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The Empathy Comforting Model:
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presented by

Kristen E . Salomonson

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THE EMPATHY COMFORTING MODEL:
THE ADDITION OF GENRE-INDUCED MOOD STATE

BY

Kristen E. Salomonson

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Communication

1995

ABSTRACT

THE EMPATHY COMFORTING MODEL:
THE ADDITION OF GENRE-INDUCED MOOD STATE

BY

Kristen E. Salomonson

Building on previous research, an experiment was
conducted to extend work on the empathy-comforting model
which combines both the transitory impact of message
characteristics (e.g. film genre) and the stable pattern of
empathy traits to predict comforting in interpersonal
behavior. The present investigation tests a rationale based
on the potential of genre-induced mood states to intervene
in the experience of aversion (or to perpetuate the
experience of pleasure) as an explanation for differences
found in comforting behavior following exposure to various
film genres. Consistent with the previous findings, path
analytic results demonstrate the importance of empathy
processes in determining the provision of comfort. In
addition, by replacing film genre with paths representing
mood states the present investigation improved the model’s

ability to predict differences in comforting behavior

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work would not have been completed without the
unselfish assistance of many individuals. First, I wish to
thank my committee member Ellen Strommen for her
understanding and help in the completion of this thesis.
Special thanks to Sandi Smith, my dear friend and guide, for
her support and suggestions; and of course special thanks to
Ron Tamborini, my advisor, for his contributions and
assistance in this and many other projects. He more than
anyone challenges me to question my worldview. Love and
thanks as well to Nancy and Richard Salomonson, and to Eve
Tomey, who gave me encouragement and every kind of support

imaginable.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

EMPATHY AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR .......................... 2
SPECIFYING TRANSITORY MOOD STATES..... .................. 5
TRANSITORY MOOD STATES AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR ........... 9
INTERVENTION POTENTIAL AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR ........... 11
MOOD STATES AND PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR .......... . ........... 14
MEDIA STIMULI AND MOOD STATES ........................... 18
METHOD ......................................... . ........ 23
Subjects ...................................... 23
Procedure ..................................... 24
Confederates .................................. 26
Stimulus Materials ............................ 26
Measures ...................................... 27
RESULTS ................................................. 33

Replication of the Empathy-Comforting Model...34

An Extension: Genre-Induced Mood State ....... 35
DISCUSSION .............................................. 37
Empathy Dimensions and Comforting ............. 38
Genre, Mood and Comforting .................... 39
.APPENDIX A: Script for Study ........................... 44
APPENDIX B: Measures ................................... 49

iv

APPENDIX C: Comforting Coding Scheme ................... 52

LIST OF REFERENCES ...................................... 56

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1

Scales and Reliabilities from Confirmatory Factor

Analysis for Film Response Items...... .................. 28
Table 2

Mean Differences for Grief, Mirth, Fear, Sensitivity,

and Comforting Measures by Film Condition......... ...... 29
Table 3

Scales and Reliabilities from Confirmatory Factor

Analysis for Empathy Items..................... ......... 31
Table 4 -

Corrected Correlations for Path Analysis ................ 33
Table 5

Path Model Results ...................................... 34
Table 6

Extension Path Model Results ............................ 36

vi

INTRODUCTION

Researchers from such varied fields as psychology,
sociology, and communication have conducted numerous
inquiries into the realm of prosocial behavior (e.g. Toi &
Batson, 1982; Miller, Stiff, & Ellis, 1988). These
investigations have focused on examining the role of various
dimensions of empathy in determining these prosocial
reactions (e.g. Stiff, Dillard, Somera, Kim, & Sleight,
1988). This engrossing program of research has captured the
attention of those studying the effects of media
presentations on individuals. This intent interest has led
scholars toward examining both the media's role in the
production of emotional responses and in determining
empathic responses as well. The purpose of the present
investigation is two-fold. The impact of both different
stable dimensions of empathy and the temporary mood state of
an individual following a media presentation will be
assessed to determine the extent to which they are able to

predict comforting responses, a form of prosocial behavior.

Empathy and Prosocial Behavior

 

Empathy has been examined by myriad investigators
employing a wide variety of definitions. Despite these many
variations, all definitions of empathy contain reference to
the way in which an individual reacts to the circumstances
of another individual. Davis (1983) defines empathy as the
collection of reactions of one individual to the observed
experiences of another. Such simple conceptions of empathy
became less common as scholars began to recognize that
different components of empathy could have a unique impact
on an individual’s reaction to observed events. Therefore,
more specific treatments of empathy are decidedly more
regularly seen as most scholars agree that empathy is not a
singular entity, but a multidimensional one (e.g. Davis,
1980). Although some debate persists over the specific
dimensions included, there is considerable agreement on the
importance of both cognitive and affective dimensions of
empathy in the elicitation of prosocial behavior (e.g.
Davis, Hull, Young, & Warren, 1987; Stiff et al., 1988).
Cognitive dimensions of empathy relate to processes whereby
we imagine ourselves in the position of another individual.
Cognitive empathic dimensions include fictional involvement
and perspective taking. Affective dimensions of empathy
relate to processes associated with an individual’s tendency

to experience strong emotional reactions to another person's

pain, misfortune, or plight. Such affective dimensions
include empathic concern and emotional contagion. Research
has focused on empathy as a process characterized by stable
relationships among trait characteristics representing
several of these cognitive and affective dimensions.

Investigations testing causal models of prosocial
behavior have yielded a stable pattern of results among
dimensions of empathy and a variety of prosocial behaviors.
These studies have demonstrated support for the empathy-
comforting model relating a stable pattern of empathy to the
provision of comforting responses (e.g. Stiff et al., 1988;
Tamborini et al., 1993).

The four components of empathy typically included in
the empathy-comforting model (fictional involvement,
perspective taking, emotional contagion, and empathic
concern) are viewed by many researchers to be both
sequentially and causally ordered. The model suggests that
the cognitive operations (fictional involvement and
perspective taking) initiate the process via a direct impact
on empathic concern (feeling sympathy or concern for another
person's plight, but not experiencing the emotional
response) and via an indirect impact on emotional contagion
(experiencing an emotional response parallel to the one
observed) through a path from concern to contagion. The

model continues with positive paths from empathic concern to

both communicative responsiveness (an indicator of verbal
comforting skills) and to comforting behavior, and is
completed by negative paths from contagion to these same two
variables.

More recent investigations on comforting have added
situational determinants to this model suggesting that
environmental factors such as message sensitivity and
hedonic quality can provide additional predictive power.
According to Tamborini et a1. (1993) exposure to different
film genres (an indicator of message hedonic quality) have
an impact on the relation of empathy to comforting. In
related work, Tamborini, Salomonson, and Bahk (1994)
demonstrated that the sensitivity portrayed in a film may be
more important than genre’s hedonic quality in determining a
viewer's willingness to comfort someone in distress. The
model that has been developed from this research combines
these transitory environmental factors with the stable
pattern of empathy to predict comforting behavior in
interpersonal settings. Unspecified in this model is the
specific mechanisms by which film genre produces changes in
comforting. The present investigation offers and tests a
rationale based on genre-induced mood states and their
potential to intervene in the experience of aversion or

perpetuate the experience of pleasure.

Comforting as prosocial behavior. Comforting behavior

 

is one specific form of prosocial behavior. Prosocial
behavior is an action taken to benefit another person for
reasons other than extrinsic reward (Cialdini, Kenrick, &
Baumen, 1982). Burleson and his associates have delved into
the prosocial realm by focusing almost exclusively on
studying a person's proclivity to produce verbal comforting
messages when faced with a distressed interactant (Burleson
& Delia, 1983; Burleson & Samter, 1983). Building on this
program of research, in the present investigation the type
of prosocial behavior examined is spontaneous verbal
comforting messages produced during an interaction
situation.

While the study of stable empathy dimensions is an
integral portion of the scholarly work in the area of
prosocial behavior, other factors also have a role in
determining responses to the plight of distressed others.
One such variable is that of the current mood state of the
observer.

Specifying Transitory Mood States

In previous research concerning the affective states of
individuals, the terms affect, mood, and emotion have been
used essentially as interchangeable ones. Batson, Shaw, and

Oleson (1993) distinguish among these three terms and set

forth specific definitions for each, noting that the three
states may serve very different functions.

Batson et al. (1993) first differentiate the
characteristics of an affective state. Affect is the most
basic term of the three and essentially informs an
individual about his/her preferences in terms of what state
of affairs is valued more than another. Affect, then, has a
tone (varying from positive or negative) and a valence
(varying from weak to strong).

Mood is defined as a particular type of affective state
which possesses a tone (varying from positive to negative)
and an intensity (varying from strong to weak). According
to this approach, mood essentially functions to promote a
general belief on the part of the person experiencing the
mood that he/she is likely to have either positive or
negative experiences in the future. In the instance of an
individual having a positive mood experience, one believes
that further interaction with one's present stimulus
environment will and satisfactorily (i.e. that any
interaction with the environment will end with pleasure),
while an individual having a negative mood experience
believes any environmental interaction will end noxiously
(i.e. that any interaction with the environment will end
with displeasure). An example of a positive mood is one

where an individual is in what is typically deemed a “good

mood,” and has a generally pleasant disposition for a few
hours, extending up to a few days.

Emotion is also a particular type of affective state
and as such subsumes the characteristics of tone and
valence. While mood is composed of a change in the general
expectations concerning future events, emotion involves “

. . the existence of a specific goal or of a perceived
change in one’s relation to a specific goal in the present
(Batson et al., 1993, p. 300). Examples of emotions would
include anger, guilt, and surprise.

Despite their temporary nature, an individual's mood
state, regardless of the specific type, is thought to have
an impact on the behavior of that individual. As should be
evident from the preceding discussion on positive and
negative mood state expectations about future interactions
with a given environment, essentially, “[mood states]
are capable of influencing a broad array of potential
responses, many of which seem quite unrelated to the emotion
precipitating event” (Morris, 1989, p. 211). In a summary
on the pertinent research, Morris (1989) concluded that the
mood currently being experienced by a person influences how
the present situation is perceived in a congruent manner.
For example, if one is experiencing a convivial mood state,
the surrounding elements in the present situation will seem

to be more positive. This positive aura will determine to a

large extent the behavior manifested by the individual. In
essence, then, the mood state of an individual at any given
time influences behavior in two distinct ways. It has an
impact first by influencing an individual's positive or
negative expectations concerning future environmental
interactions, and then by influencing an individual’s
perceptions about that environment in a mood-congruent
manner.

One important way in which mood can impact behavior
through its influence on the perceptual process is through
the accessibility of various memory components during
information processing. A.perSon's positive or negative
mood state can influence the accessibility of materials in
memory. In general, a mood state increases the
accessibility of representations in memory that are
evaluatively congruent with the experienced mood state
(Isen, 1978). Therefore, when one is in a positive mood,
the experience primes positive associations when presented
with various stimuli, whereas for one in a negative mood
state the experience primes negative associations.

Evidence has been presented consistent with this
functional definition of mood. Cunningham (1988) induced
positive and negative moods in individuals. He then gave
the subjects the opportunity to engage in a variety of

behaviors, including social interaction situations, physical

and cognitive challenges, and prosocial behavior. Those
subjects who had been placed in a positive mood situation
were more likely to engage in the aforementioned social
approach behaviors, while those subjects in a negative mood
were more likely to avoid such behaviors and protect
themselves through noncontact and other protective
behaviors.

Transitory Mood States and Prosocial Behavior

 

Mood states have been examined previously with regard
to their connection to providing helping behavior, a
specific form of prosocial behavior (e.g. Carlson & Miller,
1987). These investigations have examined the impact of
both positive and negative mood states on the provision of
prosocial behaviors.

Positive mood states and prosocial behavior. Dovidio

 

(1984) in his meta analysis of the helping literature
concluded that, “The results of many experiments . . . have
found that people who feel good . . . happy and fortunate
are more likely to help someone else than are people who are
not in a positive state” (p. 390). The results of such
studies have been amazingly consistent with both children
and adult subject populations and using a variety of
positive-emotion producing means, from exposing subjects to
positive films to having them think about happy events. One

rationale regularly offered for these findings is the mood

10

maintenance explanation. According to this notion, people
in a positive mood state are more apt to offer helping
behavior provided that the act of helping itself does not
interfere with or threaten their present positive mood state
(Levin & Isen, 1975).

Negative emotional states and prosocial behavior.

 

Despite the consistency with regard to positive emotional
states and helping behavior, no such neat situation exists
for negative emotional states. While some researchers (e.g.
Cialdini & Kenrick, 1976; Schaller & Cialdini, 1988) have
found that subjects experiencing negative emotions were more
likely to respond to a request for help, other researchers
are quick to mention that, “However, negative affect does
not invariably lead to increased helping behavior” (Isen,
1970). .A number of studies have found results where
negative emotional states decreased the propensity to
provide help to a distressed other (e.g. Carlson & Miller,
1987). Underwood, Froming, and Moore (1977) concluded that
the negative emotional state was lingering in the person's
mind and was coloring perceptions and actions in the
present. People view the need for help as a further
negative element with which they have to deal.

While studies that consider the current emotional state
of the helping behavior provider have been fruitful, there

is a pressing need for a clearer rationale as to what

11

emotional states lead to increased willingness and what
emotional states lead to decreased willingness to provide
social support. One plausible explanation is that of the
intervention potential offered by Zillmann.

Intervention Potential and Prosocial Behavior

 

Zillmann introduced the intervention potential notion
as an explanation for selection of mass media programming,
but as he himself points out, the theory has a scope more
general than solely that of the media realm and in fact can
explain a wide variety of stimulus selections (Zillmann &
Bryant, 1985). Zillmann posits that individuals seek to
contrive their environment in Order to alleviate pain and
perpetuate pleasure. Specifically, peOple in aversive
states select activities with a high potential to intervene
in their current emotional condition. Conversely, people
experiencing pleasurable states select activities with a low
intervention potential. Identifying activities containing
high or low intervention potential is the key to this
behavior. According to Zillmann, activities with high
intervention potential are those that are engaging or those
that have hedonic and behavioral affinity with the extant
emotional state. Conversely, activities with low
intervention potential are those that are unengaging or that
are void of hedonic and behavioral affinity. Both affinity

and ability to engage are important determinants. It is

12

easy to see that, “the more engaging and absorbing any
intervening stimulation, the more likely that the [mood]
affective state in which it intervenes will diminish in
intensity” (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985, p. 160). For the
purpose of the present investigation, however, affinity may
play a more important role.

Hedonic and behavioral affinity concern the extent to
which activities contain a tone (from positive to negative)
or actions similar to those associated with the individual’s
emotional experience. If one wants to change a negative
mood state, one would select activities that are devoid of
negative tone and behaviors suggesting or exhibiting anger,
aggression, fear, and the like (activities with low hedonic
and behavioral affinity). If one is experiencing a positive
mood state, however, one would select activities with
behaviors exhibiting or suggesting happiness, contentment,
and the like (activities with high hedonic and behavioral
affinity). Therefore, individuals experiencing negative
states prefer stimuli that have little or no behavioral
affinity with their current mood situation and prefer
hedonically positive stimuli over negative stimuli in order
to produce a lowering of the negative state. Individuals
experiencing positive states, however, prefer stimuli with a
large degree of behavioral affinity and prefer hedonically

positive stimuli in order to maintain the positive state.

13

Clearly, the relationship between a specific behavior
(here, helping behavior) to a mood state intervention is
likely to depend more on the hedonic and behavioral
determinants of the extant emotional condition. For even
though the engaging nature of the activity option is always
going to be important, when considering the likelihood of
one engaging in some specific form of helping behavior (such
as comforting), the hedonic and behavioral affinity of that
specific action with the extant emotional condition of the
individual actor becomes a critical determinant in the
decision to provide comfort. These notions provide an
indication of the circumstances under which different states
can produce an increase or a decrease in the provision of
help.

With regard to individuals in a positive mood state,
they should be more apt to offer helping behavior to the
extent that the act of helping does not threaten to end
their present positive mood, but instead would perpetuate
it. In Zillmann's terminology, the activity should have a
high degree of hedonic and behavioral affinity with the
current positive state.

For individuals experiencing a negative mood state the
situation is reversed. In order for the individual to alter
his/her mood state to a more positive one, the activity must

have a low degree of hedonic and behavioral affinity. The

14

request for help by another may be too similar to the
negative emotions being experienced by one in an aversive
mood state. Given their mood, the situation would be
perceived in a negative manner and seen as a further
problematic element and as such attending to it would serve
only to perpetuate and perhaps increase their negative mood
state (high behavioral affinity) and therefore these
individuals would be less likely to provide the requested
help. In terms of hedonic affinity, the entire situation is
viewed by the individual in such a mood state as negatively
charged. The distressed individual is yet another noxious
element with whom the individual does not want to be
involved.

Mood States and Prosocial Behavior

 

This notion of intervention potential can help
elucidate the impact of mood states on the provision of
comforting behavior. In terms of hedonic and behavioral
affinity, recall the earlier discussion of emotional states
and how they color the perceptions of individuals with
regard to their current situations. People in a positive
mood state see their surroundings in a more positive manner
than would peOple in a negative mood state. In a situation
where one is faced with a distressed other, the individual
in a positive, happy mood would likely see the situation as

an opportunity for himself/herself to do something positive

15

by comforting another person in distress. In addition to
viewing the situation as an opportunity instead of a hassle,
because of the individual's positive mood, he/she believes
that attempts to comfort will be successful. Therefore,
based on an intervention potential rationale, these
individuals would comfort in order to perpetuate their
positive mood states.

In a situation where a person in a negative mood state
is exposed to a distressed other, the possibilities are more
numerous. There are several gradients of negative affect
including sadness, grief, fear, and anger. Recall that
there is a divergence of results with respect to whether the
negative mood state would elicit more or less helping
behavior in individuals. The differences with respect to
these findings may be due, in part, to the imprecise nature
of the term “negative affective state.”

Results indicating that negative affective responses
lead to more helping behavior have relied almost exclusively
on the elicitation of sadness and grief by asking subjects
to imagine that something terrible has befallen someone
about whom they care. As a consequence of this, subjects
are focused on the plight of another person rather than on
themselves. Sadness experienced due to the sorrowful plight
of others turns peoples' attentions outward, and one way to

reduce their sadness is through helping someone or doing

16

something pleasant for them. Fear, as compared with
sadness, by its intense personal nature would pull peOple
inward. Contrary to the concern for another's plight
produced by sadness, fear, and anxiety are feelings about
terrible occurrences happening to that individual.

Mood and self-focused attention. These assertions

 

concerning fear, sadness, and the proclivity to provide
comfort are supported by research concerning the phenomenon
termed self-focused attention. It is defined as, “ . . . an
awareness of self-referent, internally generated information
that stands in contrast to an awareness of externally
generated information derived through sensory receptors”
(Ingram, 1990, p. 156). Morris (1992) states that negative
moods (such as those produced by experiencing fear or anger)
lead to heightened self-focus. This conclusion is supported
by the work of Wood, Saltzberg, and Goldsmat (1990) where
subjects in negative states (found to contain predominantly
fear and anger, with lesser amounts of sadness) were more
self-focused than those in the neutral affective state (no
high levels of either positive or negative emotions).
Studies exploring the connection between depressive moods
and self-focus also support this general pattern (Hull &
Bond, 1986). In such instances, alleviation of negative
affect may in fact be prevented by focusing on another's

problems and attempting to offer comfort. Therefore, an

17

intervention potential explanation would suggest that such
negative mood states should result in the avoidance of
comfort provision in favor of other behaviors with lower
hedonic and behavioral affinity.

In the case of fear, it is as if one's need to
alleviate his/her fear takes precedence over all else,
including dispelling sadness or comforting others. With
respect to anger, the reaction is similar. As Cialdini,
Kenrick, and Baumen (1982) note, “Because anger is
frequently reduced through aggressive rather than benevolent
action, helping would not be instrumental to anger relief.”
Given their mood, attending to a further negative element
would be perceived in a negative manner (high affinity). As
such it would serve only to perpetuate and perhaps to
increase their negative mood state. Therefore these
individuals would be less likely to provide comfort.

Contrary to the case of fear, when one is in a positive
mood state, heightened self-focus would not be expected to
occur. .According to Morris (1992) positive mood states lead
to an increased tendency to engage in “ . . . scanning the
environment in a search to identify instrumental
opportunities” (p. 268). This search takes place because
the individual is optimistic about the success of any action
he/she undertakes. As a result an individual’s attention is

focused on others in the outer environment, rather than

18

themselves and their own concerns. This external
attentional focus is likely to lead to greater comforting.
The notion of intervention potential explains how the
emotional states of individuals may impact their willingness
to provide helping behavior to distressed others. The
question of how these mood states are produced has at this
juncture been largely unaddressed. Media-related stimuli
are thought to be one of many factors able to influence the
moods of an individual.

Media Stimuli and Mood States

 

Mood states may be created in myriad ways. Scholars
point to the ability of media presentations to evoke
emotional responses in individuals (e.g. Cantor, 1991;
Zillmann, 1986). Commenting on the entertainment experience
Zillmann observed, “Television's excitation and mood-
altering effects are not in doubt” (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985,
p. 307). The mood-producing capability of television, film,
and other visual and auditory media has been borne out in
the research arena. For example, Zillmann (1984) examined
whether people select media fare to alter their mood states
and demonstrated the fact that individuals select media
material that has the ability to alter undesired states,
such as boredom and stressfulness.

In another study in the area of eating disorder

research, subjects exposed to a frightening film became more

19

angry, anxious, and sad than those subjects in the control
film condition. In addition, subjects in the frightening
film condition ate significantly more popcorn than those
subjects in the control film condition (Parker, 1990). Both
of the aforementioned studies indicate in a clear manner
that media presentations do possess the qualities necessary
to alter the mood-related states of individuals. In
addition, these studies indicate that these ensuing
emotional changes can affect subsequent behaviors in many
ways.

For the purpose of the present investigation, the
specific mood states resulting from exposure to different
film genre become a paramount concern. Although it is clear
that media do posses the capability to alter mood states,
the precise nature of the process is murkier.

Media and positive mood states. In general, a comedy

 

presentation is expected to stimulate production of a
positive mood. The question of what produces this result
merits further attention. Freud distinguishes between two
basic types of jokes, tendentious (purposeful, hostile) and
nontendentious (nonsense, innocent) jokes. Nontendentious
jokes are comprised of word play and silly humor, for
example humorous rhymes. Tendentious jokes, conversely,
include the word play elements of innocent humor, but also

contain hostile or forbidden elements as well, such as

20

laughing at foreigners or sexual topics. The innocent
element in these tendentious presentations is necessary to
produce the mirthful reaction, because individuals are able
to laugh at the hostile, forbidden tendentious humor only
when it is veiled with the word play elements of innocent
humor. This misattribution allows people to enjoy the
hostility, but believe themselves to be laughing at the
silliness of the joke's presentation. Scholars (e.g. Freud,
1960; Zillmann & Cantor, 1982) note that at the heart of the
enjoyment of many forms of comedy is the element of
disparagement.

It would seem possible, then, that because there is so
much hostility inherent in certain comedic presentations,
the affective state of an individual exposed to such a
stimulus may not be the positive type which produces a
greater proclivity to provide prosocial behavior. In fact,
because of the disparaging elements it logically may produce
a decreased likelihood to provide assistance. The
tendentious and nonsense humor categorizations, however,
provide an explanation for this apparent quandary. .As
Zillmann (1983) highlights, people do not think of
themselves as laughing at the tendentious portion of the
jokework, but only at the nonsense portion. As a result,
following a comedic presentation containing both types of

humor, the intense mirthful reaction is left behind, but in

21

the individual's mind only the innocuous jokework is
remembered as being responsible. The nonsense humor
provides an absolution of sorts as one no longer needs to
think of oneself as a person who laughs at hostile,
disparaging situations. People are left, then, with a
positive mood from the presentation, but little recall of
the exact circumstances which produced the mirth in the
first place. This fortuitous amnesia concerning the hostile
elements of the jokes is essential. The behavioral and
hedonic elements in the hostile comedic presentation are not
remembered as contributing to their mirth. This positive
state, then, produces the increased tendency to provide help
through the process already specified.

Media and negative affective states. There are more

 

possibilities with regard to negative mood states as opposed
to positive ones. There are several gradients of negative
affect including anger, sadness, anxiety, and fear. It
would seem logical that different types of media content
have the ability to contribute to one or more of the
aforementioned negative emotional states. The two genres of
negative content important at present are horror and tragedy
presentations.

In contrast to a comedy presentation, a horror segment
would be expected to produce a negative affective state in

the viewer, because of the disturbing images that are by

22

nature a part of the horror genre. Fear and anxiety about
one's own plight would be the most likely emotional
reactions to viewing a horror film.

The implications for the tragedy presentation also
indicate that a negative emotional experience would result
from viewing. In this instance, negative feelings would
erupt because of the fate that befalls the undeserving
character. The specific emotional reaction that would
result, however, is open to question. Traditionally,
tragedy is thought to evoke sadness and pity in those who
are a witness to its presentation. Following this line of
reasoning, it might be expected that the negative state
elicited by such a presentation would serve to increase the
propensity to offer help to another individual. There is
extant work, however, that construes the situation with
respect to tragedy differently. According to the work of
Aristotle, tragedy does not leave those who view it filled
with sadness and pity for the one to whom the tragedy has
occurred, but ultimately makes viewers fear that what has
befallen the character will harm them as well.
Additionally, anger results from the realization that the
world’s circumstances were responsible for the tragedy.
Looking at the reactions to a tragic presentation in this
manner, these fear and anger responses would lead to a

decreased tendency to help. As such, the anticipated impact

23

of exposure to tragedy presentations on comforting is
dependent on the extent to which exposure influences the
perceptions of fear and anger or the perceptions of sadness
and grief.
@312

The aim of the present investigation is to assess the
differences in verbal comforting behavior provided to a
distressed other as a function of both pertinent empathy
variables and the current emotional state of the comforter.
The mood state of the comforter will be induced through
exposure to different types of film stimuli (comedy,
tragedy, or horror) and measured along the dimensions of
mirth, fear, and grief. Subjects in the negative emotion-
eliciting conditions (tragedy and horror) are expected to
provide less comforting messages than those subjects in the
positive emotion-eliciting condition (comedy). This study
seeks to extend the work in this area by assessing the
degree to which consideration of genre-induced mood state
can improve our understanding of film exposure's impact on
the provision of comforting behavior.

33%

Subjects

120 undergraduate students served as subjects in the
experiment. These students were recruited from an

introductory communication course at a large midwestern

24

university. In exchange for their participation in the
study, subjects were granted extra credit. Prior to their
beginning the experiment, each signed an informed consent
form.

Procedure

 

Subjects filled out a questionnaire containing empathy
measures, additional personality trait measures, and
assessments concerning the consumption of sports-related
media. The latter two groups of items were included to
obscure the importance of the empathy measures. Three weeks
after completion of the initial battery, subjects were asked
to participate in an ostensibly unrelated study described as
a film evaluation session.

Upon arrival, each subject was ushered into the
experimental laboratory, where the confederate, whom the
subject believed to be simply another participant in the
study, was already seated in front of the video monitor.

The experimenter had both subject and confederate sign
consent forms. The experimenter then told both “subjects”
that after viewing the film, they would have to complete a
questionnaire. The thirty minute film, either a comedy,
tragedy, or horror film, began. Subjects were randomly
assigned to their film conditions.

After completion of the film, the experimenter began to

videotape the subjects through a two-way mirror. Following

25

the film credits, the confederate expressed distress over
his or her poor academic situation and the distinct
possibility of being thrown out of school as a result. The
confederate then waited for a response from the subject. If
the subject did not response, the confederate repeated the
phrase, “What am I going to do?” If no response was given,
the confederate sat quietly until the experimenter returned.
If the subject did respond, the confederate, in an attempt
to promote further communication, downplayed the
effectiveness of any of the offered suggestions by
repeating, “I don't know what good that will do.” .After a
period of five minutes, the experimenter ceased the taping
and reentered the room where both the subject and the
confederate were seated. The experimenter then requested
that the subject go with him/her to another room to complete
the required questionnaire. The confederate remained in the
experimental room.

The subject filled out the questionnaire consisting of
his/her present mood state and his/her perceptions about
elapsed time of the film. In addition, the subjects were
asked if they had seen the film previously, and they were
asked their perceptions of both the present experiment and
the empathy questionnaire they completed weeks before the
laboratory session. This was done to ensure that the

subjects were not aware of the true purpose of the study.

26

No student had seen the film previously or was aware of the
purpose. The experimenter debriefed the subjects and told
them that the person with whom they had seen the film was a
confederate. In addition, the subjects were told that the
purpose of the study was to assess the influence of empathy
and film condition on the provision of comforting messages
to a distressed other. The subjects were informed that
their conversation had been taped. The subjects were
explicitly asked if they would like to have their tape
destroyed. No subjects desired their tapes to be erased.
Of course, an assurance of confidentiality was granted to
the subjects with regard to their videotape.

Confederates

 

Two male and two female undergraduates served as
confederates in the study. To guard against variability in
expressions during the conversations with subjects, all
followed an identical script with rigid instructions (see
Appendix A). The confederates underwent three 2-hour
training sessions to familiarize themselves with the
procedure and script implementation. Coders were instructed
to assess whether the confederate deviated markedly from the
dictates of the script.

Stimulus Materials

 

In the horror condition, the film viewed by the

subjects was a segment from the feature film release Tales

27

from the Darkside. In the film, an elderly man hires a

 

hitman to kill a cat that the man believes killed three
people close to him, because of his involvement with drug
testing on cats. At the end of the film, the cat kills both
the hitman and the one who hired him in a grisly manner.
Subjects in the comedy condition viewed an episode of Fawlty
Towers, a British comedy series, the segment called “Basil
the Rat.” The program involves a married couple that runs a
hotel. Here, one of the hotel’s employees, Manuel (the
busboy), has a large pet rat that is running loose in the
hotel on the day that the health inspector is examining the
hotel for violations. Subjects in the tragedy condition
viewed a segment of an HBO series, Lifestories: Families in
Crisis. In this episode, an abortion parental consent law
forces a young girl to have an illegal abortion rather than
face the difficulty of telling her parents about her
situation. She later dies from an infection due to dirty
instrumentation used during the procedure.

Measures

Film-induced mood state. To assess whether the films

 

created the intended mood state, each subject was asked to
evaluate the film they had just viewed. Differences were
expected in terms of the mirth, grief, fear, and sensitivity
they thought the presentation elicited. The inclusion of

sensitivity was based on the results of research by

28

Tamborini et a1. (1994) suggesting that the sensitivity
portrayed in a message can be an important determinant of
the message's impact on comforting. Each of these moods
were scored on items using five point Likert scales. The
items employed were selected on the basis of the results of
a confirmatory factor analysis. In addition, Cronbach's
Alpha was computed for each scale. The scales and

reliabilities are shown below in Table 1.

Table 1

Scales and Reliabilities for Film Reaction Items From
Confirmatory Factor Analysis

 

 

 

 

Scale Alpha
Grief .86
Mirth .83
Fear .89
Sensitivity .72

 

In light of the failure of some of these items to meet
the requirements of these two tests, several items were
removed from the analyses.

The subject’s evaluations were assessed by conducting
one-way ANOVAs on the responses to the aforementioned items.
First, a significant main effects were found for the grief

items, tragic, hopeless, and grief-filled, (F = 7.32,

29

p>.001); the fear items, frightening, terrifying, scary,
horrifying, (F = 10.31, p<.001); the mirth items, funny,
amusing, light-hearted, laugh-filled, F = 12.08, p<.001);
and the sensitivity times, warm, tender-hearted,
sympathetic, (F = 6.03, p<.001). Subsequent Student Neuman-
Keul’s tests were conducted on all the items as shown below
in Table 2. Means with no common vertical superscript

differ at .05 level.

Table 2

Mean Differences of Grief, Mirth, Fear, Sensitivity and
Comforting Measures by Film Condition

 

 

 

 

GF MF FR SN CF
Tragedy 4.13c 1.32a 3.11b 2.32b 5.35a
Comedy 2.04a 4.12c 1.23a 2.57b 6.13b
Horror 3.21b 3.13b 4.07c 1.52a 4.91a

 

For the grief items, scores for those subjects in the
tragedy film condition were significantly higher than for
those in the horror condition, which were significantly
higher than for those in the comedy condition. In terms of
the fear items, the test revealed that the scores for the
subjects in the horror film condition were significantly

higher than the scores of the tragedy condition subjects,

30

which were significantly higher than for the comedy
condition subjects. With respect to the mirth items, tests
demonstrated that scores for the subjects in the comedy
condition were significantly higher than for those subjects
in the horror condition, which were significantly higher
than for those in the tragedy condition. Finally, tests on
the sensitivity items demonstrated that scores for subjects
in the horror group differed from those in the comedy group
and the tragedy group, while there was no significant
difference between the tragedy and the comedy group.

Empathy measures. Five empathy dimensions were

 

important in the present investigation. The five items
measuring perspective taking and the five items measuring
fictional involvement were taken from the work of Davis
(1983). The seven items measuring empathic concern were
developed also by Davis (1980, 1983). The four items
measuring emotional contagion were taken from the work of
both Davis (1980, 1983), and Deutsch and Madle (1975). The
four items used to assess communicative responsiveness were
taken from the work of Stiff (1984).

The items employed to measure each dimension of empathy
were selected on the basis of previous studies examining
empathic processes and emotional reactions. Confirmatory
factor analysis was performed on all of the empathy

dimensions. In addition, Cronbach's Alpha was computed for

31

each scale. Formal tests of internal consistency and
parallelism were performed. In light of the failure of some
of these items to meet the requirements of the two tests,
several items were removed from the analyses. Complete
information regarding item content from both the film
reaction and empathy scales are included in Appendix B. The

scales and their reliabilities are given below in Table 3.

Table 3

Scales and Reliabilities for Empathy Items From Confirmatory
Factor Analysis

 

 

 

 

Scale Alpha
Emotional Contagion .70
Perspective Taking .71
Empathic Concern .75
Communicative Responsiveness .74
Fictional Involvement .74

 

Comforting Measure. Sensitivity of comforting behavior

 

was measured by a nine-category hierarchical coding scheme
developed from the work of Applegate (1980) and later
employed in numerous other studies (e.g. Burleson, 1983).
This scheme is grounded in Bernstein's distinction between
personal and positional speech. Positional speech refers to

communication that lacks sensitivity. People employing this

32

type of speech adapt messages in solely role—centered ways.
Personal speech, however, refers to communication targeted
at considering the inner thoughts and feelings of the person
addressed. The value in using this speech lies in its
quality of legitimating the affective states of others.
Specifically, a lower score on the scheme represents
messages more characteristic of positional speech, whereas
messages higher on the coding scheme represent the use of
more personal speech. The coding scheme is divided into
three superordinate categories: denial of individual
perspectivity (1-3), implicit recognition of individual
perspectivity (4-6), and finally explicit recognition of
individual perspectivity (7-9). Each succeeding category is
more comforting (see Appendix C).

This study examined the interactional messages produced
during conversations. These responses were coded according
to the scheme by two trained coders. Their intercoder
reliability was Alpha = .85. Coders assigned a comforting
score number to each of the statements made by the subject
in each turn during the conversation. Consistent with
previous use of the scheme, each subject was assigned a
final comforting score based on the highest level statement

that he/she produced during the entire interaction.

Results
Correlations among the empathy dimensions, film
condition, film evaluation, and comforting were computed.
The film condition manipulation was effect coded in concert
with the theoretical rationale. Horror, tragedy, and comedy
were labeled in ascending order. The corrected correlations

used for path analysis are reported in Table 4.

Table 4

Correlated Correlations for Use in Path Analysis

 

 

 

PT FI EC ET CR FC CF

PT 1.00
FI .28 1.00
EC .41 .55 1.00
ET .06 .21 .40 1.00
CR .31 .23 .49 -.04 1.00
FC -.01 .03 .08 .07 .05 1.00
CF .18 .17 .23 .03 .03 .15 1.00
GF .08 .11 .13 .07 .04 -.14 -.09
MF .04 .08 .02 .05 01 .03 .07
FR .06 .05 .09 .08 .03 -.18 -.11
SN .11 .09 .13 .07 .04 .03 .09

GF MF FR SN
GF 1.00
MF .14 1.00
FR .21 .26 1.00
SN .03 .00 .04 1.00

 

The path analysis was conducted using a statistical
program named PACKAGE (Hunter, 1986). Three criteria are
employed to assess the fit of the model. First, path

coefficients are assessed to examine whether or not their

33

34

values are consistent with what their theoretical rationales
indicate they should be. Next, the residual matrices were
examined for statistically significant deviations and
confidence intervals were drawn around the obtained
correlations to assess whether the predicted correlations
fall within the range. Last, a global test of the overall
fit of the model, using a Chi square test, was employed.

Replication of the Empatheromforting Model

 

Initial tests were conducted to replicate the model
presented by Tamborini et a1. (1993). The hypothesized

model and results are presented in Table 5.

Table 5

Path Model Results for Initial Model

 

 

 

Variables Direction Coefficient
F1 to EC + .47
PT to EC + .28
EC to ET + .40
EC to CR + .60
ET to CR - .28
EC to CF + .25
ET to CF - .08

FC to CF + .14

 

35

First, there is a positive path from both fictional
involvement and perspective taking to empathic concern.
Next, there is a positive path from empathic concern to
emotional contagion. Next, there are two paths to
communicative responsiveness, a positive one from empathic
concern and a negative one from emotional contagion.
Finally, there are three predictors of comforting behavior
in the model. There are positive paths from empathic
concern and from film condition. In addition, there is a
negative path from emotional contagion to comforting
behavior. The relationship among empathy variables and
comforting is consistent with the Tamborini et al. (1993)
model.

An examination of the residual matrix indicates that
there are no statistically significant residuals. The
confidence intervals around the obtained correlations reveal
that the correlations predicted by the model all fall within
their accepted range. Last, a global Chi square test
indicates that the data do not differ significantly from the
model (Chi square = 5.28, df = 6, p<.05).

An Extension: Genre-Induced Mood State

 

In order to move beyond employing the effect-coded film
condition variable as a predictor of comforting behavior in
the model, subjects' responses to the film evaluation scales

(i.e. grief, fear, mirth, and sensitivity) were included in

36

place of the path from film condition. The model extends
the initial one by employing subjects’ mood evaluations
following exposure to different genre, not using the
manipulated film condition. Each scale was included as a
separate predictor of comforting behavior. All other
portions of the model remained identical. The hypothesized
path model and the results of the analysis are presented in

Table 6.

Table 6

Path Model Results for Extended Model

 

 

 

Variables Direction Coefficient
FI to EC + .47
PT to EC + .28
EC to ET + .40
EC to CR + .60
ET to CR - .28
EC to CF + .27
ET to CF - .07
GF to CF - .11
ME to CF + .12
FR to CF - .14
SN to CF + .07

 

The inclusion of the film evaluation scales as separate
predictors of comforting behavior improved the amount of
comforting behavior differences explained by the model.
There was a negative path from the grief scale to comforting
behavior such that those subjects who found their film more

tragic were less comforting. In addition, there was a

37

negative path from the fear scale to comforting behavior
such that those subjects who found their film more
horrifying were less comforting. Next, there was a positive
path from the mirth scale to comforting behavior such that
those subjects who found their film to be more comedic were
more comforting. Finally, there was a positive path from
the sensitive scale to comforting behavior such that those
subjects who found their film more sensitive were more
comforting.

Upon examination, the residual matrix indicates that
there are no statistically significant residuals. The
confidence intervals drawn around the obtained correlations
reveal that the predicted correlations derived from the
model all fall within the accepted range. Last, the global
Chi square test indicates that the data do not differ
significantly from the model (Chi square = 7.56, df = 11,
p<.05).

Discussion

 

The present work had as its primary goal to replicate
results of previous experiments investigating the role of
empathy and of film exposure on the provision of comforting
behavior. In the main, the current findings are consistent
with earlier experiments. Specifically, this study is
largely consistent with the results of earlier experiments

by Stiff et al. (1988) and Tamborini et al. (1993).

38

Empathy Dimensions and Comforting

 

Consistent with Stiff et al., perspective taking led to
empathic concern, which in turn influenced prosocial
behavior in the form of providing comfort to a distressed
individual. The results of this study lend further credence
to the model of empathy and prosocial behavior that emerged
from the Stiff study.

With regard to the Tamborini et a1. (1993) piece, both
that study and the present work sought to extend research on
the empathy-comforting model by exploring the impact of
media-induced short term mood change on the provision of
comforting behavior. A.path from fictional involvement to
empathic concern was emergent in both models. Second, and
contrary to the Stiff findings employing noninteractional
data, both studies revealed a negative path from emotional
contagion to behavioral comforting obtained under face-to-
face interaction conditions. .According to Tamborini et al.
(1993) these contrasts might be explained by differences in
the nature of the comforting measures employed by Stiff. If
the negative path from contagion to comforting is motivated
by a desire of contagious individuals to cope with aversion
by avoiding others in distress, the absence of actual
distressed others in Stiff's noninteractional measures of

comforting (including use of the communicative

39

responsiveness battery) would repress the path from
contagion to comfort.

Genre, Mood, and Comforting

 

The path that emerged in this study's initial model
from film condition to comforting behavior illustrates that
empathy dimensions alone do not determine the provision of
comfort. Individuals who were exposed to the comedic film
were more comforting than individuals who were exposed to
either the tragedy film or the horror film. This finding
has serious implications for the effect of exposure to
different film stimuli on prosocial behavior in
interpersonal settings. These results indicate that
transient mood states are created by exposure to media fare
and influence the type of comforting behavior offered to a
distressed other. The present findings demonstrate that
experiencing media materials of different genre
characterized by negative hedonic quality (as in this
experiment with a horror and a tragedy film), appear to have
the potential to decrease the level of comfort offered to an
individual, even if one is high on salient dimensions of
empathy in terms of the proclivity to provide comfort.
Contrarily, experiencing media materials with a positive
hedonic quality (such as comedy) appear to have the

potential to increase the tendency to provide comforting

40

even if the individual is low on relevant dimensions of
social support.

The second model tested included separate paths for
subjects' evaluations following film exposure, rather than a
single path for the manipulated film condition. This is an
important extension and refinement because it advances our
understanding of the emotional processes associated with
different film genre and the manner in which resulting mood
states impact the provision of prosocial behavior. The
results of the model mirrors previous work with regard to
the relationship of comedy and horror to the proclivity to
comfort. In several studies, findings indicated that
individuals exposed to a comedy film (thought to induce a
positive mood) demonstrated an increased proclivity to
comfort as compared with those exposed to a horror film
(e.g. Tamborini, Salomonson, & Bahk, 1993a). Similarly, the
results associated with sensitivity are consistent with
Tamborini et al. (1994) where individuals exposed to
materials with higher sensitivity demonstrated greater
comforting behavior. The results of the final model extend
these previous findings by employing subjects' actual mood
evaluations following exposure to different genre, instead
of using the intended effect of the manipulated film

condition.

41

This consistent state of affairs, however, does not
exist in terms of results on the impact of tragedy. In the
current investigation, subjects in the tragedy condition
were less likely to offer comfort to a distressed individual
than subjects in the comedy condition. This finding is
contrary to earlier models indicating that exposure to
tragedy was equal in its ability to increase comforting
behavior under conditions of moderate to high sensitivity
(Tamborini, et al., 1994; Tamborini, Salomonson, & Bahk,
1993b). This quandary may be explained by considering
differences in the sensitivity levels of the materials used
in each of these studies. In the Tamborini et al. (1993b)
study, materials were specifically created to display low,
moderate, and high levels of sensitivity for different
conditions of tragedy. After exposure, subjects revealed a
significantly increased tendency to provide comfort only
under conditions of moderate to sensitivity. In the present
study, these conditions do not appear to exist in the
tragedy presentation employed. Subject reaction scores in
the tragedy condition indicate that the tragedy was not
perceived as a sensitive portrayal of events. Since the
main character was treated callously by numerous individuals
in this film, the insensitivity portrayed here may be
responsible for the decreased comfort that followed

exposure. The findings of previous studies showing

42

increased comfort associated with tragedy may have been due
to the high levels of sensitivity contained in those tragic
portrayals which was not found in the present study.

The results presented here most certainly are not a
place at which to end. While the study accomplished a
refinement of the empathy-comforting model, there are areas
in need of greater explication. First, researchers should
attempt to more finely assess the mood states of subjects in
future work. Perhaps a combination of self-report mood
measures, physiological indices, and nonverbal facial affect
coding would be a fruitful way to more fully describe the
constellation of possible mood responses. Next, in the area
of the dimensions of empathy, additional work is needed on
more short term empathic processes. In the present
investigation, measures of empathy were taken weeks in
advance and were considered stable dispositional
characteristics. Perhaps different empathic processes
result from exposure to various types of mood-inducing
stimuli. Finally, this investigation paired strangers
together for a comforting interaction. This relationship
may not be the most interesting and important one to assess.
Provision of social support in general, and comforting in
particular, is far more likely to be found in more well-

established relationships. As such, investigations need to

43

focus on different types of relationships, for example
coworkers, friends, and romantic partners.

The goal of this investigation was to further work on
the empathy-comforting model by attempting to specify the
influence of mood on the process. The study suggests that
consideration of individual differences in the affective
states of subjects following exposure to films provides
better prediction of comforting behavior than simple
consideration of environmental stimuli represented in film

genre.

AP PENDI CES

APPENDIX A

APPENDIX A

SCRIPT FOR STUDY

Both the subjects and the Confederate in the experiment
wait outside the experimental room. The confederate greets
the subject with a simple “HELLO”, and does not initiate any
further conversation. The Experimenter comes out and greets
the two people as if they are both subjects, and hands them
a consent form to sign. When the two are both finished, the
Experimenter seats the subjects in the chair farthest from
the door, while the Confederate sits closest to the door.

*EXPERIMENTER: Hello, My name is . We would
like the two of you to participate in a television viewing
study. Before we begin today I need to check and make sure
that the two people who are supposed to be with me are here.
[Read off the two names and repeat their first names]. The
study deals with reactions to different types of film
stimuli. You will View a short film and after the film is
over, I will be back to ask the two of you some questions.
Remember, if at any time you wish to discontinue, you are
free to leave and will still receive credit for the
experiment. I will begin the film now. When the film is

over, please wait here and I will return.

44

45

EXPERIMENTER places the correct tape in the machine and
turns on the cassette. The EXPERIMENTER leaves the room and
returns to the observation room. .At the end of the film,
returns to the observation room. At the end of the film,
but before the credits, the EXPERIMENTER starts to videotape
the subject.

The CONFEDERATE while viewing the films, reacts to the
content of the films in a regular way -- but not too much
reaction. You want to appear to be wrapped up in your own
problems, so do not laugh too much, etc. If during the
film, the subject tries to converse with you, answer with
short attempts to discourage any further interaction.
CONFEDERATE initiates the conversation with the subject,
immediately after the credits are over.

*CONFEDERATE: I don’t know about you, but I can sure
use this extra credit. If I don’t pass COMM 200, I don't
know what I am going to do. I'm already on probation, and I
bombed the midterm. Even with this, I don't think I have a
chance to pass. If I fail, I could get kicked out of
school. My folks will kill me when they find out. What am
I going to do?

-Wait for a response from the subject.

—If the subject says nothing, ask “What would you do if

you were me?” once only. If the subject still says

46

nothing, just sit quietly until the EXPERIMENTER
returns.

-If the subject makes any suggestions, the CONFEDERATE
responds by saying, “What good will that do?”

-If the subject asks questions, the CONFEDERATE
responds by saying, “Nothing makes any difference at
all.”

The EXPERIMENTER tapes the interaction between the
subject and the CONFEDERATE for five minutes and then stops
recording. The EXPERIMENTER returns to the room to get the
subject.

*EXPERIMENTER: That is the end of the first part of
the study and in the second part of the study, I need to ask
each of you some questions. This part of the study needs to
be done individually, (Subject's name) will you
come with me to another room?

The CONFEDERATE rewinds the tape in the machine after
the subject has been escorted to another room.

The EXPERIMENTER seats the subject in the room across
the hall.

*EXPERIMENTER: This questionnaire will tell you a
little more about what the study is trying to assess. (HAND
THEM THE QUESTIONNAIRE). Please read it and answer the
questions. (COLLECT IT WHEN THROUGH, AND HAND THEM THE

EVALUATION OF RESEARCH FORM). And lastly, complete this

47

form telling us what you thought of the research you have
completed this term. (COLLECT IT WHEN HRUGH, AND BEGIN TO
DEBRIEF).

*EXPERIMENTER: You have now completed all of the parts
of the study. The study was designed to assess the impact
of different types of film exposure on social interaction.
In order to accomplish this, we wanted to observe the manner
in which you handled a fellow student that was displaying
distress. The student with whom you watched the film was a
part of the experiment. These interactions will be coded to
assess whether they differ following exposure to different
types of films. Some subjects watched films different from
the one that you did.

We have videotaped the interaction between the two of
you. We apologize for having to do it without your
knowledge. If you feel uncomfortable with the tape’s
existence, we will erase the tape right now while you wait
to ensure that it is completely erased. This will be done
without penalty for you, you will still receive credit for
the experiment. If you do allow the use of your videotape
in the study, it is important that you know that immediately
following the coding of the videotape by the researchers,
your tape will be erased. Finally, during the time that
your tape is in existence, it will remain completely

confidential as only those coding the tapes will look at

48

them. Since we feel that what took place in the interaction
was just a normal part of everyday life, we hope that you
will allow us to include your tape in the study. The study
is an important one and should aid in the understanding of
factors that influence social interaction.

You have now completed the research requirement. Thank
you for participation. If you have further questions, I'll
be glad to answer anything that I can, or you may speak to
Kristen Salomonson if you have any other questions. The
only other thing that I ask of you is that you not discuss
this experiment with other classmates. If anyone asks you
about it, tell them that you were asked not to disclose
anything.

The EXPERIMENTER answers any questions that the subject
may have. Then, the EXPERIMENTER walks the subjects out of
the room. The EXPERIMENTER returns to the observation room
and fills out a subject record sheet including whether the
subject was aware of the purpose of the experiment, then
checks the schedule for the next participant, and what film
should be used.

The CONFEDERATE then walks out and sits in the chair as

if they are waiting for the experiment to begin.

APPENDIX B

APPENDIX B

Measures

Film Reaction Items

 

M
The film was tragic, hopeless, grief-filled.
m
The film was funny, amusing, light-hearted, laugh-
filled.

Fear

 

The film was frightening, terrifying, scary,
horrifying.

Sensitivity

 

The film was warm, tender-hearted, sympathetic.

Empathy Items

 

Emotional Contagion

 

I cannot continue to feel OK if peOple around me are
depressed.

I don't get upset just because a friend is acting
upset.

I become nervous if others around me seem nervous.

The people around me have a great influence on my

moods.

49

50

Perspective Taking

 

Before criticizing someone, I try to imagine how I
would feel if I were in their place

I sometimes try to understand my friends better by
imagining how things look from their perspective.

I sometimes find it difficult to see things from the
other person's point of view (R).

I try to look at everyone’s side of a disagreement
before I make a decision.

When I am upset at someone I usually try to put myself
in his or her shoes for a while.

Empathic Concern

 

I am the type of person who is concerned when other
people are unhappy.

When I see someone being taken advantage of, I feel
kind of protective towards them.

I often have tender, concerned feelings for people less
fortunate than myself.

I would describe myself as a pretty soft-hearted
person.

I sometimes don't feel very sorry for people when they
are having problems.

Other people’s misfortunes do not usually disturb me a
great deal.

I am often touched by things that I see happen.

51

Communicative Responsiveness
I am the type of person who can say the right thing at
the right time.
Even though I often try to console someone who is
feeling bad, I never seem to be able to say the right thing.
I usually respond appropriately to the feelings of
others.

Others think of me as an empathic person.

My friends come to me with their problems because I am
a good listener.

Fictional Involvement

 

I really get involved with the feelings and characters
in a novel.

When I am reading an interesting novel or story, I
imagine how I would feel if the events were to happen to me.

After acting in a play, or seeing a play or a movie, I
have felt partly as though I were one of the characters.

When I watch a good movie, I can very easily put myself
in the place of the lead character.

I become very involved when I watch a movie.

APPENDIX C

II.

APPENDIX C

Coding Scheme

Denial of Individual Perspective

The speaker condemns or ignores the specific feelings

that exist in the situation for the person addressed.

This denial may be explicit or implicit.

1.

The speaker condemns the feelings of another.

ex. “There’s no reason to feel that way about not
getting invited and if she did not invite me,
she's no friend of mine.”

The speaker challenges the legitimacy of the

other's feelings.

ex. “There is nothing to be upset about--it's
just an old party.”

The speaker ignores feelings experienced by the

other. Frequently, this includes statements

telling the other to “forget” about the situation

or tells one how to feel about the situation.

ex. “There’ll be other parties. Just be happy

about going to those.”

Implicit recognition of individual perspectivity.

The speaker provides some implicit acceptance of/or

positive response to the feelings of others, but does

52

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not specifically mention, elaborate, or legitimize

those feelings.

4. The speaker attempts to divert the other's
attention from the distressful situation and the
feelings that arise from that situation.
ex. “When it's my party I'll invite you.”

5. The speaker acknowledges the feelings of the
other, but does not attempt to help the other
understand why those feelings are being
experienced or how to cope with them.
ex. “I’m sorry you did not get invited to the

party.”

6. The speaker provides a nonfeeling-centered
explanation of the situation intended to reduce
the distressed emotional state of the other. This
often includes references to mitigating
circumstances.
ex. “Maybe your invitation was lost in the mail

or maybe there wasn't enough room to invite
everyone.”
III. Explicit recognition and elaboration of individual
perspectivity.

The speaker explicitly acknowledges, elaborates, and

legitimizes the feelings of others. These strategies

may include attempts to provide a general understanding

54

of the situation. Coping strategies may be suggested

in conjunction with an explication of the other's

feelings.

7.

Speaker explicitly recognizes and acknowledges the

feelings of the other, but provides only a

truncated explanation of these feelings. (Often

accompanied by attempts to remedy the situation.)

ex. “I know you feel badly about not going to the
party, but you are my friend and lots of
people like you. When my party comes up,
I'll invite you.”

The speaker provides an elaborated acknowledgment

and explanation of the other’s feelings.

ex. “Gosh, I’m sorry about the party. I did not
mean to make you feel badly by mentioning it,
but I know that I did. It's not fun being
left out. Maybe it is a mistake. Why don’t
you talk to her about it.”

The speaker helps the other gain perspective on

his or her feelings and attempts to help the other

see their feelings in relation to the broader

context of the feelings of others.

ex. “I understand how you feel. I too have not
been invited to parties that I've wanted to

attend. I’m sure that you feel rejected.

55

Maybe there just wasn't room to have everyone
that she wanted to have. I mean, I've had
parties where I could not invite all the
people that I wanted to. It doesn't

necessarily mean that she does not like you.”

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HIGQN STRTE

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