"WIHIFI’HH

H

W:

l
1
l

H

’
L

 

—i_‘_‘
Imo
meow

 

lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllfllll 3 I“? ‘7 b I 3 I 7—-

3 1293 01097 2721

 

LIIRARY
Michigan State
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

presented by

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

“L4” )7) ‘4 degree inflmfz‘rfwé 7

fl/flx

Majorpreofss

 

 

Date/7% W, M737

 

0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

 

MSU

LIBRARIES

 

 

 

RETURNING MATERLAL§1
Place in book drop to
remove this checkout from
your record. FINES will
be charged if book is
returned after the‘date
stamped below.

 

 

.. Mira 12509

 

 

 

TRADITIONAL WARFARE AMONG THE GUJI OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

BY

TADDESSE BERISSO

A THESIS

SUBMITTED TO
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE 0F

MASTER OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
1988

5/3 , 73 9/

ABSTRACT
TRADITIONAL WARFARE AMONG THE GUJI OF SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA

BY

TADDESSE BERISSO

The Guji of Southern Ethiopia had been engaged in endemic
wars with neighboring groups throughout their history. Shall-
scale raids and anbushes have continued to the present decade,
still occurring sporadically. This thesis attelpts to explain
the underlying causes, motives, types, and the nature of Guji
warfare in general. It reviews 5030 theoretical approaches to
the study of violent human behavior and demonstrates that Guji
warfare was rooted in their social structure, ideology and
ecological factors. It also presents cases and ceremonies
related to warfare and hunting while stressing the importance of
eXplaining Guji warfare in its integrated and mutually

reinforcing di-ensions.

TO MY PARENTS

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I wish to express my sincere appreciation ‘to Dr. John
Hinnant, the chairman of my thesis committee, for his continuous
encouragement, support and superb guidance throughout my studies.
Dr. Hinnant sacrificed a lot of his time beyond the call of duty
in reading the drafts, making corrections, and providing
insightful suggestion and constructive comments that contributed

to the development and final production of the thesis.

I am deeply indebted to Dr. Robert McKinley, a member of my
thesis committee, for his valuable feedback, clarity of thought,
and for his availability whenever needed.

I a1so=extend my special thanks to Institute of Ethiopian
studies (IE8) for giving me an opportunity to come to Michigan
State University to pursue my graduate studies, without which it

would have been impossible for me to fulfill my academic dreams.
My Isincere thanks to Anthropology Department of Michigan State
University for a modest teaching assistantship which sustained me

financially in achieving this goal.

My gratitude to all who directly or indirectly contributed
to the completion of this graduate work. Among them recognition
is ~given to Dr. Kebede Daka for typing the draft and final
manuscript. I treasure Dr. Kebede and his wife Yerusalem for
their friendship and moral support that makes my stay at Michigan

State University more comfortable and enjoyable one.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I INTRODUCTION
'II THE GUJI: AN OVERVIEW . . . . .

‘III WARFARE .
3:1 TYPES OF WARS .
3:2 CAUSES AND MOTIVES OF WARS
3:3 PEACE MAKING
3:4 WARFARE AND HUNTING .
3:5 CHANGES .
IV KUDA

431 THE CASE STUDY

4:2 DISCUSSING AND ANALYZING KUDA .

V CONCLUSION
APPENDIX
BIBLIOGRAPHY

iv

PAGE

23
23
36
41
42
45
47
47
52
57
61
62

 

 

 

CHAPTER I
INmDUCT ION

The Oromo have been known as belligerent warriors throughout
their *history, as reported by variousiwriters since the 16th
century. Bahrey, who first wrote about them in 1593, opens his
account with ”their readiness to kill people:’“ A major “section
of Cerulli’s (1922) great collection of Oromo folk literature
consists of songs and prose texts which are concerned with war
'(Baxter, 1979:69). Besides ‘this, many accounts indicate the
frequent engagement of the various Oromo groups in warfare (see

for instance Baxter, 1979; Legesse, 1973;'Barte1s, 1969).

“The Guji, along with the Borana and a "few other Oromo
groups, seem to have maintained some aspects of this warrior
character until today. The peace currently reigning among these
groups, as carefully observed by Andrsejewski (1962:112), is due
more to the stern measures and watchfulness of the administration
than to the inclination of the people themselves. The merit of
killing an enemy man and/or a big game animal is still highly
honored among the GuJi, and they are ready to do so whenever they
get the opportunity. When they are successful in killing either
enemies or big game animals, they take the genital organs of
their victims (the ears and tails in the case of big game
animals) and latter they hold hung - a ceremony in which they
boast about their heroic deeds. The detailed explanation of this

ceremony, 'the parallel between warfare and ‘hunting and its

1

implications will be discussed in chapters 3 and 4.

Throughout history, research on aggression and warfare has
centered' on ‘whether it is innate in humans; a reaction to
frustration, or a learned social practice responding to
particular situations. Lorena (1966) and Ardrey ‘(1961, 1966)
—have contended that people instinctively guard whatever territory
they consider their own and defend it, violently if' necessary,
against all intruders. They suggest that an inborn drive for
aggression carried over from animal forebears explains all

‘human’s violent behavior, from wars to riots.

~This‘~view was adopted by many others, ~who suggest that
warfare is innate in our biology, universal and involuntary, and
that- we can do little to obliterate it (see Tinbergen, 1968;
Morries, 1967; Starr, 1968). Previous to this, Wissler (1923)
took the view that warfare is present everywhere, and so included
it among the nine cultural universals he identified in app and
Culture. The latest expression of the biological approach has
taken the form of the sociobiology movement led by Edward Wilson
(1975, 1978).

Most anthropologists today, however, do not agree with the
argument that aggression or warfare is innate in human biology,
and with the pessimistic view that it cannot be eliminated. But,
almost all of them accept the fact that human beings are

biological creatures and that there is inevitably a biological

 

aspect of everything we do, think, and feel. Their argument,
however, is that, the ubiquitous presence of biological
undercurrents in human activities does not indicate that biology

determines what we do, think, or feel.

Aggressive behavior, as argued by Montagu (1978:7), is no
more ’innately determined than is the behavior we -call 'speech.
Without innate potentialities for speech we would be unable to
speak, no matter how rich the environment were in speech; without
an environment of speech we would not learn to speak, for while
the ‘innate potentialities are there, we must be-spoken to and
live in an environment of speech if we are ever to speak. Thus,
-to most anthropologists any human behavior, including aggression
~and warfare, is rooted in learning and experience rather than in

our biology. This view implies the possibility of controlling or

eliminating wars.

In support of their argument, these later anthropologists
(Montagu, 1968, 1978; Pilbeam, 1972), presented several hunting
“and gathering societies such as the Kung San of the Kalahari
‘Desert,-Copper Eskimos, Mbuti pygmies of the Ituri forest, Dorobo
of Kenya, Tikopia of Polynesia - to mention only a few, where
warfare and territoriality were not known at all or known only in
a very rudimentary form. Other than this, the biological
explanation cannot answer the question why some groups are more
“aggresive than others or why the same peOple are peaceful and
eviolent“at'different times under different situations.

'Dollard and his associates (1939) and their followers derive
aggression and warfare from frustration. They suggest that
aggression is always a consequence of {frustration and
contrariwise, the existence of frustration always leads to some
form of aggression. They postulated a one-to-one relationship
'between frustration and aggression. Their hypothesis, even after
“being modified (Miller, 1941), has been the subject of much
criticise (see for instance Kaufmann, 1970; Rebarchek, 1977b; and
Talk -and ‘Kia, 1980) because frustration was presented as an
exclusive cause of aggression. The tendency to simplify and
narrow down the determinants of human aggression into a 'single
cause has resulted in defining frustration in such broad terms as
‘to 'nake“the concept almost a two way street, in which”the cause
(frustration) and. the outcoae (aggression) can be cited as a
direct consequence of the other. Furthermore, responses to
frustration nay take forms other than aggression, such as

acceptance, submission, resignation, dependence, and withdrawal.

‘ Thus, following Malinowski (1948) and others, most
anthropologists now examine the institutional structures,
ideologies, and socialization processes that harness and channel
aggression in culture (Brown and Schuster, 1988:165). Along this

line, this study will present the causes, actives and the general

nature of Guji warfare.

Not much has been written about Guji warfare. Hinnant

(1977:21), who was not directly concerned with the causes and

‘motives of Guji warfare, mentioned the endemic nature of ‘wars
among them in the past. Haberland, when describing warfare among

the Oromo of Southern Ethiopia in which the GuJi are included
stated3'

. . whereas the ”merit” of killing was honored
among the other Ethiopian peeples as a man’s
personal merit, among the /Oromo/ it was merely
regarded as the fulfillment of the natural order
of things. What counted for them was not the
heroic achievement - the killing of an enemy
warrior or a dangerous wild beast - but simply
killing as such. It is true that "the
sacrificial victim had to be a human being or an
~animal of particular kinds. But within ‘this
range it did not matter whether it was a young
-elephant, a delicate youth or an old man. A
sinlle killing could be accounted a merit for
all the members of age - grade (Baberland,
1983:777).

Baberland is quite right in that, within a given range, it
does not matter whether the victim was infant,*young or old. All

are counted equally. But beyond this truth, Haberland’s
statement' on killing as a “fulfillment of 'netural order of

things“ does not tell us the causes and motives of wars nor their
organisations. This thesis is an attempt to address such missing
gaps. It demonstrates that:
1. Social structure, ecological factors, and ideology
(cultural norms) are the root causes of Guji warfare.
2. Neither social structure, ecological factors, nor
ideology by itself can fully explain Guji
warfare when taken separately. GuJi warfare should be

understood in its integrated and mutually reinforcing

“dimensions.

Throughout the thesis a detail explanation of Guji “social
structure, ecological factors and ideological aspects will be
discussed and the effects they have on their warfare will be

examined.

Warfare, as it is ethnographically and historically known,
displays overwhelming diversity. It has no uniform act or
meaning among the world's cultures. This will necessitate a
chrkrng definition for a given culture. Thus, ‘thrcughcut 'this

Fthesis, I used “warfare” to mean ”armed conflict between distinct

and politically independent territorial units” (Fukui and‘Turton,
1979:4).

Except for two small-scale raids I observed in 1982, the
data ~upon "which the writing of this thesis is 'based, was
”collected through ethnohistorical technique. Elderly people, who
had themselves participated in different types of armed conflicts
*and in hunting practices, were selected and interviewed from
August 6 to 18 of the year 1982. Observation regarding the tuna
ceremony* was conducted in July of 1984. These- responses and
observations are substantiated by relevant written materials and

by my own long experience in the Guji society.

 

9mm 11
1:: 992.1; All W
In order to understand and analyse GuJi warfare in its
sociological context, it will be necessary to examine the socio-
political organisation of the GuJi society, as well as patterns
of “cattle husbandry and religious beliefs. This chapter will

present a general overview of these institutions.

The GuJi , one of the many territorial 1y independent ‘groups
of the Oromo, live in Southern Ethiopia; predominantly in the
central part of the Bids-o Administrative Region. The boundaries
of their territory are: Lake Abaya to the west and Ganale Guda
River -to the east. In the north the boundary is an imaginary
line that unevenly stretches between the towns of Bore and Agere

Belem. In the south the boundary is slightly north of the town
of Negele Borana (see map, p. 8).

Regarding the map, it should be noted that some of the
“territorial boundaries of the GuJi g9“ (phratries), ‘ and that of

the whole ethnic group, are now significantly changed. The Hati
have made major inroads into the territory of the 80h). And the

GuJi, as a whole, continued their long-tern southward and
westward expansion at the expense of the Boreas. They are also
gradually - expanding over the land that was once occupied by the
Arsi, crossing the Ganale Guda River to the east. This gradual
expansion was largely a consequence, at least during the early
days, of ritual wars that were organised under the m system
every eight years. Guji in their turn had lost much of their

 

 

    
    

A MA R R 0

:.O :. BUR V,

 

 

 

Baberland's map of the GuJi and their neighboring groups
.(like Baberland, Galla Sud-Athiopiens, 1983)

land in the north due to other southward expanding groups - the
~Sidamo and Gedeo.

There has never been a census that shows the population of
-different*“ethnic groups in Ethiopia. According to the official
estimate of the Administrative Regions and Provinces, the Guji
probably number more than half a million people. 'They belong to
‘the cushitic language subfamily of Afro-Asiatic and speak Oromo,
one of theWmost widely spoken languages in Ethiopia.

Except in areas where they are bounded by hostile ethnic
groups,~where houses are clustered together for mutual protection
against raids, the GuJi live in 9113 (neighborhoods) of dispersed
homesteads. A typical 2115 contains a single house, or a cluster
of two or three round straw houses separated from each other by a
cattle karaal, and by crop, and/or grasing land. It is quite
common for family and lineage members to live next to each other.
This, however, is not always the case. In previous days the head
‘of a polygynous family would spread his family members over
‘ different ecological zones to disperse his herd and/or to prevent
fights among co-wives. Young men were also be sent to distant

areas to graze cattle for years.

According to a Guji tradition, Adola and its environs was
the point of origin of the Guji and other groups with whom ”they
have lived. In mythic time, a man named Gujo with.his three sons
(Urago, Kati, Hoku) and other members of the family left barartu.

 

 

10

They ”moved 'northeastward and settled in a place called Girja.
There they lived as prosperous cattle herders and barley farmers
<for"many 'generations. with this long and prosperous stay at
‘Girja it was said that they developed a strong emotional
attachment“ to this land; an attachment which« even today is
*expressed through various Guji songs. This seems to be the

reason why most GuJi now state their origin in this land as Guji

" Girja (the GuJi who originated in GirJa). According to

tradition, the descendants of the Gujo later moved“to the Urags,
Mati, and Hoku areas which they named after the first three sons
of Gujc,' while their collective name remained that of the

founding father - Gujo, later to become Guji.

'This GuJi tradition of their cradleland is in complete
agreement with recent reconstruction of the origins of oromo in
general. ' Based on historical linguistics, oral traditions, and
cultural data, many scholars came out with more convincing
evidences that- the Oromo originated in and around the areas
nowadays inhabited by the Guji, Borana and part of Arsi (see
Lewis, 1966; Haberland, 1963; Fleming, 1964; and Legesse, 1973).
However, there were several unanswered historical questions; the
-extent -of ~the Oromo territory before their 16th century
expansion; the immediate causes of their expansion; why and when
their politico-religious institution (gain system) was invented;
and the time and causes for the separation of" different 'Orcmo

Lgroups to form independent territorial units. These are the

11
questions yet to be answered.

Whatever the time and causes for their separation from other
Oromo groups, the GuJi were autonomous people, "with their own
clearly demarcated territories and political leaders (in the form
of the Abba Gada) during Nenelik’s conquest of ”their land in
‘1897. According to informants, the population of the GuJi was
relatively small during those days. Land was communally owned by
clans and there has always been plenty for every one to graze his
herds and to cultivate. Movement was free for individuals within
the territory allotted to the clan, and this was the base for the
then widespread transhumance. Hunger and Jealousy were not known
according to tradition. It was said to be the time of abundance

and glory for the GuJi.

with Henelik’s conquest, however, the naJor patterns of GuJi
life were completely changed. Host GuJi land was taken from them
and given to the followers of the king. gag; legal, political
and arbitrational functions were replaced by the ‘government
administration. These changes restricted the once widespread
transehumance and the Guji's basic right of deciding their own
affairs at the local level. Taxes and labor services for
landlords were imposed on them and the Guji were gradually
reduced to the status of tenancy and poverty with little or no

concern'for them on the part of the government.

Unlike some other Oromo groups, which constitute a single

 

12

section, the GuJi form a confederation of four independent but

'closely related sections known as Qzagg‘ anti; 3933‘ 3ng¢51§9g3&
In fact, =the Alabdu by themselves are a confederation of two

*"groups known as £519 and Wozgstu, each of which has its own
defined territory and leader. There are also two other smaller
groups - the §glg and 9&3, that live deep into ‘the Sidamo
territory (see the map above). They adopted many cultural
elements from the people with when they came in contact and

therefore greatly diverged from the Guji culture.

'The areas now occupied by Selo and Otu night have been
places reached by the GuJi during the great Oromo expansion, from
where" the main group nay have been pushed back“to their 'present
territory, most probably under pressure from the Sidamo. This
aview can‘ be supported by the fact that some old shrines of the
Guji such as Dana, Dara, Awassa, Bansa, etc. . . which are now in
Sidamo territory are often included with shrines now in GuJi
land during the prayers. Besides this, the oral tradition of the
Sidamo collected by Getachew (1970) shows the presence of the

Guji in most of the present day Sidamo land, before the Sidano.

The Uraga, Mati, and Hoku - the focus of this thesis -
regard each other as blood relations. Although each group has
its own territorial boundaries and gada leaders, there is mutual
interdependence. They act together in wars, help each other
during economic crises, and conduct gada rituals together. There

is very little cultural difference among them. Indeed,

13

individuals or families from one group can move and settle in
other group’s territory. Intermarriage is fairly *common among

them.

'The traditional socio-political structure of Guji society
was dominated by two cross-cutting organisations with the kgllg
(supreme religious leader) at the top. These bases of their

”social structure are:

l. hoiety - clan - lineage structure and

2. The Gada system.

The GuJi gada system was intensively studied by Hinnant
(1977), and on the basis of this study its main structural and

functional features may be summarised as follows:

1. Gada is, first of all, a male institution.
Women’s participation in this institution is very much
limited. Girls are said to be the daughters of their

father’s gada grade; and women are referred to as the

wives of their husband’s grade.

2. Gada divides the stages of life, from childhood to old
‘age into a series of formal steps. 'There are thirteen
such steps in the contemporary GuJi case (see Appendix
one). Transition ceremonies make the passage from one
stage to the next. Within each stage activities and

xsocial roles are formally defined, both in terms of what

14

is permitted and what is forbidden. For instance,
“Soluda herd small animals, Kussa participate in

organised war parties, gada administer the country...etc.

3.’ ‘Recruitment into the gada system is based not upon
biological age as in an age set system, but upon the
requirement that one remains exactly inve *stages
(ideally forty years) below one’s father. It was based
on the maintenance of one socially defined generation
between father and son, which prevents adjacent
generation from competing for status. All of a man’s

son’s occupy the same grade regardless of their age.

45' The ideal length of one rank is eight years (but see

the variation from the table under Appendix one).

Regarding function, the gada grade that assumes office once
every eight years was the most important grade in the gada cycle.
The hall; and other lineage leaders at the clan ~level "were
. responsible for selecting the App; Egg; and their assistances
(gag). After assuming the office, the major activities of the
gada grade were: to administer the country, to reconsider old
Guji laws in the gada assembly, to move about “the country
according to the prescribed calendar performing a number of
different ceremonies at various sacred shrines, and~to‘ select
Abba £91; (war leaders). In the past, the gada system assumed

military,' economic, legal and arbitrational responsibilities.

 

15

Today, however, the function of gada in Guji has been reduced to
ritual activities.

There are two non-exogamous moieties known as akfikg and
dglgtalin GuJi. Under these moieties there are seven non-totemic
and exogenous clans in Uraga and Boku phratries each, and three
in Hati. Each clan is divided into a variable number of segments
'called gang (house), which in turn is divided into a great number

of patrilineages (Hinnant, 1977: 19).

‘The overall structure of Guji society at a higher level ‘may

be drawn as follows:‘

 

1. In the past these moieties were known as kontoma and
darimu.

 

URAGA
ABBA GADA

URAGA

 

CLANS

mlnlls 00“
i /

GALALCHA

DAMTA DAR-ARTE!

KALLU

HATI

ABBA GADA

MATI
PHRATIR‘I

 

HATI
CW8

 

HIRKARTU
INSALEA

ABBA GADA

PIRATIRY

0W8

GALALCHA
OBORRA
BALA ’ A

HERA
BURDITU
MICBILLE
KINO' O

 

17
The Guji family, like most Cushitic families of rural
Ethiopia, is' a large patriarchal extended family. An ‘ideal
family contains one husband, several wives, and as many children.
'as* nature allows. A man, if he is eldest son, along with his
spouses and children is expected to live with or near his
parents. Younger sons live where seem it seemed appropriate to

them. The family of most ordinary men, however, consists of a

'husband, a wife and their children.

Marriage, in most cases, is either arranged or based on self
selection. Bridewealth is paid by the groom’s family to ‘the
'bride’s family in the form. of cattle and money nowadays.
Although the number of cattle paid for bridewealth is small, in
comparison to some east African herders like the finer? family and
lineage members help each other in the payment as they do in the
‘case “of homicide. There is one very rare type of marriage in
which the bride groom is not required to pay bridewealth: i.e.
*Adibgng - marriage in which case the girl goes to ‘the groom's
house without his knowledge to offer herself in marriage.
Killers of enemies and big game animals may not also be required

to pay bride wealth for the reason to be discussed in chapter IV.

-The GuJi have a mixed economy of animal husbandry and crOp
cultivation in the fertile land which stretches over a wide

variety of altitudes. In previous days cattle herding has played

 

l. The Guji pay only 3 or 4 head of cattle for bride wealth;
while Evan Pritchard reported the payment of more than 26
cattle among the Nuer. (E. E. Evans-Pritchard - Kinship
and earring sugar the use: pp. 74-89)

18

a predominant role in their economy. This activity is not only
important for 'economic purpose, but it is also "important in
*social and ritual life. The social status of a person among the
Guji finds_ its expression in the number of head of cattle that
one owns. The owner of many head of cattle is a respected
person. ‘Ritually cattle are used for sacrificial purposes.

Traditionally, if two hundred heifers (one hundred ‘each
‘year) gave" birth to calves within two consecutive years, ‘the
owner had a right of holding a gmla‘ggte (discarding the lOOOth)
ceremony. In this ceremony one of these heifers was firmly tied
and"taken‘ into the forest where it was left as an 'offering to
wild animals. This was an indication that the man has reached
the ultimate level of herd development for which he ‘would be
*widely known after this ceremony.1

Cultivation was despised in earlier days. People who worked
on 'land were called as ggguztg or gage (those who do not have
knowledge of cattle breeding). Today, however, cultivation of
land has gained greater importance among most Guji and farming
combined‘ with herding and bee keeping is the preferred' pattern.
This tendency is clearly reflected in one of their recent songs
in which they condemned and gave advice to those individuals who
do not work but wander through the villages:

aerate horirhinkabdu ~ you don’t breed cattle and don't have
' ‘ your own;

 

it"flpga tgkg, one thousand, generally used to indicate the
Ilargest number, even though the GuJi counting system
can extend beyond that number.

19
Rotate koti-hinkabdu - you don't cultivate and don’t have ‘your
‘ own plot;
Duriye ganda labdu - the vagabond that roam the village;
“Aka iti-horatanu sit hima - I will tell you how to become wealthy
Jibota kolasani - castrate the bulls
Goromann bebasani - let the heifers graze
Gajedi lafa qoti - bow down and plow the land
Oljedi‘muka qori - look up and climb the tree (keep bee hives)
Ida sann dire horni - wealth is derived from those activities.

A great variety of crops are now grown in different
“altitudes of the Guji land. Corn and 2111 are predominant in the
lowland"and middle altitudes, while barley is the main crap in
the highlands. Bee keeping is common, especially in the high and
middle altitudes where flowering ggtang, baggage, tni,'and finish;
trees "proliferate. Hunting and gathering, which" might ~have
“played a substantial rolein previous days, serve only a very
limited ’function ‘in Guji society as a source of food. Other
economic activities such as trade and handicrafts were not
appreciated; but even before Henelik's~ conquest of 'southern
‘Bthiopia, there existed small scale local trade of cattle, iron,
garments, tobacco, nggadg (earth salt), food items, and ivory

between the Guji and their neighboring groups in the form of
barter.

With regard to religion, Guji have developed a very complex

set of beliefs and practices. I agree with Haberlandis~~comment

 

20

that more than any other people in Ethiopia, the Guji lay very
great emphasis on augury, by which most of their undertakings are
~governed (fiaberland, 1963:783). They believe' in abstract
concepts and physical objects as well as‘ in power vested
.in'certain individuals and families. I will review some of these

”here.

flak; (high god/sky), who is said to have created everything,
is the center of Guji religion. Be is believed to have lived
famong "men until he was annoyed by the evil deeds of human beings
and finally moved to the sky where he is living now in seclusion.
Guji ‘also believe in the existence of dgziggéggtgng (devil),
whose. main functiOn is said to mislead people to do something
wrong. ' Be is ’believed to possess individuals and make them
suffer* from unexplainable illnesses which might be cured by were
“33:; or were glans (cults). There is also one concept called
kayyo. which has several interrelated aspects. For the purpose
of this thesis we need only to know one aspect of kayyo. Kayyo
is not“ a thing, but a symbolic representation of good or evil
that manifests itself in bird calls, in other animals like

snakes, and persons. The good and bad aspects of kayyo are
interpreted by knowledgeable individuals.

It‘ is surprising that every major undertaking of Guji is
governed by kayyo. Before going out for were and hunting,
requesting a girl for marriage, holding certain important

'ceremonies. . . etc, people have to carefully examine kayyo. If

21

it is said to be bad, they in most cases, postpone or cancel

their plans. If the kayyo is good they know that all will be
‘well.

Guji “worship“ natural phenomena such as rivers, trees,
land, and the like. It is not these objects themselves that are
worshipped, but the spirit of the wake which is believed to dwell
in them. The objects only act like Christian-church or 'Hoslem
mosques under which prayers and sacrifices are made for wake.
Not ‘all rivers, trees, or land are the objects of ‘religious
devotion. But only those which are associated with some
important Guji rituals such as the gada system or those objects
which are related to myth of origins Thus the us 12939 tree
“where important gada ritual take place and figzzn“Adgla (holy land

of Adola) which is associated to the myth of origin are popular

among many such natural phenomena.

Certain individuals and families are believed to posses
inherent or acquired power through which they could do good or
harm others. The kgllg (supreme religious leader) and any; gada;
who are respectively considered to be ggzzg (holy) and 32:33
kalaghg (virile family) are among these individuals. Their curse
is feared like a poisonous snake bite, while their blessing is
very important for individuals success in wars, hunting, good
life, and for the well-being of the society. The fihghgla
families, who are believed to have power to control lightning and

the galaghg, who are believed to create internal problems for

22

individuals are also considered to be woyyu. Guji ”are very
careful not to offend these families, because of fear of the
consequences -lightning and stomach travail - that are ‘believed
to follow.

There are also two groups of individuals - had; (people with
the evil eye) and {giggle (sorcerers). The former -power is
believed to be inherent while the latter is acquired. Ends and

falafala are said to have negative effects on the victims and are

always condemned.

With this general background of the Guji socio~political,
economic, ‘and religious aspects, we now proceed‘to describe and

analyse warfare.

mm
W
This chapter will present the types of wars fought among the

Guji,r causes and motives of wars, traditional* peace “making
procedures, and the relationships between warfare and hunting.
Attempts are also made to outline the major changes -that took

place in Guji warfare and hunting practices.

3.1) 122919111“:

Before dealing with different types of wars it is important
to examine the internal relationships of the Guji at “different
social levels. In Guji, as in other neighboring ethnic groups,
there have been all sorts of quarrels and fightings “among the
members of a family, lineage, or clan for numerous and varied
reasons. 'The tense relationships between co-wives, insult,
theft, {alfgla (sorcery), things related t0' cattle and property
have been the sources of quarrels and fightings. However,

,Guji were extremely careful not to spill Guji blood. To do so
was believed to be very dangerous and highly polluting.
Gujin Guji ajesse - Guji killed Guji
Digan wol balesse - destroyed/polluted each other
with blood/leprosy
Digs kia ket - my blood and yours
Haltu wolta hamesse? - what makes it disagree with
each other?

Besides the fear of being polluted or caught by leprosy, the

Guji knew very well the severe punishment (both economic and
23

 

24
legal) that would follow the killing of Guji by a Guji. We shall

deal very briefly with the traditional treatment of such cases.

If the members of the same family or lineage killed each
other ‘by dang (accident), the killer must tightly hold the body
and call out: “My family, my lineage, my 913. . . reach me! I
have killed my brother/sister.“ When someone arrived, 'he~wmust

run away from the eyes of his relatives, which were believed to

be 'dangerous to him. In this case the killer ~would not be
killed. A complex reconciliation ceremony known as hill} :91
‘gighiggghn (twisting each others’ arms), would be held, in which
he was reintegrated into his family and lineage. 0n the other
hand, if the killing was hex; (deliberate), the killer would not
be killed, but all his property would be confiscated and he would
be driven out off Guji society. In other words, -he would loose
' both his belongings and right of being a Guji citizen.

If the killing was between the members of different families
or lineages, and if it was by accident, the killer must hold the
, body“ and call out as in the case described above. Then
‘he must -run to cross a river? and must hide himself 'from "the
deceased family or lineage members. Elderly people (including
gada officials) would later intervene and reconcile the two
groups. Q25; (blood price) would not usually be accepted for
accidental killings. But if the killing was deliberate, the

killer would either be lawlessly speared by the 'deceased family

 

1. Once he crossed a river, he would be safe and not be
killed

 

25
~or lineage members or if he was lucky, elderly *people may
intervene and gun; would be paid. Traditionally, same was paid

in cattle and the set amount wasquga (one thousand) head of
l

cattle.

Since an individual or a family alone could not afford to
‘pay game, in previous days members of the killer’s lineage, clan,
and his in-laws were obliged to contribute in the payment. 'They
would ‘pay 'their share not only to save the life of the 'killer,
'but also to maintain page: Lexy-3,9911 (the peace and unity of
'the Guji).

Before gala was paid and final reconciliation was made, the.
members of the two families would not eat together, would not
shake each other’s hands, and would not work together. They
referred to each other as 3923.113; (families under blood guilt).

A refusal or delay in the gang payment would soon provoke the
victim’s party to take revenge. This may lead to feuding that

could ‘destroy the peace and unity of the Guji. For these
reasons, the Guji always discouraged homicide in their society.
“Rhen 'it happened they were always ready to solve the problem as
isoon as possible. They are always allies with each other
against outsiders.

The Guji, who worked so hard to avoid or minimize homicide
in their society, were highly aggressive against non-Guji groups.

There had been endemic wars and cattle raids with almost all

 

1. 3339 3259 (one thousand), as mentioned earlier, is the
largest symbolic number among the Guji; the actual
amount was one hundred head of cattle.

26

neighboring groups from time immemorial. Even after their
incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire, they continued' cattle
raids “and small scale wars with their neighbors, wespeoially
around their boarders.

According to the information obtained from informants, the
Guji engaged in four different types of armed conflicts ‘with
'their neighbors: a) d313, b) 1913, c) cattle raids, and d) gada.
Each of these armed conflicts had its own organisational frame-

*work, causes, tactics, and strategies, as will be discussed below:

DUE;

l
221; was the oldest type of war known to the Guji. It was a

big offensive war, initiated and organised under the rule of the
gada system every eight years. As has already been mentioned
in 'Chapter II, the gada system divides the stage of life from
childhood to old age into a series of formal grades, -eaoh of
which“assumes specific duities and rights. ‘In due course, these
would be transferred, normally by a formal ceremony, to the next
gada grade that had up to then different duties and rights. One

of the many duties that the gada grades had to take over at one

time was warfare.

Traditionally, the members of the 53555 grade were required

to wage dglg against neighboring enemy groups, towards the end

 

1. Another name for $31; is butts.

27

“of "their' gada period. They were led to dula by the Abba 2915
’(father~of-war) who was elected in the warriors’ assembly from the
‘ruling gada class, on the basis of bravery, luck, ability to
Forganise, family heroic history (gorge gigs), and the like.

'The*Borana, Arsi, Sidamo, Gedeo (Darassa), Wolaita, and
Burji are Guji’s neighbors. The relationship of the Guji with
all these neighboring ethnic groups (except with the Gedeo) was
actively hostile. In the earlier days, their contact was greatly
limited to the bordering areas where they have fought with each
other. The barter trade that had existed among some of these
groups (including the Guji) was not developed to the point where
it could create significant relations and cooperation among them.

Intermarriage among them was not encouraged at all.

Even after Menelik’s conquest, the relationships among most

of these groups were, to a larger extent, limited to the market

places and towns, which are neutral zones, where different ethnic
groups meet and exchange their produce and information about
their social and natural environment. Apart from.market places
and towns their contacts are still slight and the passage into
each others territory is not always easy. In the past, all

movement outside one's own territory was hazardous.

Guji’s relationship with the Gedeo was different. It was
not always harmonious; but was much better than, for example,

that with the Sidamo, Arsi, or Borana. This better relationship

 

 

 

28

was probably the result of two factors. First, the Guji and
Gedeo regard each other as blood relations. In the Guji myth of
origin, it was said that nagging (the founding father of the
Darassa/Gedeo) was the elder brother of Gujo (the founding father
of the Guji). Both of them were said to be the sons of Ana Sore.
Thus, even today, Guji do not drink milk, dadi hqka (honey wine
used for ceremonies), or give blessing at ceremonies until Gedeo
receive the first share - the respect usually given to elder
brothers.

The second and prdbably the most important reason was the
economic interdependence between these groups. The Guji obtained
the cereals and gnggtg they needed from the Gedeo; while the
Gedeo in their turn obtained the cattle products they needed from
the Guji. There was also intermarriage linkage 'between the
members of these groups. For these reasons, the Guji and Gedeo
do not kill each other, unless there is an unavoidable situation.
Even if they kill each other, they do not wear butter on their

hair (a sign of having killed an enemy man or a big~game animal).

'Dnla (big offensive war), in most cases, therefore, was
directed against the Sidamo, Borana, and Arsi - who were the
despised enemies of the Guji and who had a great number of cattle
to be looted. The number of warriors which participated in gala,
depended on the number of the young and able-bodied men who
entered the huge; grade. It should, however, be noted that it

was not only the members of the knee; grade who have participated

29

in dale 'wars. Other people from both the junior ~and senior
grades voluntarily followed the App; 2313 (father of war) to kill
enemies and to build their prestige as warriors. Indeed, going to

@3155 according to informants, was the interest of any able -
bodied man in the past.

One of my informants, who himself had participated in a dale
~war, estimated the number of warriors who had gone to gala with
him *at- over two thousand men. Women would not 'directly
participate in gulp, and in fact in any type of armed conflict.
They were expected only to prepare gal. - food, drink, and any

other necessary things for the warriors.

Before the warriors would go out for a d313, oracles
together with other knowledgable persons had to carefully examine
kayyo. As was pointed out in the previous chapter, 33129 is a
symbolic representation of good or evil, that manifests itself in
bird calls, in snakes, in other animals and persons. Above all,
'the important thing in kazzg is one species of bird called aging;
. 32229 (the bird of kayyo). It is believed that these birds carry
messages concerning the future from;ggkg (god) to man (Hinnant,
1977: 42) Thus,‘ depending on the different types of calls made
by these birds, and depending on the direction from which the
calls “were made (left - right, up - down), the 35:29 experts
would predict the outcome of the dulg.

If kgzzg was said to be good, oracle leaders would decide

30

the *appropriate date to set out for the war and would tell this
to the war leader. If 33:29 was said to be bad, the campaign
would be postponed or rituals such as animal sacrifices, hglnka,
(tying a vine between two trees at above head height and then
passing beneath it in the believe that it would strip away any
bad kgzzg) or *prayers would be made to control kayyo. In
addition to the good kgzzg obtained or achieved, before launching
the campaign, warriors needed.to get the blessing of the Abba
gada (gada leader) and that of their parents, which was believed
to be important for success in wars. War magic, body decoration

as a means of frightening the enemy, and uniforms were not known

among the Guji.

0n the proposed date and time, warriors being in giggglgihgg
(segments) of four or five groups, would rush into the target
territory either on horse back or on foot. The only weapons used
before Menelik’s period were: sharp-ended sticks, spears, knives,
and shields. With these they would kill and castrate any enemy
men they could find, take human and cattle captives, burn houses
and crops, loot whatever pleased them, and would return back

within one to five days.

We do not have any record of the number of enemy men killed
or taken as captives, or about the number of cattle and amount of
property looted or destroyed in 9313 wars. Different Guji

informants estimated the number of enemy men killed in one $31;
wengagement from about 10 to 150; the number of cattle captured

31

from 'about 200 to 2000, and the number of human captives ‘from
about 3 to 25. It was difficult for them to estimate the amount
of property destroyed, except to say that pratically "everything
was burned. Battle causalties (death, wounds, human captives) on
the part“ of the Guji seem to be much fewer than those of the
enemy groups since $313 were usually launched when the enemy
groups were unaware and/or not prepared. These figures are
presented here not because they are reliable, but simply to give
the reader the general picture of the causalties in gulp wars, at
least from the informants’ point of view. .

Women, in general, were not killed by the Guji and by their
neighboring ethnic groups unless it was by mistake? They were
also very rarely taken as war captives. Among the Guji, if a man
had killed an enemy woman, he would not have the right to 'wear
butter on his hair or the right to hold a tuna. Instead, he was
highly despised and laughed at for killing a woman.

This implicit convention that prevented women from being
’killed ‘or from being taken as war captives, was an “important

aspect of warfare among the Guji and neighboring groups. The
convention enabled women to play a crucial role in the economic
'relations of these groups and in peace-making procedures among
them. Despite the antagonism and were among these groups, women
of all groups were fairly free to cross the enemy territory to
Iexchange the produce of their country with that of others. ‘Thus,

1. According to Guji informants, Arsi used to kill women

and take their breasts as a trophy. For this reason
they were the most feared group among the neighbors of Guji.

 

 

32

through women intermediaries, every group would get what it
needed ‘from others which otherwise would not be possible. In
addition to this, when a battle between two groups continued for
three or four days, old men of both sides would send women with

truce messages (see peace making below).

The treatment of war captives and booty is another important
dimension of Guji warfare. War captives were treated in either
one of the following three ways. Guji informants told Hinnant
‘one way of dealing with war captives as follows:

. . if a boy was captured in a war he would be
taken to the Guji captor’ s house and would drink
omilk out of the hand of his captor. He then sits
on the 93133;; (log separating the outer house'
from the sleeping area) and becomes a real son.
He can inherit property. If an older man is
captured he is considered as wherever relative his
age indicates . . . A former captive who has
been taken into Guji will fight on the side of the
final against his former peeple. (Hinnant, 1972

).

This type of adopting the enemy individuals and families
into one’s own family and lineage was very common among Guji in
the past. There are families and lineage known in Guji now,
who were integrated into Guji society in this way. Besides the
equal rights and privileges they enjoyed with the Guji, most of
the captives were given ritual powers, like representing cults in
their area, or important positions in certain ceremonies, so that

they may be respected and not attacked by some Guji members both

'verbally and physically.

33

The“ second alternative was that the Guji captor would send
old women to the enemy territory with the name and description of
‘the ‘men captured. His people then could pay undo (a ransom of
many cattle ) and get him back. The last and relatively recent

alternative was to sell the captive as a slave.

war ‘spoils were taken by the man who capture 'them first.
If, for instance, cattle were captured by a group of warriors,
every men would rush to earmark the beasts for himself as soon as
)the ‘warriors returned to Guji territory and were confident that
they "were safe from the enemy’s attack. A man who could first
seize the animal, and cut its ear or any part of its body, had an
absolute claim to it.

eel
flag; was very widespread in southern Ethiopia. The Arsi,

Borana, Sidamo, Gedeo and Burji, all had their own gada system.
These societies in their turn had waged war expeditions against

the Guji and against other neighboring groups to fulfil
institutional requirement. The second type of”war among the

Guji, therefore, assumed a defensive form known as Lei.

rIn chapter II, it was mentioned that GuJi houses in the
bordering areas were usually clustered together for mutual
protection against wars and raids. Thus, as soon as the enemy
group began to attack these areas, all able-bodied men would

fight against them. Women, children, and elderly'nenwwhO‘were

34

not expected toparticipete in any type of war, would try to flee
into the interior with their cattle. They also had the
"responsibility of shouting the message from a hill top to ‘alert
neighboring GuJi groups about the incident.

-Once the message was heard, each neighbor had to spread it
to the next, until it finally reached the whole GuJi territory.
It is surprising that such.s message would spread throughout the
vast Guji territory within a few hours. '“All warriors and able-
bodied men would then rush out to the site of the attack to kill
the enemy and to avenge their fellow men, to retrive the booty
collected 'by the enemy, and to give assistance tO‘thB' attacked
community. This type of war would soon be changed into "all on "
“warfare if the enemy group did not leave the country within about

two or three days. There was no formal leadership in defensive

W828 .

' Raids

 

Traditionally, raids seem to have occured every few months
I if not more frequently, and still occurs sporadically. They were
initiated by hgpizg (age—sets), who used to take the dry herds of
their families to the lowland areas for better grasing and water
resources. These young men were highly interested in killing
big game, enemy men, and in raiding enemy cattle in order to gain
prestige 'and*wealth. Thus, being in a group of about ten to
thirty men, they would go into the enemy territory. They used
hit-and~run 'style raids in which they attacked and ”killed -the

35

genemy"by surprise, carried out the maximum booty -within the
shortest time possible, and returned to their territory that same
day.' 'ln“‘reids, leaders were created at the spot ~frem--pgx.u§
intern 2am.

I had occasion to observe a similar type of raid in the
Sumer‘of 1982. It was initiated by a group of youngfme'n‘ fro-“the
‘Hati area. Using a brief disorder created by shifts (out-laws),

-es an excuse, this group entered Sidamo territory and started

firing their guns at the enemy who fled into the interrior 'to
gsave'“their* lives. The GuJi then looted crops *and' property,
”burned houses, and captured about one hundred-head -of cattle,
-which"the individual captors added to their own herds. '“Afterv
about a week, the Sidamo in turn came to the Gudi territory and
‘burned four'houses, killed a man, captured a similar‘number of

-cattle and returned home within about four hours.

In such raids, and in all types of armed conflict for that
matter, discipline, command and coordinated actions were poorly
developed. Individual warriors for the most part fought on their
own. They advanced and retreated at their own discretion. But
'warriors obeyed the domestic behavior code and respected the App;
dulg and other elders. The disapproval of fellow warriors was a
strong deterrent from doing things that might endanger the

success of the group operation.

Raids among most East African herders, as observed by

 

 

36

various writers (see for instance, Baxter, 1979; Almagor, 1979;
and Dyson-Hudson, 1980), were often carried out without the
knowledge or approval of the elders. In this armed conflict the
individual raiders may gain prestige, cattle, or both; but the
group may suffer from the social disruption of retaliatory raids.
This would create some sort of opposition between the elders and
the warriors. Among the Guji, this type of opposition was
clearly reflected in the case described above. The eldersthoae
cattle were raided by the Sidamo, explicitly warned the young men
that they would expose them to the administration s0"that they
would be punished if they continued such raids without their
knowledge.

finds

This type of armed conflict was made for help baggy
(avanging one’s family or lineage member killed) or simply to
satisfy one’s own ambition or ego. Individuals who had these
goals, formed groups of 2 to 5 men, and went into enemy
territory, where they would hide themselves under bushes or
behind rocks. They then would kill passers by, shepherds, or any
other enemy men they could find and come back with genitals or
whatever booty they could find. The aim of this type of armed
conflict was primarily killing rather than looting preperty or

raiding cattle.

3.2 mammal-3m

Armed conflicts among the Gudi were rooted in multiple

37

causes and motives, which may be grouped into three broad

-categories: structural, ecological, and ideological.

As it has been discussed in previous sections, the 'gada
system ‘divided Guji society into various grades, through which
‘male members passed in succession as they advanced from childhood
to old 'age, acquiring specific duties and rights. 'Hhen a
particular group reached the hugs; grade, it was required to wage
war against the neighboring non-Guji groups. This type of war
~would continue every eight years as a new group entered the huge;
grade. It was part of young men’s rites of passage into the next
gada-grade. Thus, the structural requirement of the gada system
was one of the primary causes of were (especially of the gulp)
fought among the Guji and their neighbors.

The subsistence economy of the Guji, as mentioned earlier,
was based on cattle raising and on cultivation of grains. While
grains, in most cases, serve only to satisfy hunger, great value
was placed on cattle for religious purposes, for social status,
and for bride wealth and gums (blood price) payments. Cattle
were, therefore,’ considered to be the most important form of
wealth among the Guji and among their pastoral neighbors. One
way of acquiring such an important asset, besides
the normal way of multiplying, was raiding - which 'caused
conflicts. In societies like Guji, "raiding was certainly an
important means of repairing stock losses, where however skilled

and diligent the harder, animals were always at risk from

 

38

disease, drought, and raids of other groups“ (Fukui and Turton,
l9?9:9).

In addition to conflicts emanating from reciprocal cattle
raids and theft, the GuJi competed with their pastoral neighbors
for access to grazing land and water resources, which are
important' for multiplying and transforming “their herds.
Infringments, particularly in areas where there were shortages,

resulted in conflict and wars.

The Guji, however, did not emphasise ecological factors as
the primary causes of their armed conflicts. 'They ”rather
emphasised lidellilld (a right or an intent to kill enemies or
big game animals to demonstrate one’s bravery or masculinity)
and revenge as the primary causes and motives of the wars fought
by them and their forefathers. Their preference for killing over
economic benefits (cattle raids or looting property), was clearly

stated in one of their war songs:

Ifuma shafan male shafan nama hingabitu

Ifuma Jedan male bojun dira hinrafstu

- People do, but to churn milk in smaller containers does
not help them to become fat (i.e. it is not beneficial).
- People may say, but capturing cattle or looting property

does not satisfy or make a hero man sleep (i.e. he has to

kill).

39

'As'stated in the song, no thing was more satisfactory,- for
the younger men, than the killing of an enemy or big game animal.
It'was so, not only because it would bring the killer high honor
‘and social status, but also it would bring him gifts of -cattle
from his relatives and friends, and priority in marriage, “in a
society where polygamy was the rule and where getting a wife was

not easy (see chapter IV for a detail).

The killing of enemies or big game animals for honor and
social status was not unique to the Guji. It has long been
present among different Oromo groups, as an important cultural

'value. Bartels' comment on the Mocha Oromo was a good example:

The honor of a man was bound up in having killed
either enemies or big game; that of a woman, in
giving life . . . . She braved . . . the troubles
of married life and childbirth - in the same way
that a hunter, for the sake of honor, defied the
aperils of the wilderness and a warrior the perils
“of battle. In addition, killing on the part of men
ensured fertility for the women (Bartels,
1969:408).

Baxter, when describing the Boran Oromo in this regard,
also writes :

“To kill an enemy, lion, or elephant is the aim of
every young man and was formerly an essential, and
still is a frequent, preliminary to a respectable
marriage, which is the first step towards formal
recognition as a social adult (Baxter, 1965:62).

These brief comments clearly illustrate that 'the values

placed on killing for honor were important motives for waging

 

40

were among the GuJi and among the Oromo in general. It is,
however, misleading to assume that the Oromo were perpetually
killing people. They punished those who were aggressive towards
them, while incorporating (through adoption) those who accepted

and submitted themselves to them.

Fighting for revenge was another important motive of the

GuJi wars. They say “haluni dira wogs sagaliti bati" which means

 

taking of revenge may be delayed but must be done. Among them,
if one does not take revenge for a killed relative or for ‘stolen
cattle, one would be highly despised and insulted through various
GuJi songs. Children are taught, from early childhood, to be
warriors and to be ready to take revenge on behalf of killed
family member and relatives. For these reasons, everybody in
GuJi was eager to kill and take revenge for a relative killed or
for stolen cattle. Once a man has reciprocally killed a man
from any enemy group, or reciprocated cattle theft, revenge was
considered to have been taken, since Guji value required blood

for blood or theft for theft.

As opposed to peoples such as the use Rage of New Guinea
highlands (see Meggitt, 1977), who deliberately fought for
acquisition of land, Guji wars were not aimed at territorial
expansion, although their consequences were Just that. The aims
were rather seen primarly as killing enemies for gigs and for
revenge. Economic motives seem to be supplementary to these

primary aims.

 

41

3-3 EEAQE MAKIEQ

Peace making, although the peace may be only temporary, is
an integral part of any war. Among the GuJi and their
~neighbors, it was a matter of mutual agreement between the groups
through the intermidiacy of women. The data I collected on the
-traditional peace-making procedure was in complete agreement with

the responses given to Hinnant by the GuJi elders on the subject.

 

It is therefore worthwhile to present this responses here.

When a battle had continued for 3 or 4 days, the
old men on both sides decided that since ‘many
people were being killed and the crops needed
tending and the children were starving, they
‘should send old women to the other side to begin
peace moves with the senior men there. They would
send over five very old women. The five old women
went to where the senior Sidamo men were having a
meeting called soggg. They go and stand quietly
until asked who they are. They say that they are
GuJi and that they bring a message from the senior
men of their country. They say that Gujis are
dying and that they are killing Sidamos who might
even be their 599; (in-laws). So they want to end
the conflict. The Sidamo tell them to return to
their country. The next day the Sidamo send five
old women who say that the Sidamo agree with the
GuJis and where should they make the 'appointment
to kill the oxen and end the conflict? The Guji
discuss and name a place and time. The Sidamo
women go. The next day both sides come together
and kill two oxen, pouring the blood on both sides
of the boundary. Meanwhile the warriors stand on
their sides of the boundary spears raised. The
two sets of five women stand before them telling
them to leave the threats behind. The old men
hold ends of a bone ~any bone- and other breaks
it. Then all eat the meat together as a sign of
peace (Hinnant 1972:154-155).

Although this peace-making procedure related to the Guji and

42

Sidamo, it was equally applicable for the Guji and their other
neighbors. Such peace-making, however, was only temporary, since
disputes would simply escalate again over murder, cattle theft,
gada requirements, grasing rights ... to continue the vicious

circle of reciprocal killings and raids.

3=4WMW

'Among the GuJi, warfare and hunting of big game animals such
as lion, elephant, buffalo, and rhinoceros were, from time
immemorial, governed by similar motives and rules. The primary
'motive of both practices was gidglgigga - a right or intent to
kill for demonstrating one’s bravery and thereby obtain social
status and previlage in the society. The killers of big game
“were given equal status and privilege with the killers of enemy

men, and both have equal right of holding the kuda ceremony.

dBesides the lids motives, the killing of big game animals
could supplement the economy of the GuJi, to some extent, as in
the case of cattle raids. Elephant tusks, hides and horns of
buffalo and other game animals (from which.shields, buckets .

were made) can only be obtained through hunting and had been used
as exchange items among the Guji themselves and with their
neighbors.

With regard to organisation, warfare and hunting had very
similar rules. Adamo (a large hunting expedition) was led by the
Abba Adamo (hunting leader) who was elected from the ruling gada

 

43

grade as in the case of dbl; (large offensive war). The ‘number
of participants in both practices was very large (from about 1000

to “over 2000, according to informants) and would follow ’their
’leaders on a voluntary basis. Women did not participate in
either hunting or warfare practices. The importance of he ,
getting the blessing of the Abba ggdg and elders, taking gala
,(food) 'witheoneself were emphasised in both warfare and hunting

' practices. Even the weapons used for both practices were the

same. ‘“0ne clear difference between the two practices was the
duration of time spent in the field. The hunters who used to
hunt‘ in their own territory could stay much longer in the field,
while the warriors who fought in the enemy territory could not do
that, because of the "all out“ were that could be “organised

against them.

Adamb would be declared by the Abbg Agg-g towards the end of
dry season, when forests were less dense and when the game were
weak and less aggressive. After carefully examining the
indicators of 33229, men on foot would enter the forest to
strike, when possible, and drive out the wild animals into the
open. Horsemen then would follow and kill them ‘with their

spears .

In both warfare and hunting practices, a man whose weapon
first struck and caused a drop of blood, had the right to be
considered as having killed an enemy or a big game animal whether
he actually did it or not. After being granted the 'right of

44

having killed, the killer would cut the genital organ of his
victim, the ears and tail in the case of big game animal (as
a trophy), and would smear his horse (if on horseback) with the
blood of the victim. He then would begin to loudly sing the song
'of "the killers (ggzgzggg), until he' arrived “home 'and was
congratulated by his family and relatives in a receiving ceremony

called 9222;.

In the gbppg ceremony, the father, ‘mother, and uncle
(father’s brother) of the killer. who should hear the news before

his return, would wait and welcome the killer at -his parents’
door. A complex ritual took place at this point. They would
sacrifice a sheep with whose blood the killer was ‘washed "and
made to pass under the caracas - hulnkg, to cleanse him from a
state of ritual pollution he entered into by shedding blood.
This is a preliminary purification which would later be followed
by a bug; sacrifice. Then, they would shave his hair and put
butter mixed with coffee beans on his head, after which he would
. wear beads around his neck, pierce his ears, and let his hair
grow longer. Bis relatives and friends would come to his house to
visit and sing war songs with him. Some of them would bring him
gifts of cattle. He also would visit his relatives and friends
in their houses. Every household visited by him would 'be

required, at least to anoint his growing hair with perfumed
butter.

‘ The fact that Guji equate the killing of an enemy with the

46

killing of big game animal is interesting. Equivalent to this is
also a woman giving birth to a child. Giving birth to a child on
the part of a woman is considered to be equal to the .merit of
killing enemy or big game animal on the part of a man. All these
achievements approximately require equal amount of pain,
‘hardship, and risking one’s own life as a perior conditions of

later pleasure.

Bunting, as mentioned earlier, serves only a limited
function in GuJi as a source of food and as a source of items for
exchange. Giving birth to a child, on the part of a woman, also
does not have immediate economic benefits. Thus, GuJi‘s equating
warfare, hunting, and giving birth to a child on the part of a
women, seem to indcate the primacy of status and honor motives
(which are immediate after a successful achievements of these

practices) over economic gains.

3=5 we

Significant changes have taken place in GuJi warfare and
hunting -practices since their incorporation into the ‘Ethiopian
"Government at the end of the last century. One of the reasons
"for these' changes seem to be the gradual decline of the gada
system, either because of its own internal dynamics or because of
the replacement of its political and military functions by the
central government administration. The gada system, as was

mentioned earlier, previously initiated and organised dbl;

 

46
groups every eight years. Incorporation into the Ethiopian
Empire made these institutionalised wars impossible (Binnant,
1978:229) due to the rigorous control adopted.

The frequency of cattle raids, small scale armed conflicts,
and hunting has also greatly declined due to government control
and* due to the decline of transhumant activity. With Menelik’s
conquest, the vast land over which the GuJi once roamed freely,
was taken from them and given to the landlords who*wouid charge
high taxes for usage. This made transhumance, which was the best
ground”for both hunting and raids, very expensive and forced the
Guji to devise another system called dabarg in which they loan
cattle to relatives in different altitudes to exploit 'variations
in climate and resources.1

The introduction of fire arms seems to have.made very little
or no changes in the overall organisation of wars or in the
fighting methods of the GuJi. This might be due to a similar
distribution of the weapons among the Guji and their neighboring
groups. On the other hand, the introduction of fire arms seems
to have a significant effect on hunting practices. With the use
of guns, the GuJi greatly reduced the number of once abundant
trophy animals, to the point where they can be rarely seen, if at
all. Now they occassionally hunt smaller animals such as
antelope, wild pigs etc... either individually or in groups as a

way of spending their spare time, not as heroic or status

rewarding activities.

 

l. A person to whom the cattle were given as loan has a right
to freely use their products, but cannot own them.

m1.
Egg;

In this chapter I will use a case study to describe and
analyse gada. Egg; was a sacrificial ceremony prepared by those
individuals who had killed enemies and/or big game animals.
Should this ceremony be omitted, it was believed that the killer
would get leprosy or would become insane. Among the Guji, leprosy
and insanity are the sign of pollution that one may enter into
after a major killing, and hung is believed to cleanse one from
such pollution (see below, for how the ceremony is used towards
this purpose). In addition to its believed cleansing aspect,
33d; would serve another important purpose. It was the ceremony

in which true killers were distinguished from those who claimed
to have killed enemies and/or big game without really doing so,

and would deserve different treatments accordingly.

4=1T_1.29.Qess§tu§1
This case study will present the Egg; ceremony of Wako Bali?
Bali claimed to have killed an enemy man. But some people of his
area did not believe his claim. The main purpose of his
preparing a hug; ceremony was, therefore, to bring proof and
witnesses in order to end the mistrust of his achievement. The
cleansing aspect of had; was given only secondary attention in

this case. Thus after preparing a young bull (that symbolizes

 

1. All the Guji personal names in this chapter are my own
creations since the actual subjects did not want their
names to be mentioned.

47

 

48

the killed enemy man) to be sacrificed and local drinks to be
served at the ceremony, he invited all the Guji men of his area
who claimed to have killed enemy men and/or big game. The fact
that non-killers and women, who were considered inferior, had not

been invited did not prevent me and others (including women) from

attending the ceremony.

It was the morning of July 16, 1984. The place was in the
Bore district of the Jemjem Province, Sidamo. I saddled my horse
and joined a group of killers who were heading to Bali’s house to
attend his :34; ceremony. There was no problem of distinguishing
them from non-killers. They put on their best clothes, higher;
lag; (ivory arm rings), ostrich feathers into their well buttered
hair, and beads around their neck. In addition to this, some of
them held the branches of ggti and 3;; trees that 'distinguished
them from non-killers. Others had their guns with them.

As soon as we arrived, those of us who were non-killers
dismounted and joined non-killers who have already arrived and

assembled infront of the door. The killers began riding back and

forth or around a circle, while boasting loudly about the enemies
and/or big game animals they had killed and about the manner of
the killings. This process continued for about ten minutes or so

after which they dismounted and asked to enter the house.

Only killers were eXpected to enter the house to enjoy

themselves with the prepared local drinks, to chant war songs and

 

49

songs of self-praise, and to dance with women (in separate group)
who were singing and praising them in the house. None killers
were expected to stay outside for the whole day and were served
drink there. Such a restriction could have been a stumbling
block -hindering me from observing what was going on inside the
house if Bali, who was aware of my intention to study -the
ceremony, did not assign me a position of serving local drinks
both to the killers and women in the house and to the non-killers
outside the house. This gave me ample opportunity to observe the

details of the events that was going on both inside and outside

the house.

My greatest impression while observing in the house was the
scramble of the women to sing and dance with some known killers.
There were even at times quarrels among some of those who wanted
to. sing with these killers. In my quest for understanding why
singing and dancing with popular killers is demanded by women so
highly, I was told that having a killer as a lover was an
important thing that would raise the status of a woman. She
would be respected as a lover of a hero and would be given
priority in some social and ritual activities. The quarrel
between some of them was, therefore, seen as an attempt to have

some of these known killers as their lovers and maintain a higher

status.

Almost all the invited killers arrived at about 11.00 in the
morning. It was thus time to sacrifice the bull, which was killed

 

50

at the right front of the door after hggiritz (the passing of
one’s hand or ritual sticks along the back of the sacrificial
animal, while invoking asks for long life, health, peace and
abundance). The cleansing ritual took place at this moment. Bali
stepped on the sacrificed bull, starting from the thigh to head,
as a symbol of stepping over (escaping) any disasters that may

result from spilling blood. A fire was then started in front of

the doorway, where the whole carcass, except the hump, was
roasted on the flame and consumed by all the participants of the
ceremony. The hide was out into long pieces, distributed and
placed around the heades of all those who claimed to have killed

enemy men and/or big game animals.

At about 3.00 p.m., the hump was hung from a branch of a
tree, prepared and placed in the right front of the door for this
purpose. All the killers were asked by Bali’s father to come
forward, turn by turn, to cut, and take, a piece of the hump as a
proof for their heroic deeds. However, three well known and
respected elderly killers were assigned to first ask the killers

what they had killed, where, and with whom.

The process of cutting and taking a piece of the hump began
with Bali himself. He started shouting out about his heroic
deeds while going around the hump. Everybody was looking at him
when he ran into his house to come back with a gun which he
looted from the killed enemy man. He then took out his long

knife and prepared to out a piece from the hump. But the

 

51

assigned elderly killer did not allow him to do so. Instead,
they began to ask him questions such as: What did you kill?
Where? How? Who were your witnesses? He once again started to
shout out, calling the name of the enemy man he claimed he had
killed, the place, the manner of killing, and the‘names of his
witnesses who positively testified to his killing. He insulted
all those who did not approve his killing and asked them to come
out and speak. Nobody came out with any opposition, and
therefore, Bali was permitted to cut his piece from the hump as a

proof for his heroic deed.

After Bali’s turn was over, every killer was in a hurry to
claim a piece of the hump, following the same procedure. A
Zproblem, however, arose when it was the turn of Gumi Age. The
assigned elderly killers queried him and he gave the name of an
enemy man he had killed, the place, and the manner of killing.
But he could not find someone who could testify to his killing.
Later, the interrogators asked him if he had taken the genital
organ of his victim and if he had shown it to any Guji man. His
answer was negative. Nobody therefore, had grounds to believe his

killing of the enemy.

Aga’s lineage and clan members, who were very much ashamed
of his deed and who were very angry with him, soon prepared to do
what custom required them to do. They wrenched him from the
group, shaved his long hair (the sign of having killed), smeared

him with human feces mixed with soil, and chased him away from

 

62

the ceremony. Aga’s lineage-and clan-mates were despised, laughed
at, and insulted by others through various war songs as the

result of the misdeeds of their member.

After about one hour of interruption, the process continued
and every man who claimed to have killed an enemy and/or big game
got a chance to pass through the procedure. Group songs outside
the house then followed and non-killers and women were also
allowed to join in. At about 6:30 in the afternoon, the total
number of participants was over 250 persons, out of whom 73 had
killed enemies and/or big game. At this time, every killer was
in a hurry to mount his horse once again. They soon started to
ride past the door, while shouting out their brave deeds. Being
on their horses, some of them began to fire guns at the sky.
Individuals who had killed gig; (two or more enemies and/or big
game animals within one day) toOk other men on their horses to
demonstrate their superiority. At about 6:30 the whole ceremony

was over and killers returned to their homes.
4:2mssnssiasandwa zi Ends

59g; in the first instance seems to have the effect of
distinguishing killers from non-killers and elaborating the high
value, privilege, and social status attached to killing. Only
killers were invited to attend the ceremony, allowed to wear arm
and ear rings, ostrich feathers, and beads. They held the

branches of 991i and 9;; trees, which distinguish them from non-

53

killers when going to attend kgda, and they would ride infront of
their host’s door, while boasting about their heroic deeds. They
were the only ones who were expected to enter into their host’s

house to sing and dance with anybody’s wife.

Besides the privileges they were given to dance with
anybody’s wife and to wear different ornaments, Guji killers were
also entitled to wear butter on their heads after killing, they
would let their hair grow longer (bgggjg - sign of killing), and
pierce their ears. They were given cattle gifts by their
relatives and friends, and priority in marriage. They were also
entitled to special funerary rites and the right to be addressed

by the name of the horse on which they have killed enemy man

and/or big game animal as Abba bggiL wateI gglghg. . . (the
father of Bari, Wate, Galcha . . .). All these privileges and

social statuses were elaborated in hug; through different acts

and war songs.

Egg; not only distinguishes killers from non-killers and
elaborates the high value, privileges, and status attached to
killing, but it also distinguishes true killers from those who
falsely claimed to have killed enemies and/or big game animals.
A bad thing in Guji is lying (Hinnant, 1972:1). To speak 'the
truth, on the other hand, is highly valued and encouraged. gada
plays a significant role in strengthening such socially accepted

values by granting respect and privileges to those who speak the
truth and by punishing those who tell lies.

 

54

It is clear from the case study that Age suffered a severe
punishment for his false claim of killing. For a killing to be
approved among the Guji, it has to be done in front of witnesses.
If there were no men around, one had to take the genital organ of
his victim (ears and tails in the case of big'game animal) and

show it to friends or to any Guji men as a proof of killing.

In Guji it is believed that one gets hold of the fresh ears
and tails of big game or the genital organ of enemies only if one
actually kills the game or enemies. So, even if one individual
kills an enemy or a big game animal in the absence of a witness,
once he is successful in obtaining and producing these trophies
to his friends Or to any Guji men, he is sure of having a witness
and is safe from being ridiculed in a ngg ceremony. That is why
the elderly killers asked Aga if he had taken the genital organ

of his victim and showed it to any Guji man.

Lipsky believes that different Oromo groups took the genital
organs of their victims to present them to their brides so as to
get married. He writes:

Traditionally, and still among the more isolated
and warlike/Oromo/groups, the bridegroom was
required to present the sexual organs of someone
he had slain to his bride before the marriage
could be carried out (Lipsky, 1962:84).

However, the custom of presenting the sexual organs of the

victims to brides as a requirement for marriage, was not known

among the Guji and, I suspect, among other Oromo groups, despite

55

Lipsky’s suggestion. The main purpose of taking the sexual
organs of the victims was to present them as a proof for killing
but not_as requirement for marriage. Based on statements by Guji

and Arsi informants and evidence Observed in the keg; ceremony,

the taking of the genital organs might not even be important if

the killing happened in front of witnesses or in public.

What was important for marriage was the -killing itself
rather than presenting trophies to bride as a pre-requisite for
«marriage. Although non-killers do get married, the killers were
the ones who were given priority in marriage for at least two
important reasons: First, they could afford paying bridewealth
since they were given gifts of cattle from their relatives and
friends for their killings. Secondly, Guji like to have killers
as their in-laws for the prestige and respect associated with
them. Beside this, women are also eager to marry killers for
the prestige and status it brings them. Because of this some

Guji families do not even require killers to pay bridewealth.

One other important aspect which was clearly reflected in
the ~kgg§ ceremony was, the unity and competition existed among
Guji at different social levels. Aga’s lineage and clan members
were united by the ceremony to punish their kinsman for his false
claim of killing an enemy man. They suffered together from the
shame and humiliation brought on them by Age. Other lineages and
clans whose members’ claims were honest, were very happy and

proud of them, which further promoted their unity. In both cases

56

'kggg united individuals at lineage and clan levels. But the
competition among different clans to have brave and trustworthy
individuals was also evident in the 32;; ceremony. 'Members of
one clan would try to find some mistakes in members of the ~other
clans in order to ridicule them. Through such behavior they
would deter individuals from doing things that were not approved
by the society. The overall unity of the Guji ‘was also
symbolized in ggg; by war songs and dances at about the end of
the ceremony in which all killers, none-killers and women

participated.

\g,‘ l

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION

So far, this study has presented different theoretical
approaches to the study of violent human behavior and an
overview of the socio-political and cultural background of Guji
society. It also presented the types, causes, motives, and the
general nature of Guji warfare and discussed the kgdg ceremony in

relation to the killing of enemies and/or big game animals.

In the course of our discussion, we have questioned the
usefulness of traditional and global theories, which either view
violent human behavior as innate and universal or which relates
it to a single cause. We rejected the former ‘theory, which
advocates the universality of aggression and warfare, by
presenting several hunting and gathering societies where warfare
and aggression were not known (see chapter I). We also exposed
the inability of this theory to explain why (if
aggression/warfare is innate) some human groups are
aggressive/warlike, while others are less aggressive or not
aggressive at all; or why the same people are aggressive and
peaceful at different times under different conditions. From
this we have concluded that warfare, like any other human
behavior, is rooted in learning and cultural experiences rather

than in our biological structure.

Frustration - aggression theory was criticized because it

presents frustration as an exclusive cause of aggression or

57

58

warfare. Warfare as clearly stated by authors of symposia on
warfare and aggression (Fried, Harris and Murphy, 1968;
Nettleship, Givens and Nettleship, 1975; Givens and Nettleship,
1976) ‘is' a complex social phenomenon that defies a simple
monocausal explanation. Besides this, as mentioned earlier,
responses to frustration may take forms other *than *aggression,
such as acceptance, submission, resignation, dependence, and
withdrawal. Furthermore, Kaufmann (1970:26) showed that some of
the most brutal and wholesale aggression such as the attempted
genocide of the Jewish people by the Nazis, had no detectable
frustration as antecedent. Nevertheless, frustration when
combined with other causal factors can be a contributing factor

for aggression and warfare.

In this study, we based our explanation of Guji warfare on
ecological factors, social structure, and on ideological aspects
of Guji society. The extent to which these approaches, when
taken separately or in combination, are useful to explain Guji

warfare is the subject that deserves some attention.

The ecological approach, which usually *relies ‘upon the
analysis of competition for scarce resources in relation to
population density, is important to explain Guji wars and raids
to some extent. Like any other East African herders, the Guji
have competed and fought with their neighboring ethnic groups
for access to and control of livestock, land, and water resources

which are the basic necessities for their survival.

 

59

Competition for scarce resources undoubtedly was one of the
causes of Guji warfare. But it was not the only reason for which
the Guji fought their neighboring ethnic groups. Wars and raids
were endemic in the past when, according to informants, the
population of‘ the Guji was very small and when there was no
significant shortage of land, cattle, or water resources. The
Guji in most cases, fought with their neighboring ethnic groups
for nidaznirgg (a right or an intent to kill enemies to
demonstrate one’s bravery or masculinity) and for revenge, which
cannot be adequately explained by ecological approach without

taking into account Guji social values or ideology.

Like the ecological approach, social structural analysis, to
some extent, is important to explain the causes and organization
of Guji warfare. The social structure of the Guji, particularly
the ggdg system, as demonstrated in previous chapters, is
directly related to warfare. The Moiety-clan-lineage structure
is also important to determine the people with whom they
cooperate and with whom they fight. But, when taken alone, the
I structural explanation is tendentious because it fails to
articulate how the "apparent interests of social groups are

converted into organized political action" (Ross, 1986:171).

Guji have developed cultural mechanisms by which they
motivate individual members to participate in wars and raids.
They extricate killers from non-killers and reward the former

with economic and social lucratives. As discussed in previous

 

60

chapters, killers of enemies and/or big game animals are allowed
to wear different ornaments, are given higher social status,
prestige and honor, given cattle in the form of gifts, priority
in marriage, special funerary rights and the right to hold kggg

ceremony .

The whole purpose of the 33d; ceremony, when examined
carefully, is to celebrate the high values, privileges, and
social status attached to killing. It is clearly one way of
teaching Guji about the importance of killing and its socio-
economic benefits so as to move them to fight. Thus, ideology
and social norms are important to explain how Guji are initiated

and motivated to fight.

Guji warfare is thus rooted in their social structure,
ecological factors, and in their ideology. We cannot simply
choose one among them and ignore the others since all are equally
relevant. Any attempt to explain Guji warfare without taking
into account all these causal factors, therefore, is not only

being tendentious but exhibiting unreasoned distortion of
judgment.

 

 

 

APPENDIX

61

APPENDIX ONE

 

ENTERS GRADE IN

 

GRADE DURATION JUNIOR & SENIOR CYCLE
SULUDA l BALLI (GRADE) JUNIOR
DABALLA 1 BALLI JUNIOR
KARRA 2 - 1/2 BALLI JUNIOR
KUSSA 1/2 BALLI SENIOR
RABA MIDO l BALLI JUNIOR
DORI 1/2 BALLI JUNIOR
GADA l BALLI SENIOR
BATU (YUBA) 1 BALLI SENIOR
YUBA l BALLI SENIOR
YUBA GADA 1 BALLI SENIOR
JARSA GUDURRU l BALLI SENIOR
JARSA KOLULU l BALLI SENIOR
JARSA RAKA UNTIL DEATH SENIOR

 

Guji gada grades, their duration and their status in the

cycle. From Hinnant’s, The Qggg Szgtem 91 £311 91 figgthgzg
Ethiopia, Ph.D Dissertation, Chicago, 1977).

LIST 01? REFERENCES

BEEEBENQE§ 91122
Almagor, U.

1979 "Raiders and Elders: A Confrontation of
Generations Among the Dassaneteh." In Sgngi
i Stggigg. K. Fukui, and D. Turton

(eds) No. 3, Osaka, Japan.

Andrsejewski, B.W.

1962 "Ideas about Warfare in Borana Galla Stories
and Fables.” In African We Emilee 3= 116

- 136.
Ardrey, R.
1961 Afgiggg 9933515. New York; Atheneum.
Ardrey, R.

1966 The Territorial Impgrative. New York, Atheneum.
Bahrey.

1964 “History of the Galla.“ In 59;; figggzgg 91
, 1593 - 1646. C.F. Backingham and G.W.B.
Buntingford, (eds). London, n.p.

Bartles, L.

1969 "Birth Songs of the Macha Calls.” In Ethnglggz
8(4): 406 - 422.

Baxter, P.T.W.

1965 "Repetition in Certain Boran Ceremonies.“ In
Sigigm 9: Thought. Fortes and G. Disterlen

(eds). London.

Baxter, P.T.W.

1979 "Boran Age-sets and Warfare." In figgzi Ethnological
Stggieg. K. Fukui and D. Turton (eds)
No.3, Osaka, Japan.

Brown, P. and I. Schuster.

1986 “Introduction.” In gathropglogical aggrtgglz. P. Brown
and I. Schuster (eds) 59(4): 155 - 204.

62

63

Cerulli, E.

1922 "Folk Literature of the Galla of Southern Ethiopia." In
actress African ficccicc. Vol. III. '

Dollard, J., et a1.

1939 Erugtrgtigg gag Aggrgssion. New Haven: Yale

University Press.
Dyson-Hudson, R.

1980 ”Intertribal Bostilities.“ In figigngg
Vol. 206: 170 - 171.

Evans-Pritehard, E.E.
1951 Kinship and Marriage Arcs: the users 0xford=

Clarendon Press.
Falk, R.A. and 8.8. Kim.

1980 The Ha:

fission; An Interdiscinlinarz R-A-
Falk and 8.6. Kim (eds), Westview Press.

Fleming, 8.0.

1984 "Baiso and Rendille: Somali.“ In figggggng g;
Sicdi ciicnici. XX : 35 - 96.

Fried, M.H. Harries, and R. Murphy.

1968 Her; The Anihrccclcsz .21 Acres Qcaflici sac
Aggression. Garden City. American

Anthropological Association.
Fukui, K. and D. Turton.

1979 "Introduction." In figngi Eihggiggiggi Sggdigg. K.
Fukui and D. Turton (eds) No.3, Osaka, Japan.

Getachew, K.

1970 “Internal History of the Aleta Sidanchos."
B.A. Thesis, Addis Ababa University.

Givens, R.D. and M.A. Nettleship.
1976 Disccccica ca asses Assccscica. ChicaBO. Aldine.

64

Haberland, E.

1963 fialla Sud-A’thigpiens. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer Verlag,
for Frankfurt am Main University, Frobenius
Institute.
Hinnant, J.T.
1972 £211 91 222122121 2 Vols. New Haven, Connecticut.
Hinnant, J.T.

1977 ”The Gada System of the Guji of Southern Ethiopia.“
Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Chicago.

Hinnant, J.T.

1978 "The Guji: Gada as a Ritual System.“ In Ag;t
~Qgggxg§§gg and lingL P.T.W. Baxterwand-U. Almagor
(e s), ew York, St. Martins Press.

Kaufmann, H.

1970 Aggregsion gag Altggism: A. Pszchoiggigal Anglzgigé
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.

Legesse, A.

1973 9292; Ibrcc Ancrccchcs :2 the gins! cf African
Sggigtz. New York, Free Press.

Lewis, H.S.
1966 ”The Origins of the Galla and Somali." In
accrual cf African flicicrxi Vii (I).
Lipsky, G.

1962 Exhigpigi 1L5 Egople. lgg Sociegz. 13g Cuiture,
New Haven. HRAF Press.

Lorenz, K.

1966 On Aggpgggigg, New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World.

‘Malinowski, B.

1948 "An Anthropological Analysis of War.” In Magic,
Sciencg. agd Reiigion, Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

65

Meggitt, M.

1977 Blood ig Thgir ,Agggggggi flagfagg Among Eng Mgg
Ease Iriccsacc cf the Hex Quince Highlands. Palo
Alto: Mayfield.

 

Miller, N.E.

1941 "The Frustration - Aggression Hypothesis."
In Psychological Review, 48, 337 - 342.

Montague, A.M.F.

1968 Man gag Aggxgggiggi A.M.F. Montague (eds), New York,
Oxford university Press.

Montague, A.M.F.

1978 “Introduction” In Learning flcn:Assrcccicci The
Exncricncc cf chzLiicrsic ficciciics. A.M-F.
Montague (eds). New York, Oxford University Press.
Morris, D.
1967 Ihg ngkgg A29. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Nettleship, M.A., R.D. Givens, and A. Nettleship.
1975 Wag. Its Causes and Correlgtes. Chicago: Aldine.
Pilbeam, D.

1972 The Agcegt 9: Man. Macmillan.
Rbarchek, C.A.

1977b "Frustration, Aggression, and the Nonviolent Semai.”
In American Ethnolo ist, 4(4):?62-769.

Ross, M.H.
1986 "The Limits to Social Structure: Social
Structural and Psychological Explanations for
political Conflict and Violence." In

Agthggpglogical Qggggggiz, 59 (4):l71-l76.

Storr, A. (1968) figmgn Aggggggiggi New York: Atheneum.

66

Tinbergen, N.

1968 "On War and Peace in Animals and man" In
*Sgiegce, 160:1411-1418.

Wisslar, C.

1923 Mgp gag leiggg. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell
Company Publishers.

Wilson, E.O.
1975 ficcichiclcsr; 1119 Her firsthccic. Cambridge Harvard

University Press.

Wilson, E.O.

1978 99 3935p Naturg. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

‘Iuraniummum?