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AFFLICTION AND PIETY IN T_HE_ BOOK g MARGERY KEMPE

 

presented by

MARK A. BISESI

has been accepted towards fulfillment
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MASTER QE ARIS—degreein_EN5LI§H_

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Date MARCH 30, 1993

 

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._..._— —._»-—- _ _,_ _______—_.__._—.v._———— -- ———._

AFFLICTION AND PIETY IN IHE_§QQK_QE_MAB§EBXSEEEBE
BY

Mark A. Bisesi

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH

1993

 

ABSTRACT

AFFLICTION AND PIETY IN IHE_EQQ§_QE_MAB§EBX_KEMEE
BY

Mark A. Bisesi

Wm is an early fifteenth-century

spiritual autobiography of a lay woman that offers a
Christian solution to the problem of human suffering,
dramatically illustrating that a proper understanding of
affliction, both spiritual and physical, can only be
attained through a commitment to Christ and an awareness of
His suffering. In this essay, I examine the presentation of
illness within the narrative. All of the depictions of
affliction revolve around the idea that illness is a just
punishment for original as well as personal sin. The text
emphasizes that God is always gentler in dispensing illness
than fallen individuals deserve. From this perspective,
there is no use for physicians. Instead, Kempe emphasizes
endurance in the face of her own suffering and compassion
for the sickness of others. Ultimately, disease, in all of
its manifestations, is a way to bring the individual closer

to God.

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

Depictions of Illness

Margery Kempe as Patient

Margery Kempe as Healer

Conclusion

Appendix: Instances of Affliction in the Narrative

Bibliography

iii

11

26

41

46

50

58

 

INTRODUCTION

In this essay, I shall discuss the conception of
illness presented in Ine_flggk_gf_Ma:ge:y_fiempe, an early
fifteenth-century spiritual autobiography of a lay woman
that offers a religious solution to the problem of human
suffering. The text dramatically illustrates that a true
understanding of afflictions, both spiritual and physical,
can only be attained through a commitment to Christ and an
awareness of His suffering. Kempe's autobiography is an
exemplum of the pious life that presents piety and
submission as the only appropriate responses to affliction.

In the narrative, Margery Kempe traces her spiritual
development from her early life as a worldly merchant's wife
through her spiritual awakening and subsequent experiences
as a pious mystic. Kempe's first spiritual experience
occurs after the birth of her first child and is
characterized by painful awareness of her own sinfulness.
After her recovery and several subsequent failed
business ventures and their ensuing public censure, Kempe
devotes herself completely to Christ. During the remainder
of her life, she is afflicted with ostracism, physical pain
and emotional anguish, all of which recapitulate Christ’s
suffering for the sins of humanity. Kempe’s life, as she
describes it, provides a model of human suffering.

Ultimately, the text points the audience toward the

 

2
realization that their own sufferings are minor compared to
those of Christ and suggests that spiritual and corporal
suffering are central to Christian piety.

At the time of the narrative, society in England was
undergoing relatively rapid change in the face of recurrent
plague, famine, and war. Social upheaval offered some hope
of economic prosperity to individuals outside the noble and
clerical estates. Margery Kempe was born into this new
commercial environment in the thriving seaport town of Lynn.
Her father was a prosperous merchant, several times mayor of
the city of Lynn and alderman of the Guild of the Trinity
(9).1 Kempe's marriage to a man of modest prosperity
assured her a relatively secure economic position. Still,
as a typical woman of her age, Kempe would have led a
relatively disempowered existence, with no opportunity for
formal or religious education.

The narrative offers relatively sparse details about
Kempe's life before her spiritual awakening. She mentions
fourteen children, several failed business ventures, and a

few personal traits, such as her stylish manner of dressing,

 

‘ Throughout the essay, I rely upon the Meech and Allen
edition of the Butler-Bowdon manuscript of
Kempe. All parenthetical references refer to this volume
unless otherwise specified.

 

3
for which "men seyden hir ful mech velany" (9).2 Kempe’s
pride and covetousness before her conversion are also
described:
And, whan hir husbond wold speke to hir for to leuyn
hir pride, sche answeryd schrewydly & schortly & seyd
that sche was comyn of worthy kenred, hym semyd neuyr
for to a weddyd hir, for hir fadyr was sum-tyne meyr of
the town N. and sythyn he was alderman of the hey Gylde
of the Trinyte in N. And therfor sche wold sauyn the
worschyp of hir kynred what-so-euyr ony man seyd. Sche
had ful greet envye at hir neybowrs that thei schuld
ben arayd so wel as sche. Alle hir desyr was for to be
worshepd of the pepul. Sche wold not be war be onys
chastysyng ne be content wyth the goodys that God had
sent hire, as hir husband was, but euyr desyryd mor &
nor. (9)
This rather unflattering self-portrait places Kempe firmly
in the grip of worldly desires before her awakening, a time
when she presumably enjoyed good physical health having
survived the ordeal of her first pregnancy. But despite all
of her worldly aspirations, Kempe was ultimately a failure
in both her social relations as well as her business

ventures. It was through these social misfortunes, rather

 

’ The quotations from W are taken

from the Meech and Allen edition. I have modernized Middle
English letters which are no longer in use for ease of
transcription.

 

4
than the "thynge in conscyens" (6), that she finally turned
to Christ:

And than this creatur, seyng alle this aduersytes

comyng on euery syde, thowt it weryn the skowrges of

owyr Lord that wold chastyse hir for hir synne. Than
sche askyd God mercy & forsoke hir pride, hir
coueytyse, & desyr that sche had of the worshepys of
the world, & dede grett bodyly penawnce, & gan to entyr

the wey of euyr-lestyng lyfe. (11)

Certainly, there were important models of pious women
known to Kempe, such as Julian of Norwich and Saint Bridget
of Sweden (1iii). In whatever circumstances Margery Kempe's
awakening was precipitated and no matter what, if any,
social factors influenced her subsequent behavior, her story
is a tale of the difficult life of a Christian mystic whose
life is filled with revelation and visionary drama. Her
narrative describes lengthy journeys to Jerusalem, Spain,
and Germany, public scorn and ostracism, and the constant
threat of imprisonment. The narrative has all the elements
of later, novelistic writing: adventure, fear, love,
friendship, abandonment, illness, and ultimately, triumph
and spiritual transcendence. For the audience the
plausibility of the narrative is predicated upon Kempe's
spiritual conversion. Without strong evidence of divine
intercession, her story would not have been noteworthy or

even conceivable for her clerical scribes. Interaction with

 

5
Christ is present from the beginning of the narrative when
the fear of post—partum death prompts Kempe to confess a
horrible sin. Terrified of damnation, Kempe requests a
priest who will hear her confession, only to experience his
somewhat callous failure to listen at the crucial moment of
her confession:
whan sche can to the poynt for to seyn that thing whech
sche had so long conselyd, hir confessowr was a lytyl
to hastye & gan scharply to vndyrnemyn hir er than sche
had fully seyd hir entent, & so sche wold no mor seyn
for nowt he myght do. And a-noon, for dreed sche had of
dampnacyon on the to syde & hys scharp repreuyng on
that other syde, this creatur went owt of hir mende.
(7)
This inability to confess results in a madness which cannot
be explained or controlled by those around her. Ultimately,
Christ himself appears to Kempe to absolve her sin and
assure her of His love, "most bewtyuows, & most amyable that
evyr myght be seen wyth mannys eye" (8). The circumstances
of this event are important for two reasons. First, Kempe's
inability to maintain the priest’s attention during her
confession reflects her relatively disempowered state.
Second, and more importantly for my purposes, Kempe’s
awareness of sinfulness is prompted by a post-partum
affliction which in turn leads to a state of psychological

turmoil. A cure for Margery's disordered mental state is

6
not achieved until Christ visits her in a vision and assures
her of his love. This pivotal event suggests that Christ is
the only source of resolution to the problem of human
illness. Unrepented sin leads to illness which can only be
ameliorated by divine intervention and forgiveness.

Kempe's spiritual conversion ultimately leads her into
entirely new realms of experience. on a spiritual level, it
allows dramatic visionary interaction with many holy
figures. Socially, the recognition of her inspiration by
others allows her to have a larger degree of control over
her own life, reflected in her ability to obtain a vow of
chastity from her husband, journey to the Holy Land, and
discuss doctrinal issues with high-ranking clerics, all of
which would have been unlikely to occur within the confines
of a typical medieval marriage.

While her spiritual conversion offers a tremendous
amount of freedom, there are also burdens associated with
it. Kempe suffers in some form, either physically or
psychologically, throughout the narrative. Her willingness
to endure pain and even her frequent requests for it, as
reflected in her daily prayers when she says, "Heily I thank
the that thu woldist letyn me suffryn any pane in this world
in remissyon of my synnys" (251), show that one should not
be overly concerned with the comforts of this world.
Whatever pain comes to an individual should be welcomed,

since it is only a very small portion of what one truly

7
deserves for both personal and original sin.

In Ihe_flggk_gf_flazgezy_fiempe, physical illness, like
all forms of suffering, is posited within the schema of
Christian piety. There is a dual emphasis on her
culpability and deservingness of pain on one hand and her
compassion for the afflicted on the other. In addition,
there is a complete absence of physicians in the narrative.
This is not completely unprecedented in medieval narratives.
For example, there is no mention of physicians in Geoffrey
le Baker’s Chronicle. He describes how the injured James
Audley was attended to by Prince Edward after the battle of
Poitiers:

Among those half dead and scarcely breathing was found

Sir James Audley: placed on a broad shield, and carried

reverently by his companions in arms, he was borne to

the prince's lodgings. His whole household were
thankful that he had been found, and the prince left
his seat next to the king, with whom he was about to
dine, he brought him back to life by his praiseworthy
attention, and almost in tears kissed the cold lips,
stained with blood, of his scarcely breathing friend.

(Barber 81)

In this description, physicians are absent and the injured
Audley is treated by friends. The Prince attends to his
wounded friend in much the same way as Kempe cares for

numerous sick people in her narrative.

8

One possibility for the striking absence of secular
healers in the face of illness and suffering is the
spiritual aspect of healing within the medieval conception
of Christianity in which Christ is viewed as the only true
physician (Ferngren 12). However, there are two other
possibilities worth mentioning. First of all, in one review
of medical records during the early fifteenth century, there
were no physicians living in Lynn (Gottfried, Dootozs 255).
Instead, the vast majority of healers in Lynn were barber-
tonsors.3 If this conclusion is correct, it would have
been impossible for a physician to appear in the passages
about illness that occur in Lynn. A second possibility, also
offered by Gottfried, is that women rarely consulted
physicians in the late-medieval period. Rather, they were
often treated by lay women healers, particularly in the

smaller towns and villages.

 

3 Gottfried's data base includes 2,282 medical
practitioners from all over England who practiced between 1350
and 1430. It includes all of the practitioners listed by
Talbot in W during this period-
Only 16 care-givers are identified in Lynn: 12 barber-tensors,
2 apothecaries, 1 barber-surgeon, and 1 surgeon. No physicians
are identified. There are at least three limitations to this
data. First, none of the practitioners listed are clerics.
Given the relative size of the clerical population in.Lynn, it
seems unlikely that some clerics did not also provide medical
care, at least to others within the Church. Second, Gottfried
himself acknowledges that records outside large urban areas
are somewhat suspect and may be inaccurate ("English Medical
Practitioners" 167) . Finally, midwives are not included
within the data base.

It is also worth noting that Talbot lists two physicians
in.Lynn.during the fourteenth century prior to the time of the
study: Edmund 1e leche, c. 1300 and Richard de Bilney, c. 1316

(“fid- Ezogfi. 40, 275).

9

Clearly, the most important of these possible
explanations is that within Kempe’s Christian spirituality,
medical rationalism and medical treatment have no value in
understanding or treating illness. Alford describes this
desire for unity, present even within the medical
profession, "Adam and Eve were created immune to disease.
When they broke the law, they lost that immunity, not only
for themselves, but also for all their descendants. ...
Disease was nature's response not only to individual sins
but also to the collective wrongs of a people" (389).
Kempe's post-partum illness is directly attributable to
unconfessed sin. The idea that illness is a just punishment
for sin is frequently reinforced in the narrative,
particularly with respect to Kempe’s afflictions. God alone
gives illness and chooses when to relieve it. Despite the
discomfort it causes, disease is paradoxically a way to
bring the individual closer to God. In the throes of
illness, individuals are forced to recognize their own
sinfulness and are pointed toward salvation. For the
afflicted, acceptance and piety are the only appropriate
responses.

Conversely, when caring for the afflicted, compassion
is the overriding concern. Kempe exhibits the appropriate
response to the illness of others, such as her husband and
the woman with post-partum madness, by offering prayers and

companionship. She does not attempt to intervene in the

10
course of the illness nor does she provide miraculous cures.
This compassionate response to the illness of others is a
model for the audience that is firmly grounded within
Christian doctrine and obviates the notion that physicians

offer any substantial benefits in the face of affliction.

DEPICTIONS OF ILLNESS

W begins with a description of

illness as the means by which Christ awakens Kempe's piety:
And, whan sche was any tym seke or dysesyd, the Devyl
seyd in her mende that sche schuld be dampnyd, for sche
was not schreuyn of that defawt. Wherfor, aftyr that
hir chyld was born, sche, not trostyng hir lyfe, sent
for hir gostly fadyr. (7)
Throughout the narrative, Kempe views her afflictions as
unequivocally positive, believing that "Lord Cryst Ihesu
having pety and compassyon of hys handwerke and hys creatur
turnyd helth in-to sekenesse, prosperyte in-to adversyte,
worshep in-to repref, and love in-to hatered" (1). This
opening paradox immediately challenges the audience to adopt
a different point of view in the consideration of worldly
things. In place of the secular understanding of illness as
misfortune, Kempe offers a spiritual alternative in which
adversity is a gift from God intended to direct the
recipient toward salvation.
The first scribe reinforces the difference between the
worldly and spiritual significance of disease with a

personal illustration,‘ ‘When the priest first begins to

 

‘ The text of the narrative was written by two different
scribes. The first scribe died sometime around 1432. The
second scribe began revising the first scribe's work in 1436
and resumed transcribing additional events in Kempe’s life in
1438 (Brown and Allen, vii-1i).

11

 

12

transcribe Kempe's story, "his eyen myssyd" (5) so that he
could not work on the treatise. In an attempt to improve
his ailing vision, he acquires a pair of spectacles. But,
rather than helping him in the work of transcription, the
glasses actually make his vision "wers than it was be-for"
(5). Margery Kempe encourages him to rely on God and urges
him to "do as wel as God wold geve hym grace" (5).
miraculously, "Whan he can a-geyn to hys booke, he myth se
as wel, hym thoght, as evyr he dede be-for" (5). This early
anecdote is crucial for two reasons. First, it establishes
God’s support for the treatise. Not only does Christ
provide Kempe with insight through adversity, God sanctions
the writing of the work by divinely providing the priest
with adequate vision, an act that legitimizes such an
ambitious and arguably proud undertaking by a secular,
non-noble woman. The second important aspect of this story
from the standpoint of illness is the localization of true
healing power within the divine sphere. Man's feeble
contrivances, the spectacles, not only fail to help the
priest, they actually make things worse. At this early
point in the narrative, the healing abilities of humans are
rejected in favor of a reliance on divine intervention.
This denial of contemporary medical arts is implicit in the
remainder of the narrative.

The unmistakable implication is that Christ has

dominion in the realm of human suffering. Not only does

13
Christ allow illness, as when Kempe experiences intense
erotic desire and explicit sexual visions as a consequence
of questioning divine intentions (144-45), Christ is also
the only agent who can mitigate suffering. For Kempe,
illness is welcome because it stimulates her awakening and
enhances her spiritual insight. Suffering is a manifestation
of Christ’s pity and compassion and should be endured
willingly rather than treated medically.

The proem has further importance because it
demonstrates that no one is immune from bodily suffering.
Kempe’s afflictions can easily be understood as remedial
measures for her acknowledged, if exaggerated, sense of
sinfulness, but the narrative does not explain the priest's
visual difficulties. One might assume that he would be
protected from disease as a member of the religious
community devoted to Christ who was performing an act of
piety and faith. Kempe’s story demonstrates that even holy
men can be spurred on to further goodness through the
figurative salvation offered by the imposition and
subsequent removal of bodily illness by God.

Further, the entire narrative presents a democratic
picture of sickness. There are numerous descriptions of
illness in the narrative. At some point in the story,
illness affects individuals at every level of society;
priests, the rich, the poor, women, and men. Kempe also

suffers from many additional afflictions after her first

14

awakening. The experience of disease for Kempe is even
extended to providing care for her husband after the
accident which leaves him an invalid. But the intensity and
extent of human suffering pales in comparison to Kempe’s
visions of the physical suffering of Christ. Kempe's
herculean efforts to experience and describe Christ’s
suffering are undoubtedly a reflection of her position
within the tradition of medieval affective piety. As Susan
Dickman points out, a distinctly female form of piety had
existed since the thirteenth century that emphasized
identification with Christ's life, especially during the
Passion (58-59). This imaginative experience of Christ's
life was associated with an intense Eucharistic devotion.
Dickman argues that such women had increasing political,
social, and religious power in the fourteenth century and
that a growing number were, like Kempe, wives and mothers.

Kempe's affective piety places Christ’s Passion at the
center of her devotion. There are many descriptions of
Christ's torment in the text. These are anticipated even at
the moment of Christ's birth when Kempe imagines that she
"swathyd hym wyth byttyr teerys of compassyon, havyng mend
of the scharp deth that he schuld suffyr for the lofe of
synful men" (19). Kempe visualizes these sufferings vividly
later in the narrative, "And ther thei bowndyn hym to the
polar of ston as streyt as thei cowde and beeten hym on hys
fyar white body wyth baleys, wyth whippis and wyth scorgys"

15
(190). In the next chapter, Kempe gives an even more
poignant description of the scourging and subsequent
crucifixion of Christ (191-92) at which she herself is
present, speaking both to Mary and Jesus.

During the late medieval period, representations of the
physical suffering of Christ were common in the visual as
well as the dramatic arts. The Corpus Christi plays
prominently display Christ’s trial, torture, and crucifixion
(Bevington 476-595). The following scene from the York
"Crucifixion of Christ" in which the soldiers nail Christ to
the Cross provides one example:

1 Miles: Strike on than, harde, for Him the boghtl
2 Miles: Yis, here is a stubbe [nail] will stiffely
stands!
Thurgh bones and senous it schall be soght
This werke is wele, I will warande....
1 Miles: Ther cordis have evill encressed his paines,
Or he wer tille the booringis brought.
2 Miles: Yaa, assoundir are bothe sinous and veinis
0n ilke a side, so have we soughte.
3 Miles: Nowe all his gaudis nothing him gaines.
His sauntering schall with bale be bought.
(Bevington 573-74)
There is a difference, however, between the often comic
elements of the crucifixion scene in the Corpus Christi

plays and Kempe's profoundly serious, mystical visions.

16
Kempe is moved intensely during her experience of the
suffering Christ and Mary. During her imagined Passion,
which Hirsh describes as an "affective prayer" (9), her
emotional sensitivity intensifies, as evidenced by her
behavior in Jerusalem, "Than the said creatur, desiryng to
a-byden stille be the grave of owr Lord, mornyd, wept and
sorwyd wyth lowde crying for tendyrnes and compassyon"
(194).

Compared to the suffering of Christ, the travails-of
fallen humans are of little significance. Moreover, human
trials and tribulations are seen as just punishment for
Christ’s suffering, particularly since all human illness
seems to remind Kempe of the suffering of Christ. Further,
the experience of affliction recapitulates Christ's torment
allowing an individual to share in the redemptive value of
the Passion. The verbal descriptions of the painful scenes
in Christ's life show how graphic conceptions of Christ's
torment were internalized and experienced by pious
individuals. Such descriptions also demonstrate the degree
to which Christ suffered because of man's wickedness, and,
for this suffering, divine retribution is certainly
warranted. Undoubtedly, Christ suffers more than anyone
else in the narrative. As a divine being who also knows the
torments of the body, Christ is the true healer on whom
everyone should rely in the face of illness. In his bodily

manifestation, he suffered like humans. As God, he

17
understands the cosmic significance of redemption through
pain. Christ's healing presence in the narrative is a
central feature that explains the absence of worldly
physicians.

Illness and suffering also extend to Christ's
representatives on earth. As I have mentioned, pious
individuals are susceptible to illness from the outset of
the narrative. When attempting to write Kempe’s story, the
first priest experiences poor eyesight which is cured
miraculously by reliance on God. Later, another cleric, the
"good preste" who supported Kempe, falls ill. Despite her
understanding of sickness as given by God, she is distressed
at the prospect of losing an important friend and ally.
After exhausting her abilities to care for him, she goes to
other good men and women to obtain "swech thyng" necessary
for his care (147). All of her efforts are unsuccessful and
the priest's condition worsens. He becomes "so seke that
men trustyd no-thyng to hys lyfe" (147). The illness
continues in this way until the Lord reveals to Kempe that
the priest will get well through her prayers for him, rather
than any corporal intervention. At this point, assured of
his eventual cure, she departs for Norwich in response to
additional stirrings to pray for a dead vicar.

This episode serves to reinforce the notion that all
suffering is within God's control. Kempe's attempts to help

the priest (unfortunately, she never specifically states

18
what is done for him) are fruitless. During her attendance,
his condition deteriorates. Further, man’s knowledge is
again shown to be imperfect. Like the therapeutic failure
of the spectacles in the introduction, men cannot accurately
predict the eventual outcome of a serious illness. Although
Kempe does not suggest a particular purpose for the priest's
suffering, she makes it quite clear that God does have a
plan. Reassured of this fundamental spiritual truth, she is
able to leave the afflicted priest and proceed to Norwich to
mourn a vicar.

Later in the narrative, Master Aleyn, one of Kempe's
confessors in Lynn, becomes very sick (169). Earlier, Kempe
had been forbidden to speak with him as an act of obedience,
despite a revelation that she would indeed speak with him
again before his death. The severity of Master Aleyn's
illness and the continued prohibition against speaking with
him make Kempe doubt the truth of her revelations. For this
reason, she prays to Mary for intercession and is answered
in her soul that Aleyn shall not die (170). This, indeed,
turns out to be the case and the episode concludes with
Kempe and Aleyn sharing a meal and conversation together.
Like the previous episode involving the priest, this story
shows that illness is in the hands of God. No cause is
suggested for Aleyn’s sickness, nor is there any suggestion
that Margery Kempe’s prayers were a direct cause of his

recovery. Rather, the episode reinforces the true locus of

19
power in the divine and the absence of any search for the
purpose of the sickness suggests the ultimate futility of
meaningful human knowledge about disease.

The sicknesses endured by these good clergymen are a
manifestation of the uncertainty and finiteness of human
existence. As mortals, they must suffer, despite their
avowed holiness and good nature. Their closeness to God and
privileged position in the Church afford neither worldly
security nor true insight into the nature of their
afflictions. Like all people in Margery Kempe's narrative,
the priests are afflicted and some ultimately die, as does
the first transcriber at the end of Book One (220). In the
two cases described above, prayer is the only meaningful
response to illness. Although revelation provides
understanding for Kempe and, thus, a form of mental relief,
there is no suggestion that it is helpful in the physical
course of illness. The clerical sufferers themselves show
complete acceptance of their afflictions. Kempe offers no
evidence that they resist illness in any way. This enhances
suffering as part of service to God. Good clerics recognize
this essential element of human service and do not seem to
struggle against it. Kempe's text presents a consistent
image of patient suffering by clerics. It seems, then, that
they are presented as a model for the audience to emulate
during periods of sickness. Similarly, Kempe's devout

prayers provide a model for care-giver behavior.

20

There are also many descriptions of illnesses suffered
by lay people in the narrative. To some extent, these
appear less important. Kempe first describes the suffering
of lay people within the context of revelation. She
discusses the feelings she had at Saint Margaret's church as
a funeral procession passed by outside (53). She was told
by the Lord that the soul of the corpse was in purgatory and
the mourning husband, then in full health, would soon become
ill and die. She asserts that his death indeed occurred a
short time afterward. The remainder of the chapter contains
many similar episodes in which Margery is informed through
revelation of impending death or the state of individual
souls. In some instances, she is exhorted by God to pray
for these people. In an important example, a priest asks
Kempe to pray for a dying woman. God too encourages her
prayers, saying, ”Dowtyr, it is gret nede to prey for hir,
for sche hath ben a wykkyd woman and sche xal be ded" (53).
Upon hearing this, Kempe begs that the woman's soul be saved
from damnation. Remarkably, the Lord accepts her request
and "grantyd hir mercy for the sowle" (54). This clearly
establishes the value of Kempe's intercessional prayers for
the eternal soul, though not the restoration of the earthly
body.

In addition to mortality and spiritual corruption,
Margery also describes chronic illness and poverty among the

laity. In an act of atonement for Christ's wounds, Kempe

21
visits a hospital of women lepers (177). Kempe describes
kissing the sick women. She makes no comment on how the
women became afflicted this state, avoiding the issue of the
moral cause of leprosy, which was ambivalently viewed in the
medieval period as both punishment and a form of grace and
earthly punishment (Brody 1-24). She also fails to comment
on the social role of any of the women. But it is clear
from this description that such communities of
chronically-ill people did exist and were regarded as
"lothful" and "abhomynabl" (176) by most people.

Sickness equally strikes the wealthy in the narrative.
In the return from Aachen, the "worschepful woman of London”
(242), who had rebuked Kempe earlier, becomes seasick during
the voyage to Dover, "voydyng and castyng ful boistowsly and
unclenly" (242). This episode again shows that no one is
immune from the vicissitudes of illness. Despite her
privileged social status, the woman of London must abandon
pride in the face of bodily infirmity, even in a less than
life-threatening illness.

While all of these descriptions of sickness affect
Kempe in some way, the most significant are those which
occur in her husband and the woman who, like Kempe, suffers
from post-partum sickness. This woman develops an episode
resembling psychosis during which she can no longer trust
her friends, seeing "develys a-bowtyn hem" (178). Kempe

comes to the woman to comfort her and describes how she was

22

treated by her family. Because of her roaring and crying,
no one could tolerate the woman's presence. She was sent to
another part of the town to a room where no one would hear
her. Further, she was "bowndyn handys and feet wyth chenys
of yron that sche xulde smytyn no-body" (178). With Kempe
in attendance, praying for divine intercession, the woman
recovers, is released from confinement, and is purified by
the Church.

The accident of John Kempe makes illness even more
immediate to Kempe. After his fall down the stairs, her
husband is no longer able to care for himself. Kempe
reluctantly agrees to nurse him, not wishing to leave her
complete service of God. She is also ashamed of her
previous enjoyment of "fleschly lustys" (181), but
rationalizes caring for her husband as the price she must
pay for the former pleasure taken in his body. Kempe's
egocentric concerns in this passage overshadow any
discussion of the importance of the illness to John.

Rather, his illness is discussed exclusively within the
context of Margery’s salvation, an approach that is less
than charitable for a husband who has given her every
opportunity to practice piety. The modern reader of this
episode is left uncertain of how the accident can be
justified in terms of John's own life and behavior. Perhaps
this is expecting too much from a narrative that is intended

to describe and relate Margery Kempe's personal experience.

23
However, the incident stands out as an example of someone
else's illness that still seems to have elements of
retribution for Margery's sin.

In summary, the prominence of sickness in the narrative
speaks for its significance within the daily life of the
late medieval period as well as the centrality of illness
within the context of Kempe’s religious experience. Illness
is a manifestation of inevitable human physical decay.
Kempe's narrative focuses exclusively on the spiritual
aspects of illness, giving only cursory mention to actual
medical treatments. In this way, she reflects the
polarization of religious and medical spheres of knowledge
at this point in history. Kempe wholly adopts the Church
view that emphasizes the divine origin of illness and the
role that it plays within the frame of divine determinism.
This accords well with beliefs that had been common since
the eleventh century as described by Ottosson:

Quite different attitudes towards health and disease

are held within the Church, and by certain religious

individuals. In these attitudes health has no intrinsic
value for man who lives just a short time on earth,
where he should prepare himself for eternal
life....Appropriate medical care has, however, above
all a moral value, and is a means for the believer to

demonstrate his love of God. (127-28)

Despite its prominence in the narrative, human suffering in

24
itself is of less concern to Kempe than the fact that it
represents only a small fraction of the physical suffering
of Christ.

Illness and suffering are ubiquitous in the narrative.
Disease attacks peOple at all levels of society. Affliction
is central to all human experience. Many times during the
narrative Kempe tries to convince the reader that illness is
morally just and even desirable, that it is appropriate
punishment for a sinful world populated with fallen beings,
who are indirectly responsible for the most lamentable
suffering of all, Christ's execution. Kempe places high
emotional value on the Passion and translates this into
caring for afflicted individuals. Afflicted individuals
described in the narrative have many qualitatively different
relationships to Kempe. Her husband and son both become ill
and ultimately die. Likewise her religious advisors are
stricken on several occasions. Poor strangers, a snobbish
wealthy woman, pilgrims, and a post-partum woman are all
encountered and cared for by Margery. The democratization
of illness both in its incidence and its treatment is a
central feature of Kempe's conception of the human condition
and Christian spirituality.

As I have already noted, despite all of this sickness,
there are no physicians present. A midwife and a surgeon
are mentioned cursorily, but they do not attempt any

sustained treatment in the text. From the very outset, the

25
contrivances of contemporary medicine are demonstrably
ineffective. This legitimizes Kempe's emphasis on the
spiritual response to illness as the only appropriate one.
While the absence of physicians and other medical
practitioners from the text may reflect the limited extent
of medical sophistication during the late medieval period as
well as the expense involved in medical treatment, it seems
plausible that Kempe's neglect of the medieval medical
establishment is also a conscious rhetorical strategy that
emphasizes the distinction between religious and secular
approaches to illness during her lifetime. From Kempe’s
point of view, illness is invariably a deliberate attempt by
God to create human awareness of sinfulness and encourage
proper piety and behavior among humans. Only through
adversity can people recognize their fallen, wicked nature
and move toward redemption. This form of religious
determinism precludes any meaningful response to illness

other than prayer and spiritual comforting.

MARGERY KEMPE AS PATIENT

In the preceding section, I discussed the ubiquity of
illness and suffering in Ih§_BQQK_Q£.H§Ig§I¥;K§m9§o
Sickness and death afflict Kempe's family members, friends,
and spiritual advisers. Kempe herself is frequently
stricken with illness as well, as in the opening pages of
the narrative when she was "towched be the hand of owyr Lord
wyth grett bodyly sekeness, wher-thorw sche lost reson and
her wyttes a long tym tyl ower Lord be grace restoryd her
a-geyn" (2). For purposes of discussion, Kempe's
afflictions can be divided into three categories: physical,
affective, and neurological. Each of the categories has
distinguishing features which separate it from other types
of sickness experienced by Kempe. Physical afflictions
refer to illnesses in the modern sense, that is, disorders
of physiological function. All such afflictions result in
some form of physical pain or discomfort. In addition, they
are all transient in nature. In contrast, affective states
are those which have primarily emotional or psychological
features. These are internal states. While they do not
give rise to corporal pain, they all result in extreme
psychological alteration. Visions, revelations, and
auditory hallucinations fall into this category. The third
category of illness, the ”neurological," is somewhat less

easy to define. I place in this class Kempe’s weeping and

26

27
crying-out behaviors. These neurological afflictions have
two main features. First, they result in external,
observable behaviors which, consequently, cause tremendous
psychological discomfort for Kempe and are totally
inexplicable to her peers. Second, the physical behaviors
accompanying these complex emotional states are
involuntarily initiated and are not subject to volitional
control. In this context, "neurological" is not meant to
imply organic pathology, but rather a characteristic,
externally-verifiable behavior which accompanies a complex
and powerful emotional state. From the narrative, it is
clear that these kinds of afflictions are the most trying
for Kempe and result in skepticism and scorn by those around
her.

All three types of affliction result in some form of
pain. While Kempe's visions are generally positive in
nature, they are invariably accompanied by anguish over
Christ’s torment. They also occasionally take a painful
form, as when she is being tempted by scenes of fornication
as punishment for doubting Christ (144-45). Despite the
characteristic presence of pain, Kempe’s perception of all
affliction is unequivocally positive. For her it provides
an opportunity for spiritual and moral growth. At several
points in the narrative, Kempe begs for illness and even
death. Indeed, the desire for fleshly mortification through

illness is part of her daily prayers (249). Affliction is

28
central to Kempe’s self-perception as well as her
understanding of life in a post-lapsarian world. Morris's
comments about the relationship between the modern
perception of pain and earlier approaches can be applied to
Kempe:
The secular, scientific spirit of modern medicine has
so eclipsed other systems of thought as almost to erase
the memory that pain - far from registering its
presence mostly in meaningless neural circuits or in
the sterile, living-death of hysterical numbness - once
possessed redemptive and visionary powers. (125)
Examples of traditional, physical illness occur
frequently in the narrative. The first chapter of the
narrative describes Kempe's complicated first pregnancy.
She indicates that because of the difficulty of her labor
and her sickness during pregnancy, she developed fears for
her life (6). These fears lead her to feel remorse over a
”defawt" (7) for which the devil tells her she will be
damned. Unfortunately, the confessor who comes to listen is
"a lytyl to hastye" (7) and does not hear her confession for
this sin. As a result, Kempe goes ”owt of hir mende and was
wondyrlye vexid and labowryd wyth spyrits" (7). At this
point her physical affliction has transformed into a
psychological phase which causes her to slander herself as
well as her husband and friends. Her abnormal state of

consciousness persists until Christ comes to her in a

29
vision, reminding her of her religious duty and His care for
her. Subsequently, her health is completely restored.

This episode is an essential model for illness in
general in the remainder of the narrative. It begins with a
physical illness which in turn leads to an awareness of
sinfulness. At this stage Kempe does not explicitly state
that the illness is intended to remind her of her sin, but
this reasoning will become prominent in later descriptions.
After becoming aware of her terrible "defawt," Kempe is
moved to confession, or open acknowledgment and atonement.
When her impulse to confess is thwarted by the hasty
confessor, she consequently develops a psychological
illness. Kempe does not recover from this illness until she
is assured of Christ’s love for her. When she acknowledges
this, her health is completely restored. Although it is not
until some ten years later that she fully devotes her life
to Christ, this illness is particularly important in the
narrative because it demonstrates that physical illness is a
salutary warning to the eternal soul and that healing can
only occur through Christ.

Another physical affliction occurs when Kempe is
praying for chastity at Saint Margaret’s church. She
describes the following event:

Sodeynly fel down fro the heyest party of the

cherch-vowte fro undyr the fote of the sparre on hir

hed and on hir bakke a ston which weyd iii pownd and a

30

schort ende of a tre weyng vi pownd that hir thowt hir

bakke brakke a-sundyr, and sche ferd as sche had be

deed a lytyl while. Soon aftyr sche cryd ”Ihesu

mercy," and a-noon her peyn was gon. (21-22)

Kempe marvels at her unscathed survival from this accident
until she is informed by Christ twelve weeks later that it
should be considered a miracle, ”Helde this for a gret
myracle, &, yf the pepyl wyl not levyn this, I schal werkyn
mach mor" (22). The cause of the falling stone is left
ambiguous. The reader is uncertain whether the entire event
was caused by God to demonstrate devotion to Kempe or that
God controlled only the physical consequences of the
accidental falling. Either way, God intervenes on behalf of
Kempe and a physician’s services are unnecessary.

In the two previous examples, affliction serves as a
means for God to express his love for Kempe. By returning
her sanity and preventing injury after the church accident,
Christ confirms his concern for Kempe's physical well-being
and, by extension, her spiritual condition. However, God
also uses illness in an additional way as a means of testing
Kempe's worth, as Christ suggests during a revelation, "I
have preuyd the be many tribulacyons, many gret hevynes, and
many grevows sekenes" (51).

God's motives are especially hazy in Kempe's
description of her long illnesses in the middle of the

narrative. She begins her description by saying that "God

31
ponyschyd hir wyth many gret & divers sekenes" (137) and
goes on to describe a flux which lasts a long time. This is
followed by intermittent pain in her right side for eight
years. During this time, the only thing that Christ tells
her is that she will not die. This provides her with a
reassurance that the pain is not a sign of imminent death, a
fact which helps her endure this relatively prolonged period
of physical suffering. Curiously, this series of illnesses
is not justified through revelation. Nor is the suffering
miraculously relieved by God as a manifestation of love for
Kempe. Indeed, there is a suggestion that these illnesses
are a form of punishment for unspecified sins. While one
might assume that she is describing a vengeful God, Kempe
does not respond to this perceived divine retribution with
hostility or disbelief. Instead, as with all of her other
adversities, she turns the illness into an opportunity for
spiritual growth by imagining that her sufferings are
minuscule compared to those of Christ.

At the end of the first book, there are allusions to
several other illnesses. The text states that there were
"dyvers tymys, whan the creatur was so sake that sche wand
to a hen dad a other folk wende the same, it was answeryd in
her sowle that sche xulde not deyin but sche xulde levyn &
far wel" (215). There is no suggestion about God's intent
in these instances, but Kempe does indicate that she was

attended by the saints in her suffering, including Peter,

32
Paul, Mary, Catherine, Margaret, and Mary Magdalene (215).
Whatever the reason for these additional sicknesses, it is
certainly clear that Kempe believes that she is being cared
for by representatives of Christ, legitimizing her
affliction as a direct manifestation of divine will.

The circumstances of Kempe’s death are not mentioned by
the narrator of the second book. The second priestly scribe
makes no mention of an illness or the circumstances which
precede her death. Instead, Kempe's daily prayers are
transcribed for the perpetual guidance of the reader. This
form of closing the narrative shifts the emphasis away from
the themes of bodily illness and emphatically suggests that
the enhancement of Kempe’s spirituality through suffering
was the most meaningful aspect of her life and is worthy of
emulation by the reader.

The second category of affliction is affective in
nature. These illnesses, or more properly psychological
states, are completely subjective, sensory, and emotional
manifestations of divine inspiration. Visions, auditory
hallucinations, and Kempe's identification with the extreme
anguish of the Passion preceding her episodes of weeping are
all included in this category. These occurrences are
repeatedly described by Kempe and constitute an essential
component of her piety. Early critics of Ih§_BQQk_QZ
Mozoozy_xomoo, like Martin Thornton, often saw an "over-

sensitivity of emotion" in Kempe’s life largely because they

33

sought to interpret Kempe’s behavior from the standpoint of
ascetic devotion rather than mysticism (3-4). It seems
likely that many of her descriptions conform to similar
events in the lives of other mystics and would have been
expected of someone claiming divine inspiration. More
recently, Clarissa Atkinson has suggested that a tradition
of "affective piety" had existed for four centuries before
Kempe's life. The goal of writers in this tradition was to
move the heart of the believer, directing them toward
conversion and salvation (129-44). Julian of Norwich was a
prominent anchoress following this tradition with whom Kempe
discusses her own religious experiences (Meech and Allen,
42).

Whatever the etiology, these affective afflictions have
a profound impact on Kempe's overall state of awareness.
Many scenes in the text depict Kempe's conversations with
God or Christ and her participation in the significant
events of Christ's life. Kempe looks upon these revelations
as a blessing and a sure sign of divine favor. Invariably,
she experiences the events as if she were actually present,
speaking freely with holy participants, as in the following
example:

An-other day this creatur schuld geve hir to

medytacyon, as sche was bodyn be-for, & sche lay

stylle, nowt knowyng what sche myght best thynke. Than

sche seyd to wer Lord Ihesu Crist, ”Ihesu, what schal I

34

thynke?" Ower Lord Ihesu answeryd to hir mende, "Dowtyr

thynke on my Modyr, for sche is cause of alle the grace

that thow haste." And than a-noon sche saw Seynt Anne
gret wyth chylde, and than sche preyd Seynt Anne to be
hir mayden & hir seruawnt. & anon ower Lady was born, &
than sche besyde hir to take the chyld to hir & kepe it
tyl it wer twelve yer of age wyth good mete & drynke,
wyth fayr whyte clothys & whyte kerchys. And than sche
seyd to the blyssed chyld, "Lady, ye schall be the

modyr of God." (18)

On one level, this episode can be viewed as intentional
fabrication or imaginative reconstruction. From this point
of view, Kempe can be seen as volitionally creating these
images in an attempt to generate internal, religious fervor.
However, it is also possible that such dream-like
experiences occurred as the natural consequence of the
religious milieu of the age during praying or meditative
states. The essential aspect of these affective visions is
that they are unavailable to other peOple. As a
manifestation of divine favor, they distinguish Kempe from
her peers. As a result of these experiences, Kempe's life
becomes sanctified for her. Unfortunately, these
unverifiable experiences are frequently questioned by lay
people and clerics as false and hypocritical, just as they
might be declared psychotic today. Instead of being

accepted as a saint, Kempe is often vilified as a hypocrite

35
by members of the lay community, particularly during her
journeys abroad, causing her additional emotional anguish.
A second kind of affective affliction is auditory in
nature. Kempe hears beautiful sounds at various points in
the narrative. The narrator describes one such episode that
occurs while she is thinking of the Passion:
Whyl sche dalyed in the Passyon of owyr Lord Ihesu
Crist, sche herd so hedows a melodye that sche myght
not her it. Than this creatur fel down as yf she had
lost hir bodyly strength & lay stylle a gret whyle,
desyring to put it away, & sche myght not. Than knew
sche wel be hir feyth that ther was gret joye in Hevyn.
(39)
Earlier in the story, Kempe had a similar experience while
lying in bed with her husband. On that occasion, as well,
the sound reminded her of "Paradyse" (11). As in the case
of her visions, these sounds are not audible to anyone else
and often result in scorn by her companions. After the
episode when the sound reminded her of the joy of heaven,
Kempe could not help discussing this at the dinner table
with the other pilgrims whom she was accompanying to the
Holy Land. Appalled by her presumptuousness and inability
to discuss non-holy things, her companions exiled her from
the table, unable or unwilling to empathize with her
affective state (63-65).

Kempe's weeping is another type of affective

36
affliction.5 IMany times during the narrative, she is
suddenly stricken with extreme anguish in sympathy for
Christ’s pain during his torture and crucifixion. This
results in uncontrollable weeping, a behavior which also
serves to separate her from her peers and leads to her
exclusion from communal activities during pilgrimage. The
idea of weeping had a long history within the Church dating
back to the Church Fathers. McEntire describes four
different reasons for compunction through tears including
weeping for one’s own sins, for the sins of others, from an
awareness of God’s justice and from a desire for the eternal
glory of God (81-83). Kempe's tears seem to serve all of
these purposes at some point in the narrative.

Ultimately, all of these affective afflictions are
manifestations of Kempe's piety. Whether or not one
believes that they were caused by extreme devotion or
unsought inspiration, they still serve to separate Kempe
from her peers. In this sense, these afflictions constitute
a form of dysfunctional behavior. It is tempting to regard
these behaviors from a modern vantage point as pathological
delusions of a psychotic state. However, it must be
remembered that Kempe’s affective behaviors separate her

only from her secular peers. Within the context of late

 

‘ This type of response might also be included with the
"neurological" category. I discuss it in terms of affective
behavior because it is a ”normal" behavior brought on by
intense emotional states.

37
medieval spirituality, such inspiration was desirable and
afforded her a place within the religious community. For
this reason, it is not particularly desirable to consider
these experiences from the standpoint of modern
psychological theory. As far as Kempe and most of her
clerical advisers are concerned, the affective states come
directly from God and are a reflection of His love and
concern for her eternal soul. As such, the separation from
the secular community that results from these experiences is
of little importance. Since each instance is a holy
visitation, it is both futile and sinful to attempt to
prevent them. Rather, they, too, are to be welcomed and
sought out. The social scorn which accompanies the
affective behaviors make the afflictions even more valuable
from the standpoint of sanctity.

The final class of afflictions is neurological in
nature. As I have indicated, this is a rather inadequate
term for describing those uncontrollable behaviors that have
overt, externally-observable components. In this context,
Kempe's crying-out episodes are of primary concern. Her
uncontrollable shrieking begins when she visits Calvary on
her pilgrimage: ”On-to the Mownt Calvarye, sche fel down
that sche myght not stondyn ne knelyn but walwyd & wretyd
wyth hir body, spredyng hir armys a-brode, & cryed wyth a
lowde voys as thow hir hert xulde a brostyn a-sundyr" (68).

Similar episodes continue for ten years, occurring whenever

38
she thinks of Christ's Passion or hears an especially pious
sermon (140). This involuntary behavior is the most visibly
distressing aspect of Kempe's piety. The frequency and
intensity of her cries also lead virtually everyone to
question her religious sincerity. Many explanations are
offered for Kempe’s behavior in this regard. She herself
accepts Christ’s explanation that it is a blessing and a
manifestation of love. Other members of the community,
including clergymen, suggest the possibilities of demonic
possession, hypocrisy, or epilepsy. At one point, Kempe is
excluded from the church during a particular priest's
sermons unless she admits that her crying out is due to a
heart condition (150-51).

Despite the questioning of others, Kempe never doubts
the divine origin of these spells. As her most burdensome
affliction, the crying-out episodes are also the most holy
manifestation of divine favor. Remarkably, Kempe always
endures them patiently. She does not succumb to the
priest's request to attribute the crying out to a physical
illness nor does she herself believe that they are caused by
epilepsy, “the fallyng evyl" (105: cf. Temkin, 85-117).
Kempe shows complete acceptance of her condition and never
mentions ways to actively remedy her situation through
physicians. Ultimately, Christ takes away the crying-out
spells, saying, "thu xalt no mor cryin so lowde" (155).

Thus, just as illness and affliction affects many

39
individuals in the narrative, Kempe herself is frequently
stricken. Her physical ailments are frequent and severe.
In addition, she suffers from affective anguish and abnormal
neurological states. It seems fair to conclude that Kempe's
life is characterized by affliction. Ironically, she
believes that these illnesses are persuasive evidence of
divine favor. As a reminder of the imminence of death, they
serve as a stimulus for Kempe to reflect upon the state of
her soul and her relationship to God. Ultimately, illness
and suffering are essential elements in Christ's plan for
her redemption. Kempe's endurance through physical and
emotional difficulties encourages readers to view their own
afflictions from the same perspective and behave
accordingly, with prayer and faith.

While the ubiquity of illness in the narrative reflects
the imperfect, corruptible state of man caused by original
sin, I also suspect that Kempe's descriptions reflect the
realities of life in the late Middle Ages. However, it is
important to recognize that her view is an exclusively
religious one. Although she describes illness, Kempe does
not mention physicians or specific kinds of physical
treatment. By emphasizing suffering and omitting any
reference to temporal, secular remedies, Kempe forces the
reader to consider Christ as both the source of suffering
and the only true physician. In doing so, she vests all

illness with metaphysical significance and obviates the need

for humoral explanations.

4O

MARGERY KEMPE AS HEALER

Margery Kempe is a model of endurance. With the help
of her clerical advisors and the revelatory encouragements
of Christ she achieves spiritual prosperity in a life
characterized by physical and emotional pain. In the mere
act of dictating the story of her life, Kempe presents
herself as a role model for others and demonstrates the
proper way to cope with life’s uncertainties and injustices.
From this standpoint, Kempe, like Christ, is a spiritual
healer. She often provides comfort for people suffering
from a variety of disorders, emulating Christ's role as a
physician by ministering to her friends and enemies with
physical comforting, encouragement, and prayer. While there
are no true physicians in the narrative except Christ, one
can view Kempe herself as the proper kind of earthly healer.
She does not administer medicine or prescribe dietary
regimens. Instead, she offers spiritual insight and
compassion to the afflicted with a fatalistic acceptance of
human frailty that is predicated on faith and prayer.

Throughout the narrative, Kempe recognizes that Christ
is the only true healer. He is also the ultimate cause of
all disease and suffering, saying to Kempe in a vision, "I
have preuyd the be many tribulacyons, many gret heuynes, &
many grevows sekenes in so mech that thu hast ben a-noynted

for deed, & al thorw my grace hast thu skapyd" (51).

41

42
Because of Christ’s omnipotence and infallibility and the
inscrutability of his plans, illness should be welcomed
since it fulfills Christ's wishes and turns the attention of
afflicted people toward the state of their eternal souls.

Although treatment is never described in the text or
performed by Kempe, she always exhibits the only appropriate
response to illness, compassion and prayer. She extends
this to everyone in her community. In many instances, she
also ministers to the needs of strangers, some of whom
exhibit great hostility toward her. She treats seasick
passengers during the return to Dover (242), allays the
fears of the pilgrims returning to Venice (75) and kisses
the lips of lepers as if she were kissing Christ (177).
Kempe identifies with a woman suffering from post-partum
psychosis and attends her frequently until recovery occurs
(178). Finally, she provides a spiritual form of comfort by
sharing her revelations and prayers with various afflicted
individuals.

Both comforting and prayer are traditional Christian
ideals that Kempe goes to great length to actualize. Her
services are of a routine nature. In keeping with her
concern for the next world, she does not perform miraculous
cures in this one. Her practice constitutes the embodiment
of Christ’s healing methods that are available to all
mortals, prayer and comfort, not miraculous intervention.

But Kempe is not wholly altruistic in her care for the ill.

43
This kind of activity is crucial to her conception of
Christian behavior and, thus, is necessary to improve the
state of the individual soul. Clearly, she assumes that
there will be a reward for this activity in the form of
personal salvation in Heaven.

In addition to caring for strangers, Kempe also attends
clergy and family members during their illnesses. The care
she provides to them, however, is not qualitatively
different from that which she provides to strangers. The
only significant difference is when she takes care of her
husband, which she somewhat egocentrically views as an act
of atonement rather than charity, believing it is just
punishment for her former enjoyment of her husband's body,
particularly after he becomes senile and incontinent:

And therfor was hir labowr mech the mar in waschyng &

wryngyng 8 hir costage in fyring & lettyd hir ful meche

fro hir contemplacyon that many tymys sche xuld an‘
yrkyd hir labowr saf sche bethowt hir how sche in hir
yong age had ful many delectabyl thowtys, fleschly
lustys, and therfor sche was glad to be ponischyd wyth

the same persone. (181)

Kempe also cares for the saints and Christ during her
revelations. She acquires lodging for the laboring Mary
(18), consoles her at the Passion (195) and helps her
prepare Christ's body after His death (196). This extends

her charity into the divine sphere. Kempe's behavior is

44
ostensibly based on her compassion for Christ's suffering.
However, the way that she approaches her husband's care as a
form of penance suggests that attendance upon Christ and
Mary may serve a similar religious function. The
distinguishing feature is that in her revelations she atones
for original sin and the torture of Christ, rather than any
personal sin which she has committed. In addition, one
should not overlook the maternal aspects of Kempe’s
behavior. Caring for the infant Christ could also represent
an enactment of the ideal of providing for the weak and
helpless. In this way, Kempe might actually be both
imitating and modelling altruistic, Christ-like behaviors
rather than merely atoning for sin.

All of the descriptions of caring for suffering
strangers, clergy, family members, and saints lack any
reference to medieval medical theory. Kempe never suggests
humoral imbalance as the cause of illness. In addition, she
offers only prayer and comfort rather purging or dietary
advice. This is completely in accordance with her
deterministic view of illness. Since Christ is the cause of
all human illness, mortals can not know this information
and, even if they could, it would be inappropriate to meddle
in the course of illness since it is grounded in divine
will. Certainly, Kempe would have had experience with
midwives in the context of childbirth. This might have

provided some exposure to medical ideas. Coming from a

45
prosperous merchant family, she might also have indirectly
encountered household remedy books that could have provided
her with some exposure to therapeutic ideas. One might
conclude that Kempe intentionally omitted descriptions of
such treatments from her narrative to emphasize the absolute
sovereignty of Christ over human affairs.

This exclusion of the physical treatment of illness
emphasizes the spiritual aspects of affliction. By
eliminating the need to consider appropriate medical
therapies, Kempe is free to act in the true healing spirit
of Christ, providing comfort and prayer for the afflicted.
This is the only way humans can respond to sickness in
Kempe's view. Her response to illness is a moral imperative
to fulfill the Christian goal of compassion while also
serving as a form of atonement. Thus, in acting like Christ
in the care of the infirm, Kempe devalues physical concerns
and emphasizes the spiritual. At a time of intellectual
change and increasing medical sephistication, she offers a
conservative vision that returns the focus of human life

toward Christ and God.

CONCLUSIONS

Tho Book Of Margegy Komoe is an autobiographical

account of the author’s emerging spirituality and her
relationship with Christ. The narrative relates Kempe’s
spiritual and secular adventures after her conversion,
illustrating the difficulties of a pious, Christian life.
Kempe’s worldly adventures provide excitement and drama. The
audience is encouraged to identify with her aspirations and
share in her humiliation and suffering. While the narrative
is framed by actual experiences, the most important events
in the text occur on an entirely different level. Kempe
places all of her experiences within the context of Christ’s
life. Her spiritual visions are located within Biblical
settings. The secular and spiritual realms are ultimately
unified through themes of affliction and adversity. At the
outset, a post-partum illness provides the setting for
Kempe's first religious vision. Throughout the remainder of
the text there are many stories of affliction involving
Kempe herself as well as members of her community. Also, and
perhaps more importantly, there is a tremendous amount of
pain in Kempe’s visionary experience of Christ's life and
death. Ultimately, the spiritual and worldly occurrences of
illness are linked within a Christian conception of God’s
purpose.

Undoubtedly, the purpose of this dual narrative is to

46

47

encourage the audience to actively pursue the religious
life. This entails devaluing temporal experiences and
reinterpreting them within the context of Christ’s suffering
and human salvation. This quality of the text conditions
the representation of illness. Individual suffering is
unavoidable. Rather than attempting to relieve it, Kempe
suggests that it should be accepted. Viewed within the
context of Christ's crucifixion, disease is a small
recapitulation of the process that is properly exacted upon
the source of His suffering, namely humanity. Individual
suffering is trivial compared to Christ's leaving Heaven,
entering a fallen world and lovingly bearing unspeakable
human suffering. For Kempe, this realization is central to
her understanding of illness. Indeed, the desire to suffer
for personal and original sin is explicitly stated in her
daily prayers at the end of the narrative:

Good Lord, spar no mor the eyne in myn hed than thu

dedist the blood in thi body whech scheddist

plenteuowsly for synful mannys sowle, and grawnt me so

meche peyne & sorwe in this world that I be not lettyd

fro thi blisse. (249)
Importantly, Kempe remains within her community and
acknowledges the official representatives of the Church,
instead of withdrawing into isolation as other mystics did.
For this reason, her narrative provides unique insight into

late medieval culture from the standpoint of a lay woman who

48

turns toward Christ relatively late in life.

Ino_§ook_of_uo;go1y_flomoo offers important evidence
about the nature of late-medieval society, the universal
nature of suffering and the role of the pious individual. A
central issue in Kempe's narrative is how illness and death
should be understood. In the tradition of the Church, she
unequivocally presents affliction as a blessing, given to,
individuals intentionally by God. The ultimate purpose of
disease is two-fold. First, as it destroys the body,
illness threatens the individual soul, with the possibility
of eternal damnation. As a result, the sufferer is forcibly
reminded of his or her sins and the perpetual need for
repentance. Second, all human life, which tends
unremittingly toward illness, is a small-scale
recapitulation of the bodily torture endured by Christ. It
is the result of original sin. Corporal suffering serves as
atonement. For Kempe, awareness of these truths leads to a
correct understanding of disease and the inevitable
conclusion that it should be welcomed rather than abhorred.

Further, illness is the means by which Margery Kempe
turns her thoughts toward Christ. Without the threat of
death after her first delivery, she might never have been
forced to confess her unspecified sin. Although many years
pass between her first vision of Christ and her active
conversion, Margery Kempe's initial sickness prepares her

for the eventual renunciation of worldly things. As Kempe

49
progresses through her life, she suffers many additional
afflictions which are of a physical, affective, and
neurological nature. With every illness, her faith is
enhanced. A further desire for bodily illness and death
characterize her new insight. Kempe is assured of her own
divine acceptance through revelation that in turn helps her
endure illness and minister to the needs of others during
sickness.

Margery Kempe's narrative presents a religious
understanding of illness in which human helplessness is
axiomatic. Not only do the priest’s spectacles fail to
improve his vision, they actually make it worse. This is a
subtle, yet damaging indictment of human ingenuity. Man’s
efforts to control or cure illness are doomed to failure,
since all disease is grounded in divine will and is
justifiable recompense for original sin. Kempe offers a
vision of human suffering that gives little credence to
human efforts to intervene. For Margery Kempe, the only
valid response to illness is faith and prayer. The entire
narrative is a rejection of the scientific and medical
paradigms becoming increasingly prominent during her
lifetime and a reaffirmation of the transcendent nature of

illness and suffering.

APPENDIX

 

Appendix: Instances of Affliction in the Narrative

What follows is a sequential list of afflictions in Too
Boo e . Exhaustive compilation is
complicated by the many different forms of d'sese, both
psychological and physical, in the narrative. I have
focused primarily upon physical illnesses. Pregnancy and
childbirth have been included. Page and line references are

from the Meech and Allen edition.

Margery Kempe’s Afflictions

page/line

2.6-10 "grett bodyly sekenesse...lost reson & her
wyttes"

6.28-8.26 "labowr sche had in chyldyng....went owt of
hir mende"

11.13-15 "herd a sownd of melodye so swet"

12.30-31 "Than sche gat hir an hayr"

21.25-22.25 "Sodeynly fel down...on hir hed & on hir
bakke a ston"

29.14-20 "many swet terys of hy deuocyon"

29.31-30.20 "sche ymagyned...what deth sche mygth deyn"

34.33-35 "plentyuouws wepyng"

38.06-12 "newly delyueryd of a chyld"

39.7-9 "fel down as yf she had lost hir bodyly

strength"

50

40.1-8

48.26

50.2-4

51.6-52.1

61.6-8

66.12-17

67.24-30

68.12-70.21

71.18-75.30

78.1-3

81.4-82.5

83.14-20

84.14-16

86.2-4

87.29-31

87.35-88.7

88.26-89.25

90.34-91.10

51

"Her dalyawns was so swet...[she] fel down"

"[Christ says] 'Dowtyr, thow art wyth
childe’"

"lay stylle al in wepyng & sobbyng"

"[Christ says] 'Thow thart drede no grevows
peynes in thi deyng"

"gret wepyngys & boystows sobbyngys"

"owyr Lord mad hir so seke"

"in the dalyawnce of owyr Lord, sche was in
poynt to a fallyn of hir asse"

"sche fel down...& cryde wyth a lowde voys"6

"sche fel down...as sche xuld a deyd for
sorwe"

"had hy meditacyons in the byrth & the
childhode of Crist"

"herd [St. John] in hire gostly
vndirstondyng"

"sche fel down therwyth"

"cryed neuyr so lowde"

"ful of vermyn & suffyrd gret peyn therwyth"

"felt many gret comfortys"

"herd...sweche sowndys & melodijs"

"flawme of fyer...in hir brest"

"had diuers tokenys in hir bodily heryng"

 

‘ This section describes the onset of Kempe’s "crying-

out" affliction.

It takes place on Mount Calvary during her

pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

98.27-37

104.29-37

105.7-25

111.10-15

117.18-26

119.35-120.9

124.35-125.7

131.11-23

137.11-139,2

139.20-140.25

142.11-13

145.8-146.34

147.16-32

148.5-27

52

"gret wepyng & gret sobbyng"

"fel in gret sekenes in so mech that sche was
anoyntyd for dowt of deth"

"sche cryed so wondyr lowde"

"the fyer of lofe kyndelyd so yern in hir
hert"

"sche myth not stondyn...for plente of
deuocyon"

"'make me mythy & strong for to
suffyr’"

"wyth hy deuocyon...sche cryed lowde"

"herd wyth hir bodily erys a lowde voys"

"Afftyrward God ponyschyd hir wyth many gret
& diuers sekenes"

"cryed so lowde that it myth ben herd al a-
bowte"7

"'I wolde for thi lofe...ben
hewyn as smal as flesch to the pott’"

"had sche now horybyl syghtys & abhominabyl"

"sche cryed, sche roryd, sche wept, sche fel
down to the grownd"

"sey a fayr ymage of owr Lady"

 

" This passage describes various responses associated
with confession and repentance.

53

149.14-152.6 "at the last sche brast owte"8

155.28-37 "[Christ says] ’I xal takyn a-wey fro the thy
criyng’"

164.16-27 "mende of the Passyon...sche cryed & roryd"

165.6-10 "brast owt wyth a crye"

167.6-7 "fel sche down wepyng & cryng"

167.21-25 "cryid & wept"

171.19 "felt a wondyr swet sauowr"

172.35-173.14 "the sayd creatur was desiryd of mech pepil
to be wyth hem at her deying"

l74.12-176.5 "sche fel down in the feld"

l81.16-l84.25 "’Lord, why wilt thu gyf me swech crying?'"

184.26-202.5 "on Palme Sonday...[she]cryid, wept & sobbyd
ful boistowsly"’

206.27-207.14 "sche fel in a lityl slomeryng & a-non aperyd
verily to hir syght an awngel"

207.14-208.15 "saw owr Lord...wyth hys wowndys bledyng"

209.8-14 "the fyr of loue encresyd"

215.6-216.3 "Dyuers tymys, whan the creatur was so seke"
219.1-220.24 "a flawme of fyer a-bowte hir brest"
234.13-235.3 "sche labowryd [on her journey home] tyl that

 

’ In this section, the narrator describes several crying-
out episodes that occur during religious services. These
result in one priest barring Kempe from attending his sermons.

’ In this long section that encompasses multiple
chapters, the narrator describes Kempe's response to visions
of Christ's torture and crucifixion. Many different forms of
affective response are discernible.

235.29-35

237.19-30

241.17-25

242.15-27

245.35-246.32
249.10

251.36-39

5.18-32
18.15-20
19.1-4
19.15-23
30.13-21
44.15, 60.30,
106.31

51.29-31

53.21-22

53.25-28

54
sche fel in sekenes"
"sche wept & sobbyd"
"sche thorw hir comownyng had part of her
vermyn"
"sche was so wery"
"Preyid...[God would] preseruyn hir fro
voidyng of vnclene mater"
"Plentivows teerys of compunccyon"
"grawnt me so meche peyne"1°
"Heily I thank the that thu woldist letyn me

suffryn"

Afflictions of Others

First Priest "hys eyn myssyd"
Saint Anne "gret wyth chylde"
Elizabeth "Seynt Iohn was bor"
Mary "whan Ihesu was born"
Jesus Christ "peynes...sufferyd"
76.23-30,
Escort "brokyn-bak man"
Jesus Christ "handys...nayled to the
Crosse"
Woman "a cors was present"
Woman’s Husband "he xal ben ded"

 

‘m This passage and the following one are part of Kempe’s
daily prayers which are included by the second scribe at the
end of the narrative.

53.31-54.4
54.4-7
54.7-15

54.15-20

54.20-27
56.10-12
69.1-8
73.15-18
74.18

75.29-33

92.33-35

94 o 1-3

95.23-29

99.13-15

118.16

139.33-140.12

147.1-11,

148.23-27

55
Wicked Woman
Woman
Good Man

Another Good Man

Worshipful Woman
WOrshipful Burgess
Any Man

Jesus Christ

Jesus Christ

Companions

Jesus Christ

A Wife

Saint Bridget

Saint Jerome

Bishop

Blind Woman

Jesus Christ

Good Priest

"at poynt of deth"

"lay in poynt of deth"

"strongly seke"

"xuld ben ded...wyth that
same sekenesse"

"ryte seke"

"gret seknes"

"had a wownde"

"hangyn on the Cros"

"fastyd fowrty days"

"hir felaschep was ryth
seke"

"whan I heng nakyd on the
Cros"

"gret wyth childe"

"in the chawmbre that
[she] deyd"

"where the body...lyth
birijd"

"xulde be dad"

"in a blynd womanys hows"

"preystys...representyng
the lamentabyl deth

and doolful berying"

"fel in gret sekenes"

147.11-15
154.13-14

159.35-160.9

164.20-22
169.18-170.9
171.4-20

172.2-3

172.4-7
173.3-14
175.5-176.5

177.18-28

177.33-179.5

179.6-181.15
186.23-25

187.28-189.14

188.3

191.13-193.30
193.18-194.24
202.21-36

204.5

Good Vicar

"deyd but lityl befor"

Elizabeth of Hungary "cryed wyth lowde voys"

Lepers

Jesus Christ
Master Aleyn
Prior of Lynn

King

"whan thu seest any
lazerys"

"ben scorgyd & hangyd"

"wyth gret sekenes"

"tyl he deyd"

"in the mene-

tyme...deyid"

Bishop of Winchester "was ded"

Jesus and Mary

Mary

One Woman

John Kempe
Some People

Mary

Jesus Christ

Jesus Christ
Mary
Burgess

Lepers

"in hir deying"

"in deying"

"labowryd wyth hir gostly
enmy"

"newly delyueryd...owt
hir mende"

"fel down to the grownd"

"in...deth xal han grace"

"fallyng down in
swownyng"

"I must nedys suffyr
deth"

"al—to betyn & scorgyd"

"swownyn and fallyn down"

"lay in gret sekenes"

"alle lazerys"

207.16-18

208.5-10

214.31

220.17-18

222.10-223.10

223.9

225.8-14

225.17

242.21-24

253.25-29

57

Jesus Christ

Jesus Christ

Sick Folks

First Scribe

Kempe's Son

Kempe's Son

Kempe's Son

John Kempe

Travelers

Prayer for Sick

Lazarus

"with hys wowndys
bledyng"

"[his] body lying be-forn
hir"

"sche wer ocupijd wyth
seke folke"

"God toke hym to hys
mercy"

"hys face wex ful of
whelys"

"had a wife and a childe"

"fel in gret sekenes...he
passyd"

"folwyd the sons"

"other in the schip
voydyng"

"for alle that arn seke"

"was reisyd fro deth to

lyfe"

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