. air 1.- ‘ .. 3:15.? 1 11.3.33.‘ 5.... .E. z e uhfi 1.... Iguana: . . .21.: fire: J 3!!! . nt») ch. :3: Li) latitude?! a In Tr... E ‘90.... .VIMP‘ IlllllllllHllllllllllllll 3 1293 01019 0886 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled THE ROLE OF TELEVISION ADVERTISING IN ACCULTURATION: A MEDIA SYSTEM DEPENDENCY APPROACH presented by KAREN CHAMPAGN I E ALMAN has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. . Mass Media Studies degree in Major 0 sor Date/a/Qa/y'3 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 LIBRARY Michigan State Unlverslty PLACE N RETURN 30X to roman this checkout tram your record. To AVOID FINES return on or baton data duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE l .__,,..___——'-—-— ’7 usquMmeon-Ioppomnnylm 7 7 Walla-9.1 ,, THE ROLE OF TELEVISION ADVERTISING DI ACCULTURATION: A MEDIA SYSTEM DEPENDEN CY APPROACH By Karen Champagnie Alman A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Ph.D. Program in the Mass Media Communication Arts and Sciences 1993 Copyright © by Karen Champagnie Ahnan 1993 ABSTRACT THE ROLE OF TELEVISION ADVERTISING IN ACCULTURATION: A MEDIA SYSTEM DEPENDENCY APPROACH By Karen Champagnie Alman Current discourse on issues of irmnigration and ethnic diversity in the United States has stimulated lggeg interest in acculturation -- the process by which people adapt in a new cultural environment. 4 et, espite the large number of studies which have addres ed the subject, relatively few have examined the @of the mass media. Even fewar studies have looked specifically at the role of fivertising, one of the most Ewasive forms of mass communication and cultural dissemination in the United States. Not only is there a dearth in the number of media advertising-acculturation studies, Which researchers can build. 0 In mugating the role of television advertising in acculturation, this /i- ,3 H 1 C -—"--._ Fur- -v-—. “9.- study used the media system de ndency p roach t develop a two-stag . M path‘tfidélUThe model yo ‘gsjzed at cultural proximity, acculturation H \ motivation toward the host culture (‘host culturalism’), length of residence V and, alternative information sources are key predictors of dependency on the $ \ television medium of the host culture“.j This dependency, in turn, determines \4 7' ..-L.\_‘ the extent to which host television advertising contributes to acculturation. Specifically, it was hypothesized that a migrant having lower cultural proximity, higher acculturation motivation toward the host culture, shorter period of residence, and lower dependency on alternative information sources will have a higher dependency on host television for fulfilling acculturation goals. Consequently, a higher level of host television dependency is positively related to host television advertising use for acculturation purposes. e-Ia ’0'0‘ Jul 001‘ ‘ .' ' :d o u atelephone survey of 120 foreign-bom individuals living 1n the Pacific United States. €4.49. W used to confirm Mthe appropriateness of the aWtWed 1n the study. W \l/ . / . revealed that three of the four exogenous variables -- cultural proximity, \‘x\ E) acculturation motivation and alternative information sources -- exert a \ significant influence on host television dependency. Host television dependency and the fourth exogenous variable, length of residence, turned out to be strong predictors of the extent to which host television advertis' g contributes to the acculturation process. / i DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Cynthia Champagnie, my sister, Dr. Althea Champagnie, my husband, Russell, and the rest of my family whose love and understanding helped me through the joys and frustrations of higher learning. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many thanks to my committee for their guidance and support throughout my doctoral studies at Michigan State University: Dr. Lincoln James, my advisor and dissertation director, Dr. Bella Mody, Dr. Cornelius Pratt, and Dr. Joseph Straubhaar. Thanks also to Dr. Sandra Ball-Rokeach, who introduced me to her Media System Dependency theory while I was a Master’s student at the University of Southern California. Finally, thanks to my colleagues at the University of Oregon’s School of Journalism and Communication for their moral support as I worked on my dissertation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................... 1 2. LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................... 6 Classical and Contemporary Views of Acculturation ............. 6 Acculturation Modes ............................................................... 8 Assimilation ..................................................................... 9 Integration ........................................................................ 1 1 Separation ........................................................................ 12 Marginalization ................................................................ 14 Acculturation Tendencies: Factors and Issues ......................... 15 Ethnicity ........................................................................... 16 Reasons for Migration ...................................................... 1‘7 Acculturation Attitudes of Migrants ................................ 18 Host Culture Public Policy and Attitudes ........................ 20 Acculturation Research Bias .................................................... 22 Mass Media-Acculturation Research Perspectives .................. 23 General Systems Perspective ........................................... 24 Uses and Gratifications Perspective ................................. 24 Construction-Validation Hypothesis ................................ 25 Q11tivation Hypothesis ..................................................... 26 Institutional Completeness Theory .................................. 27 Uncertainty Reduction Theory ......................................... 28 iv Chapter Page Host Mass Media vs. Ethnic Media in Acculturation .............. 28 Television Advertising and Acculturation ............................... 30 Media System Dependency Theory ......................................... 32 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY .............................................. 39 Predictor Variables .................................................................. 39 Cultural Proximity ............................................................ 39 Acculturation Motivation (toward the host culture) ........ 40 Length of Residence ........................................................ 41 Alternative Information Sources ...................................... 42 Hypotheses and Path Model .................................................... 43 Operational Definition of Variables ........................................ 48 Measurement of Variables ....................................................... 49 Research Design ...................................................................... 55 Survey Population and Sample ................................................ 56 4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ............................................... 58 General Demographic and Cultural Characteristics ................ 5 9 Television Viewing Behaviors ................................................ 63 Path Analysis ........................................................................... 69 Chapter Page Confirmatory Factor Analysis ................................................. 75 \ Support for Hypotheses ........................................................... 80 5. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ................................ 85 APPENDICES A. Additional Tables of Results ..................................................... 89 B. Survey Questionnaire ................................................................ 94 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................... 100 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Demographic Profile of Survey Sample ...................................... 61 2. Time Spent Watching Television ................................................. 63 3. Host Television Dependency ....................................................... 65 4. Host Television Advertising Use for Acculturation .................... 66 5. T-tests on Paired Groups for Television Variables ...................... 68 6. Dependence on Alternative information sources of Host Cultural Understanding and Orientation ................................. 71 7. Standardized Path Coefficients, Zero-Order Correlations, and Total Indirect Effects for Original Path Model ................ 72 8. Correlation Coefficients (2-Tailed) ............................................. 72 9. Standardized Path Coefficients, Zero-Order Correlations, and Total Indirect Effects for Original and Alternative Path Models ............................................................................ 74 Table 10. 11. 12. A-3. A-4. A-5. A-6. vii Reliabilities of Cultural Proximity, Host Television Dependency, and Host Television Advertising Acculturation Indices .............................................................. Factors and Percentage of Variance Accounted For .................... Varimax Rotated and Sorted Factor Matrix of Acculturation-Related Variables ............................................. . Countries Represented in Survey Sample .................................... . Native Languages of Survey Respondents .................................. English Proficiency Levels .......................................................... Perceptions of Proximity of Native Culture to American Culture ......................................... Extent of Pre-Migration Knowledge of American Culture ................................................................... Sources of Pre-Migration Knowledge of American Culture ................................................................... . Nativism and ‘Host Culturalism’ Attitudes ................................. . Personal Connection with Native Country through Correspondence and/or Travel ................................................ Page 75 78 89 90 91 91 92 92 93 93 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. United States Immigration 1980 - 1990 ....................................... 3 2. The Assimilation Mode ............................................................... 10 3. The Integration Mode .................................................................. 12 4. The Separation Mode ................................................................... 13 5. The Marginalization Mode .......................................................... 15 6. Four Modes of Acculturation Based on Attitudes toward (1) Native Cultural Maintenance and (2) Relating to the Host Culture ............................................. 19 7. Typology of Individual Media System Dependency Relations 34 8. The Process of Television Advertising Exposure and Effects .............................................................. 37 9. Path Model Diagram .................................................................... 44 10. Path Coefficients in Original Path Model .................................... 70 11. Path Coefficients in Alternative Path Model ............................... 73 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Many cultural phenomena have been the subject of mass communication research in the United States over the years but, in recent times, one of the most intriguing seems to be acculturation. The American Heritage Dictiongy (1985) offers a clear #épclpreglsedefimtron—ofw acculturation: “the modification of the culmgemofagropptlrjndividud as 3.. ,.-._.,,.——-—~—-— “result of contact with a different culture” (p. 73), (- Some acculturation researchers have looked at how specific groups of people respond to cultural change while others have looked at how individuals, in general, react to it.__Anthropologists have traditionally tendedfl to favor the group-specific or emic perspective. The term ‘emic’ is derived- , from ‘phonemic’ which refers to sounds in a specific language. On the other hand, psychologists and other newcomers to the acculturation field prefer the individual-general or etic perspective. ,The term ‘etic’ is derived from » » , ‘phonetic’ which refers to the range of sounds in the human language in graneral. Nevertheless, the philosophical difference between the emic and the etic schools of thought seems quite trivial when one considers acculturation as a whole and the complexity of its nature. The acculturation issue is especially germane to the United States, where more foreigners are admitted than all other industrialized nations 2 combined (Morganthau, 1993). According to data from the United States Bureau of the Census and the US. Immigration and Naturalization Service, the number of immigrants to the United States increased by 190% between 1980 and 1990 (Figure 1). The immigrant pool is even larger when one takes into account undocumented or illegal immigrants. The rate of immigration reached a critical mass in 1988, when almost 4 million illegal immigrants were granted amnesty and eventual citizenship under the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (Morganthau, 1993). The influx of illegal immigrants continues unabated and currently, they are estimated to number between three and six million (Gladstone, 1993). Besides immigrants, there is a sizable number of nonimmigrants who may be added to the number of individuals of foreign origin in the United States. These nonimmigrants include visitors, govemment and diplomatic officials, temporary workers, and international students. The number of nonimmigrants admitted to the United States has also steadily increased over the past two decades, from about 4,000 in 1970 to about 17,500 in 1990. The term ‘immigrant’ implies permanent settlement while ‘nonimmi grant’ implies temporary settlement; yet both groups of people share acculturation experiences regardless of status. Therefore, in discussions and research involving both groups, it is more appropriate to refer to them collectively as ‘migrants’ to avoid connotations of either permanent or temporary settlement. 1,800,000 5 " 1,400,000 1,200,000 "' 1 ,000,000 800,000 -r- l”. 6m,” :FI/‘-—.\- . .’. 400,000 - 200,000 '- j I I I I 1 I U r —I 0 : I I I I U U I I '80 '81 '82 '83 '84 '85 '86 '87 '88 '89 '90 Data from U.S. Bureau of the Census (1992). WWW U.S. Immigration and Naturalization 50M“ (1990)- WWW. Figure 1. United States Immigration 1980 -l990. 4 The U.S. Census Bureau also classifies those native to another country as ‘foreign-born’ (as of April 1, 1990, persons born abroad of American parents have also been classified as ‘foreign-bom’). Currently, this group comprises almost 8% of the U.S. population. Census data also reveal that about 14% of the U.S. population grew up speaking or still speak a language other than English at home. This figure represents a 38.1% increase since 1980, and is largely attributed to the recent wave of Hispanic immigration. Interestingly, an overwhelming percentage of the foreign language-speaking population (80%) do not consider themselves very proficient speakers of English. These statistics bear convincing evidence of the need for continued research on the acculturation of migrants to the United States. Research on the role of the mass media and advertising is especially warranted as it is through these channels that many migrants learn about their new environment and how to cope with cultural change. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between acculturation-related variables (cultural proximity, length of residence, acculturation motivation, and alternative information sources) and the dependency of migrants on the television medium of the host culture. Also, the study will attempt to predict the extent to which the advertising content of this medium contributes to the acculturation of migrants. The significance of this study may be seen from three perspectives -- practical, theoretical, and methodological. From a practical perspective, the results of the study may enhance our general understanding of the role of television advertising in the acculturation process. In particular, this study may sensitize television advertising practitioners to the likely effects of their trade on foreign-born audiences. Additionally, the study should help 5 individuals working with new migrants, and even the migrants themselves, to devise more meaningful ways to acculturate through television. From a theoretical perspective, by investigating and attempting to predict relationships between media variables and acculturation, the study tests the robustness of the media system dependency theory in acculturation, an area in which it has not been previously tested. Finally, from a methodological perspective, the combination of path and confirmatory factor analyses represents a novel approach to analyzing some of the possible links that exist between the mass media, advertising, and acculturation. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Classical and Contemporary Views of Acculturation The earliest gwpmafizafions of acculturation are foundin— anthropology and the first reference mayuhayemberen made in 1880.__ Howeverlacculuirafion did not really develop into a distinct research field _ until 1936 when anthropologists, Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits took a scholarly interest in it. 11128; researchers offered what rs now.-aclassical._ definition of acculturation: Acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous firSt-hand contact, with subsequent changes 1n the original culture PQLtQQIsOf either or both groups(p 974). , _,____,..........i The fundamental ideas of these early scholars are mirrored even in the more contemporary definition of acculturation: The process of change over time that takes place within individuals who have completed their primary socraIizauon processiin one culture and then come into continuous, prolonged first-hand contact with a new and unfamiliar culture (Y. Y. Kim, 1988, pp. 37- 8). Although contemporary researchers are not radically different from the classical researchers in terms of basic ideas, explorations in the field over the years have broadened and deepened our current understanding of acculturation. For instance, Y. Y. Kim’s (1988) definition of acculturation incorporates socialization, a concept which illuminates our perception of the phenomenon. The primary socialization process which Y. Y. Kim (1988) refers to involves instilling into young members of a social system those mores necessary to sustain social and cultural life. Socialization reflects the human desire to survive not just physically, but also socially and culturally. Thus, social and cultural mores which are nuclear to us and our social system are passed on from generation to generation with ageless continuity. The socialization agents whicbflcan be identified 1n human social MM mtg-nan... -u... w 1w“. ... ~— 'M W @130 frrends; schools\, and féligious 1nst1tutrons fiLasswell 1948; Rivers and Schramm, 1969; Wright, 1975). The family unit is long considered to be the primordial socialization agent, but due to the increasing complexity of the social system, the mass media have come to assume a more formative role in WJQEQQ (Hollander, 1971; The Surgeon General’s Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior, 1972). The newcomer who encounters a different social order in the host country engages in cross-cultural contact and often finds himself or herself affected by the change in some way or the other. The acculturation he or she ___ experiences involves understanding and dealirigwith new cultural mores --p _ ..- ”—9— ‘.-"Mu “vi-v11.-. .. -W “M "- rap—am" .1“: u. w— ‘- w the attitudes, anlues, beliefs, and behaviors of the host socrety essentrally, - n...-......_a__ then, it is a re-socrahzatron process (Taft, 1985, 1986; O’ Guinn et al., 1986) ,-,_ uu—l- -v-- '"‘ ”M's-n.“ u...» va-r-~>' Since cross-cultural contact can be physical, e. g., interpersonal, or symbolic, e. g., mass communication (Berry, 1983), then the mass media, - -__.--W-.- particularly the omnipresent television 1n modern societies, play a potentially central role in the re-socialization or acculturation of migrants. Indeed, as O’Guinn et al. (1986) observe, “someone new to a society can derive a considerable degree of socialization via the electronic mass media” (p. 580). While this present discussion may give the impression that the host culture remains static throughout the acculturation process, this is not necessarily true. In fact, cultural contact may also lead to changes in the host culture (Bailey, 1937); for instance, culinary tastes. Indeed, the typical “American” menu today is flavored with elements of various cultures, such as Italian, Hispanic, and Chinese. WhereLulmresarerecipmcmmnot necessarily equally), _ i uence 1 .as interculturatione This particular view of cultural contact and changeis somewhat different from acculturation which primarily views the WVC of the incoming minority culture. Wallyeigemiefies characterized by a plurality of cultures, Ificulturation is best understood in terms of how migrants react to the dominant culture. Since this study deals primarily with the culturally diverse United States, the terms ‘host’ and ‘American’ are used interchangeably to refer to the predominant, mainstream culture. Acculturation Modes From traditional and contemporary conceptualizations of acculturation, Berry (1980) synthesized his own view of the phenomenon. m—‘u-W’ Assgrdrngro hurls acculturation .mayrbcmsqenas a 12-0.. 99$ng contact, eonflicft, and 39.33%; In other words, oncenew. migrantseneenntera diffsmgummeyexpefiencemacfionsofmsmwu Based on this conceptualization, Berry (1980) delineated four main patterns or modes of acculturation: WW“ 0’) '“EeEBEE’L <¢1§9par9995394 Silmrsmahygrtwn- Assimilation From as early as 1936, Redfield and his colleagues made reference to assimilation, noting that it is “at times a phase of acculturabfibb: (p. 974). Late; in l95§,_Zubrzyck_i_offered a more complete definition of the concept: “the condition which _obtyns when the [migrant] group is so completely .schrporated into the society 9.333.193.1935 attacheditself that1ts separate ./ 1513::th myjze completely less.“ (9 76). (S BWirtfilation refers to the renouncing ofnnefsnative 11/ W identity and the adoption of the host culture identity. This process usually results 1n cultural osmoms leading to greater cultural homogeneity the host society and creating what 1s often referred to as a ‘melting—pot.’ / As is seen in Figure 2, newcomers to a host culture bring with them — n... “ their native cultural traits, which they gradually lose over time. If these _‘_ .mfi‘“ .- traits are completely lost and replaced by”, those of the host culture, then the f5" if . migr_abt is saidroheassimilated. era =1" ‘3’}. TIME 8 trigrant'e native culture -.- host culture Figure 2. The Assimilation Mode. While it is possible for an individual to become completely assimilated in his or her lifetime, depending on the age at arrival, the prwg-.- ;; of ‘melting’ into the host culture oc on a eneratio The first generation are the migrants themselves, ”strangers in the land. Their “Mg-mu...“- “—4 "Ht'y offspring -- the second generation -- are somewhere 1n EMeen, “and the third generation and beyond are theoretically assimilated but still labeled “hyphenated-Amencan” (Morganthau, I993}, for instance, ‘Chinese- American’ and ‘African—American.’ ll Integration Integration refersroue adoptionof the hosteultureidentitywith / simultaneous retention of and affiliation with the native culture. In this WP wa-——na*—W W. Those who succeedmaeluewngthisbalanee maybew / 1.4.44“. '9.- thought of as ‘bicultural,’ characterized by the ability to straddle two __r‘ Marc—Wm.— .g-v’ :«tv-W cultures with relative ease. In culturally plural societies such as the United States and Canada, integration is evident in the "large number of distinguishable ethnic groups [existing] within the larger social system" (Berry et al., 1989, p. 188). Thus, whereas assumlatlon leads to greater? homogeneity 1n society, integtagon fosters heterogene1ty (Subervi-Velez, 1986). w f F1gure 3 shows the integration process where migrants W 3!” the host cultureg'aigrbutdonotlnsefillpf the1rethnrc1ty. Theoreucally, the effect of time is such that, if all other factors were held constant, integration would eventually lead to assimilation (refer to Figure 2). However, in reality, as will be discussed in the following section, integration can be an end point in the acculturation process. 12 {_u TIME :I: migrant‘s native culture . host culture Figure 3. The Integration Mode. Separation ,Wfliflggulnuafion is characterized by the mi grant}: withdrawal from the host culture but maintenance of native cultural identity. ;-’ Wu of separation is the sub-cultural existence of some ethnic groups such atheAmish population inthe United State$ and Canada. 3 Descendants of religious Swiss migrants, the Amish continue to adhere to a traditional lifestyle void of the trappings of modern life, like electricity and motorcars. Berry et al. (1989) make a distinction between‘ separation’ and r“- _l ,_ “w“,- ‘segregation.’ Separation refers to the maintenance of cultural heritage m 13 without participation in the larger sociocultural system. Again, the Amish serve as an example of a group’s willful desire to separate from the dominant culture. If, on the other hand, cultural detachment is imposed by the dominant or host group, then it is known as segregation. South Africa is a good example of the acculturation outcomes of segregation. In this society, Whites are numerically weak, but culturally dominant, whereas it is the reverse for people of color. Segregation was instituted as part of South Africa’s political structure and the cultural effects are qttite profound; the political alienation of Blacks and coloreds has weakened their ability -- and possibly their desire -- to become part of the dominant culture. @%@% éfih e ,.., m1; 4r TIME = migrants native culture = host culture Figure 4. The Separation Mode. 14 W Marginalization is similar to separation, in that, it also focuses on g A W However, the main difference between separation and marginalization is that, in the case of the latter, there is loss of C if a 0 wf/ We-..” “hativeculfii‘rflentitj(351109989A19332~Whi~ch-wm§¥ -v‘"-.__..——— Mntmfi.-,_.w Qsorientation, and apathyriesindifferenee. High stress-producing factors associated with cultural uprooting are thought to be the underlying causes of _mm-r marginalization. These factors include discrirnittatiopbculture sh ' the__ host culture, and the inability/t9 Elatc to the_.tradit.i?991_¥19£§§,9.f,oneis~-- native culture. Sue and Sue (1971'5 and Sue (198 f3 conducted case studies on some Chinese-Americans who exhibited signs of marginalization, such as shame, guilt, rebellion against parents, and somatic disorders. Further, Berry et al. (193%) note that when _marginahzafion_isjmposed.____. by the dominant group, "it is tantamount to ethnocide.” Indeed, as was previously discussed, a sense of culture is a necessary part of human existence. Therefore, people who are both alienated ' of ' . native culture are deprived of an important motivation to survive. This is *— erry, which not only alienated Africans from the larger society into which they were transplanted, but also from their own cultural heritage. . Figure 5 illustrates how migrants become marginalized over time. As in the case of separation, after i ' ' ' ants begin to move awa from the host culture. There is no further commonalty between the two W modes; for marginalization, what occurs in conjunctiolwiflmemoyementm‘ WfiQQ‘hEHfiEWflmEEQW mi grant’s own cultural heritage. ink 15 aaaa 0 O TIME E D D = loss of migrants native culture overtime = host culture Figure 5. The Marginalization Mode. Acculturation Tendencies: Factors and Issues Overall, in acculturation, a migrant may exhibit one of two tendencies: (l) movement toward thefist culture asjbmecaserofintegration-aadum t h— K f assimilation and (2) movement away from the host culture as in the case 0 separationand-amginalizafion. Migrants tend to mowve toward, r thgrthanl... Mum, W. - . -..... ,... MW..." away from, the dominant culture of a host society because, as Murray and fickhohn (1953) explain: “[there is the need] to become and to remain part of an accepted and respected, differentiated and integrated functioning group, the collective purposes of which are congruent with the individual’s '3‘ ‘i ‘1‘ l6 ideals” (p. 19). In fact, becgugofltbeirmiaoiimstams, immigrant groups ~are;ibtpbe_c_t_e~d,tobcoxnfprm to the majority culture Qadilla, 1980b). NeveMeleswresearchers have found, the tendency toward away from the hWads upon several factors,‘ which may be \» broadly categolzed as (a) ethnicity, (bigger-ts formjgratinn. ‘\ g /_ (c) acculturation attitudes of mi raggLand (d) host culture public policy \ and attitudes. 1': TEL ‘ ./ ’/ I", ’ Ethnicity —- v—q— Wfi teriabf ethnicity” 111,12). The effect of ethnicity on acculturation has been observed by several researchers. Berry (1983) and Hastings et a1. (1982) claim that for Europeans who migrated to the United States at the beginning of, and even prior to, this century, assimilation was the most viable option. It has been argued that, for the most part, these Egypeans were more predisppicdjowmd assimilation due tojheirethniem, traits Ellich Classllrssgnblcd 1139.59 offlrcdominant, Euroceqtylghgg culturein. @9ryfifl.$mm- w? 1 Yet. forwmgst migrants todayjjgtegfééflljflifgbfi the preferred?” W3 is particularly true of migrants from developing nations (Berry, 1983; Lang et al., 1982; Safa, 1983; Szapocznik and Kurtines, 1980; Smith, 1985). We people bringgreatcr ehnicdiffcrergcr with them and _._‘._.__.L are m¢m€9§-!§.8§.9£9di890891t0 a$,§.imi.Lat-ism.inwto mmainWmfi _-.-a m than their Europeans predecessors. 17 Research by Berry (1970,1976) in Australia and Canada also revealed that acculturation tendency was determined, in part, by a migrant’ s cultural Loxirnjb’to 0the host culture: the higher the level of cultural proximity, the ,._.4~ —r ”-m-‘H Wreference for assimilation, while the lower the level, the higher the preference for separation. .»-..-—.-_ Besides ethnicity, the “109195! tormigratibn “may determine the course! 51 of ndaptatjnn nu grants opt f9}: Qigygnmallypusue. Some researchers, like Portes (1978), have argued that migrants with permanent settlement in mind . are Filikely to move toward the host eulture with a greater ass1rmlat1ve drive 4‘wa WM“#FW*~ than those desiring only temporary settlement. Further, Montero (1979) believes that refugees are likely to take the assimilation path. Montero studied Vietnamese refugees in the United States and found some support for this hypothesis. However, Berry (1983) suggests the anti-thesis -- that voluntary migrants may be more likely than involuntary migrants, such as refugees, to prefer assimilation. Kleis (1981) adopts yet another view, one which refutes the voluntary/involuntary migrant issue. This researcher argues that regardless of motive and immigration status, migrants have a proclivity to maintain their native cultures This inclination, Kleis believes, acts as a counter- assimilative force in the acculturation process. With reference to Montero’s (1979) study, Kleis (1981) notes that Montero’s focus on the educational and material success of the Vietnamese gives a superficial picture of -A' 18 acculturation, overlooking the effect of a mi grant’s proclivity to maintain at least some of the native culture: Although most refugees are reconciled to the prospect of permanent resettlement in the U.S. and strive to achieve a functional knowledge of their hosts’ language and culture, most do not actively seek full- fledged assimilation into the mainstream of American life (p. 271). To garner support for his idea, Kleis conducted a study, comparing the Vietnamese refugees in the United States to the Nigerian Igbo in Cameroon. The study noted the differences between the two groups of migrants; for example, in terms of their resettlement in an alien environment, the Vietnamese were escaping political upheaval, while the Igbo were voluntary economically motivated migrants to Cameroon. However, despite these differences, Kleis found “striking parallels” in both sets of migrants. Above all, there seemed to be a psychological affiliation with the native culture, which manifested itself in culturally oriented behaviors -- many Vietnamese refugees in the United States celebrate Tet and many Igbos repatriate their children to Nigeria to avoid “contamination by their Cameroon peers” (p. 273). Thus, Kleis did find support for his position. humans;“xfiiiiaQornagmts "v 3W most of the work on acculturation attitudeshave been conducted by Berry and his colleagues (Berry, 1980; 1984; Berry et al., 1989). These researchers observed that migrants develop attitudes toward two important issues with which they are 19 confronted in the course of acculturation: (l) ‘EEiPQEiDBPBEIYSEBIWC and - thmt‘finm. .1 an“. (2) relating (999859919533, primarily the dominant host culture. Berry et al. (1989) developed a 399195119 _ShQWhQWWthQSELWQAIQthe domains W relate to the gag; modes of acculturation (Figure 6). Continuous scales may be used to measure responses to these two attitude questions, but dichotomous categories of “yes” and “no” are used to clarify our conceptual understanding. Referring to Figure 6, the combination of “yes” and “no” responses to each of the quesg’onsisindicafiue—of-eneis-acculturationtendengngmus, a “no” answer to question 1 and a “yes” answer to question 2 reflect an assimilation tendency, “yes” to both questions reflect an integration tendenc , a “ es” to uestion l and a “no” to uestion 2 reflect a se aration Y y q q P tendency, and “no” to both questions reflect a marginalization tendency. ISSUE 2 Is it considered "YES” to be of value to maintain relationsh’pe with other grorpe? INOI -> I ./ Issue 1 ,f , . at , Is it considered to be of -/ value to maintain native cultural identity and characteristics? "YES" 'NO" i i INTEGRATION ASSIMILATION SEPARATION MARGINALIZATION Admted from: Berry, J. W., Kim, U., Power, 8., Young, M., and Buiaki. M. (1989). Acculturation EIIEIIEIII'IB' attitudes in plural stuciee. ’ . 35(2), p.187. Figure 6. Four Modes of Acculturation Based on Attitudes toward (1) Native Cultural Maintenance and (2) Relating to the Host Culture. 20 Sommerlad and Berry’s (1970) study on Australian Aborigines sought answers for the questions similar to those posed in Berry et al.’s (1989) typology (Figure 6). The study was conducted to assess the impact of Australia’s policy shift from segregation to assimilation of the Aborigine population. Sommerlad and Berry (1970) found that the critical difference between preferences for the assimilation mode and the integration mode lay in the Aborigines’ self-perceptions as “Australians” or “Aborigines.” Host Culture Public Policy and AM A_._.‘—...._- In his study of Vietnamese refugees in the United States, Montero (r319) fitted outthatone--ofthe factorsconducivettheiLassimiladowas. V 01er1 _o__n_._V~i_etnameseresettle_rnc_;nt. Montero reasoned that any culture shock the Vietnamese were susceptible to (being from such a different culture) would be buffered by the American effort to accommodate them. However, while other researchers agWsitive reaction oL_ the host culture facilitates a migrant’s movemeMe host gulture, . they do not agree that the outcgrne is necessarily assimilatiom In fact, one 4-. has to look at the host culture’s reaction within a larger framework of tolerance, reflected in public policy and attitudes. According to Berry (1980), societies may show varying degrees of tolerance between two poles, “multiculturalism” and “uniculturalism.” ‘Eutmmjlmwsm” is conceptually different from “multiculturalism,” _tn that, the former mffigu to,_mefiflnmfimSWW whereas the latter refers to the ideology which underlies public policy and I- ”a...“ .._,.. “am- -umh.mv— w— . W—m - -2uI—«n—r- 21 Wgwfferences (Berry, 1980; Berry et al., 1977). Berry (1980) notes that: Societies which are culturally plural, but have been pursuing a unicultural goal, such as Australia and the U.S.A. have usually found some reorientation policy is required. For example, Australia has recently espoused multiculturalism as a public policy, and in the U.S. the fundamental work of Glazer and Moynihan (1963, 1975) has shown how the pursuit of the “melting pot” has not worked. In contrast, in societies which are culturally plural and have been pursuing a policy of multiculturalism (such as Canada) have achieved a closer match between their sociocultural and policy situations (pp. 70-71). Indeed, there is evidence to com. the relatiayslyr between... Mw-«hflfi '“ ' Canada’s efforts at promoting mnlticulturalism andtheaeeulturatien 'thrvw'l tendency towsinmgrgon. In Berry et al.'s (1977) study, the researchers found that about 80% of the descendants of Canada’s French settlers identified themselves as either “French-Canadian” or “Quebecois.” This situation appears to be unfolding in the U.S.A., where some ethnic minorities, such as African-Americans, have begun to reaffirrn their ethnic heritage. The case for integration as being the optimum mode is also strengthened by studies which have found that extremely high acculturation (assimilation) and extremely low acculturation (marginalization) are associated with psychopathological problems like stress, drug abuse, depression, and eating disorders (Lang et al., 1972; Torres-Matrullo, 1976; Szapocznik et al., 1978; Bumam et al., 1987a). 22 Acculturation Research Bias Surprisingly, even in light of findings indicating that the polar modes of assimilation and marginalization are psychologically disorienting to migrants, there an implicit bias seen in the positive value attached to assimilation. Wfiiyfihfim is unwittingly "Qategauhc ,. most "desirable" mode Wflgljflglimifiifld—mt for. For example, a :view of studies on ethnic identity by Brand et al. (1974) found a preference for identification with the dominant culture. A later study by Levine-Brand and Ruiz (1978) found that identification with the dominant group was actually lower than what the wmwfi _f literature had suggested apparently, much of the research that comprises the literature has been tainted wihexpenmenmf blag £1§Ll§abl§ W ,, ethnicity. Berry (1980) acknowledges the research bias problem with the following comment: ‘fliemet my much acculturation research has found assimilation to be the predominant mode may be due t9 the culture-bound nature of the researCh”( (p. 22). Nevegeless Post1 ghone (1983) notes that there has been a recent shift 1n focus from assimilation to integration. So, although it is true that acculturation rs a dynamic process and that permanently settled migrants eventually become more or less assimilated over time, traces of their native culture tend to $113131. This is particularly g true if there is a constant influx of migrang into an already plural society. W distinctiveness found in many plural societies today means that they are really ‘salad bowls’ __ rather than ‘melting pots.’ M7.”- n..1...-- qnwvv-‘m‘ 3"” ”I 23 Mass Media-Acculturation Research Perspectives Acculturation can only occur if there rs some fornrofcultural1 H1..- -—.___—______—.1o___..-v—— ——1._-——-—-l-‘-' contact - physical or symbolic, direct or 1nd1rect nntenpensonal or medistgi j/ In the case of mediated contact, the mass media play a potentially central role 1n the process. However, a review of the extensive acculturation . - M hterature reveals that there are relat1vely few mass medra-orrented studr More critically, there are even ewer studies that are anal 'c and ground N 1% mgststudres tend tobedescnptrye andthebtetrcally deficrent. Considering the state of acculturation research, as a whole, a review of the literature shows that there is very little cross-fertilization of ideas. As a result, the body of aeculmration researchappears somewhat diffuseand—rg/ disparate. This weakness is seen even in a few mass media-oriented studies. 11/ While affirmation of the importance of the mass media is a recurrent theme, the corrrrnonalty seems to end there. Presumably, the lack oftheoretical and analytical alZPWWted acculturation studies 4 makes synthesis of the findings difficult. Y. Y. Kim (1977a) observes: Although these studies provide considerable evidence regarding the positive contribution of communication to the general acculturation process, the findings are limited descriptions of overt communication behaviors. No systematic attempt has yet been made to provide a theoretical explanation for the communication behaviors. Such vital questions as why certain individuals display greater participation in the communication channels of the host society and how such participation affects the general acculturation process . . . have not been examined (p. 67). In the few mass media-acculturation works which exist, the main? theoretical perspectives used are: (a) general systems perspective, (b) uses and gratifications perspective, (c) construction-validation hypothesis, 24 (d) cultivation hypothesis, (e) institutional completeness theory, and (t) uncertainty reduction theory. fieneralSystemsPenspective C r Y. Y. Kim(l977a, 1979a, 1979b, 1982) proposed that ‘ 7 communication-acculturation can be understood from a general systems perspective. This perspective views communicabon-acculturation as comp ' 'ng four inter-connected systems: (1.).gfireprsbgflbonnnunication, (2).??? . rsonal communication, (3.)massrnedianbehWe- unication enmedment rthetnnmtusocialsystemfi... ,.._-——'-‘ . “The general systems perspective provides the broad r (W phenomen In fact, most, if not all, other approaches to communication-acculturation, may be cast , .- «+ £1 1"“; i I' CO within this grand framework For instance, the uses and gratifications perspective falls within the mass media behaviors sub-system and the institutional completeness theory falls within the communication environment sub-system. Unfortunately, as has been mentioned, there has been little cross-fertilization of these theoretical approaches and findings in mass media-acculturation research. Uses and Gratifications Perspective K — ”mm-“hum- ...—.,_._..._ . _-.» Whereas traditional media perspectives are primarily concerned with what the {media (10 t0 people, W gratifications perspective is maintygqncemedytn’th Wfiéfficbjlmii’i mafia; Thus, individuals are 25 Wye participantsMer ~man passive recijients, in the mass communication process. The uses and gratifications approach to media- Ivy acculturation focuses on the sabsfactronthatmrgrantsgtheceurse of their .1111.- _‘1—1—+.1__—~.—~.- acculturation, seek and derive from the mass mediJJXRyu, 1977; J. K. Kim et al., 1982). For example, Ryu (1977) studied the mass media consumption patterns of Korean immigrants in Los Angeles and found thatmedia consumption was a function of WWTWIW _ 1.“...— MHN— W ..._.—.— Nevertheless, some researchers have criticized the uses and gratifications approach to media studies. For instance, Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur (1989) argue: The uses and gratifications perspective has generated little more than lists of “reasons” (various kinds of self-identified “needs”) for which people claim that they select and attend to different categories of media content (c. g. news, books, television, plays, etc.) or lists of “satisfactions” (e. g., self-identified “gratifications’ ) that people say they Obtain fromattendingtmhemedra. The perspective does not provide much 1n the way of systematic explanation. Whether such self-identified factors are the reasons and satisfactions underlying dia attention remains an open question (pp. 187-8). Construction-Validation Hypothesis The construction-validation hypothesisposits that individuals are motivated by two kinds of need: (1) m'fiuéfijbazfiaw or the M —'\ @omaqu (2) validation recur the need to validate informationalreaM I. K. Kim et al. (1982) used this approach to study the communication behaviors of migrants. Specifically, they hypothesized that a migrant’s construction need would be highest in the earlier stages of acculturation and 26 the validation need would be highest in the later stages. The researchers failed to find support for this hypothesis, though they did observe that, over time, migrant’s use of mainstream (host) media increased while their use of ethnic media decreased. Although the researchers did not find any empirical support for their hypothesis, further use of this approach may be needed to assess its validity in media-acculturation research. Cultivation Hypothesis The cultivation hypothesis conceives of th mass media system as “cultivators” of a society’s dominant views and norms- The implication is f" f,— 11._..._ —_....,-—4—" 1—.1—..—..__ that the hi er an' ' ' ’8 lexel__ef wLaeonsmW rm~ k- her perceptions and accepted modes of behavior confonntowthosewm “cultiwtteglbyjhemediar' The cultivation hypothesis immediately appears applicable to the study of media-acculturation, but the only such investigation has been conducted by Choi and Tamborini (1988). Interested in the “acculturation potential of the host mass media,” these researchers looked at the relationship between flame We medfinfimin and their , 1; / 0&0“ and Wflfispgwfi the United States. The findings from this study did not support the 9E!§Xitl.99-hl’£9§l‘.§§ls~ However, as with the construction-validation hypothesis, further research may be needed to assess its usefulness in predicting media behaviors and effects in the context of acculturation. 27 Institutional Completeness Theory The institutional completeness theory, developed by Breton (1964), theorizes about the social organization of communities within which migrants make contact with the host culture. Specifically, Breton reasoned ‘th'atthe umberandstre - influence the ways in whichrm Myadmfitogitural chan g3. Inglis and Gudykunst (1982) applied this theory to the study of communication-acculturation, at the same time incorporating a related theory - the general systems perspective (Y. Y. Kim, 1979b). The general systems perspective conceptually links media availabllrty and -O 0‘ ”Hit . . ....- -.. -SShOllld communication-acculturation behaviors -- namely interpersonal communication and mass media use -- to the communication environment. Thus, Inglis and Gudykunst (1982) hypothesized that media availability and migrants’ communication befi’aViofi should be influenced by their TM“ @Miinsfimfiqnal annlsengw Comparing two Korean-settled communities, Chicago and Hartford (high and low, respectively, in institutional completeness), Inglis and Gudykunst (1982) found that the former had more ethnic media than the latter. The researchers also found that Chicago Koreans engaged in more Weation, while the Hartford Koreans engaged in more EW’ particularly with members of the host culture. In conclusion, it is clear that the institutional completeness theory is applicable to the study of media-acculturation because it allows researchers to examine the link between the macro and micro dynamics of the phenomenon. 28 Uncertainty Reduction Theory 4 Gudykunst and Hammer (1988) goWMadaptafion. ”—Hnw— —‘_ “MW ,o- ’J— in termso juncertainty reduction. The general assumption is that migrants, Mfl-w-w “\— in their encounters with the host culture, feel unsure about appropriate \ modes of behavior; this fean: 1s often accompanied by th feeling of a lack of security (i. e., anxiety). a"..- “- fl" / Gao and Gudykunst (1990) extended Gudykunst and Hammer’s (1988) work on the uncertainty reduetionfacculturationhghyiesting me 1 / EahilitLQf certam propositions, for example, the assumption that uncertainty reduction is necessary for adaptation. These researchers found that uncertainty redaction was indeed a necessary condition for adaptation. “U-,—“.1 _er-..-—.h— Furthermore, in discussing the implications of their findings, Gao and Gudykunst pointed to the mass media as a key souscegfihcculturatfir, ~p——u-"~M W) reduction pf . Host Mass Media vs. Ethnic Media in Acculturation Overall, mass media-acculturation research has provided empirical evidence that exposure to the mass media, especially the host mass media, 1133 a potent influence on the adaptation of migrants. Through exposure to the host mass media, migrants become re-soc1ahzed into a new sysme of values, attitudes, and behaviors which are characteristic of the host culture. ”W... .__.—'- u-.—-- r_“__n--.., --~ hum—fl" That 13 not to say that exposure to ethnic media has no place 1n the process: indeed, use of ethnic media may sometimes ease adaptation, particularly for recent migrants (Fitzpatrick, 1966; J. K. Kim, 1980; Kagan and Cohen, 1990). 29 However, there is stronger support for the notion that the host media are a more potent source in the process. High use of host mass media and low use of ethnic media are thought to catalyze a migrant’s movement toward the host culture such that there is a higher degree of learning about, participating in, and identifying with, the dominant culture (Spiro, 1955; Brunet, 1956; DeFleur and Cho, 1957; Weinstock, 1964; Graves, 1967; Richmond, 1967; Masuda et al., 1970; Goldlust and Richmond, 1974; Broom and Kitsuse, 1976; J. K. Kim , 1980; Ryu, 1980; Montgomery and Orozco, 1984; Yao, 1985). In support of the view that use of the host mass media increases migrants’ involvement in the host society, Y. Y. Kim (1988) asserts: 'lhe underlying assumption is that access to, exposure to, and use of the mass media of the dominant group influences etlmics and migrants in their processes of learning about and taking part in the dominant society (p. 63). The host mass media are often used as an indirect means of learning to temporarily avoid direct, and sometimes risky, contact with the host society. Since direct learning of the host culture (e.g., through interpersonal communication) may be a trying experience, especially when a foreign language is involved, migrants tend to opt for the host mass media, which offer the path of least resistance (O'Guinn et al., 1986). d Other researchers are in concurrence with this idea, for example, Ryu (1977) and Choi and Tamborini (1988), the latter noting that the host mass media are a “safe window” to the host society and culture. In sum, one may conclude that the mass media serve to facilitate the ability of migrants to absorb some of the initial shock associated with being in a new culture. 30 Television Advertising and Acculturation f ' ' On the role of mass media/advertising iii acculturation, the literature reveals that there has been limited research activity. Other than academic parlance, very little has been done to investigate the possibilities. Rose (1992) discussed theadvernmg-acculturatiOn iii; but her research was __.__ ———-—-—_———n.____,_ primarily from the marketing perspective rather than from the audience's point of view. Why focus on the role of the television advertising in acculturation from the perspective of the audience? There are several good reasons for this investigation. First, several scholars have pointed to television as a potent source in the process (Ryu, 1977; O’Guinn et al., 1986; Subervi- Velez, 1986). For instance, Ryu (1977), found that for migrants who lack “—‘-‘~—-~ .1 -ww... “Mam .-—-' "mu—.— 4... - ...-..— Ka.....-- ‘ Wmfim ‘-——.—.._ ~ Given that information refers to' any message, document or cultural symbol [italics mine] " (Metoyer-Duran, 1991, p. 319), then we can understand why migrants often rely on the information-rich television medium to facilitate their acculturation. Moreover, the combination of audio and visual effects in television gives it a high sensory appeal which many migrants find conducive to observational learning (O’Guinn et al., 1986). 9 Finally, the acculturative role of television advertising is relatively unexplored research topic. Culturally relevant information is disseminated not only through regular television programming, but also through advertising -- a highly pervasive form of communication which has become a regular part of the American television viewing experience. 31 Advertising academicians and practitioners alike have asserted that advertising promotes more than just consumerism, that it also promotes the cultural mores of the society in which it is embedded (Unwin, 1974; Pollay, 1983; Wernick, 1991). Unwin (1974), for instance, claims that “advertising manifests the cultural values of the society in which it circulates” (p. 24). As to why the culture-transmission role of advertising should be central to the study of television advertising and acculturation, Pollay (1983) offers the strongest support: There is good reason to pay particular close attention to advertising as a carrier of cultural values. Unlike other institutions, advertising is the only institution that plays a major role in the mass media, thereby giving it far more universal influence (p. 73). One of the few works that examined the role of advertising in acculturation from the audience’s perspective was conducted in 1969 by Nagata. This researcher considered advertising to be, on an a priori basis, “an acculturational institution in ethnic life” (p. 204). Nagata examined the communication behaviors of three generational levels of Japanese- Americans (first, second, and third) and although advertising was just one of several communication variables addressed in his study, some enlightening results emerged. The finding most relevant to this present study is that, over time, migrants not only become more acculturated toward the host culture, but also become more critical of advertising. It is may be true that advertising, like other media fare, tends to have a narcotizing effect over time, but one could look at the converse of Nagata’s finding -- host media advertising for acculturation purposes may be more accepted and perhaps even more salient to migrants in the earliest phases of acculturation. Indeed, this reasoning is consistent with the findings on 32 general mass media behaviors in acculturation and underlines one of the hypotheses in this study. Media System Dependency Theory For this investigation, the role of television advertising in acculturation is examined within a Media System Dependency (MSD) framework. The MSD theory was chosen primarily because of its potential to explain mass media behaviors and effects driaugh analyzingthe .v'u-A—Im-n; _hgsLmassmedia.~As has been discussed, previous studies have looked at dependency relationships we commonly ohserve _betweenmi grants and the host media use, but very few have explained the specific nature of such use. Through the MSD approach, the present study seeks explanations as to why migrants use the host culture’s television and its advertising, and to what effect. Ball-Rokeach first presented a formulation of the MSD theory in a 1976 article entitled, “The Information Perspective.” In this article, Ball-Rokeach conceptualized the totality of mass media forms as an information system Individuals needing to fulfill personal goals often seek access to the prized resources controlled by the media. These prized resources derive from activities involving the gathering/creating, processing, and dissemination of information. Thus, the media’s potential power becomes manifest when individuals develop dependency relations with it. Ball-Rokeach (1976) defined depehdency as “ a relationship inwwhirh the—m jafisfacfion ofgseds 059.19 attaiyment gisaalshxgae BEEM‘BEEE upon the resources of another party” (p. 6). 33 This notion of dependency 1s based on Emerson s (1962) exchange _ H’- x—v—IA‘H _eggyj which posits that power resides not in entities per se, but 1n the situation that results from one entity needing access to the resources controlled by another. Power-dependence is therefore a relational pheWapplies well to mass media studies. In power relation terms, there is no doubt that, compared to other social entities, the mass media have leverage in the mass communication process; this is certainly true in the cultural framing (processing) and dissemination of messages including advertisements. Such imbalance could lead to asymmenical power relationships (whereas greater balance could lead to more symmetrical power relationships). This conceptualization of power-based relationships provides the broadest framework within which individual mass media dependencies are examined. As to whether the mass media, admittedly an immense institutionalized force, have strong effects on individuals, the MSD theory takes an alternative to the classical approach. The MSD approach eschews the old debate of “media strong/media weak” effects by focusing instead on the dependency relations which individuals develop with the mass media. The key to understanding, and even predicting, media effects is to consider the intensity of individual media dependency relatioas. Indeed, it has been demonstrated that the intensity of people’s dependency relations with the media can predict the degree of media message effect. “The Great American Values Test,” an elaborate experiment conducted by Ball Rokeach et al. (1984), found that people’s beliefs and behaviors could be affected by an intensification of their television dependency. The dependency relations which individuals develop with the mass \/ media are rooted 1n three fundamental human motivation goals. / "MH fif—v—g _— Aw #- 34 (a) understanding, (b) orientation, and (c) play. Each type of goal may be seen as having two levels: self and social. Thus, understanding may be self or social, orientation may be action or interaction, and play may be solitary or social (Figure 7). UNDERSTANDING ORIENTATION PLAY Self Understanding Action Orientation Solitary Play e.g., learning about e.g.. deciding what to buy, an. relaxing when oneself and growing as how to dress, or how to stay alone or having SELF a person slim something to do by oneself Social Understanding Interaction Orientation Social Play e.g., knowing about and e.g.. getting hints on how to e.g.. going to a movie or interpreting the world or hande new or difficult listening to music with SOClAL community situations family or friends Source: Ball-Rokeach, S. J. (1989). Mediaeyetem dependency theory In DeFleur, M. and Ball- Rokeach S (Edam) WWII-P Figure 7. Typology of Individual Media System Dependency Relations. (The 1 ' ' ’vidual media dependencies varies accordin differences in (1) personal goals, (2) the personal and social environments, (3) expectations with regard to the potential utility of the specific media content under consideration, and (4) case of access to that content (Ball- Rokeach, 1989). W Variations in personal goals are usually the result of social and environmental changes. Changes which cause ambiguity are likely to 35 increase the intensity of people’s media dependency (Ball-Rokeach anal DeFleur, 1976 . bfg’iiigisthe inability to define a situation or resolve’a ' problem due to insufficient information in situations such as environmental disasters. In these types of situations, the need for understanding and orientation becomes most important to affected individuals. In a study of the 1980 Mount St. Helen’s volcano eruption, (Hirschburg et al., 1987) found that individuals’ information-seeking activities and media dependencies became intensified during the crisis. In the context of acculturation, conditions of media dependency are likely to bear similarities to those found in the Mount St. Helen’s study. Newcomers to a new society are apt toexperience some amount of Wgarding the new sogigwd cultural envirODWus, the \.____,____.._.._ 1 *---""‘ y'mWfi " Wmding and int‘aLer fioygnpyyfimimpficatedand host media dependencies are likely to be high. Ball-Rokeach notes that: Social understanding dependencies develop when individuals utilize media information resources to comprehend and interpret peeple, cultures [italics mine] and events of the present, past, or future (p. 306). Similarly, interaction orientation dependency refers to the migrant’s reliance on the media to learn appropriate communication behaviors with other members of the social and cultural environment. The relationship between ambiguity and media dependency in the acculturation process is °°E§i§£§EL with Gudykunst and Hammer’s (1988) study which links uncertainty and anxiety reduction tathe communication _._ hellayimsnfmigtants. Gudykunst and Hammer reasoned that migrants experience uncertainty and anxiety about the new culture they find a. 36 themselves in. Like ambiguity, uncertainty results from insufficient information to define a situation or resolve a problem. Gao and Gudykunst (1990) suggest that for migr_an_tsWuncertai_r_1ty_ and anxiety may be reduced Fig... . through use of information sources such as the mass media. KM”... _“fin‘w- ._._.._. _.__——- ""‘— ‘fl "— ._..-.—— The MSD theory 15 therefore an" appropriate framework for investigating the role of the mass media 1n acculturation. With this approach, not only can the researcher identify and determine the conditions and intensity of migrants’ television dependency relations, but the researcher may also be able to predict the use of specific television content, in this case, advertising. It should be explained here that casual or incidental observation (as opposed to active selection) of advertising content is assumed to be the primary mode of exposure. This assumption is based on what is known about people’s television viewing habits in general. Few people are likely to actively seek out advertisements per se; instead, it is more likely that they experience initially heuristic exposure to television advertisements which then may or may not activate or fulfill their information dependency needs. As Ball-Rokeach (1974) points out: "audience information dependencies may be witting or unwitting. They may be met (or) raised . . . by conventional news, public affairs, advertising [italics mine], or entertainment media formats" (p. 3). So, to the extent that advertising is able to activate or meet migrants’ acculturation-related dependencies may be the extent to which it has effects on these individuals. This process of exposure and effects is presented in Figure 8. 37 ESTABUSHED TV DEPENDENCY REIATIONS STEP 1 ¢ CASUAL OBSERVATION Incidental exposure to TV edvertieing l Dependency ecfivefed or No activation of dependency thong expoeure expoetue ends 9 .T... l The greater the INTENSITY of the dependency, the greater the degree of COGNITIVE aid AFFECTWE AROUSAL STEP 3 $ The greater the AROUSAL. the greater the INVOLVEMENT IN INFOMATION PROCESSING STEP 4 $ The greater the INVOLVEMENT . the greater the probabiity of COGNITIVE. AFFEC'IWE. and BEHAVIORAL EFFECTS Adapted from Ball-Rokeach. S. J. (1999). In DeFleur. M. and Ball-Rokeach. S. (Eda). WW 9. 312- Figure 8. The Procem of Television Advertising Exposure and Effects. 38 Step 1 A migrant’s television dependency is first established; he or she then casually observes television advertising (usually during regular program viewing). e Step 2 If the advertising message does not activate the migrant’s dependency, exposure is terminated (may be through remote control zapping). If, however, the advertising does activate the dependency, then the degree of established dependency, that is, mealtfluy of the Wfiw andwaffective arousal. Step 3 The greeier__thi§.stimn1at_ion.thegrgagegtrre mi grantt’sinvolvement in information processing. Step 4 Frnally, the higher the level of involvement in information processing, the higher the probability that the advertising message will have some cognitive, affective, and/or behavioral effects. CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Predictor Variables Concerning the mass media behaviors of migrants, the literature points to several variables which could engender dependency relations with host television for achieving acculturafiWsition into, or movement toward, the host society. This study focuses on four key factors: (a) cultural proximity, (b) acculturation motivation (toward the host culture), (c) length of residence, and (d) alternative information sources. Cultural Proximity Qllmral proximity (a part of ethnicity earlier discussea) refers to‘the -..4......_h_._.._ ~ extent to which a migrant’s cultural attributes {familiarity with hast culture, ”F languagiSliillagttisadssabsliéwalmfifcsmlcaa . -- approximate those of the host society. Y. Y. Kim (1988) considers this variable to be "one of the most important faatars of acculturation potential" (p. 387). It is generally believed that the closer a migrant’s pre-migration cultural attributes are to those of the host culture, the more rapid and less 39 4O difficult adaptation is. For example, Weinstock’s (1964) study on factors retarding or accelerating acculturation in Canada revealed that “immigrants whose mother tongue was English clearly had a substantial advantage . . . as far as adaptation to life in Canada was concerned” (p. 210). Similarly, Khoa and Van Deusen (1981) found that Hmong immigrants to the United States often experience difficulty in adjusting due to the large cultural gap. A higher degree of cultural proximity is also thought to facilitate acculturation because there should be less uncertainty and anxiety about the host culture (Gudykunst and Hammer, 1988). The importance of lookin g at cultural proximity as an acculturation factor is further supported by the findings of a number of studies: Burnam et al. (1987a); Furnham and Bochner (1982); Gao and Gudykunst (1990); Glaser (1979); Kim, J. K. (1980); Kim, Y. Y. (1982, 1988); Mavreas et al. (1989); Olmedo (1979); Porter (1972); Stewart (1966); Weinstock (1964); and Wong-Rieger and Quintana (1987). In terms of mass media behaviors, to the extent that migrants are culturally proximal to the host culture may be the extent to which they have less of a need to rely on the host mass media for acculturative understanding and orientation. Acculturation Motivation (toward the Host Culture) It was noted earlier that attitudes may detenniW acculturation tendencies. Migrants may either move toward or away from the host culture, but, in general, theyw tend to move toward it_ (Murray and Kluckhohn, 1953). For some migrants, the tendency toward the host culture 41 may actually be a motivational goal, rooted in their acculturation attitudes. Some researchers, such as Taylor and Simard (1975), have noticed a correlation between the motivation to become part of or even identify with the dominant society determines the extent to which migrants actually participate in its communication channels. W Weinstock (1964) emphasizes that because acculturation is a dynamic process, time is obviously a pertinent factor. Other researchers have noted a positive relationship between length of residence and the acculturation tendency toward the host culture (Garcia and Lega, 1979; Lang et al., 1982; Padilla, 1980; Sodowsky and Plake, 1992; Szapocznik et al., 1978). In his multivariate model of immigrant adaptation, Goldlust and Richmond (1974) found that length of residence exerted the strongest influence on acculturation-related outcomes. However, where media behaviors are concerned, time apparently has a unique effect. While research has demonstrated that use of the host media tends to increase over time, use for acculturative purposes tends to wane. Thus, as Y. Y. Kim (1988) notes, host media use is actually more intense in the earliest phases of acculturation (Y. Y. Kim ,1988). It is logical to assume the same for media content, such as advertising. This assumption is supported by Nagata’s (1969) study, which suggests that migrants find advertising more salient in earlier phases of acculturation. There may therefore be an inverse relationship between migrants’ length of residence 42 and their dependence on television and its advertising for acculturative understanding and orientation. Alternative Information Sources Besides the host mass media, other information sources may be functional in helping migrants to WGarcia and Lega, 1979; Inglis and Gudykunst, 1982; Marin et al., 1987; Gudykunst and Hammer, 1988). These alternative sources include ethnic media, ethnic networks, and host culture networks. Ethnic medialreferxtg newspapers, magazines, radio, television, while ‘networks’ -- ethnic or host - refer to a rrrigrant’s relationships with people such as on the job, through social contact, etc. Although the host mass media system is a potent source of acculturation, the strength of these other information sources should not be totally discounted. In terms of ethnic sources, that is, both media and networks, many migrants have access to them, especially in communities with a sizable foreign-born population. Ethnic media and ethnic networks may provide migrants with acculturation-related information on the host culture. These sources act as “interpreters of a host culture,” particularly for newcomers (J. K. Kim 1980, p. 160). Nevertheless, several researchers believe that over-dependence on ethnic sources well into advanced stages of settlement “retards” acculturation because it limits the range of interaction with the host society. Unfortunately, this point of view seems to biaswa imply that strong 43 adherence to one’s native culture and limited interaction with the host culture, that is, separation, is a dysfunctional mode of acculturation. Host culture networks allow for migrant-host communication interaction. While some migrants, particularly new arrivals, may avoid this direct contact with the host culture (O'Guinn et al., 1986; Ryu, 1977; Choi and Tamborini, 1988), others may be more at ease or more motivated to experience it in this way. In summary, alternative information sources may not necessarily replace the host mass media, rather, these alternative sources provide vital cultural information and a migrant's use of them may attenuate the intensity of his or her dependence on the host media. Hypotheses and Path Model Based on the theoretical reasoning in preceding chapters, five hypotheses are derived and illustrated in a path model (Figure 8). This model consists of two stages of causation and is recursive, that is, causation is uni-directional. In the first stage, four exogenous (independent) variables are identified: cultural proximity (CPROX, x1), acculturation motivation toward the host culture (ACCMOT, xz), length of residence (RES, X3), and alternative information sources (ALTSO, X4), and one endogenous (dependent) variable, host culture dependency (HTVD, y 1). In the second stage, host culture‘dependency becomes an intervening variable acting upon the endogenous variable, host culture advertising acculturation (HTVAA, 3'2)- .5295 .822 5mm .m use”. s L ‘ -.\ :8 0.9.2 45 The specific hypotheses are: H1: I1‘ 110‘ 1.11.. - 1.11.-__=_11'4111' 01‘ o 1-1‘ -1‘ o-ir'u-i 1‘1 1'. 11‘0110 “H 0 10‘s-a._1_0-1' Independent Variable: cultural proximity (CPROX, x1) Dependent Variable: host television dependency (HTVD, yl) ’ 1112111 1111 110 0.11171 Hz: I1'1°1‘ 1 11:11-1 1, ‘ .1'1101‘1‘11‘11‘ 1‘ r 1‘ i 11‘ 0110 ."'1010 1 l' l . . . Independent Variable: acculturation motivation (ACCMOT, xz) Dependent Variable: host television dependency (HTVD, yl) 1‘01'11'1 1‘1 1‘. 110110 :71011 Awning-Lu Independent Variable: length of residence (RES, X3) Dependent Variable: host television dependency (HTVD, yl) Independent Variable: alternative information sources (ALTSO, X4) Dependent Variable: host television dependency (HTVD, y1) . ‘l 0,!1' “l! l' 0 1 ,.l_-e! 'J" -11! 1‘11" '!.c.|0_!. Independent Variable: host television dependency (HTVD, yl) Dependent Variable: host television advertising acculturation (HTVAA, Y2) The theoretical justification for H5 is found in the earlier-presented diagram of television advertising exposure and effects (Figure 7). This diagram illustrates how television advertising exposure and effects may be determined by one’s established television dependency. Summarizing the hypotheses, a migrant’s host culture dependency is hypothesized to be a function of his or her cultural proximity, acculturation motivation toward the host culture, alternative information sources, and length of residence. Consequently, the extent to which a migrant is dependent on host culture dependency should determine the extent to which he or she finds its advertising useful for acculturation purposes. To test the proposed model and hypotheses, path analysis will be applied. This approach is justified on several grounds. The study’s hypotheses are formulated in terms of a structural equation model positing certain causal relationships between variables. This kind of postulation lends itself to path analysis techniques. Although causal inferencing is particularly difficult in non- experimental, cross-sectional research, path modeling and analysis are redemptive for this type of research. This is so because, for the path method to be validly applied, theoretical formulations, causal links, and assumptions must be explicitly stated. As a result, the researcher is able to empirically 47 test the tenability of a proposed model and its hypothesized relationships (Kerlinger and Pedhazur, 1973; Smith and Murray, 1978). Path analysis utilizes conventional regression techniques, but since path models represent causal links in a system and not just empirical associations, the analysis must go beyond regression (Joreskog and Sorbom, 1989). In addition, there are several important assumptions underlying the application of path analysis methods for the kind of model specified in this study (Kerlinger and Pedhazur, 1973): 0 relationships between the variables are linear, additive and causal. - residuals are uncorrelated among themselves; this implies that all relevant variables are included in the model. - causal flow is uni-directional causal. . variables are measured on an interval scale. For this path model, the linear regression equations for the relationships in the model will be solved in a stepwise manner to yield estimates of the effects (path coefficients) of the independent variables on the dependent variables. These coefficients do not necessarily indicate causality, but they do suggest whether or not the data fit the hypothesized model. 48 Operational Def'mition of Variables x1 = CPROX = cultural proximity The extent to which a migrant is culturally proximal to the host culture before migration to the host society. x; = ACCMOT = acculturation motivation (toward the host culture The extent to which a migrant is inclined to relate to and identify with the dominant host culture; this may be thought of as the degree of ‘host culturalism.’ X3 = RES = length of residence X4 = ALTSO = alternative information sources The extent to which sources other than host mass media (ethnic media, ethnic networks, and host culture networks) contribute to a mi grant's fulfillment of understanding and orientation acculturation goals. y; = HTVD = host culture dependency The extent to which a migrant's understanding and orientation motivation goals are contingent upon the information disseminated by host television. For the purposes of the study, the definition of host television is limited to conventional broadcast programming and excludes non-host programming available through VCR’s, cable, and satellites. y; = HTVAA = host culture advertising acculturation The extent to which a migrant finds host television advertising useful for acculturative understanding and orientation. 49 Measurement of Variables x1 = CPROX = cultural proximity Most studies tend to look only at the group level, but, as Sodowsky et a1. (1991) suggest, individual differences also need to be considered "to avoid overgeneralization and possible stereotyping" (p. 196). This dual approach is also supported by Atkinson (1983); Casa (1985); Kim, Y. Y., (1988); Sue (1983); and, Sue and Zane (1987). Olltural proximity may therefore be measured in two ways: W: the extent to which a migrant's native culture is similar to that of the host culture. MW: the extent to which a migrant himself or herself was familiar with the host culture before migration. Therefore, W In this study, group cultural proximity will be measured using Stephan and Stephan’s (1985) three-item index. This index determines how similar migrants themselves perceive their native culture to be with the dominant American culture in terms of customs (food, dress, general lifestyle), beliefs and attitudes, and people’s personality traits. Used in Gao and Gudykunst’s (1990) study, the scale yielded an alpha reliability score of 0.77. The items in this scale are questions 6-8: SO I would like you to think of the différences and similarities between your native culture and the AMERICAN culture. On a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning extremely different from the American culture and 5 meaning extremely similar to the American culture, overall how would you rate your native culture in terms of... 6. ...CUSTOMS? l 2 3 4 5 7. ...BELIEFS and A'I'ITI'UDES? l 2 3 4 5 8. ...PEOPLE’S PERSONALITY TRAITS? l 2 3 4 5 For individual cultural proximity, respondents will be asked to indicate how much they knew about American culture prior to arrival in the United States. This will be measured by question 9 in the questionnaire. The total cultural proximity index will be created by summing the group cultural proximity and individual cultural proximity scores. fiefore leaving your native country to live in the United States, how familiar were you with the American culture on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning extremely unfamiliar and 5 meaning extremely familiar? l 2 3 4 5 x; = ACCMOT = acculturation motivation (toward the host culture) A five-point scaled question, derived from Berry’s (1989) typology of acculturation attitudes (refer to Figure 6), will be used to measure this variable: . HovTimportant is it to you to become part of the dominant American culture. Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning least importance and 5 meaning most importance? 1 2 3 4 5 51 X3 = RES = length of residence Respondents will be asked how long have spent living in the United States. For coding and analysis, months will be converted to fractions of a year. . Iiow longdtave you been living in the United States? yrs. mos. x4 = ALTSO = alternative information sources This variable will be measured by three questions (15-17) asking respondents the extent to which they rely on ethnic media, ethnic networks, and host culture networks to learn about the American culture. Fl'filow much do you rely on people of your own cultural background in the United States to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 16. How much do you rely on your personal contact with Americans to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 17. How much do you rely on your own ethnic media in the United States to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 52 y] = HTVD = host culture dependency This variable will be measured using the individual media dependency relations scale. The original scale appears in Ball-Rokeach et al.’s “The Great American Values Test” (1984). The latest scale has been expanded to 18 items, with 3 items for each of the two levels of understanding, orientation, and play; that is, for self and social understanding, action and interaction orientation, and solitary and social play. This scale was used by Ball-Rokeach and Grant (1990) and yielded a high reliability (Cronbach’s or = 0.82). (Currently, the Media System Dependency Research Group at the University of Southern California is conducting field tests on the scale). For the purposes of this study's telephone survey, the scale will be shortened so that there will be 1 item, instead of 3 items, for each of the two levels of understanding, orientation, and play. Thus, the modified scale will consist of 6 items seen in questions 19-24. These questions address the extent to which respondents' understanding and orientation goals are contingent upon information from television. The play dimension is included for consistency and also for comparison with the other two dimensions in the data analysis. However, since the hypotheses pertain only to the understanding and orientation dimensions of host television dependency, the index will be based on the summation of scores on items related to these two dimensions. The MSD scale is constructed of questions concerning the extent to which viewers find television useful for fulfilling specific types of goals; this improves upon simple questions (such as time 53 spent watching television) which alone do not adequately measure the dependency construct and the degree of intensity. Now, I would like you to think about AMERICAN television. For each of the following statements I am going to read to you, please tell me how helpful American TV is on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning not very helpful and 5 meaning very helpful. In your daily life, how helpful is American TV to you for... : l9. ...keeping up with what is happening in your community and the United States? (understanding - social) 1 2 3 4 5 20. ...observing how others cope with problems or situations that may be similar to yours? (understanding - self) 1 2 3 4 5 21. ...entertaining family and friends? (play - social) 1 2 3 4 5 22. ...relaxing when you are by yourself? (play - solitary) 1 2 3 4 5 23. ...discovering better ways to communicate with others? (orientation - interaction) 1 2 3 4 5 24. ...figuring out what to buy or where to go for services and activities? (orientation - action) 1 2 3 4 5 y; = HTV AA = host culture advertising acculturation This variable will be measured by questions 26-30 which ask respondents about the extent to which they pay attention to the cultural elements in American television advertisements, and the 54 extent to which these advertisements contribute to their acculturative understanding and orientation. An index of host television advertising acculturation will be created by aggregating individual item scores. Now, I would like you to think about all the types ol'advertisements on AMERICAN TV -- for programs, products, services, and events. 26. How much attention do you pay to the cultural elements in American TV ads -- things such as the language, values, attitudes, lifestyle, fashions, etc.? Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning the least attention and 5 meaning the most attention. 1 2 3 4 5 I am going to read some statements to you. Please tell me how much you agree or disagree with each of them using a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning strongly disagree and 5 meaning strongly agree. The American television ads you watch help you to... 27. ...evaluate your own attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors (understanding - sell) 1 2 3 4 5 28. ...understand Americans and the American culture (understanding - social) 1 2 3 4 5 29. ...decide what to buy, where to go, and what to do (orientation - action) 1 2 3 4 5 30. ...better communicate with others outside of your own cultural group (orientation - interaction) 1 2 3 4 5 55 Research Design A telephone survey will be designed to test the study's hypotheses. The telephone method is chosen over other methods of data collection for several reasons. Overall, compared to face-to-face and mail survey methods, the telephone survey method achieves the best balance between the strengths and weaknesses of data collection techniques (Dillman, 1978). The telephone method is deemed most feasible, especially in terms of cost and speed of data turnaround. It is also thought to be the most appropriate method for dealing with migrants who would not be comfortable with direct face-to-face- contact with an interviewer. The telephone survey allows for anonymity, but the personal touch (which may help to increase the response rate) is never completely lost. In this way, the telephone acts as a mediator in the true sense of the word. The use of the cross-sectional survey approach instead of the longitudinal approach is also justified on several grounds. Longitudinal studies are considered ideal for observing acculturative changes in cohort subjects over time. On the other hand, with a cross-sectional approach, there are more hurdles to overcome, mainly the problem of causal inferencing (Burnam et al., 1987b). This does not mean that causation cannot be inferred in cross-sectional studies. On the contrary, the large number of acculturation studies, from which several conclusive results emerged, were based on cross-sectional designs. The cross-sectional approach does offer some advantages over the longitudinal approach: it is less demanding of scarce research resources and more likely to yield higher and faster response rates . Moreover, with a cross-sectional study design, it is possible to examine time-related S6 differences, such as length of residence, “beyond the time span feasible for a longitudinal survey” (Goldlust and Richmond, 1974). Survey Population and Sample As was mentioned earlier, 8% of the U.S. population is foreign-born. A regional comparison shows that the West -- comprising Mountain and Pacific states -— has the highest proportion of non-native individuals, with the majority (91%) of them living in the Pacific states of Alaska, California, Hawaii, Oregon and Washington. The regions and their respective proportions of foreign-born persons are: Northeast (New England, Mid- Atlantic), 10.3%; Midwest (East and West North Central), 3.6%; South (South Atlantic, East and West South Central), 5.4%; West (Mountain, Pacific), 14.8%. Irnrrrigration is also highest for the Pacific states. Given the predominance of the Pacific in terms of its composition and influx of migrants, this study’s sample will be comprised of migrants from several cultural origins living in a Pacific state -- Oregon. The precise sample area will be Eugene-Springfield, an incorporated city. With a combined population of 157, 352, Eugene-Springfield is the second-largest city in Oregon. For migrants, Eugene-Springfield has become an attractive gateway to the U.S.A. and for the past decade, their numbers have steadily increased. Between 1980 and 1985, there were 700 foreign-born individuals in Eugene-Springfield; between 1985 and 1990, this number had risen to 2,740, an increase of nearly 300%. _ Currently, 4.4% of Eugene-Springfield’s total population is foreign- bom, with the majority (3.0%) being Asian (U .8. Bureau of the Census, S7 1990). While it is difficult to determine the exact number of nations represented by the city’s foreign-born community, it may be estimated at 80. This estimated figure is based on U.S. Census Bureau reports, foreign student enrollment at the University of Oregon, and personal conversations with community members. In sampling terminology, nrigrants and such minority groups are ‘special populations’; thus, less conventional sampling methods can be used to ensure a fair degree of representation (Rossi et al., 1983). Complete and reliable sampling frames for all of Eugene-Springfield’s foreign-born population are limited, so a combination of methods will be used. First, the Eugene-Springfield telephone directory will be used to randomly select prospective respondents based on foreign names. Also, network sampling of the foreign-born community will be done through local cultural organizations. Although some migrants may be located through these methods, to yield a larger sample size, it will be necessary to seek out international students at the University of Oregon. A list of these students enrolled for the summer will therefore be used in conjunction with the aforementioned sampling methods. CHAPTER 4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The telephone interviews were conducted over a two-week period, from June 28 to July 12, on a final sample of 120 respondents, aged 18 and older, from 50 countries. Because of the composition of Eugene’s foreign- bom population, the majority of survey respondents were from Asia. The respondents were interviewed in English, because the large majority of them said they were proficient enough to communicate in this language. Considering the number of calling attempts and the actual number of respondents who consented to and completed the interview, the response completion rate was about 90%. The telephone method was clearly advantageous for dealing with migrants. This approach eliminated the face-to-face encounter which can sometimes be intimidating to those who are still uncomfortable with direct, interpersonal contact with the host culture. Also, once engaged in a telephone conversation, migrants tended to becorrre more at ease and more inclined to complete the seven-minute interview. The study’s findings are presented in five parts. First, general demographic and cultural characteristics of the survey respondents are presented. Second, some notable television viewing behaviors are highlighted. Third, the path model is analyzed and the results are related to 58 59 the hypotheses. Fourth, confirmatory factor analysis is used to confirm the appropriateness of the predictor variables specified. Finally, the findings and their implications are discussed. General Demographic and Cultural Characteristics Basic statistical methods were first used to analyze the data. Also, to determine whether or not there were significant differences in the population for any given variable, a series of two-tailed T-tests were done. For this purpose, the population was divided into paired groups on the basis of gender, age (34 years and younger vs. 35 years and older), immigration status (temporary vs. permanent migrants), and education (some college or less versus college graduate or higher). The means for each paired group were then tested for significant differences. As mentioned before, a total of 120 individuals (67 males, 53 females) were interviewed. These respondents were native speakers of 40 languages from 50 countries. Table 1 shows the demographic profile of the survey sample. In terms of immigration status, a large majority (60.8%) of the respondents were international students and 32.5% were either permanent residents or citizens. Of the remaining 6.7% whose immigration status was classified as “other,” 4.2% specified that they were spouses of international students and 2.5% said they were temporary residents seeking permanent residence. Length of residence in the United States ranged from 8 months to 41 years, with the average being 6.8 years. About 69% of the respondents gave their current occupation as students (this figure includes international as well as permanent resident/citizen students); 18.3% were professional, 8.3% were homemakers and 4.2% were manual laborers. 60 Overall, the level of education of the respondents was very high. About 43% of them had either earned a postgraduate degree or were engaged in postgraduate work, 15% had earned a bachelor’s degree, and 34.2 % had been or were still enrolled in college. Only 7.5% said that the highest level of education achieved was a high school diploma or less. The most common reason for coming to the United States was education as indicated by 70% of the respondents (of this 70%, 10.8% were permanent residents and citizens). The second most common reason for migration was family ties (19.2%). For 7.5% of the respondents, economic opportunity was the main attraction to settling in the United States. Three respondents migrated to escape war and political strife in their native countries and one respondent said that “visit” was his or her initial reason for coming to the United States. Although English was a foreign language for about 90% of the respondents, the overall level of proficiency, determined through self- reports, was fairly high (Table A-3). Out of a maximum score of 15 points for English conversational, reading, and writing skills (each measured on a five-point scale), respondents averaged 10.6. This high level can perhaps be attributed to the fact that the majority of respondents were students for whom English proficiency was an educational requirement. 61 Table 1 Demographic Profile of Survey Sample of Resldence S1 >1 but $2 >2 but S3 >3 but .<.4 >4 but 55 >5 but S10 >10 but 515 >15 but 520 >20 Homemaker laborer Educatlon Bachelor's School Reason for Education Fam ic 62 The degree of cultural proximity was moderate among the respondents overall. Out of a summative maximum score of 20, the average was 9.7. On the individual cultural proximity measure (pre-migration familiarity with the American culture), the average was 2.6 out of a maximum of 5, while on the group cultural proximity measure (similarity of native culture to host culture), the average score was 7.1 out of a maximum of 15. Foreigners found greater cross-cultural differences in customs, beliefs, and attitudes than in people’s personality traits (Table A-4). Not surprisingly, exposure to the American mass media proved to be the dominant source of pre-migration cultural learning for individuals: a sizable majority (about 66%) of all respondents said that their knowledge of the American culture, no matter how limited, was based “a lot” on what they had seen in American television shows, movies, magazines, etc. In fact, the American mass media were a far more common source of pre-migration cultural learning than education and personal contact with Americans (Table A-6). Acculturation motivation, or the desire to relate to and become part of the dominant American culture, averaged 3.5 out of 5 compared to the desire to adhere to one’s native culture (nativism), which averaged 4.1 out of 5. Although (Portes, 1978) found that permanent immigrants were more motivated than soj ourners (such as international students) to move toward the host culture, this study found no significant difference between these two types of migrants. However, the T-tests did reveal there was a significant difference in nativism (one’s desire to maintain native cultural identity) between permanent immigrants and international students (p < 0.05). Besides immigration status, age also made a significant difference in 63 nativism: respondents 34 years and younger were more nativistic than those 35 years and older (p < 0.001) (see also Table A-7). Television Viewing Behaviors As Table 2 below shows, more than one-half of the respondents reported spending 2 hours or less per day watching television. Twenty-two respondents said they spent less than 1 hour per day engaged in this activity and 2 people said they spent 10 or more hours per day. Table 2 Time Spent Watching Television A _a 1 2 3 4 5 6 8 0+ —5 The dependency of respondents on American television for understanding and orientation was measured by four factors, each on a five- point scale: the extent to which they relied on the medium for (l) keeping up with local and national news events (DTVNEWS); (2) observing how others 64 deal with problems/situations similar to theirs (DTVPROBS); (3) discovering better ways to communicate (DTVCOMM); and (4) figuring what to buy/where to go (DTVBUY). In addition to measuring respondents’ dependency on host culture for understanding and orientation, the play dimension was also included for comparison. Two questions, each on a five-point scale, were used to measure this aspect of host culture dependency: the extent to which respondents relied on the medium for (1) entertaining family and friends (DTVENTF) and (2) relaxing alone (DTVENTS). The breakdowns for all of the dependency factors are shown in Table 3. Overall, respondents rated the social level of understanding and orientation dependency higher than the self level. As was discussed earlier about MSD, the human motivations of understanding and orientation have two levels -- self and social. DTVNEWS relates to one’s need to understand the social environment (social); DTVPROBS relates to one’s need to understand how to resolve one’s problems (self); DTVCOMM relates to one’s need to know how to interact with others (social); and DTVBUY relates to one’s need to know how to act for oneself (self). The results show that the two social-level measures, DTVNEWS and DTVCOMM, have a higher average rating than the two self-level measures, DTVPROBS and DTVBUY -- 3.6 and 3.0 compared to 2.7 and 2.5, respectively. This finding supports the earlier discussion in which it was posited that the social level of nrigrants’ media dependency would be higher than the self level. The total understanding and orientation dependency measure (HTVD) was produced from a combination of factor scores (HTVD = DTVNEWS + DTVPROBS + DTVCOMM + DTVBUY). Since each factor was scored on 65 a five-point scale, the composite factor (HTVD) was on a twenty-point scale. This measure yielded an average of 11.8 out of a maximum of 20 for the entire sample (Table 3). However, T-tests revealed that respondents 34 years and younger were significantly more dependent on host television for overall understanding and orientation than their older counterparts (Table 5). For the specific dependency factors, it was also found that this younger sub-set of the sample was significantly more dependent on host television for self entertainment and figuring out what to buy (Table 5). Table 3 Host Television Dependency DEPENDEN Y FA TOR AVERAGE MAXIMUM SCORE SCORE Understanding and Orientation DTVNEWS (understanding - social) 3.6 5 DTVPROBS (understanding - self) 2.7 5 DTVCOMM (orientation - 3.0 5 interaction) DTVBUY (orientation - action) 2.5 5 Total (HTVD) 1 1.8 20 Play DTVENTF (play - social) 3.0 5 DTVENTSjplay - solitary) 3.2 5 DTVNEWS - dependency on host TV tor local/national news DTVPROBS-dependencyon hostTVtorobeervinghowotheredeel withproblemeleituetione DTVCOMM - dependency on host TV for decoveri better mm cornmmicate with other! DTVBUY-depende on hoetTVtorfigumg2ut ttobuy eretooo HTVD - total host TV pendency i.e.. tor rstandinq & orientation) DTVENTF - dependency on host for entertaining tarnly 8: friends DTVENTS-dependenqonhoetTVtorrelex’ngalone 66 It was also found that although respondents on a whole were not very interested in the selling function of television in general, they were more attuned to certain acculturation uses of television advertisements in particular. The extent to which television advertising contributed to the achievement of acculturation goals was measured by five factors: the extent to which respondents (I) paid attention to the cultural elements in television advertisements (ADATTEND), and the extent to which they found these messages to be useful for (2) thinking about their own attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors (ADTHINK); (3) understanding Americans and the American culture (ADUND); (4) making decisions for purchasing goods and services (ADBUY); and (5) better communicating with others outside of their native cultural group (ADCOMM). The breakdowns for all five advertising factors are shown in Table 4. Table 4 Host Television Advertising Use for Accrrlturation ACCULTURATI N FA OR AVERAGE MAXIMUM SCORE SCORE ADATTEND 3.0 5 ADTHINK (understanding - self) 2.4 5 ADUND (understanding - social) 3.1 5 ADBUY(orientation - action) 2.4 5 ADCOMM (orientation - interaction) 2.5 5 Total (HTVAA) 13.4 25 ADATTEND- attention to culhrral elements In host TV ads ADTHINK . use of host eds tor thinking about own attitudes, mm, beliefs. behaviors ADUND - use of host TV ads for understanding Americans 5 the American crlture ADBUY - use of host TV ads tor melting decisions tor purchasing goods/so HTVAA . total host television advertis'ng acculturation (i. e., contrtution of host rvrceefv ads to acculturation) 67 Again, as with television dependency, the social level of television advertising use was rated higher than the self level. ADTHINK relates to one’s need to contemplate one’s own belief system, values and behaviors (self); ADUND relates to one’s need to understand the cultural environment and its members (social); ADBUY relates to one’s need to know how to make personal decisions (self); and ADCOMM relates to one’s need to know how to how to communicate with other cultural group members (social). The average scores on the two social level factors, ADUND and ADCOMM, are higher than the scores on the self level factors, ADTHINK and ADBUY -- 3.1 and 2.5 versus 2.4 and 2.4, respectively. Sumrnative scores on host television advertising use for acculturation (HTVAA = ADATI‘END + ADTHINK + ADUND + ADBUY + ADCOMM) yielded an average of 13.4 out of a maximum of 25. T-tests showed that less educated respondents (some college or less) considered television advertising overall to be more useful than those more educated (college graduate or higher) (Table 5). Also, younger respondents (34 years and under) found television advertising overall to be more useful than older respondents (Table 5). In addition, the younger set was more likely to use advertising specifically for (a) thinldng about their own attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors, (b) understanding Americans and the American culture, and (c) deciding what to buy, where to go, and what to do (Table 5). T-tests on Paired Groups for Television Variables 68 Table 5 ADUND ‘ VARIABLE GROUP ill M—EAN t-value di 24W prob. HT VD 34 yrs 85 12.31 35 yrs 35 10.63 2.02 1 18 0.045 DTVENTS 34 yrs 85 3.42 35 yrs 35 2.66 2.79 118 0.006 DTVBUY 34 yrs 2. 78 35 yrs 35 1. 89 1 3.71 1 18 0.001 HTVAA some college 50 14.46 college grad 70 12.61 1.99 118 0.048 34 yrs 85 14.38 35 yrs 35 10.97 3.50 118 0.001 ADBUY 34 yrs 85 2.69 35 yrs 35 1.71 4.25 1 18 0.000 some college 50 2.82 college grad 70 2.11 3.23 1 18 0.002 HTVD s host television dependency DTVENTS :- dependency on television tor sell-entertainment; DTVBUY - dependency on television Ior figuring out what to buthere to gv HTVAA a host television advertising acculturation (i. e. contribution oi host ads to accrrlturation) ADTHINK a use of host TV ads Ior thinking about own attitudes, values, beliefs, behaviors ADUND :- use at best TV ads Ior understanding Americans 81 the American cuim ADBUY-rnedhostTVadsiormeirkrgdedeimstorpurchasinggoods/savices 69 Path Analysis In the path model, the first stage of causation, which hypothesizes about the effect of the exogenous variables, CPROX(x1), ACCMOT(xz) , RES(x3). and ALTSO(x4) on HTVD(y1), is represented by the following equation: Yr = Brrxr + Brzxz + Brsxs + 314!“ + C1 This equation was solved by regressing HTVD on CPROX, ACCMOT, RES, and ALTSO. The second stage of causation, which takes into account the effect of HTVD(y1) on HTVAA(y2), is represented by the following equation: Y2 = 3213'1 + C2 \ This equation was solved by univariate linear regression. The obtained path coefficients are graphically presented in Figure 10. The initial results reveal that three of the four exogenous variables -- CPROX, ACCMOT, and ALTSO -- have significant effects on HTVD. However, the relationship between ALTSO and HTVD, although significant, was not consistent with Hypothesis 4, which posited a negative, rather than a positive, relationship between these two variables. 70 \ 0.62" —> V " significant (p < 0.01) 0.32” Figure 10. Path Coefficients in Original Path Model. With reference to Hypothesis 4, a closer look at the data showed that respondents relied much less on ethnic sources than host culture networks for understanding and orientation regarding the host culture; ‘alternative information sources’ therefore turned out to refer primarily to host culture networks or interpersonal communication with Americans (Table 6). The implications of this result are addressed later in the study. 71 Table 6 Dependence on Alternative Information Sources of Host Cultrrre Understanding and Orientation VALUE ' E l “N15 HOST CULTURE ETHNI MEDIA . NETWORKS NETWORKS N % N % N % 1 47 39.2 3 2.5 100 83.3 2 17 1 4.2 12 10.0 6 5.0 3 24 20.0 23 19.2 8 6.7 4 20 16.7 34 28.3 3 2.5 5 12 10.0 48 40.0 3 2.5 TOTAL 120 100.0 120 100.0 120 100.0 a: variable is measured on a five-point scale. with 1 meaning not very dependent and 5 meaning very dependent on the source. In addition to calculating the path coefficients, the zero-order correlations were computed. These correlations, which show the direct effect of one variable on another by holding other variables constant, are useful for discovering spurious relationships. Zero-order correlations are also used in the decomposition of a variable’s effect into its direct effect and Total Indirect Effect (TTE); this is necessary to determine the magnitude of each of these components (Kerlinger and Pedhazur, 1973, p. 316). A variable’s direct effect is its zero-order coefficient (r) while the TTE is simply the difference between this figure and the path coefficient (p): thus, TTE = r - p. Table 7 shows that the TlE’s for CPROX, ACCMOT, and ALTSO on HTVD are minimal in comparison to the corresponding direct effects: for CPROX, 87% of the total effect is direct or nonspurious (0.27/0.31), for ACCMOT, it is 92%, and for ALTSO, it is 91%. 72 Table 7 Standardized Path Coefficients, Zero-Order Correlations, and Total Indirect Effects for Original Path Model (N = 120) INDEPEND. WWII—m Tm VAR. VAR. COEFF. CORR. CPROX HTVD - 0.27“ - 0.31 " 115 0.04 ACCMOT “ 0.24” 0.26" 1 15 0.02 __A_LrTSO “ 0.32" 0.35“ 115 0.03 RES “ - 0.11 - 0.13 0.57“ 0.32 HTVD HTVAA 0.62" 0.62“ 0.39 " significant (p < 0.01) For the only non-significant path, RES, an examination of the correlation matrix (Table 8) showed that while this variable has no significant correlation with HTVD, it had a significant correlation with HTVAA (- 0.33, p < 0.01). This result suggested that redirecting its path from HTVD to HTVAA was a more appropriate alternative than deleting it completely from the model. Table 8 Correlation Coeficients (2-tailed) ACCMOT ALTSO CPROX HTVAA HTVD RES ACCMOT 1.0000 ALTSO 0.2130‘ 1.0000 CPROX - 0.1644 - 0.0768 LWOO HTVAA 0.2689“ 0.3604“ - 0.2099' 1.0000 HTVD 0.3390” 0.4223" - 0.3314“ 0.6243” 1.0000 RES 0.0821 - 0.2496“ - 0.0005 - 0.3301 ” - 0.1726 1.0000 ' significant (p < 0.05) "' significant (p < 0.01) 73 Based on this first set of findings, the original saturated model was redefined and new regression analyses were performed. first, HTVD was regressed on CPROX, ACCMOT, and ALTSO. Then, HTVAA was regressed on HTVD and RES. The path coefficients for the regressions performed on the alternative model are shown in Figure 11. As is seen in Figure 11, all of the path coefficients, including RES, in the alternative model are significant at the 0.01 level. Besides the significance of all the paths in this new model, the TIE’s show that direct effects are much stronger than the indirect effects: for CPROX, the total direct effect is 90%, slightly higher than the original 87%; for ACCMOT, it is 88%, almost as high as the original 92%; while for ALTSO, it is 90%, only 1% less than the original figure. The total direct effect for RES in the alternative model turns out to be 79%, while for HTVD, it is very high at 95% (Table 9). < canox (x1) - 0.27.. 0.22” 0.58" CW @ ———> —> 0.35” < ALTSO (X4) < ass (xa) > “ significant (p < 0.01) Figure 11 Path Coefficients in Alternative Path Model 74 Table 9 Standardized Path Coefficients, Zero-Order Correlations, and Total Indirect Effects for (grigina; and Alternative Path Models = 120 VAR. VAR. COEFF. ORDER CORR. - - 0.31 ACCMOT 0.24“ 0.26” 0.35“ - 0.1 HTVD - 0 ACCMOT 0.25“ " significant (p < 0.01) Further, the minor discrepancies in the R2 indicate that the path revisions did not seem to reduce the power to predict HTVD and HTVAA. In fact, the slight increase in the R2 for RES, HTVD, and HTVAA in the alternative model suggests that RES and HTVD exert more of an effect on HTV AA than HTVD alone. While these revisions do not “prove” any causal linkages, they do indicate that the alternative model is more parsimonious and more tenable than the original one. Frnally, reliability checks were made on the variables, CPROX, HTVD, and HTVAA, for which indices were constructed from related items. Since ALTSO was measured by items which are not necessarily related (reliance on ethnic media, ethnic networks, and host culture networks), a reliability check on this variable was not applicable. 75 As shown in Table 10, the Cronbach alpha coefficients for the three indices, CPROX, HTVD, and HTVAA, were all above 0.5, suggesting that measurement error had little possible attenuation effect on the correlations. It is worth noting, too, that the reliability of the dependency scale in this study closely corresponds with that of the scale from which it was adapted: the scale in this study yielded an alpha value of 0.81 compared to 0.82 in Ball-Rokeach and Grant (1990). Table 10 Reliabilities of Cultural Proximity, Host television Dependency, and Host television Advertising Acculturation Ind/ices INDEX No. of ITEMS CRONBACH’S or CPROX (Cultural Proximity) 4 0.6953 HTVD (Host TV Dependency) 4 0.8136 HTVAA (Host TV Advertising 5 0.8465 Acculturation) Confirmatory Factor Analysis In addition to the path analysis, factor analysis was also performed on the data to confirm the appropriateness of the exogenous predictor variables used in the study. Factor analysis is a means of identifying underlying factors common to variables (Kim and Mueller, 1978). In this way, it helps to produce a smaller number of variables from any given set of variables. To determine whether or not the four exogenous variables selected for the path analysis were appropriately specifiedgpredictors, factor analysis was used to identify the key factors common to a number of possible 76 predictor variables. Guided by theoretical reasoning, 9 acculturation-related variables in this study were chosen to be factor analyzed: i (1) cultural proximity (CPROX) “7 (2) acculturation motivation (ACCMOT) (3) alternative information sources (ALTSO) (4) length of residence (RES) (5) the desire to maintain one’s cultural identity, i.e., nativism (N ATTSM) (6) strength of personal connection with native country through correspondence and/or travel (HCONN) (7) host culture language skills (LANG) (8) immigration status (IMMSTAT) (9) AGE Principal-components analysis (PCA) was used __te factors. Although all the factor extraction techniques are used to calculate a set of orthogonal components (or factors) to reproduce the R correlation, the criteria differ among techniques (T abachnick and Fidell, 1983). The main criterion for the PCA method is extraction of the maximum variance from e data set by identifying a few orthogonal components. PCA was chosen because it is considered an ideal preliminary method for reducing the number of variables (Tabachnick and Fidell, 1983). PCA extracted three factors Mn valuWeflrer, these factors accounted for asW% of the total variance (Table 11). r\ —-—-—-"-""" 77 Table 11 Factors and Percentage of Variance Accounted For FACTOR EIGEN VALUE 96 OF VARIANCE CUME % 1 2.67316 29.7 29.7 2 1 .74007 19.3 49.0 3 1.00485 1 1.2 60.2 4 .94316 10.5 70.7 5 .78504 8.7 79.4 6 .65859 7.3 86.7 7 .53043 5.9 92.6 8 .41067 4.6 97.2 9 .25403 2.8 100.0 As with factor extraction, rotation, which rs used to make results more m interpretable, may be accomplished through several methods. However, the most commonly used technique rs varimax rotation, which, like PCA, \______\ maximizes variance. The goal of varimax rotation is to produce clusters of variables from the factor matrix, low factor loadings, r ..,e less than 0. 05,are usually omitted (Noursis, 1990). In addition to rotation, the matrix was sorted so\that variables with high loadings on the sarrre factor appear together (N oursis, 1990). The results are presented in Table 12. 78 Table 12 Varimax Rotated and Sorted Factor Matrix of Acculturation-Related Variables I VARIABLE FACTOR1 FACTOR 2 I FACTOR 3 I RES 0.88494- AGE 0.78025 IMMSTAT 0.61658 NATISM - 0.54275 HCONN CPROX 0.87637 LANG 0.651 39 ACCMOT 0.81584 ALTSO 0.64221 What inferences can be made from the results of this factor analysis? The results in Table 12\»imply that eight of the nine variables (all but HCONN) can be reduced to three common factors. Residence, age, immigration status, and nativism all have one common factor, labeled time. Note however, that residence is the variable most heavily loaded with this factor (0.88494). The second factor, common to cultural proximity and language proficiency, is labeled W- Again, note that the cultural proximity variable is more heavily loaded with this second factor (0.87637). The third factor common to acculturation motivation and alternative information sources is labeled WW. Since the alternative information sources variable turned out to refer primarily to interpersonal relations with host culture members in this study, 79 for analysis purposes here, it can be considered to be more host culture communication interaction than anything else. Although this variable has a lower loading on the third factor than the acculturation motivation variable (0.87637 vs. 0.64221), it is still fairly strongly loaded with the third factor. Overall, the factor analysis confirmed that the variables focused on this study -- cultural proximity, residence, acculturation motivation and alternative information sources -- are indeed appropriate variables for predicting acculturation-related behaviors such as media dependency and advertising use. Moreover, it may be concluded that acculturation-related outcomes, particularly movement toward the host culture (which tends to be more common than movement away from the host culture), are a function of three main factors: (1) Time -- a longer residence in the host culture, being older in years, having a more permanent immigration status, being less nativistic. (2) W -- a higher degree of cultural proximity, a higher level of host culture language proficiency. (3) WW -- a higher desire to relate to/become part of the host culture and having more interpersonal communication with members of the host culture. 80 Support for Hypotheses Although the original path model had to be redefined, the final results from the alternative model do lend support to three of the study’ s five hypotheses: H1: '1‘ 1111‘ or 1-11.- 111L119. -_ 11231.1. ' 0 _1‘ 11 ,11‘ .1‘ ‘ QQIA.I.-I 0-. .- . 0A-...0 :' 0! . ‘00.lsol.-l'g_!0 O l l O . The results showed that there was a significant negative correlation Aw _..__...-.—__—-~_ __r-e-H" “fl. between m proximity: and host wlevifigndefindéfifl In the path model, cultu proximity was linkEifi‘hosHelevisiéir’dfiendency which was linked to host television advertising acculturation. Thus, cultural proximity’s link with host television dependency was direct, while its 0'1 (cultural proxirrrity’s) link with host television advertising acculturation was @- Although the direct link between cultural proximity and host television advertising acculturation was quitestrong, the indirect link via host culture dependency was even stronger. These relationships are W observed in the correlation matrix (Table 9). Whatthlshfigpfljyg suggests is that, theoretically and statistically, the direction of the path was conectly specified in both the original and alternative models. H2:|1‘1'1‘111'ra_-1,.. 1121111111111 .11.. 1‘11 .11‘ 1‘ 1111‘ 1:11.11! _1‘ O. 1‘ ° 1" 1111 j ‘ ° 111 _‘11‘ .111: l . . . This hypothesis was also supported by the data analysis. A migrant’s . 7 5§Woward the host culture (i.e., ‘host culturalism’) was ’ t f’i \ Q 81 shown to exert a significant influence on one’ s use of host television for _flx acculturation purposes. Similar to cultural proximity, the link between acculturation motivation and host television dependency was direct, while the link with host television advertising acculturation” was rndrre .Again, ll 1 L, the correlation matrix showed the indirect link with host television 1 advertising acculturation to be stronger than the direct link, indicating that this path was also correctly delineated in the original and alternative models. H3: '1‘ 11" .1111“ 1.. 1‘ 1‘1 '1 1‘ 11 11‘ 1“ 1111;11‘1 ._ . ._ . K H H .__ ..H . (W .11'1' ‘H ”NW”... The hypothesized effect of length of residence on host television dependency was not supported by the data analysis. Instead of having a significant influence on host television dependency, length of residence was found to be directly and significantly linked to host television advertising acculturation. Also, the relationship was found to be negative, indicating contributes less to the acculturation process. l l “d W l, M—c War—W“ that, with rncreasing length of residence, host television advertisir7 1 . Wm M,. M- _fl—f_ __._ _ _-..- he H4: '1‘ 1'1‘ . 11:11.1' 1‘11‘11‘1.‘ 11 «_ -‘ 1-.1 "1 11111111 1 _ 1‘ 1“ 1111;11‘1 1‘ 1 1‘ ' 11‘ 11 11 -‘ ' ' 111 .-11‘6.111_1'-._11 The positive relationship between a nrigrant’s dependence on } alternative information sources and host television dependency was _/ surprising since it had been hypothesized to beggawowever, a closer analysis of the data showed that the respondents had limited access to alternative information sources, the implications of which are later addressed. 82 H5: 11‘111‘1‘11‘11‘1 11114111 ' 11,11 “1111 11‘ -1111- 1,1111'1...111 1‘,,111‘ ‘1 1'1 1‘ .111.o_1‘11,1' 1 l . l l. l . . . This hypothesis was onlylpflartiallyEupportedyb-y the results, in that, host television dependency, by itself, exerted a strong influence on host television advertising acculturation as seen in the original model. However, with residence included in the alternative model, the combined effect was even stronger. The results of this study are congruent with many of the theoretical assumptions advanced in this and other acculturatign studies. In the first M'- Place, it was found thifir/esp—on/dents who_§[¢J§§§.pIW culture, but with a hi g er level of accuan toward the hos /.-’— M "" M 1 culture, are more likely to depend on host culture media, particularly fl television, for cultural learning. The greater the intensity of this type of W Wm the more advertising is used for acculturation p The results also support the proposition that the social levels of OS understanding and orientation media dependency and advertising use would be more salient than the self levels in acculturation. The effect $199.59 of residence was seen only in relation to the 139st We. Evidentl , len of residence not 'ne , migrants’ dependency on the host culture media system, in general, but it \z' does deterrrrine how they view its television ayflipimfor i” acculturation. Appare , ewrsioa «advertising makes a considerable contribution to the fulfillment of nri grants’ need for cultural understanding and orientation in the earlier stages of acculturation. However, this contribution tends to wane as migrants’ length of residence increases. This 83 finding is consistent with Nagata’s (1969) study, which found that over time, migrants perceive host media advertising to be less and less important. As to why dependence on alternative information sources was positively rather than negatively correlated with host television dependency, there are several possible explanations. Most respondents in this study indicated that they had limited access to ethnic sources -- media and networks. If available, ethnic media provided little information on how to adjust to living in the United States. Instead, when these media were available, respondents used them to keep in touch with their native cultures. Likewise, ethnic networks, that is, members of the respondents’ own cultural background, were not very available (numerically) and not very helpful for learning about the American culture. As a result, the respondents relied mostly on American sources. While some researchers have argued that direct contact with members of the host culture may be more difficult and therefore avoided in favor of less indirect contact via the host media (O'Guinn et al., 1986; Ryu, 1977; Choi and Tamborini, 1988), this situation did not appear to be so in this study. In fact, for the respondents in this study, direct contact with Americans was highly favored and actually complemented indirect contact via television. Ethnic media availability and the communication-acculturation behaviors of the migrants interviewed appeared to be affected by the level of institutional completeness in Eugene-Springfield. Compared to larger, more urbanized areas, to which migrants are often attracted, Eugene-Springfield rates lower in institutional completeness. The unavailability of ethnic media may have resulted in the respondents having little choice but to rely on host culture sources, that is, host mass media and interpersonal networks. 84 This reasoning finds support in Inglis and Gudykunst’s study (1982) which discovered communication-acculturation differences between communities with different levels of institutional completeness, that is, the availability of acculturation-related sources including ethnic media and networks. These researchers came to the conclusion that migrants “with less institutional completeness within their ethnic group experience less intraethnic communication” (p. 268). Another possible explanation for the strong reliance on interpersonal contact with Americans is that the respondents in this study were more educated than the average foreign-born individual. A higher level of education is speculated to predispose migrants to having a more positive attitude toward the host culture. This positive attitude may engender interpersonal relations with host culture members especially in an environment which is more conducive to migrant-host communication interaction. Inglis and Gudykunst (1982) note that “interetlrnic contact in a supportive social climate is one factor associated with positive attitude” (p. 268). This may very well be the case in Eugene-Springfield. Indeed, an examination of the correlation matrix (Table 9) shows a significant correlation between the acculturation motivation of Eugene- Springfield’s migrants interviewed and their reliance on alternative information sources, that is, mainly interpersonal contact with Americans (0.21 , p < 0.05). This relationship was not initially addressed since it is not customary to analyze the interrelationships of exogenous variables in a path model (Kerlinger and Pedhazur, 1973). However, these relationships need to be analyzed when alternative hypotheses are sought for explaining unexpected results such as these. 1&- ‘ CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSIONS and IMPLICATIONS Overall, the findings in this study are not only consistent with many of the findings in previous studies, but they also provide further insight into the mass media-acculturation link. The general conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that where television advertising is concerned, there is certainly more to it than meets the eye: for migrants, advertising serves as a forum for cultural learning. Although this role tends to diminish over time, the fact remains that migrants are generally more attuned to and influenced by the cultural function of American television commercials than by their selling function. Also, the fact that migrants considered the social level of their media dependency and advertising use to be more important than the self level is crucial; it confirms the importance of the social role of the mass media and advertising in the acculturation process. These findings should certainly provoke thought among theorists and practitioners of marketing communications. Another critical finding is that the migrants in this study seemed more inclined to move towards, rather than away from, the American culture: this is reflected in the slightly more than moderate desire to relate to and/or identify with the American culture. However, the fact that the respondents 85 86 generally had a higher preference for their native culture rather than the American culture shows an integration tendency; indeed, this finding reflects the reath of acculturation today -- migrants are generally more prone to integrate than completely assimilate. Interesting, too, is the finding that the motivation to move towards the host culture was not determined by immigration status, that is, temporary (international student) or permanent immigrant. This finding is consistent with Kleis’ (1981) study which found that immigration status had no significant bearing on the acculturation path migrants pursue. However, in this present study, immigration status was found to have a significant effect on the level of nativism. Temporary migrants, that is, international students, were generally more attached to their native culture than their permanent counterparts. The fact that these students came to the United States on a temporary basis (at least, initially) may explain why they maintain a higher degree of nativism than those people who are here on a permanent basis. This study also suggests that where the communication-acculturation behaviors of migrants are concerned, interpersonal communication (i.e., direct contact) with host members may not necessarily be an opposing alternative to host mass communication (i.e., indirect contact). In fact, it may be that in social contexts with limited ethnic media but conducive to cross-cultural interaction, highly educated foreign migrants are more likely to view interpersonal and mass communication channels as complementary means of blending into the new society. There are, however, some limitations of this study which should be addressed in future research. First, in terms of sampling, the majority of the strrdy’s sample comprised international students, who are different from the 87 typical migrant in the United States. Eugene-Springfield’s foreign-born residents, being mostly students, are less permanently settled and more educated than average. This departure from random selection, though necessary for this study, limits the extent to which the findings can be generalized to the larger population. Further, Eugene-Springfield is not typical of the communities which most migrants settle in. Even a cursory look at the areas to which migrants gravitate shows that these areas have a higher degree of urbanization and institutional completeness. The higher availability of media and networks (both host and ethnic) in such areas offers migrants more communication options. In Eugene-Springfield, limited availability of ethnic media and ethnic networks reduces a nrigrant’s communication options to host media and networks. Even though the community’s migrant population is largely itinerant (and therefore less likely to assimilate) limited ethnic reinforcement may ‘compel’ them to depend on host communication channels for acculturation. Thus, the effect of social context found here needs to be further investigated before broader conclusions can be drawn. The institutional completeness theory of communication-acculturation is highly applicable for this purpose. While this study is by no means a comprehensive treatise of media dependency and advertising in acculturation, it has laid the foundation for future research and cross-fertilization of findings in this area. The current globalization trend means greater contact between people of different cultural backgrounds; acculturation will therefore continue to be an issue, so will the role of the mass media and related areas like advertising. After all, one of the primary functions of the mass media is the transmission of culture 88 (Lasswell, 1948), and perhaps now, more than ever, when immigration and diversity are being hotly debated, this role needs to be closely examined. APPENDICES APPENDIX A APPENDIX A Table A-1 Countries Represented in Survey Sample (N = 120) UNTRY N COUNTRY N 1. Afghanistan 1 26 Jordan 1 2. Argfltina 1 27. Kenya 1 3. Australia 2 28. Korea 5 4. Cameroon 1 29. Kuwait 3 5. Canada 2 30. Laos 2 6. Chile 1 31. Latvia 1 7. China 8 32. Libya 1 8. Croatia 1 33. Malaysia 5 9. Denmark 1 34. Mali 1 10. Egypt 1 35. Mexico 4 11. Finland 1 36. Nepal 1 12. France 1 37. Netherlands 1 13. Germany 2 38. New Zealand 1 14. Ghana 1 39. Nigeria 1 15. Greece 1 40. Norway 1 16. Hong Kong 2 41. Pakistan 1 17. Hungary 1 42. Saudi Arabia 3 18. India 8 43. Senegal 1 19. Indonesia 6 44. SirLgapore 5 20. Iran 7 45. Spain 2 21. Iraq 1 46. Sudan 1 22. lsrael 2 47. Taiwan 5 23. Italy 1 48. Thailand 1 24. Japan 15 49. Trinidad 1 25. Java 1 50. Vietnam 2 89 90 Table A-2 Native Languages of Survey Respondents I LANGUAGE I N I LANGUAGE F N l 1. Akan (Ghana 21. Japanese 1 1 5 2. Arabic 11 22. Kikuyu (Kenya) 1 3. Bakweri (Camerotm 1 23. Korean 5 4. Bambara (Mali) 1 24. Laotian 2 5. Cantonese 1 25. Latvian 1 6. Catallan (Spain) 1 26. Malay 4 7. Croatian 1 27. Mandarin 18 8. Dutch 2 28. Marathi (India) 2 9. Egglish 12 29. Newari (Nepal) 1 10. Farsi 8 30. Norwefirn 1 11. Finnish 1 31. Serara (Senegal) 1 12. French 2 32. Spanish 7 13. German 2 33. Swedish 1 14. Greek 1 34. Tamil 2 15. Hebrew 2 35. TGMU (India) 1 16. Hindi 1 36. Thai 1 17. Hgnjarian 1 37. Turkish 1 18. lbibio MeriaL 1 38. Urdu (India) 3 19. Indonesian 6 39. Wuolos (Senegal) 1 20. Italian 1 40. Vietnamese 1 [3915: The number of native speakers adds in to rrrore than 120 because some respondents indicated that they had more than one native language. 91 Table A-3 English Proficiency Levels VALUE ' ONVER ATION READING WRITIN N % N % N % 1 6 5.0 5 4.2 5 4.2 2 14 11.7 14 11.7 25 20.8 3 28 23.3 27 22.5 37 30.8 4 46 38.3 41 34.2 30 25.0 5 26 21 .7 33 27.5 23 19.2 T TAL 120 100.0 120 100.0 120 100.0 a: variable is measured on a five-point scale, with 1 lowest and 5 highest in proficiency. Table A-4 Perceptiom of Proximity of Native Culture to American Culture VALUE ' CUSTOMS BELIEFS 81 PERSONALITY ATTITUDES TRAITS N % N % N % 1 26 21 .7 23 19.2 17 14.2 2 55 45.8 61 50.8 30 25.0 3 28 23.3 24 20.0 54 45.0 4 1 0 8.3 1 1 9.2 15 12.5 5 1 0.8 1 0.8 4 3.3 ITOTAL I 120 100.0 I 120 100.0 I 120 100.0 l a: variable is measured on a five-point scale, with 1 meaning very different from the American culture and 5 meaning very similar to the American culture. was - 92 Table A-5 Extent of Pro-Migration Knowledge of American Culture VALUE ' N % 1 1 7 1 4.2 2 49 40.8 3 26 21 .7 4 23 1 9.2 5 5 4.2 TOTAL 120 100.0 a: variabieismeasuredonafive—pointscaie,with 1 lowed and 5 highest in knowledge. Table A-6 Sources of Pre-Migration Knowledge of American Culture .r.‘ e - -LH. E—T——oNTA 1 WITH —6'_0Eou ATI N AMERICAN AMERICANS MAss MEDIA N _11._ N '11. _N % ALOT 33 27.5 _85 29.2 79 65.8 SOMEWHAT 38 31.7 57 47.5 29 24.2 NOT AT ALL 49 49.0 28 23.3 12 10.0 I TOTAL I 120 100.0 I 120 100.0 I 120 100.0 I 93 Table A-7 Nativism and ‘Host Culturalism’ Attitudes VALUE 1 __NA'ITVISM Ho—sr ‘ cuu'unAusu N 1% N % 1 6 5.0 10 8T 2 9 7.5 15 12.5 3 18 15.0 34 28.3 4 23 19.2 31 25.8 5 64 53.3 30 25.0 TOTAL 120 1 00.0 120 1 00.0 a: variable is measured on a fiveopoint scale, with 1 lowest and 5 highest in value. Table A-8 Personal Connection with Native Country through Correspondence and/or Travel VALUE ' CONNECTION WITH NATIVE COUNTRY N L 1 8 6.7 2 1 7 14.2 3 20 1 6.7 4 33 27.5 5 42 35.0 TOTAL 120 100.0 a: variable is measured on a five-point scale, with 1 lowed and 5 highest in connection. APPENDIX B ' . 9.3.3721 ;' APPENDIX B SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE INTRODUCTION Hello, my name is (interviewer's name) and I am involved in a research project on how people born outside of the United States adapt to living here. Studies have shown that people adapt in different ways depending on several factors like their cultural background, attitudes, communication links, etc. As part of my involvement in this research project, I need to interview foreign-born people about some of their views and experiences. Your participation in this survey is very important and I would really appreciate your cooperation. If you agree to be a part of this survey, all information will be kept confidential and you will not be identified in any way. The interview should take about 7 minutes. If there are any questions you feel uncomfortable about answering, please let me know. 1. What is your native country? 2. What is your native language? On a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning lowest and 5 meaning highest, how would you rate your English in terms of... : 3. ...speaking and understanding? 1 2 3 4 5 4. ...reading? 94 10. ll. l2. 13. 14. 95 I would like you to think of the differences and similarities between your native culture and the AMERICAN culture. On a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning extremely different from the American culture and 5 meaning extremely similar to the American culture, overall how would you rate your native culture in terms of... ...CUS'I‘OMS? l 2 3 4 5 ...BELIEFS and A'ITITUDES? l 2 3 4 5 ...PEOPLE’S PERSONALITY TRAITS? l 2 3 4 5 Before leaving your native country to live in the United States, how familiar were you with the American culture on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning extremely unfamiliar and 5 meaning extremely familiar? l 2 3 4 5 To what extent was your familiarity of the American culture based on... : ...personal contact with Americans - a lot, somewhat, or not at all? A lot ...... - - ...... - 1 Somewhat........................-------- - -- - -- -- - 2 Not at all -- - 3 ...education -- a lot, somewhat, or not at all? A lot ....................................................................................... - . 1 Somewhat-"- - ...... -- -- - ...... 2 Not at all - - -- .................................... 3 ...exposure to American mass media - a lot, somewhat, or not at all? A lot- .............. - - ------ 1 Somewhat ........... - ...................... 2 Not at all- - ------ - - - -- - 3 How important is it to you to keep your native cultural identity. Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning least importance and 5 meaning most importance? 1 2 3 4 5 How important is it to you to become part of the dominant American culture. Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning least importance and 5 meaning most importance? 1 2 3 4 5 15. 16. l7. l8. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 96 How much do you rely on people of your own cultural background in the United States to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 How much do you rely on your personal contact with Americans to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 How much do you rely on your own ethnic media in the United States to learn about the AMERICAN culture? Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 How strong are your personal connections with your native country through correspondence and/or travel? Please tell me on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning very little and 5 meaning very much. 1 2 3 4 5 Now, I would like you to think about AMERICAN television. For each of the following statements I am going to read to you, please tell me how helpful American TV is on a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning not very helpful and 5 meaning very helpful. In your daily life, how helpful is American TV to you for... : ...keeping up with what is happening in your community and the United States? 1 2 3 4 5 ...observing how others cope with problems or situations that may be similar to yours? 1 2 3 4 5 ...entertaining family and friends? 1 2 3 4 5 ...relaxing when you are by yourself? 1 2 3 4 5 ...discovering better ways to communicate with others? 1 2 3 4 5 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 97 ...figuring out what to buy or where to go for services and activities? 1 2 3 4 5 About how many hours of American TV do you watch per day? -l l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 101- Now, I would like you to think about all the types of advertisements on AMERICAN TV -- for programs, products, services, and events. How much attention do you pay to the cultural elements in American TV ads -- things such as the language, values, attitudes, lifestyle, fashions, etc.? Please tell me on a scale of 1 to 5, with 1 meaning the least attention and 5 meaning the most attention. 1 2 3 4 5 I am going to read some statements to you. Please tell me how much you agree or disagree with each of them using a scale of l to 5, with 1 meaning strongly disagree and 5 meaning strongly agree. The American television ads you watch help you to... ...think about your own attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors 1 2 3 4 5 ...understand Americans and the American culture 1 2 3 4 5 ...decide what to buy, where to go, and what to do 1 2 3 4 5 ...better communicate with others outside of your own cultural group 1 2 3 4 5 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 98 Finally, I need some information about you. Which of the following groups includes your age? Under 25 ........... l 25 - 34 -- ............ 2 35 - 44 ----------- 3 45 - 54 ---------- - ------- -------------------------- - 4 55 - 64 - - ----- - - ----- 5 65 or older ---------- -------- -- 6 lTefused - -- - ............ - - ........... 0 mm Are you male or female? M ................................................................................................................... 1 F .................................................................................................................... 2 What is your current occupation? What was your former occupation in your native country? What is the highest level of education you have completed? [EEKD'EI'ST'I Some high school or less ......... - - - -- 1 High school graduate - - - ................ 2 Some college 3 College graduate - - - 4 Post raduate de reelwork ------------- - ------------ 5 "i5 NOTI REKgI Refused - - - -- - -- 0 How long have you been living in the United States? _ yrs. _ mos. 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