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MAINTAINING THE SELF IN THE SELF-IN-RELATION AMONG
EARLY ADOLESCENT GIRLS

BY

Arlene Ruth Saitzyk

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Psychology

1994

ABSTRACT

MAINTAINING THE SELF IN THE SELF-IN-RELATION AMONG
EARLY ADOLESCENT GIRLS

BY

Arlene Ruth Saitzyk

The present study seeks to better understand the
developmentally predictable losses in self—competence and
authenticity in relationships that girls may experience
during the early adolescent years. In order to do so, the
study draws upon the self—in-relation theory, which locates
identity development in the context of connection and
relatedness to others. The present work studies this
phenomenon by attempting to change it, in that a 13-week
small group intervention program (The Transition to
Adolescence Program, TAP) designed to prevent these "losses"
was implemented and evaluated. TAP encourages group members
to assert their individuality within a context of
connection, and in this respect, focuses on empowering girls
to maintain their sense of self in the self-in-relation,
which in turn may allow them to meet their own needs as well
as the needs of others in their relationships. The issues
discussed within the group meetings include both broad—based
competencies (e.g., self-esteem, personal power, emotional
awareness) and domain-specific knowledge and skills relevant
to the challenges that confront early adolescent girls

(e.g., peer pressure, body changes, intimate relationships,

sexuality). A total of 70 early adolescent girls
participated in the study, either as part of the
intervention or control conditions, and completed several
measures prior to and following the intervention. Analyses
examined the associations between self-in-relation identity
and measures of well-being, distress, and ethnic identity,
as well as changes associated with participation in the
intervention program. The results supported the relevance
of the self-in-relation construct, and provided support for
the loss of self-confidence and authentic relationships as a
developmental phenomenon. The hypotheses regarding the
intervention were also partially supported by the data.
Findings indicated increases in social self-competence for
girls who participated in the intervention relative to girls
who did not participate in the intervention, and the results
suggest some impact on preventing development of
relationships that focus on the needs of others to the
exclusion of the self. Implications of this study regarding
future development of contextually valid research and
intervention programs that incorporate attention to

relational and identity concerns are discussed.

To a woman who speaks loudly and clearly, who embodies
strength and nurturance, and who is a beautiful

maiden/matron/crone—- my Grandmother/Goddessmother Pearl.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project brought together the unique talents of
several individuals and organizations. First, I want to
thank the members of my dissertation committee, Frank Floyd,
Sandra Hollingsworth, Michael Lambert, and Jacqueline
Lerner, and my chair, Ellen Strommen, for your continual
support in this endeavor. I am most appreciative of your
ability to help me "give voice" to my thoughts and to
facilitate my thinking towards larger community and cross—
cultural issues that intersect with conceptualizations of
self and other.

Second, I want to acknowledge three collaborating
organizations, the MSU Institute for Children, Youth, and
Families, the MSU Service-Learning Center, and the Lansing
Boys & Girls Club. The Institute for Children, Youth, and
Families funded the project through a research-outreach seed
grant, and the Service-Learning Center will be providing
support to continue the program in my absence. There are
several individuals at the Boys & Girls Club that made this
project a reality, and I want to recognize one person in

particular, Dana Pink, the Unit Director in charge of

Programming. Thank you Dana for your incredible efforts in
recruiting, selecting, and providing on—going support for
the girls in the program, and thank you also for your
refreshing sense of optimism.

Next, I would like to extend a heartfelt thank you to
the "front-line" women, that is, the undergraduates and
graduate students who either served as co-facilitators or
research assistants for the project: Glenda Bailey, Sharri
Barnes, Geralyn Bocci, Olivia Cash, Tiara Chivers, Nicole
Cobb, Laura Gabel, Jennifer Garfield, Wendy Hill, Linda
Juang, Shalonda Kelly, Kathleen Klauzenberg, Betty Ludwig,
Shanetta Martin, Carolyn Miska, Mandy Mitchell, Marnie
Modders, Huong Nguyen, Erin Parsons, Rosa Rigol, Joyce Slee,
Dawn Tuttle, and Tiffany Zuschnitt. Along these lines, I
want to thank the front-line girls at the Boys & Girls Club
who allowed us to enter into their worlds and learn from and
with them.

Finally, I want to thank Michele Poorman, co-director,
co-facilitator, and co—supervisor of the project. Without
your assistance, this project would not be. Thank you for

everything, most important, thank you for your friendship.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ........................................... ix
List of Figures ............................................ x
Introduction ............................................... 1

The self-in-relation theory of identity development...2

Loss of the self and the gender-intensification
hypothesis ............................................ 8

Loss of the self in the self-in-relation: qualitative
research ............................................. 14

Loss of the self among ethnically diverse early
adolescent girls ..................................... 19

Loss of the self in the self-in-relation model:
quantitative research ................................ 26

Barriers and facilitators to maintaining the self in
the self-in-relation: friendship and peer pressure..28

Group interventions for early adolescents ............ 33

The Transition to Adolescence Program: general

description .......................................... 38
Part 1: Pilot project ............................... 40
Part 2: Current study ............................... 42
Hypotheses ................................................ 44
Method .................................................... 48
Participants ......................................... 48
Group co-facilitators ................................ 51

vii

Procedure ............................................ 52

Summary of Purposes and Procedures for the TAP

Curriculum ........................................... 54
Observational Measure ................................ 58
Questionnaire Measures ............................... 60
Results ................................................... 70

Hypothesis I: Self-in-relation identity and its
correlates ........................................... 73

Hypothesis II: Control versus intervention group

effects .............................................. 95

Hypothesis III: Behavioral observations assessing

change in interpersonal interactions ................ 105
Discussion ............................................... 110
Appendix A: Program Manual .............................. 136
Appendix B: Informed Consent ............................ 158
Appendix C: Informed Assent of Participants ............. 160
Appendix D: Informed Assent of Control Group ............ 162
Appendix E: Relationship Self Inventory ................. 163
Appendix F: Narratives .................................. 166
Appendix G: Perceived Self—competence ................... 167
Appendix H: Social Support Rating Scale ................. 171
Appendix I: Conformity Analogue Survey .................. 172
Appendix J: What I Think and Feel ....................... 175
Appendix K: Ethnic Identity ............................. 178
Appendix L: Item-scale Correlations for All RSI Items of
the Measure Before Items Were Deleted .................... 180
List of References ....................................... 182

viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Means and Standard Deviations for all Time 1 (Pre-

test) Measures ............................................ 72
Table 2: Corrected Item-total Correlations for Relationship
Self Inventory ............................................ 75
Table 3: Interscale Correlations from the Relationship Self
Inventory ................................................. 77

Table 4: Correlations Between Self—in-relation Identity and
Measures of Self-competence, Social Support, Conformity to
Deviant Peer Pressure, and Psychological Distress ......... 79

Table 5: MANOVAs for Measures of Well-being and Distress
and Responses to Narratives ............................... 82

Table 6: Exploratory Analyses Assessing Correlations
Between Self—in-relation Identity and Measures of Self-
competence, Social Support, Conformity to Deviant Peer

Pressure, and Psychological Distress ...................... 88
Table 7: Correlations Between Measures of Self-competence,
Social Support, Conformity to Deviant Peer Pressure, and
Psychological Distress .................................... 92

Table 8: Chi square Analyses for Control and Intervention
Groups at Time 1 (Pre-test) ............................... 96

Table 9: Means and Standard Deviations for Control and
Intervention Groups at Time 1 (Pre—test) .................. 98

Table 10: Repeated Measures MANOVAs for Control,
Intervention, and "8+ Sessions" Groups ................... 101

Table 11: Analyses of Variance for Relative Frequencies of
Behavioral Observations for Girls Representing Self-in-
relation Behaviors At Three Time Periods During the
Intervention ............................................. 108

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Summary of Objectives for TAP Sessions ......... 57

 

INTRODUCT I ON

Extant research indicates that the early adolescent
years may represent a period of great vulnerability (e.g.,
Attie & Brooks-Gunn, 1989; Farrell, Danish, & Howard, 1992;
Webb, Van Devere, & Ott, 1984). For girls, the transition
to adolescence poses a challenge that may signify a loss of
self-confidence, vitality, and "voice" (Block & Robins,
1993; Brown & Gilligan, 1992). Sadly, these losses are not
typically considered "clinically" significant until they are
manifested as burdens to society in forms such as teenage
pregnancy, school dropout, and drug and alcohol abuse. Not
until recently have there been efforts to more closely
investigate the factors that signal the potential for self-
destruction and social distress (e.g., Block, 1983) and to
develop interventions that address these antecedents (e.g.,
Caplan, Weissberg, Grober, Sivo, Grady, & Jacoby, 1992), in
part because these "losses" have been viewed as extensions
of "normal" female gender socialization and identity
development (Broverman, Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, &
Rosenkrantz, 1972). However, the self-in-relation theory of
identity development (Miller, 1984; Surrey, 1984) provides

an alternative framework for understanding how girls’ loss

2

of self—competence and authenticity in relationships during
the early adolescent years represents a skewed version of
healthy development. The present study (1) describes these
issues by drawing upon the self-in—relation framework, and
(2) implements and evaluates a 15-week small group
intervention program (The Transition to Adolescence Program)
designed to prevent the losses associated with early
adolescent girls’ development. In order to provide the
background for the present study, two areas of research
literature are reviewed: (1) relational theories of
identity development, and (2) outcomes associated with the
process of gender intensification.
The self-in-relation theory of identitv development

The self-in-relation theory is distinct from
traditional theories of development in that it locates
identity development in the context of connection and
relatedness to others. Miller, Surrey, and their colleagues
at the Stone Center for Developmental Services and Studies
at Wellesley College developed the self-in-relation theory
because they found that prevailing theories of development
as a process of separation from others (e.g., Freud, 1905;
Erikson, 1963; Kohlberg, 1976) were inadequate for
describing female development. The Stone Center group finds
that the self-in-relation theory provides a better means of
describing female development as a result of early

experiences and socialization pressures. For example,

3
Chodorow (1978) describes how girls’ early experiences with
female caregivers provide influential role models for
viewing and defining the self in the context of intimate
relationships. Although there is not much empirical
literature documenting the socialization of gender
differences in sympathy and empathy (Lennon & Eisenberg,
1987), there is evidence that girls are influenced to
emphasize relationships and connections in their lives
(Block, 1978) and to be more attuned to others’ emotions
(Dunn, Bretherton, & Munn, 1987; Greif, Alvarez, & Ulman,
1981, cited in Eisenberg & Streyer, 1987), whereas boys are
typically socialized to value separate or autonomous
behavior (Lerner, Orlos, & Knapp, 1976).

The Stone Center group distinguishes the female sense
of self as "grounded in the motivation to make and enhance
relatedness to others." That is, women’s lives are seen as
centered within a context of meaningful and on-going
connections with others. The self—in—relation theory has
been applied in many contexts. For example, it has been
used to describe how relationships between mothers and their
adolescent daughters undergo change within a continuity of
connection, rather than separation (Apter, 1990; Kaplan &
Klein, 1984). Apter’s (1990) work describes how adolescence
is a time of transforming, not abandoning, daughters'
relationships with their mothers. Similarly, the self—in—

relation framework has been used to characterize the

4
relationships between mothers and their college-age
daughters as ongoing and evolving, rather than focused on
establishing autonomy (Gleason, 1985).

The self-in-relation perspective further proposes that
individuals derive a sense of satisfaction and self—efficacy
when they experience their livelihood as "arising from, and
leading back into, a sense of connection with others"
(Miller, 1986). Surrey (1984) suggests that women develop a
sense of "response/ability," rather than pure "agency" or
"autonomy." Consequently, Surrey proposes, self-knowledge
and empowerment emerge in the context of the relational
process. With respect to adolescents, Grotevant & Cooper
(1986) propose that a relational perspective provides the
most accurate model for understanding the origin of
psychosocial competence.

Gilligan (1982) uses a framework that is consistent
with the self-in—relation theory when she describes a
distinct moral voice. In her study of the decision-making
processes that women undergo when contemplating abortion,
Gilligan frames the women’s choices in terms of the emphases
they place upon "self" and "other" in their universal
obligations to exercise care and avoid hurt. Gilligan
proposes a multi-stage theory of moral development with the
following three levels: (1) Selfishness, (2)
Responsibility, and (3) Truth. Notably, all of the stages

focus on the relation of self and other. However, at the

5
first level, women’s decisions are determined by a focus on

caring for the self in order to ensure survival, because

 

there may be no "other" to provide care. At the second
level, moral goodness is equated with caring for others.
For these women, survival depends upon perceiving the self
as giving and unselfish. It is this stage that most closely
resembles traditional notions of women’s societal roles
(Broverman, et al., 1972). Finally, the third level focuses
on caring for both the self and other; that is, the self is
included as an important "other" who deserves equitable
care. The incorporation of care for both the self and the
other eliminates the conflict between selfishness and
responsibility. Gilligan contrasts these three levels of
care with the orientation or voice of justice, which is
concerned with the idea of generalized and abstract moral
principles, such as equal rights and issues of hierarchy.
Interestingly, Paul, White, Speisman, & Costos (1989)
offer a similar three level classification system to
describe relationship maturity among peers. They describe
(1) a Self-focused person as one who shows little
involvement in social relationships with others, (2) a Role-
focused person as one who emphasizes mostly stereotyped and
socially acceptable forms of relationships, and finally, (3)
an Individuated-connected person as one who manifests a
sense of individuality within an attachment context, and who

reflects the capacity to be mutual, sensitive, and empathic

6
with others. Although there may be less overlap between
Paul et al.’s Self-focused person and Gilligan’s Selfishness
category, the other two levels appear to be more closely
related.

Theoretical antecedents to the self—in—relation
framework may actually be noted in the work of several
developmental psychologists. These researchers (e.g., Franz
& White, 1985; Grotevant & Cooper, 1986; Stern, 1985), like
the self—in-relation theorists, have attempted to integrate
the domains of separateness and relatedness, rather than
focus on one construct to the exclusion of the other.

Stern’s (1985) comprehensive developmental theory
proposes that, from birth, infants begin to develop their
sense of self within a context of relatedness, and continue
to do so throughout toddlerhood. According to Stern,
because the two domains of separateness and relatedness are
always overlapping, infants never experience a period of
total self/other differentiation. Although Stern did not
use the term "self-in-relation," his theory is consistent
with the work outlined by the Stone Center group, and in
fact, they do cite his work in several papers.

Franz & White’s (1985) work is notable, because they
more explicitly address how Erikson’s (1963) stage theory of
development contains elements of the two separate, yet
related, motivational issues of autonomy and connection.

They conclude that Erikson believed autonomy and connection

7
were equally important, although secondary sources have
often highlighted the development of the self as an
autonomous, agentic being, and have disregarded the
importance of relatedness to identity development. For
example, they point to how Erikson perceived the child as
"eager and able to make things cooperatively, to combine
wigh other children for the purpose of constructing and
planning" during the "initiative versus guilt" stage. In
another example, they note that Erikson perceived the child
developing self-confidence along with notions of mutuality
during the initial stage of "trust versus mistrust." Franz
& White also highlight the fact that Erikson viewed self-
identity growing from a context of relatedness. In
designating "trust versus mistrust" as the first stage of
development, they propose that Erikson believed relatedness
is most important for initiating the process of healthy
development.

Nevertheless, Franz & White also point to how Erikson’s
theory fails to adequately account for the processes of
interpersonal attachment. Because of the relative lack of
attention to the relatedness aspect of identity development,
Franz & White expand Erikson’s stage model and outline the
transformational stages associated with mature development
of intimate attachments. In conclusion, they offer the
metaphor of the "double helix" associated with the

intertwining strands of the DNA molecule, in order to

8
illustrate their model of development encompassing the
always-interacting domains of autonomy and connection:
"...experiences in any one realm will have
ramifications for the other. Like the twisted strands
making up a rope, tension on one strand will pull the

other." (p. 247)

This information provides a useful framework for
understanding "normal" development for girls, that is, as a
process that includes attention to both domains of
relatedness and autonomy. However, oftentimes Western
society makes demands on girls to emphasize the relatedness
aspect in their lives. In both explicit and more subtle
ways, and at a crucial time in their lives (i.e., early
adolescence), girls are asked to incorporate a role that is
culturally idealized, but not culturally valued. The
following section reviews studies that document the critical
changes for girls during this period.

Loss of the self and the gender-intensification hypothesis

Socialization in the United States often prevents both
girls and boys from truly integrating the two domains of
autonomy and connection. Many theories, including Franz &
White’s (1985) conceptualization of the intertwining strands
of development and other theories of identity and
interpersonal development (e.g., Brion—Meisels & Selman,
1984; Elkind, 1967) do not account for the process of gender
intensification that occurs for early adolescents. As a

result, these theories do not address the loss of "voice"

evidenced in interpersonal encounters among girls.

9

The gender-intensification hypothesis states that
gender-differentiated socialization, role expectations, and
demands for conformity reach their peak during early
adolescence, especially for girls (Hill & Lynch, 1983).
This may be due in part to the fact that during early
adolescence, girls’ self-images become more interpersonally
oriented (Carlson, 1965; Simmons & Rosenberg, 1975). As a
result, early adolescent girls may become overly focused on
others' perceptions, such that they lose touch with their
own feelings, goals, and aspirations.

Extant research indicates that early adolescent girls
who are confronting multiple changes (e.g., puberty, dating,
transition to junior high school, etc.) are the most
vulnerable to the effects of gender—intensification. The
messages that young girls receive regarding their
development as women are mixed at best, and often negative
(Brown & Gilligan, 1992; Katz, 1979), which may inhibit
their healthy development as both autonomous and connected
individuals. For example, as girls confront rapid
physiological changes (e.g., development of secondary sex
characteristics, maximum growth spurt, weight gain,
menarche), they often experience their bodily changes as
profoundly negative (Taylor, 1988). Simmons, et a1. (1979)
found that post-pubertal early adolescents exhibited greater
self—concept disruption, as shown by increased self-

consciousness, decreased self-esteem, and greater anxiety,

If)

10
than both prepubertal girls and boys in general. Girls also
suffer from poor body image related to weight gain, and
increased concern about dieting, as they begin the normal
process of physical maturation (Attie & Brooks-Gunn, 1989).
Duncan, Ritter, Dornbusch, Gross, & Carlsmith (1985) note
that weight gain during early adolescence is perceived as
muscularity in boys, but fatness in girls. In their study
of Caucasian, early adolescent boys and girls, they found
that the normal developmental processes associated with
puberty were viewed negatively by the girls and positively
by the boys. Simmons, Blyth, Van Cleave, & Bush (1979)
found that post-pubertal girls exhibited greater
stereotyping of expectations for the behavior of peers than
both prepubertal girls and boys at various stages of
pubertal development. Similarly, Rosen & Aneshensel (1976)
coined the phrase "chameleon syndrome" in order to describe
adolescent girls' accommodative responses to environments
perceived as hostile to inappropriate sex role behavior.
Their data suggest that early adolescent girls are more
likely than boys to cope with anxiety-provoking situations
by behaving compliantly to avoid negative reactions.

It appears that the process of gender-intensification
operates principally through peers, and in particular,
through dating relationships. Most of the data supporting
the gender-intensification hypothesis is in the area of

social relationships. Rosen & Aneshensel (1976) found that

11
the "chameleon syndrome" was negatively related to serious
involvement in dating relationships. Simmons, et a1. (1979)
also found that involvement in dating tended to inhibit
girls’ competencies. Notably, early physical maturation has
been associated with many negative outcomes for girls, in
part because it carries explicit sexualized meanings. Early
maturers have been found to start dating earlier than "late
bloomers."

Another stressor for early adolescent girls that is
associated with marked decreases in self-esteem is the
transition to junior high school. Blyth, Simmons, &
Carlton-Ford (1983) found that self-reports of global self—
esteem decreased from sixth to seventh grade among girls who
had made the transition to junior high school after the
sixth grade. This did not occur for girls who had attended
a school that contained classrooms for kindergarten through
eighth grade, and who had made the transition to a four-year
high school after the eighth grade. Notably, not only did
the former group of girls show a decrease in self-esteem in
grade seven, but they were also the only group to show a
substantial reduction in self-esteem as they moved into
senior high school at grade ten. Additionally, Brown &
Orthner (1990) found that residential relocations were
associated with decreased levels of well-being among girls
but not boys. The authors posit that the boys were able to

use sports as "credentials" to ease the transition from one

12
environment to the next, but for girls it took much more
time to develop relationships.

Although many studies have assessed self-esteem as an
indicator of psychological well—being, few have examined
changes in psychological symptomatology during early
adolescence. Self-esteem comprises a person’s self-
evaluation across a number of areas, such as feelings of
adequacy and worth, social skills, etc. (Whitley, 1983), and
level of psychological distress may or may not be correlated
with self-esteem (Block & Robins, 1993; Veit & Ware, 1983).
In fact, level of psychological distress may actually be a
better indicator of the turmoil experienced by early
adolescent girls as they confront continual demands for
conformity. Notably, it is during early adolescence that
gender differences in symptomatology begin to emerge
(Petersen, 1988; Sroufe & Rutter, 1984). Hirsch & Rapkin
(1987) studied both Caucasian and African-American
adolescent boys and girls, and although they found no
changes in self-esteem across all participants from the
sixth to the seventh grade, they did find that the girls
experienced an increase in many of the symptom dimensions
(e.g., depression, obsessive-compulsiveness, hostility),
whereas the boys reported decreases in symptomatology.
These findings are consistent with the gender-
intensification theory. That is, the girls may be

socialized to respond to problems in a passive or helpless

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manner, and as a result, are more likely to exhibit symptoms
of depression. Higher rates for depression (both clinical
and subclinical) begin to emerge for girls during early
adolescence, and this may be related in part to
socialization in the care-taker role, which includes the
repression of angry feelings. Bernardez (1987) describes
how cultural prohibitions against women expressing anger
maintain women in positions of subordination. As
subordinates, women must comply with negative expectations;
i.e., if they complain or get angry, they will sound bad,
irrational, ungenerous, sick, etc. Bernardez states that
not until women are able to experience and express their
anger will they restore a sense of internal freedom.

These quantitative studies have been extremely
important in identifying relevant issues and factors
affecting early adolescent girls’ development. The gender-
intensification hypothesis provides a partial explanation
for the negative outcomes for girls; however, it does not
explicitly describe the processes associated with these
changes. A series of studies using qualitative, narrative
methodologies, conducted during 1986-1990 with students at
the Laurel School for Girls in Cleveland, Ohio (e.g., Brown
& Gilligan, 1992; Gilligan, Lyons, & Hammer, 1989) help
clarify the developmental mechanisms underlying negative

outcomes .

Loss of the self in the self—in—relation: qualitative
research

Gilligan and her colleagues, working at the Laurel
School, interviewed nearly one hundred girls between the
ages of seven and eighteen in their longitudinal study of
identity development. Their aim was to understand girls’
development in the context of relationships, both in terms
of the relationships between the researchers and the
participants, and the participants and their peers. In
order to do so, the researchers conducted relatively
unstructured interviews that allowed them to pose
contextually meaningful follow-up questions. The
researchers tape recorded and transcribed all of the
interviews, and reviewed the narratives at least four times.
When they listened to the interview the first time, their
goal was to merely follow the sequence of events. The
second time, the researchers listened for the voice of the
"I" speaking in the relationship. In this manner, the
researchers were able to understand how the participants
spoke for themselves, before they, as researchers, spoke for
them. In the third and fourth listenings, the researchers
were attentive to the ways in which relationships were
spoken; that is, they were attentive to how the participants
experienced themselves in the relational world.

Brown & Gilligan (1992) found that, whereas young girls

(7-8 years old) speak with self-confidence and sincerity, as

14

15
girls approach adolescence (11-12 years old), their
responsiveness and consideration of others’ needs becomes so
strong that self-interest frequently goes "underground"
during this time. Strength, courage, and authenticity are
apparent until the time the girls are ten or eleven years
old, but as they make the transition to adolescence, the
girls’ early childhood displays of self-confidence and
openness gives way to "hiding." These findings are
consistent with some of the characteristics of the
"chameleon syndrome" (Rosen & Aneshensel, 1976), especially
the notion of avoiding confrontation.

Gilligan’s (1982) framework of moral development,
specifically, the second level of morality that she proposes
(i.e., Responsibility, or focus on others to the exclusion
of the self) is of particular relevance to these findings.
It was Gilligan and her colleagues’ impression that the
majority of the 11-12 year olds from the Laurel School
appeared to "regress" to Gilligan’s second level, from their
earlier 7-8 year old stance, which would have placed them at
the third level of true and authentic connections. It is
important to note that this avoidance or "hiding,"
characteristic of Gilligan’s second level, occurs from
within a context of relatedness. The self-in-relation
theory posits that the loss of "voice" results from an
intensified focus on others, to the exclusion of attentive

caring for the self (Surrey, 1984). Initially, the young

16
girls hide their strengths from others in attempts to please
them. They begin to accept false relationships, for the
"sake of relationship." That is, they move from authentic
to idealized relationships, and lose the ability to know
what is relationally true or real. As Brown & Gilligan
(1992) state:

"...they are in danger of losing their ability to

distinguish what is true from what is said to be true,

what feels loving from what is said to be love, what
feels real from what is said to be reality.

Consequently, at a time of heightened physical and

psychological risks in relationships, girls becoming

young women are in danger of losing their ability to
know the difference between true and false

relationships." (p. 215)

Thus, as their relationships become increasingly
stereotyped and ingenuine, these girls become increasingly
inauthentic to themselves. They cease wanting what they
want, in part because they fear that it will bring them into
conflict with others. This would signify the loss of
connection, no matter how superficial the relationship might
be. These girls develop a false sense of self as they
abandon their own thoughts and feelings. They begin to
speak in a language characterized by an overabundance of "I
don’t know’s." Consequently, they become disconnected from
what they are feeling, distanced from their own desires and
pleasures, and more reliant on others to tell them what they
want, feel, think, and know. They begin to change their

looks, modulate their voices, and monitor their behavior in

relation to the looks and the voices of others in their

17
environment. It is conceivable that these girls would begin
to experience increased levels of psychological distress, as
they are dependent on others’ (perhaps inconsistent or
unreliable) considerations. It is also likely that these
changes in their relationships may account in part for the
decrease in self-esteem found among early adolescent girls.

The loss of emotional and cognitive self-awareness has
been documented in the psychiatric literature; for example,
Winnicott (1965) describes the development of a false or
"not-me" sense of self. Notably, Stern (1985) also
discusses the development of the false self that the infant
develops in order to maintain a connection with its mother.
Although all persons have the potential for developing
healthy intimate relationships, Stern posits that early
experiences shape the resultant intimacy style. The
challenge for early adolescent girls is to avoid losing the
self in the self-in—relation, in a milieu which fosters such
pathways.

Critics of this progression, or rather regression from
true to false sense of self, might argue that 7-8 year old
girls are self-focused and assertive, merely because they
are not yet cognitively able to integrate the perspectives
of others. According to traditional cognitive developmental
theory (e.g., Piaget, 1973), these young girls would be in
the stage of "concrete operations." As such, they would not

yet have made the transition to formal operational thinking,

18
a fundamental change in the transition from childhood to
early adolescence, which allows the child to speculate,
reflect, coordinate a variety of perspectives, and entertain
both the hypothetical and the abstract. However, Brown &
Gilligan (1992) found that even before the early adolescent
years, the girls that they interviewed did have the capacity
for careful attention and concern for others. Their
interviews with 7-8 year olds revealed that they were not at
all egoistic or concrete in their thinking. For example,
not only were they able to access and express their own
feelings and wants, they also knew what others expected of
them, and they could take others’ perspectives and
anticipate their reactions to their own voices and actions.
Most notably, in describing their personal moral dilemmas,
they expressed their care for others while simultaneously
maintaining strong voices and responsibility toward
themselves. They were able to express their feelings
directly and openly, and believed that disagreement would
not necessarily jeopardize their relationships. They
believed that they could be friends and yet maintain
distinct opinions. Similarly, Lennon & Eisenberg (1987)
found in their meta—analysis of age differences in the
development of empathy that responsiveness to others
increases during the early to middle elementary school
years, but then levels off; they found no consistent

patterns of age-related changes for boys or girls older than

 

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11 years of age.

Aside from the work of Gilligan and her colleagues,
there has not been an effort to document the effects of the
"self going underground" among nonclinical adolescent or
young adult populations. And, not until recently has the
phenomenon been examined with adults or older women (e.g.,
Bernardez, 1987; Hancock, 1989; Pearson, Reinhart, Strommen,
Donelson, Barnes, Blank, Cebollero, Cornwell, & Kamptner,
1992). Of note is Hancock’s (1989) retrospective study of
adult women, in which she proposes that the pathway to
"internal freedom" may be found when a woman can reach back
to her girlhood and retrieve her original sense of self that
may have "gone under" for most of her adult life. Hancock
documents how some, perhaps more fortunate, women were able
to do just this. Thus, a key aim of the present study was
to obtain more information on these changes in early
adolescence, and to examine the impact of a structured
intervention designed to minimize the negative outcomes, as

well as enhance the transition to adolescence.

Loss of the self among ethnically diverse early adolescent
9_i_r_l§

Although much of the work that is reviewed above is
based on fairly homogeneous samples (i.e., mostly middle to
upper middle class Caucasian girls), bell hooks’ (1993)
recent work suggests that there is a similar process of

"dissimulation" that operates for African-American youth.

 

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20
hooks, however, places the current circumstances for
African-American girls in its historical context as follows.
She points out that slaves told lies to White oppressors to
keep from being brutally punished or murdered, and as a
result, they learned that the art of hiding behind a false
appearance was useful. This continued through the
generations, and African-American children were raised to
believe that they should not speak publicly about their
private lives because the public world was powerful enough
to use such information against them. Although they
experienced anger and rage at the fact that they were being
forced by social circumstances to commit the "sin of lying,"
through internalizing strategies of dissimulation, they
began to withhold truth in interpersonal relationships
within the African—American community, and notably, within
the community of young girls. hooks provides several
examples of the process of dissimulation. She points to how
African-American children often learn that they must be
"tough," which results in denial of physical bonding that
communicates they are lovable and deserve tenderness and
care. She notes that young African-American females often
learn that they will not get any of their needs for physical
touch and nurturance met in any realm except the sexual.
And, she states that practicing dissimulation has led to
overvaluing appearance in African-American communities.

That is, African-American children often begin to believe

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that it is more important how things seem than how they
really are. hooks concludes that dissimulation is
dysfunctional because it encourages African-Americans to
deny what is genuinely felt and experienced. Consequently,
the capacity to "know who we really are and what we need and
desire" is lost. hooks’ experience in interviewing women
suggests that these findings are not merely economic; she
finds evidence of dissimulation across socioeconomic lines.

Regarding adolescence in particular, attempts to assess
ethnic differences in authenticity of friendships has been
sparse. Jones (1989) found only one study that compared the
friendship patterns of African-American and Caucasian early
adolescents (Clark & Ayers, 1986), but this study did not
reveal any significant racial differences. Nevertheless,
the early adolescent years are critical for minority youth.
Ho (1992) notes that by middle childhood, minority
individuals begin to learn about discrimination, political
power, and economic resources of their ethnic group. As a
result, early adolescents are at a point where they are
trying to integrate two distinct cultures: (1) the larger
societal system, and (2) the culture of their immediate
family and community system (Norton, 1978). The stress of
these two conflicting worlds may be overwhelming (Welsh,
1988), given critical messages from the mainstream culture.

Despite the rich theoretical literature that examines

the intersection of gender and race, there are few empirical

 

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studies that have focused on both of these variables, and
especially in examining early adolescent development in
particular. Notably, the major shortcoming of Brown &
Gilligan’s (1992) theoretical and empirical work was that
their conclusions were based on a group of mostly Caucasian
girls, from mostly middle class families. Researchers have
often confounded socioeconomic status with minority group
membership (Scott-Jones & Clark, 1986). Further, much of
the research has not accounted for other sociocultural
variables such as ethnic identity, racism, oppression, nor
psychocultural variables, such as chronic stress, as
possible mediating processes (Spencer, Swanson, &
Cunningham, 1991). Most notably, research with minority
youth is typically concerned with deviance, identity
confusion, assimilation efforts, school failure, or
premature sexuality. This limitation fosters implicit
linkages between ethnicity and pathology and the equating of
cultural difference with cultural deviance (Spencer, et al.,
1991).

Of the few empirical studies that have attended to
gender, race, and/or class as independent variables, there
is some evidence that African-American girls do not
experience the profound drop in self-esteem that Caucasian
girls describe. For example, Simmons et al. (1979) found
that the African-American girls in their sample did not

exhibit self-concept disruption, self—consciousness, or

23
anxiety following puberty that the Caucasian girls in their
sample did. In fact, they noted that the effect was limited
to Caucasian girls; Caucasian boys and African-Americans of
both sexes reported increases in self-esteem. More
recently, Simmons, Burgeson, & Reef (1988) found that
African-American girls experience less disruption than
Caucasian girls by the move between elementary and junior
high school. Additionally, it has been found that children
who experience two cultures sometimes demonstrate greater
role flexibility and creativity. Among Hispanic youth who
identify with and adopt both the Anglo—American and Hispanic
cultures, higher scores on measures of self-esteem are noted
(Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980). Bicultural competence has
also been associated with high achievement levels (Ramirez,
1983).

It is difficult to make sense of this conflicting
information. It is conceivable that ethnic identity, that
is, the psychological relationship that ethnic and racial
minority group members have with regard to their own group
(Phinney, 1990) may provide a partial explanation for the
mixed results linking sense of self-in-relation and well-
being outcome measures. Phinney outlined four ethnic
identity statuses, (1) diffuse ethnic identity,
characterized by a lack of exploration or commitment to an
ethnic role, (2) foreclosed ethnic identity, in which

individuals adopt their parents’ values, attitudes, and

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behaviors regarding ethnicity, (3) moratorium, when
individuals are actively exploring their ethnic identity but
have not yet resolved their feelings, attitudes, and
commitments to their ethnic roles, and (4) achieved ethnic
identity, which occurs when individuals choose an ethnic
label, identify and select desired role models, and
demonstrate patterns of behavior consistent with these
choices.

Although little work has examined the development of
ethnic identity, especially during the transition from
childhood to adulthood (Phinney, 1990), there is some
research that supports the positive effects of ethnic
identity among minority adolescents (e.g., Grossman, Wirt, &
Davids, 1985; Paul & Fischer, 1980; Tzuriel & Klein, 1977).
For example, among African-American early adolescents of low
socioeconomic status, "acceptance of racial identity" was
found to be significantly related to positive self-concept
(Paul & Fischer, 1980).

Tatum (1993) specifically addresses how racism and
ethnic identity impact interpersonal relationships and the
development of a healthy sense of self-in-relation among
African-American girls. For example, she notes that when
individuals are not able to experience the "encounter" stage
(i.e., an event that forces acknowledgement of racism in
one’s life, Cross, 1987) during early adolescence, they may

not be able to withdraw from the dominant group until much

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later in their development. During adolescence, then, these
individuals may experience intense feelings of isolation
even among their peers, in part because there may be few
other welcoming environments available to them. Such
individuals might be more likely to deny certain aspects of
themselves, and as a result, may accept superficial
relationships for the sake of relationship itself. These
young girls are forced to make connections with those
closest to them and to construct the kind of image of self
and others that allows some sort of relationship with the
people available, albeit a superficial relationship. Thus,
these girls have to redefine large parts of their
experience. And, in denying their experience, they
internalize their oppression. Tatum provides several
narratives from her interviews with young African-American
women who grew up in predominantly White communities in
order to illustrate this phenomenon. For example,
"She introduced me to somebody and her friends gave her
a look like I can’t believe you have a Black friend. I
remember that one friend saying, ’She’s not really
Black, she just went to Florida and got a really dark
tan.’ And that upset me incredibly because it was
like, what? yes, I am, wait a second here." (p. 4)
Through this critical act of omission, this young girl
was forced to try to make a connection with those closest to
her and to construct the kind of an image of herself and
others that could allow her some sort of relationship with

the people available to her. In order to do so, she had to

redefine a large part of her experience. Only later was she

 

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,able to disengage from non-mutual relationships, and find an
environment that was more conducive to the development of
mutually empathic and empowering relationships.

One important point that should be highlighted is that
the need to assimilate seems to be strongest for youth
during early adolescence. As a result, they may opt to
disengage from their ethnic or racial groups to fit in with
mainstream culture.

Streitmatter’s (1988) study of the relationship between
ego identity status, grade, sex, and race/ethnicity among
adolescents is noteworthy because she found that although
females as a group obtained significantly higher scores than
males on the Extended Objective Measure of Ego-Identity
Status (EOM—EIS), non-Caucasian females were the most highly
foreclosed of the groups, that is, they were the group least
actively exploring options and alternatives.

This information, taken together, points to the
relevance of ethnic identity for the phenomena under study.
Consequently, ethnic identity was incorporated into the
design of the research.

Loss of the self in the self—in-relation model:
quantitative research

Pearson, et al.’s (1992) work is noteworthy because she
and her colleagues created an inventory (The Relationship
Self Inventory; RSI) to quantitatively measure the

constructs that Gilligan and her colleagues assessed more

 

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qualitatively. The RSI assesses two domains: (1) Connected
self, which captures the importance of connection with
others as described by the self-in-relation theory of the
Stone Center group, and (2) Separate self, which refers to
the developmental perspective assumed in much of the
traditional psychological literature. The Connected self
domain is further divided into three subdomains, which are
associated with the three levels of care defined by
Gilligan. They are: (a) Self care from need, (b) Primacy
of other care, and (c) Self and other care. Pearson, et al.
(1992) administered the RSI to over 1000 participants of
different chronological ages, and from various socioeconomic
backgrounds. Notably, they found that Primacy of other
care, which is most similar to Gilligan’s (1982) second
level of moral development (Responsibility) was positively
correlated with depression and fear, and negatively
correlated with self-esteem for women. The researchers
noted that the Primacy of other care orientation did not
appear to have the negative implications for men that it had
for women.

The present study draws upon the qualitative
methodology used by Gilligan and her colleagues, as well as
a more recent quantitative measure (the RSI), in order to
assess self—in-relation identity among early adolescent
girls. In this study, early adolescent girls are assessed

at two different time periods in order to determine initial

 

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levels, as well as subsequent changes following an
intervention that will be described shortly. It is expected
that an intervention designed to enhance self-confidence
from within authentic connections will prevent the "losses"
associated with early adolescent development (e.g., loss of
self—esteem, self-assurance, "real" relationships, etc.).
The intervention may enhance self—in-relation identity
and/or prevent decline by fostering connections that are
focused on caring for both the needs of self and other, and
by discouraging relationships that are focused on the needs
of others to the exclusion of the self.

Because healthy identity, as conceptualized in the
present study, underscores the importance of authentic
connections, attention must be directed toward understanding
the nature of the relationships that become increasingly
important in early adolescence. A discussion of the
influence of the peer group among early adolescent girls
follows. Although peers provide a source of positive,
growing experiences, they can also be limiting when they
present as a source of inordinate pressure.

Barriers and facilitators to maintaining the self in the
splf—in-relation: friendship and peer pressure

Early adolescence is a critical developmental period
because of many concurrent transitions as described above,
and perhaps most significantly, because of changes in the

relative emphases placed on family and peer relationships

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(Hill, 1980). Buhrmester’s (1990) study of preadolescent
and adolescent boys and girls from ethnically and racially
diverse metropolitan schools found that establishing close,
intimate friendships and competence in close relationship
skills were just as important for socioemotional adjustment
during preadolescence as during adolescence. The study
demonstrated that both preadolescents and adolescents
involved in intimate friendships had higher self-esteem,
were more sociable, and were less anxious or depressed than
their peers who were involved in less intimate friendships.
Although Buhrmester did not find significant differences
between the boys and girls for the hypotheses examined, it
is conceivable that the support of intimate friends is
especially important for girls as they confront stressors
such as body changes, dating, sexuality, and strained family
relationships. Notably, from preadolescence on, researchers
have found greater levels of intimacy in the friendships of
girls than boys (Sharabany, Gershoni, & Hoffman, 1981, cited
in Strommen, McKinney, & Fitzgerald, 1983).

As early adolescents begin to look increasingly toward
their peers as important points of reference for organizing
their daily lives, they become more susceptible to both
positive and negative peer pressure. Early adolescent girls
commonly perceive themselves as being "on stage" in front of
a panel of judges (Elkind, 1967). They are likely to be

susceptible to adopting various behaviors as a way of

 

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attaining and maintaining particular impressions, whether
these are societally desirable or not, because they are
preoccupied with their social images.

The pressure to conform to dominant peer values,
beliefs, and behaviors increases the probability for
developing inauthentic peer relationships, regardless of the
content of the pressure. Notably, the distinction between
different types of peer pressure decreases from grades seven
to nine, in that adolescents describe experiences of both
positive (e.g., getting good grades) and negative (e.g.,
smoking, drinking) peer pressure (Brown, Lohr, & McClenahan,
1986). Similarly, Berndt (1979) found that for all types of
behavior, peer conformity peaks at the sixth and ninth
grades. He studied the responses of students in grades
three, six, nine, eleven and twelve to hypothetical
situations in which children were urged by peers to perform
either antisocial, prosocial, or neutral behaviors.

The link between peer pressure and negative behavioral
outcomes is complex. For example, Barton, Chassin, Presson,
& Sherman (1982) found that smoking intentions most strongly
related to the perceived negative qualities of smoking,
rather than supporting the popular notion that early
adolescents identify with the positive qualities of smoking
(e.g., "It’s cool."). That is, the less negative they
viewed the smoking models, the more likely the early

adolescents were to smoke. Additionally, they found that

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smoking initiation was more closely related to interpersonal
image factors among sixth grade girls than among any other
group they sampled. Barton, et al. found a different
pattern for the tenth graders, in that their smoking
attitudes were associated with interest in the opposite sex.

Early adolescents may be most easily influenced by
their peers, in part because their understanding of social
norms is extremely flexible. Alfieri, Thompson, Ruble,
Harlow, & Higgins (1991) found that seventh and eighth
graders were more adaptable than both younger and older
children with respect to their knowledge of gender
stereotypes. Alfieri and colleagues propose that perhaps
exposure to a wider range of people, associated with the
transition to junior high school, may challenge current
gender stereotypes.

The challenge for early adolescent girls (i.e., greater
interpersonal openness along with increased susceptibility
to peer influence), is exacerbated by the fact that there
seems to be few outlets to discuss the issues that are most
salient to them. Parents, if available, may not be able to
empathize with the dilemmas of their daughters (Steinberg,
1987). Similarly, the concurrent transition to junior high
school, including its departmentalized structure where
students rotate from teacher to teacher, may make it more
difficult for students to establish stable relationships

with teachers and peers. Studies show that children who, in

32
early or middle adolescence, are more autonomous than their
same age peers appear to be at risk for feelings of low
self-worth and insecurity, poor school performance, conduct
problems, and alcohol and drug-related difficulties (e.g.,
Holmbeck, 1992). However, these studies do not address
whether the negative outcomes might be due to a lack of
appropriate role models, rather than autonomy or alienation
from parents per se. It is feasible that significant others
(e.g., extended family, coaches, after-school club leaders,
peers) might also be able to meet early adolescents’ needs
for support and guidance. For example, Hirsch & Rapkin
(1987) found a strong association between peer support and
psychological well—being among early adolescents who were
making the transition to junior high school.

Brown & Gilligan (1992) pose the question as to whether
the losses of voice and relationship are necessary, and if
not, how researchers and practitioners might intervene.
Given that early autonomy may be a risk factor for
adolescents (Hoffman, 1984), it seems most appropriate to
design interventions that facilitate positive role model and
peer group experiences. Peers, with the assistance of
suitable role models, might be able to help correct the
often exaggerated and inaccurate self-preoccupations that
characterize early adolescents. Further, by providing a
positive context for connection and relatedness, including

both peers and older role models, the development of "false

 

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relationships" might be reduced. Research suggests that it
is important to target the earlier age range of adolescents
when designing such interventions (i.e., beginning at 11
years old) because it may facilitate the preservation of the
self in the self-in-relation. The Transition to Adolescence
Program (TAP; Poorman & Saitzyk, 1992), a group intervention
program for early adolescent girls, was designed with
attention to these elements, in an attempt to maintain
and/or enhance the sense of self throughout adolescence.
The following section reviews past efforts that guided the
creation of TAP.
Group interventions for early adolescents

The group treatment literature may be divided into four
categories: group therapy, group activity, group
discussion, and group counseling (Denholm & Uhlemann, 1986).
Group therapy refers to treatment of a specialized client
group exhibiting problems of high intensity; for
adolescents, this typically includes behavior problems and
sexual abuse (e.g., Wayne & Weeks, 1984), or involves
special in-patient settings (e.g., Pusztai & Johnson, 1984).
Group activity makes use of unstructured recreation and play
in groups. Group discussion is largely content-based.

Group counseling is the most popular approach among
prevention techniques for adolescents, and refers to use of
interactions among group members to promote self-

understanding, self-acceptance, and development of problem-

34

solving skills. For example, Johnston, Healey, & Tracey-
Magid (1985) initiated a program of group counseling with 15
African-American foster care adolescents. A multimodal
approach was used that combined Interpersonal Cognitive
Problem-Solving and a variation of drama therapy. At the
end of the intervention, positive changes were noted in
interpersonal cognitive problem-solving ability.

The group counseling approach has also been implemented
at the level of the school system in an attempt to create a
"competence-enhancing environment" (Weissberg, Caplan, &
Harwood, 1991). An exemplary school-based social competence
training program was designed for sixth and seventh graders
in African-American inner-city, and Caucasian suburban
samples (Caplan, et al., 1992). They found that the
intervention promoted self— and teacher-reported skills and
social adjustment of early adolescents in both samples. The
program designed by Caplan and colleagues emphasized both
broad-based competence promotion and domain-specific
application to substance abuse prevention. Their rationale
for an approach that combines both broad-based competencies
and domain-specific skills was based on the literature
documenting that narrowly focused programs are an inadequate
deterrent of substance abuse (Botvin & Tortu, 1988; Farrell,
et al., 1992). For example, Botvin & Tortu (1988) found
that conventional approaches to the prevention of tobacco,

alcohol, and drug abuse, that is, those that rely solely on

 

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35

the provision of factual information or fear-arousal
messages, are unable to deter substance use. In another
domain, Duncan, et al. (1985) found that an intervention
designed to provide only information about the course of
development in order to alter adolescents’ negative feelings
about their weight was unsuccessful. The ten-year olds who
participated in the program reported an increase in pubertal
knowledge, but their feelings about their weight, either in
terms of dissatisfaction or abnormality were unaltered.
Seventh-graders, who had more knowledge from the start, did
not exhibit large changes in knowledge or weight attitudes.
Similarly, in the area of adolescent sexuality, Dycus &
Costner (1990) found that it is important to address the
issue not only in terms of biological details, but in terms
of emotional and social development as well. Their nine-
week curriculum addressed adolescent sexuality both
cognitively and affectively, and successfully reduced the
number of early adolescent pregnancies in their county.

Looking more prospectively, Baker, Swisher, Nadenichek,
& Popowicz’s (1984) meta—analysis of forty primary
prevention studies provides an encouraging assessment of
past efforts (i.e., 1971 to 1982). Baker and colleagues
analyzed studies that included a wide age range of
participants (kindergarten through the college years) and a
variety of techniques and goals. The effect size for all

forty primary prevention strategies was .55, which is

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considered a "medium" effect (Cohen, 1969). Of the forty
studies surveyed, six were targeted toward early adolescents
and emphasized raising self-awareness, building self-esteem,
and/or clarifying of values, all of which is relevant to the
present project. The mean effect size for these six studies
was .32 (range: .07—.52), which would be considered a
"small," but meaningful effect.

Baskin & Hess (1980) reviewed several prevention
programs that focused on affective education in particular.
Although most of the programs were targeted toward younger
children (kindergarten and primary grade levels), they
evaluated outcomes for one domain, self-esteem, which is
relevant to the present study. Of the eight assessments of
self-esteem, four reported positive changes (note: the
other four reported no change). One such program (Koval &
Hales, 1972) had teachers of primary level classrooms lead
daily 20-minute activities and discussions focused on
helping students better understand their social-emotional
behavior. Students were taught to label their feelings and
they also learned about the relationships between their
feelings, goals, and behaviors. Improvements in "Self-
reliance" and "Feelings of belonging" were found at post-
test. In another study, which focused on cognitive-
affective training, improvements in the level of affective
empathy were reported for a group of 14-17 year old

aggressive girls, following four sessions of intervention

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(Pecukonis, 1990). Hartup (1984) found that cooperative
learning environments that emphasize affective education and
social skills training had the most positive effects for
early adolescents.

Unfortunately, there have been remarkably few well-
developed prevention programs that integrate broad-based
competence training and domain-specific issues with the
concerns unique to early adolescent girls. Similarly,
culturally sensitive programs for adolescents are sparse
(Tyler & Pargament, 1981).

Caplan, et al. (1992) in evaluating their intervention,
recommended that the curriculum be lengthened, and that more
attention be focused on the self-perceptions of the
participants. This suggests the potential benefit to
working in small groups, as opposed to a school-based
curricular intervention. Weissberg, et al. (1991) added
that family-, school-, and community-based prevention
programs will be most effective when they focus on enhancing
both the competence of the participants as well as their
socializing environments. Thus, if the intervention is to
occur at the small group level, attempts must be made to
coordinate with the larger family, community, and cultural
contexts.

The Transition to Adolescence Program (TAP) was
designed based on the group counseling approach. It was

intended to serve as a primary prevention program, rather

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than as an intervention for girls who have serious emotional
or behavioral difficulties. This decision was made based on
the literature that suggests that the early adolescent
years, in general, may be conceptualized as a period of
vulnerability (e.g., Attie & Brooks-Gunn, 1989). That is,
although none of the girls who participate in the program
are perceived of as being "at-risk" individually, all
participants have the potential of losing self-confidence,
vitality, and "voice." In order to best address these
concerns, the program incorporates both broad-based
competence training and domain—specific concerns, and
considers issues involving family, community, and culture.
The Transition to Adolescence Program: general description

In order to initiate a positive peer group experience
and a focus on healthy, growth—oriented relationships, a
group intervention curriculum for girls between the ages of
11-13 was created. The program was designed to maintain the
"self" in the self-in-relation. Four factors comprised the
"method" of the program: (1) validate varied experiences,
(2) foster self-empathy and understanding, (3) enhance self-
esteem, and (4) empower from within relationships (Fedele &
Harrington, 1990).

TAP encourages group members to assert their
individuality within a context of connection, and in this
respect, seeks to validate group members’ diverse

experiences. Self-empathy and understanding are fostered by

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having group members help each other learn about their own
strengths and resources. In this way, the intervention
fosters perspective taking, by underscoring an understanding
of what one has in common with others, and how one is also
unique or different from others. Such perspective taking
training enhances social interactions and minimizes
egocentrism. In addition, it makes available occasions for
exploration in identity formation. Further, as the group
members are able to help each other feel better, they learn
that they have something to give. In learning from others
in the group, participants learn to develop creative
strategies for dealing with stress.

Group members begin to feel empowered from within
relationships through "mutual empathy" (Miller, 1986).
Mutual empathy, in this context, describes the process by
which group members attend to cognitive and affective cues
and respond to the perspectives of the other group members.
Consequently, group members express their emotions in a
manner that allows for emotional growth of others in the
group. Mutual empathy builds self-confidence in
interpersonal situations, enhances competence skills, and
may prevent maladaptive behaviors. Skills in assertiveness
and decision making are also emphasized throughout the
curriculum. By helping adolescents explore who they are,
what they want, and where they are going, TAP seeks to

promote healthy self—in-relation identity development.

40

The curriculum for the program outlines the topics,
activities, and discussions for each group meeting. The
issues discussed within the group meetings include both
broad-based competencies (e.g., self—esteem, personal power,
emotional awareness) and domain-specific knowledge and
skills relevant to the challenges that confront early
adolescent girls (e.g., peer pressure, body changes,
intimate relationships, sexuality). Initial sessions focus
on building common ground for group members, while at the
same time acknowledging diversity. Initial group meetings
also provide a basis for addressing the other, more specific
topics of concern. However, regardless of the specific
topic, the broader perspective of cognitive and emotional
awareness and understanding is emphasized. Activities
include visualization techniques, role plays and drama, and
exercises to help participants match or share in the
emotions being expressed by the other group members. The
cognitive-affective approach is appropriate for alleviating
stresses and enhancing the transition to adolescence for
girls. Additionally, the intervention encourages group
members to look at cultural messages by exploring
television, advertising, and other media. For the complete
curriculum, see Appendix A, Program Manual.
Part 1: Pilot project

The pilot project for TAP was designed as a year-long

intervention, and was conducted by two female clinical

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psychology graduate students. Four girls participated in
the pilot project, although letters containing information
about the group were sent to all girls attending middle
schools in several local districts. The low response rate
may have been due to the fact that there was a fee per
session ($5.00) and that the meetings occurred at the
Michigan State University Psychological Clinic, rather than
within the participants’ own communities or schools.

A meeting for parents was held one week prior to the
first group meeting. During this meeting, the parents
signed an informed consent agreement, giving their daughters
permission to participate in the program. The parents also
agreed to assume responsibility for bringing their daughters
to the weekly meetings at the Clinic, and agreed to pay the
fee per session. During the first meeting with the girls
themselves, they signed a contract of informed assent. In
addition, they completed several questionnaires assessing
their relationships with peers and family, sources of
support and stress, and self—esteem. Participants completed
some of the same measures half—way through the program, and
again at the end of the program.

All four participants were Caucasian, and were from
working or middle class socioeconomic backgrounds. The
assessment materials suggested some improvements in self-
esteem, decreases in anxiety levels, and decreases in peer

conformity over time, although statistical analyses were not

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conducted. Notably, the participants seemed to enjoy
themselves, learn from one another’s experiences, and begin
to express themselves more assertively. The one participant
who attended the fewest sessions seemed to benefit the least
from the program.
Part 2: Current study

In order to make the program more accessible to a
larger number of girls in the community, a more appropriate
location for meetings, that is, one within the community of
the participants and one that already has many on-going
programs available to participants without additional fees,
was investigated. The Lansing Boys & Girls Club served as
an ideal setting for such work. The Lansing Boys & Girls
Club provides structured services for more than 2,000 young
people (7-18 years old). Club members pay a $5.00 yearly
fee and have access to all programs (e.g., social,
educational, vocational, physical fitness). Most Club
members are minorities, and many live in families dependent
on social aid. In order to meet the needs of the population
that utilizes the services at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club
(i.e., ethnically diverse, low-income, urban), the
curriculum for TAP was modified. Attention to the cultural
and class issues that intertwine with issues of gender were
incorporated.

Although there is no single set of experiences that

characterize the lives of minority adolescents (Smith,

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43
1982), both theoretical and logistical issues were
considered in modifying TAP, including assessment, ethnic
background of the group co-facilitators, curriculum
discussions and activities, and program evaluation analyses.
First, assessment incorporated a specific evaluation of
racial/ethnic identity. Second, co-facilitators were
assigned to groups to balance racial/ethnic background in
order to provide diverse role models. Presentation of
diverse role models as part of the intervention program was
believed to be critical for several reasons. First,
formalized exposure to alternative models may increase the
probability of stimulating and expanding adolescents’
relationships and identity search processes. Exposure also
provides specific information about the benefits and costs
of alternative lifestyles. Markstrom-Adams & Spencer (1994)
suggest that perspective taking training among minorities
should be conducted by members of the same minority groups
as the participants. In ethnically diverse groups, they
stated, the ethnicity of the adult leaders should reflect
that of the participants. Third, because the issue of
racial/ethnic identity and self-in-relation development is
particularly relevant for girls, discussions, activities,
and the program structure in itself reflects this belief.
TAP provides an environment that is conducive to the
development of mutually empathic and empowering

relationships in order to assist girls in developing more

44
personally-defined racial/ethnic identities in their own
terms. TAP seeks to foster movement toward racial pride,
and in this way, attempts to propel girls to the "immersion"
stage (Cross, 1987). One way the program does so is by
raising self-awareness of stereotypes among girls from all
backgrounds. For example, the session on body image
incorporates discussion and activity regarding not only
weight, but also skin color, hair texture, etc. Finally,
program evaluation analyses examine whether the program has
benefits for girls based on sociodemographic variables
(e.g., race, family income level) as well as the
psychocultural variable of racial/ethnic identity.
Hypotheses

The self-in-relation model is used to examine identity
and its correlates among early adolescent girls. In
addition, changes in self-in-relation identity following a
13-week intervention program are investigated.
Self—in-relation identity and its correlates
1. Type of self-in-relation identity will be associated
with self-esteem, social support, conformity to deviant peer
pressure, psychological distress, and ethnic identity.

a. Scores for self-in-relation identity based on
connections that are focused on caring for the needs of both
self and others will be positively correlated with global
and social self-esteem, whereas scores for self-in-relation

identity based on connections that are focused on caring for

45
the needs of others only will be negatively correlated with
global and social self—esteem.

b. Scores for self-in-relation identity based on
connections that are focused on caring for the needs of both
self and others will be positively correlated with size and
strength of social support network.

c. Scores for self-in-relation identity based on
connections that are focused on caring for the needs of both
self and others will be negatively correlated with
conformity to deviant peer pressure, whereas scores for
self-in-relation identity based on connections that are
focused on caring for the needs of others only will be
positively correlated with conformity to deviant peer
pressure.

d. Scores for self-in-relation identity based on
connections that are focused on caring for the needs of both
self and others will be negatively correlated with
psychological distress, whereas scores for self-in-relation
identity based on connections that are focused on caring for
the needs of others only will be positively correlated with
psychological distress.

e. Scores for ethnic identity will be associated with
scores for self—in-relation identity. Specifically, ethnic
identity will be positively correlated with scores for self-
in-relation identity focused on caring for the needs of both

self and others, and negatively correlated with self-in-

46
relation identity focused on caring for the needs of others
only. As a result, it is hypothesized that ethnic identity
will account for some of the variance in the relationship
between self—in-relation identity and global and social
self-competence.
Intervention versus control group effects
2. Positive changes or absence of decline in self-in-
relation identity will be associated with participation in
the intervention program.

a. Following the intervention, scores for self—in-
relation identity focused on caring for the needs of both
self and others will increase or remain the same, whereas
scores for self-in-relation identity focused on caring for
the needs of others only will decrease or remain the same
for girls who participated in the intervention program. In
contrast, scores for self-in-relation identity focused on
caring for the needs of both self and others will decrease
and scores for self-in-relation identity focused on caring
for the needs of others only increase for girls who did not
participate in the intervention program.

b. Following the intervention, scores for global and
social self-esteem will increase for girls who participated
in the intervention program, relative to girls in the
control condition, who did not participate in the

intervention program.

 

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47

c. Following the intervention, scores for
psychological distress will decrease for girls who
participated in the intervention program, relative to girls
in the control condition.
Link between theory and outcome: behavioral observations
for intervention groups
3. The third hypothesis links the predictions between the
first and second set of hypotheses. In accord with changes
in self-report measures predicted over time for the
intervention group participants, behavioral observational
data will reveal process changes among girls in the ten
intervention groups. Specifically, girls’ behaviors (i.e.,
statements and actions), that reflect self-in-relation
identity focused on caring for the needs of both self and
others will increase over time, and behaviors that reflect
self-in-relation identity focused on caring for the needs of

others only will decrease over time.

 

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Participants

The Unit Director in charge of Programming Services and
Supervision at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club was responsible
for generating interest in the program and recruiting
participants. Advertisements for participation were in-
house. Flyers were displayed at the Club, and a short
description of the program that informed parents and youth
of the program and listing the dates and times for group
meetings appeared in the Club Newsletter. The Unit Director
chose girls (for the most part, between the ages of eleven
and thirteen) to participate in intervention. It should be
noted that although assignment to the intervention versus
control groups was not random, the Unit Director chose the
girls for the intervention versus control groups for a
variety of reasons. That is, she chose the girls for the
intervention groups based on criteria such as: the girls
happened to attend the club regularly on the night that the
groups were to take place, the girls were either
experiencing some difficulties with their peers or they
seemed like they could really add to such a group, etc.

The total number of girls who participated in the
study, either as part of the control condition or the
intervention groups, was 70 early adolescent girls (N=24
control; 3:46 intervention). According to information

obtained from the Boys & Girls Club in January 1993, 456

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girls (of all ages) were members of the Club.

In the first phase of the TAP project (beginning
February, 1993) 30 girls were chosen to participate in the
intervention. These 30 girls were divided into five smaller
groups, so that each group had six members. An additional
16 girls, who were also members of the Club, were asked by
the Unit Director to complete a set of questionnaires, but
they did not participate in the groups during this time, and
thus they comprised the control condition. However, these
girls were offered the opportunity to participate in the
intervention the following semester, in the second phase of
the program.

The second phase of the program (beginning September,
1993) included 20 additional participants for the
intervention group. Only one girl from the first phase
control group participated in the intervention during the
second phase of the program. Similar to the first phase,
there were five groups. An additional eight girls, who were
also members of the Club, were recruited for the control
condition.

Only two girls who were selected for participation in
either phase of the program declined the offer, and these
girls completed the questionnaires, but became part of the
control condition. Notably, there was also one girl who
attended only one or two sessions and did not complete any

questionnaires. A total of nine additional girls from the

50

intervention condition did not complete the post-assessment
for a variety of reasons (e.g., they had left for summer or
winter vacation; their participation in the group declined
at the end of the curriculum and they did not return to the
Club; they moved and could not be contacted). For the
control condition, 14 girls did not complete the post-
assessment, also for the same reasons listed above.

On the average, the girls participating in the study in
either the intervention or control conditions were 11.56
years old (SD=1.29), and were in grade 6.02 (SD=1.06).
Although demographic information was not available for all
the girls, in general, 52% of the girls are African-
American, 29% are Caucasian, 6% are Hispanic, 12% are Native
American, and 2% are Asian-American. Chi—square analyses
assessing group (control/intervention) by race were non-
significant. In terms of family income level, 48% of the
girls are from families with incomes less than or equal to
$15,000, 12% are from families with incomes between $15,001-
$25,000, 3% are from families with incomes between $25,001-
$35,000, and 21% are from families with incomes greater than
$35,000. Chi-square analyses assessing group
(control/intervention) by family income level were also non—
significant. In addition, chi-square analyses assessing
race by family income level were non—significant (can refer
to Table 8, which appears later in the text, for these chi-

square analyses).

 

Group co-facilitators

Clinical psychology graduate students and advanced
undergraduate students in psychology co—facilitated the
groups. As mentioned above, each group had two co—
facilitators from different ethnic backgrounds.

Initially, 20 hours of training was required. This
training focused on communication and group facilitation
skills, as well as issues of diversity and early adolescent
development, and included readings, discussions, and role
plays. In addition to training before the program
commenced, weekly supervision sessions including all of the
group co-facilitators and the project coordinator and her
assistant were held. Group co-facilitators had a weekly
forum for sharing issues and concerns that were raised
during the week’s meetings. By utilizing group rather than
individual supervision sessions, co-facilitators had the
opportunity to learn from their peers’ experiences. All
sessions were audiotaped for supervision purposes. Two
research assistants provided on-site observational coding,
which will be described shortly, that was used for both
research and supervision purposes. Individual "booster"
supervision sessions were held as needed. In addition,
experienced and professional staff were on-site at the Club
during all group meetings and were available, although the
need for outside intervention did not arise. In the case

that a participant requested or seemed to need more

51

52

intensive services, the project coordinator and/or staff
members at the Club were available to discuss this issue
with the adolescent and encourage her to talk with her
parent(s), although again, this did not occur. The project
coordinator would have facilitated referral to the MSU
Psychological Clinic and/or other community agencies in that
case.
Procedure

The names of the participants who were selected for the
intervention were posted at the Club, along with the names
of their co-facilitators, and the dates and times that they
were to meet. The groups met for approximately one hour per
week. During the first phase, the groups met for a total of
13 weeks, but during the second phase, the intervention was
shortened to 11 weeks based on feedback from the Unit
Director at the Boys & Girls Club, and feedback from the co-
facilitators. Specifically, the Unit Director was concerned
about the girls’ sustained commitment to a program of
relatively long duration, and she suggested cutting it down
to an eight-week intervention. We did not feel that this
was possible without sacrificing the integrity and impact of
the program. However, the co-facilitators consistently
reported that the two sessions devoted to "changing family
relations" were the least well received. Thus, in order to

compromise, we shorted the program slightly.

 

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All groups met once at the beginning of the semester
for pre-assessment, and once at the end of the semester, for
post-assessment. Parents of the participants were invited
to attend a meeting before the program commenced so that
they could preview some of the materials, and voice their
questions or concerns; however, none of the parents were
present at those meetings. Thus, parents were sent Informed
Consent Agreement forms (see Appendix B) that explained the
procedures of the project, their right to discontinue their
daughters’ participation at any time without repercussions,
and the name and phone number of the project coordinator,
who they could contact with any questions or concerns about
the program.

In order to evaluate the impact of the program, all
participants (intervention and control) completed a battery
of self-report measures before the program began, and at its
conclusion. The intervention participants gave verbal
consent and signed Informed Assent Agreement forms (see
Appendix C) at the assessment session. These forms clarify
their rights to discontinue participation at any time. The
initial assessment occurred in a large group format led by
the project coordinator, and assisted by the group co-
facilitators. The final assessment session occurred within
each of the small groups, and was led by the respective co-
facilitators. Participants in the control condition also

signed Informed Assent Agreement forms (see Appendix D)

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during their initial assessment session. Assessment
sessions for the control group were led by the project
coordinator and her research assistants, and took place one
week following the intervention assessments. Participants
from both the intervention and the control conditions were
offered incentives (e.g., T—shirts and pizza party,
fieldtrip) at each assessment session.

All research data, including questionnaires, audio, and
videotapes were identified with a participant or group
number only. All information was kept in files and locked
rooms available only to project staff. The research
assistants for the project underwent extensive and closely
supervised training procedures, during which the importance
of confidentiality was repeatedly emphasized.

Summary of Purposes and Procedures for the TAP Curriculum
Goals and Issues

The TAP curriculum is structured in a way such that
each "session" addresses a distinct area relevant to the
challenges that confront early adolescent girls (e.g., peer
pressure, body changes, intimate relationships, sexuality).
This is the "domain-specific" aspect of the program.
However, within each session, the underlying theme is
"broad—based." That is, the co—facilitators model the
process of mutual empathy (Miller, 1986), and consequently,
girls begin to feel empowered from within relationships.

Thus, the girls are not taught what to think or feel or do,

 

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but are assisted in learning ppy to think, and to identify
the feelings and motivations that guide their decisions and
actions, so that they can then decide for themselves what,
and what not to do. Group members begin to express their
thoughts and feelings in a manner that allows for growth of
others in the group. As group members attend to cognitive
and affective cues and respond to the perspectives of the
other group members, the girls learn from each other.
Further, in accord with Brion-Meisels & Selman’s (1984)
model of "mature" interpersonal negotiation strategies,
group members are encouraged to take care of both their own
needs as well as the needs of others by communicating and
acting in ways that are consistent with their feelings, and
by promoting the growth of other group members. It is
hypothesized that mutual empathy and interpersonal
negotiation strategies characterized by "reciprocal
exchanges and mutual collaborations" (Brion-Meisels &
Selman, 1984) builds self-confidence in interpersonal
situations, enhances competence skills, and may prevent
maladaptive behaviors. By incorporating these dual
emphases, regardless of the specific topic, the broader
perspective of cognitive and emotional awareness and
understanding is emphasized.

One particular exercise during the "peer pressure
session" captures this dual focus, in that it allows girls

to explore reasons they might do the things that they do,

 

56
whether these things are considered positive or problematic.
The girls are asked to close their eyes and visualize a time
when they felt "pressured." One by one the girls describe
their scenarios, and the other girls are asked to pretend
that they are that girl. They are asked to share what it
feels like to be in that situation. Then, the pneumonic
"FLAP" (Fame, Love, Adventure, Power) is used to explore why
children get involved in drug/alcohol use, with gang, and
even join cliques. The group co-facilitators help the girls
explore distinctions between friendships, cliques, and
gangs, and in this way, promote self-awareness of authentic
connections.

The above is just one exercise in the curriculum. Each
session is a combination of discussions and activities, with
the clearly outlined objectives for each session. Although
the reader is referred to Appendix A: Program Manual for
further detail, Figure 1 summarizes the objectives for each

session.

 

57

DAY 1: Introduction
PURPOSE: To encourage expression of difference and ability
to learn from one another.

DAYS 2 & 3: Feelings

PURPOSE: To increase self-awareness of emotional
experience. To facilitate alternative methods of coping
with negative feelings.

DAY 4: Group Awareness

PURPOSE: To amplify group cohesiveness by helping
individuals understand their contributions to the larger
group.

DAY 5: Friendship
PURPOSE: To appreciate how being a good friend to oneself
and to others are related, and both essential.

DAY 6 & 7: Peer Pressure

PURPOSE: To distinguish between peer pressure and peer
support/friendship by addressing peer pressure in general
and in specific areas. To create a Public Service
Announcement for other early adolescent girl regarding peer
pressure issues.

DAY 8 & 9: Body Image and Stereotypes

PURPOSE: To help girls appreciate their unique bodies. To
understand how thoughts about our bodies are influenced by
society. To create positive and negative advertisements to
recognize the effects of media pressure to fit stereotypes.

DAY 10: Body Changes
PURPOSE: To develop ability to discuss typically "private"
matters openly and honestly. To celebrate being a female.

DAY 11: Sexuality and Intimate Relationships

PURPOSE: To continue talking frankly about sexuality. to
foster more questions by discussing the links between
friendship, love, and sexuality.

Figure 1: Summary of Objectives for TAP Sessions

 

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Observational Measure

Operationalizinqithe process of self—in-relation for
coding qroup interactions. In order to provide a concise,
quantitative measure of the behaviors of both the
participants and the co—facilitators in each group, research
assistants observed and coded a sample of sessions
(including initial, middle, and later sessions) for each
group. The coding system draws upon Brion-Meisels &
Selman’s (1984) work on early adolescent development of
interpersonal negotiation strategies. This work was
modified for the present study to more closely approximate
the self-in—relation framework. However, both works address
issues of understanding and coordinating the social
perspectives of self and other(s).

The coding system used in the present study is
comprised of three levels of interpersonal behaviors: (1)
Unreflective and Impulsive Strategies, (2) One-ways, and (3)
Reciprocal Exchanges and Mutual Collaboration. The first
level, Unreflective and Impulsive Strategies, includes
behaviors that do not consider the thoughts and feelings of
others (e.g., whining, bullying, ignoring). In a sense,
behaviors that are coded at this level are noted by their
lgpk of an interpersonal negotiation component.

The second level, One-ways, is divided into two
categories: (a) For the self, and (b) Giving up the self.

These two sublevels are similar to Gilligan’s (1982) first

58

59
two levels of moral development (i.e., Selfishness and
Responsibility, respectively). Behaviors that are more
self-directed (e.g., defensive) are coded For the self.
Behaviors that are characterized by their focus on other(s)
are coded Giving up the self (e.g., going along with others’
opinions; speaking one’s own opinion, but then retracting
it; silence when questioned).

The third level, Reciprocal Exchanges and Mutual
Collaboration, most closely resembles Gilligan’s third level
of moral development, Truth. Reciprocal Exchanges and
Mutual Collaboration is divided into four subcategories:

(a) Takes needs of self and another into account (e.g.,
group member or facilitator works on problem to benefit self
and other simultaneously), (b) Actions consistent with
feelings (e.g., assertiveness, confrontation, challenge),

(c) Promotes growth of group (e.g., ask for clarification or
elaborate on another’s statement), and (d) Honesty in
feelings with oneself and with another (e.g, offer personal
responses dealing with personal problems, empathize).

Time sampling methodology was used to code behavioral
interactions; that is, coders recorded all occurrences of
these seven behaviors for both the group members and the co-
facilitators during 60 second periods. Because more than
one code may be recorded during a given 60 seconds, codes
were numbered so that the sequence of behaviors could be

determined. If none of the seven behaviors occurred during

60
a given 60 second period, then no codes were recorded for
that block of time. Identical codes were not repeated
within a given 60 seconds, unless another (different)
behavior was emitted between them. These were also numbered
sequentially.

The two research assistants who coded in-vivo group
interactions were trained by coding videotapes from the
pilot project. Coding for the behavioral observations was
initially done in pairs for training purposes, but was
completed individually by the coders, and interobserver
agreement was assessed by having the research assistants
code initial sessions together. When their coding reached
an acceptable level of reliability (per cent
agreement=agreements/(total agreements + disagreements)=.70
or above), they coded sessions independently, with
intermittent reliability checks. 20% of the behavioral
observations in this study were evaluated independently by
two research assistants in order to assess interobserver
agreement. Per cent agreement, computed on each of the four
research assistants, was .82 (Range=.79—.91) for the
behavioral observations.

Questionnaire Measures
Self-in-relation. Type of self-in-relation identity

was assessed both quantitatively and qualitatively.

 

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Relationship Self Inventory. Participants
completed an adaptation of the Relationship Self Inventory
(RSI; Pearson, et al., 1992). This scale consists of 60
descriptive statements, and respondents are asked to rate
each of these on a scale from (1) Not like me at all, to (5)
Very much like me (see Appendix E).

The RSI assesses two major components of identity: (1)
the Separate self, in which separation and autonomy are
central to an individual’s self-definition, and (2) the
Connected self, in which relations with others are central
for self-definition. In addition, two different
manifestations of the Connected self are assessed: (a)
Primacy of other care, in which caring for others, often at
the expense of the self, is central, and (b) Self and other
care, in which the individual still focuses on care for
others, but the self is included as important among those to
be cared for. These two manifestations of the Connected
self correspond to Gilligan’s (1982) second and third levels
of moral development (i.e., Responsibility and Truth,
respectively) and are consistent with the self-in—relation
theory.

Both the scores for the two major components (i.e.,
Separate self, Connected self) and the other two scales
(i.e., Primacy of other care, Self and other care) show high
levels of internal consistency. Cronbach’s alphas range

from .68-.78 for females, and .67—.85 for males. In

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62
addition, the patterns of correlations between the RSI scale
scores and other measures (e.g., depression, self-esteem)
support the use of the RSI as a valid instrument.

Because the scale was designed for adults (i.e.,
Pearson, et al.’s sample included age groups from high
school seniors and college students of both sexes, to women
in their .60’s and .70’s), most items needed to be rephrased
to more closely correspond to the reading level of early
adolescents. Alphas were computed for the sample in the
present study, and items that were ambiguous were
eliminated.

Personal Narratives. Personal narratives were
used as another means of assessing self-in-relation
identity. The girls were asked to generate brief responses
to two prepared narratives, and to describe an incident in
which they experienced a similar dilemma. The two prepared
narratives were taken from a sample provided by the girls in
Brown & Gilligan’s (1992) study (for the exact content of
the prepared narratives, see Appendix F). Those girls
generated narratives in response to the request to tell
about a time in which they (the participants) had to make a
decision, but did not know what they "should" do, that is,
they did not know the right thing to do. In the present
study, these scenarios were read aloud, and the girls were
asked to respond to three questions: (1) What would you

want to do in this situation? (2) What do you think you

 

63
should do in this situation? (3) What would you wind up
,Qpipg in this situation? After the girls wrote their
responses to these questions, they were asked to describe a
time when they had to make a decision, but did not know what
they should do, or didn’t know what the right thing to do
was. After they described this situation in written format,
they were asked to respond to three similar questions: (1)

What did you want to do then? (2) What did you think you

 

should have done then? (3) What did you wind up doing?
Rather than classify responses based on the methodology
utilized by Brown & Gilligan (i.e., the four readings), a
simpler coding system, similar to the coding system for the
behavioral observations described above, was used. Each
response to each narrative was coded by the research
assistants. Responses were, for the most part, grouped into
one of the following categories: (1) Level 1, Unreflective
and Impulsive Strategies (2) Level 2, One—ways, which as
mentioned above, is comprised of two subcategories, (a) For
the self, and (b) Giving up the self, and finally, (3) Level
3, Reciprocal Exchanges and Mutual Collaboration, which is
comprised of four subcategories, (a) Taking the needs of
self and other into account, (b) Actions consistent with
feelings, (c) Promoting growth of other, and (d) Honesty in
feelings with oneself and with other). Similar to the
observational coding, these levels correspond to Gilligan’s

(1982) levels of moral development, and are consistent with

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64
the self—in-relation theory. In addition, a fourth level
was included to represent the justice orientation of
resolving moral dilemmas (Gilligan, 1982).

Research assistants coded each of the girls’ nine
responses (three per story) from the personal narratives
into one of these eight categories. For the present
analyses, several categories were collapsed in order to
better capture the major constructs of self—in-relation
identity, and responses coded as reflecting a justice
orientation were not included in the present analyses,
because no specific hypotheses were generated for these
responses. Specifically, Level 1: Unreflective and
Impulsive Strategies and Level 2a: One-ways for the self,
were collapsed into one category, and classified as For the
self, to represent a self-directed perspective, as opposed
to a more other-directed one. Some examples of responses
coded as For the self include, "Tell her she talks too
much," and "I should ignore her." Level 2b: One-ways
giving up the self remained a category on its own, called
Giving up the self. This category represents an outlook
that places others' needs ahead of the needs of the self.
In one narrative in which a girl was describing whether or
not she was going to give in to a situation of peer
pressure, she responded, "I ended up doing it, and I
regretted it." All of the Level 3 categories (i.e., Taking

the needs of self and other into account, Actions consistent

 

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65
with feelings, Promoting growth of other, and Honesty in
feelings with oneself and with other) were collapsed into
one category, called Reciprocity, in order to represent a
position that respects and meets the needs of both self and
other. Examples of responses that represent the category
Reciprocity include, "I should tell her the truth about what
I heard," and "I should tell her she might have a chance,
and to go for it."

Hence, in total, the girls’ responses for each of the
questions and for each of the stories were coded into one of
three categories. However, many of the girls did not
distinguish between the three questions (i.e., they
generated one response to the question, "What would you want
to do?" and then they put "same" for the other two
questions), thus, scores were collapsed again into one of
the three categories to represent a style of responding
across the three questions. In other words, scores for each
of the three questions were collapsed within each of the
three narratives. Because the present study is particularly
concerned with the developmental process of taking care of
others’ needs to the exclusion of one’s own, girls who
received a score of Giving up the self on any of the
questions for a particular narrative were placed in the
Giving up the self category for that narrative. Next, the
remaining girls who received a score of For the self on any

of the questions for a particular narrative were placed in

 

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66
the For the self group for that narrative (note: this was a
relatively low frequency response). Finally, the remaining
girls, who had received a score of Reciprocity for all of
the questions for a particular narrative were placed in the
Reciprocity group for that narrative.

Coding for the narratives was initially done in pairs
for training purposes, but was completed individually by the
coders. Interrater reliability was calculated by having
research assistants code a subset of the narratives
independently. 20% were coded by two of the four research
assistants, and per cent agreement was calculated in order
to insure interrater reliability. Per cent agreement,
computed on each of the four research assistants was .73
(Range=.50-.80) for the narratives.

It is conceivable that the written response format
influenced the data. Most notably, several of the
narratives were uncodable because directions were not
followed, responses were too brief to adequately code them,
and/or the grammar and spelling were so incoherent that the
meaning of the response could not be discerned.

Self-esteem. Harter’s (1982) Perceived Competence
Scale for Children, a 36-item self-report measure, was used
to assess both global self-worth and domain-specific areas
of competence (see Appendix G). This measure presents
perceptions toward a range of behaviors in a format in which

respondents are asked to decide which stem best describes

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67
them (i.e., the statements are presented side by side, for
example: "Some kids think..." BUT "other kids think...")
After deciding which stem best describes them, respondents
must decide whether the statement is "Sort of true" or
"Really true" for them. The scales are reliable, well—
validated, and show little association with social
desirability. Harter (1981) reported a stable factor
pattern for children in grades three through nine, and
reliability levels in the form of internal consistency, in
the high .70’s and .80’s.

Harter's measure was chosen in particular because it
evaluates self-concept at a level that is more precise than
global measures of self-esteem (e.g., Rosenberg, 1965) and
more representative and generalizable than task-specific
measures of self-efficacy, such as the percent confidence
that a girl might estimate in accomplishing a series of
increasingly difficult or stressful tasks (Bandura, 1977).
Harter’s theory (1978) and research (1985) suggest that
self-competence is not a global trait, but rather is a
domain-specific construct that develops gradually over time,
based on the socializing environment of the individual.
More recent work, such as Sonstroem, Harlow, & Josephs’
(1994) studies on athletic self-competence is consistent

with Harter’s multidimensional nature of self-concept.

68

Social support. Cauce, Felner, & Primavera’s (1982)
Adaptation of Social Support Rating Scale was used to assess
the both the number and the perceived helpfulness of the
different individuals (e.g., parents, teacher, clergy,
friends) potentially available to the girls as sources of
social support. The measure lists several different
individuals and provides space for the respondent to add
other sources of support. Respondents rate how helpful each
individual is from (1) Not at all helpful, to (3) Very
helpful. Cauce, et al. (1982) found evidence for three
factors of support-- family, formal, and informal (see
Appendix H).

Conformity to deviant peer pressure. The girls’
susceptibility to deviant forms of peer pressure was
assessed by a subset of items from the Conformity Analogue
Survey (Berndt, 1979). The full survey measures compliance
with antisocial, prosocial, and neutral influences; however,
in the present study, only compliance with antisocial
influences was assessed. Berndt used split half reliability
coefficients, corrected by the Spearman-Brown formula, and
reported that the average reliability across grades for the
antisocial scale was .81 (range=.76—.89). (see Appendix I).

Psychological distress. In order to assess level of
distress, the Revised Children’s Manifest Anxiety Scale
(RCMAS; Reynolds & Richmond, 1979) was used. This scale

yields three subscales of anxiety: Physiological anxiety,

69
Worry and oversensitivity, and Concentration anxiety, and it
also includes a Lie scale. Internal consistency reliability
using the Kuder-Richardsan formula is .83. However, in a
large sample study of youth 6-19 years old, Reynolds &
Richmond found that reliability estimates with African-
American females younger than 12 years old ranged from .42-
79, whereas reliability was much more stable with Caucasian
males and females, and African—American males (range=.75-
.87). It is conceivable that the yppy young African—
American girls (i.e., 6—8 years old) were the ones to skew
the reliability estimate, thus, this finding was not taken
as a major concern (see Appendix J).

Ethnic identification. A nine-item questionnaire taken
from the Adolescent Pathways Project (Allen, Seidman,
Mitchell, & Aber, 1991) was used to assess ethnic identity.
In this questionnaire, respondents are first asked to
identify their own ethnic background, and may use as many
words as they want (i.e., can include race, religion,
ethnicity). Then respondents are asked to rate nine
statements that assess feelings regarding being a member of
one’s ethnic group, on a four—point scale, from (1) Not at

all true to (4) Very true (see Appendix K).

Results

This study examined three sets of hypotheses and used
three types of measurement methodology, self-report
questionnaires, written narratives coded by a group of
research assistants, and behavioral observations, also
recorded and coded by a group of research assistants.
Frequencies of the scales from the self—report
questionnaires were normally distributed, and thus, all the
scales were treated as continuous variables. However,
because the narratives and behavioral observation data were
coded into categories representing the major constructs of
the self-in-relation theory, these data were treated as
categorical variables. As mentioned above, assignment to
the control versus intervention group was not random.
However, it should be noted that the girls who were chosen
for the intervention group likely represented a wide range
of socioemotional functioning. Analyses mainly consisted of
Pearson product-moment correlations, chi-square, and
multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVAs). Except for the
first set of analyses that included all of the participants,
for the most part, each participant was assigned to one of
the two groups (control versus intervention), then the
groups were contrasted on all other variables. The MANOVA
clusters were grouped by including all scales within a
particular measure. That is, one MANOVA was used to assess

self-in—relation identity and included all four of the

70

71

scales of the RSI. One MANOVA assessed self—competence, and
included the six scales from the measure of self—competence.
The MANOVA evaluating psychological distress included the
three scales physiological anxiety, worry, and concentration
difficulty. Finally, one MANOVA grouped the two scales from
the social support questionnaire and the scale assessing
conformity to deviant peer pressure. Table 1 presents the
mean scores on all measures for the entire sample at Time 1

(pre-test).

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72
Table 1

Means and Standard Deviations for all Time 1.1Pre-testl
Measures

Variable Mean (SD) or Percentage

Demographics

Age 11.56 (1.29)
Grade 6.02 (1.06)
Race*
African-American 48% (N=25)
Caucasian 29% (N=15)
Hispanic 10% (N=S)
Native American 12% (N=6)
Asian—American 1% (N=1)
Family income**
< $15,000: 48%
$15,001-$25,000 21%
$25,001-$35,000 3%
> $35,000 21%

Self-in-relation identity
Relationship Self Inventory

 

Separate self 3.11 (.67)
Connected self 3.84 (.87)
Primacy of other care 2.95 (.81)
Self and other care 3.91 (.95)
Perceived self-competence
Social self-competence 2.86 (.80)
Global self—competence 3.09 (.60)
Athletic competence 2.62 (.68)
Appearance 2.79 (.70)
Behavioral competence 2.73 (.63)
Scholastic competence 2.76 (.67)
Social support
Social network strength 2.61 (.24)
Social network size 8.19 (3.59)
Ethnic identification 2.98 (.47)
Deviant peer conformitv 2.46 (1.0)

 

Psychological distress

Physiological anxiety 2.48 (.58)

Worry 2.59 (.64)

Concentration difficulty 2.46 (.74)

*Total does not sum to 70 because some girls did not
identify race in the Ethnic Identification questionnaire.
**Information was obtained from applications to the Club and
this question was optional.

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Hypothesis I: Self-in-relation identity and its correlates:

The first set of analyses examined the Time 1 (pre—
test) data for girls from both the control and the
intervention groups together. Associations were predicted
between scores for self-in-relation identity as assessed by
the RSI and the personal narratives, and self-report
measures of self-competence, social support, conformity to
deviant peer pressure, psychological distress, and ethnic
identity.
Assessing self-in—relation identity using The Relationship
Self Inventory

Because the RSI had not yet been used with an
adolescent sample, some words and sentence structures had to
be modified for use with this younger group. Hence,
reliability analyses of the Time 1 (pre-test) scores for all
subjects were undertaken in order to demonstrate that the
scales remained internally consistent. Corrected item-total
correlations were calculated between each item and its
designated scale from the previous studies with adult
samples. Next, correlations between each item and the other
three scales were computed. All items that had higher
correlations with scales other than the originally
designated scales were deleted. Approximately half of the
items were deleted from the original 60-item questionnaire.
Notably, the majority of items were deleted from the Primacy

of other care and the Self and other care scales. With the

73

V -59

74
exception of the Primacy of other care scale, alphas
remained relatively stable (alphas=.65-.74; Primacy of other
care, alpha=.56). Table 2 presents the corrected item-total
correlations items and scales for items included in
subsequent analyses. See Appendix L for the item-scale
correlations for all of the items from the RSI before any

items were deleted.

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75
Table 2

Corrected Item-total Correlations for Relationship Self
Inventory

Relationship Alpha Item Corrected

Self Inventory number item-total

Scale correlation

Separate self .70
3 .38
9 .07
13 .44
14 .35
19 .45
26 .47
33 .45
34 .51
43 .29
45 .15

Connected self .74
20 .26
27 .33
36 .49
37 .73
54 .58
55 .63

Primacy of

other care .56
l .22
5 .21
8 .47
16 .33
28 .32
48 .25

Self and

other care .65
4 .50
32 .45
38 .29

 

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76

In addition to assessing internal consistency, steps
were taken to determine whether the scales were
distinguished from each other. Correlations between each of
the scales of the RSI were computed. As seen in Table 3,
interscale correlations were small to moderate, and were in
the expected directions. For example, the Connected self
scale was positively correlated with the other two scales
that represent identity where a focus on connection is
salient (i.e., Primacy of other care, Self and other care).
In particular, Connected self was positively correlated with
Self and other care, £(63)=.53, p<.01. See Table 3 for the

full correlation matrix.

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Associations between self—in—relation identity and measures
of well-being and distress

The first hypothesis predicted that scores on Self and
other care would be positively correlated with scores on
social and global self-competence and social support, but
negatively correlated with scores for conformity to deviant
peer pressure and psychological distress. In contrast, it
was hypothesized that scores on Primacy of other care would
be positively correlated with scores for conformity to
deviant peer pressure and psychological distress, but
negatively correlated with scores for social and global
self-competence and social support. In addition, it was
hypothesized that if significant correlations between ethnic
identity and self—in-relation identity emerge (i.e.,
positive correlations between ethnic identity and Self and
other care, and negative correlations between ethnic
identity and Primacy of other care), then ethnic identity
may account for some of the variance between self-in-
relation identity and social and global self-competence.
Correlations between the self-in-relation scale scores from
the RSI and the other self—report measures are presented in

Table 4.

Table 4

Correlations Between Self-in-relation Identity and Measures
of Self-competenceL_Social Support- Conformity to Deviant

Peer Pressure. and Psychological Distress

Self—in-relation Identity

Primacy of
other care

Self-competence

Social self-competence
Global self-competence
Athletic competence
Appearance

Behavioral competence
Scholastic competence

Social support

Social network strength
Social network size

Deviant peer conformity
Psychological distress
Physiological anxiety

Worry
Concentration difficulty

.04
.00
.01
.02
.12
.24

.22
.29*

.03

Self and
other care

.11
.20

.12
.04

.32*

*p<.05 **p<.01

80

As seen in Table 4, the correlations provided only some
support for the hypotheses. Consistent with the hypothesis,
Self and other care was positively correlated with strength
of social support, that is, degree of helpfulness from
individuals in one’s social support network, r(63)=.32,
p<.05. However, in contrast with the hypothesis, Primacy of
other care was positively correlated with size of social
support network, r(63)=.29, p<.05. Neither Self and other
care nor Primacy of other care were statistically
significantly correlated with social or global self—
competence, although many of the correlations between Self
and other care and the other self-report measures were in
the expected direction. That is, Self and other care was
positively correlated with both social and global self-
competence, £(63)=.11, ns, £(63)=.20, ns, respectively.
With respect to the negative measures, no statistically
significant relationships emerged between Self and other
care or Primacy of other care and the scales of
psychological distress. Although neither of these RSI
scales were statistically significantly associated with
conformity to deviant peer pressure either, the correlations
were in the expected direction. That is, Self and other
care was negatively correlated with conformity to deviant
peer pressure, r(63)=-.25, ns.

In order to assess the association between the self-in-

relation identity scores as measured by the narrative

81
categories, and the measures of self-competence, social
support, conformity to deviant peer pressure, and
psychological distress, several MANOVAs with two levels of
the independent variable, narrative category (Giving up the
self, Reciprocity) for each of the three narratives were
computed. Notably, the For the self category was a
relatively low frequency response across narratives, and as
such, was omitted from the present analyses. Three
significant findings emerged, and these results are
summarized in Table 5. It should be noted that the E’s may
differ across the analyses because of the differential
number of codable narratives and the fact that a certain
number of narratives were dropped across the three analyses

if they represented the For the self category.

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As seen in Table 5, the MANOVA examining psychological
distress scores for the second narrative was significant,
£(3,48)=4.61, p<.Ol. Follow-up univariate analyses
indicated that, consistent with the hypothesis, girls whose
responses were coded as Giving up the self had higher scores
on the worry scale, relative to girls whose responses were
coded as Reciprocity, £(l,50)=9.64, p<.01. In addition,
there were significant multivariate effects for the analyses
examining social support scores for both the second
narrative, E(2,30)=5.7, p<.01, and the third narrative, the
one that the girls generated themselves, E(2,lS)=4.64,
p<.05. Follow—up univariate analyses indicated that, for
the second narrative, in contrast with the hypothesis, girls
whose responses were coded as Reciprocity had lower scores
on strength of social support, relative to girls whose
responses were coded as Giving up the self, E(1,31)=10.97,
p<.01. For the second narrative, follow—up univariate
analyses indicated that, also in contrast with the
hypothesis, girls whose responses were coded as Reciprocity
had lower scores on the size of social support network
relative to girls whose responses were coded as Giving up
the self, E(l,16)=3.63, p<.01. There were no significant
findings regarding self-competence or conformity to deviant
peer pressure, although several trends in the expected

directions can be seen in Table 5 as well.

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86

Exploratorvianalyses of self-in-relation identitv and its
correlates: comparisons between the RSI and the personal
narratives

In order to examine whether the girls’ responses to the
narratives were congruous with their scores on the RSI,
MANOVAs with two levels of the independent variable,
narrative category, were computed, and included all of the
scales within this measure (Separate self, Connected self,
Primacy of other care, Self and other care). It was
predicted that scores on the RSI scale Primacy of other care
would be associated with narrative responses coded as Giving
up the self, and that scores on the Self and other care
scale of the RSI would be associated with narrative
responses coded as Reciprocity. Additionally, because the
Connected self scale of the RSI reflects both other-focused
(Primacy of other care) and self and other focused (Self and
other care) ways of being in relationship, it was predicted
that scores on this scale should be associated with either
Giving up the self and/or Reciprocity. None of these
predictions were supported by the data, which suggests that
the two measures may be tapping distinct aspects of self—in-
relation identity.
Exploratory analyses of self-in-relation identity and its
correlates: Connected self and Separate self

Although no specific hypotheses were generated

regarding the relationship between the Connected self and

87
Separate self scales from the RSI, analyses examining the
correlation between these two scales and self-competence,
social support, conformity to deviant peer pressure, and
psychological distress were conducted. Notably, interscale
correlations (Table 3) revealed a statistically significant
positive relationship between Self and other care and
Connected self, and as such, it was suspected that
additional relationships might emerge between Connected self
and the other measures of well-being and distress in accord
with the hypotheses. Analyses were conducted with the
Separate self scale in an exploratory manner. These results

are reported in Table 6.

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Table 6

Exploratory Analyses Assessing Correlations Between Self-in-
relation Identity and Measures of Self-competence. Social
Support- Conformity to Deviant Peer Pressure. and
Psychological Distress

Self-in-relation Identity

Connected self Separate self

Self—competence

Social self-competence .18 .03

Global self-competence .20 .04

Athletic competence -.42* -.12

Appearance .12 .04

Behavioral competence .05 -.04

Scholastic competence -.15 .13
Social support

Social network strength .37* -.37*

Social network size .07 -.35**
Deviant peer conformity —.15 .19
Psychological distress

Physiological anxiety .10 .36**

Worry .16 .16

Concentration difficulty .05 .13

*p<.05 **p<.01

89

Consistent with the findings from the Self and other
care scale, Connected self was significantly positively
correlated with strength of social support network,
r(63)=.37, p<.05. However, regarding the self-competence
measure, the one statistically significant finding that
emerged was in contrast to expectations. The correlational
analyses revealed that Connected self was negatively
correlated with athletic self—competence, ;(63)=-.42, p<.05.
Although the following correlations were non-significant,
Connected self was positively associated with both social
and global self-competence, r(63)=.18, ns, r(63)=.20, ns,
respectively. These results are consistent with the
findings from the Self and other care scale. No significant
correlations emerged between Connected self and the scales
assessing conformity to deviant peer pressure or
psychological distress.

With respect to the Separate self scale, there were
several significant correlations between this scale and the
other measures. Specifically, Separate self was negatively

correlated with both strength of social support network,

r(63)=-.37, p<.01, and size of social support network,
r(63)=-.35, p<.01. In addition, Separate self was
positively correlated with physiological anxiety, ;(63)=.36,

p<.01.

 

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Follow-up analyses with the RSI to account for
sociodemographic factors

The next set of analyses sought to examine the
associations between self-in-relation identity and family
income level, race, age, and grade. Four levels of family
income (<$15,000, $15,001-$25,000, $25,001-$35,000,
>$3S,001) and five groups representing the race (African-
American, Caucasian, Hispanic, Native American, Asian-
American) were identified in the sample. However, even
separate one-way MANOVAs for each factor resulted in cell
sizes that were too small for reliable findings.

Age and grade were entered as continuous variables for
each of the MANOVA clusters in order to examine whether
these variables might better predict some of the
associations between self—in-relation and the other
dependent variables. These analyses revealed a few trends.
Although the multivariate effect was not significant for
grade, E(4,53)=2.05, p=.10, there was one significant
univariate effect on the scale Primacy of other care,
E(1,56)=5.16, p<.05, beta=.29. That is, for the sample as a
whole, girls in the older grades had higher scores on
Primacy of other care than girls in the younger grades.
Along the same lines, although the multivariate effect for
age was not significant, E(4,S3)=1.29, p=.29, there was a
univariate trend for age on the scale Primacy of other care,

§(1,59)=3.74, p<.06, beta=.24. That is, for the sample as a

 

 

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91

whole, older girls tended to have higher scores on Primacy
of other care than younger girls.
Exploratory analyses of the interrelationships between
measures of well-being. distress. and sociodemographic
variables

The relationships among the measures of self-
competence, social support, conformity to deviant peer
pressure, and psychological distress were computed in order
to validate expected relationships as documented in the

literature. These correlations are presented in Table 7.

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93

The statistically significant relationships that
emerged were generally consistent with past research. As
shown in Table 7, reports on several scales of self-
competence were negatively correlated with reports on
several scales of psychological distress. Also consistent
with expected relationships, conformity to deviant peer
pressure was negatively correlated with behavioral self-
competence, r(58)=-.34, p<.05, and strength of social
support network, r(58)=-.42, p<.05. In contrast to expected
outcomes, strength of social support network was positively
correlated with one of the scales of psychological distress
(i.e., worry, r(59)=.37, p<.05).

The next set of analyses sought to provide a
contextually valid analysis by examining the relationship
between the measures of well—being, distress, and the
sociodemographic variables. However, MANOVAs with four
levels of family income and MANOVAs with five groups
representing the races identified in this sample yielded
groups with cell sizes that were too small for reliable
interpretation. Nevertheless, when age and grade were
included in the MANOVAs, there were a few significant
findings.

For age, there was a significant finding for the social
support cluster. Although the multivariate effect was not
significant, E(3,31)=1.86, p<.16, the univariate effect on

strength of social support network was significant,

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E(1,33)=5.45, p<.05, beta=-.38. That is, the individuals in
older girls' social support networks were perceived as being
less helpful than those in younger girls’ social support
networks. For grade, there was a significant finding for
the psychological distress cluster. Although the
multivariate effect was not significant, E(3,SZ)=1.68,
p<.18, the univariate effect on physiological anxiety was
significant, £(1,54)=5.03; p<.05; beta=-.29. That is, girls
in the older grades reported less physiological anxiety than
girls in the younger grades.
Relationships between ethnic identity. self—in—relation
identity. well-being. and distress

The hypothesis that ethnic identity would be positively
correlated with Self and other care, and negatively
correlated with Primacy of other care was examined next.
Notably, it had been predicted that ethnic identity would
account for some of the variance in the relationship between
self-in—relation identity and global and social self-
competence. However, correlational analyses demonstrated
that ethnic identity was not statistically significantly
associated with any of the scales from the RSI. Further, as
demonstrated above, the correlations between self-in-
relation identity and social or global self-competence were
not significant. Thus, the corollary hypothesis was not

supported.

 

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A series of exploratory analyses examined the
relationship between ethnic identity and the measures of
well-being and distress more directly. These analyses
revealed that ethnic identity was positively correlated with
two of the scales of self-competence, scholastic self—
competence, r(58)=.29, p<.05, and athletic self—competence,
£(58)=.30, Q<.05.
Hypothesis II: Control versus intervention group effects

The next set of analyses were conducted to assess the
impact of the intervention on the girls’ reports of self-in-
relation identity, self-competence, and psychological
distress. First, chi-square analyses were conducted to
determine whether the control and intervention groups
differed significantly by family income or race. These
analyses are presented in Table 8. First, it should be
noted that differential N’s in the Table reflect
differential response rates to questions that parent(s) of
the girls completed on their application for membership at
the Boys & Girls Club, and/or differential response rates
for the girls on the questionnaires that they completed for
the current study. Nevertheless, as the table indicates,

there were no significant differences between the groups.

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Next, means and standard deviations for age and grade,
and for all scales of the RSI, self-competence, and
psychological distress were calculated for the control and
the intervention groups separately, and MANOVAs with two
levels of the independent variable, group
(control/intervention) for each of the clusters of self—in-
relation identity, self—competence, and psychological
distress measures were computed in order to determine
whether the control and intervention groups differed
significantly at Time 1 (pre—test). Table 9 provides the
means and standard deviations of the variables for the two

groups.

 

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As indicated in Table 9, girls in the control and
intervention conditions did not differ significantly on the
demographic variables age or grade. Further, there was only
one statistically significant difference between the control
and intervention groups for the self-report measures.
Although the multivariate effect for self—in-relation was
not significant, E(4,60)=l.34, p<.26, the univariate effect
for Primacy of other care was significant, E(1,63)=4.51,
p<.05. Scores for girls in the intervention group on
Primacy of other care were significantly higher than scores
for girls in the control group.

Internal consistency reliability for the RSI at Time 2
was then computed because of the newness of the measure and
because of the hypothesized effects of the intervention.
These analyses revealed that three out of the four scales
from Time I remained relatively internally consistent, as
evidenced by the following alphas: Separate self,
alpha=.72, Connected self, alpha=.68, and Self and other
care, alpha=.69. However, the alpha for Primacy of other
care dropped to .38. Thus, all results from analyses with
the scale Primacy of other care must be interpreted with
caution.

The next set of analyses tested the hypothesis that
participation in the intervention program will lead to
positive changes or absence of decline in self-in-relation

identity. A series of 2 X 2, group (control/intervention) X

 

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100
time (pre-test/post—test) repeated measures MANOVAs was
conducted for Primacy of other care, Self and other care,
and for each of the scales of self-competence and
psychological distress, predicting that interaction effects
would be significant. Table 10 presents the means and
standard deviations across time on the three sets of outcome

measures for the control and the intervention groups.

 

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103

Regarding self—in-relation identity, a significant
group by time interaction effect was found for Primacy of
other care, E(l,37)=5.24, p<.05. Although the t-tests for
each group were not significant, examination of the means
revealed that scores for girls in the control group on
Primacy of other care increased over time, relative to
scores for girls in the intervention group, which tended to
decrease over time. The effect size, eta squared=.12, is
considered a small effect. There were no significant
differences for Self and other care, although examination of
the means revealed trends in the expected directions, with
scores for girls in the control group decreasing over time,
and scores for girls in the intervention group remaining
relatively stable over time. Because of small cell sizes
for the narrative categories at post-test, analyses
examining changes across time in the narrative categories
could not be conducted.

With respect to changes in self—competence scores for
the control and intervention groups over time, repeated
measures MANOVAs revealed one significant group by time
interaction effect for social self-competence, E(1,32)=5.19,
p<.05. Although the t-tests for each group were not
significant, examination of the means revealed that scores
for girls in the control group on this scale decreased over
time, relative to scores for girls in the intervention

group, which tended to increase over time. The effect size,

 

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104
eta squared=.14, is considered a small effect. No
significant effects were found for the psychological
distress scales.

Because changes in several of the scores in the control
and intervention groups were in the expected directions, but
did not reach statistical significance, the repeated
measures MANOVAs were recalculated in two different ways.
First, because the ten intervention groups were conducted at
two different points in time (Phase I for Spring 1994, Phase
II for Fall 1994) with slight modifications for the second
wave of interventions (e.g., shortened length of curriculum,
smaller groups, better informed supervision, etc.) analyses
assessing changes over time compared scores for the control
group with scores for the Phase I intervention and scores
for the control group with scores for the Phase II
intervention. However, there were no statistically
significant interaction effects.

The second recalculation compared girls from the
control group with girls from the intervention group who had
attended at least the modal number of sessions, which was
eight sessions. These results are also presented in Table
10. This set of analyses did not produce additional
significant findings either, although the findings did
mirror the results found for the control group and the
entire intervention group on Primacy of other care and Self

and other care.

105

In order to assess the differential impact of the
intervention with respect to sociodemographic variables, a
series of 2 X 2 X 2, group (control/intervention) X time
(pre-test/post-test) X age (younger/older than median age
for the sample) repeated measures MANOVAs was conducted for
each of the scales of self-in-relation identity, self-
competence, and psychological distress. Notably, 2 X 2 X 4,
group (control/intervention) X time (pre-test/post-test) X
family income level and 2 X 2 X 5, group
(control/intervention) X time (pre-test/post-test) X race
MANOVAs could not be conducted because of the small cell
sizes when the sociodemographic variables were taken into
account.

There was only one significant three way interaction
effect for age on the scale physiological anxiety,
E(1,37)=14.58, p<.01. Although the t-tests were not
significant, an examination of the means suggests that for
younger girls in the control group, scores on physiological
anxiety increased over time, relative to younger girls in
the intervention group. In contrast, older control group
girls' scores on physiological anxiety decreased over time,
relative to older intervention group girls.

Hypothesis III: Behavioral observations assessing change in
interpersonal interactions

Scores for behavioral interactions were determined for

each of the ten intervention groups by using relative

106
frequencies for the categories of behaviors for the girls as
a group and for the co-facilitators together. The relative
frequencies for all ten groups for these behaviors for each
group at Time 1 (sessions at the beginning of the program,
N=15 sessions), Time 2 (middle sessions, N=11 sessions), and
Time 3 (sessions toward the end of the program, N=10
sessions) were entered into subsequent analyses. Similar to
the analyses with the Personal Narratives, several
categories were collapsed in order to better capture the
major constructs of self-in-relation identity. The first
category collapsed the Level 1: Unreflective and Impulsive
Strategies and the Level 2a: One-ways for the self
categories. The second category was comprised of the
singular category Level 2b: One-ways giving up the self.
The third category consisted of all of the Level 3
categories (i.e., Taking the needs of self and other into
account, Actions consistent with feelings, Promoting growth
of other, and Honesty in feelings with oneself and with
other). A series of ANOVAs with three levels of the
independent variable (beginning/middle/end sessions)
examined differences in the means in the three categories of
behaviors. Although relative frequency scores were computed
separately for both the girls and the co-facilitators, the
present analyses examine only scores for the girls, because
the co-facilitators' scores remained relatively stable over

time. In particular, almost all of the co-facilitators’

107

behaviors were classified in the third category; thus,
because there was no variance, ANOVAs could not be computed.

It was predicted that the girls’ behaviors that reflect
self-in—relation identity focused on caring for the needs of
both self and others will increase over time, whereas
behaviors that reflect self-in-relation identity focused on
caring for the needs of others only will decrease over time.

Table 11 reveals these findings.

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109

Although none of these analyses were statistically
significant, the means of the relative frequencies changed
over time in a way that is consistent with the predictions.
Notably, the relative frequency of girls’ Level 3 behaviors,
representing self and other care, tended to increase over
time, E(2,15)=3.28, p<.07. In addition, the relative
frequency of girls’ separate self behaviors tended to

decrease over time, E(2,15)=2.79, p<.10.

Discussion

The present study applied the conceptual framework of
the self-in-relation theory to (1) better understand the
correlates of a competent sense of self within relationships
among early adolescent girls, and (2) to evaluate an
intervention designed to meet the needs of this population.
By attending to girls’ needs to simultaneously sustain a
sense of self—competence as well as authentic connections,
the study examined key aspects of development not adequately
addressed in previous applied research.

The results supported the relevance of the self-in-
relation identity construct for this sample of early
adolescent girls. Analyses demonstrated that scales from
the RSI were, for the most part, internally consistent and
externally valid. Three of the four scales, Separate self,
Connected self, and Self and other care, remained relatively
stable at both Time 1 (pre-test) and Time 2 (post-test).
Further, there was a statistically significant correlation
between Connected self and Self and other care. These two
scales are theoretically linked, in that Self and other care
represents a type of Connected self. The moderate
correlation between these two scales suggests that the girls
perceived these two constructs as similar, while at the same
time, the level of the correlation does not suggest that

they are seen as the same. The girls may have considered

 

both of these domains applicable in describing themselves.

110

111
Consistent with the conceptual framework proposed by
Gilligan and her colleagues, early adolescent girls describe
feeling connected within relationships when they are able to
meet both their own needs as well as the needs of others.

In contrast to the findings for the other three scales,
the fourth scale of the RSI, Primacy of other care, was
subject to much variation depending on group
(control/intervention), time (pre-test/post-test), and
sociodemographic variables (i.e., grade, age). For one,
Primacy of other care was relatively reliable at Time 1
(pre-test), but not at Time 2; that is, the items that
correlated highest with the scale at the first testing were
distinct from the items that correlated highest with the
scale at the second testing. Although the lack of adequate
test-retest reliability data would suggest that we ought to
discount all of the findings for the Primacy of other care
scale, this finding in itself may also be interpreted in
terms of a developmental process. Notably, there was a
positive association between scores on Primacy of other care
and both grade and age. That is, older girls tended to
score higher on this scale than younger girls. This finding
is consistent with previous research that describes the loss
of self-confidence and authentic relationships as a
developmental phenomenon. Thus, the findings that the scale
did not cohere for the sample at the second testing, and

that there were differences between girls based on grade and

112
age, taken together support the argument that girls’ self-
in-relation identities may undergo an important transition
during early adolescence. Alternatively, given that the
intervention was focused on minimizing Primacy of other
care, the changes in responses to this scale could be taken
as evidence of successful intervention.

The hypothesis comparing self-in-relation identity with
several dimensions of well-being and distress was partially
supported by the data. First, both Self and other care and
Connected self were positively correlated with strength of
social support network, that is, the degree of helpfulness
that the girls perceived from the individuals they
identified within their networks. This suggests that girls
who were able to meet their own needs as well as the needs
of others in their relationships were also more likely to
report that they felt supported by those surrounding them.
Girls who scored higher on Primacy of other care had larger
social support networks, but the correlation between Primacy
of other care and strength of social support was not
significant. This distinction suggests that strength of
social support may better capture girls’ ability to draw
upon these networks. Previous research (e.g., Gilligan,
Lyons, & Hammer, 1989) that describes how girls’ transition
to adolescence may be marked by increasing focus on
connections, but at a loss of authentic and truly supportive

relationships. The finding that strength of social support

113
was negatively associated with age is consistent with this
trend. Finally, girls who scored higher on Separate self
reported that they felt less supported by individuals in
their social support networks. Notably, this latter group
of girls also identified fewer individuals within their
networks. This may be a matter of choice, that is, not
being interested in social networks, although the sense of
feeling less supported suggests that they wish it were
different. The significant negative correlations between
strength of social support and conformity to deviant peer
pressure and between conformity to deviant peer pressure and
behavioral self-competence should be noted here. These
findings, taken together, reflect the detrimental effects of
relationships that do not meet the needs of the individuals
involved. That is, the number of individuals identified as
being part of one’s social support network may be less
important than the degree of helpfulness that the individual
perceives.

Although the findings relating scores from the RSI with
the self-competence measure were not statistically
significant, the trends that emerged were consistent with
the hypotheses. For example, both Self and other care and
Connected self were positively correlated with social and
global self-competence. These data suggest that maintaining
a sense of self-in-relation that involves considering both

the needs of self and others is associated with higher

114
levels of perceived self-competence in the domains of social
self-competence and global feelings of self—worth. In
contrast, the one statistically significant correlation
between the RSI and the self-competence scales was a
negative correlation between Connected self and athletic
self-competence. One possible explanation for this finding
relates to the nature of the setting for the study, which
was an after-school activity center. Most functions at the
center involve sports activities and other games. It is
feasible that the girls who agreed to participate in the
study volunteered because they had some doubts about their
athletic abilities. As a result, these girls may feel more
"connected," but also less competent in the athletic realm.
Alternatively, achievement-related concerns, such as
athletic self-competence, may be more associated with a
separate sense of self—in-relation identity than a connected
orientation.

The narrative methodology and coding procedures, for
the most part, did not correspond with the major self—in-
relation constructs examined in the study (i.e., Primacy of
other care, Self and other care), although the findings
relating the narrative categories with the other self—report
measures were consistent with the hypotheses. That is,
there were several findings that related the narrative
categories with the other self-report measures, and many of

those that emerged occurred when the girls were asked to

115
generate their own narratives. This finding is critical
because these stories were likely to be more personally
meaningful for the girls than the other two vignettes. In
accord with the hypotheses, the narrative category
Reciprocity was associated with higher scores on several of
the self-competence scales, notably, social self-competence,
and there were trends for global, appearance, and scholastic
self-competence. These findings suggest that when girls
feel more authentic in their relationships (i.e., both their
own needs, as well as the needs of others are being met),
then they tend to feel more confident about their own
abilities, especially in the social realm. The findings for
appearance and scholastic self-competence may be
particularly important for young girls too. We know that
girls face tremendous pressure in integrating perceptions
about their physical appearance with their sense of self-
esteem and self in relationships. Much work points to the
on-going importance of physical attractiveness among
elementary and junior high school youth in particular (e.g.,
Lerner, 1987). In general, a profusion of media messages,
often directed toward young females, continually play upon
insecurities regarding appearance, and consequently erode a
sense of self-respect and relational confidence. In
contrast, males seem to be conditioned to a very different
set of societal expectations, concerned more with task

mastery and instrumental effectiveness than with physical

116
appearance (Lerner, Orlos, & Knapp, 1976). With regard to
scholastics, the American Association of University Women
(AAUW; 1992) has carefully documented how schools
"shortchange" girls. The AAUW pointed to how our schools’
failures on an interpersonal level may account in part for
girls’ withdrawal from the academic environment (i.e., the
girls perceive it as being too competitive) and for girls’
tendency to interpret their difficulties as personal
failures, rather than as a lack of effort. Interestingly,
the AAUW report also states that it is often the most
assertive girls who leaye school, as they realize that their
needs are not being met. The following quote captures how
the self-in-relation concepts intersect with scholastic
performance,

"A moderate level of depression, an absence of

political awareness, persistent self-blame, low

assertiveness, and high conformity may have tragically
constituted the ’good’ urban student...they learned not
to raise, and indeed to shut down, ’dangerous’

conversation. The price of academic ’success' may have

been the muting of one’s own voice." (p. 49)

Also consistent with the hypothesis, the narrative
category Giving up the self was associated with higher
scores on the psychological distress scales, notably, the
worry scale, and there was also a trend for concentration
anxiety. These findings suggest that girls whose responses
are described as taking care of the needs of others, to the

exclusion of their own needs, report higher levels of

distress. As mentioned above, this way of being in

117
relationship may not meet the needs of the individual. For
example, she may be so concerned with maintaining the
relationship that she loses sight of the individuals
involved in it, including herself. If she does not have
other outlets for expressing her needs, it is not surprising
that she might feel distressed. Further, if she continually
places all of her energy into sustaining the relationship,
she may not feel that it is a secure one, which would likely
leave her with feelings of worry and anxiety.

The last set of findings with the narrative categories
may seem to contradict the previous point, in that the
narrative category Giving up the self was associated with
higher scores on the social support scales, notably,
strength of social support, and there was a trend for size
of social support network. These results may be understood
in terms of the emphasis on connections that girls who
endorsed the Giving up the self category may have. For
these girls, because relationships are more likely to be
quite salient, they may be more attuned to the number of
individuals in their networks and to the level of
helpfulness of these individuals. In contrast, the girls
who endorsed the Reciprocity category may be more likely to
balance the degree to which they rely on others versus
themselves in their lives. As a result, they may be
somewhat less likely to focus specifically on evaluating

their relationships.

118

Because it was hypothesized that ethnic identity is one
important component of self-in-relation identity (Tatum,
1993; Ward, 1989) analyses examined associations between
this variable and self-in-relation identity, as well as
indices of well-being and distress. The present findings
did not support the hypothesis linking ethnic identity and
self-in-relation identity. Further, exploratory regression
analyses revealed that ethnic identity was not associated
with social or global self-competence either. Nevertheless,
ethnic identity did predict both scholastic and athletic
self-competence, whereas self-in-relation identity did not
predict either one of these constructs. Specifically,
higher levels of ethnic identity were associated with higher
scores on both self-competence scales. These findings
correspond with Tatum’s (1993) conclusion that developing a
sense of racial identity allows individuals to seize
opportunities to create new and personally defined
identities in their own terms. Perhaps scholastics and
athletics represent two arenas upon which these girls are
focusing. Although these analyses did not control for
differences by racial group, reports from the co-
facilitators suggest that the girls, regardless of
racial/ethnic background, responded to the concepts applied
during the intervention.

The hypotheses regarding the intervention were also

partially supported by the data. As expected, scores for

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girls who participated in the intervention decreased on
Primacy of other care, whereas scores for girls who did not
participate in the program increased on this scale.
However, as alluded to above, this finding must be
interpreted with caution in that analyses revealed that the
scale was not internally consistent at Time 2 (post-test).
The present findings diverged from theory proposing that
changes in the girls’ scores for Self and other care would
differ between the control and the intervention groups
following the intervention. Scores for both groups tended
to decrease over time, although this was not a statistically
significant change. It is possible that the intervention
was not vigorous enough to promote a positive change in
girls’ scores for identity focused on caring for the needs
of both self and others. Alternatively, the measurement
methodology may not have been sensitive to the changes that
were reported by the group co—facilitators, but not
presented in these results, and that were revealed as trends
in the behavioral observation data.

Positive changes were noted on the other self-report
measures, however. Regarding self-competence, consistent
with the hypothesis, social self—competence scores for girls
in the intervention group increased, whereas scores for
girls in the control group decreased in this domain.
Notably, girls who attended at least eight sessions, the

modal number of sessions for the intervention, tended to

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have the highest scores for social self-competence at Time 2
(post-test). However, changes over time on scores for
global self-competence between the control and intervention
groups were not significantly different, nor were changes on
the other self-competence scales.

The fact that significant changes were found for the
social self-competence scale rather than the other scales of
self-competence is most critical. In accord with the self-
in-relation theory, the intervention specifically addressed
cognitive and affective components of girls' sense of self
within relationships. It was proposed that social self-
competence represents a proximal arena for girls’ developing
sense of self—worth during early adolescence. Hence, an
intervention designed to alter typical means of interacting
in relationships should coincide with changes in social
self-competence, as opposed to changes in other measures of
self-competence, such as scholastic, athletic, behavioral,
or appearance.

The lack of significant findings for the more global
measure of self-competence is not necessarily problematic.
As alluded to above, recent theory and research
conceptualize self-competence as a multidimensional rather
than a unidimensional construct (e.g., Harter, 1978).

Baskin & Hess (1980) point out that self-esteem is better
framed as an ongoing assessment of social exchange with

others, rather than a trait to be measured as an

121

internalized pattern of autonomous behavior, and in this
respect the assessment of social self-competence seems more
appropriate. Further, the intervention, in addition to
building social competence skills, also focused on
developing domain-specific competencies that may not have
been captured by the more global measure of self-competence.

Regarding the measures of psychological distress, the
analyses revealed just a few significant differences between
the control and intervention groups. Specifically, in a set
of analyses that accounted for sociodemographic variables, a
significant finding emerged for physiological anxiety.
First, it should be mentioned that for the sample as a
whole, at Time 1 (pre-test) scores on physiological anxiety
were negatively associated with age; that is, older girls
reported lower scores on this scale. Now, comparing scores
between the control and intervention group over time, we see
that within the control group, younger girls’ scores for
physiological anxiety increased from Time 1 (pre-test) to
Time 2 (post-test), whereas older girls' scores decreased
over time. In contrast, in the intervention group, the
younger girls’ scores for physiological anxiety decreased
over time, and the older girls’ scores increased over time.
It is feasible that decreases in physiological anxiety may
correspond with a developmental process of distancing
oneself from feelings of distress regarding changes in the

nature of interpersonal relationships. For the sample as a

122
whole, the older girls may deny feeling ill at ease in their
relationships. In comparing the control and intervention
groups over time, it may be that the younger girls in the
control group are still conscious of times when they relate
in a manner that feels superficial, which causes them
distress. In contrast, and consistent for the sample as a
whole, the older girls in the control group may be more
inclined to deny these feelings. Opposite findings for the
intervention group may indicate that the intervention was
more effective for the younger girls, in that their feelings
of anxiety tended to decrease over time. In contrast, it is
possible that the intervention raised anxiety levels for the
older girls. It may have induced a "crisis," or at least
instigated a process of more active exploration among the
girls, and thus at post-test, their elevated scores may
reflect their struggles to find ways of generalizing the
skills that they learned in the program to their outside
relationships.

Along these lines, qualitative reports from the co-
facilitators and research assistants indicate that the
greatest impact of the program was that they did witness the
girls begin to interact in a more connected as well as
confident manner. Clearly, some groups were more cohesive
and/or assertive than others, and it was the research
assistants’ and the supervisors’ opinion that the most

"successful" groups were those that were able to balance the

123
two domains of support and confrontation. For example,
certain groups were better able to communicate empathically.
The co-facilitators were able to model that the goal was not
to "solve" the girls’ problems, but rather provide a useful
tool to help raise self-awareness, and foster more intimate
communication. In this way, the girls began to help each
other explore the issues and solve their problems on their
own. Certain groups were better equipped (perhaps based on
the experience level of the co-facilitators) to handle
confrontation. Although it may have been uncomfortable for
the group members, once the conflict was resolved, we often
observed positive changes in the group process that led to a
more successful group. The co-facilitators encouraged the
girls to speak assertively and confront one another within
the context of connection. The Group Awareness session
proved to be an appropriate time to address some of these
issues. Finally, those groups that were mindful of the fact
that the co-facilitators are facilitators, rather than
leaders, worked very well. These women did not lead the
group in terms of lecturing per se, nor did they place
themselves on the same "level" as the girls. They were able
to walk the fine line between these two functions in their
roles. They were cognizant that the emphasis of the program
is to help the girls begin to help each other, and as a

result, to solve difficulties on their own.

124

Some co-facilitators experienced difficulty with one of
more of the following skills, which in turn, impacted the
group: self-disclosure (appropriately sharing personal
feelings and experiences in order to contribute to group
growth), feedback (being receptive to feedback from the
girls), cooperation (co-facilitators working together to
enhance group growth rather than operating in a competitive
manner with each other), creating an atmosphere of trust
(conveying a caring and respectful attitude toward the girls
in the group), self-control (maintaining control of their
own feelings so as to be competent observers of what is
going on in the group), teaching skills (comprehending the
concepts clearly so that they can be communicated to the
group), and time limits (planning ahead so that the time
available is used to the benefit of the group).

One particular difficulty was noted when two or more
group members formed an alliance or team within the larger
group. The effect of this type of pairing is that the
subgroup withheld information from the other girls, and
group members did not feel trusted. In order to reverse
such tendencies, the co-facilitators needed to use the
opportunity to have group members disclose their feelings
and assert what they would like to see happen differently.
All members (even the two or three that formed the subgroup)
can relate to feeling left out. In this way, the issue is

brought to the group level and members will not feel

125
scapegoated. The co-facilitators can also alter an alliance
by having one of the individuals support an uninvolved group
member. Or, they can change the seating arrangements and/or
all of the partner pairings for subsequent activities.

Similarly, in one group, a particular individual seemed
to approach the group with an "attitude" (i.e.,
rebelliousness, non-cooperation, pessimism), and the co-
facilitators had difficulty intervening in a productive
manner. They should have attempted to bring the
individual’s difficulties to the group level so that all of
the girls could participate in the discussion. For example,
they might say, "It seems like people are feeling angry
today." The group members and co-facilitators should work
collaboratively and use the conflicts as opportunities to
disclose feelings and communicate assertively. Then, the
co-facilitators can empower the girls to problem-solve
together.

Finally, there were cases in which group members tended
to respond in an overly socially desirable manner, in other
words, the girls acted in a way they felt the group co-
facilitators would approve. This is a very important issue
because it exemplifies the main objective of the curriculum,
that is, to help the girls speak in a manner that is
consistent with their own feelings. One useful technique to
counter this trend is to have the co-facilitators argue with

each other (one co—facilitator may even play devil’s

126
advocate), and then subsequently resolve the conflict. In
this way, the girls will learn that conflict is welcome and
will be tolerated. In the future, I suggest that greater
time be allotted during the training period to attend to
these issues.

There is a question as to whether the intervention is
appropriate for all girls, or alternatively, whether it
should be focused on certain subgroups, whether they be
chosen by age, grade, race, socioeconomic status, cognitive
level, etc. Reports from the co—facilitators point to the
appropriateness of the intervention for all subgroups
studied. However, several researchers suggest that Marcia’s
(1980) identity status paradigm should be used to locate the
group most vulnerable and most likely to profit from
intervention. One group of researchers suggests that the
greatest frequencies of problem behaviors occur among
diffuse adolescents (e.g., Berzonsky, 1988; Christopherson,
Jones, & Sales, 1988), and that resilient children are more
likely to be psychosocially healthy children, i.e., achieved
or moratorium identity statuses (Werner, 1986). They
suggest that programs that are designed to promote problem-
solving, decision-making, and coping strategies will most
benefit diffuse adolescents, because these strategies will
provide them with competencies that are conducive to a
healthy psychosocial moratorium. In contrast, Jones (1994)

suggests that this approach may also benefit moratorium

127
adolescents by providing a structured experience in which
they may define their skills, resolve issues, and solidify
commitments. It may also help achieved adolescents because
they will further develop their cognitive strategies, which
in turn may reinforce and strengthen the commitments that
they previously made. Finally, Jones posits that foreclosed
adolescents can also benefit from the intervention in a
similar manner to diffuse adolescents. Jones’ comments
capture the position advanced by Rotheram—Borus & Wyche
(1994), who note that many prevention programs typically
focus on eliminating negative or problem behaviors, rather
than on enhancing coping strategies and personal
development.

Marcia’s (1980) question as to whether all individuals
can be classified in this way is particularly relevant.
Research has not adequately assessed whether all individuals
embrace Erikson’s stages of identity and intimacy in the
same way, that is, in a sequential fashion. For example,
Dyk & Adams (1990) assessed identity and intimacy at two
occasions over a five-week period, and computed a cross-lag
panel analysis to evaluate the relationship between identity
and intimacy over time. Because their study was relatively
short-term, and was conducted only with college students, it
is not surprising that their model proposing that intimacy
precedes or covaries with identity was not upheld. Results

from the present study (e.g., associations between

128
"relationship" measures and indices of individual well—being
and distress) suggest that for early adolescent girls, the
processes of identity and relational development are
intertwined. These findings, taken together, lend empirical
support to the self-in-relation model. Further, although
the data are cross-sectional, several significant
relationships with either grade or age suggest that the
girls in this sample are at a critical period in their
development as connected and autonomous beings. And, the
findings have important implications regarding the optimal
time for intervention. The early adolescent years may be
the best time for implementing interventions designed to
foster a sense of self-regard within relationships because
girls’ sense of self-in-relation identity is very much in
flux. Hence, Rotheram-Borus & Wyche’s (1994) discussion of

the importance of "identity interventions" for adolescents

 

must be expanded to encompass both identity and relational
components. In this respect then, assessment of identity
status must be accompanied by sensitive measures that
evaluate self-in-relation status as well.

As contextually valid longitudinal studies continue to
be undertaken, we may be better able to describe the
relational components of the identity statuses. Adams &
Archer (1994) distinguish between "active" (moratorium,
achieved) and "passive" (foreclosure, diffusion) identity

statuses, and posit that active identity status incorporates

129
both the self as a unique individual, but also "grounded in
a sense of union or communion with others." However, their
description of the intersection of self and other regarding
passive identity is limited. They do not account for the
processes underlying the passive identity status. Future
studies may shed light on whether the developmentally
predictable process of Primacy of other care may underlie
the passive identity status.

Further, as these relational processes are elucidated,
perhaps the seemingly negative changes over time for girls
will cease to be accepted as normal and appropriate in our
society. Presently, because little response is generated
from parents, teachers, coaches, etc., girls may develop
ways of coping that may be functional in the short run, but
harmful over time. For example, in the present study, level
of distress was negatively associated with grade in this
sample of girls. It may be that as girls get older they
begin to distance themselves from feeling anxious or
distressed over the disheartening changes in relationships
that have occurred. As Brown & Gilligan (1992) stated,
"...girls risk losing touch with the specific-- with their
bodies, with their feelings, with their relationship, with
their experience." (p. 215)

In sum, the present study provided information

regarding how early adolescent girls integrate their need to

develop a healthy sense of identity with their need for

 

130

genuine connections. The study elucidated both the nature
of this phenomenon and the impact of a structured curriculum
designed to promote the development of a competent sense of
self in relationship. In this way, the working model of the
self-in-relation theory was able to reconcile the findings
for both the descriptive and the evaluative aspects of the
study.

The present work studied a psychological phenomenon by
attempting to change it, and as such used a developmental
contextual perspective, that is, an approach that integrates
policy, intervention, and research (Lerner, 1993). By
changing a policy affecting adolescents (in this case,
developing a gender-specific program at the Boys & Girls
Club), the study simultaneously evaluated the effectiveness
of an intervention, and examined how development happens in
the "real world." Thus, the distinction between "basic" and
"applied" research was fused. Further, in accord with the
contextualist approach, assessment for the study included
interviews and behavioral observations, as well as
questionnaire measures. Finally, the present study
addressed an area not often covered in research, that is, a
positive developmental context for girls from minority
families with lower incomes.

Several limitations of the present study suggest
avenues for future research and outreach activities. As an

exploratory study, the present project may be critiqued and

131
enhanced in many ways. For one, the small sample size may
have limited the power of the analyses, and as a result,
suppressed other important findings that did not reach
statistical significance. The sample size also imposes
limitations as to the degree to which we may generalize from
the present findings to other populations. In particular, a
larger sample size would have allowed for interpretation of
the findings regarding sociodemographic variables, such as
race and family income. Secondly, although the intervention
aspect of the study implies a longitudinal design, the time
period between the pre- and post-tests was relatively short
(i.e., 15 weeks), and as such, the longer term effects of
the intervention were not evaluated. Preliminary analyses
of reports from ten girls who were assessed at six months
following the intervention reveal that the effects were
maintained over longer periods of time. In particular, with
respect to self-in-relation identity, scores for Connected
self increased across the three time periods and scores for
Primacy of other care decreased across the three time
periods. Further, regarding perceived self-competence,
scores for social self-competence and athletic self-
competence increased from immediately post—intervention to
the six month follow-up. Interestingly, for these ten
girls, scores for appearance self-competence increased from
pre- to post-intervention, but decreased at the six month

follow-up. Finally, regarding psychological distress,

132
scores for concentration anxiety decreased in both the
"short" and "long" runs. Hence, replication of this study
should seek to increase the number of participants, as well
as incorporate a longer period of follow-up assessments
(e.g., at six months, at one year post—intervention). This
may yield valuable information, because although this
intervention focuses on improving self-in-relation identity
among peers, there may be important implications for self-
in-relation identity within intimate relationships.
Notably, the classification system for describing sense of
self in intimate relationships proposed by Archer, et al.
(1989, cited in Adams & Archer, 1994) is remarkably similar

to the work of Gilligan (1982) and Brion-Meisels & Selman

(1984). Archer and colleagues define three categories: (1)
"casual," which describes isolated individuals, who are
relatively immature, and tend to "play the field," (2)

"traditional," which includes persons who seek, want, or are
participating in relationships where commitments are desired
and expected, but their relationships are characterized by
conformity to gender stereotypes and external expectations,
as opposed to internal or self-regulated mechanisms, and (3)
"intimate," comprised of individuals who are seeking or
maintaining a romantic relationship represented by
mutuality, interdependence, acceptance of others for who
they are as individuals, openness, and self-disclosure.

These categories are similar to the (1) Self care from

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need/For the self, (2) Primacy of other
care/Responsibility/Giving up the self, and (3) Self and
other care/Truth/Reciprocity classifications, respectively.

Future studies might also implement assessments during
the course of the intervention, in order to better track
development. Such a design will allow for a more informed
understanding of the direction of effects that correlational
analyses do not provide. In terms of the interface between
research and outreach, the present project could also
benefit from refinement of assessment procedures. It is
possible that some of the measures may not have been
specific enough to assess important changes resulting from
the intervention. Improved assessment techniques would also
help identify characteristics of girls who might be most
likely to benefit from such an intervention. For example,
Gaffney & McFall’s (1981) behavioral role-playing inventory
that measures competence in social situations might be
adapted for use with the current intervention. Gaffney &
McFall’s analysis revealed that delinquent behavior in
adolescent girls was related to deficits in social skills.
The current project might incorporate role plays in addition
to the narrative methodology.

In terms of the intervention itself, greater emphasis
should be directed to fostering racial/ethnic identity,
which is an important component of self-in-relation

identity. The present intervention sought to incorporate

134

issues of ethnic diversity via discussions, activities,
modeling of ethnically diverse co-facilitators, and the
general structure of the program itself. However, in the
future, greater emphasis on ethnic identity can only
strengthen the program. This process may also foster
interaction within families and across generations (Dreyer,
1994) and thereby increase involvement of parents. Although
early adolescents are clearly beginning to move away from
their families and toward their peers, family support during
this transition has been found to be associated with the
most positive outcomes for youth (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986).
However, the fact that many tasks that were traditionally
served by the family are now commonly served by the
classroom, including values clarification, social skills
training, sex education, etc. cannot be ignored (Jones,
1994). Curricular programs may be an effective and
efficient means of intervening, even though the individuals
in a given classroom may differ in the ages at which they
are prepared to respond, because of their unique
developmental timetables. That is, even if the experience
is presented before there is receptivity to the themes
conveyed, the messages may be recalled later when identity
and intimacy issues have gained salience for the individual
(Waterman, 1994).

Finally, beyond the domain of interpersonal

relationships, it would also be interesting to assess the

135
impact of new ways of relating within other systems, such as
neighborhood, community, and society in general. Follow-up
studies to better understand the motivations for the group
of girls Brown & Gilligan (1992) call the "resisters" may
shed light on these issues. These resisting girls
demonstrate the courage to be true to their selves in
relationships, which is really extraordinary, because their
healthy resistance challenges the existing order of
relationships. I propose that future work ought to examine

these girls’ sense of political efficacy as well.

APPENDICES

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Appendix A:
Program Manual
Transition to Adolescence Program:

A Program to Empower Early Adolescent Females

13 week version prepared for the Lansing Boys & Girls Club

Prepared by Michele Poorman & Arlene Saitzyk

October, 1992

137
DAY 1: Introduction
MATERIALS: Question box; "Continuum" statements

PURPOSE: Encourage the expression of differences and
emphasize the ability to learn from others. Help
participants think about what characteristics in a female
are important and how different characteristics can be
admirable. Have participants introduce themselves and give
them the opportunity to ask questions about the group.
Obtain initial overview of participants’ opinions and
feelings about the topics to be discussed throughout the F
program.

PROCEDURE:

A. With group members seated in a circle, ask "What female
do you admire the most?" (real or fictional)

1. Facilitators can give the first examples

2. Go around circle- having girls share

3. What does it mean to admire someone?

4. Repeat A-C asking this time "What female do you

least admire?

5. Facilitators summarize differences, e.g.,
-responses demonstrate that different traits are
important to each of us; different traits can be
considered admirable

6. Point out similarities within the group, e.g.,

-we are all females

-all of the girls going through changes, although
certain points more stressful than others
-everyone can learn from the experiences of others

 

If.

B. Additional introductions: go over
members’/facilitators’ names and some relevant information
about them (e.g., what school they go to, what grade they’re
in, etc.)

C. Question time

1. Tell the members more about the group
-introduce variety of topics, activities (e.g.,
creating videos, journals for them to keep)

2. Introduce "Question box"
-a box where members can put questions that they
might not feel comfortable sharing in group, or
which facilitators can use in order to address
issues that might be overlooked. Facilitators
will reserve time at the end of each session to
look through questions and answer as a group.

138

3. Give participants opportunity to ask any other
questions about the group (e.g., regarding assessment,
format, topics, etc.) or about each other (facilitators
should begin to encourage members to pose questions to
each other).

D. Continuum Activity
1. Describe activity-

—Facilitators will read statements one at a time.
Each participant should decide how they feel about
that issue, and then go to a section of the room
representing their opinion. Note: room is
divided into the following sections-- agree;
somewhat agree; somewhat disagree; disagree.

2. Facilitators should read first few statements
without discussion. Then, have members come together
at a central location to discuss their responses.
Finally, have members discuss their responses from
their positions in the various sections of the room.
Can also have members sit down in their positions and
discuss their responses. Encourage group members to
ask each other questions about their responses.

3. Discuss how members felt to be by themselves, with
one other person, and/or with the majority.

4. Summarize—

-everyone has a different set of beliefs

-no one member always had the same responses

-sometimes it is difficult to be different

-this is a place to feel comfortable expressing
opinions

-it is not a place to make everyone the same

-we encourage individuality

-we want to learn from everyone’s different
perspectives

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Statements

1. It is okay to take food from a store without paying.
2. You should tell on someone if you saw them cheating.
3. Kids should be able to quit school.

4. It is okay to lie to parents.

5. Brothers and sisters should get along well.

6. Everyone has something they want to change about their
body.

7. Everyone should be in a romantic relationship.

8. Women can do everything that men can do.

9. You should go with your friends even if you don’t want
to.

10. Men should stay home and take care of the kids.

11. Women should stay home and take care of the kids.

12. There should be no drinking age.

13. It is okay to smoke even though it is against the law.
14. Everyone could get good grades if they tried hard
enough.

15. It’s important to get to know people that are different.
16. It’s better to have a lot of friends than one best
friend.

17. Religion is an important part of my life.

18. I feel good about being a member of my ethnic group.

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DAY 2: Feelings

MATERIALS: Music on cassette tapes; Slips of paper with a
different feeling written on each one (taken from Feeling
Vocabulary list), journals, pens

PURPOSE: Help members become more aware of their different
emotions. Help them get to know each other on a more
emotional level. Help members understand that people can
experience two different and sometimes conflicting feelings
at one time. Introduce idea of desire to be both connected
and autonomous from parents as an example of conflicting
feelings. Introduce idea of keeping a journal as a method
for better understanding one’s feelings.

PROCEDURE:

A. Discuss how music can sometimes put people in different
moods or foster a variety of feelings. Talk about how one
might choose to listen to a particular type of music when
they are feeling a specific way. Let group give examples.
Facilitators should then play several songs on cassette
tapes (e.g., heavy metal, classical, musicals, new age,
instrumental). Have the participants close their eyes while
listening. Then have group discuss how each type of music
makes them feel.

HOMEWORK: Have each member bring in a piece of music that
makes her feel a particular way (e.g., favorite song, remind
her of some special time, the song most hated).

B. Talk about how feelings are more complicated then the
mad, sad and glad that everyone knew as a child. Discuss
the subtle differences between similar words (e.g.,
jealousy/envy, shame/guilt, love/like).

C. Charade-like activity: Have members sit in a circle.
Have each draw a slip of paper with a feeling word written
on it. One at a time each participant should express the
feeling on her face and with her body. The person to her
right should first mimic the expression and then attempt to
guess the feeling being expressed. The person who guesses
now acts out her word and the person to her right guesses.
This should continue until everyone in the circle has played
both roles.

D. Conflicting feeling activity: Each member should now
draw two slips of paper with feeling words written on them.

Have them define their words and say "I feel when ..."
for each word (i.e., have them fill in their words in the
blank). Next, have them talk about a situation in which

they experienced (or others might experience) both of these
emotions simultaneously. Let others add their own

141

experiences (e.g., scary and exciting to be an early
adolescent female going through changes). Introduce idea
that females at this age want to be both connected and
autonomous from their parents and talk about the conflicting
feelings in this particular situation.

F. Introduce idea of keeping a journal. Give out journals
and tell group that these books are their’s to keep, i.e.,
private. At this time, have them write about the scariest
feeling to them. If any would like to share what they have
written, leave time at the end of the session to do this.

If no one wants to share what they have written, acknowledge
the fact that it’s difficult to share something when you are
unprepared to do so. Encourage members to write in their
journals to help them explore their feelings (positive and
negative) and generate ways of coping with these feelings.

142
DAY 3: Feelings (continued)
MATERIAL: pens, feeling words on slips of paper

PURPOSE: Talk more in depth about feelings, with a focus on
negative feelings. Discuss consequences of and means of
coping with negative feelings.

PROCEDURE:

A. Begin session by allowing each member to share the music
that she brought to the meeting and the feelings she
experiences when she listens to this music. Encourage group
to give their reactions. When does each choose to listen to
a specific types of music? Facilitators should reflect back
to group as to whether members tended only to share music
that they felt positively about, or whether there was a mix
of positive and negative feelings. Discuss how it is often
difficult to talk about (negative) feelings.

B. Go through box with slips of paper with feelings written
on them and discuss which feelings could be considered
negative (e.g., anger, loneliness, fear, misunderstood,
etc.). Discuss how people show negative feelings with their
face, voice, body, etc. Find out how each member lets
others (their friends, family, teacher) know their negative
feelings.

C. Effective and ineffective coping: Focus on specific
consequences of negative feelings by asking: When you feel
, what do you do? What do different people do? Have
group generate list of effective and ineffective actions.
Emphasize that it is not the feeling that is bad, but that
the way it is expressed might be. That is, emphasize the
difference between feelings and actions, especially with
respect to negative feelings and actions. Repeat: no
feelings are wrong, but that certain actions may be.

Notes: some adaptive coping responses for negative feelings
are:
a. "I" messages-- "I feel when ... (give specific

 

situation, e.g., I feel angry when you hit me on the head
with your fist).

b. fear: Take Back the Night women’s march; self-defense
workshops

c. anger: count to 10, exercise, punch a pillow,
relaxation/imagery (picture what you would like to do or
say), write a letter, talk to the person or someone else
about what is making you angry.

d. sadness: find a safe, private place; talk to a friend
or adult that you like and trust; listen to some music; cry.
e. loneliness: call someone, write your feelings in

journal, write a friend

143

D. Have members evaluate the list of actions and decide
which are effective coping mechanisms (i.e., which ones do
not lead to negative actions).

E. Role play: Have each participant pick the feeling they
think is the most negative. Each should then choose an
effective and an ineffective coping method. Have teams of
two act out situations in which one experiences the negative
feeling and how they would handle each situation. Allow
them to generate the specifics of the "script." Find out if
members who were acting out the scene felt better or worse
as a result of their actions.

HOMEWORK: Next week ask if members used one of the
techniques for effective coping.

144
DAY 4: Group Awareness
MATERIALS: large paper, pen

PURPOSE: Increase self-awareness and understand one’s part
in the larger group. Help participants understand the
importance of agreed upon bi-laws to a group. Encourage
members to take an active role in producing the format of
the sessions. Increase group connection.

PROCEDURE:
A. Talk about what it means to be in a group.

B. Discuss reasons why all groups have rules/bi-laws (e.g.
government)

C. Have girls discuss and decide on groups’ rules, e.g.,
areas to focus on:
-attendance, procedure when absent, interrupting,
getting off topic, going first, "playtime," how to show
listening, taking turns, leaders
—Emphasize that rules can be changed. Make a list of
all the rules decided on and hand a list to the members
at the next meeting to approve them.

D. Name this group.

E. If you want, can give out telephone numbers as a sign of
connection and commitment. Encourage members to share their
own numbers with group members. Talk about the ability to
count on group members and facilitators and when appropriate
to call (e.g., when members might be considering doing
something they think they will regret, when they are in
danger either to themselves or to someone else, when they
have no one else to talk with). Give RAPline number and
explain that it is a 24 hour hotline.

F. Plan a field trip for a future date or do something
together now (go to kitchen to cook/bake, gameroom, create a
group banner, decorate T—shirts, etc.)

145
DAY 5: Friendship
MATERIALS: "microphone", blindfolds, large paper

PURPOSE: Help members see how being a good friend to
themselves and to others are associated and are both
essential (i.e., emphasize the importance of autonomy and
connection). Help them appreciate how their actions affect
others. Develop empathy skills.

PROCEDURE:

A. Trust walk: Divide the participants into pairs. One of
the partners is blindfolded and the other partner takes the
"blind" one’s hand and leads her on a walk around the room
or around club. After a trip or two around, the partners
switch. Discuss how it felt not being able to see (scary,
exciting, etc.). What is it like to feel dependent and
helpless at times? Is it hard to trust other people? Is
there an element of trust in every friendship?

B. Discuss how being a friend to yourself and to others are
related. Why is it important to be a friend to yourself?
What qualities in yourself are important in order to be a
good friend to yourself? What does it take to be friends
with others? How are the qualities similar? Can you have
one type of friendship without the other? Help members
question and answer each other. List their ideas about
important qualities in a friend on large paper.

C. Ask how childhood friendships differ from current
friendships. For example, childhood examples of a good
friend: being fun and nice (sharing and helping), not
aggressive or insulting to friend. Adolescent examples:
initiate conversations and relationships outside of the
classroom, disclose personal information, provide emotional
support, express opinions and dissatisfactions honestly,
effectively manage conflicts.

D. Who are your friends? Can friends be parents, boys,
girls, siblings, kids in school, facilitators? Discuss how
friendships fill different needs.

E. Sell a friend: Pair members off and ask them to talk to
each other (interview each other) and find out why/how each
one would make a great friend to somebody. This should
address what they want in a friend (can refer to list).
After the interview one partner should "sell the other
person", like a used car saleswoman. Use the microphone.
When everyone has been "sold" discuss the qualities that
make a good friend.

146

Possible questions for interview:

How do you like to spend your time? Do you like sports?
What kind? Why would you make a good friend? Are you
loyal? What would you do if a friend of yours was in
trouble?

F. Discuss what it would be like to bring a new
friend/outsider to one session. Who would you bring? Why?
Talk about how the group has become friends.

G. Write in your journal about a special friend and why you
trust them.

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DAY 6: Peer Pressure

MATERIALS: large paper, markers, Drug and Alcohol Use
questionnaires

PURPOSE: Understand the difference between peer pressure
and peer support/friendship. Address peer pressure in
general and in specific areas of smoking, alcohol, drugs,
social image factors, and dating. Develop a better sense of
self so as not to succumb to peer pressure.

PROCEDURE:

A. Have members complete Drug and Alcohol Use
questionnaires

B. Brainstorm a list of lies/lines people use to pressure
others into doing something they may not want to do (e.g.,
nothing matters except for right now, if you want to keep
seeing me, you’ll have to do what I want, you’re the only
one who loves me and understands me-- my parents sure
don't, just listen to the music and relax, there’s nothing
to it, everybody's doing it, don’t you want to try it to see
what it’s like? you’ll never get caught, what are you
afraid of? are you a chicken?).

C. The group members should be seated in a circle and
should close their eyes and imagine a time when they felt
pressured to do something that they didn't want to or
weren’t sure that they wanted to do. After thinking
individually for a short while, one at a time, group members
should share their experiences with the others. At this
time, group members should keep their eyes closed and
imagine themselves in that particular situation. They
should talk about how they felt in this situation (this
takes some of the "pressure" off of the confider; the
confider also does not need to tell what they actually did
at the end).

D. Talk about mnemonic F.L.A.P. as a means to understand
why people do the things that they do. This is a useful way
of understanding both positive and negative actions:

Fame Love Adventure Power

Go through scenarios that group members shared in first
activity. See if participants can identify which category
these fit into.

148

Discuss what factors, in addition to peer pressure, can lead
to drug use. Make a list of negative feelings that may lead
to drug use (e.g., boredom, loneliness, stress, anger, or
frustration). Discuss healthy ways to cope with these
feelings (draw upon prior session on feelings).

E. Discuss gangs. What do you know about gangs? Are there
any at your school? How is a clique different from a group
or gang? What are some of the reasons that people form
cliques? Use F.L.A.P. to guide the discussion.

G. Introduce idea of creating a Public Service Announcement
specially targeted to early adolescent females. Make
initial plans for P.S.A. which will be filmed during next
session.

H. HOMEWORK: Pay attention to media ads, cartoons, or
comic strips about the use of alcohol, tobacco, or other
drugs from the newspaper, magazines, TV or radio. This may
be helpful for P.S.A to be filmed next week.

149
DAY 7: Peer Pressure (continued)
MATERIALS: video camera, VCR playback set-up

PURPOSE: Increase understanding of subtle forces of peer
pressure by creating Public Service Announcement.

PROCEDURE:

A. Talk about their homework on drugs/alcohol & media.
Discuss the effect of media. How can misleading messages
affect uninformed viewers? Why are some drugs legal?
Where should the line be drawn? Think about how effect on
females might differ from effect on males.

B. Discuss message group members want to create. What do
you think females your age need to hear? How is that
different from the messages discussed earlier?

C. Tape Public Service Announcement. Try to incorporate
F.L.A.P. framework. Watch the P.S.A. Ask members if they’d
like to have anyone else see their creation, e.g., they
might want to hold an "opening" for the Club.

150
DAY 8: Family Relations
MATERIALS: crayons, drawing paper, pens

PURPOSE: Help members better understand the complexity of
family relationships. Have them get a sense of personal
power-- how they would like their relationships to be with
their parents.

PROCEDURE:

A. Have participants draw pictures of themselves with their
families. In each picture, the family should be doing
something together. Have each member identify each person
and tell why they chose that particular activity.

B. Discuss variety of families (divorced vs. two parent),
many siblings vs. only child, stepfamilies, extended
families.

C. Discussion questions for group: What do you like best
and what annoys you most about your mother? father? How are
you and your mother/father most alike? most different? How
"close" are you with your mother? father? What would you
like to change about your relationship with your mother?
father? How do you feel about parent(s) working? Discuss
whether conflict between participants and parents have
increased and why. Address changing relationships (not
necessarily a "moving away"), and how parents still play an
important role. Discuss discipline practices and curfews.

D. Discuss siblings and birth order. What would the
members like to change about their relationships with their
siblings? What are the expectations according to the birth
order. Evaluate whether these expectations place pressure
on them to behave in a particular manner. Talk about
similarities and differences in experiences.

E. Group members, with the assistance of facilitators,
should create a survey/questionnaire to administer to
parents (especially mothers or other female figures) dealing
with questions about family members’ transition to
adolescence.

F. Homework: Group members should interview their
parent(s) and should be encouraged to bring in their
interviews to the next session for group discussion.
However, members may choose to keep this information to
themselves. Tell them to talk with the interviewee to
decide. Encourage members to bring in a photograph of their
family to show everyone next week.

151
DAY 9: Family Relations (continued)
MATERIALS: paper, pens

PURPOSE: Share what was learned about mothers, aunts,
grandmothers, etc. and how this might relate to their own
development.

PROCEDURE:

A. Have participants pass around the pictures of their
families and talk about what it is like to share about
families. Has their perception about peoples’ families
changed now that they can see what the people look like?

B. Discuss interview. How did it feel to do the interview?
Did interviewer and interviewee feel comfortable? Was it
easier than you thought? Did you feel like they were open
and honest? What things did you find most surprising? What
answer did they give that was "typical" of parents? What
things did you find out that you did not like? that you
liked?

C. Point out one thing many families do together at some
time is eat together. Have each participant pick others in
the group to make up her family and role play a typical meal
at their home. The participants should instruct the others
about how to act as "mom," "dad," "siblings," etc.

1. Meals can also be a form of family celebration.
Discuss diverse family celebrations. Emphasize what
makes each family special.

D. Discuss religion, ethnicity. Talk about members’ right
to choose their religion and what it means to them. Discuss
the male and female images of God. Discuss reasons people
attend church/synagogue, etc. Use F.L.A.P. framework.

152
DAY 10: Body Image and Stereotypes

MATERIALS: mirror, huge paper, crayons, magazines, poster
paper, glue

PURPOSE: Help members appreciate their unique bodies
(emphasize the wonderfulness of difference). Appreciate how
our eating patterns and thoughts about our bodies are
influenced by society. Discuss how stereotypes affect self-
concept.

PROCEDURE:

A. Mirror exercise: have participants look in mirror and
answer the following question about themselves: What do you
like best about what you see in the mirror? What doesn’t

the mirror know about you? (e.g., favorite color, what you
do when you get angry, dreams, goals what your daily life
is like). What is the best thing the mirror doesn’t

capture? If members have a difficult time answering these
questions, ask other members help.

B. Body drawings: Have participants trace each other on
large paper. When outlines are complete, "fill in" their

body any way they want. (i.e., with descriptive words,
clothes, activities drawn or taken from magazine). Have
them write "I am..." near different parts of body (e.g.,

tennis player near hands, good student near head, caring
person near heart).

As members are "decorating" their bodies discuss the
following:

1. Have members identify parts of their bodies they like
and dislike. Discuss how everyone’s body is different.
Discuss the idea of part and whole. Talk about how identity
does not need to be equivalent to one part of your body
(e.g., a small chest).

2. Discuss anorexia and bulimia as disorders related to
distortions in body image. Talk about how fashionable
styles and looks weren't always easy to achieve or healthy.
Discuss women's styles that have been unhealthy (e.g., high
heels, tight jeans, corsets, binding feet).

3. Discuss how personal inadequacies are often linked to
bodies. How does the media (here, look more closely at the
magazines available) play into developing a negative sense
of self? What about commercials on TV?

153

C. Discussion of stereotypes: Ask group what their
understanding of stereotypes are: gender, racial, age, etc.
Provide the following general definition: A stereotype is
the belief that all people that belong to a certain group
(e.g., gender, race) are the same. They think, act, and
look the same and share the same beliefs. People tend to
think in categories because it is easy to do; however, it is
also an unfair way of looking at people and at the world
because stereotypes do not allow for the individuality of
people. As an example, discuss the existence of both
feminine and masculine characteristics of a woman. Discuss
how both sides can be incorporated into one self. Discuss
whether members believe feminine traits are less socially
desirable (e.g., is it okay to be a tomboy but bad to be a
sissy?)

D. What are some of the positive images of women vs.
stereotypical images?

HOMEWORK: have group members watch TV and note the positive
and negative images for use in creating an ad for
teen/women’s products (next session).

154
DAY 11: Body image and Stereotypes (continued)

PURPOSE: Create a positive and negative advertisement so
that participants can experience the effect of media
pressure to fit stereotypes.

MATERIALS: videocamera, VCR playback set-up

PROCEDURE:

A. Talk about the TV shows they watched. What audiences
were the shows targeted toward? Did they notice subtle
media stereotypes (e.g., father drives, women in kitchen).
How do TV roles compare with real life situations? Do they
allow for showing both sides of being a woman? Discuss MTV
and the way women’s bodies are depicted. Are they portrayed
as "objects" or people? How often does the camera focus on
their faces versus their bodies? How often and how well are
ethnic minority women portrayed? Have members give
examples.

B. TV is not the only media. Discuss how the words that
are chosen by an author influence the reader’s understanding
of the subject. (e.g., Is "men" used to mean "people"? Is
"he" or "him" used when it could be either? Is the boss
always referred to as "he"? Are police "officers" described
as "policemen?"

C. Is the advertising directed at teens realistic? Make a
commercial: Have the members choose a product they want to
advertise and decide what they want to say. Use positive
images generated in previous session as a reference for
positive portrayals of women. Then, create a
"stereotypical" advertisement for contrast effect. Tape and
watch.

155
DAY 12: Body Changes

MATERIALS: "myth ditto," large paper, slips of paper, pens,
sparkling grape juice

PURPOSE: Develop ability to discuss typically "private"
matters openly and honestly. Help members continue to
support each other even though there may be differences.
Celebrate being a female.

PROCEDURE:

A. Icebreaker: Facilitators should write a list of words
related to puberty and sexuality on large paper (e.g.,
menstruation, vagina, penis, clitoris, orgasm, heterosexual,
homosexual, lesbian, erection, masturbation, condom, etc.)
Have members walk around the room, look each other in the
eye, and say these words. Which words were the most
difficult or most embarrassing to say? Discuss why it is
difficult to say these words. Discuss the difference
between these words and slang words. Discuss the negative
connotations and implications that slang has for females.
How is it different for males?

B. Discuss the changes experienced during puberty. Include
topics such as make-up, shaving, showering, acne, bras,
tampons versus pads. Talk briefly about males’ development.
Emphasize frankness when talking about sexuality and body
changes.

C. Facilitators should prepare a ditto on myths (e.g., "You
can’t get pregnant the first time." "You can never get
pregnant if you have sex during your period.") Discuss how
myths get started-- lack of or wrong information. Discuss
effective ways of finding out the facts. Can these things
be discussed with parents? Why or why not? Who else can
you talk with who will give you reliable information?

D. Discuss early and late development. Which is better?
Talk about the advantages and disadvantages of both.
Discuss how it might differ depending on the peer group.

E. Role-play: How would you like to tell your
parent(s)/guardian(s) about changes? Act out how they might
respond. Discuss how to go about getting the response they
want. Have members that have already gone through this give
their input.

 

156

F. Celebration-- Emphasize the celebration of puberty.
Have a party and bring in treats (sparkling grape juice,
etc.). Have members write down what they like best about

each member on slips of paper and give them to each other as
presents. Propose toasts to being a female. Allow
participants the opportunity to share tips with each other
on how to handle the changes and the new experiences. Allow
members to ask each other and facilitators questions.

157
DAY 13: Sexuality/Intimate Relationships
MATERIALS: Dear Abby samples
PURPOSE: Continue talking openly and honestly about
sexuality. Help members ask and answer questions. To

foster more questions by discussing link between friendship,
love and sexuality.

PROCEDURE:
A. Discussion of the 5 senses: sight, smell, taste, hear,
& touch (do touch last). Ask group members to close their
eyes and imagine:
1. What things they like to (insert 1 sense).
2. What things they don’t like to (insert
sense).

3. Regarding "touch":
a. How do you like your mother, father, brother,
friend, partner to touch you?
b. How do you like to touch yourself (e.g., your
hair, putting on lotion, masturbation, etc.)
o. How do you like to touch others?
d. How do you pp; want to be touched?
B. Read Dear Abby questions about sexuality that have been
prepared. The group should try to answer each letter by
telling what advice they would give and why.
Topics covered include:
Dating: Why, when, what do you do on a date, etc. What
characteristics do you want in a friend versus romantic
partner? Sexuality: When and why? Discuss how those
questions apply to all stages of intimate relationships
(i.e., from kissing and holding hands to sex). Discuss
whether sexuality is a necessary part of friendship and
how it might affect a relationship. Sex as giving and
taking and what that means at all stages on the
continuum. Also: pregnancy, STDs, contraception (and
religion), AIDS, masturbation, sexual orientation, etc.
C. Role-play: Have members act out how to say "no," how to

use a phrase that clearly means no (e.g., I’m not
interested, I’m not ready), or how to suggest an alternative
activity (e.g., let’s see what is on TV). Remind members

that they have the right to say no now, even though if
they’ve been sexually active with this partner or any other
partner previously. Discuss ending the conversation or
leaving the situation if firmly saying no has had no effect.
Role play asking partner to use protection.

D. Talk about how to be an advocate for other females their
age (e.g., making posters, passing out teen help cards,
being informed, clarifying myths).

E. Allow time to write in journals

.' '.- NJ

 

158

Appendix B

Informed Consent Agreement
Project Title: Transition to Adolescence Program

We, (mother)

 

(father), consent to permit

 

(daughter) to participate in
the Transition to Adolescence Program, a 15-week program for
early adolescent girls at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club,
conducted by Arlene Saitzyk, M.A.

 

1) I am aware that the group facilitators are advanced
undergraduate students in Psychology who are closely
supervised by two Master’s level graduate students in the
Clinical Psychology Department (Child and Family Area) at
MSU .

2) I understand that the project involves completing two
assessment sessions lasting approximately one hour each,
conducted at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club. The first will
occur at the beginning of the program, and the second will
take place 15 weeks later, at the end of the program. The
sessions will require the participants to complete
questionnaires about resources, stress, peer values,
drug/alcohol use, and family functioning. All
questionnaires will be used for research purposes. I
understand that all names and other identifying information
will be removed beforehand from records used for that
purpose and such records will be identified by code number
only.

3) I understand and agree that audio and videotapes will be
used for supervision purposes, and will then be destroyed.

4) I understand that the staff at MSU believes
confidentiality is very important in order to understand and
help people. However, in some circumstances, I understand
that the group facilitators will not be able to maintain
confidentiality. The one circumstance in which the group
facilitators will be unable to maintain confidentiality is
if, and only if, the law requires them to share what is told
with agents of the law, such as police or Protective
Services. In that case the group facilitators would tell
each of us why what was told must be shared with an outside
agency. Should this occur, the group facilitators will
encourage me to take the initiative and call for myself.

 

159

The group facilitators will also be my advocate and give me
as much support and assistance throughout this process as
possible, so that we can continue to work together in a
therapeutic manner.

5) I understand that my daughter will receive a reward of
two fieldtrips with the Lansing Boys & Girls Club for
completing the assessments, one after the first assessment
session, and one after the second session.

6) I understand that my daughter’s participation is
completely voluntary. She may withdraw from participation
at any time.

7) I have attended a parent meeting and agree to allow my
daughter to participate in assessment/discussions/activities
scheduled for the 1993 (Spring/Fall) semester.
I have read and understand the above and agree to this
contract voluntarily.

 

 

8) I may direct any questions or concerns I have about the
project and my daughter’s participation to Arlene Saitzyk,
Psychology Department, Michigan State University, East
Lansing, MI 48824.

Signed: Date:
Signed: Date:

 

 

160

Appendix C

Informed Assent
Project Title: Transition to Adolescence Program

I, agree to participate in the
Transition to Adolescence Program, a 15-week program for
early adolescent girls at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club. I
am aware that the group facilitators are MSU students.

 

1) I understand that I will complete two assessment sessions
lasting about one hour each, at the Lansing Boys & Girls
Club, spaced 15 weeks apart. The sessions involve
completing questionnaires about peer and parent values,
resources, stress, drug/alcohol use, and family functioning.
I understand that all names and other identifying
information will be removed from records and will be
identified by code number. All of the group sessions will
be audiotaped and a few will be videotaped for supervision
purposes, and then will be destroyed.

2) I understand that I will receive a reward (e.g.,
fieldtrips, T—shirt) from the Lansing Boys & Girls Club for
completing the assessments, one after the first assessment
session, and one after the second session. I understand
that my participation is completely voluntary, and I may
withdraw at any time.

3) I understand that the staff at MSU believes
confidentiality is very important in order to understand and
help people. However, in some circumstances, the group
facilitators will not be able to maintain confidentiality.
The one circumstance in which confidentiality cannot be
maintained is when the law requires sharing what I have told
with agents of the law, such as police or Protective
Services. In that case, I understand that I will be told
why what I said must be shared with an outside agency.
Should this occur, I will be encouraged to take the
initiative and call for myself. The group facilitators will
also be my advocates and give me as much support and
assistance throughout this process as possible, so that we
can continue to work together.

161

4) I understand that although we will be meeting in a group,
the material discussed in sessions may be shared with my
parent(s) or legal guardian(s) when, an only when, the group
facilitators believe it is in my best interest. In this
circumstance, I will be encouraged to initiate sharing this
information, and will also be given the opportunity to
discuss with the group facilitators why I feel that the
information should not be shared. However, following this
discussion, the group facilitators will reserve the right to
share information if they think it is useful to do so. This
is how the group facilitators believes that they can be most
helpful to me. I have read and understand the above
policies and agree to this contract voluntarily.

Signed: Date:

 

162

Appendix D

Informed Assent
Project Title: Transition to Adolescence Program

I, agree to participate in the
study of early adolescent females’ values, resources, and
stressors conducted by Arlene Saitzyk, M.A.

 

1) I understand that the study involves completing two
assessment sessions lasting approximately one hour each,
conducted at the Lansing Boys & Girls Club, spaced 15 weeks
apart. The sessions will require the participants to
complete questionnaires about peer and parent values,
resources, stress, drug/alcohol use, and family functioning.

2) I understand and agree that all information will be used
for research purposes. All names and other identifying
information will be removed from the questionnaires and will
be identified by code number only.

3) I understand that I will receive a reward (e.g.,
fieldtrips, T-shirts) from the Lansing Boys & Girls Club for
completing the assessments, one after the first assessment
session, and one after the second session.

4) I understand that my participation is completely
voluntary, and I may withdraw from participation at any
time.

5) I have read and understand the above policies and agree
to this contract voluntarily.

Signed: Date:

 

163

Appendix E

Relationship Self Inventory

Not like me Very much
me at all like me
1 2 3 4 5

__ 1. I think that selfishness is one of the worst problems
in
today’s society.
__ 2. A close friend is someone who will help you whenever
you need help and knows that you will help if they need it.
__ 3. I won’t help someone if it gets in the way of my own
health.
4. I want to be responsible for myself.
__ 5. When I have to make a decision I think more about my
friendship than my own values.
__ 6. I have a hard time feeling sorry for people whose
problems are mainly their own fault.
__ 7. I try to keep my anger inside because I’m afraid of
hurting others.
__ 8. Being unselfish with others is more important than
making myself happy.
__ 9. Loving is almost like a written agreement-- if someone
"breaks" the rules, you wouldn’t love them anymore.
__ 10. I believe in that people should be punished according
to what they have done (e.g., kill someone, then you should
die).
__ 11. I want to learn to stand on my own two feet.
__ 12. I believe that one of the most important things
parents can teach their children is how to cooperate and
live in peace.
__ 13. If I really believe in something, it’s more important
to keep that in mind than the feelings of others.
__ 14. I don’t usually do things for other people unless I
believe they can do something for me later on.
15. When I take care of others I feel it helps me Q them.
16. If what I want to do makes other people upset, I try
to think again to see if I really want to do it.
17. I don’t want others to be responsible for me.
__ 18. I strongly believe in treating others like I want to
be treated.
__ 19. I believe I have to look out for myself and let
others worry about themselves.
__ 20. Being unselfish with others is one way I make myself
happy.
__ 21. If a friend makes a lot of demands on me and we can't
work things out, I’ll probably end the friendship.

164

__ 22. I feel sort of empty if I’m not close with someone
else.
__ 23. It’s OK if I hurt someone else’s feelings sometimes.
24. A friendship/relationship must let both people grow.
__ 25. I am the person I am today more because of the people
I care about, than because of what I’ve done for myself.
__ 26. People who don’t work hard shouldn’t expect me to
help them when they are having trouble.
__ 27. My friendships/relationships are the most important
part of me.
__ 28. I often keep quiet rather than hurt someone’s
feelings, even if it means lying to myself. Ft
__ 29. If someone offers to do something for me, I should *
accept their offer.
__ 30. The worst thing that could happen in a friendship
would be to have my friend reject me.
__ 31. If I am really sure that what I want to do is right,
I do it even if it upset others. .
__ 32. Before I can be sure I really care for someone, I F
have to know my own true feelings. b
33. The only person I can really count on is myself.
__ 34. I think about others’ feelings, but I do what’s best
for me.
__ 35. Even though it’s hard sometimes, I have learned to
say no to others when I need to take care of myself.
__ 36. I think of myself as connected with lots of friends.
37. The people I care about most are like a part of me.
__ 38. I do what I’m supposed to do and I expect that others
will do the same.
__ 39. I have to take care of myself because others are not
responsible for me.
__ 40. The people I admire most are those who have close
friendships/relationships.
__ 41. I am responsible for what effect my behavior has on
others.
__ 42. I make sure my needs are taken care of, as well as
the needs of others.
__ 43. It’s not as important to think about others’ feelings
when you need to decide what is right.
44. If someone asks me for a favor, I think about whether
or not I really want to do the favor.
45. I decide things based on what’s best for me.
46. Once I make a decision, I stick to it.
__ 47. It’s more important to pay attention to taking care
of yourself than taking care of others.
__ 48. The best way to help someone is to do what they ask
even if you don’t really want to do it.
__ 49. Doing things for other people makes me happy.
__ 50. All you really need to do to help someone is to love
them.
___ 51. I deserve love from other people as much as they
deserve my love.

 

165

__ 52. You have to look out for yourself or else other
people will take advantage of you.

__ 53. When I know I am right, I don’t really pay attention
to the Opinions of others.

__ 54. If someone does something for me, I then do something
for them.

__ 55. Caring about other people is important to me.

__ 56. If other people are going to be giving something up
for my sake, I want them to understand what they are doing.
__ 57. When I make a decision, I use my own values to make
the right choice.

__ 58. I try to organize my friendships/relationships like I E-
organize my schoolwork.

I__ 59. If I’m going to help another person, it’s important
for me that I understand why I’m doing it. ;
__ 60. I like to make a lot of friends. 3

 

166

Appendix F

Narratives

1. Pretend you are the girl in this story: Everyday a
friend tells you a story a half hour long, and you try to
listen to her, but you sort of half—listen. Sometimes you
don’t even really know what she is talking about, but if you
ask her what is happening, she will tell the whole story
over again. You feel like if you ignore her she might get
mad for not listening, and might even say that she’ll never
listen to you. What do you want to do? What do you think
you should do? What would you do?

2. Now, pretend you are the girl in this story: You have a
friend who is thinking about running for president of the
school. She asks you if she is going to win, and you know
she is not going to win, but you don’t know whether to say
"Yes, I know you are not going to win," or just say, "Try
for it, you never know." What do you want to do? What do
you think you should do? What would you do?

3. These two girls had to make decisions, but didn’t know
what to do; that is, they didn't know what the right thing
to do was. This time, please tell about a time when ygp had
to make a decision but you didn't know what to do. You
didn’t know what was the right thing to do. What did you
want to do? What did you think you should do? What did you
wind up doing? How were you feeling at that time?

 

167

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix G
Perceived Self-competence
What I Am Like
Name Age __ Birthday Group
Month Day
Boy or Girl (circle which)
SAMPLE SENTENCE
Really Sort of Son of Really
True True True True
for me for me for me for me
Some kids would rather Other kids would rather
(a) play outdoors in their BUT watch T.V.
spare time.
* -’. I ,--<. 3123 ‘12 ;:'-,‘.-e::>:.. >7: .: -. ...1:?IE:i‘i .r: is. .“35. r M "I ‘ “1“"3*.“Wrxwmcwssrtmwe“u..:a....-::;.s§.:~.rt.s;:.t ;. """
Some kids feel that they Other kids worry about
1 - are very good at their BUT whether they can do the
school work. school work assigned to
them.
Some kids find it hard to Other kids find it's pretty
2 - make friends. BUT easy to make iriends.
Some kids do very well Other kids don't feel that
3 - at all kinds oi sports. BUT they are very good when
It comes to sports.
Some kids are happy Other kids are not happy
4 - with the way they look. BUT with the way they look.
Some kids otten do not Other kids usually like
5 ' like the way they behave. BUT the way they behave.
Some kids are often Other kids are pretty
6 ' unhappy with themselves. BUT pleased with themselves.
Some kids feel like they Other kids aren‘t so sure
7 ° are just as smart as BUT and wonder I they are
as other kids their age. as smart.
8 Some kids have alot oi Other kids don’t have

 

 

 

friends.

 

 

 

BUT very many friends.

 

 

 

 

 

 

14.

15.

17.

20.

Really
Two
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sort of
True
forme

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

168

Some kids wish they
could be alot better at
sports

Some kids are happy
with their height and
weight

Some kids usually do
the right thing

Some kids don't like the
way they are leading
their life

Some kids are pretty
slow in finishing their
school work

Some kids would like to
have alot more friends

Some kids think they
could do well at just
about any new sports
activity they haven't
tried before.

Some kids wish their
body was different

Some kids usually act
the way they know they
are supposed to

Some kids are happy with
themselves as a person

Some kids often forget
what they learn

Some kids are always
doing things with alot
of kids

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

Otherkldsfeeltheyare
goodenoughatsports.

Other kids wish their
height or weight were
different.

Other kids often don't
do the right thing.

Other kids do like the
way they are leading
their life.

Other kids can do their
school work quickly.

Other kids have as many
friends as they want.

Other kids are afraid
they might not do well at
sports they haven't ever
tried.

Other kids like their
body the way it is

Other kids often don't
act the way they are
supposed to.

Other kids are often not
happy with themselves.

Other kids can
remember things easily.

Other kids usually do
things by themselves.

Sort of
True
forms

 

 

Really
Two
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

Really
True
for me

 

 

Sort of
True
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

169

Some kids feel that they
are better titan others
their age at sports

Some kids wish their

physical appearance (how
they look) was different

Some kids usually get
in trouble because of
things they do

Some kids like the kind
of person they are

Some kids do very well
at their classwor‘k

Some kids wish that
more people their age
liked them

In games and sports
some kids usually watch
instead of play

Some kids wish
something about their
face or hair looked
different

Some kids do things
they know they
shouldn't do

Some kids are very
happy being the way
they are

Some kids have trouble
figuring out the answers
in school

Some kids are popular
with others their age

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

Other kids don't feel
they can play as well.

Other kids like their

physical appearancethe
way I is.

Other kids usually don't
do things that get them
in trouble.

Other kids often wish
they were someone
else.

Other kids don't do
very well at their
ciasswork.

Other kids feel that most
people their age do like
them.

Other kids usually play
rather than just watch.

Other kids like their face
and hair the way they
are.

Other kids hardly ever
do things they know
they shouldn't do.

Other kids wish the
were different

Other kids almost
always can figure om

theanswers.

Other kids are not very
popular.

Sort of Really
True True
for me for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

33.

34.

35.

36.

Really
True
for rne

 

 

Sort of
True
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

170

Some kids don 't do well
at new outdoor games

Some kids think that
they are good looking

Some kids behave
themselves very well

Some kids are not very
happy with the way they
do alot of things

Susan Harter. Ph.D.. University of Denver, 1985

BUT

BUT

BUT

BUT

Other kids are good at
new games right away.

Other kids think that
they are not very
good looking.

Other kids often find it
hard to behave
themselves.

Other kids think the way
they do things is fine.

Sort of
True
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Really
True
for me

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

171

Appendix H

Social Support Rating Scale

Rate how helpful each of the following individuals are to
you, from 1 (not at all helpful) to 3 (a great deal
helpful).

Not at all Somewhat A great deal
helpful helpful helpful
Mother 1 2 3
Father 1 2 3
Brothers or Sisters 1 2 3
Other Relatives
Not mentioned 1 2 3
Teacher 1 2 3
Guidance Counselor 1 2 3

Principal, Assistant

Principal, or Dean 1 2 3
Clergy (for example,

Priest, Reverend,

 

Rabbi, Minister) 1 2 3
Therapist 1 2 3
Police 1 2 3
Adult Not Mentioned Above

1 2 3
Friends Your Age 1 2 3
Other people not mentioned

1 2

 

WU)

1 2

 

172

Appendix I

Conformity Analogue Survey

1. One day after supper, you and a couple of your best
friends meet at the school. No one is around and your
friends decide that you should all write on the walls of the
school with chalk. You don’t think it’s a good idea, but
your friends tell you to do it anyway. What would you

really do?

 

 

WRITE ON THE SCHOOL WALLS :: NOT WRITE ON THE WALLS

1 2 3 :: 4 5 6
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute
certain certain so :: so certain certain

2. You and a couple of your best friends are walking home
from school when you all see an orchard full of ripe apples.
There’s a sign saying "No Trespassing" but your friends all
go over and start picking apples. You don’t think it's a

 

 

good idea, but they all say "come on." What would you
really do?
PICK SOME APPLES :: REFUSE TO PICK ANY APPLES

1 2 3 :: 4 5 6
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute
certain certain so :: so certain certain

3. You and a couple of your best friends are walking home
from school. A dog starts to follow you, and your friends
start throwing stones at it. You don’t think the dog is
bothering anyone but they tell you to throw some too. What
would you really do?

 

 

THROW STONES AT THE DOG :: REFUSE TO THROW STONES AT
DOG '°

1 2 3 :: 4 5 6
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute

certain certain so :: so certain certain

173

4. You are with a couple of your best friends on Halloween.
They're going to soap windows, but you’re not sure whether
you should or not. Your friends all say you should, because
there’s no way you could get caught. What would you really
do?

 

NOT SOAP WINDOWS :: SOAP WINDOWS

___1___ 2 3 :: ___4___ ___5___ ___6___
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute
certain certain so :: so certain certain

5. You and a couple of your best friends are fooling around
in an empty lot next to a house and accidentally break one
of the windows of the house. Your friends want to take off
and not tell anybody in the house, and you don’t think
that’s right, but they tell you to hurry up and come. What
would you really do?

 

GO AWAY WITH YOUR FRIENDS :: TELL SOMEONE IN THE HOUSE
°° ABOUT THE WINDOW

___1___ 2 3 :: ___4___ ___5___ ___6___

absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute

certain certain so :: so certain certain

6. In the winter, you and a couple of your best friends find
a frozen pond. A sign says "Private Property" but your
friends walk out on it anyway. You don’t want to, but your
friends tell you to come with them. What would you really
do?

 

REFUSE TO WALK OUT ON :: WALK OUT ON THE POND

THE POND °'

___1___ 2 3 :: ___4___ ___5___ ___6___
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute
certain certain so :: so certain certain

7. You go for a walk around a lake with a couple of your
best friends and see a rowboat on the shore. It isn't tied,
and no one is around. Your friends all agree to take it out
on the lake for a ride. You don’t think you should, but
they tell you to get in or they’ll leave you. What would

you really do?

 

GET IN AND GO FOR A RIDE :: LET THEM GO BY THEMSELVES
___1___ 2 3 :: ___4___ ___5___ ___6___
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute

certain certain so :: so certain certain

174

8. You and a couple of your best friends find a sheet of
paper that the teacher lost. On the paper are the answers
to a test that you are going to have tomorrow. Your friends
all plan to study from it and they want you to go along with
them. You don't think you should, but they all say to do
it anyway. What would you really do?

 

 

STUDY FROM THE TEST :: NOT STUDY FROM THE TEST
1 2 3 :: 4 5 6
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute
certain certain so :: so certain certain r

9. Coming home from school, you and a couple of your best
friends stop at a store to buy something to eat. You notice
an open bag of candy. Your friends all take a piece, but
you don’t like the idea. They tell you to go ahead and take
one. What would you really do?

 

 

 

REFUSE TO TAKE THE CANDY :: TAKE A PIECE OF CANDY E
1 2 3 :: 4 5 6

absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute

certain certain so :: so certain certain

10. You’re going to play some game and you’re captain of the
team. A kid that you don’t know wants to play. You feel
that anyone who wants to play should be able to. Your
friends tell you not to let her play because no one knows
her. What would you really do?

 

 

NOT LET THE KID PLAY :: LET THE KID PLAY
1 2 3 :: 4 5 6
absolute fairly I guess :: I guess fairly absolute

certain certain so :: so certain certain

175

Appendix J

WHAT I THINK AND FEEL

Directions: There are a lot of different ways people can
feel. In this questionnaire we are asking you about the
sorts of things you think and feel. Listed below are some

sentences describing how people may sometimes feel. Fill in

the answer that best describes how true that statement is
for you. For example, suppose a sentence reads: "I like
ice cream." If this sentence were usually false for you,
you would circle: "1," Usually FALSE. If the sentence were
more false than true for you, you would circle: "2," MORE
FALSE Than True. If the sentence were more true than false
for you, you would circle: "3," MORE TRUE Than False. If
the sentence were usually true for you, you would circle:
"4," Usually TRUE.

PLEASE REMEMBER THESE 4 THINGS AS YOU ANSWER:

1. Give only answers that really tell about you. It is
best to say what you really think.

2. Don’t spend too much time thinking over each question.
Give the first answer as it comes to you. Of course, the
sentences are too short to say everything you might like,
but give the best answer you can. Some sentences may seem
just like others because they are about the same things.
But, each sentence asks about a different part of the way
you may think and feel. So, your answers may be different.
3. Answer every question one way or the other. Don’t skip
any.

4. REMEMBER, 1: Usually FALSE

2: MORE FALSE Than True
3: MORE TRUE Than False
4: Usually TRUE

 

176

1 2 3 4
Usually More More Usually
False False True True
Than Than
True False
1. I have trouble
making up my mind. 1 2 3 4

2. I get nervous

when things do not

go the right way

for me. 1 2 3 4
3. Other people

seem to do things

easier than I can. 1 2 3 4
4. I like everyone
I know. 1 2 3 4

5. Often I have
trouble getting

my breath. 1 2 3 4
6. I worry a lot

of the time. 1 2 3 4
7. I am afraid of

a lot of things. 1 2 3 4
8. I am always

kind. 1 2 3 4
9. I get mad

easily. 1 2 3 4

10. I worry about

what my parents

will say to me. 1 2 3 4
11. I feel that

others do not like

the way I do

things. 1 2 3 4
12. I always have
good manners. 1 2 3 4

13. It is hard for
me to get to sleep

at night. 1 2 3 4
14. I worry about what

other people think 1 2 3 4
about me.

15. I feel alone even
when there are people

with me. 1 2 3 4
16. I am always

good. 1 2 3 4
17. Often I feel sick

to my stomach. 1 2 3 4

18. My feelings get
hurt easily. 1 2 3 4

 

 

1
Usually
False

19. My hands feel

sweaty. 1

20. I am always nice

to everyone. 1

21. I am tired a

lot. 1

22. I worry about what
is going to happen. 1
23. Other children are
happier than me. 1
24. I tell the truth
every single time. 1
25. I have bad

dreams. 1
26. My feelings get
hurt easily when

I am fussed at. 1
27. I feel someone will
tell me I do things the

wrong way. 1
28. I never get

angry. I
29. I wake up scared
some of the time. 1
30. I worry when I go to
bed at night. 1

31. It is hard for me to
keep my mind on my

schoolwork. 1
32. I never say things
I shouldn’t. I
33. I wiggle in my seat
a lot. 1
34. I am nervous. I
35. A lot of people are
against me. 1
36. I never lie. 1

37. I often worry about
something bad happening
to me. 1

177

More
False
Than
True

More
True
Than
False

Usually
True

 

178

Appendix K

Ethnic Identity

The next questions are about ethnicity. Ethnicity is a word
that describes a person’s family culture or background or
race. We all have different ways of describing ourselves:
out of 3 White people, one might say he was a Puerto Rican,
another might say she was Jewish, a third might simply say
she was a White American. It would be the same with 3 Black
people: one might say she was a Black American, another a
Haitian, a third, Black and Hispanic. We want to know what
ygg think about ethnicity- how you’d describe yourself, and
what that description means to you. You might use your
family background or the country your family comes from, or
you religion, or the color of you skin, or a combination of
any of these. First of all, tell us how ypp describe your
ethnicity. Use as many words as you need to in order to
describe who you are. When I think about who I am, the
word(s) that I use to describe myself is (are):
. Now, how do you
thing other people describe you. It’s okay if it’s not the
same as the way you describe yourself. Most people would
describe my ethnic group as (Circle 1):

Black or Black-American

American Indian

White or Anglo

Hispanic or Latina

Asian or Oriental

Mixed race (please describe):

Other (please describe):

 

 

 

 

 

179

Now, for the following statements, please tell us whether
they are Not at all true [1], Not very true [2], Sort of
true [3], or Very true [4] for you.

Not Not Sort Very
at very of true
all true true

true

a. I feel good about being in

my racial/ethnic group. 1 2 3 4
b. I talk with my friends about

our racial/ethnic group and

how it affects our lives. 1 2 3 4
c. I want to raise my children to

be aware of their own cultural

or racial/ethnic background. 1 2 3 4
d. I feel comfortable among people

of my own group and of at

least one other group. 1 2 3 4
e. I have talked with my parents

or other adults about what it

means to be a member of my

racial/ethnic group. 1 2 3 4
f. I have thought about whether being

a member of my racial/ethnic group

 

will affect my future goals. 1 2 3 4
My parents or other adults taught me
about my racial/ethnic group. 1 2 3 4
I would prefer to belong to another
racial/ethnic group. 1 2 3 4

i. I am confused about my racial/ethnic
group and what it means to me. 1 2 3 4

 

180

Appendix L

Item-scale Correlations for All RSI Items of the Measure
Before Items Were Deleted.

Relationship Alpha Item Corrected
Self Inventory number item-total
Scale correlation
Separate self .75
3 .34
6 -.01
9 .07
10 .30
13 .43
14 .31
19 .47
21 .18
26 .42
33 .45
34 .48
43 .30
45 .51
46 .44
47 .49
52 .44
53 .27
58 .20
Connected self .88
12 .68
15 .60
18 .73
20 .33
27 .32
36 .45
37 .76
41 .52
49 .60
54 .69
55 .69

60 .75

181

Primacy of

other care .71
1 .10
2 .44
5 .21
7 .27
8 .43
16 .49
22 .25
25 .37
28 .38
29 .30
30 .32
40 .34
48 .28
50 .33

Self and

other care .83
4 .46
11 .64
17 .27
23 -.24
24 .56
31 .18
32 .55
35 .63
38 .46
39 .35
42 .61
44 .35
51 .56
56 .62
57 .60

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