3'. r V I‘ :7:— 5r ,- .‘v‘ “Ina-.4. w.1..‘-( 4 L» r Kg“ ”Vital"? "‘ ‘ ' u4 firm» a?“ "“"W; . ‘.., . "#33? ”53. *3. ' :7? ms 3,1,; 39¢; 9.x “1. "¥-"§"-“: .. "- 75,13: '3 '1 ~35 421'. r . '3 WW" 5} ‘5; A J;- , " m‘rM-‘é‘u- I 3.41 ,h. ‘l’l‘llilljllllll“ \b x This is to certify that the thesis entitled A STUDY OF EARLY ADOLESCENTS' TIME SPENT IN CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE OF SCHOOL presented by Cathy J. Newkirk has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Master's degree in Family and Child Ecology Major professor Date 1995 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution LIERARY Michigan State University PLACE ll RETURN BOX to remove this chockout from your record. TO AVOID F INES mum on or baton data duo. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU I. An Afflnndlvo Action/Ema! Opportunity Institution mmr A STUDY OF EARLY ADOLESCENTS' TIME SPENT IN CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE OF SCHOOL By Cathy J. Newkirk A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Department of Family and Child Ecology 1995 ABSTRACT A STUDY OF EARLY ADOLESCENTS' TIME SPENT IN CLUBS OR ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE OF SCHOOL By Cathy J. Newkirk The Search Institute's Profiles of Student Life: Attitudes and Behaviors Questionnaire was administered to 16,375 7th, 9th, and 11th graders in 36 Michigan communities during 1993 and early 1994. This study's sample included a total of 8,446 12- to 14-year-olds. Two research questions were examined from this data set: 1. How much time do 12- to 14-year-olds report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school? 2. Does the amount of time adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by age, gender, ethnicity, antisocial behavior, socioeconomic status, family support, or geographic location? Data analyses included frequency analysis and cross tabulations. Overall, 60% of the early adolescents did not participate in clubs or organizations outside of school. Significant but small differences were found at the p < .001 Chi Square level for all variables except age. In terms of meaningful differences, the strongest relationships were found with socioeconomic status and family support. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis would not have been completed had it not been for the time, assistance and genuine effort of several individuals. My sincere appreciation is extended to my advisor Dr. Joanne Keith, for her patience and faith. I admire her wisdom and discernment; she is a caring and conscientious educator and an estimable researcher for whom I have the utmost respect. I was especially fortunate to have as my committee Dr. Norma Bobbitt and Dr. June Youatt. Their expertise and judgement served me well, and I greatly appreciate their willingness to share their time and insights to help me through this process. A special thank you to Dr. Dan Perkins who, through necessity, helped me to "unleam" everything I had been taught about creative writing for the past 25 years. He consequently taught me much about the objective and scientific style. Dr. Perkins demonstrated a remarkable degree of patience as he read and commented on each chapter of this thesis. I also owe him a debt of gratitude for sharing his data and research with me, and for serving as my statistician. He has a talent for statistics that I appreciate, but will never match. I would like to acknowledge a special friend and colleague, Marie Ruemenapp, for her encouragement and support over the years. It was because of Marie that I began this Master's program, and without her confidence, motivation and urging, I may not have iii finished. She has my gratitude and assurance that I will stand by her in the same way. My husband Karl deserves a special mention, as he is a remarkable and unique human being. At no time during the entire five years it took me to complete this Master's program did he complain about the time or expense of the undertaking. Karl is the epitome of patience, a trait that I admire and greatly appreciate. His support has been constant and implicit, and it has enabled me to accomplish this demanding but worthwhile goal. Finally, I must mention my friends and colleagues in MSU Extension. They supported me and listened on countless occasions as I voiced my concerns about and questioned my ability to complete this process. They gave advice when I asked, and provided a listening car. A special thank you to Dr. Cynthia Mark, whom I consider my professional mentor. She knew when I needed encouragement and was always ready to cheer me on. At the same time she asked very pertinent and pointed questions that kept me thinking and striving. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ................................... vii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION Introduction .................................. 1 Theoretical Framework ............................ 2 Research Questions and Hypotheses ...................... 7 Limitations .................................. 9 II. LITERATURE REVIEW ............................ 11 Adolescent Development ........................... 11 Parental Characteristics Associated with Adolescent Development ....... 13 Peer Relationships Associated with Adolescent Development ......... 14 Out-of-School Time in Relationship with Adolescent Development ...... 16 Participation in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School ........... 18 Community-Based, Clubs and Organizations Outside of School ........ 19 Two Models of Time Spent in Clubs or Organization Outside of School. . . .23 Participation in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School and Specific Organismic, Behavioral, and Contextual Variables ..... 25 III. METHOD .................................... 36 Participants ................................. 36 Measures ................................... 36 Microsystems Organismic Variables ..................... 37 Microsystems Behavioral Variables ..................... 38 Contextual Variables ............................. 40 Procedures .................................. 44 IV . RESULTS ..................................... 47 Results Related to Microsystems Organismic Variables ........... A . 47 Results Related to Microsystems Behavioral Variables ............ 51 Results Related to Contextual Variables .................... 54 V. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS .................... 62 Future Directions for Research ......................... 66 Implications for Programming ......................... 68 Implications for Policy ............................. 70 APPENDIX A. Attitudes and Behaviors Questionnaire ................. 73 APPENDD( B. Overview of Item and Scale Formulations by Organismic and Behavioral Variables ............................. 81 APPENDIX C. Overview of Item and Scale Formulations by Contextual Variables . . 82 APPENDIX D. University Consent ............................ 83 LIST OF REFERENCES ................................. 84 vi Table 10. 11. LIST OF TABLES Page Community Based Profile of Michigan Youth Sample .............. 39 Community Based Profile of Michigan Youth Sample Percentages Involved in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School and Anti-Social Behavior ................... 41 Community Based Profile of Michigan Youth Sample Percentages Based on Mother's Education and Family Support ..... 43 Community Based Profile of Michigan Youth Sample Percentages Based on Geographic Location ............... 45 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Age ........................ 49 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Gender ...................... 50 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Ethnicity ...................... 52 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Anti-Social Behavior ............... 55 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Mother's Education ................ 57 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Family Support .................. 60 Percentage of Adolescents Spending Time in Clubs or Organizations Outside of School by Geographic Location ............... 61 vii Chapter I INTRODUCTION There is increasing concern today about young adolescents and their behaviors. Many youth-serving organizations have programs and activities designed to help young adolescents make positive use of their out-of-school hours, identified by the Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development (1992) as the largest single block of time in the young adolescent's day. Are early adolescents participating in these programs in any appreciable numbers? Few studies have focused on the amount of time young adolescents spend in clubs or organizations outside of school. Fewer still have attempted to determine whether participation in these activities has an effect on the early adolescents' anti-social behavior. Given this lack of research, two broad categories of theoretical and empirical literature will be examined: 1) a brief overview of the literature related to the relevant theories of adolescent development; 2) adolescent participation in clubs or organizations outside of school, including time spent in such activities and rate of participation. Organismic and contextual factors which have been found to impact relationships with adolescent development and which may impact early adolescents' involvement in clubs and organizations outside of school are included. These variables include: age, gender, ethnicity, anti-social behavior, socioeconomic status, family support, and geographic location. . THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Early adolescents are affected by the environments in which they live, and they, in turn, affect those environments (Lerner, 1986). In other words, they do not live in vacuums; they interact with individuals in their immediate environments that influence them, and whom they, in‘tum, influence. Additionally, they are affected by, and they indirectly affect, environments with which they do not have direct contact. Bronfenbrenner's (1979) human ecological theory explains the relationships early adolescents have with their immediate and indirect environments. Bronfenbrenner (1979) explains that as individuals develop, the way in which they perceive and interact with their environments changes. Their development is influenced by the interactions they have with their environments. Thus, early adolescents are viewed as developing entities that not only interact with, but actually restructure their surroundings through these interactions (Lerner, 1986). Within this theory, an individual's perception of his or her environment has a vital influence on his or her behavior and development. Thus, in order to study human development, it is essential to study the context in which development occurs. Furthermore, any attempt to enhance an early adolescent's development must take into account the ongoing interactions that early adolescent has with his or her environment and the unique qualities orcharacteristics the early adolescent possesses (Garbarino, 1982; Lerner & Foch, 1987). Bronfenbrenner (1979) refers to his theory as the ecology of human development, 3 and defines it as "the scientific study of the progressive, mutual accommodation between an active, growing human being and the changing properties of the immediate settings in which a developing person lives. This process is affected by relations between these settings, and by the larger contexts in which the settings are embedded" (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The individual and the environment interact over time through a process of reciprocity; always changing, each depending on the other (Garbarino, 1982). Bronfenbrenner (1979) refers to the "ecological environment" when describing his model. The ecological environment is explained as an arrangement of concentric structures, each contained within the next. These structures are referred to as the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macrosystems. At the innermost level is the immediate setting containing the developing individual. This innermost level is referred to as the microsystem. In this setting the individual experiences day-to-day life (Garbarino, 1982). The microsystem includes people and settings with which the individual comes into direct contact. For early adolescents, examples include home and family; school and teachers; neighborhoods and peers. It is important to note that not only are individuals and contexts of value, but interpersonal relations the early adolescent experiences within those contexts, as well (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Examples of this include: how well does the early adolescent get along with his or her parents, is he or she easily influenced by peers, does he or she have a trusted adult, other than a parent, to whom he or she can turn? Also critical are relationships the individual experiences that go beyond one-to-one interactions. This is particularly true for the early adolescent, whose interest in the world outside his or her 4 family is expanding (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Hendry, Shucksmith, Love, & Glendinning, 1993; Lerner & Galambos, 1984; Tobin-Richards, Boxer, McNull Kavrell, & Peterson, 1984). At this age, young people are not only open to new experiences and different views, but the introduction of new opportunities contributes to their growth. Bronfenbrenner identifies a "level" in his human ecological model which actually spans other levels of the model. It is termed the mesosystem. The mesosystem refers to the interrelations between two or more environments of which the early adolescent is a part. Mesosystems occur not only within settings, but between settings (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Within this study, an example may be a young adolescent who is a member of a 4-H club and whose parents attend the monthly 4-H meetings, or volunteer to chaperon the club's field trip. The parents in this case are "crossing over" from the early adolescent's home environment to his or her 4-H club environment. The youth's microsystems are thereby linked. Garbarino (1982) argues that the value of the mesosystems is measured by the number and quality of connections the developing adolescent experiences. Parents who have met their child's 4-H leader but do not attend the 4-H meetings, or who only visit 4-H club meetings occasionally, are not forging a very strong link between their child's home and 4-H experiences. Parents who become involved in the 4-H club by attending regularly, or volunteering to teach or chaperon are making a greater contribution, and may be enhancing their early adolescent's development. Parents who support their early adolescents' school involvement and organizational or club involvement are helping to create an even stronger mesosystem. 5 Other adults can help strengthen those connections, as well. Teachers who recognize the value of their students' 4-H involvement, 4-H leaders who help their club members with school concerns, religious leaders or social workers who counsel early adolescents and support their family and school relationships all contribute to a strong mesosystem. Children who are involved in responsible, task-oriented, activities outside the home which involve them in relationships with adults other than their parents will benefit by enhanced development. It is vital for early adolescents to develop fiiendships with peers and relationships with teachers, 4-H or scout leaders, adults in the religious community, and others in order to experience ultimate developmental potential (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The next level beyond the microsystem is called the exosystem. Bronfenbrenner describes (1979) this as one or more settings that do not involve the developing person as an active participant, but in which events occur that affect what happens in that setting. A commonly used example of this is the parents' place of work. Early adolescents are profoundly affected by this particular environment - one in which they may never directly connect - in many possible ways. For example, parental income affects the socioeconomic status of the entire family and determines whether the family lives in poverty or in an income bracket which can sufficiently support the family and allow for the "extras" that young adolescents often desire. Besides income, there are other factors related to parental employment that directly affect the family and the adolescents within it. Many early adolescents are home alone during the after school hours because of their parents' work schedules. Some parents may have flexible work hours that they can use to 6 care for family concerns; some may not. The lack of flexibility may cause stress for the parents and other family members. Likewise, stresses at work may have an effect on parents' relationships with spouses and children at home. The next level of Bronfenbrenner's human ecological model is the macrosystem. This can be described as the tenets and organization of a society. This includes belief systems, ideologies, and government. Garbarino calls them "...'blueprints' for the ecology of human development. These blueprints reflect a people's shared assumptions about 'how things should be done'" (1982, p. 24). Policies regarding public education and out-of-school programs have a direct effect on early adolescents and their families. Governmental policies that support child care and youth development, state-level financial support for after-school programs, and transportation subsidies are examples of macrosystem backing that may benefit children and families (Lipsitz, 1986). Early adolescents are influenced by, and they in turn influence, their immediate environments, as well as those with whom they may not come in direct contact. Garbarino (1982) states that while the familyis the most important part of a child's microsystem, "...the overall impact of the environment emerges fiom the dynamic balance among all influences over time" (p. 25). Young adolescents cannot be studied effectively without examining all aspects of their lives - their microsystems, exosystems, and mesosystems - within the macrosystem which influences all our lives. Given the scope of the present study and lack of research on this specific issue, early adolescents will be examined in their most immediate setting: the microsystem. Early adolescents themselves are microsystems, and as such have their own distinct 7 characteristics. In addition, they interact directly with other microsystems. Microsystem variables will be studied on three levels: organismic, behavioral, and contextual. Organismic variables include characteristics of early adolescents such as age, gender, and ethnicity. Behavioral variables related to this study are the early adolescents' participation in clubs or organizations outside of school and their participation in anti- social behavior. Within the early adolescents' ecosystem are contextual systems with which they come in direct contact. Two such systems will be examined in this study: family and community. The family variables in this study are categorized as descriptive and behavioral. Mother's education is a descriptive variable that will be used as a proxy to socioeconomic status. The behavioral variable in this instance is family support. The descriptive variable available in this study to describe community is geographic location, or whether the early adolescents live in rural, suburban, or urban communities. RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES This study will incorporate an ecological perspective to examine early adolescent involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school in relationship to the specific organismic, community, and family characteristics that are available. Two research questions will be examined: 1. How much time do 12- to 14-year-olds report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school? 2. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by age, gender, ethnicity, anti-social behavior, 8 socioeconomic status, family support or geographic location? Based upon adolescent development theory and previous research, the following hypotheses are proposed: H1: H2: H3: H4: H5: H6: H7: Younger adolescents have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than older adolescents. Females have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than males. White early adolescents have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than early adolescents of other ethnic or racial backgrounds. There is a negative relationship between involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and involvement in anti-social behavior by early adolescents. Early adolescents whose families have higher socioeconomic status have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than early adolescents whose families have lower socioeconomic status. Early adolescents with supportive families have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than early adolescents with less supportive families. There is no difference in level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school among rural, urban, or suburban early adolescents. 9 LIMITATIONS The present study has provided an initial base of empirical data that begins to address the issue of participation in clubs or organizations outside of school among early adolescents. However, the study did have some limitations, which are discussed below. Only one aspect of out-of-school time was examined in this study, namely, whether early adolescents were involved in organized activities sponsored by community-based, youth- serving organizations. The youth who are not participating in these types of activities may be participating in other activites; however, this particular study only examined one specific use of out-of-school time. It was not possible to determine, given the nature of the survey used in this study, the type and quality of activities these early adolescents were involved with on a weekly basis, and the perceived benefit of such involvement. The examination of additional variables related to the quality of the out-of-school experience for the early adolescents might have proved meaningful. A more thorough examination of this specific issue, beyond time spent, may provide additional information about why those who reported no participation in clubs or organizations outside of school did so. For example, through the present study it was not possible to determine whether the youth had significant interactions with positive adult role models, and what types of interactions they might have been. It would have been helpful to know exactly what types of activities the youth participated in, and whether certain activities were associated with a decrease in anti- social behavior. Additional questions may have determined what types of activities the youth 10 preferred, and whether factors such as cost and access would have made a difference in their participation. Parental support for early adolescent involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school is crucial. Direct questions regarding the parents' support of such involvement would have been useful. Ideally, involving parents themselves in such a study would help to paint a more accurate picture of why early adolescents participate or fail to participate in clubs or organizations outside of school. Using mother's education as a measure of socioeconomic status may be a fairly reliable indicator (Entwisle & Astone, 1994). However, according to Hauser (1994), it is an incomplete indicator. Instead, researchers should examine additional factors, such as parental (or householder) educational attainment, occupational status, family composition, and household income in order to reach a more accurate determination of socioeconomic status (Hauser, 1994). Again, due to the limited number of questions that pertained to socioeconomic status on the current survey, as well as the lack of information from parents or guardians themselves, socioeconomic status was determined using the best means possible. Chapter II LITERATURE REVIEW Went Adolescence is a critical period in the life span, but one which has not always received a great deal of attention (Lerner & Galambos, 1984). Adolescence is also a time when individuals undergo changes and development that will impact them for the rest of their lives (Hendry, et al., 1993). There are three reasons why attention to this age group has been increasing. First, researchers are finding that the early years of life are not necessarily the most important ones (Brim and Kagan, 1980, cited in Offer and Schonert- Reichl, 1992). Scientists have an interest in studying life transitions, and adolescence is one such time when individuals undergo multiple changes - physically, cognitively, and socially. "...No time of life comprises more physical, intellectual, social, emotional, and moral development into so brief a span" (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992, p. 9). Second, the youth movements of the 19605 and 19705 caused researchers to take a closer look at this age group (Petersen, 1988, cited in Offer & Schonert-Reiehl, 1992). Third, due to rapid changes in the social environment, adolescents today are faced with stressors that put them at greater risk for severe outcomes (such as increasing rates of drug use, pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases) than in previous generations '1 (Dryfoos, 1990; Lerner & Galambos, 1984; Offer & Schonert-Reichl, 1992; Schorr, 1988). 11 12 The view of adolescence as a generally stressful and stormy period is a stereotype not supported by research (Lerner & Galambos, 1984; Offer & Schonert-Reichl, 1992), however, it is nonetheless a crucial stage of life. Hendry et a1. (1993) suggest that entry into this new period may challenge adolescents' self-image "...as they attempt new tasks in which they can succeed or fail, as they alter their values and the areas which are important for overall self-esteem and as they confiont new significant others against whom they rate themselves and about whose judgements they care" (p. 17). In order to keep self-esteem intact, young people develop ways to cope with situations they may find threatening or uncomfortable. Adolescents with low sense of self-worth may become loners or have low expectations of themselves or, at the other extreme, set unrealistic goals for themselves (Covington & Beery, 1977, cited in Hendry, et al., 1993). Adolescents must be studied in the total environments in which they exist. These contexts include homes, schools, neighborhoods, communities, and beyond (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Lerner & Galambos, 1984; Tobin-Richards, et al., 1984). Just as adolescents are influenced by parents, peers, teachers, and the larger society, the reverse is also true. Adolescents influence the ways in which others react to them. With society expecting new behaviors and adolescents attempting to adjust to internal and external changes, it may be difficult for them to cope (Lerner & Galambos, 1984). Researchers claim this difficulty in coping stems from adolescents feeling they are not in control of . events, and this may in turn complicate relationships the adolescents have with friends and family. Consequently, stress factors may increase (Hendry, 1983, cited in Hendry et al., 1993; Cobb, 1992). 13 While societal stressors may have changed over the years, adolescents have always faced certain developmental challenges. These normal burdens of adolescent development (Hendry, etal., 1993; Cobb, 1992) include changes that begin to occur in early adolescence: puberty, changing sex roles, developing more autonomous relationships with parents, and more mature relationships with peers. Late adolescents face the need to integrate their sexuality into their relationships, prepare for adult work roles, identify and embrace values to guide their behavior, and achieve a sense of identity (Cobb, 1992). 21"!“ 1215.". a o ' 1. A16...“ '! D-v- Hn'r Parental influence and expectations play a role in the lives of adolescents (Cobb, 1992). Most adolescents internalize parents' attitudes and values. (Bandura, 1964, cited in Lerner & Galambos, 1984; Offer & Schonert-Reichl, 1992). This is part of the process adolescents experience as they separate fiom their parents and take on more responsibility for their own lives. Families with certain characteristics experience less conflict as their children enter adolescence. Parental support and open communication tend to lessen the adolescent's reliance upon the peer group (Hendry et al., 1993). Research by Noller & Callan (1991, cited in Hendry et al., 1993) shows that teens who experienced stronger communication with and support from parents were less likely to become sexually involved at a young age, and had decreased likelihood of substance abuse. Teens who are more involved in decision making and who are not subject to arbitrary parental rules are more likely to experience less conflict-prone relationships with parents (Guemey & Arthur, 1984). 14 Parenting style has an effect on the parent-adolescent relationship. Parents who are overly permissive or authoritarian are least effective when teens become involved with conflicting values or deviant behavior (Cobb, 1992). Parents walk a fine line between maintaining some control over their teenagers' lives and allowing them some freedom to develop their own autonomy. Some conflict is expected between parents and teens as teens bid for greater autonomy; parents themselves can either facilitate or hinder the growth of autonomy (Offer & Schonert-Reichl, 1992; Pardeck & Pardeck, 1990). Research shows that adolescents and their parents actually experience continuing, close relationships. The conflicts that do occur do not damage the relationships, or prevent the parents and teens from remaining close. This research has found that adolescents who are the most autonomous are also most likely to say their parents are an important influence in their lives, and that they continue to seek their advice (Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Kandel & Lesser, 1969; Offer, 1969; Offer, Ostrov & Howard, 1981; cited in Cobb, 1992). Furthermore, research by Offer, Ostrov, & Howard (1981, cited in Cobb, 1992) found "little evidence of emotional turmoil in the adolescents they studied, or of conflict in their relationships with parents" (p. 186). Indeed, these researchers found strong indications that adolescents have positive feelings toward their families. EBI'Y? .11!“ El Relationships with age mates, or peers, are crucial to the adolescent. According to Havighurst (1953), developing more mature relationships with peers of both sexes is a developmental task of adolescence. Peers serve as a means by which adolescents try out 15 and learn new ways of interacting with others, ways that are more mature and responsible. Adolescents seek the approval of peers as they experiment with new forms of behavior (Cobb, 1992; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). Peer groups may also set standards for behaviors and may influence behavior in cases where parental influence is weak (Guemey & Arthur, 1984; Hendry et al., 1993; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). In addition, peers provide a base of security outside the family for adolescents and they enable young people to communicate with others as equal partners (Hendry et al., 1993). There is no question among researchers that the peer group is one of the most important socializing forces in the lives of adolescents. Through peers, adolescents learn many social skills that they would not learn from parents or teachers (Cobb, 1992; Guemey & Arthur, 1984; Hendry et al., 1993; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). Peer relationships during this phase of life "...are the foundation upon which the social skills necessary for a successful adulthood are developed" (Guemey & Arthur, 1984, p. 92). There are additional reasons why peers can be a powerful influence over the lives of adolescents. The peer group can provide a sense of belonging, as well as popularity and status - at a time when parents and other authorities are being questioned (Guemey & Arthur, 1984; Muuss, 1990). Conformity to the peer group provides the adolescent with support during a time when he or she most needs to feel accepted (Cobb, 1992). Adolescents who relate to the values and norms of the peer group are better able to evaluate the perspectives of others while developing their own attitudes and values (Hendry et al., 1993). Researchers have identified areas in which adolescents most l6 strongly influence each other: dress and appearance, choice of leisure-time activities, language (Hendry et al., 1993; Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983), and involvement in problem behavior, such as the use of alcohol and drugs (Dryfoos, 1990; Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983; Perkins, 1995; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). Some researchers have found that psychological maladjustment among adolescents can be traced to a lack of significant peer attachment (lanes & Hesselbrock, 1978, cited in Guemey & Arthur, 1984). Others have found that teens who engage in antisocial behavior are rejected by the peer group of which they have been a part (Patterson, DeBaryshe, & Ramsey, 1989). One study of 700 junior high and high school students found little pressure from fiiends for participation in anti-social behavior, and much actual discouragement by them (Clasin & Brown, 1985). However, most research suggests that peers not only serve as models for problem behavior, they can also provide approval for such (Cobb, 1992; Dryfoos, 1990; Lerner, 1995; Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983; Perkins, 1995; Stattin & Magnusson, 1990). Adolescents who are easily influenced by peers are more likely to exhibit anti-social behavior than those who have strong relationships with their parents (Guemey & Arthur, 1984). _ _ . . . . v There is a great deal of concern today about how early adolescents choose to spend their time outside school. Researchers are finding that in terms of adolescents' futures, what happens to them in the out-of-school hours is as important, at least, as what happens to them in school (Medrich, Roizen, Rubin, & Buckley, 1982). Time spent in positive leisure pursuits, whether they be unstructured or organized, can contribute to 17 adolescents' individual character (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Crider, 1985) as well as skill development (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Crider, 1985; Willits & Willits, 1986). Furthermore, the out-of-school hours can provide a means for adolescents to develop long-range personal and social goals (Crider, 1985; Schine, 1989; Willits & Willits, 1986) in addition to the opportunity to explore a variety of peer, family, and community roles, and ultimately the establishment of a personal identity (Willits & Willits, 1986). Hamburg (1992) maintains, "American youth have a great deal of unscheduled, unstructured, and unsupervised time...After school, young adolescents need for healthy development a variety of stimulating, constructive experiences that can continue to prepare them for passage to competent, mature adulthood" (p. 16-17). These experiences are found not only in schools and homes, but in neighborhoods and communities. Young adolescents who are faced with hours of unstructured time spent with peers, but not with adult guidance or supervision, may choose to engage in anti-social, destructive, or health-compromising behaviors (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development; 1992; Dryfoos, 1990; Lipsitz, 1986; Marsland, 1982). "It is during this period that young adolescents begin to make their initial decisions about such potentially dangerous behaviors as alcohol and other drug use, sexual activity, and gang involvement. They face risks far more serious than did their predecessors, and they face them earlier in life" (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992, p. 9). Unsupervised young adolescents stand a greater chance of engaging in substance abuse and they are also more likely to be subject to negative peer pressure. Additionally, l8 unsupervised after-school hours are the most common time for adolescent sexual intercourse (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Marsland, 1982). EH"CHD"C'1ESII As a response to the increasing amount of discretionary time faced by early adolescents, youth organizations formed during the first half of the twentieth century. These organizations, such as Scouts, 4-H, Camp Fire Girls and Boys, "were organized to take advantage of the new leisure time of youths who were not working...They (had) the capacity to make dependable connections with many lonely and isolated young people" (Nightingale & Wolverton, 1993, p. 484). Their general purpose was to provide youth with positive, skill-building, activities; alternatives to leisure hours that provided either nothing to do or afforded opportunities for negative behavior. LaBelle (1981) reports that "in combination, the Boy and Girl Scouts, YMCA and YWCA, Boys' and Girls' Clubs, Salvation Army, Camp Fire, and 4-H registered approximately 17 million, or more than a third of the eligible 46 million school-aged children and youths in this country" (p. 324). The Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development (1992) claims a much larger number of youth participating in agency-sponsored activities. The Council reports "between 60 and 80 percent of young adolescents participate in at least one activity sponsored by public or nonprofit agencies" (p. 32). LaBelle's report utilized numbers that the organizations provided concerning their membership. The Carnegie report (1992) included teens whose participation may ' have been quite brief, spending very limited amounts of time on such activities. In a 1993 survey 3,294 eighth and eleventh graders in twelve central Pennsylvania 19 communities were asked about extracurricular school activities and community organization membership. Over half (57%) of the youth belonged to two or more school activities and 21% belonged to none. Conversely, 52% of the youth surveyed belonged to no community organizations, and 21% belonged to two or more (Willits & Willits, 1986). Similar findings were reported in a nationwide study of 24,500 eighth graders done in 1988 by the Department of Education. This study found that nine percent of the eighth graders were taking part in 4-H, 14% in Scouts, and 11% in Boys or Girls Clubs. "When duplicate participation was subtracted, over three-fourths of all eighth graders were not taking part in any of the three programs" (Steele, Miller, & Rai, 1993, p. 2). School-related activities appear to attract a greater number of adolescents than those sponsored by youth-serving organizations. Steele et al. emphasize the importance of the length of time young people spend in an activity or program, and the intensity of that involvement. They suggest those 4-H'ers who invest more and are more intensively involved in the program, which includes taking part for more years, are likely to gain more than those who take part in a token way for a few weeks. The problem may not be the youths' unwillingness to participate long term, but that they have no choice but to participate in short-term, sporadic programs, as that may be all that is available to them (Steele et al., 1993). Many who study young adolescents and their use of out-of-school time believe youth-serving organizations play a vital role in the lives of these young people and their families (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Dryfoos, 1990; Kleinfeld 20 & Shinkwin, 1983; Nightingale & Wolverton, 1993; Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983; Price, Cioci, Penner, & Trautlein, 1993; Steele et al., 1993). Most argue that collaboration among community groups is crucial to providing young people with the services and programs they need (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Dryfoos, 1990; Nightingale & Wolverton, 1993; Price et al., 1993; Roth & Hendrickson, 1991; Schine, 1989). "Communities which want to respond to children in a manner more likely to succeed will be those who consider collaborative efforts, including as many dimensions of the community as feasible..." (Keith, Perkins, Zhou, Clifford, Gilmore, & Townsend, 1993, p. 12). Most communities recognize the need for school-age child care, and have instituted programs to address that need. However, few of these programs are designed to include early adolescents (Schine, 1989). Some children report they enjoy their time alone, because it is the only time of day when they were on their own (Burtrnan, 1984, cited in Lipsitz, 1986). However, "...about one-third wished they had more activities after school, especially with fiiends in clubs or athletics" (p. 17). In their study of early adolescents, Medrich et al., (1982) found that 41 percent of the 11- and 12-year-olds said they often felt bored and at a loss for things to do after school and on weekends. Many adolescents felt that they had little to do that they felt was worthwhile. This lack of programs may increase their likelihood of participating in health-compromising behaviors, for example, poor school achievement and drop out, pregnancy, substance abuse (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Price et al., 1993) and negative peer pressure (Marx, 1989 and Steinberg, 1986, cited in Carnegie Council on 21 Adolescent Development, 1992). Schools alone are not able to completely meet the needs of young adolescents during the 6th to 9th grade. Young people at this age are facing rapid changes, and their needs are much more complicated than those of elementary school youths (Benson, Williams, & Johnson, 1987; Hamburg, 1992). School and community organization partnerships, in concert with family and peer support, is described as a supportive network. Communities and neighborhoods with strong networks in place to support adolescents and their families have lower rates of anti-social behavior among the youth (Garbarino, 1980 and Miller & Ohlin, 1985, cited in Benard, 1991). Adolescents have a variety of needs, consequently, comprehensive strategies are required rather than isolated efforts (Pittman, 1991). Youth-serving community-based clubs and organizations provide access to specific skills and activities that may not be available in schools. One study found that few eighth graders were enrolled in school courses that addressed life skills (Steele et al., 1993). In the process of teaching skills, community-based clubs and organizations also provide youth with contact from adults in their communities, opportunities for community service, and occasions to adopt leadership roles. The involvement of adults outside the adolescents' families has been found to have a significant impact on adolescent development (Benard, 1991; Dryfoos, 1990). The acquisition of skills, delinquency prevention, employment, and academic achievement are also found to be positive outcomes of community-based clubs and organizations young adolescents (Lipsitz, 1986). Moreover, Kleinfeld and Schinkwin 22 (1983) identified specific skills as examples of the practical advantages these programs have: first aid, gardening, photography, tailoring, cooking, and automobile repair. In order for young people to take advantage of opportunities in non-formal education, parents must value those opportunities (Kleinfeld & Shinkwin, 1983; LaBelle, 1981). When young adolescents spend time with parents in activities the youth enjoy, their involvement in delinquent activities is reduced. This may be because attachment to parents increases, values are reinforced, strain is reduced, and there are positive alternatives to delinquency offered (Agnew & Peterson, 1989). Significant adults other than the adolescent's parents are crucial, especially in situations when parents are unwilling or unable to become involved in the out-of-school experiences of their adolescent children. The strength of many youth-serving clubs and organizations is their ability to provide young people with support and alternative guidance in the form of dedicated volunteers (Ginzberg, Berliner, & Ostow, 1988). Volunteers were found to help young people develop better attitudes toward school, and improve their behavior in school (Steele et al., 1993). In addition, communities with active youth serving clubs and organizations are healthier. They include individuals who care enough about the well-being of young people to volunteer their time and talents without thought of reward or reimbursement (Blyth, 1993; Kleinfeld & Shinkwin, 1983). Peers can be a positive influence on early adolescents, as demonstrated through clubs and organizations outside of school (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992, Dryfoos, 1990, Littell & Wynn, 1989; Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983). Programs which encourage peer interaction "...can 23 function as a link between the world of peers and the world of adults by providing peers with real-world tasks and responsibilities and adult guidance in accomplishing them" (Norem-Hebeisen & Hedin, 1983, p. 45). ,.0 110950.13'4'14 -- o 0 91.1.: or- 0- Q‘ 0. 1H, Willits and Willits (1986) undertook a study to determine whether the amount of time adolescents spent on leisure pursuits affected the amount of time they spent in other activities, such as jobs, family time, chores, etc. They proposed two models: "the less, the more model," and "the more, the more model." The less, the more model is based on the notion that "time and energy occur in fixed amounts which are spent. The 'less' there are alternative commitments which make demands upon an individual, the 'more' he/ she will seek out and engage in additional leisure pursuits" (p. 190-191). This model suggests that adolescents can be encouraged to participate in specific leisure activities by limiting other commitments. The more, the more model sees time and energy as "dynamic concepts that allow for an accommodation to the pressures of interest and/or motivation. Often, those persons with extensive alternative commitments may be the ones most likely to take on volunteer activities or take advantage of added recreational opportunities" (p. 191 ). Utilizing data from a study of 3,294 eighth and eleventh grade students, Willits and Willits (1986) found much greater support for the theory of "the more, the more" than for "the less, the more" theory. They found that, rather than restricting involvement, other commitments actually seem to enhance participation in leisure pursuits. Thus, through involvement, adolescents may be more informed about opportunities, they may 24 increase social contacts, expand interest areas, or they may become more skilled in using time efficiently. Therefore, the more a person does, the more he or she seems to want to do (Willits & Willits, 1986). In addition, Willits and Willits (1986) found that greater involvement in work (within limits) and other leisure activities (except television) was generally related to greater involvement in school and community clubs and organizations. Moreover, youth motivation was associated with greater involvement in both school activities and community clubs and organizations. Thus, the more school organizations a young person belonged to, the more community groups he or she joined, and the more there were work responsibilities both at home and away fiom home, the greater the individual's participation in formal organizations. Beyond a certain point, however, an increase in hours spent on work was related to decreasing participation in organized leisure activities (Willits & Willits, 1986). Indeed, a balance of time spent in work or organized activities is necessary in order for other aspects of adolescent life, such as school performance, to thrive. "The more, the more" theory is corroborated by Steele et al. (1993), who utilized the Office of Education NELS:88 Study of 24,000 eighth graders in 1988. Steele and her colleagues examined youth who joined 4-H in elementary school and were still in the program during the eighth grade, those who joined 4-H in the eighth grade, those who had been 4-H members but were not in the program at the time of the study, and those who had never been 4-H members. Steele et a1. (1993) found that 44% of the youth who stayed in 4-H and 62% of those who joined during the eighth grade took part in four or i 25 more out-of-school activities. This contrasts with 15% of the youth who left 4-H and 16% of those who had never been in the program. Twenty-four percent of those who had never been in 4-H and 22% of those who left 4-H were not taking part in any clubs or organizations outside of school. Ninety-four percent of the youth who joined 4-H at a young age and stayed in the program also participated in school extracurricular activities. This compares with 88% of the youth who never joined 4-H; 91% of those who were 4-H members at one time, but left the program; and 92% of those who joined while in the eighth grade. Youth are rarely involved in only one out-of-school activity. The authors found that about fifty percent of the eighth graders who took part in one of the three programs (4-H, Scouts, Camp Fire Girls and Boys) also took part in at least one non-school team sports program, about half took part in a religious group, about a third also took part in summer programs such as recreational programs and the Y, and 13% indicated that 4-H was their only non-school program (Steele et al., 1993). Most researchers have discovered that youth participation in clubs or organizations outside of school declines as children move from elementary to middle school, or reach early adolescence (Heath & McLaughlin 1991; LaBelle, 1981; Konopka, 1976, cited in Littell & Wynn, 1989; Rubin & Medrich, 1979). This may be, in part, because as children get older, they assume more control over their time outside school. Hendry et al. (1993) reported that participation in adult-led, organized activities decreased through the teenage years, with a significant drop between age 11-12 and 26 13-14. Specifically, 65% of the boys and 74% of the girls were involved in clubs or organizations outside of school at ages 11-12, compared with 43% of the boys and 40% of the girls ages 13-14. A 1987 study of students in a school district in California reported similar findings. In that suburban community, the majority of after school programming was designed for elementary school students, through the sixth grade. These programs virtually disappeared at the seventh grade level (Rubin & Medrich, 1979) In contrast, Littell and Wynn (1989) found that there was a slight increase in participation in clubs or organizations outside of school for 11- to 14-year-olds among the inner-city youth they studied. The pattern of involvement for the different age groups in the suburban community was less clear, although their participation in clubs or organized activities declined slightly at age 13 and increased slightly at age 14. Overall, however, there was a decline in participation in clubs or organizations outside of school associated with age. ,1". .h .H .1 ,. . . -._,,’ .1.” O-,'-.- . _ H. {in _H_ Few of the studies reviewed addressed the similarities and differences among males and females with regard to participation in clubs or organizations outside of school. However, Marsland (1982) reported that females were generally much less satisfied than males with the variety of programs provided by the community for young people. Littell and Wynn (1989) looked at two communities in the Chicago area, one in the inner-city and one an affluent suburb. They found that boys in the lower socioeconomic community were involved in a greater number of organized and informal 27 activities than were girls. However, when they examined the suburban community, they found that girls reported more of both types of activities than did boys. In their report of a 1987 study of over 10,000 young people in Scotland, Hendry et al. (1993) found that from age 9 to age 12 more girls than boys participated in clubs (80% of girls and 69% of boys at ages 9-10; 74% of girls and 65% of boys at ages 11-12). However, beginning at ages 13-14, more boys participated in clubs, and this trend continued through the teenage years (43% of boys and 40% of girls at ages 13-14; 37% of boys and 29% of girls at ages 15-16; 21% of boys and 18% of girls at ages 17-18). This study also found that males were more likely to be involved in sports and other organized activities while girls were more likely to participate in more socializing activities - attending movies and discos and visiting with friends. These researchers concluded that the social element of being with others was more important to the females, while males participated in organized activities because they were more strongly influenced by their parents. Benson et al. (1987) report that, in terms of church youth programs, females were more active than males, particularly in the 7th to 9th grade level. Rubin and Medrich (1979) found that levels of participation were higher for boys than girls in lessons and after-school programs (83.7% as compared with 74.9%) in a sample of 764 11- and 12- year-old Oakland, California students. ,4. .h .H . . . . .1.” O..'c.- . . H. t” A“. . Many researchers make reference to minority involvement in their discussions of place of residence, or socioeconomic status (e.g., "low income and minority youth," or 28 "urban minorities") but few studies focus specifically on the level of involvement of minority early adolescents. Thus, there is a lack of research in the area of early adolescents' participation in clubs or organizations outside of school and ethnicity. Many programs which support adolescent development have been designed and implemented primarily with Caucasian youth. Whether these programs are appropriate for minority youth is unclear (Price et al., 1993). Programs which have been developed with white adolescents in mind may be adapted for use with minority audiences. However, culturally relevant programs must be developed by those who "understand the social meanings of ethnicity and the identity development of minority adolescen " (Price et al., 1993, p. 515). Marsland (1982) argues that leadership in the development of these programs must come from the community in which the program will take place, or it will not be accepted by the minority youth who are the potential participants. .. .._ J. '. ,. . e) o.. _.__'.. e ,‘r- . A .u ._.. ; . ‘- . .-._._ i. Those who develop and implement activities outside of school for early adolescents must take care in their design. Lipsitz (1986) contends that too few studies have been conducted which evaluate the effectiveness of out-of-school activities in curbing anti-social behavior. This lack of research makes it impossible to identify common features of programs that appear to be successful. She maintains, "the literature is replete with articles by authors who 'feel’ that increases in antisocial and personally destructive behavior 'may' be attributed 'in part' to lack of adult supervision and 'claim' or 'suggest' that organized programs will decrease this behavior" (p. 45). The present study begins to address the relationship between participation in clubs or organizations outside 29 of school and anti-social behavior. The majority of the literature that exists suggests that there is a negative relationship between early adolescents' involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and their involvement in anti-social behavior (Agnew & Peterson, 1989; Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Lipsitz, 1986; Schinke, Cole, & Orlandi, 1991). However, there is very little research completed on this issue, and the literature is limited to theories. Agnew and Peterson (1989) allege that the most common argument for claiming a relationship between involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and delinquency is not convincing. The argument states that adolescents who are involved in time-consuming activities will have little time to be involved in anti-social behavior. Anti-social behavior, in fact, takes very little time. Indeed, even the most anti-social adolescents very likely do not spend more than a few hours a year engaged in actual anti- social behaviors, and few young people are so involved in out-of-school activities that they cannot find the time for anti-social behavior, if they so desire (Hirschi, 1969, cited in Agnew & Peterson, 1989). Schafer (1969, cited in Agnew & Peterson, 1989) suggests that adolescents who are involved in clubs or organizations outside of school may be less likely to engage in anti-social behavior because such behavior may threaten their involvement in these activities. He goes on to say that some activities may reduce anti-social behavior because they expose adolescents to positive role models and increases their attachment to these models. 30 Rational choice theory (Cornish and Clarke, 1986, cited in Agnew & Peterson, 1989) states that individuals weigh the costs and benefits of leisure-time options when deciding how to spend their time. They will tend to choose those activities that have the greatest benefits and lowest costs. If individuals value activities that inhibit or are neutral with respect to anti-social behavior, they will be more likely to choose constructive, beneficial activities over anti-social behaviors. They are less likely to be involved in negative behaviors because they have less desire for them, not necessarily because they have less time. ,'-.I. '.._ ,o. 7. A. o O -._u,_.-. o. I for ._ .u .“u o o- on" f .1“ Hamburg (1992), LaBelle (1981), Medrich et al. (1993) and Steele et al. (1993) all emphasize the role socioeconomic status plays in the out-of-school hours of adolescents. LaBelle states, "...other than for television in this country, it appears that the upper-middle class and upper-class youngsters - mostly white - reap the benefits of many of these activities, and their experiences tend to be governed by their sex and their ethno-religious heritage" (p. 327). He points out that upper-middle- and upper-class parental values play a role in youths' involvement in non-forrnal education. This may be in part due to the fact that these parents, more so than the poor, have the resources to access out-of-school opportunities for their children. Research has shown that children fiom upper-income families not only participate in a greater number of clubs or organizations outside of school, they also have the advantage of a greater variety of activities fiom which to choose (LaBelle, 1981; Littell & Wynn, 1989; Medrich et al., 1982; Rubin & Medrich, 1979). Rubin and Medrich (1979) 31 argue that "for the poor and urban underclass, the ideological emphasis is on 'social control'; for the wealthy and middle class it is 'opportunity enhancemen "' (p. 23). Programs which fall under the "social control" category are designed to curb delinquency or violent behavior by introducing the youth to middle class values. "Opportunity enhancemen ", on the other hand, "...assumes that children are growing up 'properly' and that after-school activities are for the purpose of enrichment" (Rubin & Medrich, 1979, p. 23). Eighth graders fi'om families in the lower socioeconomic groups are more likely to report that they are home alone for more than three hours, while those in upper income groups are least likely to be unsupervised for that amount of time (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992). Steele et al.'s (1993) study of youth participation in YMCA, YWCA, Scouts, 4-H, and Boys and Girls Clubs involvement also found that participation increased as socioeconomic status of youth increased. Wilma Tisch, in her preface to AW MW (1992) reported that "...vvithout exception, the young people in greatest need had the least access to support services...we found that young people in more advantaged circumstances had greater access to current programs and services" (p. 21). Not only do youth from upper-income homes have greater access to programs, but, according to a University of Michigan study of Boy Scouts, children from upper-status homes were exposed to a wider range of out-of-school activities (University of Michigan Survey Research Center, 1956). Several explanations have been given for the difference in participation among 32 lower- and upper-income youth. One concern is that lower-income families do not have the same access to programs that middle- and upper-income families enjoy (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992). Some programs charge fees which may be prohibitive to lower-income families (Lipsitz, 1986; Rubin & Medrich, 1979), and programs may simply not be available in some urban or rural areas (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, 1992; Pittman, 1991). Rubin and Medrich (1979) argue that higher income parents have distinct advantages when it comes to their children's involvement in organized, out-of-school activities. They may become more involved in the activities themselves; they have the advantage of transportation, resources with which to pay fees and more information available to them. Hollingshead (cited in Medrich et al., 1982) found that children fiom lower- income homes actually preferred informal to structured and unorganized to organized activities when compared to those fi'om higher-income families. Littell and Wynn (1989), however, did not come to the same conclusion. They found that roughly the same percentage (ten percent) of children fi'om lower-income and upper-income communities participated in informal activities. Thus, more research is needed before any conclusions can be drawn in this area. .dlflm _. . Olaf...” .fil.-. H. d, 1" Jun In order for adolescents to participate in clubs or organizations outside of school, ' parents must value the activities (LaBelle, 1981). Many studies have found that parents do, indeed, find the programs beneficial and encourage their children to participate 33 (Coalition Concerned with Adolescent Pregnancy, 1987; Kleinfeld & Shinkwin, 1983; Littell & Wynn, 1989; Rubin & Medrich, 1979). Parents cite numerous reasons why they want their children involved in such activities. Some believe their children are in need of supervision and direction and that these programs can provide such guidance, as well as a possible solution to boredom (Coalition Concerned with Adolescent Pregnancy, 1987). Others use such organizations as scouting and 4-H to teach their children specific skills that they themselves either cannot do, or do not have the time to do. Additional benefits cited by parents include learning the importance of community service, developing leadership skills, and learning how to plan activities (Kleinfeld & Shinkwin, 1983; Littell & Wynn, 1989). In addition, the parents surveyed by Kleinfeld and Shinkwin believed that youth group participation would reinforce the traditional values of the family, and that their children's involvement in these activities brought the family together. Finally, Littell and Wynn (1989) found that parents felt organized activities provided opportunities for adolescents to spend time with others and to do so in environments that kept them from getting into trouble. Early adolescents who experience family support may be more likely to be involved in clubs or organizations outside of school. For example, researchers have found that a caring, supportive family is a vital component of the adolescent‘s life, and relationships among family members play an important role in the behavioral outcomes of young people (F eldman, Stiffrnan & Jung, 1987, cited in Benard, 1991). Research by Steele et al. (1993) found that parents whose children were involved in 4-H were only slightly more likely to be involved in school-related activities 34 themselves, or to serve as volunteer leaders within the 4-H program. Thus, parents who themselves are involved are more likely to encourage involvement of their adolescents in clubs or organizations outside of school. Steele et al. conclude that 4-H personnel fail to recognize the potential 4-H has for improving relationships between parents and their children, and consequently do not encourage parents to become involved. .1.“ -.‘_ H - _. . . ,4; u O..rc.- . - H. a” we...” -0 .. H Littell and Wynn (1989) found, in their comparison of an inner-city and a suburban community in the Chicago area, that there were approximately nine youth- serving organizations per 1,000 middle-school-age youth in the inner-city area, while the suburban area had 24 organizations per 1,000 middle-school-age youth. Not only were there a greater number of organizations in the suburban community, there were also a ‘ larger number and greater variety of activities offered. Overall, the authors identified 71 different activities per week per 1,000 youth in the suburban area, compared with 23 in the inner-city area. Additionally, the children themselves actually participated in more organized activities in the suburb than did the youth in the inner-city. The authors suggest that these patterns mirror differences in the availability of resources in the two communities. Thus, the higher level of organizational activity among young people in the suburban community may be related to the greater availability of these types of activities in the suburbs (Littell & Wynn, 1989). The problem of availability is a concern in rural communities, as well (Hamburg, 1992; Heath & McLaughlin, 1991). There are simply too few organizations or activities 35 available to these youth. In some communities, lack of transportation may keep youth from participating in the activities that are offered, particularly in rural areas. Several studies have found that parents report that lack of transportation is one of the most serious barriers to after-school programs for young adolescents (Lipsitz, 1986). W There has been a great deal of theory and scientific proposition about the importance clubs or organizations outside of school in the development of youth. However, very little empirical testing of the theories and propositions has been conducted. This study will begin to address the lack of empirical investigation regarding early adolescent involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school. The next chapter will present the methods used in this study. Chapter III METHOD E . . A subset of the respondents from the Wan Wfieith & Perkins, 1995) was examined in this study. The Search Institute's Profiles of Student Life: Attitudes and Behaviors Questionnaire (ABQ) was administered to 16,375 7th, 9th, and 11th graders in approximately 36 Michigan communities during the Spring and Fall of 1993 and Winter of 1994. The ABQ is a 152-item inventory developed by the Search Institute (Benson, 1990; Blyth, 1993) (see Appendix A). A total of 8,446 12-, 13- and 14-year-olds were used as the sample for this study. Measmcs Student responses to the ABQ were used as an initial data base. Thirty-six of the 152-items from the ABQ were used to create scales for the assessment of individual, family, and community variables. The research questions were studied using the following analysis: 1. How much time do 12-, 13-, and 14-year olds report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school weekly? Frequency analysis was used to determine amount of time for each age group. 2. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school vary by such variables as age, gender, ethnicity, anti- social behavior, socioeconomic status, family support, or geographic location? 36 37 Frequency analysis and cross tabulations were used to address this question. Microsystem organismic variables are those attributes that are associated with the early adolescent's biological status, for example, age, gender, and ethnicity. These are the three microsystem characteristics that were examined in this study. Age In this study, age was scored as a continuous variable (See Appendix B). Twenty- two percent of the respondents were 12, 38.1% were 13, and 39.9% were 14 (See Table 1). Gender Gender is treated as a dichotomous variable (See Appendix B). In this sample, there were more females than males; females comprised 54.6% and males 45.4% of the sample. Some early adolescents did not respond (.4 %), and this was treated as missing data (See Table 1). E l . . Ethnicity was measured as a five-level categorical variable (See Appendix B). The majority of the sample was comprised of White adolescents (63%). Ethnic minorities comprised 36.9% of the sample. Afiican-Americans were the largest minority group in the sample, making up 28.8% of the total. Native Americans (4.3%), Asian or Pacific Islander (.8%) and Hispanic early adolescents (3.0%) made up a smaller percentage of the sample (See Table l). 38 Insert Table 1 Here I I. E l . I V . l l Microsystem behavioral variables are those attributes pertinent to the early adolescent's personality, cognitive, or motoric (action) fimctioning (Perkins, 1995). Two microsystem behavioral characteristics were examined in this study: involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and involvement in anti-social behavior. I] 'QHC"D'IESII Clubs or organization outside of school are defined as extracurricular activities sponsored by neighborhood, community, and/or youth-serving organizations, not associated with schools (See Appendix B). Club or organization involvement outside of school was measured from one item of the ABQ: "During an average week, how many hours do you spend in clubs or organizations outside of school?" The following five- point scale was used: "0," "1-2," "3-5," "6-10," and "11 or more." For this study, the scale was collapsed into three categories: "0 hours per week," "1-2 hours per week," and "3 or more hours per week" (See Table 2). Adolescents' anti-social behavior was indexed by seven items from the ABQ. The items concerned behaviors such as fighting, stealing, vandalism, and trouble with the police, which occurred during the last 12 months (See Appendix B). For this study, there were five item responses possible. They were transformed into three possible scores: 39 Table l C 'E 113 til Ell'l' ISIS l State of Michigan Sample Size Percent of TntaLSample Total 8,446 100 Gender Male 3,797 45.4 Female 4,573 54.6 Race/Ethnicity Asian/Pacific Islander 66 .8 African American 2,383 28.8 White 5,208 63.0 Hispanic or Latino 248 3.0 Native American 359 4.3 Age 12 1,846 22.0 13 3,202 38.1 14 3,355 39.9 810,0001 51.0 49.0 1.0 17.0 77.0 3.0 1.0 33.02 33.02 34.0 ‘State of Michigan data includes 12- to 17-year-olds. Percentages are based on total state youth population. 2Ages 12 and 13 are combined in the 1990 United States Census. The percentage of 12- and 13-year-olds was divided in half. 4o "1" = 0 Times, "2" = 1 Time, "10" = 2 or More Times. The seven items were added such that an overall score of seven or less meant they did not participate in any of the above- mentioned anti-social behaviors. An overall index of more than seven but less than 15 meant that they had participated in at least one of the above mentioned anti-social behaviors at least once. An overall index score of 15 or greater meant the individual had participated in at least one anti-social behavior two or more times. An overall index was transformed such that "I" meant they placed in the first category (i.e., no participation), "2" meant they placed in the second category (i.e., low level participation), and "3" meant they scored high for anti-social behavior (i.e. they participated in one or more behaviors two or more times). The Cronbach Alpha for anti-social behavior scale was .80 (See Table 2). Insert Table 2 Here 92W Two contextual variable were related to the family: mother's education and family support. Mother's education was a descriptor variable used as an indicator of socioeconomic status, as no questions in this survey addressed parental income. Entwisle and Astone (1994) provide evidence for measures of parental education as useful indices of socioeconomic status. 41 Valid Sample Percent of Siam. 1W Total 8,446 100% Organized, Out-of-School Activities 0 Hours Per Week 5,071 60.3 1 - 2 Hours Per Week 1,972 23.5 3 or More Hours Per Week 1,360 16.2 Anti-Social Behavior None: 0 Incidences in Past Year 2,639 32.5 Low: 1 - 7 Incidences in Past Year, One Time Each 1,780 21.9 High: Two or More Incidences in Past Year In One or More Behaviors 3,712 45.7 42 MctherlsEdueaticn Respondents were asked, "What is the highest level of schooling your mother completed?" The seven-item scale is included in Appendix C. For this study, the scale was collapsed into four categories: "1" = "Some high school or less," "2" = "Completed high school," "3" = "Some college," "4" = "Completed college and/or graduate or N professional school after college. Eleven percent of the adolescents reported they don't know what level of education their mothers completed, and one percent did not answer (See Table 3). W Early adolescents' reports of- family support were derived from a five-item "scale" on the ABQ (See Appendix C). The mean of the responses of the items was calculated to create an overall index of family support. This index was transformed into a dichotomous variable such that scores of "4" or greater were given "1" and scores of "3" or less were given "0". Thus, a one indicated family support while zero signified less family support. In this study, the Cronbach Alpha for family support was .86 (See Table 3). Insert Table 3 Here 11"1I'llBll: . One contextual variable was examined that served as a community descriptor: geographic location. 43 Table 3 um”... :qu'. -. “"1... .H. .f...a'- -.,._,o- :._-...U._,- E 1 . 1 E '1 5 Valid Sample Percent of Size. thal Sample Total 8,446 100% Mother's Education Some High School 738 10.0 Completed High School 2,814 38.1 Some College 1,561 21.1 Completed College/Some Graduate or Professional School 2,269 30.7 Family Support More Supportive 5,048 60.1 Less Supportive 3,351 39.9 44 E l . I . Geographic location was defined by school location, and divided into three categories, as defined by the United States Census (Keith & Perkins, 1995). The three categories were urban, suburban, and rural (See Table 4; See Appendix C). Urban was defined as a place in a metropolitan statistical area (MSA) which is incorporated. The suburban category was defined by using the census category of "urban fringe" and unincorporated places in an MSA. The rural geographic location was defined as places that have less than 2,500 population, and not included in the MSA (See Table 4). Insert Table 4 Here PROCEDURES Data collection involved group testing in each of the participating schools. Teachers administered the questionnaire by following a specific script and a 26-page instruction manual fiom the Search Institute. To avoid contamination, all of the participants, within their respective schools, were administered the questionnaire at one specific time during the school day. All of the participants completed the questionnaires within their respective classrooms (Perkins, 1995). This ABQ was administered to participants with the assurance of anonymity. This study met the requirement of the University's internal review board (see Appendix D). Written consent from parents was obtained on the discretion of the school. In those 45 Table 4 0.1.345: Uri-.0 o,_¢,._,no"' '.,,°‘ = ‘_0. ‘O'Jlilt. anatinn Valid Sample Percent of State of Sim quLSampje Michigan Total 8,446 100% 810,000 Geographic Location Rural 4,363 51.9 37.0 Suburban 931 1 l .1 8.0 Urban 3,109 37.0 54.0 46 schools (N=5) where parental consent was sought a letter of consent was used. Verbal consent was received from each of the students, and they were informed about the precise nature of the study. Students were told their responses were completely anonymous, that their participation was completely voluntary, and that they could withdraw from the study at any time without penalty. In addition, students were told that after all the questionnaires were completed their teachers would seal the envelopes which contained the questionnaires in front of the students; this procedure was intended to provide some concrete assurance of anonymity (Perkins, 1995). Chapter IV RESULTS 1. How much time do 12-, 13-, and l4-year-olds report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school? The majority of the youth (60.3%) reported that they did not spend any time in clubs or organizations outside of school on a weekly basis. At the one to two hours per week level, 23.5% participated, and 16.1% reported spending three or more hours per week in clubs or organizations outside of school. 2. Does the amount of time 12-, 13-, and 14-year-olds report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by age? It was hypothesized that younger adolescents would have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than older adolescents. No significant differences in involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school were found between the three age groups. Each age group reported about the same level of non-involvement on a weekly basis: 58.9% of the 12-year-olds, 60.6% of the 13-year- olds, and 60.9% of the 14-year-olds reported spending no time in these activities. The rate of non-involvement for twelve-year-olds was slightly below the rate for the total sample (60.3%). Of the 12-year-olds, 25.3% spent one to two hours per week in clubs or organizations outside of school. This compares with 23.2% of the 13-year-olds and 22.7% of the 14-year-olds. The rate for the total sample was 23.5%. 47 48 The rates of participation at the three hours or more per week level were also similar for the three groups: 15.8% for 12-year-olds, 16.2% for 13-year—olds, and 16.4% for those age 14. For the total sample, the rate was 16.2% (See Table 5). Insert Table 5 Here 3. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by gender? It was hypothesized that females would participate in clubs or organizations outside of school at a significantly higher level than males. Significant, but not meaningful, differences were found in participation in clubs or organizations outside of school based on gender; 62.2% of the males and 58.8% of the females reported no involvement in such activities on a weekly basis (p < .0001; See Table 6). Of the males, 21.3% reported spending one to two hours per week; 25.3% of the females participated at this level. At the three hours or more per week level, 16.5% of the males and 15.9% of the females reported. Insert Table 6 Here 4. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by ethnicity? 49 Table 5 ,' r ' u an ‘l--|',l'l‘ 1.7. 0 o 0-9 u, 0. o o .n 123L153: Hours/Week in Clubs/Orgs. Out % of % of % of % of of School 12-year-olds 13-year-olds 14-year-olds Total 0 58.9 60.6 60.9 60.3 1 - 2 25.3 23.2 22.7 23.5 3 or More 15.8 16.2 16.4 v 16.2 100% 100% 100% 100% (1,846) (3,202) (3,355) (8,403) 12 = 4.58 p<.1 50 Table 6 'r,.-."o tro‘ '.r. ..-_r'-..".-. -9 r 0 92-1.4.1 010‘. in 0 Gender Hours/Week in Clubs/Orgs. Out of School % Male % Female % of Total 0 62.2 58.8 60.3 1 - 2 21.3 25.3 23.5 3 or More 16.5 15.9 16.2 100% 100% 100% (3,797) (4,573) (8,370) x2 = 18.62 p < .0001 51 It was hypothesized that White early adolescents would be involved in clubs or organizations outside of school at a significantly higher level than early adolescents of other ethnic or racial backgrounds. There was a significant difference in the Chi Square Test among racial and ethnic groups (p < .001; See Table 7). Most of the respondents reported zero involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school at similar rates (about 60%), however, Native American youth reported the lowest level of non- involvement and Hispanics the highest (56.8% and 72.2%, respectively). Native Americans, African Americans and Whites all reported similar levels of participation at one to two hours per week, 24.2%, 21.5%, and 24.6%, respectively. Asians (19.7%) and Hispanics (16.1%) reported rates of participation at this level that were below that of the total sample (23.4%). Asians, however, reported spending more time in these activities at the highest level of participation (three hours and more) than any other group (21.1%). Native Americans and African Americans reported similar involvement at this level, 18.9% and 18.4%, respectively. All three of these groups reported participating at a higher rate than the total sample (16.2%). Fewer Whites and Hispanics spent three or more hours per week in these activities than any of the groups (15.1% and 11.7%, respectively). Insert Table 7 Here 5. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by involvement in anti-social behavior? 52 SQVQ 3.9. n «x $3.8 $8.3 see sand Ga 83 :2: see :2: s2: :52 :52 N2 <2 5.: 3: 2m E: as: s m 4.8 gm we as 52 SA N - a 4.8 m8 ma <8 2% men o 3cm. 833 ..\° 359MB .x. 505:3. 395$ 505$ Begum mo .8 a sex? Sea 332 s so .maoES .8 x85 .x. .5 §_m< .x. E geek/R502 4.....- . .2. . .i o 2 .. .3. .- ...c .. .1. . .24 .5254. . N. 2an 53 It was hypothesized that there would be a negative relationship between involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and involvement in anti-social behavior by early adolescents. Significant differences were found in the Chi Square Test among the various categories of anti-social behavior (p < .0001; See Table 8). However, the relationship between involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and anti- social behavior was weak. Of the early adolescents who responded to the series of questions about their involvement in anti-social behavior, 32.5% reported that they have not participated in such behavior during the past year, 21.9% said they have participated in anti-social behavior once, and 45.6% said they have participated in anti-social behavior two or more times. Of those who were not involved in anti-social behavior during the past year, 59.4% also reported not being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school on a weekly basis. Those who were involved in anti-social behavior once or two or more times during the past year reported similar levels of non-involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school (60.9% and 60.7%, respectively). The rate of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school for the total sample at the one to two hours per week level was 23.5%. Of those who were not involved in anti-social behavior during the past year, 25.3% reported being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school at this level. Of those who were involved in anti- social behavior once during the past year, 26.1% reported being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school for one to two hours per week. Of those who were 54 involved in anti-social behavior two or more times during the past year, 20.9% were involved in clubs or organizations outside of school for one to two hours per week. About 16% of the total sample reported being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school for three or more hours per week. Of the adolescents who were not involved in anti-social behavior during the last year, 15.2% reported being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school at this level. Of those who were involved in anti- social behavior once during the past year, 13.0% said they were involved in clubs or organizations outside of school three or more hours per week. Of the adolescents who reported taking part in anti-social behavior two or more times during the past year, 18.4% reported being involved in clubs or organizations outside of school for three or more hours per week. Insert Table 8 Here 6. Does the amount of time early adolescents report spending in clubs or organizations outside of school differ by socioeconomic status? It was hypothesized that early adolescents whose families have higher socioeconomic status would have a significantly higher level of involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school than early adolescents whose families have lower socioeconomic status. There was significance at the Pearson Chi Square Test level of .0001 (See Table 9). As hypothesized, there was a negative association between 55 58. v a 48.3. n «x 28.8 839 QR: 28.3 :52 see :52 .32: NS 3: on as so: a m 3N mom EN EN N - a m8 is 0.8 «an o 33 as: 202 a N s 88:. a s 85:. o a 320m .6 ac s so .maoapao E fink/ESSA ..>.. ..r. .. :4 . ... m 2an 56 non-involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school and mother's education. Of the early adolescents whose mothers did not complete high school, 71.1% reported no involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school. This was higher than the rate for the total sample (59.4%). Of those whose mothers completed high school, 62.7% reported no involvement; 57.2% of those whose mothers had some college education reported no involvement, and 53.0% of the early adolescents whose mothers completed college reported no involvement in clubs or organizations outside of school. Youth participation in clubs or organizations outside of school at the one to two hours per week level was positively associated with mother's education. Of the early adolescents who reported participating at this level, 16.8% had mothers who did not complete high school, 22.2% had mothers who completed high school, 26.3% had mothers with some college, and to 26.5% had mothers who completed college. There was also a positive association between early adolescents who said they spent three or more hours weekly in clubs or organizations outside of school and mother's education. Of those whose mothers did not complete high school, 12.1% reported participating at this level. Fifteen percent of those whose mothers completed high school reported spending three or more hours in these activities; 16.5% of those whose mothers had some college and 20.4% of those whose mothers completed college reported spending three or more hours per week in clubs, or organizations outside of school. 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M55558 .555. 555.555-... 5. -N. 55... .5 .55555 5:. 5550 5555.5 5.555555558 a: 5&5 55:8 .5 55.5.5 55.55.5555 5 5:25 5. 555555 .555. 555.555-... 5. -N. 55... .5 5.5.55 5:. 55D mmqm Am mZOF¢m>0 U .29me5:. OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND GRADUATE STUDIES University Cnmmlttea on Research Involving Human Suhiects (UCfltflS) Michigm State University 225 Ministration Building East Lansing. Midnigan 48824-1046 sums-2m Fm SITmB-ltlt Wham 83 Appendix D MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY September 30. l993 TO: Dr. Joanne Keith 203 Human Ecology RE: IRB 3: 92-379 TITLE: COMMUNITY BASED YOUTH NEEDS ASSESSMENT - COMMUNITY BASED PROFILE OF MICHIGAN YOUTH REVISION REQUESTED: N/A CATEGORY: loC APPROVAL DATE: September 24. 1993 The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects' (UCRll-IS) review of this project is complete. I am pleased to advise that the rights and weifare of me human subjects appear to be adequately protected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate. Therefore. the UCRIHS approved this project including any revision listed above. Renewal: Revisions: Problems! Changes: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year. beginning with the approval date shown above. Investigators planning to continue a project beyond one year must use the enclosed form to seek updated certification. There is a maximum of four such expedited renewals possible. Investigators wishing to continue a project beyond that time need to submit it again for complete review. UCRll-IS must review any changes in procedures involving human subjects. prior to initiation of the change. If this is done at the time of renewal. please use the enclosed form. To revise an approved protocol at any other time during the year. send your written request to the UCRIHS Chair. requesting revised approval and referencing the project's IRB fl and title. Include in your request a description of the change and any revised instruments. consent forms or advertisements that are applicable. the year. please outline the proposed revisions in a letter to the Committee. Should either of the following arise during the course of the work. investigators must notify UCRIHS promptly: (1) problems (unexpected side effects. complaints. etc) involving hum subjects or (2) changes in the research enVironment or new information indicating greater risk to the human subjects than existed when the protocol was previously reviewed and approved. If we can be of any future help. please do not hesitate to contact us at (517) 355-2180 or FAX (517) 336-1171. Sincerely. UCRII-IS Chair DEW:pjrn - i” avid E. Wright. Ph.D. LIST OF REFERENCES LIST OF REFERENCES Agnew, R. (1989). Leisure and delinquency. Social Problems 36, 332-350. Benson, P. (1990). The troubled journey: A portrait of 6th-12th grade youth. Minneapolis, MN: Search Institute. 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Child Development. 61.1067-1080. nICHIan STATE UNIV. LIBRARIES WWIIIUIIIWWIIINI"IWIIIIIUIHIHIIWHWi 31293014214997