at all levels. Yet
these efforts have been hampered by the unavailability of reference
books in Arabic and a lack of qualified faculty to teach these
subjects in Arabic. As a result, courses such as logic and modern

European philosophy are still taught in English.

Smmarx

This chapter began with a background on higher education and
the Arabicization of instruction in Syria. Next, the history of
higher education in Sudan and the debate concerning the language of
instruction in that country were discussed. It was shown how the
idea of Arabicization has gathered momentum and the various factors
that have led to its spread. Literature was also reviewed on the
position of English in schools, and how it has changed from being a
medium of instruction to just another subject to be taught. In the
literature it was revealed that, although the councils of the
institutions of higher education have adopted the policy of
Arabicization, they have fallen short of adopting this policy due to
practical reasons. Implications of the Arabicization policy for

North/South relations in Sudan were also discussed.

 

CHAPTER III
DESIGN OF THE STUDY

Introduction

The researcher’s primary' purpose irt this study' was to
investigate the prospect of Sudanese institutions of higher
education changing the language of instruction from English to
Arabic in light of the Syrian experience. The following research
questions were addressed:

1. In light of the Syrian experience, should Sudanese
institutions of higher education change the language of instruction
from English to Arabic? If so, why?

2. What has been the effect of teaching in Arabic rather than
a foreign language on Syrian institutions of higher education?

3. In what ways are the Sudanese and Syrian societies similar?
How do they differ?

4. How can Sudanese institutions of higher education best

change the language of instruction?

Methodology
Educators have alluded to the benefit of using past experience
to forecast the future. When analyzingthe educational history of a
particular“ country, one should be aware of the consequences of

events that have taken place in other countries, especially those

34

35

that share some of the characteristics of the country under
consideration. Clark (1967) indicated that no one can escape from
history or ignore it for long.

Thus, the researcher chose the historical method for this
study, believing with Borg and Gall (1983) that historical research
can help educators predict future trends and that:

new conditions may well invalidate predictions based on past

performance. Indeed, historical research can help prevent poor

decisions by demonstrating that two situations (one in the past
and one in the present), which appear similar on the surface,
are in fact different in important ways.

An integrated methodology was employed to provide a variety of
supporting arguments for the discussion. 'The methodology included
but was not limited to a review of literature and historical
research, and collection of information through participant
observation and feedback. Because the researcher is a product of
Sudanese institutions of higher education, personal experience and
knowledge were used to enhance the discussion.

Information with which to address the topic under investigation
was gathered in Khartoum, Sudan. Historical documentation and
biographic techniques also were used to collect information in
Khartoum. Documents related to the research were obtained from the
National Records Office in Khartoum, the National Council for Higher
Education, and the University of Khartoum.

The researcher was interested in factors pertaining to policy
formation and changes that have occurred at various times in

educational policy making regarding the change of language as a

medium of instruction in general education, and particularly in

36

higher education, in Northern and Southern Sudan. In doing the
archival research, the researcher focused on correspondence fjles
containing letters and memoranda directed to different governmental
departments.

The researcher’s initial plan was to interview leaders of
influential political groups from both the Northern and Southern
regions of Sudan. However, he was unable to carry out this strategy
because a military coup d’etat took place on June 30, 1989, two days
after his arrival in Khartoum. The new military government declared
martial law, imprisoned all party leaders, instituted a curfew from
dusk to dawn, and banned all political parties, trade unions, and
social and professional organizations. Only religious organizations
were exempt from this INHL Under these circumstances, the
researcher had to adopt a wait-and-see plan with respect to
interviewing political leaders. Six months later, the views of
government officials and other influential individuals regarding the
language of instruction in higher education were announced in
authorized newspapers. This information is discussed in Chapter IV.

To collect information on the Syrian experience with
Arabicization of the language of instruction, the researcher
wrote to Syrian university graduates who were studying or working
in the United States, asking their perceptions of having been taught
in Arabic as opposed to English. He also conducted personal
interviews with graduates who had responded to that letter and with

others who had not done so.

37

Data-Collection Procedures

In applying the historical research methodology 'hi this
study, the initial step was to examine published material on the
situation of higher education in both Sudan and Syria. The
researcher used both primary and secondary sources. 'This included
documents, records, files, newspaper articles, university
catalogues, yearbooks, and personal interviews.

III Khartounn the researcher' collected data through informal
interviews with faculty and students from the University of
Khartoum. A micro-tape recorder was used to record these
conversations; the researcher took field notes when recording was
not possible. On numerous occasions during the researcher’s stay,
social gatherings provided opportunities to speak to individuals
regarding their perceptions of the current condition of higher
education in Sudan and the issue of changing the language of
instruction from English to Arabic.

In an effort to increase primary and secondary sources of data
regarding the Syrian experience, the researcher decided to contact a
sample of Syrian university graduates who were studying (no working
in the United States. The researcher requested and received
permission to do so from the Michigan State University Committee on
Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) (see Appendix C).

The researcher obtained the names of Syrian university
graduates through the social and professional organizations to which
he thought they were likely to belong. A letter was sent to 45

Syrians who had graduated from universities in Syria, had studied in

38

Arabic, and were attending graduate school or working in the United
States (see Appendix D). In this letter, the researcher asked that
the graduates reflect on their perceptions about studying in Arabic
versus English and the effect it had had on their careers.
Respondents were assured of complete anonymity and the
confidentiality of their responses. Graduates living in Michigan,
Ohio, Illinois, and Kentucky were selected primarily because of ease
of access for follow-up interviews.

Of the 45 Syrian graduates who received this letter, 3l
individuals (68.8%) responded, expressing their perceptions of the
Syrian experience of higher education and the use of Arabic as the
medium of instruction. After receiving their responses, the
researcher scheduled structured interviews in three locations to
clarify or expand on certain issues. The researcher tape recorded
the interviews and also took field notes on them. .As Bogdan and
Biklen (l987) stated, "interviewing is used to gather descriptive
data in the subjects’ own words so that the researcher can develop
insight on how subjects interpret some piece of the world." These
interviews helped the researcher locate and elaborate on some of the
material needed and to clarify some information received as a result

of the survey of the Syrian graduates.

Subjects

Forty-five Syrians who had graduated from universities in
Syria, had studied in the Arabic language, and were attending

graduate school or working in the United States were the subjects

39

for the study. They were living in Michigan, Ohio, Illinois, and
Kentucky.

Of the 45 Syrian graduates contacted for the study, 3l (68.8%)
responded. Of that number, 25 (80.6%) had graduated from medical
schools, 3 (9.6%) had graduated in engineering, l (3.2%) had gradu—
ated in agriculture, and 2 (6.4%) did not specify their specialty

(see Figure 4).

Survey and Interview Analysis

The analysis was undertaken in two parts. First, the responses
of the Syrian graduates to the open-ended survey were analyzed.
Second, the researcher analyzed documents and publications on the
historical and current situation of the institutions of higher
education in Sudan, focusing on the advantages and the disadvantages
of teaching exclusively in Arabic. The Syrian experience was also
evaluated. In the second part of the analysis, the researcher also
examined the prospects of Sudanese higher education institutions
changing the language of instruction from English to Arabic, as
perceived by deans and students from the University of Khartoum.
Also considered in this part of the analysis was the relationship
between the government and higher education institutions, as well as
the North/South dichotomy as related to the language controversy.

An integrated methodology was used to summarize the Syrian
graduates’ responses to the open-ended survey and to analyze the
historical data. The use of historical methodology seemed

reasonable for this study because the research was intended to serve

30

4o

 

number of people interviewed

Figure 4:

 

 

 

med eng agr unspedfied

group

Distribution of respondents according to specialty.

 

41

as a 'reference for future researchers seeking information about
aspects of history and the role of language of instruction in
educational development. and stability. By' using the historical
method, the researcher intended to shed light on the past and to
influence policies yet to be implemented. The study findings will
also afford insights to various factions on different sides of the
issue, allowing them to reflect on the ultimate wisdom of certain
choices versus others. By using the historical method, the
researcher hoped to delineate the cultural and educational
contributions made by educational institutions to the entire
country.

To achieve these objectives, the findings are reported in
narrative form so that they can be debated and discussed in relation
to other countries’ experience and practices. Chapter V contains

the study findings.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS OF THE ANALYSIS

Introduction

The researcher’s primary purpose iri this study' was ‘to
investigate the prospect of Sudanese institutions of higher
education changing the language of instruction from English to
Arabic in light of the Syrian experience. To accomplish this
purpose, the following research questions were addressed:

l. In light of the Syrian experience, should Sudanese
institutions of higher education change the language of instruction
from English to Arabic? If so, why?

2. What has been the effect of teaching in Arabic rather than
a foreign language on Syrian institutions of higher education?

3. In what ways are the Sudanese and Syrian societies similar?
How do they differ?

4. How' can Sudanese institutions of higher education best
change the language of instruction?

This chapter contains the open-ended survey responses and
results of interviews with Syrians who had graduated from
universities in Syria and were studying or working in the United
States. The responses to informal interviews with faculty and

students at the University of Khartoum are also discussed. The

42

43

findings from the analysis of historical documents related 1x: the
research are also presented.
The Current Situation in Syrian Institutions
of Hiqher Education

For the last 70 years, Syria has been considered a pioneer in
teaching the sciences and humanities in Arabic. However, the Syrian
experience is still limited. The university textbooks are either
written in Arabic by the professors or translated into Arabic from
foreign languages. Upon graduation, students iri scientific
disciplines are required, as a group, to choose a textbook and
translate it into Arabic, after which the university decides whether
to edit the translation and publish it. This procedure helps the
average Syrian student but does not remedy students’ deficiency in
acquiring English or another foreign language.

Recently, Syrian university officials have perceived a need for
more English classes. The two-year mandatory English program has
been extended to ‘five .years. The teaching of' Arabic has been
extended to include all years that students study (Hi campus. Yet
officials are not satisfied with the students’ achievement in either
language. It is evident that teaching in Arabic, although this
makes it easier for students to understand the coursework, does not
improve their achievement in the Arabic language, literature,
grammar, or style.

Students who Hake an individual effort to learn English are

able to pass the required examination for studying abroad in

44

English. The average student is able to pass that examination after
a few attempts.
Perceptions of Syrian Graduate Students Reqardinq
the Language Used in Teachinq

The graduates who took part in this study were not asked to
identify their stand for or against teaching in Arabic as compared
with teaching in a foreign language because the researcher
recognized the subjects’ emotional and religious attachment to the
Arabic language. However, l6 of the 3l respondents (51.6%)
volunteered the information that they were opposed 11) teaching in
Arabic versus English as long as the Arab World is :1 receiver of
knowledge and not a producer. These respondents’ stand was based on
their own experience and the difficulty they had faced upon choosing
to specialize, as in the case of medical doctors.

Twelve respondents (38.7%) said they favored teaching in Arabic
over any other language because it enabled them to understand and
absorb the knowledge they were seeking. These individuals
understood the difficulties of studying in Arabic, but they believed
these challenges were part of the learning process. Had they not
been taught in their own language, they would not have attempted to
study in other languages. They also said that, by studying in their
own language, they were free to learn another language of their
choice, rather than following the foreign language that had been
imposed on them. Three respondents (9.5%) did not specify their

stand because they were not asked to do so (see Figure 5).

45

 

% of the total number

 

 

 

against with undecided

Response

Figure 5: The Syrian respondents' positions on Arabicizing
higher education.

46

Those who favored teaching in Arabic stated that teaching of
the English language needs to be strengthened in Syrian
universities.

Advantages and Disadvantages of Teaching in Arabic Versus

Enqlish,ias Viewed by Syrian University Graduates
Advantages

Respondents who favored teaching in Arabic saw no difference in
the teaching of basic knowledge and said that the Syrian
universities and professors were doing their utmost to keep up with
developments that were taking place throughout the world. They
believed they had received the basic knowledge they needed.
Respondents who had graduated from medical schools thought it had
been easier for them to conceptualize the meaning in Arabic, and as
a result it had been easier for them when they began to practice
medicine.

Engineering graduates thought they did even better and had more
knowledge than others who had not studied in Arabic. Most of the
mathematical equations are the same, regardless of language;
however, in the Syrian universities they are expressed in Arabic.
For example, x2 y3 = /S is written the same way in both Arabic and
English, but in Syrian universities it is read in Arabic instead of
English.

To some graduates who favored teaching in Arabic, the matter
was one of pride in the language because Arabic is the language of
the Quran, which was revealed by God to His Messenger.

Consequently, for devout Moslems, teaching in Arabic has strong

47

religious overtones that must be taken into account when considering
changing the language of instruction. Respondents conceived that
the Arab World is in a state of weakness and that it cannot be
strong unless it experiences an awakening and Arabic evolves into
the language of business and education, especially higher education.
They saw the Syrian experience as a positive step toward the

realization of this awakening.

Disadvantaqes

Respondents who favored teaching in English cited many
disadvantages to using Arabic instead of English in higher
education. Many said the Arab World is weak--that it is unable to
produce knowledge and is totally dependent on the outside world for
acquiring new knowledge. Syria is weak economically, they said, and
cannot carry out Arabicization, which requires money as well as
resources and trained personnel. Given the current scarcity of
basic scientific references, an Arab student is at risk unless
he/she is taught in English because the Syrian universities and
professors are neither writers nor good translators of basic science
textbooks. Even the books that are available in Arabic are outdated
and insufficient for modern scientific disciplines. There are some
Arabic books in clinical medicine, but students cannot benefit from
them without a complete understanding of the basic sciences.

According to the Syrian graduates, one of the main
disadvantages of teaching in Arabic is that students will be unable

to read and understand periodicals published in English. About

48

l,SOO journals in various medical specialties are published in
English. With the influx of computer medical classified indices
written in English, the average Syrian university graduate is left
behind.

Respondents who were studying in the United States at the time
of the study reported that their American professors, who lead the
world in research due to the nature of American higher education,
looked for graduate students from India, China, and other Asian
countries to help with their research because those students study
in English. Thus, Syrian students often are deprived of chances to
work alongside their professors and to learn from assisting them.

The Syrian medical graduates, although capable, had to struggle
with the English language when they arrived in the United States.
Few of them were pursuing research degrees; most were studying
applied medicine. The latter came to the United States primarily to
specialize, in order ultimately to work here or in a wealthy Arab
country where such specialization is required. Thus, the language
barrier to Syrian university graduates deprives them and their
country of a chance to develop their research endeavors at a minimal
cost, as the Chinese and Indians can do.

Respondents also saw the lack of Arabic references as a
substantial disadvantage of studying in Arabic. The materials they
studied at the university were no better than class notes because
they were written by the professor and covered essentially what

he/she lectured on in class. Also, it is difficult to identify

49

Arabic references. At present, the only references available are
students’ notes based (NI professors’ lectures. Notes on which
students depend are not even written in standard Arabic but rather
in the vernacular, which has a negative effect on their acquisition
of the Arabic language.

In addition, translation is not keeping pace with new
publications. For example, an important book on internal medicine,
Harrison’s Principles of Internal Medicine, which is in its twelfth
edition this year (l99l), is not available to Syrian students. This
important book has been published in French, German, Greek, Italian,
Japanese, and Portuguese, but not. M1 Arabic. The l978 edition of
this book was translated into Arabic by a group of professors, each
focusing on his/her own specialization. Thus, by simple
calculation, Syrian students are l2 years behind in knowledge
regarding just this one book. Foreign countries whose educational
institutions have relationships with those in western countries can
obtain the last three-year edition of the textbook from western
universities, paying just the transportation expenses. But
countries like Syria do not have the means to translate and print
books like Harrison’s every three years.

During the l970s, there was a clear enthusiasm for translation
and writing; money was available because of the oil boom in the
area, and the Arabs were generous in their assistance to Syria. But
during the l9805, conditions dramatically changed. Lebanon, which
had helped Syria in its efforts to translate and print books, was in

turmoil because of' the ongoing civil warn Syria itself’ became

50

highly involved in that civil war and was affected by it in all
aspects of life. All of these events have played a major part in

slowing the translation and production of books in Arabic.

Evaluation of the Syrian Experience

Students comprehend better in their own language; studying in a
foreign language requires a greater effort on students’ part to
overcome the difficulties of that language. ‘The disadvantages of
teaching in a foreign language lie not only in the inability to
understand but also in the inability to be innovative and deal
logically with the particular subject under discussion. Yet these
abilities are the essence of university education. The question is
whether graduates of Syrian universities are able to be innovative
and add to human knowledge by using their own language as the only
medium of expression.

The answer to this question appears to be "No." After using
its national language in higher education for 70 years, Syria is
still a developing country. "The medical literature changes in the
West almost every three years, and we will be more than lucky if
these changes affect. us in 20 .years," said one of the Syrian
graduates who participated in this study. Syria is part of the
Third World and cannot act as a developed country without meeting
the criteria of a developed country. It lacks money to attract
potential scholars and researchers from among its own citizens or
from other Arabic countries who could enhance and enrich the

educational experience.

51

The Syrian professors who are currently working at the
universities as teachers, translators, and/or researchers are poorly
paid in comparison to their counterparts in other Arab countries.
As a result, Syrian universities are losing them to other Arab
universities and regional organizations. Professors are struggling
to make a living for their families, and that obviously is at the
expense of research, writing, and quality teaching.

Today, the revolutionary advances in communications make the
world seem like a small village. People are aware of what is going
on around them and are able to compare their experiences with those
of people in other areas of the world. Development in engineering
and medicine requires an international institutional relationship,
and the exchange of research results, ideas, and experiments, so
that scholars and researchers in various countries can learn from
each other. It is important to attain a common language in which to
communicate; if it is not Arabic, it might be English because that
is the most commonly used language throughout the world.

Some time ago, Syrian university officials recognized their
students’ need to master English. This realization necessitated
teaching English for five and six years in engineering and medical
colleges, respectively. Because they have not properly mastered
English as a: foreign language, translators’ work is relatively
inadequate. Also, because they have not mastered English, students
are unable to make use of the abundant literature written in that

language. A Sudanese medical doctor wrote, "I have never heard

52

since l939 about any valuable book that had been translated into
Arabic as soon as it was published, as is the practice in all active
languages" (Mohammad, l983). "It seems," rue continued, "we are
concerned about formalities rather than essentials." He explained
the situation of his generation:
We have exerted great efforts in studying medicine in English,
we all thank God that we have learned the intermediate
terminology through that medium. We were not isolated from the
rest of the world as a result of Arabicization. We have to

fear God in our coming generations and the future of sciences
in Arabic countries.

Contemporary Institutions of Higher Education
in Sudan

The researcher conducted informal interviews with faculty and
students from the University of Khartoum. The information that was
gained through those interviews, as well as published materials and
government documents available in Khartoum, is discussed in this and
succeeding sections.

Higher education institutions in Sudan have not escaped the
state of transition that has existed through Sudan since it achieved
independence. The transitional nature of the country has caused
virtually every sector, including higher education, to undergo
transitions of its own. The continuous changes in the political
structure, which did not evolve on the basis of sound economic and
social policies, have had a negative effect on governmental
institutions and those supported by the government.

Contemporary higher education in Sudan is comparable to wMat

emerged as a result of the Asquith Commission, organized by the

53

British with the intention of creating 41 special relationship and
ensuring international links to teach and conduct research. .Ashby
(l986) explained that "both standards and curricula were anchored to
those of the University of London under the guidance of a senate
committee to deal with special relations."

Some African scholars and critics believe that "the
universities as they had been developed in the l960s were hardly
more than white elephants and flashy symbols of modernization, ivory
towers equipped by minority elites expensively educated at the
expense of the vast majority of the population with whom they have
little iri common" (Yusufu, l973). 'The Sudanese institutions of
higher education were determined to avoid being such showy symbols.
They' did their' best to earn solid international recognition by
adhering to rigorous standards. As a result, institutions of higher
learning, especially universities, were accused of being ivory-tower
institutions or of attempting to copy illustrious colonial
institutions.

In today’s world and even during the latter half of this
century, no institution of higher education with university status
should be created without an international relationship. This drive
toward internationalism may at times conflict with university
concerns on purely national issues. Until recent developments and
problems arose, the Sudanese universities succeeded in maintaining a
good reputation regionally and, to some extent, internationally.
Now, however, with dwindling resources, universities have discovered

that funds spent on maintaining internationally accepted programs

54

are not available for expanding locally desirable ones. For
example, both the University of Khartoum and Khartoum Polytechnic
would like to expand their extramural-studies programs but have
experienced great difficulty due to lack of funds. These two
institutions have abandoned special programs because of shortages of
funds and the need to meet ongoing obligations, such as providing
room and board for needy students.

For an institution of higher education to be recognized and
respected, it must look beyond its national constituency. Apart
from ensuring continued acceptance nationally, the university is
obliged to gain international acceptance. Wandria (l977) mentioned
several reasons for establishing wide recognition, including the
following:

l. If a university is not accepted internationally, prospec-
tive employers might hesitate to hire its graduates.

2. A university that does not enjoy international acceptance
of its standards jeopardizes the academic future of its most
promising graduates. This factor alone could block the advancement
of the nation’s most able men and women and thus impair the progress
of the entire nation.

3. A university that fails to win international acceptance may
suffer long—term consequences because mediocrity today increases to
greater mediocrity tomorrow. Unacceptable qualifications this year
lead to even less acceptable qualifications in the future.

Universities and institutions of higher education do their utmost to

55

avoid the stigma of a declining reputation. They attempt to earn
not only international acceptance of their qualifications, but also
an outstanding name for the vigor and excellence of their teaching
and research. Until recently, Sudanese institutions of higher
education were striving to avoid obstacles and deliberate
insurgence.

Some people inside and outside Sudan have tried to push their
own agendas and have accused the higher education institutions,
mainly' universities, of 'transmitting foreign cultures and ideas.
These individuals are not pleased with the international recognition
the universities have gained and believe any foreign links
strengthen these institutions at the expensex of' national unity.
Others believe that reputable professors and students bring honor to
a university and ensure that its achievements are brought to the
attention of other universities.

The reputation of Sudanese institutions of higher education
started to erode as qualified faculty members took positions in the
oil-rich countries in Arabia and the Gulf. The general frustration
and discontent among faculty members who remained in Sudan also
negatively affected the stability of these institutions and thus
their reputability. The lack of respect for university laws,
traditions, and autonomy by various political regimes has played a
major role in eroding the reputation and international recognition
of higher education institutions.

The recent conflict between the universities and the government

focused (Mi whether' the university entrance standards should be

56

geared to the standards of the secondary school system, locally or
abroad, or set at some predetermined level apart from and
irrespective of the school system. This conflict led to the firing
of top university administrators throughout Sudan and the
appointment of new ones, which was a clear violation of the
universities’ basic laws and regulations. The repercussions of
these actions will undoubtedly have a negative effect on higher
education, if history is any example (e.g., the reactions to
ministerial committee recommendations made in the l970s).

The current military regime, which came to power on June 30,
l989, as a result of a coup d’etat that toppled the democratically
elected government, turned (n1 the universities and other higher
education institutions through what it called a revolution in higher
education. This revolution started when the current president
addressed the nation and asked that the number of students in all
institutions of higher education be doubled by the l990/9l academic
year (Al Enqaz Al Watani [National Salvation], l989). He ordered
universities and colleges to review their admission policies. Of
particular' concern to the present research is Article 7, which
states that "studies investigating Arabicization of higher have to
be concluded during academic year l989/90."

A quick evaluation of these decisions would seem ix: indicate
that, although Sudan needs trained manpower in education, health,
medicine, and business, there is a surplus of agriculturists who

have graduated from institutions of higher education and are

57

unemployed. Doubling the number of students without a sound
developmental plan and under the current economic hardships will
mean higher unemployment for agriculturists, engineers, and even
physicians. Employability in specific professions is the most
important factor influencing students’ pursuit of higher education.
Any strategy to develop higher education must consider the capacity
of the labor market to absorb graduates. This issue is dealt with
in discussing the language of instruction and the possibility of
Sudanese graduates benefiting from the labor market in Africa and
the Middle East.
The Current Situation Regarding the Language
of Instruction in Sudan

The University of Khartoum put the subject of Arabicization on
the table for discussion as early as l96l. In l976, a committee
entrusted with studying Arabicization designed a questionnaire on
this topic for the faculty of the College of Arts. The ffindings
showed that 55% of the faculty respondents thought that students
would understand more if Arabic was used as the medium of
instruction. Fifty percent recommended Arabicizing references
before implementing Arabicization in instruction. Thirty percent
expressed their readiness to translate books, but 35% did not
support the idea. Sixty percent thought that references written in
English could still be used if the medium of instruction was changed
to Arabic. Fifty percent of them asked for a gradual, mature
reflection on the issue. Only l5% asked for an immediate switch to

Arabic as the sole medium of instruction in the College of Arts.

58

The Dean of the Faculty of Arts told this researcher in July
1989 that this study of Arabicization was followed by the
establishment of a translation unit in the College in 1976 to
prepare graduate students to obtain higher degrees in translation.
It was thought this would be helpful for Arabicization in the
future. In July 1979 the college sponsored a symposium on
Arabicization and the Problems of Arabic Language in University
Education (University of Khartoum, 1979). That symposium was
attended by interested professors from Jordan, Egypt, and Morocco,
as well as Sudan. They believed that Arabicization of university
education would indicate acceptance by the Sudanese of their
national entity. Symposium participants recommended teaching all
sciences in Arabic and promoting foreign languages; they requested
that a timetable be established for these recommendations to be
accomplished. They thought Arabicization would help Sudan catch up
with and participate in civilization.

Steps were taken to Arabicize parts of history and philosophy
courses in T976 and 1979, respectively. After 1980, the
Arabicization policy gathered momentum. The newly established
Department of Islamic Studies, under the direction of an Islamic
activist, adopted Arabic as its medium of instruction from the
beginning.

On September 7, 1983, the University Council of the University
of Khartoum, the oldest and most reputable institution of higher

education in Sudan, adopted a resolution whereby Arabic would be

59

considered the medium of instruction. However, no neasures were '
taken to implement this resolution except 'hi the College of
Education, which first started using Arabic as a medium of
instruction at the beginning of the l983/84 academic year. That
move, this researcher was told, occurred not as a result of an
in-depth study of the necessity of changing the medium of
instruction, but as the outcome of a deal between the president of
the University and the faculty and administration of the College.

At that time, the University was preparing to relocate the
College in order to use its premises for a preparatory college that
was under consideration. The deal allowed the College to stay where
it was, provided Arabic instead of English was used in teaching.
The president promised to upgrade the level of the division
operating in the College to department status. This policy of
having duplicate departments teaching the same subject was under
attack and about to be rescinded. .As the president of the
University had said in 1979, "We have a Department of Chemistry with
the same syllabus in several faculties—-in science, in medicine, in
education, in agriculture and in engineering. This kind of
duplication I don’t like" (Nordestan, 1985). The plan was to
upgrade not only the Chemistry Department, but also the departments
in all fields found in the Colleges of Science and Arts. ‘The new
arrangement satisfied the College administrators and staff and gave
the president something of an achievement with the policy makers and

supporters of Arabicization. The preparatory reorganization of the

60

College of Education was delayed and subsequently came to a complete
halt.

In an effort to make the change to Arabic gradual and smooth,
the College of Arts began offering a master’s degree in
Arabicization in 1984. A master’s degree in Science of Terminology
and a Ph.D. degree in Arabicization and Translation were added in
the l989/9O academic year. The master’s degree program in
Translation was begun, but other programs did not continue due to
financial constraints and faculty shortages.

The third college at the University of Khartoum that attempted
to change the language of instruction was the College of Law. In an
interview, the former dean explained to the researcher that efforts
are still being made and indicated that future success will depend
on faculty commitment and availability of references. Thus far,
faculty have been relying on legislation and laws that have been
published in Arabic since 1970. Accordingly, college faculty are
teaching Islamic law, criminal law, and constitutional law in
Arabic. Whenever a faculty member is willing to teach in Arabic and
is convinced that references are available in that language, he is
encouraged to use Arabic as the medium of instruction.

To summarize the current situation regarding the language of
instruction in Sudan, all institutions of higher education in Sudan
except the Khartoum branch of the University of Cairo and the
Islamic University of Omdarman use English as the medium of
instruction. Arabic is partially used in the Colleges of Education,

Law, and Arts at the University of Khartoum. The newly established

61

College of Education in Atbara, in northern Sudan, is using Arabic
in compliance with the 1983 decision of the National Council of
Higher Education that newly established universities and colleges
should use Arabic as the medium of instruction. Ahlia University
College, which was established in Omdurman in 1985, is using both
Arabic and English for instruction.

The Sudanese experience~ with Arabicization has not been a
complete success. When asked his opinion about changing the medium
of instruction from English to Arabic, the Dean of the Faculty of
Science referred to the unsuccessful trial in the College of
Education. He said, "I think that step was unfortunate and
unplanned. Had I attended the meeting which had decided that, I
would have voted against that decision, not because I am against the
principle but because of the procedure" (NCHE, 1984). The Dean of
Education, however, did not concur with that opinion. He admitted
that Arabicization in the science section of the College had been
difficult because of the scarcity of books and reference materials.
He said he had attended two Arabic regional conferences to unify the
terminology used for certain foreign words. The first conference
went as planned, but at the second conference political differences
among member states resulted in little accomplishment (NCHE, T984).

Perce tions of Deans at the University of Khartoum
About Changing the Language of Instruction

 

Little consensus exists in higher education institutions in

Sudan with regard to changing the language of instruction, or even

62

about the change that took place in secondary schools 25 years ago.
In countries like Sudan, people usually resist publicly stating
their views on controversial issues that have ambiguous
connotations. On this subject, many people exhibit reluctance and a
lack of enthusiasm, which are often interpreted as a courteous stand
against the change. On the other hand, supporters of the change try
not to link it to its viability but rather to its religious and
cultural importance.

In 1984, members of the National Council for Higher Education
interviewed several deans at the University of Khartoum concerning
their attitudes toward using Arabic instead of English as the medium
of instruction (NCHE, 1984). This followed the Khartoum University
Council’s decision on September 7, 1983, to consider Arabic the
medium of instruction.

According to the Dean of Science, many difficulties were
involved in making the change to Arabic. "I ask if those emotions
will not drag us to embark on an unplanned decision which will
hinder the development of education in our beloved country," he
said. He continued:

There is no one professor in science who is qualified to teach

in Arabic, and there are no books or dictionaries for this

purpose. Terminologies have to be unified first in the Arab

World. There are three different translations for the word

acid, and each and every country insists on using its own

translations and eventually write in it. I pray the slogan
will not be "let us go into the experiment first and then we
will find a solution."

The Dean of Agriculture thought that teaching in Arabic will be

possible when books become available in Arabic. The Dean of Law

 

63

said that the issue of Arabicization cannot be decided by a decree
or a law. Any decision has to come through mature reflection,
careful planning, and follow-up. He saw no difficulty in teaching
law in Arabic because laws and judicial decisions are issued in that
language.

The Dean of Education, whose college teaches most of its
courses in Arabic, supported the idea of Arabicization but did not
conceal the fact that those attempting to teach science in Arabic
were encountering difficulties. However, Tue warned against using
this argument and the scarcity of references to reject
Arabicization. He said, "I don’t deny that the problem of
terminology is a little bit thorny, but it is not to be taken as a
pretext not to apply Arabicization."

The Dean of Engineering did not see a problem with the Arabic
language itself, but rather in the fact that professors did not have
a unified terminology. He viewed the issue in light of scientific
advancement of science and the country. "If people are able to
advance and push science through their contribution, then the
language, any language, will absorb whatever comes of the
development." He said that Arabicization of technological subjects
was currently unattainable, but that in time it might be possible.

The Dean of Medicine said that the College was conducting what
he considered a pilot study by requesting Arabic-speaking lecturers

to present their papers in Arabic at conferences and meetings the

64

College organized. He acknowledged the fact that no professors in
the College were qualified to teach medicine in Arabic.

The Dean of Pharmacy conceded that all references used in his
department were in English, all professors had been educated at
English-speaking universities, most terminologies in the profession
had not yet been Arabicized, and the budget was not sufficient to
allow Arabicization. He believed there was a need to evaluate the
Syrian experience before implementing Arabicization.

The Dean of Economics and Social Studies said:

Arabicization in the secondary schools was implemented in haste

and without careful study. As a result of that experience,

student standards were highly affected. This recent move needs
to be evaluated and needs a huge budget. We do not want

Arabicization to be a translation from one language to another.

Its return will be minimal if it is done the same way as

changing the language of instruction in secondary schools.

The Arabicization process has 111 be subjected to
scientific, practical, and careful study and must not be hasty.

Like the Dean of Economics and Social Studies, the Dean of the
Faculty of Arts, who is a distinguished professor in his field and
has written several books and articles in English and Arabic alike,
told the researcher that people need to look critically into the
experience of Arabicizing secondary schools and avoid the
shortcomings of that experience. One of the difficulties he
predicted was unifying the terminology to create a common language.
So far, such unity is lacking in the Arab World. However, unifying
terminology is just the first step toward using Arabic as the medium
of instruction because Arabicization involves not only preparing

dictionaries replete with standard terminologies, but also creating

new linguistic methods from Arabic—language sources to express new

65

concepts” 'This dean thought that the success of Arabicization
efforts depends mainly on mastering the Arabic language, in addition
to English and other languages. This success depends solely on a
growing economy, as well as social and cultural interactions between
various elements of the Sudanese society to create a common ground
between them.

These and other views reflect the dissension on the issue of
Arabicization. Deans and university professors were concerned about
retaining the international recognition their institutions had
gained. Professors also realized that there is a genuine necessity
to cooperate with the rest of the Arab World and to honor their
commitment as members of regional organizations that are putting the
use of Arabic as the medium of instruction high on the agenda.
Institutions and faculty have been reluctant to adopt Arabicization
and will continue to be for some time to come.

A new reality has prevailed in Sudan since the current military
regime took over in June 1989. According to the president of Sudan,
the government is in favor of using Arabic as the medium of
instruction. Also, the newly appointed president of the NCHE has
long advocated using Arabic as the medium of instruction in higher
education. As head of the newly established Department of Islamic
Studies in the College of Arts, he has chosen Arabic as the medium
of instruction. Although he insisted on sending new recruits to the
department to study in Arabic rather than English, he failed in this

attempt because the students concerned were not satisfied with the

66

standards or the content of programs in suggested Arab universities.
They all chose to go to Britain or the United States to study.
Students’ Reflections on Chanqianthe Medium of
Instruction From English to Arabic

In Sudan, English was never intended to be the lingua franca.
English was used primarily by educated individuals as a means of
modernizing and developing their society. The educated Sudanese
have been very good at mastering both Arabic and English. Even some
southerners, who traditionally have been more fluent in English,
have begun to build a reasonable knowledge of Arabic. College and
university students prefer to attend Sudanese institutions of higher
education rather than to study on scholarships in Eastern Europe and
the Arab World because Sudanese institutions use English as the
medium of instruction. Douglas (1977) found that the majority of
Khartoum University students opposed Arabicization, even though they
experienced difficulty with English.

Howard (1989) attributed students’ difficulty with English to
the poor teaching of English at the precollege level and to limited
use of English in Arabic areas. He wrote:

Facility in English is limited to the most educated levels of

society. Even Khartoum University students perform poorly in

English, although it is the language of instruction. This is

because English is not introduced as the primary language of

instruction at lower levels of the educational system. Of
course, the vast majority of Sudanese, urbanites included, have
little use for the English language.

Members of Khartoum University’s student union distributed a

questionnaire to a random sample of 1,100 students in January 1989.

Results showed that 72.5% of the students who studied in English

67

believed that studying in Arabic would hinder their future
prospects. They thought they would not be able to obtain advanced
degrees because they would be impeded in pursuing modern scientific
sources written in English. .Almost half (49.3%) of those who
studied arts and education in Arabic concurred with the opinion of
those who studied solely in English (Khartoum University Student
Union, 1987).
Changing the Language of Instruction and the
North/South Dichotomy

In reviewing the literature, the researcher found that many
writers have concluded that the distrust between the North and South
in Sudan is based in large part on the differences in language
perceptions between people in the two regions. Educators in the
North perceive the use of Arabic as a necessary step toward
integrating the whole country and building one state. Those in the
South, on the other hand, perceive this effort as merely a step to
Arabicize and eventually Islamicize the entire region. They
perceive it as an attempt to deny southerners the right to develop
their own culture and heritage and to enhance their religious
affiliation with others.

Earlier efforts by the central government, which is dominated
by the northern faction, to introduce Arabic as the medium of
instruction in the South corroborated southern citizens’ fears.
Some educational policy makers forgot their role as civil servants
and stated their personal positions and perceptions in retaliation

against the old policy, which put educational planning in the hands

68

of church missionaries. For example, on December 4, 1969, the
Undersecretary of the Ministry of Education for the Southern Region
wrote a letter directly to the Minister of Interior instead of to
his superior, the Minister of Education, urging that he deny a
Christian priest’s request to bring in an Italian Catholic priest to
teach a religion course. The Undersecretary stated,

Now we have a course in Christianity to teach in Khartoum and

it is in Arabic. With regard to his request to bring an

Italian Catholic priest, especially from the Verona Fathers and

to the South, this will be the worst thing. My reply to him

will be that the government’s ban on the return of the White

Priests to resume their activities in the South is still

intact. I will apologize for not answering his strange request

since we have Arabicized all subjects and we are on our way to

Arabicize Christianity as a subject in order to harmonize the

curriculum and pursue a purely national thorough pace.

(Ministry of Education, File 18-2—13)

The Minister of Interior’s reply was of the same nature. In
his letter of December 21, 1969, he wrote, "We are pleased that your
letter agrees with the principal policy that this ministry follows."
He went on to say, "We are always careful not to allow the return of
the White Priest to the southern provinces to work on religion or
teaching. Not only that, but we are very careful not to allow
priests from African countries to enter the South unless we
thoroughly investigate their personalities and their intentions."

After being transferred to the North, the same Undersecretary
targeted the missionary school and continued to use Arabic as a
pretext for his religious battle with the Verona Fathers when he
succeeded in banning them from the South. In a secret memorandum he

wrote on October 20, 1973, the Undersecretary suggested a complete

prohibition of Christian missionaries in Muslim areas and confined

69

them to their churches and schools, prohibiting any contact with
government departments and popular organizations (Ministry of
Education, File 18-2-13). He protested their schools’ use of
English as early as nursery school and through the secondary level.
The Undersecretary advocated that mission schools be accountable to
the Ministry of Interior, although he was one of the key officials
in the Ministry of Education.

The Undersecretary’s memorandum was a response to a letter from
the General Secretary of the Sudan Socialist Union (SSU) in
Khartoum, then the governing party in Sudan, which was written on
September 26, T973, to the Minister of Education. In that letter,
the Secretary of the SSU stated that he had used his power to block
a permit for a Christian school in a relatively poor neighborhood.
He refused to grant the permit, he said, because his house servant
had been converted to Christianity. He reiterated his refusal to
relinquish the upbringing of children in a socialist state to the
church.

Because the government feared the spread of Christianity, a
retired teacher’s proposal to open a secondary school was rejected.
Fahmi Suliman was denied permission to open a secondary school in
Juba, when the region was in need of any school, because he was a
Christian. This was indicated in the Minister of Education’s letter
of November 17, 1968, to the Minister of Interior requesting that
the latter deny him this permission (Ministry of Education, File 18-

2-13).

70

These and other decisions engendered southerners’ distrust in
and apparent negative reaction to the use of Arabic as the medium of
instruction at any level of the educational system. They thought
the Muslims were targeting their language and religious beliefs and
that the language issue was only a pretext.

In reviewing the government documents, the researcher learned
that the southern government attempted to respond to public opinion
by reviving the language policy of the Rajaf Conference of 1928,
which called for the reinstatement of colloquial languages in
primary education and English as the language of instruction in
secondary schools. They entrusted a: language survey to the
International Summer Institute at Illinois University. The
researcher has yet to locate a paper written by a Sudanese from the
North in which the Institute was not accused of conspiring with
international Christian efforts to stop the spread of Arabic and
Islam or in which the Institute was not attacked for imperial
expansion in collaboration with efforts of the Central Intelligence
Agency. Each author wrote from his own ideological perspective, yet
none of them mentioned public opinion as reflected by educated
southerners.

In 1988, Yor-Ayik, a well-known Arabist and specialist in the
Arabic language from southern Sudan, distributed a questionnaire
among southern students who were studying in Cairo, Egypt. Some of
these students were studying in Arabic, and all of them spoke
Arabic. Upon analyzing the responses to the questionnaire, Yor-Ayik

concluded that:

71

Students have negative attitudes toward the Arabic language and

to studying other subjects in it as an extra burden on them.

Students have positive and favorable attitudes toward English

and obviously its role in this situation, as the medium of

instruction, helps the students in liking their programs of
study.

Yor-Ayik (1988) attributed the low academic competence of
students in southern Sudan to the fact that Arabic had been
introduced as a replacement for the indigenous language and for
English, as well as to the prolonged North/South conflict. In his
study, Yor found that "a meaningful portion of southern students do
not support the way in which Arabic has been imposed as the only
medium of instruction at all levels in Southern schools." A
security report from the South indicated that students were striking
because Arabic had been imposed as the medium of instruction. The
Security Committee recommended to the Ministry of Interior in
Khartoum by telegram on August 26, 1969, that it should stop the
Minister of Education’s hasty decision to Arabicize the intermediate
schools in the South, based on the people’s sensitivity to such
issues (Ministry of Education, File 7-1-4) (see Appendix E).

The language issue has dominated the North/South dichotomy and
will continue to do so for some time to come. At a conference
convened by the military government in September 1989 to investigate
the possibility of achieving peace in the country, Peter Cyrillo, a
hand-picked participant from the South, thanked the military regime
for inviting him as a private citizen to attend and to help search

for solutions to Sudan’s problems. He proceeded to emphasize that

"None of us gathered here today . . . can claim to represent any

72

particular section of our society. Nor can we decide the fate of
this country since we have not been mandated to do so by the
Sudanese masses" (FBIS-89-195, 1989).

General Cyrillo, who is considered a political moderate,
reiterated what most educated southern Sudanese say when talking
about the cause of the North/South dichotomy:

Another aspect of domination, as perpetrated by the various
controlling governments, is connected with the question of
cultural identity of Sudan. While Sudan is an African country,
as evidenced by the 1956 population census, which registered
the numbers of Africans in this country as 62%, certain
northern political leaders have tended to brand Sudan as an
Arab country. However, the number of people with Arab blood in
this country is only 38%, according to census figures. The
minority ruling circles projected and promoted an inverted
image of superiority over the majority of Africans, who have
been relegated to second-class citizens who, for all purposes
and intent, must be Islamicized and Arabicized.

Cultural domination, Cyrillo went on to say, has been
manifested in the predominant use of Arabic throughout the mass
media, to the exclusion of other languages, and the use of the
Arabic language as a prerequisite for university entrance and as a
medium of instruction at all levels of education. He asserted that
this tendency on the part of the Arab ruling elite is dangerous and
does not augur well for a heterogeneous nation such as Sudan.

At the same time, Yongo-Bure (1988) accused the ruling northern
officials, civilian as well as nfilitary, of consistently pursuing
the policies of Islamicization and Arabicization so as to assimilate
the other nationalities. He said, "They [the northerners] have
imposed their ideals, culture, language, religion, and other ways of

life on the rest of the Sudanese nationalities."

73

Some people from areas of Sudan other than the South are
courteous in defining their diverse cultures and heritages because
they share Islam with the northerners. They are, however, concerned
about northerners’ efforts to promote Arabic at the expense of their
indigenous languages. As recently as August 4, 1990, Yusuf Kurtala
from the Nuba Mountains in western Sudan responded to a newspaper
article in which a former Minister of Information under the Mumryi
regime said, "To improve the sense of national belonging and to help
more integration, the media must care more about the Arabic
language." Kurtala questioned the former Minister’s intentions in
writing such an article because he believed the media were doing
nothing to promote other cultures and languages. "00 the Sudanese
media really reflect the cultural reality of Sudan?" he asked, or
are they "only dominated by one culture in an effort to efface the
culture of other groups?"

The North/South and even the North/West and North/East
dichotomy of language will prevail for some time in Sudan because it
is a diverse country in which almost all of the cultures and ethnic

groups of the whole African continent are found.

Summary

The analysis pertaining to the Syrian experience of Arabicizing
higher education and the current situation regarding the language of
instruction in Sudan were discussed in this chapter. The findings
were based on a review of governmental and institutional documents

ir1 Khartounu Syrian university' graduates’ written comments about

74

studying in Arabic and its effect on their careers/graduate study,
and interviews with these graduates as well as faculty and students
at the University of Khartoum.

Chapter V contains a discussion of the study findings, as well

as conclusions and recommendations based on those findings.

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND
IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Introduction
This chapter begins with a discussion of the background of the
study and the findings of the review of literature and data
collected for this research. Conclusions based on the study
findings are presented next. Recommendations and implications for

further research are also offered.

Discussion

The Arabic language was brought to Sudan gradually by Arab
immigrants who infiltrated the Christian kingdom of Nubia and
assumed power through the matriarchal system of succession that
prevailed there at the time. According to Abd Al Rahim (1985):

The Arabicization and Islamization of Sudan was mainly brought

about through the agency of Muslim Arab immigrants who

gradually infiltrated the Christian kingdom of Nubia. Their

readiness to mix with the indigenous people, coupled with the

matriarchal system of the Nubians on the one hand and the Arab

patriarchal organization of the family and the tribe on the

other hand, facilitated the assimilation of the immigrants.

The spread of their culture and religion gave them political

leadership in the host society.

Using this political control, the Arabs were able to ally
themselves to other indigenous groups and establish themselves,

their culture, and their language throughout the area north of the

75

76

swamps, beyond the region that today constitutes southern Sudan. In
the early seventeenth century, they established what was known as
the Black Sultanate. The stability and relative prosperity of that
Sultanate helped to Islamicize and, to some degree, Arabicize the
area that today constitutes northern Sudan. The South remained
uninfluenced by these developments until the nineteenth century,
when the Egyptians, with the help of some Europeans, set out to
discover the origins of the river Nile.

In Syria, Arabic became the official language of the entire
area for which Damascus, the country’s present capital, was the
capital for the Islamic Arabic state from 661 to 750 under the
Omyyads.

By the time of Turkish-Egyptian rule in Sudan (1821-1885),
Arabic was used along with the indigenous languages. Its use in
education was confined to elementary schools in Khartoum and to the
Quranic schools, which were run by the local Muslim population.

During the Mahadi state (1885-1898), Arabic was the only
language used in administration and religious education--the only
permissible type of education. Languages other than Arabic or the
indigenous languages were seldom heard or were treated as paganistic
if heard. Because Arabic was the language of the Quran and Islam,
it was considered the official language, even though it was not the
mother tongue of' most citizens, including government officials.
This clearly stemmed from a religious point of view rather than from

any antagonistic motives. The colonial power, which was then driven

77

from the country by the Mahadists, although Muslim, was not Arab
and thus was treated as pagan.

The Condominium Period (1898-1956), during which Sudan was
ruled jointly by the British and Egyptians, witnessed for the first
time the introduction and use of a foreign language, English, which
was the language of the more powerful, dominant partner in the
Condominium government.

As part of their resistance to the colonial power, the Muslim
Sudanese conceded to the Arabic language. The Syrian Muslims
reacted similarly to foster the use of Arabic in their educational
institutions: as a mechanism to resist the foreign attempt at
control through assimilation, which was known to be a French policy.
At first, Sudanese Muslims, like their Syrian counterparts, tended
to remain aloof from foreign schools and eventually from the modern
system of education. They thought that by doing so they would curb
the danger of Christian and foreign influence, even from the weaker
partner of the Condominium (the Egyptians).

Because of this tendency in the North, the British insisted on
a more rigorous policy of separate development in the southern part
of Sudan, forming a new phase of the Southern Policy.

English became the region’s lingua franca, and southern customs

were promoted to the exclusion of all persons and things

northern. The Passport and Permit Ordinance of 1922 enabled
the British authorities to refuse or withdraw at will
permission for non-Sudanese to enter the South or for Sudanese

to travel from the North to the South. (Gumaa, 1984)

After independence in 1956, the northern Sudanese responded to

the British Southern Policy by redoubling their efforts to recover

78

lost ground and to strengthen their own position and that of the
Arabic language and culture under the pretext of achieving national
integrity. Ir: a reaction to the Southern Policy, the central
government unified the educational system and nationalized .all
missionary schools. In 1964, in an attempt to eradicate Christian
education, the government expelled all foreign Christian
missionaries and replaced them with national ones, who they knew
would be unable to carry out that job without foreign assistance.

Southern politicians and educators perceived these actions as
attempts to Islamicize and Arabicize the South in defiance of the
old British policy. Simply reversing the British policy would not
solve the problem of 21 North/South dichotomy (Gumaa, 1984).
Advocates failed to take into account the manner in which
Arabicization and Islamicization had occurred in the North and the
history of slavery and other factors causing southerners’ hostility
toward the North. They did not consider the repercussions of
suddenly reversing a policy that had strong roots in the South,
particularly among members of the educated class. The policy of
forced integration only widened the gap between the two regions; the
situation reached a climax with the emergence in 1963 of Any a Nya
guerrillas, who were committed to military solutions.

These and other political, financial, geographic, and economic
factors led to clear differences in developmental activities between
the regions. As a result, the South lagged behind the North, and
southerners felt exploited. Even after the Civil War ended in 1972,

southerners were not permitted to promote their culture, languages,

79

and distinct heritage. Although the Addis Ababa Accord guaranteed
the South local autonomy, instability led to an outbreak of the
ongoing Civil War, which began in 1983.

Arabic was adopted as the official language of Sudan at
independence. This decision was widely accepted by the Arab element
of society and helped strengthen their hold on the state apparatus
and economy. Although southerners were not satisfied with this
decision, their voices were not heard. Their request for separate
cultural development was treated with contempt and intolerance. As
a result, the minority and non-Arab segments of the population have
rejected, often violently, the notion of‘ Sudan evolving into a
cultural Arab nation because promoting Arabic has been perceived as
cultural assimilation and a guarantee of political and economic
inequality (Cyrillo, 1989).

Since independence, the Sudanese government has made a
concerted attempt to pursue a policy of Arabicization in the South.
Mazrui (1971) noted that English may be less important among the
next generation of southerners than it has been thus far among a
small group of southern intellectuals. But whatever the future of
English in Sudan, its use has continued to give the country the
quality of a linguistic twilight zone--an intermediate stage between
the universe of Arabic in Africa and the universe of English.

The geopolitical position of Sudan makes it: a crossroads to
Africa and the Arab World. The country itself is a miniature

Africa. Because its population comprises diverse groups

80

representing Arabs and people of Negroid origin, Sudan has the
potential to harmonize the various cultures of Africa. If Africans’
endeavor to achieve unity in diversity can succeed in Sudan, it is
likely to succeed throughout the continent. This unity can be
achieved only as people come to accept and respect each other’s
culture, identity, religion, and heritage.

English is the) medium of instruction in Sudan’s secondary
schools and higher education institutions. Arabic and other
vernacular languages are used at the elementary and intermediate
levels, where English is taught as a foreign language.

The idea of' Arabicizing higher education gathered momentum
after Sudan’s independence in 1956. The movement was inspired by
Sudanese nationalism and the Arabicization of government departments
and public facilities; it was perceived by some Sudanese as a way to
eradicate what remained of colonialism. During this period, higher
education institutions were very strong. Because expatriate staff
were in the majority, changing the medium of instruction was neither
viable nor practical.

During a 1966 meeting of the Council of Arab Ministers of
Education, Sudanese officials committed themselves to Arabicizing
higher education for the first time. The Sudanese universities
followed the same line as the government officials by accepting
resolutions of the Association of Arab Universities, which
recommended that Arabic be used in preference to foreign languages
but said that universities could decide to teach some courses in

foreign languages when necessary.

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The~ matter' of' Arabicization became a political issue, and
decision-making authority concerning the policy was taken from the
faculty and given to the university councils. The councils adopted
the idea, but academic senates have been reluctant to implement it.
University and academic officials have given numerous reasons to
justify the slow change from English to Arabic, including the need
to maintain high academic, professional, and scientific standards.
They have been afraid that the whole issue might be decided outside
the higher education institutions.

Recent developments and new governmental policies indicate that
the Sudanese government, supported by religiously oriented groups,
will impose Arabicization policies on higher education institutions.
This could happen unless parents and students object and confront
the government as they did in 1971, when they rejected the
Ministerial Committee’s recommendation under the Numyiri government.
Supporters of the current government advocate Arabicization and,
through the National Council for Higher Education, continue to push
for its implementation despite the economic difficulties the country
is facing because of a boycott by western governments. Reasons for
the boycott are the ongoing Civil War between the North and the
South and the government’s history of human-rights violations and
alliance to authoritarian regimes in the region, which are generally
hostile to the West and its allies in the area. Supporters of the

government are a potent force in Sudanese politics, despite the

 

82

apparent depth of majority feeling against them and their Islamic
fundamentalist rhetoric.

Following the June 1989 coup d’etat, Sudan’s military
government armed its supporters and trained them militarily to
replace~ even the regular army should it oppose their policies.
These supporters have demonstrated that they are probably the best
organized political group in the country. Their principal purpose
is to enhance the role of Islam in Sudan, and they believe that the
Arabic language is their vehicle to fulfill this objective. Thus,
they are striving to replace English as the language of instruction,
although most of their leaders have been educated in foreign
languages.

In contrast, the southern Sudanese see the call for Arabiciza-
tion as a threat to their African identity. They view the attempt
by the predominantly Arabic and Islamic North to Arabicize and
subsequently Islamicize the South as a clear violation of the
constitution and of coexistence in a culturally and religiously
diverse country. Southerners consider keeping English as the medium
of instruction to be a way of curbing the advancement of the Arabic

language and what they perceive as an Islamic crusade.

Conclusions
In analyzing the findings, it would appear that attempts to
change the medium of instruction from English to Arabic have had
more negative than positive results. Arabicizing the language of

instruction may be effective if it is confined to certain subjects,

83

such as law and the arts. However, changing the medium of
instruction in all disciplines might prove harmful and undesirable
to the future development of Sudan.

To transmit up-to-date knowledge, especially if one is not a
producer of knowledge in his/her own language, one must be able to
translate effectively. Translation has proven effective in Japan,
where the government has expended tremendous effort and great
expense on such undertakings. But both Syria and Sudan are too poor
even to consider a translation effort comparable to Japan’s. For
example, the Japanese translated 170,000 books in 1975, whereas
2,840 books were translated in the Arab World during an 11-year
period (Al-Halbawi, 1987). Of these, Syria translated 442 books and
Sudan 90 in different disciplines. At this rate, the Arabs would
take two centuries to translate what Japan did in one year. It is
also interesting that the 1986-87 budget for translation in the Arab
League Educational, Science, and Cultural Organization (ALESCO) was
just $87,000. This organization represents the whole Arab World, of
which Sudan and Syria are among the poorest countries.

The interviews and a review of research revealed a tremendous
amount of dissatisfaction with the content of materials that have
been translated into .Arabic. In Syria, translations have been
described as weak, poor, and not keeping pace qualitatively or
quantitatively with scientific developments. The medical text
Principles of Internal Medicine is one of many examples of the
weakness of translators in both languages. Syrian universities

cannot edit and update the translations students need to fulfill

84

graduation requirements because of financial constraints and the
lack of qualified translators. The professors themselves are too
busy to undertake the translation, and when they team up, the result
is inconsistent. Because professors have not been trained as
translators, they lack the knowledge about linguistics and socio-
linguistics needed to translate accurately.

There is also a lack of cooperation in translating among the
various local and regional levels in the Arab World. Even the
dictionaries, which are published by an office in Morocco that
coordinates Arabicization efforts in the Arab World, are not used in
a unified way. Some of these need to be reviewed to ensure that
entries accord with rapidly occurring developments. At the most
recently established university in Saudi Arabia, which opened in
1975, classes are taught exclusively in English to avoid the
controversy aroused by translation. Saudi Arabia is the richest
country in the Arab World and provides its translators with the most
current technological facilities to make their jobs easier. Yet
even in Saudi Arabia, competent translators are scarce.

The issue of Arabicizing higher education is not unique to
Sudan; it is debated in almost all Arab countries, including those
that are more homogeneous than Sudan. One subject of debate is
whether Arabicization will benefit or hinder the advancement of
science. Researchers have found that faculty members are not
enthusiastic about teaching in English, especially in scientific

fields such as medicine and technology. Yet they concede that

85

tremendous amounts of new research results are published every
month, and it is impossible to translate them all into Arabic.

The Dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Cairo
warned against haste in teaching medicine in Arabic because "this
will have a negative impact on medicine and its future." He cited
as examples Greece, Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, and Syria, where
medicine is taught in national languages instead of English. As a
result, he said, "the world didn’t hear of any medical advancements
in any of ‘these countries." He also cited the experience of
Hungary, which reverted to teaching medicine in English.

The Dean of the Faculty of Medicine at King Faisal University
in Saudi Arabia also warned that teaching medicine in Arabic would
"put an end to the future of medicine" in that country unless
certain precautions are taken into account before implementing
Arabicization. These measures include preparing existing faculty to
teach in Arabic and providing enough qualified teachers to replace
the current staff. He also said that the requisite books,
references, and periodicals must be provided in Arabic (A1 Majala,
1990). It seems likely that all Arab universities would need to
make these provisions. Yet if Saudi Arabia has not been able to do
so, poorer Arab countries are unlikely to succeed.

Syrian efforts to Arabicize higher education, although
partially successful, are far from ready to be adopted by other Arab
countries. The apparent absence of Syrian scholars from ‘world
science makes following their footsteps undesirable, if not

dangerous. In Syria, textbooks are inferior' in content to ‘the

86

considerable range of writings available in English. Textbooks and
references in Arabic, even those in translation, are extremely
scarce.

Students in Syrian universities must do extensive supplementary
reading, almost entirely in'English, if they want to attain
internationally accepted standards. One problem with Syrian
institutions of higher education is that politicians have been
allowed to make all of the decisions concerning what to do about
Arabicization. It is desirable for higher education institutions to
make this change in their own time and after careful reflection,
rather than having the change thrust upon them. Maintaining high
standards in terms of up-to-date laboratory equipment and books and
periodicals is the responsibility of university administrators and
staff. If these standards are allowed to fall, the shortcomings of
the Arab society will carry over to these institutions and may even
curtail the interaction of Arabic with other languages, a necessary
condition for its development. The blind move toward Arabicization
may lead to complete isolation.

Geographically, Sudan is the crossroads between Africa and the
Middle East and is the future breadbasket for its Arab neighbors to
the north and east. Sudan needs open channels of communication
between its neighbors to the north and the south. In a pluralistic
society like Sudan’s, with its diverse ethnic groups, religions,
customs, traditions, beliefs, and languages, encouraging integration

and attaining national unity are not easy. Yet Sudan need not be

87

assimilationist in nature. Acceptance of diversity in language and
customs may help unify the society. With regard to strategies for
higher education in Sudan, the Minister of Education (1977)
emphasized that:
We must look upon higher education establishments as a source
of cultural, social and technological influence on the society,
and take care when planning them to distribute them among the
regions so that the various parts of the country may benefit

from their presence and suitable local conditions be prepared
for their activities, meaning institutes of higher education.

The expansion of university education must be dedicated to the
need to produce a high level of trained manpower, so as to end
the large deficiencies in the supply of expertise in the pure
and applied sciences. Studies in the existing universities
must be directed into these fields and to supplying candidates
with the specialized higher qualifications needed for the
expansion and adoption of university education.

Thus, it can be seen that the choice of which language to use
in higher education needs to be made in light of achieving these
strategies and fostering Sudan’s development.

The time to use Arabic as the language of instruction in higher
education, especially in the scientific fields, has not yet come.
Arabic does not yet have the scientific terminology for use in
teaching scientific 4”" medical courses at the university level.
This has nothing to do with Arabic as a language, but rather with
Arabs themselves. When Arabs were the pioneers, others learned
their language and assimilated knowledge from them. IIf Arabs want
their language to survive, they must produce in their language; if
their production is tempting and challenging, non-Arabs will learn

their language just as they are now learning Arabic for economic

purposes. Imposing Arabic immediately as the only medium of

88

instruction in higher education would close most of the world’s
scientific literature to Arab students, leaving them totally
dependent on ‘their’ professors for translations. The number of
technical publications available in Arabic is negligible, and this
situation will not change for many years.

By abolishing the use of such languages as English without
being fully prepared for this change and without taking into
consideration the repercussions of this action on others, Sudan
would cut itself off from scientific interchanges, which would be
detrimental to the country’s development and future prosperity.

Forging ahead with undesirable decisions regarding the language
of instruction will escalate conflicts and deepen the distrust
between peoples within a country such as Sudan; this, in turn, will
lead to conflicts and civil war. The loser will be the country, its
people, and its educational system, which has been built through the
hard work of wise men and women. The human cost to contemporary
Sudan as a result of wars and conflicts was elaborated by former
United States President Jimmy Carter, who said that "more people
perished as a result of conflict in Sudan than all other wars in the
world combined over the last year and :1 half" (Christian Science
Mggitgr, 1990).

A recent decision by the Minister of Education could have a
lasting negative effect on education in Sudan. According to the
government newspaper A1 Sudan Al Hadith [Modern Sudan] (1990), the

Minister decided to relinquish dependence on British volunteer

89

teachers and to replace them with teachers from Africa and Asia. He
also directed Sudan’s Center for Language to treat English as any
other secondary language, decreasing its status as :1 second
language, and to concentrate efforts on other European and African
languages. At the same time, news from Syria stated that the Syrian
government desired to enhance the learning of English from
elementary school onward because of the negative effect that
neglecting its importance had had.

Decisions such as these will have a lasting negative effect on
the educational system in Sudan. To meet the challenges facing
Sudan in terms of its social and economic development, a pool of
highly educated citizens who are capable of managing a complex
modern economy needs to be created. Doing so necessitates the
assistance of others throughout the world, rather than their enmity.

Throughout their history, the people of Sudan have been able to
reconcile their differences and adapt to new situations. This will
still hold true, provided extremists from North and South do not
continue to lead the country into war and confrontations. Sudan can
serve as an example to other Arab and African countries by
integrating what is Arabic, African, Western, Muslim, and Christian
with respect to cultures and beliefs. ‘This is what jailed Prime
Minister Sadig El Mahdi (1990), who was ousted by the military
government, came to realize when he wrote from his prison cell that

"Sudan is the best place for creation, reconciliation, and melting.

90

On the other hand, it can be a place of frustration, dispersion, and
polarization."

India has provided other' developing nations an example of
successful coexistence among differing groups. Underlying the
Indians’ success was their political willpower, in addition to their
readiness to adopt from a foreign culture those elements that suited
their own culture. The Indians sought to achieve development by
setting aside their emotions in seeking to deal with others and
teach exclusively in their language. The Indians cultivated a kind
of unity in diversity and kept English as a language with which to
develop their country. This made them a power to reckon with, as
well as a regional broker for their part of the world.

In its attempt to achieve peace in the country, the Sudanese
government convened the National Conference for Peace; the
government itself chose the conference participants and orchestrated
the recommendations. The government also agreed in principle with
the Sudanese Pe0ple’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) to convene a
national constitutional conference to solve the problems of Sudan,
including its educational problems. If the government is serious
about adopting these recommendations and holding a constitutional
conference with other parties, abandoning English will be impossible
at the day-to-day administrative level if the South is taken into
consideration. English is the language of administration in the
South. Consequently, if the federal government is to succeed in its
efforts to achieve peace, South and North need to arrive at some

sort of compromise with respect to the use of English. A strong

91

case can be made for using English not only in the South but at all
levels of the federal government, including the parliament, the
cabinet, and other constitutional departments and organizations.

There seems to be a strong case against teaching scientific
disciplines in Arabic. The problem is not the difficulty of the
Arabic language itself, but rather the unavailability of manpower
needed to make Arabicization possible and effective. To prepare
capable translators in all fields, adequate financial resources are
needed. After more than 30 years of trial in the Arab World, a
comprehensive plan of teaching scientific disciplines in Arabic has
not yet been achieved. Neither have more than 70 years of effort in
Syria yielded success with respect in) Arabicization. This
researcher believes that any further attempt at Arabicization by a
particular country such as Sudan is doomed to failure. Not only
will such an attempt remove the country and its higher education
institutions from the mainstream of higher education, but
repercussions from that effort will prevent further progress.

This researcher believes that using the national language in
education is of great importance in unifying a country. However,
people must differentiate between a desirable cause and an
important need. In Sudanese institutions of higher education, using
English is still an important need rather than a desirable cause.
Not using English in Sudanese higher education institutions would
pose serious problems. Libraries would be underused, and professors

would sit idle. 'The international recognition these institutions

92

have acquired would be in jeopardy. Professors would seek
employment where they can be recognized and their research published
and read.

Students will face difficulties studying in a foreign language,
but, as one Syrian respondent stated, "I preferred to struggle with
the foreign language during my undergraduate years rather than to
struggle with it in graduate study and spend more time than I have
spent during my college years." A quotation from the literature is
worth repeating here. A Sudanese medical doctor stated:

We have exerted great efforts in studying medicine in English.

We all thank God that we have learned the international

terminology through that medium and that we are not isolated

from the rest of the world as a result of Arabicization. We
have to fear God in our coming generation and the future of

science in Arabic countries. (Mohammad, 1983)

Recommendations

In light of the conclusions drawn from the study findings, and
after focusing on the syrian experience and its inmlications, the
researcher recommends the following:

1. Delay Arabicization of higher education in Sudan to a more
appropriate time, when more resources are available. Arabicization
is not a priority in light of the urgent problems now threatening
the country’s very existence.

2. Change the medium of instruction from English to Arabic in
humanities courses where references are available to some extent and
where a purely Sudanese experience is feasible for further

evaluation.

93

3. Study and evaluate the suitability of Arabic as a medium of
instruction in humanities and law and its effect on the
marketability' of' graduates and their ability to use a foreign
language, mainly English, to further their studies and benefit from
references not available in Arabic.

4. Identify and develop a highly qualified department of
translation to translate and transmit the most recent publications
in a coordinated way involving all Arabic-speaking countries. This
will reduce the cost for individual countries, especially poor ones
like Sudan and Syria.

5. Establish branches of this department of translation in all
Arabic-speaking countries to exchange information among private
publishers, scientists, and translators on matters pertaining to
translated and published research. This would help avoid
duplication and facilitate the wise and cost-effective use of
available resources.

6. Encourage private businesses and publishing houses to
recruit capable translators and to cooperate with the above-
suggested departments of translation ir1 all Arabic-speaking
countries.

7. Upgrade the teaching Arabic and foreign languages at all
levels of general education and 'h1 higher education institutions,
whenever necessary.

8. Upgrade English-language standards in Sudan, in order to

help Sudanese graduates compete effectively in the job market in

94

Arabic-speaking countries as well as African/English-speaking
countries.

9. Establish international institutional relations mainly with
universities and research centers throughout the world to help
fulfill the needs of the Sudanese institutions with respect to
laboratory supplies, periodicals and equipment, computers, and

reference materials.

Implications for Further Research

Further research on the language of instruction in Sudan should
be considered. The implications of changing the language of
instruction are an interesting topic in light of the economic
situation in Sudan and the ability of Sudanese graduates to compete
for jobs in (fil-rich, Arabic-speaking countries where English is
used extensively in jobs related to medicine, engineering, and other
technological fields. An ability to write and speak Arabic is
required, especially when most expatriates from other countries must
know English as a prerequisite for establishing contacts and working
in the Arab World. The effect of the language policy on Sudan’s
political stability would also be a desirable topic for further
researchers. The reality is that Sudan needs to consider unity in
diversity by putting language and its use at the top of future

agendas in the country.

‘1'

 

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

AREA AND POPULATION OF SUDAN

 

95

AREA AND POPULATION OF SUDAN

 

Population (000’s)

 

 

 

 

 

Region (000 Sq. Km)
1956 1973

Northern Sudan
Central 142 2,070 3,740
Darfur 496 1,329 2,140
Eastern 341 941 1,547
Khartoum 21 505 1,146
Kordofar 381 1,763 2,202
Northern 477 871 1,545

Southern Sudan
Bahr A1 Auzal 214 991 1,397
Equatoria 198 904 792
Upper Nile 236 900 836
Total 2,506 10,263 14,758

 

Source: B. Yango-Bure, "The First Decade of Development in Southern
Sudan" (Khartoum: Institute of African and Asian Studies,
University of Khartoum, February 1985), p. 3.

 

 

 

APPENDIX B

INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN SUDAN

96

INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN SUDAN

University of Khartoum

Faculty
Faculty

of Arts
of Economics and Social Sciences

School of Management Studies

Faculty

of Law

Preliminary Year Biological Section
Preliminary Year Mathematical Section
School of Mathematical Science

Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty

of Engineering (Architecture)
of Education (Biological)

of Education (Mathematical)
of Education (Arts)

of Education (Home Science)

University of Juba

Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty

of Medicine

of Education (Biological)

of Education (Mathematical)

of Education (Arts)

of Natural Resources and Environmental Studies
of Social Studies and Economics

Gezira University

Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
Faculty

of Medicine

of Agricultural Sciences

of Science and Technology

of Economics and Rural Development

Omdurman Islamic University

Faculty of Arts

Faculty of Usul-Al-Din and Education
Faculty of Sharia and Social Sciences
College for Women

Omdurman Islamic University (Affiliation)

Faculty
Faculty
Faculty
College

of Arts

of Usul-Al-Din and Education
of Sharia and Social Sciences
for Women

97

KhartoumaPolytechnic

 

College of Engineering and Scientific Studies

Mechanical Engineering

Civil Engineering

Electrical Engineering

Architectural Engineering

Electronic Engineering

Surveying

Textile and Weaving Engineering

Laboratory Technicians Technology

College of Fine and Applied Arts

College of Business Studies
College of Business Studies
Secretarial

College of Agricultural Studies
Agriculture--Shambat
Veterinary--Koko
Forestry-~Suba

College of Further Education
College of Business Studies

College of Engineering and Scientific Studies
Civil Engineering
Mechanical Engineering
Electrical Engineering
Electronic Engineering
Architectural Engineering
Surveying

Ahfad University Colleqe for Women

Schools of Psychology and Preschool Education
School of Family Sciences
School of Organizational Management

Institutes and Specialized Colleges

Higher Institute for Physical Education

College of Hygiene of Khartoum

Mechanical Engineering College (Atbara)

College of Agriculture and Natural Resources (Abu Naama)
College of Agriculture and Natural Resources (Abu Haraz)
High Nursing College--Khartoum

High Institute of Radiography and Radio-Therapy--Khartoum
College of Holy Koran

High Institute of Ophthalmic Optics

High Institute of Music and Drama--Music

High Institute of Music and Drama--Drama

4F" ; emf-n:

98

Notes:

 

l. Khartoum Polytechnic was recently renamed Sudan University
for 'TechnolOQY; the latter includes the same colleges and
departments.

2. The Mechanical Engineering College at Atbara and the
College of Education were recently amalgamated into the newly
established Nile Valley University at Atbara.

3. Kordofar, Parfur, and A1 Sharg Universities were recently
decreed and are supposed to admit students in 1990-91; little
information is available about them.

 

APPENDIX C

APPROVAL LETTER FROM THE UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON
RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS

99

Michigan State University

University Committee on Research Involving
Human Subjects (UCRIHS)

206 Berkey Hall

(517) 353—9738

September 28, 1989

Mr. Malik Balla
1412 B Spartan Village
East Lansing, MI 48823

Dear Mr. Balla:

RE: "PROSPECTIVE OF SUDANESE INSTITUTES OF HIGHER
EDUCATION IN CHANGING THE LANGUAGE OF INSTRUCTION
FROM ENGLISH TO ARABIC IN LIGHT OF SYRIAN EXPERIENCE
IRB #89—320"

The above project is exempt from full UCRIHS review. The prOposed research
protocol has been reviewed by another committee member. The rights and welfare
of human subjects appear to be protected and you have approval to conduct the
research.

You are reminded that UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year. If you plan
to continue this project beyond one year, please make provisions for obtaining
apprOpriate UCRIHS approval one month prior to September 28, 1990.

Any changes in procedures involving human subjects must be reviewed by UCRIHS
prior to initiation of the change. UCRIHS must also be notified promptly of any
problems (unexpected side effects, complaints, etc.) involving human subjects
during the course of the work.

Thank you for bringing this project to my attention. IfI can be of any further help,
please do not hesitate to let me know.

Sincerely,

John K. Hudzik, Ph.D.
Chair, UCRIHS

J KH / sar
cc: L. Hekhuis

gs _'L_lflfi'

 

 

APPENDIX D

LETTER TO SYRIAN UNIVERSITY GRADUATES

 

100

Malik Balla
1412-8 Spartan Village
East Lansing, MI 48823

Dear Syrian University Graduate:

I am a Ph.D. candidate at Michigan State University. I am in
the last phase of data collection for my dissertation, which is
entitled "The Prospect of Sudanese Institutions of Higher Education
Changing the Medium of Instruction From English to Arabic, in Light
of the Syrian Experience." I need your help and cooperation as
someone who studied in the Arabic language and is now studying or
working in an English-speaking country. I will appreciate it if you
would reflect on your own perceptions about studying in Arabic
versus English and the impact of that on your career.

To maintain anonymity and confidentiality of your response,
please do not write your name or the name of the school from which
you graduated. Please feel free to write either in English or
Arabic. I will appreciate it if you pass this letter to other
Syrian university graduates who you feel will be interested in
sharing their experience with me.

Your participation is completely voluntary, and you may
withhold this information any time without any penalty.

Sincerely yours,

Malik Balla
Graduate student from Sudan

APPENDIX E

TELEGRAM FROM THE COMMISSIONER OF EQUATORIA PROVINCE
TO THE MINISTER OF INTERIOR, KHARTOUM

101

Translation of Teleqram

FROM: Commissioner, Equatoria Province
T0: Ministry of Interior, Khartoum

Ref. 178

Minister of Education issued instructions to Arabicize studying at
intermediate school in the South. Education office executed this
policy with the knowledge of the Province Security Committee. Stop.
Intermediate school students in Toreet went on strike and kept to
the dorms, while Juba Technical School boycotted classes. Stop.

The Security Committee feel that the matter needs more investigation
and, preferably, Arabicization is to be completed according to a
staged plan that can be implemented without agitation. Stop. The
Committee see postponing an immediate implementation and to be
content with staged implementation because of the situation in the
South and its sensitivity. Stop. End.

Date: 8-26-1969

102

 

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”11:“

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