If: I. 2.1...— .mw? 2 Sufi»... . ... ...: . ... .2: x . . ...)..a. «.11.... v0 "h 33‘. ,1! 3w... all .3 JbDAtA v. . 9.. . M1... .2 . , ... ...... 5!. . .. z . r; '1‘. .. ....tL Mm... .315“... ....u 3...“: "z‘ ..r A . u a . . it‘slni til): '9‘ .VAS‘ Y ...; v .1 00.».H11‘J‘W1. v 4v .. ‘1... 34:. . y. . a) . . .‘I‘hu .v. .. n {. Ii.‘ ... i .4 2 ., ti... r... 5.... A23 ( ..vr r,.§‘~sl.o|- .....n ‘I, .. .... . ..swf u? 9.; THESts 1 l Date Ja/éx W41 /777?.$L . 0-7 639 \llllllllllllllllllll 1 2 41285 I UBRARY Mlchigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled JAPANESE RICE IN THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE FOOD SYSTEM presented by Nobuhito Arakawa has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. Sociology degree in @rofessor MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution “65 II RETURN BOXto monthl- chockoulm your record. To AVOID FINES Mum on or More data duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU II An Afflmmm MONEquII Oppomnlly Institution ulna-91 JAPANESE RICE IN THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE FOOD SYSTEM BY Nobuhito Arakawa A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1995 ABSTRACT JAPANESE RICE IN THE GLOBALIZATION OF THE FOOD SYSTEM BY Nobuhito Arakawa This study investigates social, cultural and environmental meanings of domestic rice to the Japanese and the political economic circumstances which opened the Japanese rice market. Related literature and statistics are examined. The attachment of the Japanese to domestic rice comes from, the long intercourse between them, especially from imperial rituals euxi nationalistic: movements. ‘Today, .rice paddy is ea principal component (n? the Japanese land, and prevents natural disasters. Liberalization. of time Japanese rice inarket ‘was accomplished by US rice agriculture and the Japanese industrial sector, ‘both (us which. sought further' economic success by free trade. Although the Japanese Diet wanted ultimately to support liberalization, this was prevented by its skewed seat distribution toward agricultural and rural areas . Japan has to reconsider domestic rice for its environmental security. Also Japan has to reexamine its food security with a thorough understanding of the multidimensionality of the food system. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor, Dr. Lawrence Busch. He inspired my interest and motivation in food systems which lead me to focus my thesis on the Japanese rice import issue in the global setting. I also thank my committee members, Dr. Craig Harris and Dr. Rita Gallin for their effective suggestions and advice which helped me to shape the thesis. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ........................................ vii LIST OF FIGURES ........................................ viii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ..................................... l 1.1. Rice in the Postwar Japanese Diet .......... 1 1.2. Japanese Rice in the Liberalization of the Japanese Agricultural Market ............... 5 1.3. Questions and the Construction of the Thesis ..................................... 9 II. SOCIAL AND CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF RICE TO THE JAPANESE ......................................... 11 2.1. Historical Examination ..................... 11 2.2. Rice Farming and Japanese Behavioral Patterns ................................... 15 III. RICE FARMING IN JAPAN AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH THE ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIETY ...................... 17 3.1. Introduction and Dissemination of Rice in Japan ...................................... 17 3.2 Development of Rice Paddies ................ 20 3.3 The Sustainability of Rice Paddies ......... 24 3.4 Rice Paddy and the Environment ............. 26 IV. RICE ECONOMY IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN ............... 31 4.1. The Place of Rice Farming in Japanese Economy .................................... 31 4.2. A Comparison of Rice Farming and Rice Price in Japan and the United States ............. 33 4.3. Rice Market ................................ 35 V. THE JAPANESE RICE IMPORT ISSUE FROM DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ....................... 37 5.1. The Process to Reach Liberalization of the Japanese Rice Market ....................... 37 5.2. The International Political Economy which Initiated the Japanese Rice Import Issue... 40 5.3. Japanese Political Economic Dynamics Surrounding Liberalization of the Rice Market ..................................... 45 VI . CONCLUSION ....................................... 53 6.1. Conclusion ................................. 53 6.2. Implications ............................... 55 APPENDIX .............................................. 57 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................... 60 vi LIST OF TABLES Change in Source of Energy in the Japanese Diet ........................................ Liberalization of Major Agricultural Commodities ................................. Pattern of land usage in Japan (1990) ....... The Contribution of Agriculture to the National Economy ............................ Size Distribution of Rice Farms in Japan (1990) ...................................... Size Distribution of Rice Farms in the USA (1992) .............................. Comparison of Rice Production Costs (1984)... Distribution of Diet Seats in Japan ......... APPENDIX Change in the Japanese Diet Seat Distribution ................................ vii Page 3 5 27 . 32 33 33 43 49 58 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1. Change in Principal Self Sufficiency Indices in Japan ..................................... 7 1.2. Japanese Self Sufficiency Rate by Commodity.. 7 3.1. Reclamation of Yatsushiro Gulf .............. 22 4.1. Agricultural Gross Income per Farm Household (1991) ....................................... 32 5.1. Competition of the USA and Thailand in the International Rice Market .................... 42 5.2. Trade Deficit of the United States ........... 46 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Since the end of World War II, the Japanese food system has been changing drastically. The Japanese dietary pattern has been greatly westernized, and they have come to import more than half of their food in accordance with their declining food production. However, in spite of the changes in the Japanese food system, rice seems to have defended its status as ea staple. Zmi this introduction, VH3 will first examine how the significance of rice changed in the Japanese diet, and how rice has been treated in the series of liberalizations of the Japanese agricultural market. Questions for this thesis will be presented accordingly. 1.1 Rice in the Postwar Japanese Diet Japan has experienced a phenomenal diversification and enrichment of the diet since the end of WW II. Today, most Japanese can afford not only luxurious traditional Japanese meals whiCh used to be too expensive for the middle class, but also all kinds of foreign dishes such as Chinese, French, Thai, Indian, and many other possible meals including American fast foods. In this diversification, the Japanese have come to favor European and American foods, and their dietary patterns have been greatly westernized. This trend is shown in Table 1.1 which is sorted according to the 1992 data. Since 1960, calorie intake from protein—rich sources such as meat, eggs, and dairy products has increased rapidly. Surprisingly meat consumption has increased 6.8 times. Fruits, which used ix) be luxurious deserts, are runv also eaten twice as much as in 1960. Consumption of tubers, which were an important substitute food during WW II but have been regarded as poor foods recently, has decreased 0.6 times. Lipids, which are rarely used in traditional Japanese dishes, have increased 3.4 times, this increase implying that Japanese now eat more fatty foods. In this way, the Japanese dinner table has become westernized and is now rich enough that people often face the problem of overeating and related illness. 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Despite the decline in the dietary significance of rice which has accompanied westernization, rice is still the staple for the Japanese according to mentality and taste. For example, a survey by the Ministry of the Prime Minister in 1989 shows that 95.4% of the respondents answered that rice is the ideal Japanese staple. This number was about 8% higher than in a survey 10 years earlier (Soda, 1989:35; Masaki, 1994:52). Additionally, the UKHNJ of school lunches in the past four decades has been shifting toward rice and away from bread. The school lunch program was originally started in 1954 to alleviate nutritional problems among school children by providing bread and powdered milk supplied by the United States. At that time, because Japan still faced a food shortage in its reconstruction from the ashes of WW II, this program was welcomed and bread and powdered milk drove the westernization of the Japanese diet. However, the menu of the school lunch has gradually changed, and ‘white steamed rice is becoming increasingly’ popular among children. A survey in 1990 shows that steamed rice is served 2.5 times a week in 98% of elementary and junior high schools, and 90% of children prefer a rice based to a bread menu (Masaki, 1993:52). If we return to Table 1.1, we see that the consumption of wheat has increased only 1.27 times since 1960, and this increase does run: offset tine decrease ij1 rice consumption. This means that in the trend toward westernization of the Japanese diet, wheat -—the staple western food-- has not become the Japanese staple. Rice is still the staple in the Japanese diet. 1.2 Japanese ‘Rice 111 the ‘Liberalization (Hf the| Japanese Agricultural Market After‘ the early 19603, as Japan recovered from. the devastation (ME WW’ II, it; began tx) liberalize its agricultural market in order to return to the international Table 1.2: Liberalization of Major Agricultural Commodities Number of import Year restricted items Items 1961 103 Fresh vegetables, Soybean 1962 81 Raw silk 1963 76 Bananas, Raw sugar, Coffee, Honey 1964 72 Lemons, Grain sorghum 1970 Margarine, Shortening 1971 28 Grapes, Apples, Grapefruit, Frozen pineapple, Rapeseed, Hogs, Pork, Chocolate 1972 24 Refined sugar, Cattle feed 1974 22 Malt 1975-90 22 Reduction of tariffs on agricultural commodities 1991 13 Beef, Oranges Sources: Soda (1989:62); Tashiro (1987;19); Toda (1986:147); Yasuda(1993:28). economy. The series of agricultural liberalizations continued until the mid 19708. Table 1.2 shows major liberalized. .agricultural items sequentially; Important agricultural items such as soybean and grain sorghum were liberalized in the 19603. Through this liberalization, agricultural items with import restrictions shrank to 13 in 1991 from 103 in 1961. Initially, the opening of the agricultural market was aimed an: promoting export (n5 agricultural commodities. At that time, Japan was still an agricultural country, and it sought. to expand its .agricultural exports by 'the imutual liberalization of agricultural trade with foreign countries. However, as Japanese economic power rapidly grew, this liberalization caused heavy dependency on food imports, and the self sufficiency rate (SSR) for food products has been decreasing. Figure 1.1 and Figure 1.2 show this trend. Figure 1.1 shows the decline of two indices which represent the overall SSR. The first index, calorie SSR, reveals that Japan cannot supply' more than half of its food. calorie requirement by itself. The second index, cereal SSR, was actually as iunv as 29% ill 1991 (from time same source as Figure 1.1). This 29% is extremely low among developed countries; in 1988, cereal SSR. in iDenmark, ‘West Germany, Italy, England. were 136%, 106%, 80%, 105%, respectively (from the same source as Figure 1.1). Figure 1.2 shows the SSR of major agricultural commodities in Japan. The SSR of wheat and pulses has been very low although soybean is the traditional ingredient of Japanese soy sauce, soy bean paste, and tofu. In spite of the Japan's heavy dependency~ on food imports and its low SSR, Japanese rice has been 7 Figure 1.1: Change in Principal Self Sufficiency Indices in Japan m0- % . m m . 60 Calorie SSR Cereal SSR 30% O .1 l -.- l,,,,,fi_i.-___1~__fii___r_ - L J ..____J 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 Source: Based on the data from Norinsuisansho (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Japan), Nogyo— hakusho (Tokyo: Norin-tokei-kyokai, 1990 and 1992). Figure 1.2: Japanese Self Sufficiency Rate by Commodity 100 80 60 » 95 K. 40 'K‘- Sugar “N. . ' II - I I ‘<§§. - n ‘ ‘ ’ 20 . ‘”‘\~. o ‘ Wheat :- u ‘ I I ‘- ‘.“r\JI - .1 n u ‘ " ‘-- .I I. III. a ' \ ....... u— . - . ~ ...... “ "b ------------------ - n a!" Pulses 0 - _-__.__ ,_.__-L_11L_fi____.___ __Ll_ -_ __ -.._ __ __L__ _-~__’_. ___-L.._....__._.___ .L.__ ___-__.__-_J 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 Source: Based on data from the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Japan ed., Abstract of Statistics on Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries (Tokyo: Association of Agriculture and Forestry Statistics, 1978 and 1993). exceptionally protected from foreign markets by government policy, and the SSR of rice has been 100%1. This policy, originated as the Rice Law in 1921, is based on the philosophy that ea principal food item :flunflri be supplied domestically for security reasons, and related policies such as the price support program. and. maintenance of buffer stocks have also helped provide a stable supply of rice. Because of these rice policies, Japan managed to overcome the food shortage during and after WW II. In 1986, however, the United States suggested liberalization of the Japanese rice market, and this issue became the center of hot debate among Japanese. Most opinion polls showed more people were against rice imports than for it2. Without question, agricultural organizations showed strong opposition to liberalization. For example, the National Central Association of the Agricultural Cooperatives (Zenchu) IXXfiH] a. campaign t1) obtain thirty million signatures to prevent further liberalization of agricultural markets, especially time rice narketl. In the lBefore rice production could meet the demand in the mid—19608, Japan actually' imported. rice (Soda, 1989:124; Tashiro, 1987:27). However, this import was ix) supplement domestic rice production, and was not intended to liberalize rice market. 2For example, an opinion poll by YOmiuri—Shinbun, one of 'the tjnxxa major' Japanese newspaper, shows ‘that 53.4% responded against the liberalization whereas 37.4% agreed with it (Soda, 1989:135). For more examples, see Ohnuki (1993:25—26). 3Asahi shimbun, August 5, 1987: 9. campaign slogan, the association claimed that agricultural markets such as rice market should not be opened any more in order to prevent environmental degradation and to secure a safe domestic food supply. It also claimed Japan should not lower its SSR further. Surprisingly, in December 1993, despite the atmosphere against rice imports among Japanese at large, the government decided at the GATT meeting to partially open the rice market. Many Japanese still have questions and strong resentment related to this decision. 1.3 Questions and the Construction of the Thesis The above discussion about Japanese rice leads to two questions worth researching. First, why do the Japanese stick to the idea that rice should be supplied domestically? It seems that rice has some significant social, cultural and environmental meanings to the Japanese besides its obvious place as their staple food. Second, why did Japan decide to liberalize the rice market in spite of strong domestic opposition? These two questions will provide the basis for discussion in this thesis. The next chapter investigates the social and cultural meanings of domestic rice to the Japanese. The third chapter explores the environmental significance of domestic rice in Japan. In the fourth 10 chapter, the current situation of Japanese rice economy is examined. The fifth chapter discusses the political economic dynamics which brought about liberalization of the Japanese rice market. Finally, in chapter six, all discussions in the thesis are combined to determine their implication. CHAPTER II SOCIAL AND CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF RICE TO THE JAPANESE 2.1 Historical Examination Relationship between Rice and the Emperor In Japan rice has been regarded as sacred, and treated as a different grain from others. Historically, this sacredness of rice derives from its relationship with the Japanese emperor. In ancient Japan, the emperor was regarded as a shaman as well as a political leader, and the emperor's most important role was to solicit and to give thanks for a good. harvest of rice to the supernatural powers (Ohnuki, 1993:45). These ritual events still. exist as lfliiname—sai, Kanname-sai, and Daijyo-sai, first two of which are conducted every year by the emperor, and the last of which is held only after an emperor dies. According to the Nihonshoki, which is the oldest Japanese document(written in the 8th century), Niiname-sai originated during the rein of the legendary first emperor Jimmu in the 7th century BC and was established by the 22nd emperor Seinei in the 5th century (Ohnuki, 1993:46). Rice used in those ceremonies has been grown in two paddies close to Kyoto, the old Japanese capital, with special care. In the ceremonies, an emperor 11 12 gives thanks for a good harvest to the supernatural powers, and returns the soul of the rice to them, asking them for next year's good harvest. This spiritual exchange between the emperor and supernatural powers via rice is believed to be the foundation of rice as currency later (Ohnuki, 1993:67). In parallel vnijl this importance of Ifixxa in imperial traditional rituals, the sacredness of rice is seen in Shintoism, the Japanese indigenous religion which maintains that the emperor is the descendent of the god which created Japan. In Shintoism, some natural things and phenomena are believed to possess deities, and the deity of food is believed to reside in rice (Ohnuki, 1993:51). Because this deity of food represented purity and the spirit of growth, it was believed that rice consumption could remove impurities and provide people with more spirit (Ohnuki, 1993:55). In this way, Japanese tradition has believed that a good rice harvest is brought by the emperor's power, and that the deity of rice purifies and revitalizes people. In other words, purification and revitalization of the Japanese are achieved by eating rice the good harvest of which is brought by the emperor's power. Because of this relationship between the Japanese people and the emperor via rice, foreign rice is different from the domestic rice, and is accepted only with difficulty in Japan. 13 The Economic and Social Role of Rice in Japan In economic terms, until metal currency was introduced from China in the 13th cemtury (Ohnuki 1993:69), rice was the principal currency due to the influence from the belief that the emperor and super natural powers exchange their spirits via rice as mentioned above. Even after 13th century, rice was often used as currency. In particular, the land tax was paid with rice until the end of Japanese feudalism in the mid 19th century for several reasons. First, because peasants usually did not have a way to earn monetary currency, they could not pay the land tax with it (Ohnuki, 1993:69). Second, because the Japanese feudal governments experienced and were afraid of corruption in the governments caused. by :monetary currency, rice was preferred (Ohnuki 1993:71). Since each clan's power was measured by yield of rice during that time, each clan made efforts to increase it. Rice as a Political Tool Because of the sacredness of rice and the importance of rice as a tax, during the period of the Tokugawa feudal government (1603 - 1868 AD), peasants were classified in the second highest class in the castes established by the government. These castes classified peOple into samurai, peasants, craftsman, enui merchants lfixxn highest ix) lowest. During this era, the Japanese agrarian ideology, which esteemed the peasant's hard farm work as the virtue of the Japanese nation, was advocated by some nativist scholars who 14 lamented the loss of Japanese identity’ as a result of influences by China and Korea and sought the traditional Japanese way (Ohnuki 1993:87). Since this agrarian ideology was ideal for stabilization of the society, it was supported by the feudal government. This agrarian ideology facilitated the sacredness (n3 rice. Even today, ii; is sometimes said that one must not leave a single rice grain in the rice bowl because it is produced by farmers' pure and admirable hard work. For the Japanese, rice is still believed to be holy. After the Tokugawa feudal government, the new Japanese imperial government (1868—1945) made an effort to industrialize so as to catch up with the European countries. During this period, Japanese agrarian ideology and the sacredness of rice were mobilized to raise and consolidate the spirits of the Japanese people. Under the imperial constitution, the emperor was a living god who succeeded the authority of the god who created Japan, and Japanese people were taught tx>ixe an imperial nation, that was absolutely superior to others. As part of this imperialism, peasants' hard work and the agrarian ideology were transformed into a national virtue in all industrial sectors. By virtue of this, rice was treated as a sacred crop provided by the holy efforts of peasants. The sacredness of rice was especially emphasized during the second world war. The Japanese were taught that domestic rice represented the twirity (Hf the Japanese self, and gave sacred energy to soldiers. Through this historical intercourse between the 15 Japanese and rice, the Japanese at large had an unconscious belief that domestic rice was preferable to imported rice. Due to this feeling, to the Japanese, rice importation urged by the international environment was seen as threatening the loss of one important aspect of Japanese identity. 2.2 Rice Farming and Japanese Behavioral Patterns The Japanese are often described as precise and punctual. It is also said that the Japanese prefer collective action more than Europeans and Americans. Among the Japanese it is believed that the origin of these tendencies is rice farming. First, the Japanese feel that their preciseness and punctuality derives from the fact that rice farming requires a detailed and exact schedule of farm labor which extends fitmi planting seedlings t1) harvest. This 113 because the growing season for rice --originally grown in tropical Asia— — is limited in Japan (Sekiya 1993:23). In addition, because the amount of water required for rice cultivation is different in each farming stagel, people need to be watchful of water nenagement. These elaborations required for rice 1For example, the seedling planting period requires the largest amount of water. Paddy water should be shallower in early summer. Water should be drained for a week in summer. The succeeding reproductive growth again needs a large amount <1f water. iUi addition, 2M3 discussed lfl chapter 2L careful water control is required to avoid freezes in northeast Japan. l6 farming are believed to be the origin of ‘Japanese preciseness and punctuality (Tsukuba, 1984:120). Second, because ample water is essential for the Japanese style of rice farming, people had to construct and maintain canals, main and subsidiary irrigation channels, and paddy dikes collectively. Furthermore, during the Tokugawa feudal era, a community was the unit of land taxation, and assignment of the land tax within a community was decided by cxmmmnity nembers themselves (Sekiya, 1993:22). Thus, the idea of fair shares and communal harmony had priority over private matters. Egotistical behavior meant suspension of an individual's plot or a purge from the community. This historical background of rice farming is a reason for the Japanese preference for collective over independent actions (Tsukuba 1984:122). CHAPTER III RICE FARMING IN JAPAN AND ITS RELATIONSHIP WITH THE ENVIRONMENT AND SOCIETY Agricultural production and the natural environment are deeply related to each other. The environment is altered by the mode of agriculture, and the mode of agriculture is influenced by the environment. In the case of Japan, agricultural. production. and time environment turn; been in harmony for centuries. In particular, the mode of rice production has lasted for more than two thousand years without serious environmental problems. Japanese rice agriculture can In; classifbad as highly sustainable agriculture. In this chapter, we will examine how rice farming was adopted and developed in Japan. Because the key factor in the sustainability of rice production is the rice paddy, we will pay special attention to the rice paddy and its environmental significance. 3.1 Introduction and Dissemination of Rice in Japan Rice has in“) original species: one :hi tropical Asia (Oryza sativa) and the other in West Africa (Oryza glaberrima) (Berker et al., 1985:14). The former is 17 18 currently grown worldwide, while cultivation of the latter is limited 1x3 west .Africa. Oryza sativa, usually' called Asian rice, has three subspecies due to the diverse environmental factors: japonica, indica, and javanica. Japonica has 21 short and round grain aumi is sticky after cooking, whereas indica has long to medium grain and is flaky after cooking. Javanica has a large and bold grain and its texture is medium sticky (Barker et al., 1985:16). Among these varieties, indica rice occupies a major portion of the world rice market. Trade of japonica is much smaller than that of indica rice (Berker et al., 1985:190). Japonica rice is grown and consumed in Japan, Korea, Taiwan and north China. Indica rice is sxxn1 in India, Burma, Thailand, and south China (Hoshi, 1993:86). Rice is believed to have been introduced to Japan through Kyushu island from the Yangze River Delta in China about the 4th century B.C. or before (Hoshi, 1993:87-89; Soda, 1993:163). Since rice is originally a tropical plant, its dissemination in Japan, which belongs to temperate and semi-boreal zones, took a considerable amount of time. This dissemination of rice throughout Japan was achieved by breeding to make varieties resistant to cool weather as well ass farmers' efforts tx> create water management skills for rmaintenance of adequate temperature. Before the Meiji imperial era (1868-1912), this effort of rice breeding was made by private farmers and peasants. Their method was to find mutants tolerant to coolness by 19 chance which was found in bad harvest in cool weather (Hoshi, 1993:89). Because (n? this pmimitive tweeding, ii; is said that it took five hundred years for the front line of rice cultivation to reach the northernmost part of Honshu island. Rice agriculture in Hokkaido was achieved by breeding at agricultural experimental stations in the early Meiji imperial era (Hoshi, 1993:90). Even after that, efforts to improve cold-tolerant rice varieties were continued. It was not until the end of WW II that a stable harvest in northeast Japan was achieved. Currently, thanks to efforts by farmers and researchers, northeast Japan has become the most famous place for good tasting rice. 1X1 addition. to tjmxxa breeding" efforts, farmers have developed vuflxn: management skills t1) maintain time proper temperature (M? the rice gxxknu For example, 1J1 Fukushima prefecture 1J1 northeast Japan, there its an cflri anthology written in the 17th century that suggests tips for peasants for good rice farming (Tsukuba, 1984:121). This anthology consists of about 1700 short Japanese traditional style poems, and some of them are about how to avoid cold damage. The followings are some suggestions in these poems: direct use of mountain creek water is too cold for the rice plant; 113 mountain regions, water should be introduced into a paddy if] the late afternoon after the creek water gets warm; water should be kept deeper at night so that the warmth of the imater avoids cold. Even today, the ideas of these poems can be observed :hi rice farming 1J1 northeast Japan. Farmers 20 often put a low separate wall along the paddy dike and circulate irrigation water‘ before it (gets into the rice paddy so that it gets warm enough. In modern irrigation dams, the height of the water intake is adjustable so that warm surface water can be used. 3.2 Development of Rice Paddies World rice farming is classified. by cultural type: lowland, upland and deep water. The lowland culture is the most common in Asia. In lowland or wetland culture, a farm is inundated, leveled and enclosed by a dike (Berker et al., 1985:14-15). This farm is called a rice paddy. Japanese rice agriculture belongs to this wetland cultural type. One of the characteristics of Japanese wetland rice culture is the large investment in land development for rice paddies and related civil construction in its history. Here, we will examine land development for rice paddies in Japanese history after the late 16th century when the Japanese civil war ended. As discussed in chapter II, the land tax was collected in the form of rice even after the introduction of metal currency in the 13th century, and a clan's power was measured by the amount of rice yield. Because of this, each clan attempted to expand its area of paddy lands by several means when peace came after the civil war in the late 16th century. For example, some coastal clans developed lands by 21 reclamation of shallow seas by building earth or stone dikes and draining water. Figure 3.1 is the case of Yatsushiro Gulf in Kumamoto Prefecture in Kyushu. The reclamation was started by the Kato Clan in late 16th century, and it was succeeded by the Hosokawa Clanl in the Tokugawa feudal era beginning in 1603. The area reclaimed by these two clans was 4103 hectares (Furushima, 1967:170). During this period, additional reclamation areas of 3051 hectares were created by communities and nerchants (Furushima, 1967:170)2. Since construction was usually carried out by manual labor power, we can imagine how difficult it was to carry out such reclamation. Creation of paddy lands further required technical and social management such that water could be stored in each plot. Dikes were made around a plot, the paddy surface was leveled, and ditches were arranged with 51 thorough consideration of contour. Even river dikes were built to protect rice paddies and people's lives from flooding. Clans and peasants also needed to create a water management organization to distribute water to each plot, and to make 1It is ironic that rice market was partially liberalized by Prime Minister Hosokawa who is a descendant of this clan lord. 2Examples of this type of reclamation are countless. An old map kept in a shrine in Aichi Prefecture shows that most parts of Nagoya city, the birth place of this author, were created after the 16th century for rice paddies (Furushima, 1967:162). 22 mmaummfinrwma .mEHLmzusm "mousom E83. coon oocm c8— :mmmflv mum onwflme umuum omone Ammma :HHmHv muw onwflme :H omega Acamaumwva muw anew: :fi UwEHmHowu mocmq Aroma :momav :mHO mzmxomom >9 mmone AHooH I momma“ :mau Oumx >2 :oflumamaowm \ \\\ \\\\ ~\\\ \ sxxxxxsxx . —. 0. Au 0.. a ucmann «Ens?— % // \ x...\ ll.¢\. ./ . \\ § 1 “ ./- .....xesmrx’e See. a H ... 2.5313. \\\\s .1 maV e . um \x. “Haw ouazmsmum» mo :oHumEmHowm “H.m unseen 23 rules for mutual help in the case of floods. Because such additional elaboratbmi is usually not required for upland farming, development of rice paddy was more demanding than development of upland farms. Through these collective efforts, the area of rice paddy increased from 2 million hectares in the beginning of the 17th century to 4.3 million hectares in the late feudal era3 (Yamazaki, 1984:59). According tx> the 'Japanese government, 70% of irrigation facilities currently used were built in this period (Nagata, 1984:75). Development of land went on even after the feudal era. In mountain regions, modern dams were built to secure irrigation water. In flood plain regions, huge drainage pumps were exnmixxxi to control floods and time underground water level4. Besides these collective struggles to expand paddy lands, each peasant also accumulated tiny efforts on their own land. A great example is the Senmaida (a direct translation would be thousands of terrace paddies), which covers steep coastal slopes in Ishikawa Prefecture. Senmaida 3Further research is needed to see how total rice paddy area has decreased to 2.8 hectares in 19903 (See table 3-1). 4Drainage pumps in.:yxm3 flood plain regions have the capacity to drain as much as 4200 hectares of rice paddy areas. (Japanese National Committee of the International Commission (x1 Irrigation anxi Drainage, ‘Water‘ 'User's Associations in Japan Initiated and Participated by Farmers, about 1990(year unknown):17) 24 has a magnificent view. It covers whole slopes of 60 to 100 meters high with irregularly shaped rice paddies. Furushima (1967:139) called Senmaida the Japanese Pyramid although it was not created by a central power. Because it was created by generations of peasants, there are few archives about it. 3.3 The Sustainability of Rice Paddies Because of the water kept on their surfaces, rice paddies have many unique characteristics which upland farms do not have. These characteristics will be examined here. First, rice paddies have several advantages due to the surface irrigation water such as a natural supply of nutrition, 51 damping effect against change of .air temperature, fast decomposition of pesticides, and capability of continuous rice cultivation (Yahata, 1984:42- 46). In terms of nutrition supply, not only does irrigation water bring nutrients to rice plants naturally but also some algae ill the surface water fix.auui supply nitrogen 1J1 the air to the paddy soil. Since the surface water allows little oxygen to go into the ground, paddy soils tend to be less oxidized than upland soils, and phosphorus takes some different forms which are easily absorbed by plants. In Japan, it is well known that Adam Smith said in The Wealth of Nations that rice was more productive than wheat grown in the most fertile land (Mochida, 1993:205; Nagata, 1984:73; Sugawara, 1984:7). Surface water also protects rice plants 25 from sudden changes of air temperature thanks to its large heat capacity. In northeast Japan, farmers often keep surface water deep when low temperatures or freezes are expected. Pesticides are quickly decomposed in the revivified soil in time rice paddy. 11: is said that 90% (H? pesticides applied are decomposed in.ee few months (Yahata 1984:46). Furthermore, because irrigation water also washes out some undesirable residuals of the rice plants from the rice paddy, rice can be cultivated continuously without soil depletion. Finally, surface water' alleviates the arduous work of weeding to a great extent. In this way, the surface water makes rice farming a more sustainable form of agriculture. However, rice paddies have some disadvantages compared to upland farms. First, since rice paddies are aimed only at rice production, it is difficult to grow other crops. Second, due to the muddy ground, arduous farm work is required. The ground of some rice paddy is sometimes too soft to use agricultural machines. Third, the ground of rice paddies must be even and horizontal to keep water. In the case of Japan, +/- five centimeters is the standard for rice paddy which has been improved by the paddy reform projects conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. Fourth, a substantial amount of water is needed compared to upland farms. Finally, as discussed earlier, a larger investment is required for irrigation systems as well as for making rice paddy itself although the productivity of A \ v 26 the rice paddy is quite stable once it is constructed5. There is one more critical thing to mention about rice paddies. Although rice paddies are a very sustainable form of farm, once rice paddies are abandoned for a few years, it is difficult to recover their productivity. There are three main reasons for this. First, due to its fertile soil, weeds flourish; in an extreme case the paddy may change to woods in several years. Second, the surface water can no longer be kept because dikes and the Sukidoko layer, the compacted soil layer to keep water, gets cracks if the surface water is not stored for a long time. Thind, if a rice paddy is dried, the ground surface usually becomes irregular, and it is difficult to make the surface even again. These phenomena were often observed soon after the rice production adjustment policy started in 1974 (Sekiya, 1993:79). 3.4 Rice Paddy and the Environment Rice paddies are one of the major components of the Japanese national land. Table :10. clearly shows this. It reveals that rice paddies occupy 22% of the national area if we cm) not count forests. It can tme also understood, with simple calculation, that 54% of total farm land is rice paddy. 5 There is a report that coefficient of relative variation of the yield of paddy rice is much smaller than wheat's (Yahata 1984:52). 27 Table 3.1: Pattern of land usage in Japan (1990) Area % including“ % excluding (million ha) forest forest Forest 25.1 66 - - - Non-Paddy Farm 2.4 6 19 Rice Paddy 2.8 7 22 Non-farm areas 7.5 20 59 Total national land 37.8 100 100 Source: Ministry cflf.Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Japan ed., Abstract of Statistics on Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries (Tokyo: Association of Agriculture and Forestry Statistics, 1993). Because rice paddies occupy the Japanese land to such a great extent, there are several environmental meanings to rice paddy besides rice production. First, rice paddies form a buffer reservoir to prevent flooding in the case of heavy rain and storms (Nagata, 78:1984; Ouchi, 1990:61; Sekiya, 1993:35-58; Sugawara, 1984:14; Yahata, 50:1984). It is said that the total capacity of rice paddies as a buffer reservoir in the rice cultivation season is about 3.5 billion tons excluding rice paddies in the flood plain region, and 5.1 billion tons if all rice paddies are included (Sekiya 1993:33-34). This capacity is a few times larger than the aggregate capacity of artificial dams in Japan6. If this estimation is correct, more severe floods can lme anticipated if Lkmmni loses more rice paddies. In fact, Sekiya (1993:40) explains that the 6Calculated from data in Inoue(1993:305—306). 28 Kanda River in Tokyo has come to suffer flooding more often due ti) the disappearance (n3 rice paddies in time watershed. Furthermore, Ichikawa city in Chiba prefecture, which is a bedroom town of Tokyo, has started a new project in 1985 in which time city provides ea subsidy ti) farmers ti) conserve rice paddies in order to protect their flood control function (Sekiya 1993:41). This project has been launched because the city experienced more and more serious flooding as rice paddies disappeared due to urbanization". Nagata (1984:78) computed that this buffer reservoir effect of rice paddies is equivalent in value to 6 trillion yen of an artificial dam. Second, rice paddies have the function of supplying water to the underground aquifer. Maintenance of the underground aquifer is an important issue in Japanese delta areas which experienced severe subsidence due to overextraction of underground water for industrial and civil use in the 197038. In the 19703, because of ground subsidence some buildings have tilted or have been submerged 7The city had 1330 hectares of rice paddies in 1955, which was reduced to 400 hectares in the late 19803 (Sekiya 1993:41). 8For example, Kanagawa prefecture, which is adjacent to Tokyo, suffered. a record annual subsidence of 26 centimeters (Sekiya 1993:43). Furthermore, in urban areas of Japan, there is a problem that little precipitation reaches underground aquifers because of the concrete and asphalt which covers most parts of urban areas. Recently, permeable concrete and asphalt has begun to be used in many urban areas to solve this problem. 29 and higher seawalls have had to be built in some delta areas. Although. ground. subsidence (ME these (deltas has cut expenditures including agricultural subsidies as much as possible. In fact, at the hearing before the committee on agriculture of the House of Representatives about the effects of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 on USDA programs, an assistant secretary of USDA mentioned as follows3: Failure to achieve a balanced budget can be blamed on every sector of the American economy to some degree. And agriculture must claim its fair share of the blame -- farm policy particularly. In this difficult federal financial situation, the RMA's demand was welcomed by the federal government. Because US rice was much cheaper than Japanese rice, the United States could compete in the Japanese rice market without any subsidy. In this manner, the Japanese rice import issue arose from the tight situation surrounding the US rice industry in the 19803. 3 Effects of balanced budget and emergency deficit control act of 1985 on US department of agriculture programs. In hearings before the committee on agriculture house of representatives ninety-nine congress first and second sessions, U.S. government printing office, 47, 1986. 45 5.3 Japanese Political Economic Dynamics Surrounding Liberalization of the Rice Market The RMA's demand in 1986 was sensational to the Japanese and ignited a hot debate about the rice import issue. 131 this debate, time agricultural enmi rural sectors showed strong opposition to the rice import, but the industrial sector and some urban groups supported it. First, the agricultural and rural sectors opposed opening the market because people believed that Japanese rice farming could not survive the crush of the rice price caused by imported rice. Some studies show that Japanese rice production would decrease by as much as 70 to 84% if time market were completely liberalized (Soda 1989:59-60). Therefore, the agricultural and rural sectors desperately rejected the idea of rice importation. Their strong rejection was revealed in the slogan of Zenchu's thirty million signature campaign discussed in Chapter I. To strengthen iii; intention ti) prevent liberalization (n? the rice market, it even mobilized the environmental meanings of rice production in its campaign slogan.4 Second, the industrial sector supported. opening the 4 In the rice importation debate, the cultural meaning of domestic rice (Chapter II) was a rather minor issue and was not treated as critical by either pro— or anti-rice import groups. Further research is required to clarify why it was so. 46 market because it tadieved that liberalization would help reduce trade friction between Japan and the Emited States. The cause of this friction is shown in the US trade deficit in Figure 5.2. This figure clearly shows that a significant portion of the US trade deficit is with Japan, and the Japanese «contribution to time deficit. has Ibeen increasing. This imbalance was the result of a surge of Japanese industrial goods such as cars and electronics into the US market. Total sales in these items are dependent on foreign Figure 5.2: Trade Deficit of the United States 7"" 130 - (:1 Deficit from other countries 11.._ w“— 160 ) .Deficit from Japan F - 140 ~ _._.. 120 - ' ”I fig“ H m 3100- o c) c 80 l- o _ I H 60 ~ "-1 an 40 r 20 o _ A o .—c N m v no so r on as o H N L0 (D CD CD (I) a) a) a) (D co m 0‘ O1 0‘ ‘20 — l‘ as 0) cu m a) m at as as m m m m Ch H H H H H H H H 1-4 H H H H H Source:Asahi-Shimbun-sha, Asahi-nenkan, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994. markets by 50-90% (Soda 1989:29). In the case of automobiles, Japan exported 6.3 million cars out of a total production of 12.3 million. Of these 6.3 million cars exported, 2.3 47 million were directed to the United States (Soda 1989:30). Because the demand for cars in the United States was about 10 million during that period, Japanese automobiles occupied as much as 23% of the US market. Since this 2.3 million was the total import quota assigned to Japanese cars to protect the [K3 car industry, (ime may speculate timn: it would have been higher if the quota had been eliminated. The quota on Japanese cars indicates that the United States is desperate to rescue its own auto industry --traditionally the mainstay of the economy-- against inundation by autos from Japan. Automobiles, howevery are not time only' example; Japanese high technology goods are flooding into the US market. Typically, if you open a personal computer, the word "Japan" shows up on the tops of the chips except the central processing unit. Since high-tech goods are so strategically crucial, the United States has been sensitive to the Japanese competition in this area. In this way, Japanese industrial goods are increasingly diffusing in the US market, and the trade imbalance between the United States and.¢kmmn1 is expanding. Because (NE this, Japan sum) the Japanese industrial sector tmnme been under attack by the United States to reduce the trade surplus, and have been required to make efforts at reducing the imbalance. The Japanese industrial sector reached the conclusion that liberalization of time agricultural market, especially the rice market as the symbol, would be a good way to show Japanese efforts at reducing trade friction. In fact, when 48 Japan decided to open the rice market in the GATT meeting, Keidanren, the Japanese industrial association, expressed their joy in the major national paper Asahi Shimbun (December 8, 1993:10). In addition to the industrial sectors, some urban opinion leaders began to advocate liberalization of the rice market. One of these leaders is Kenichi Omae who supported liberalization of the rice market for the following reasons (Omae, 1986:97-136): first, tme argued timn: the linv price brought by imported rice could reduce the value of rice paddies and promote conversion of rice paddies into residential plots (which are extremely expensive and in short supply 1J1 Japan). FUrthermore, tme stated that ea low rice price would be helpful for consumers. Additionally, he maintained that free trade was an important principle by which industrialized Japan can flourish in the world. He also agreed with the industrial sector that liberalization of the market could alleviate the trade imbalance between Japan and the United States. Finally, he argued against the concept of maintaining food security with a high food SSR claiming it is an illusion. He stated that Japan is totally dependent on imports for its fossil fuel needs and that these fossil fuels are essential to food production. Because some of his reasoning accurately reflected problems of urban life, many urbanites supported him. In the debate over rice importation, the Japanese Diet supported the agricultural and rural sectors, and tried to 49 prevent rice imports. In fact, when the RMA re-submitted its petition for liberalization of the Japanese rice market to the USTR 1J1 September 1987, time Diet adopted.aa resolution not to open the market. A digest of the resolution reads as follows:5 Rice and rice farming are exceptionally important for the Japanese dietary pattern, agriculture, local communities, and environmental security. Although they have maintained sound development of our country, Japanese rice farmers are now facing as much as a 30% production. adjustment. Under‘ these) circumstances, we are disappointed to hear the demand for liberalization of the rice market from the United States. We cannot accept it. Our government should face this problem resolutely. This statement shows the Japanese Diet's fundamental orientation throughout negotiations of liberalization of the Japanese rice market. The Diet's attitude in this matter was firm and decisive. Table 5.2: Distribution of Diet Seats in Japan Number of Seats Population (in 10003) Region 1950 1989 1950 1989 Increase Rural Agricultural 293 288 49930 56721 13.60% Urban Industrial 173 219 33268 64383 93.53% Total 466 507 83198 121104 45.56% Source: Appendix Table A.1 7 One now asks oneself why the Diet supported the rural gum) agricultural sector‘ instead (Hf the strong industrial 5 Translated from an article in Asahi Shimbun September 21, 1987:2. 50 sector which constitutes the Japanese economic mainstream. The reason is the stronger political power of the rural and agricultural sector36, which derives from the skewed distribution of the Diet seats shown in the Table 5.2. This table dichotomizes prefectures according to their farm family population rates (FFPR). In 1989, rate (ME FFPR was 15.53% in overall Japan. If the FFPR of a prefecture exceeds 15.53%, ii: is classified. as a) rural agricultural region (RAR); otherwise it is considered an urban industrial region (UIR). In this table, if rows of RAR and UIR are compared, the RAR's strong' political power' becomes clearu In 1989, RAR's population of 56.7 million was less than UIR's population of 64.4 million, but the RAR had 288 Diet seats which far exceeded UIR's 219 Diet seats. This imbalance happened because the legislature could not catch up with rapid migration from RAR to UIR which took place during the period of rapid economic development after WW II. In 1950 before the period of massive economic development, the number of Diet seats in RAR and UIR well reflected the population size of each. Some lawsuits have been filed that claim this contradiction should be amended by a reduction of RAR seats and an increase in UIR seats. A amendment of this 6 This strong political power of Japanese agricultural and rural sectors is vmahl known even ii) the United States. When the US Secretary of Agriculture met the Japanese press in 1987, he acknowledged that the rice import issue would be very difficult because of the strong agricultural and rural sectors. 51 sort, however, would be nearly impossible because the distribution of the Diet seats is decided by the Diet itself. Because of this imbalance of representation, the Diet had ti) stand tux the agricultural gum) rural sectors. This finding is reinforced by the fact that the environmental meaning of rice production is mobilized in both the Diet's resolution above gum) Zenchu's campaign slogan (Chapter I). What, then, is the honest feeling of the members of the Diet? Although an accurate estimation is difficult, it seems that many members felt that the Japanese rice market had to be opened. For example, Shin Kanemaru, the prime leader of the leading Liberal Democratic Party at that time, was quoted as follows7: What will happen ti) the Japanese economy if (nu: rice policy aggravates trade squabbles with the United States and leads that nation to shut out our automobiles, machinery and electronics? Correspondingly, this remark was reinforced by the agreement of Noboru Takeshita, who was Prime Minister from 1987 ti) 1988. An interesting point tmnme is that Takeshita agreed with Kanemaru despite the fact that Takeshita was elected in Shimane prefecture, the most depopulated rural prefecture in Japan. Because Kanemaru and Takeshita were the power brokers in the Diet, it is highly possible that their followers in the Diets held the same Opinions. In this way, although they could not openly say yes to the rice import 7 Washington Post, May 29,1991:C8—9. 52 issue, not a few members of the Diet secretly supported rice importation ii) order ti) maintain good international relationships and the further industrial development of Japan. The worst rice harvest in Japan in 1993 might therefore have been a gift from heaven to many Diet members. Thanks to this poor harvest, Japan's rice buffer stock was depleted, and rice had to be imported from the United States and Thailand. This emergency' import contradicted. Japan's position in GATT that production of fundamental grains such as rice should be self-sufficient for food security, and led Japan to decide to open its rice market. Thus, the liberalization of the Japanese rice market reflected the bottom line for the Diet members who believed that the liberalization of the rice market was necessary for Japan to survive in the international community. Since this belief was the original position of the industrial sector, it can be said that the true winner in the rice import issue was the Japanese industrial sector. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION 6.1 Conclusion In this thesis, we developed our research along with two questions presented in the first chapter: social, cultural and environmental meanings of Japanese domestic rice, and the political economic reasons for liberalization of the Japanese rice market. Here, we summarize our research findings. With respect to social and cultural meanings, domestic rice represents purity of food for the Japanese which in turn derives from imperial tradition. We also found that Japanese behavioral patterns such as preciseness, punctuality, and priority on equal shares and communal harmony originated from rice farming work. These two findings shows that the symbolic meaning of domestic rice as the nation's food has been developed through the long intercourse between the Japanese and rice. As to environmental meanings, rice paddies have a significant public role in preventing natural disasters such as floods and ground subsidence. We also learned that it took a substantial amount of time to build up the rice 53 54 paddies, and that it is not easy to recover their productivity once they are abandoned. Moreover, this research showed that the Japanese rice culture is highly sustainable thanks to rice paddies. With respect to the political economic dynamics of liberalization of time Japanese rice market, vme found that the demand from the Rice Millers Association of the United States triggered the issue. Behind the RMA's claim we uncovered the US federal budget deficit and the failure of the United States to compete successfully against Thailand in the international rice market. About this issue, Zenchu or Japanese farmers organization opposed RMA's claim even mobilizing the environmental meaning of rice production while urban industrial sectors supported RMA's claim. Then we found that the Japanese Diet had to oppose rice imports due ti) the skewed Thin: seat distribution which is advantageous to farmers although its members thought liberalization of the rice market was inevitable in order for Japan to flourish as a highly industrialized country. It was the bad rice harvest that became a good excuse for the Diet to liberalize the rice market. Finally, liberalization was agreed upon because industry was the priority for Japan. Overall, from these research results, we can conclude that the Japanese chose the way to prosper as a highly industrialized country giving up cultural, social and environmental importance of domestic rice. 55 6.2 Implications Implications for Japanese Policy As vme found 1J1 chapter III, xfiime paddies represent a significant portion of Japanese lands, and their environmental role cannot be disregarded. Rice paddies have to be conserved somehow if rice importation facilitate abandonment of rice paddies. Even if they are not utilized for rice production, rice paddies should be preserved to prevent some natural disasters. In particular, rice paddy in the upstream regions, which are usually mountainous, should be carefully protected because such paddy is more important than that in downstream regions or delta areas in terms of flood control gum) prevention of emcaion. However, chances are higher for rice paddies in upstream areas to be abandoned because of depopulation of upstream rural regions and the difficulties for profitable large scale farming there (Sekiya, 1993:136). Thus some special measures such as environmental subsidy' should tme considered tin: such rice paddies. As to food security, Japan must thoroughly examine every aspect of its food system from natural resource availability to social institutions. In the GATT UR, Japan claimed that fundamental grains such as rice should be self sufficient for security reasons. Although this claim sounds right, the self sufficiency of fundamental grains does not guarantee high food security. Japan has to be more aware of 56 the meaning of food security. As Omae, the leader of some Japanese urban group pointed out, Japan is dependent on imports for its petroleum energy that is essential for modern agricultural production. Food security is not simply security of food. Rather it is security of the food system. As Busch and Lacy (1984) did for the case of the United States, Japan needs to understand and assess its food security from the holistic view of a food system. Global Food Security and Free Trade Capitalism As discussed in chapter V, the world agreed with the new GATT rule which states that agricultural products must be minimally protected. In the long run, what does this result in? IN: is possible that production of £3 certain agricultural commodity' will. be concentrated :U1 a. limited number of regions. Such extreme concentration of agricultural production is not desirable for food security because the world food production becomes vulnerable to bad weather and the spread of disease. In terms of global food security, agricultural production should kme scattered. to some extent. Free trade capitalism) in agricultural commodities and global food security seems to be contradictory in the long run. APPENDIX APPENDIX Table A.1 is the original data of Table 5.3 in chapter V. This table sorts prefectures in the order of farm family rate (FFR) ii) the column furthest ti) the left (C), and dichotomizes them by the total average FFR (15.53%) in the left bottom cell. If the FFR of a prefecture exceeds 15.53%, it is classified as a rural agricultural region; otherwise it is considered an urban industrial region. Columns C) and CD compare numbers of Diet seats in each prefecture in 1950 and 1989. Columns C) and C) show population change from 1950 to 1989, and the increase rate is computed in column C). 57 58 O0.0N O0.0N OOO OHOH OOOH OH OH HOHnooe NO.ON OO.NO NOO OHNN OOOH O O HOOOHz OH.ON NO.O OON OOHH HOOH O O HOONOOHE OO.ON OO.NO ONO OOON OOOH O O OOHO OO.ON OO.O NOO NHOH OOOH OH OH OEHOOOOOO OH.ON OO HH OON ONHH OOOH O O OEOOOO O0.0N N0.0- ONO OONH OONH O O OHHO OO.ON OO.H OOO OOOH ONOH OH OH ouoEOEOO OO.ON ON.OH OHO OOOH HOOH OH OH mamsmxo O0.0N HH.OO OOO OHON OOON NH NH HOOHOQH OO.ON OO.OO ONO OOHH HOO O O OOHOO HH.ON OH.O- OON OOO OOO O O OEHOOOOOO ON.ON OO.O HON ONOH OOO O O szOOO OO.ON HO.O OON OHO NOO O O HOOOO OO.ON OH.OH OOO ONOH OONH O O Huoeoa OO.ON O0.0 OHO OOON HOON OH OH OHOOHHz OO.ON OO.O OON OOO HHO O O Hmnmcmams O0.00 O0.0a OON OOO OOO O O OOOO OO.HO OO.H OOO NOHN NOON NH NH meHamsxsm OO.OO O0.0 OHN ONO OOO O O HHOHHOO O0.00 OO.Ou OOO NONH .OOOH O O OHOOOEOO OO.OO N0.0 OOO NOHN HOON OH OH ocmOmz O0.00 O0.0H- OON OOO OHO O O mcmeHaO OO.OO O0.0 NNO OOOH OOOH O O mumzH OO.OO OO.On OOO OONH OOOH O O OHHOO H32 and $8.22 H309 A 33 3.3% gm u. .883 8.33333 Hanna OOOH OOOH OOOH OOOH _OOOH OOOH _OOOH AHOOOO AOL wumm HOV mumm HOOOOH OHO AOOOOH OHO OHOOO umHo meOz >HOEmm Eumm mmmouocH coaumasdom coHumasdom mo umflfisz museummmum coHumHSQOE >OOEmm Emma coausoHHumHQ ummm uoao mmocmemb ecu ca mmcmco "H.¢ musmam 59 .HmmH .ommH .NmmH .ommH . cmxcmCIOcmde .mcmucsgacmracmmfimonsom O0.0H O0.00 OHOOH OOHHNH OOHOO OOO OOO H33. 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OON OON Honounsm OO OH OO OO HHN OOOH OOO O O OHOz OH.OH OO.OO OOO HOOO HOON OH OH OOOONHOO OO.OH OO.OO OOO HOON NOON NH NH OEHOOOHHO OO.OH OO.N OON OOOH HOOH O O HOOOOOEOO OO.OH OO.O- OOO OOOH OOOH O O HOOOOOOZ OO ON OO.OH NNN OOOH NOO O O OEOOOOOO OH.HN OO HN OHO OOOH HOOH OH OH macaw OO.HN OO ON OON OOHH OOO O O OOOHHOOH NO.HN OO.O- NOH NOO OOO O O Hgoox HO.NN OO.O OOO OOOH NNOH O O OEHOO OO.ON OO NN NNO OOOH HOOH O O OH: .HO.HOOOO H.< OHOOO BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker, Randolph, Robert W. Herdt and Beth Rose. 1985. The Rice Economy of Asia. Washington, DC: Resources for the Future. Brabant, LaVerne E. gum) John Szczepanski. 1991. "Changing Japanese Society Influences Food Trends, Consumption." AgExporter (April):4-7. Busch, Lawrence and William B. Lacy, eds. 1984. Food Security ii) the Lhfliixi States. Boulder, (Eh Westview Press. Coyle, Bill and Larry Deaton. 1990. "Food Security and Trade in Japan." Agricultural Outlook (June):28-31. Furushima, Toshio. 1967. 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