THE iNFLUENCE? orvoncs msn‘ueuasuABm
an souacz CREDIB!LITY '

Thesis for the Degree of Pm}
MCHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
ARTHUR I. BOONE

1971.

 

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LIBRARY

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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

THE INFLUENCE OF VOICE DISTINGUISHABILITY
0N SOURCE CREDIBILITY

presented by

ARTHUR I. BOONE

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in Secondary Education

Beam

Mnjor professor

 

 

 

Date August 12, 1971

 

0-7639

 

 

ABSTRACT

THE INFLUENCE OF VOICE DISTINGUISHABILITY
ON SOURCE CREDIBILITY

BY
Arthur I. Boone

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study was to measure the extent
to which a distinguishable voice sound (aural cue) associ-
ated with a Black speaker and a distinguishable voice
sound (aural cue) associated with a Caucasian speaker used
as narrators for an automated sound slide presentation
affect the source credibility of a recorded message to a
selected group of students. Of specific interest to this
study was the extent to which believability of message and
voice preference were affected by the identification of a
distinguishable voice sound (aural cue) associated with a

Black or Caucasian narrator.

Procedures

 

The experimental pOpulation consisted of 160 Cau-
casian students enrolled in eight workshop sections of

Education 450, School and Society, conducted at Michigan

 

State University during the 1971 Spring quarter. All

Arthur I. Boone

students were enrolled in the Michigan State University
Teacher Education Pregram and had completed student teach-
ing requirements.

Eight sections were randomly selected from the total
of ten workshops. Eight experimental treatments were ran-
domly assigned to the eight workshop sections. Four work-
shops received a treatment with a Black voice arguing
either for the con or pro position on "Community Control
of Schools." Four workshOps received a treatment with a
Caucasian voice arguing either for the pro or con position.
The subjects in all workshOps were administered the same
semantic differential consisting of twelve items relating
to "voice preference" and thirteen items relating to "be-
lievability." The mode of presentation fer the treatments
(automated slide-tape presentation) was the same for all
workshops. The statistical hypotheses were tested by using
the multivariate analysis procedure, and the probability
level selected for rejecting the null hypothesis was at the

.05 alpha level.

Conclusions

 

The analysis of the differential test results sup-
ports the following conclusions:

1. When Caucasian undergraduate students are ex-
posed to information communicated by a Caucasian communi-
cator they generally gave higher credibility to a
Caucasian information source than they will give to a Black

communicator source.

Arthur I. Boone

2. "Voice preference" is perceived more positively
with voice sound associated with a Caucasian than with
voice sound associated with a Black speaker.

3. Distinguishable voice sound associated with
different Black Speakers was perceived as having
approximately the same level of credibility.

4. "Voice preference" was rated in a
negative direction when associated with a distinguishable
Black voice sound.

5. The perception of "voice preference" and "be-
lievability" was rated in a positive direction
when associated with a distinguishable Caucasian voice
sound.

6. The "believability" of a message can not be

assured by the position a speaker takes on an issue.

THE INFLUENCE OF VOICE DISTINGUISHABILITY

ON SOURCE CREDIBILITY

BY

Arthur I. Boone

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1971

DEDICATION

To my wife, Zola, who sacrificed her own profes-
sional job advancement and encouraged me to take this
venture. Her moral support, understanding, and inspiration
sustained me throughout this task. This task would not
have been completed without the labor and many long hours
she spent typing and retyping thesis drafts. Her under-
standing of the many anxious moments was a constant source
of encouragement to me.

To my children, Monica, Denise, and Ivan, who some—
how understood what I was doing and why I was absent from
the home for many long hours. Their understanding made

the task a little easier.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to express sincere appreciation to the
Chairman of my Committee, Dr. Paul Witt, who has been a
source of encouragement and helpfulness throughout my
doctoral program and also to Dr. Elwood Miller and Dr.
Wilbur Brookover for their contributions and interest as
members of the writer's guidance committee. My gratitude
is also extended to Dr. Troy Stearns for his personal
friendship, moral inspiration and guidance during my doc-
toral program. Special indebtedness and appreciation are
expressed to Dr. Larry Lezotte who provided invaluable
guidance and assistance in the design of this study and
the statistical treatment of data. His patience, humane-
ness and understanding made a difficult task bearable.

Further gratitude and appreciation are expressed
to Dr. Harry Johnson, who has been a counselor, friend,
and professional confidant throughout my professional
career. Special thanks is also extended to the instructors
in Education 450 whose cooperation made it possible for me
to collect the data for this study.

I wish to thank especially my mother and father,
who have been a lifetime of encouragement and inspiration
to me.

Arthur I. Boone

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
DEDICATION O O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . o . . . Vi
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . Vii

LIST OF APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . viii

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . 1
Statement of the Problem. . . . . 4
General Statement of the Hypothesis . . 5
Significant Questions. . . . . . . 5
The Need for the Study . . . . . . 6
Limitations of the Study. . . . . . 12
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . 14
Overview . . . . . . . . . . . 15
II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE . . . . . 17
Source Credibility. . . . . . . . l7
Racial Stereotyping . . . . . . . 39
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . 46
III. PROCEDURES AND METHODOLOGY . . . . . . 48
Statement of the Problem. . . . . . 48
The sample 0 O O O O O O O O O 48
Instrumentation. . . . . . . . . 49

Deve10pment of Pre-Test Screening
Instrument . . . . . . . . 50

Administration of Pre-Test

Instrument O O O O O O O O 52
Development of Test Instrument. . . 55
Procedure. . . . . . . . . . 65
Design and Analysis . . . . . . . 67
Statistical Hypotheses . . . . . . 69
smary O O O I O O O O O O O 71

iV

Chapter Page

IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA. . . . . . . . . . 73
Scale Reliability . . . . . . . . 73
Scale Intercorrelations . . . . . . 74
Hypotheses Tests. . . . . . . . . 74
Hypotheses. . . . . . . . . . . 74
Summary of Result . . . . . . . . 84

V. SUMMARY, FINDINGS, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS,

AND RECOMMENDATIONS. . . . . . . . . 87
Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Findings . . . . . . . . . . . 90
Discussion. . . . . . . . . . . 94
Implications . . . . . . . . . . 98
Recommendations . . . . . . . . . 101

BIBLIOGRAPHY. O O O O O O O O O O O O O 103

APPENDICES O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 109

LI ST OF TABLE S

Table Page
3.1 Mean scores on voice perception . . . . . 35

3.2 Number of distinguishable, indistinguishable
and randomly excluded responses to voice
sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

4.1 Group means for voice preference and
believability . . . . . . . . . . . 75

4.2 Univariate analysis of believability
scores of Black versus Caucasian voice
sounds. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

4.3 Univariate analysis of voice preference
scores of Black versus Caucasian voice
sounds. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

4.4 Univariate analysis of believability
scores for Black (Voice #1) versus Black
(VOice #2) o o o o o o o o o o o o 79

4.5 Univariate analysis of voice preference
scores of Black (Voice #1) versus Black
(Voice #2) . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

4.6 Univariate analysis of believability

scores of Caucasian (Voice #1) versus

Caucasian (Voice #2) . . . . . . . . . 81
4.7 Univariate analysis of voice preference

scores of Caucasian (Voice #1) versus

Caucasian (Voice #2) . . . . . . . . . 82

4.8 Univariate analysis of believability
scores of "pro" versus "con" position . . . 83

4.9 Univariate analysis of voice preference
scores of "pro" versus "con" position . . . 84

4.10 Summary of results. . . . . . . . . . 85

Vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Treatment design . . . . . . . . . . 68

vii

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix
A. Voice Distinguishability Rating Scale
B. Pre-Test Script. . . . . . . .
C. Instructions. . . . . . . . .
D. Article . . . . . . . . . .
E. Script. . . . . . . . . . .
F. Slides. . . . . . .4 . . . .
G. Semantic Differential. . . . . .
H. Ethnic Group Identification Check Sheet.
I. Instructions for Proctor. . . . .

viii

Page
110
114
116
118
126
133
138
140

142

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

The effectiveness of communication depends to a con—
siderable extent upon the person or group who delivers it.1
However, the attitude of the audience toward the communicator
is one of the major factors in determining the degree of
credibility attributed to the communicator. Berlo2 suggests
that the more source credibility the communicator is per-
ceived to have, the more likely the receiver is to accept
the transmitted message. Similarly the perception of the
message is generally influenced by a variety of cues (vari-
ables) directly associated with the communicator. These
cues often take a variety of forms such as dress, mannerisms,
social status, voice, and ethnic group identification.
Accordingly the attitude of the audience toward these cues
will affect its perception of the credibility of the source.

The variables affecting source credibility are in-

herent in the proposition that the audience's perception of

_‘

lCarl I. Hovland, Janis L. Irving and Harold H.

Kelly, Communication and Persuasion (New Haven: Yale Univer-
sity Press, 1953), p. 19}

2David Berlo, James B. Lemert and Robert Mertz,
"Dimensions for Evaluating the Acceptability of Message
Sources," The Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 33 (Winter,
1969-70), p. 563.

the source will influence the response to the message.
Miller4 suggests further that physical and vocal variables
play a part in shaping our reaction to a speaker if for no
other reason than that various personality stereotypes are
associated with certain physical and vocal characteristics.
These physical and vocal characteristic variables are par-
ticularly significant in situations where white audiences
are placed in a position to judge the source credibility of
Black communicators. The attitudes reflected by a white
audience toward a Black communicator often appear to be
distinctively discernible on the basis of racial distinguish-
ability.

Miller5 describes two possible reasons why the vari-
able of communicator race leads to differences in the per-
ception of source credibility relating to Caucasian and
Black communicators. One reason is the variation in the
cue properties of visual stimuli serving to identify race.
He states that:

. . . in the case of white audiences, individuals
are exposed more frequently to messages presented by

white communicators than to communications originat-
ing from Negro communicators. Thus when white

 

3Gerald R. Miller and Murray A. Hewgill, "The
Effect of Variations in Nonfluence and Audience Ratings of
Source Credibility," The Quarterly Journal of Speech, Vol. 1,
No. 1 (February, 1964), 36.

4Ibid.

5Gerald Miller and Kenn Roberts, "Communication
Race, Open- and Closed-Mindedness, and Response to Informa-
tive Communications," Audiovisual Communication Review,
Vol. 13, No. 3 (Fall, 1965), 259.

communicators are paired with messages, visual stimuli
denoting race will be high, and their distinctiveness,
along with the novelty of the stimulus situation,

will lead white audience members to respond in ways
calculated to reduce attention to the message content.

Miller6 suggests that racial attitudes held by
white audiences is a second reason why the race of the com-
municator will influence audience perception of the source.
If some members of such audiences entertain certain pre-
judices and hold certain negative stereotypes of Blacks in
general, negative responses, such as perceptions of low
source credibility and distortion or avoidance of message
content usually result. Thus, it is expected that a white
audience exposed to a Black communicator would retain less
of the message content than would a white audience exposed
to a white communicator.

Obviously, however, the communicator's race will
not exercise an equal impact on all audience members;
rather, it is probable that certain personality variables
associated with the communicator will determine the extent
to which the race of the source will alter response to the
message.7

It was previously pointed out that the audience's

attitude toward voice cue is one of the variables affecting

the perception of source credibility. In a study by

 

61bid.

7Ibid., 263.

Nerbonne,8 it was concluded that listeners can differenti-
ate accurately between Black and Caucasian speakers. He9
suggested further that differentiations between Black and
Caucasian speakers can be made more effective on the basis
of prepared aural cues (oral reading) than on the basis of
spontaneous oral cues (extemporaneous speech).

With this View in mind, this study is designed to
define and delineate further one of the variables (voice
cue) which appears to influence the audience's perception

of source credibility.

Statement of the Problem

 

The purpose of this study is to investigate the
extent to which the recognition of voice sound (aural cue)
functions as a basis for source credibility of a recorded
message. Specifically, this study is designed to measure
the extent to which a distinguishable voice sound (aural
cue) associated with the Black speaker and a distinguishable
voice sound (aural cue) associated with a Caucasian speaker
used as narrators for an automated sound slide presentation
affect the source credibility of a recorded message presented
to a selected group of students. Of specific interest to

this study is the extent to which believability of message

 

8Patrick G. Nerbonne, "Identification of Speaker
Characteristics on the Basis of Aural Cues," unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University, 1967,
p. 114.

9Ibid., p. 44.

and voice preference are affected by the identification of
a distinguishable voice sound (aural cue) associated with

a Black or Caucasian narrator.

General Statement of Hypothesis
The hypothesis formulated for this study is gener-
ally stated as follows: The mean score of source credi-
bility for listener response to voice sound (aural cue)
associated with a Caucasian narrator on a recorded message
will be greater than the mean score of source credibility
for listener response to voice sound (aural cue) associated

_with a Black narrator.

Significant Questions
The following questions are posed as a basis for
this study:

1. Can voice sound (aural cue) be distinctively
identified and clearly associated with a par-
ticular ethnic group by the listener?

2. Can voice sound (aural cue) be distinctively
identified and clearly recognized as belong-
ing to a Black speaker on a recorded message?

3. Can voice sound (aural cue) be distinctively
identified and clearly recognized as belonging
to a Caucasian speaker on a recorded message?

4. If voice sound (aural cue) can be distinguished
clearly as belonging to a Black or Caucasian
speaker, then to what extent does the recogni-
tion of voice sound (aural cue) affect listener
response to a recorded message?

5. To what extent does the identification of dis-
tinguishable voice sound (aural cue) by the
listener function as a basis for source credi-
bility?

The Need for the Study

 

The solicitation of positive reSponse and attitude
toward the information source is one of the major premises
upon which effective communication is based. There are a
variety of cues generally associated with all information
sources which are peculiar to those sources. How the audi-
ence receives and reacts to these cues determines to a con—
siderable extent the degree of credibility given to the
information source. In order to provide more evidence in
this area, a continuing collection of research data is
needed, particularly in the area of source credibility as
it relates to verbal cues in general and to Blacks in par-

10

ticular. In a recent study, Berlo states that:

We need empirical evidence establishing the criteria
that in fact are used by receivers to evaluate infor-
mation sources. We need to know how many dimensions
are required to account for these evaluations, whether
these are independent dimensions, and what types of
response characterize each.

In View of Berlo's statement, this study will be

significant in that it can help to reduce the seeming

paucity of research in this area.

Paucity of Research

 

The general area of source credibility is broad and
exhaustive. However, there appears to be very little re-

ported research dealing with credibility source as it

 

loBerlo, Lemert and Mertz, op. cit., p. 564.

relates solely to distinguishable voice sound as an aural
cue and its association with a particular ethnic or racial
group, particularly Blacks. While considerable emphasis
has been placed on the "who the source is" dimension, little
consideration has been given to "how the source says it."
Or, expressed in a more scientific idiom, investigators
have largely ignored those classes of physical and vocal
variables likely to influence the audience's perception of
the source's credibility.ll
Much of the research regarding source credibility
as it relates to race has emphasized the role of visual
stimuli in shaping audience response to a communication

13 states that, ". . . it is reasonable

situation.12 Miller
to assume that the race of a communicator may exercise an
effect on audience response to a communicator, however,
there is a paucity of reported research dealing with this
variable." One exception is a recent study by Krausl4
which demonstrates that a drama performed by a racially
mixed cast produced significantly more favorable attitudes

toward the integration of Blacks in education than did the

same drama performed by all-Black or all-white casts.

 

11Miller and Hewgill, op. cit.

12Ibid., p. 258.

l31bid.

l4S. Kraus, "Modifying Prejudice: Attitude Change
as a Function of the Race of the Communicator," Audiovisual
Communication Review, Vol. 10 (January-February, 1962),
14-22 0

 

Evidence of the lack of research dealing with the
race of a communicator and the visual stimulus of race as
it relates to source credibility appears to substantiate
Miller's observations. More significant to this study is
that research dealing specifically with the question of
race of the communicator and the aural stimulus (voice cue)
of race as it relates to source credibility is practically
non-existent in the literature.

Obviously, there is a great need for additional
research on source credibility as it relates to the race of
the communicator and the aural stimulus associated with the
communicator. To this extent, this study is important in
that it can make a contribution in the following three ways:

1. Make gains in reducing the paucity of research

done in the general area of source credibility,

2. Provide additional knowledge input to the spe-

cific area of aural stimulus as it relates to
source credibility, and

3. Broaden the knowledge base for further empirical

examination of the relationship between source
credibility and distinguishable aural cues asso-
ciated with a particular racial or ethnic group.

Investigations as to the ability of listeners to
identify the ethnic group of speakers have been sparse.

The same can be said of objective studies in which an

attempt is made to specify various vocal or conversational

cues by which to make such differentiations.15 Therefore,
one of the single most important contributions that a study
of this nature can make is the filling of the existing

void of research evidence concerning the identification of
distinguishable ethnic (Black American) aural cues as a

function of source credibility.

Criteria for Evaluation

 

A trend has developed in recent years in the field
of education in the publication of print and the production
of non-print media. As a result of this trend, there is a
noticeable increase in the pictorial visibility of multi-
racial and ethnic groups, particularly Blacks, appearing
in both print and non-print media. Through an examination
of print media such as textbooks, work—books, and other
similar media, evidence of the increase in the visibility
of multi-racial and ethnic groups in pictorial illustrations
becomes reasonably obvious. Likewise, this trend is also
evident in non-print media such as instructional films,
filmstrips and slides.

The degree and extent of the visibility of multi-
racial representations in pictorial illustrations in print
media and non-print media is often one of the criteria
used for evaluating the authenticity and credibility of

these forms of media. Actions taken by some school systems

 

15Nerbonne, op. cit., p. 27.

l0

(districts, regions, etc.) exemplify this concern when
formulating criteria for the evaluation of print and non-
print media. Faculty committees and other similar bodies
are often established to evaluate and assess print and non-
print media on the basis of the extent of multi-racial
group representation found in those media used in their
school system. For example, the State of Michigan was
recently involved in such an evaluation process at the
public school level. One of the criteria used for evalua-
tion was the degree and kind of multi—racial representation
evident in print media.16

This apparent trend in the field of education in .
general and within certain school districts in particular
to consider the visibility of multi-racial representation,
particularly Blacks, as one of the criteria for evaluating
print and non-print media is considered a recent dimension.
However, these criteria for evaluation do not include con-
cern for the representation of the multi-racial distinguish-
ability and identification of voice sound used with non-
print media as it is associated with a particular racial or
ethnic group.

In this sense, this study can contribute to the
probable expansion of those criteria used for evaluation
by many school systems. This study can be beneficial to

school personnel by directing the school's attention to the

 

l6"State Cites Flaws in Textbooks," The Lansing State

 

Journal, March 18, 1971, p. 12.

11

need to examine non-print media such as audio tapes and
recording discs for the accuracy and degree of representa-
tion of those distinguishable voices associated with the

Black voice.

Packaged Programs

 

Packaged programs are described as the incorpora-
tion of filmstrips, motion pictures, disc and tape record-
ings, manipulative devices and realia to assist in the
teaching—learning process.l7

Packaged programs often combine filmstrips and
audio-tapes in a single package. Repetitive film loops are
combined with sound and pictures. A combination of syn-
chronized audio-tapes and slides is also a common example
of the variations utilized in packaged programs. In each
of these variation-combinations, the inclusion of sound
via audio track is a common element present in the packaged
program.

The communication effectiveness of a slide-audio
tape program, like other similar packages, is only success-
ful to the extent that some basis for criteria for evalua-

tion is established to determine its merit and effective-

ness in the situation in which it is intended for use. In

 

17Robert A. Weisgerber, Instructional Process and
Media Innovations (Chicago: Rand, McNélly and Co., 1968),
p. 329.

 

12

evaluating slide-tape packaged programs, the quality of
the audio-track is invariably one of the criteria which is
judged in the evaluation process.

A vast majority of slide-audio tape packaged pro-

18 The absence of dis-

grams are commercially produced.
tinguishable ethnic and regional dialect on recorded audio
tracks is evident in commercially produced packaged pro-
grams. The professionally trained speaker with little or
no distinguishable ethnic or regional dialect in his voice
is the typical kind of narrator often used to record audio
tracks for commercially produced packaged programs.

A study of this nature can contribute significantly
by alerting those persons who produce commercially packaged
programs to consider the need to incorporate more distin—
guishable ethnic voices for narration. This study can con-
ceivably provide a broader and a more significant implica-
tion for the selection of distinguishable ethnic and re-
gional voice dialects to be used for recorded narrations

and commentary used with instructional films, audio tapes,

video tape programs, and discs.

Limitations of the Study
The following limitations are acknowledged as in—
herent in this study and the scope of its findings is re-

stricted accordingly:

 

18Ibid.

13

The population of this study is limited to
students enrolled in Education 450, Schools and
Society, for the Spring Quarter (1971) at ‘F
Michigan State University. The total test
population was comprised of 240 students
divided into 10 workshop sections. The sample
used for this study consisted of 8 sections,
approximately 30 for each section.

 

This study is further limited in sc0pe by the

small number of sample population. Inferences
to broader generalizations to other groups not
included in this study are beyond the limited

scope of this study.

This study is limited to the use of an automated
slide presentation. Results obtained are not
intended to function as a basis for inferences
to broader generalizations concerning other
mediated packages including media such as films,
discs, and video tapes.

This study is limited to measuring listener
response in the affective domain. Measurement
of listener response in the cognitive domain
is not included in the scope of this study.

The assumed personal bias of the participating
subjects is a limitation in that complete ob—
jectivity of listener response may be lacking.

The scepe of this study is limited in that no
assumptions or inferences are made concerning
the probable bias of the listeners included in
the sample pOpulation.

The study is limited to measuring listener re-
sponse to voice sound (aural cue). The mea-
surement of listener response to visual cues
is beyond the scepe of this study.

The scepe of this study is further limited to
measuring listener response to "credibility"
as defined in the context of this study. In-
ferences to "credibility" beyond the scope of
this study will be limited.

14

Definition of Terms

 

An understanding of the key terms used in this

study is paramount to the interpretation of the findings;

accordingly, the following definitions are stated:

1.

Voice sound (aural cue)

 

The voice narration recorded on the slide tape
presentation.

Recorded message

 

Refers to the content of the recorded narration
on the automated slide-tape package.

Automated Slide-Tape Presentation

 

Refers to a combination synchronized audio tape
and slide sequence automated with a one signal
using a 35mm slide projector.

Distinguishable voice sound

 

Refers to that voice (aural cue) which is asso-
ciated with either a Black or Caucasian speaker
by the subjects.

Pre-test script

 

Refers to one paragraph statement.

Master tape

 

Refers to audio tape recording composed of five
Black and five Caucasian voices.

Script Readers

 

Refers to those Blacks and Caucasians selected
to read the pre-test script.

Primary Tape

 

Refers to the audio tape selected and used with
the automated slide-tape presentation.

10.

ll.

12.

13.

15

Source Credibility

 

Refers to listener response as measured by two
dimensions of voice sound (aural cue). Those
dimensions are believability and voice pre-
ference.

Script

Refers to the content of the recorded message.
The script is composed of two messages, a "pro"
and "con" position on the topic "Community
Control of Schools."

Black
Those individuals born in America and are
labeled as belonging to the Black minority,

ethnic group.

Caucasian

 

Those individuals born in America and are
labeled as beonging to the white ethnic group.

Judges

Refers to those students constituting the
sample population who judge the pre—test
script for the distinguishability of voice
sound (aural cue) as it is associated with a
particular ethnic group.

Overview

A frame of reference for this study is developed in

Chapter I.

Included are the introduction, the need for

the study, statement of the problem, general statement of

the hypothesis, basic assumptions, significant questions,

limitation
In
literature

literature

of the study and definition of terms.
Chapter II, a review of the related research
is presented. This includes a review of the

examining source credibility in two main areas:

(1) communicator credibility and (2) communicator racial

cues and stereotyping.

16

The design of the study and the procedures followed
in the research are reported in Chapter III. Information
in this chapter includes sources of data, the research
instruments, and the treatment of the data.

The examination and analysis of the data are re—
viewed in Chapter IV. Included in the chapter is an analy-
sis of the data obtained from each research instrument as
it applied to the testable hypotheses.

In Chapter V, a summary of the study, conclusions,

and implications for further research are presented.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The literature related to this study is reviewed in
this chapter. A thorough review of the literature reveals
a paucity of research studies directly related to the speci-
fic problem investigated in this study. However, there are
research reports which deal with the general concept of
source credibility, the primary focus of this study. The
literature reported in this chpater is quite diverse in
origin being attributable to the fact that studies per-
taining to source credibility arise from such diverse sub-
ject fields as psychology, speech, sociology, and educa-
tion. Nevertheless, the common element present in these
studies and of relevance to this study is the exploration
of the concept, source credibility. Consistent with the
thesis, purpose, and rationale presented in Chapter I, this
chapter is divided into two main sections: (1) source

credibility and (2) racial stereotyping.

Source Credibility

 

A review of the literature indicates that the con-
cept, source credibility, is defined in many different ways.
The components or dimensions comprising source credibility

are reflected by the varied interests of the inveStigation
l7

l8

and also by the range and number of factors related to
source credibility which are being examined. Berlol empha-
sizes the point that such terms as prestige, charisma,
image, ethos, and source credibility are used synonymously
throughout the research literature when referring to the
general concept, source credibility. In defining source
credibility, he further states that an individual's accept-
ance of information and ideas is based in part on "who

said it." The variable such as the source's role in com—
munication effectiveness is labeled or defined as source
credibility. In further discussion of source credibility,
Berlo hypothesizes the notion that, typically, "credibility"
is implicitly assumed to be unidimensional, dichotomous
(either high or low) and specifiable in terms of objective
characteristics of the source, such as social status.
Hovland et a1.2 expressed general agreement with Berlo
regarding the importance of whom the source is. They state
that:

The effectiveness of a communication is commonly
assumed to depend to a considerable extent upon who
delivers it. Persons with prestige, highly respected
persons or organizations may have much the same posi-
tive effect as if they originated the message. The
impact of a message probably depends also upon the
particular publication or channel through which it
is transmitted. The above examples suggest the im-

portance of persons, groups, or media which can be
subsumed under the general category of "sources."

 

lBerlo, Lemert and Mertz, op. cit., 563.

2Hovland, Irving and Kelly, op. cit., p. 19.

l9

Hovland §£_§133 further suggest that a distinction
should be made between two components of source credibility:
(l) the extent to which a communicator is perceived to be
a source of valid assertions (his "expertness"), and (2)
the degree of confidence in the communicator's intent to
communicate the assertions he considers most valid (his
trustworthiness"). In any given case, the weight given a
communicator's assertions by his audience will depend upon
both of these factors, and this resultant value can be
referred to as the credibility of the communicator.

Regarding the definition of source credibility,
Hovland et_al, present a somewhat different perspective than
the one expressed by Berlo. In attempting to explicate
the concept of "source credibility" both theoretically and
operationally, they4 suggest a two dimensional conception:
involving perceived expertness and trustworthiness. They
make a distinction between credibility and other source-
related variables such as affection, admiration, power, fear,
and awe--but suggest the relevance to credibility of vari-
ables such as intelligence and sincerity. With respect to
the functions of trustworthiness and expertise, they con-
clude that persuasion varies positively with credibility,
although "from the results" it is not possible to disen-

tangle the effects of the two main components of credibility--

 

31bid., p. 21.

4Ibid., p. 35.

20

trustworthiness and expertise--but it appears that both
are important variables.

Although the number of quantitative studies em-
ploying the term "ethos" is small compared to those that
use terms such as "credibility" and "prestige" in defining
source credibility, ethos is a term commonly used in the
research literature.5

Anderson6 defines "ethos" as the image held of a
communicator at a given time by a receiver--either one per-
Ison or a group.

The preceding three definitions indicate the di—
verse range and scope of the definitive statements used in
describing the concept source credibility. More important
to this study and particularly to the reader is the need
for his awareness of the multiplicity of terms used to
refer to the same general concept, source credibility. It
should be noted by the reader that the review of literature
in this chapter will reflect the use of a variety of terms
in describing source credibility. However, the reader
should not lose recognition of the fact that such terms as
"prestige," "credibility," "ethos," "charisma," "ethical"
and "communication effectiveness" are synonymous with the

term source credibility.

 

5Kenneth Anderson and Theodore Clevenger, Jr.,
"A Summary of Experimental Research in Ethos," _peech Mono-
graph, Vol. 30, No. 2 (June, 1963),

6

 

Ibid.

21

A number of studies which examine the ethos concept
indicate that certain ethical factors can produce changes
in attitude toward political and social issues. In a study
conducted by Arnett, Davidson, and Lewis,7 a group of
graduate students were tested to determine the extent to
which prestige operated as a factor in attitude changes.
The Harper's teSt of.1iberalism was administered two times
over a four week period, once at the beginning and once at
the end of the four week period. They found that prestige
produced a significant shift in attitudes in the group of
graduate students toward agreements with graduate educators
on the Harper's test of liberalism.

A study of Birch8 was concerned with the effect of
referential group or class prestige upon attitude change.
Two statements, one labeled "Fascist" or "Communist," the
other labeled "Reactionary" or "Liberal" were given to a
group of college students. They were required to judge the
two statements in terms of preference. Evidence shows that
there was no significant differences in preference for the
two statements judged by the students. In contrast to
Birch's study, other studies have been directed toward an

investigation of the prestige of individuals. Saadi and

 

7Claude Arnett, Helen Davidson, and Hallett Lewis,
"Prestige as a Factor in Attitude Chages," "Sociology and
Social Research, XVI (1931), 49—55.

 

 

8Herbert Birch, "The Effect of Socially Disapproved
Labeling upon a Well-Structured Attitude," Journal of Ab-
normal and Social Psychology, XL (1945), 301-310.

 

 

22

Farnsworth9 found greater acceptance for dogmatic state-
ments which were attributed to well-liked persons than to
the same assertions when attributed to disliked individuals.
Lorge and Curtis10 found a significant tendency for subjects
to shift opinion toward the supposed position of a prestige
source, but they found no significant negative shift when
the preposition was linked with a disapproved source.

In apparent conflict with these findings are the
results obtained by Lewis.11 She reported that college
students remained relatively unchanged in their opinions
in the evaluation of statements and that they tried to
explain away the "prestige source" through rationalization.

Pertinent to this study are those studies designed
to investigate the problem of whether differences in the
speaker's prestige significantly influences the persuasive
outcome of a Speech. Haiman12 presented to three groups a

tape recorded speech variously attributed to Thomas Parran,

 

9Mitchell Saadi and Paul Farnsworth, "The Degrees
of Acceptance of Dogmatic Statements and Preferences for
Their Supposed Makers," Journal of Abnormal and Social
Psychology, XXIX (1934), 143-150.

 

 

OIrving Lorge and Carl Curtis, "Prestige Suggestions

and Attitudes," Journal of Social Psychology, XII (1936),
386-402.

llHelen Lewis, "Studies in the Principles of Judge-
ments and Attitudes: The Operation of Prestige Suggestion,"
Journal of Social Psychology, XIV (1941), 229-256.

12Franklyn Haiman, "An Experimental Study of the
Effects of Ethos in Public Speaking," unpublished disserta-
tion, Northwestern, 1948; Speech Monographs, XVI (September,
1949), 190—202. '

 

 

23

Surgeon General of the United States; to Eugene Dennis,
Secretary of the Communist Party in America; and to a
"Northwestern University Sophomore." Not only was Parran
rated significantly more competent than the other two, but
also, as measured by the Woodward Shift-of-Opinion Ballot,
his speech was significantly more effective in changing
attitude than was either of the other two.

Employing essentially the same techniques (tape-
recorded speech, differing introductions, and the Woodward
ballot), Strotherl3 and Paulson,l4 in separate studies, ob-
tained results similar to Haiman's. Not only did Strother
find significant differences in the persuasiveness of the
"Parran" and the "Dennis" speeches, he discovered that only
those who thought they had been listening to Dennis wrote
unfavorable comments concerning the speech techniques em-
ployed. Paulson attributed a taped speech to a political
science professor and to a student. For female auditors
there was no significant difference in the effects of the
"two speeches, but among the male auditors the pr0portion
of those shifting opinion was greater for the group which

thought it had been addressed by the professor."

 

l3Edward Strother, "An Experimental Study of Ethos

as Related to the Introduction in the Persuasive Speaking
Situation," unpublished dissertation, Northwestern, 1951.

14Stanley Paulson, "Experimental Study of Spoken
Communication: The Effects of Prestige of the Speaker and
Acknowledgement of Opposing Arguments on Audience Retention
and Shift of Opinion," unpublished dissertation, Minnesota,
1952; Speech Monographs, XXI (1954), 267-271.

 

24

15 in an effort to

However, Hovland and Mandell,
assess subtler sources of the speaker's image, manipulated
credibility through the suggestion of differing degrees
of selfish interest and self-motivation. The nonsignificant
difference in attitude change which the speakers produced
was very small, but the audiences, apparently reacting to
their presumed prejudices, rated the "unbiased source" as
the significantly fairer and more honest of the two.

16 likewise suggests the possibility

A study of Kraus
of evaluating indirect, implicative sources of ethos.
Using pairs which were racially homogeneous and others which
were racially heterogeneous, he compared whites with Negroes
in respect to their persuasiveness in filmed discussions of
segregation issues. The results indicated that arguments
favorable to integration were more persuasive when advanced
by the heterogeneous pairs; and Kraus explained the results
in terms of differing levels of credibility.

Because the experiment conducted by Miller and

Hewgill is one of the few which attempted to measure source

credibility based primarily on verbal cues, it is particularly

 

15Carl Hovland and Wallace Mandell, "An Experimental
Comparison of Conclusion Drawing by the Communicator and
the Audience," Journal of Abnormal and Social ngchology,
XLVII (1952), 581-588.

 

l6Sidney Kraus, "An Experimental Study of the
Relative Effectiveness of Negroes and Whites in Achieving
Racial Attitude Change Via Kinesc0pe Recordings," unpublished
dissertation, Iowa, 1959; Speech Monographs, XXVII (1960),
87-88.

 

25

relevant to the present investigation. Therefore it will
be described in detail.

Miller and Hewgill'sl7 experiment was designed to
test the effect of variations in nonfluency on audience
ratings of source credibility. The purpose of the study
is stated as follows:

In the present study, interest is directed toward
one class of vocal variables that may influence an
audience's perception of a source's credibility.
Specifically, the study had as its purpose the in-
vestigation of possible relationships between the
quantity and type of nonfluency presented by a
speaker and audience ratings of source credibility.

Miller18 states the two major hypotheses as follows:
(1) that as the number of nonfluencies presented by a
speaker increases, audience ratings of the speaker's credi-
bility will decrease; and (2) that this effect will be
greater for a nonfluency typed repetition than for a non-
fluency typed vocalized pause.

Ten treatment groups, each containing 16 subjects,
were utilized in the study. Each of these groups heard a
message that differed only in the amount and type of non-
fluency it contained. The treatment conditions were as
follows: 0 Vocalized Pause, 25 Vocalized Pause, 50 Vocal-
ized Pause, 100 Vocalized Pause, O Repetition, 25 Repetition,
50 Repetition, 75 Repetition, and 100 Repetition. The mes-

sages were recorded by a trained speaker in order to mini-

mize other presentational differences.

 

17Miller and Hewgill, Op. cit., 37.

18Ibid., 44.

26

Immediately after hearing the Speech, each subject
completed a rating instrument designed to measure his per-
ception of the source's credibility. Three dimensions of
credibility were included in the instrument: Competence,
TrustworthineSs, and Dynamism.

Analysis of the data obtained from subjects' ratings

produced the following results:19

1. On the Competence factor, subjects who heard the
speech that contained no nonfluencies rated the
speaker significantly higher than did subjects who
heard the Speeches containing 50, 75, or 100 non-
fluencies. Also, the decrease in ratings was more
marked in the Repetition conditions than in the
Vocalized Pause conditions. Thus, the findings on
Competence tend to support both hypotheses of the
study.

2. On the Trustworthiness factor, there were only

six significant differences among all possible com-
parisons of treatment means. The data on Trustworthi-
ness were interpreted as providing only minimal sup-
port for the first hypothesis of the study and no
support for the second hypothesis.

3. On the Dynamism factor, subjects who heard the
speech that contained no repetitions rated the speaker
significantly higher than did subjects who heard
speeches containing 25, 50, 75, and 100 repetitions.
The decrease in Dynamism ratings was not as pronounced
in the Vocalized Pause conditions, with only the com-
parison between the O Vocalized Pause and 75 Vocalized
Pause conditions reaching significance. Thus the
findings on Dynamism tend to support both hypotheses
of the study.

It is evident from the findings by Miller and Hewgill
that audience perception of verbal cues does exercise in-

fluence on source credibility.

 

lgIbid., 43.

27

In an eXperiment concerned with the effects of the
ethos of individual communicators conducted by Harms20 it
was shown that test scores are somewhat higher when the
speakers are high in status than when they are low. The
inferred reasons suggested for this result is that high
status speakers are more "comprehensible." A further re-
sult, secured through a differential analysis of listener
groups, is that listeners reSpond with greater comprehen-
sion to those from their own class than to speakers from
either a higher or a lower class.21

A single study by Knower22 has illustrated the pos-
sibility of investigating the effects of audience size
upon the relationship between ethos and attitude change.
Knower compared the effect of delivering a speech in an
audience situation with giving the speech to one auditor
at a time. The speech in the individual situation was
somewhat more effective, women were more influenced than
men, and women speakers obtained greater attitude shifts
than did male speakers. In the audience situation, however,

male speakers obtained greater shifts in attitudes than did

women .

 

20Leroy Stanley Harms, "Social Judgments of Status
Cues in Language," unpublished dissertation, Ohio State
University, 1959; Speech Monograph, XXVII (1960), 87.

lebid., 87.

 

22Franklin Knower, "Experimental Studies of Changes
in Attitudes: I. A Study of the Effect of Oral Argument
on Changes in Attitude," Journal of Social Psyohology, VI
(1935), 315-347.

 

28

While the studies by Harms and Knower investigated
the immediate effect of prestige credibility and other
ethical elements, Hovland and his associates have investi-
gated the temporal effects of the source upon persuasion.
The effect of ethos, according to many studies, has a tem-
poral dimension. In other words, when the stimulus is not
renewed, material presented by a high ethos source loses
in persuasiveness and that material given by a low ethos
source gains.

In one of their experiments Hovland and Weiss
held all of the message elements constant except for factors
which produced an impression of high credibility for one
source and low credibility for another. The subjects ex-
posed to the former stimulus shifted in significantly
greater numbers on immediate post~tests of attitude than
did those receiving the message with low credibility. Over
a period of one month the favorable effect, however, de—
creased, and the subjects exposed to the "inferior" source
moved toward agreement with the attitudes expressed in it.
Hovland postulated a "sleeper effect"--that in the absence
of further stimuli agreement with high credibility sources
decays while agreement with low credibility sources grows.
The possible explanation is that the subject forgets the
source but retains the information and the essential argu-

ments.

 

j‘

23Carl Hovland and Walter Weiss, "The Influence of
Source Credibility on Communication Effectiveness," ‘Public
Opinion Quarterly, XVI (1961), 635-650.

 

29

In a specific test of the sleeper hypothesis, Kelman
and Hovland24 found that a high ethos source-~one who was
rated significantly fairer, better qualified to speak, and
of sounder judgment than a supposedly low ethos source—-
produced significantly greater attitude shifts. Over a
three-week period, however, the extent to which subjects
agreed with the positive source decreased significantly,
and the extent to which they agreed with the negative source
increased nonsignificantly. Reinforcing the recall of the
sources by playing back the introductions of the tape re-
corded messages produced greater agreement with the high
prestige speaker and less agreement with the one of low
ethos in an experimental group than occurred in a control
group which received no repetition of the Stimuli.

In a variation of the above approach Weiss25 deter—
mined that a group exposed to a low credibility source
showed less regression toward its original attitude than
did a group exposed to a high credibility source.

Also supporting the sleeper effect is the finding

of Cohen26 that over a period of time those who originally

 

24H. C. Kelman and C. I. Hovland, "Reinstatement of
the Communicator in Delayed Measurement of Opinion Change,"
Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 48 (1953), 327-335.

25Walter Weiss, "A 'Sleeper' Effect in Opinion
Change," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XLVIII
(1953), 173-180.

26Arthur Cohen, "Need for Cognition and Order of
Communication as Determinants of Opinion Change," in Order
of Presentation, ed. by Carl I. Hovland et al. (New Haven:
YaIe University Press, 1957), pp. 79-97.

 

 

 

3O

disliked a communicator became slightly more positive to-
ward him while those who had originally like him became
slightly less favorable (nonsignificant). The results of
Duncker's27 study of the effect of prestige suggestions
upon children's food preferences also confirm the Hovland
findings regarding the sleeper effect in respect to both
the decline of the effect over time and the renewal of
strength following reinstatement.

Diverse as the four studies discussed above appear
to be, they share a common model of ethos--that is, they
are all based on the assumption that the speaker's image
is relatively fixed throughout the period of communication.
In contrast to this view is the ethical model based on a
congruity principle enunciated by Osgood.28 Intended to
explain many psychological functions, the congruity prin-
ciple holds that an image (or meaning) depends upon the
other concepts with which it is associated and thus is sub-
ject to perpetual change. Among the factors causing these
variations are the successive parts of the message.

Drawing upon this generalized congruity hypothesis,

Tannenbaum29 formulated predictions of attitude change

 

27Karl Duncker, "Experimental Modification of Chil-

dren's Food Preferences Through Social Suggestion," Journal
of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XXXIII (1938), 489-507.

28Charles Osgood and Percy Tannenbaum, "The Principle
of Congruity in the Prediction of Attitude Change," Psycho-
logical Review, LXII (1955), 42-55.

29Percy Tannenbaum, "Initial Attitude Toward Source
and Concept as Factors in Attitude Change Through Communica-
tion," Public Opinion Quarterly, XX (1956), 413-425.

 

 

31

toward communication sources and then compared these esti-
mates with the results obtained when college students were
exposed to written messages. Since the correlation was
.91, the conclusion was that attitude changes of the col-
lege students in this experiment supported the congruity
hypothesis.

A study of the same hypothesis applied to public
speakers showed that the congruity model predicted changes
in attitude somewhat better than chance alone.

Unlike the studies of Osgood, Tannenbaum and Berlo,
which typically attempted to assess the utility of a pre-
sumed or measured ethos, there are studies of equal impor-
tance to this study that are concerned with the means of
generating or altering a receiver's image of a communicator.
One such experiment by Berlo and KumataBOstudied the effect
of a dramatic allegory, "The Investigator," in modifying
images. Attitudes toward Joseph McCarthy, the subject of
the satire, tended to become more favorable while attitudes
toward the source (the Canadian Broadcasting Company) and
toward Congressional committees became significantly less
favorable. It was the judgment of Berlo and Kumata that
the extreme onesidedness of the presentation may have

caused these "boomerang" effects.

 

3ODavid Berlo and Hideya Kumata, "The Investigator:
The Impact of a Satirical Radio Drama," Journalism Quarterly,
XXXIII (1956), 287-298. '

 

32

In a similar experiment, Anderson3l constructed
three introductions designed to establish varying levels
of prestige and authoritativeness for speakers dealing with
the farm problem. His conclusions were: (1) students per-
ceived significant differences between a college student
and a Professor of Agriculture or a Farm Extension Agent
.on two scales: (a) the evaluative and the dynamism dimen-
sions of a semantic differential designed to measure ethos;
(b) authoritativeness as estimated by a Likert-type scale,
(2) the expected differences between the professor and the
extension agent did not result except on the authoritative-
ness scale, and (3) there was no proof that the variations
in ethos and authoritativeness affected persuasiveness.

One of the basic questions underlying this study
is whether or not the presentation format of the message
affects the audience's perception of the credibility of
that message. In one such investigation Hovland, Lumsdaine,
and Sheffield32 found (1) that the "both sides" presentation
was significantly more effective for subjects with a high
school education when the weight of evidence clearly sup-

ported one side; and (2) that a one—sided presentation was

more effective with subjects initially favoring the advocated

 

31Kenneth E. Anderson, "An Experimental Study of the
Interaction of Artistic and Nonartistic Ethos in Persuasion,"
unpublished dissertation, Wisconsin, 1961, p. 118.

32Carl Hovland, Arthur Lumsdaine, and Fred Sheffield,
Experiments on Mass Communication: Vol. III of Studies in
Social Psyghologyfiin World War II (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1949). '

 

 

33

view and with subjects who had not completed high
school.
Similarly, Paulson's33 experiment involved two
speeches, one of which omitted opposing arguments and
the other of which made the barest mention of them.
Opinion changes did not differ significantly, but the
"both sides" speech was significantly superior in respect
to the amount of information which was obtained.
Investigating a similar problem, Ludlum34 con-
structed a speech in which he incorporated several elements
designed to increase the credibility of the source. His
techniques included the acknowledgement of opposing argu-

ments, "leading thoughts rather than forcing,‘ showing
alleged facts to be consistent with known facts, showing
material to be recent, and manifesting a "high degree of
credibility" by means of self-praising statements. Com-
paring the persuasiveness of this speech with that of a
"straight agrumentative" address, he found the latter to
be more effective. The experiment by Ludlum points up the
importance of specifying carefully any differences in con-

tent between speeches intended to produce high credibility

and those against which their effects are to be compared.

 

33Paulson, o cit., 267-271.

34Thomas Ludlum, "A Study of Techniques for Influ-
encing the Credibility of a Communication," unpublished
dissertation, Ohio State University, 1956.

34

The message which an audience receives during a
speech involves more than verbal stimuli. Several studies
indicate that nonverbal factors produce audience judgments
concerning the speaker. Haiman35 found (1) that an audience
rated a graduate male speaker higher in competence than
it did an undergraduate male and two females; (2) that with
content held constant, graduate speakers obtained higher
rates of fairmindedness, sincerity, and likeableness than
did undergraduates; (3) that in two experiments shifts of
opinion within the audience were correlated positively with
the speakers' competence ratings and with nothing else; and
(4) that although variations in ratings of lifeableness
and physical attractiveness could be produced through
changes in appearance and demeanor, significant changes in
attitude did not result. '

Many of the variables in the Haiman study are those
associated with differences in social status. Harms36 has
shown that, regardless of their own position, listeners in
general assign high credibility to speakers of high social
status and low credibility to those of low status. Such
judgments occur even though the stimulus is nothing more
than a short tape-recorded Sample of speech. The Harms
study further shows that listeners can discriminate class

difference with rough accuracy and that they identify the

—‘

35Haiman, op. cit., 198-199.

36Harms, op. cit., 91.

35

low status speakers somewhat more readily than they do those
of superior background.

Consistent with these results is the experimental
finding that audiences may construct relatively complete
assessments of a speaker's personality and physical charac-
teristics on the basis of his voice. Other conclusions
to this study were that personality, physical character-
istics and occupation were likely to be perceived correctly,
that consistency of response (right or wrong) was a stronger
tendency than accuracy of judgment, and that gross psycho-
logical characteristics were judged more accurately than
physical features.37

In another investigation of combinations of vari-
ables Anderson38 used two tape-recorded speeches, both of
which were attributed to three sources described in tape-
recorded introductions. The principal results were: (1)
despite great manuscript variations which speech experts
predicted would produce different levels of ethos, the only
significant differences between the two speeches were those
measured on a dynamism scale, (2) the elements of artistic
and inartistic ethos did interact significantly in pro-
ducing the final image of the speaker, and (3) the varia-

tions in ethos did not cause a significant difference in

persuasiveness.

 

37Gordon Allport and Hadley Cantril, "Judging Per—
sonality from Voice," Journal of Social Psychology, V
(1934), 37-55.

38Anderson, op. cit., p. 125.

36

It was noted previously that variations in the
definition of source credibility and the origin of research
relating to it arise from many different subject fields.
Subsequently, the number and kind of components comprising
source credibility are determined to a large extent by the
nature of the research and the emphasis and interest of
the investigator. A variety of characteristics of the
communicator may evoke attitudes related to expertness.
Among these are included age of the communicator, position
of leadership in a group, status, values, point of view,
and intent of the communicator.

A limited number of investigations have been con-
ducted which examine the effects of variations in expert-
ness on opinion change. However, one such study by Bowden,
Caldwell, and West39 examines the question of attitudes
toward various solutions of the economic problem of an
appropriate monetary standard for the United States. The
major question concerning Bowden §p_§1, was the amount of
agreement demonstrated by the subjects when exposed to
statements attributable to men in different professions
such as ministers, lawyers, and educators. Results showed
that statements attributed to businessmen and educators
were approved most frequently, while statements which were

attributable to ministers were approved least frequently.

 

39A. O. Bowden, F. F. Caldwell, and A. G. West,

"A Study in Prestige," American Journal of Sociology, 40
(1934), 193-204.

 

37

A similar study was made by Kulp.4O His findings show
that social and political opinions attributable to profes-
sional educators and social scientists are somewhat more
influential than the Opinions of lay citizens. These
studies by Bowden gpppl, and Kulp seem to suggest that the
effects of variations in expertness on opinion change are
determined to some extent by the source.

Opinion change is also caused by attitudes of trust
and distrust as perceived by the audience toward the com—
municator. The effect of this component (trust and dis-
trust) of credibility on opinion change is substantiated
in a study by Hovland, Lumsdaine and Sheffield.41 Audience
reactions to the War Department's orientation films were
measured. SolHiers were shown the film "The Battle of
Britain." Following the showing of the film, the soldiers
were divided into two response groups. One was "prOpagand-
istic" while the other was "informational." A comparison
of the two groups in relationship to opinion change pro-
duced by the film showed the film to be less effective

with men who judged its intent to be propagandistic than

with men considering it informational.

 

40 . .
D. H. Kulp II, "Prestige as Measured by Single-

experience Changes and their Permanency," Journal of Edu-
cational Research, 27 (1934), 663-672.

41

 

 

Hovland, Lumsdaine and Sheffield, op. cit., pp. 100-
103.

38

Consistent with this finding is an experiment con-
ducted by Lazarsfeld pp_§1.42 Results indicated that
casual and nonpurposive comments seem to derive part of
their effectiveness from the fact that the recipient is
usually unaware that he is the object of influence by the
communicator source. It can be generally stated that if
the source is perceived as having a definite intention to
persuade others, then the likelihood of distrust in the
source will be greater than where the intent is unknown.
A special aspect of this problem which dealt with the degree
of agreement between a communicator's announced intentions
and the audience's initial bias was examined by Ewing.43
In general Ewing's results support the hypothesis that
when a communication comes from an unknown or ambiguous
source, acceptance will be increased if, at the beginning,
the communicator explicitly claims that his own position
is in accord with that held by the audience.

An experimental variation in source credibility
through the use of communicators differing in trustworthi-
ness was produced in a study by Hovland and Weiss.44 An

identical communication was presented to two groups. One

 

42F. F. Lazarsfeld, B. Berelson, and Hazel Geudet,
The People's Choice: How the Voter Makes up his Mind in
a Presidential Campaign (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce,
1944), pp. 152-153.

43T. N. Ewing, "A Study of Certain Factors Involved
in Changes of Opinion," Journal of Social Psychology, 16
(1942), 63-88.

 

 

 

4Hovland and Weiss, op. cit., 635-650.

39

group received communication from a source of high credi-
bility while the second group received the communication
from a source of low credibility. The experimental format
was designed in such a way that each group was exposed to
a source of low and high credibility and also to affirma-
tive and negative versions of the communications. The
data revealed that there was a significant difference in
the credibility of the sources used with the communications.
Another study involving variations in source credi-
bility was conducted by Kelman and Hovland.45 This study
consisted of presenting to the audience a recording of an
educational radio program. Three different introductions
were given for the speaker on the program. One introduction
was negative in nature. The second was neutral while the
third was positive. It was concluded that audience judg-
ments concerning credibility of the presentation were much
more favorable when the recording of the educational program
was given by the positive communicator than by the negative
one. The judgments for the neutral communication were

intermediate but more similar to those for the positive.

Racial Stereotypipg

 

A thorough review of the literature reveals very
limited research dealing with audience perception of com-
municator's credibility based upon cues directly associated

with the race of the communicator or speaker.

 

45Kelman and Hovland, op. cit., 327-335.

40

However, a recent study by Miller and Roberts46

examines this problem. This study was directed toward the
effect of the communicator's race on audience-retention of
message content, although audience attitudes toward the
content were also examined as a dependent variable of
secondary interest. In addition, a potentially relevant
personality variable, openmindedness, was incorporated in
the study design. Miller hypothesized the following: (1)
for white audiences, presentation of a message by a Black
communicator will result in lower retention of message
content than will presentation of the same message by a
white communicator, and (2) for white audiences, presenta—
tion of a message by a Black communicator will result in
less favorable attitude toward the message content than
will presentation of the same message by a white communi-
cator. Miller and Roberts concluded that maximum retention
of mesSage content on the part of white audience members
is facilitated by use of a white, rather than a Black, com-
municator. However, this conclusion is tempered by a number
of situational variables, including the personality charac-
teristics of the audience and the audience and the initially
perceived credibility of the communicator.

The credible communicator takes into account the

fact that his audience's feelings toward him can impede or

 

46Miller and Roberts, op. cit., 259-269.

41

increase his persuasiveness. Hovland et a1.47 outlined
the relationship of these feelings toward the communicator
as follows:

We shall assume that . . . various effects of the
communicator are mediated by attitudes toward him
which are held by members of the audience. Any num-
ber of different attitudes may underlie the influence
exerted by a given communicator. Some may have to

do with feelings of affection and admiration, and
stem in part from desires to be like him. Others

may involve awe and fear of the communicator based

on perceptions of his power to reward or punish ac—
cording to one's adherence to his recommendations or
demands. Still other important attitudes are those
of trust and confidence. These are related to per-
ceptions of the communicator's credibility, including
beliefs about his knowledge, intelligence, and sin—
cerity.

The attitudes this statement seems to summarize are
apparently brought about through the manifestation of cer-
tain emotional and psychological characteristics of the
communicator. While these characteristics are admittedly
important, Kraus48 has raised the question of the importance
of the physical characteristics exhibited by the communica-
tor. Kraus investigated just one such physical character-
istic, that of race. More specifically, the study was con-
cerned with the relative effectiveness of Black and white
actors in changing the attitudes of eleventh grade white
children toward Blacks. One of the major questions in—

vestigated by Kraus of relevance to this study was whether

white performers in a kinescope effect greater attitude

 

47Hovland, Irving, and Kelly, op. cit., p. 40.

48Kraus,"Modifying Prejudice: . . .," op cit., 14-22.

42

modification than Black performers or vice versa, or should
the cast include both whites and Blacks. He assumed that
the prestige of the communicator was influential in re-
structuring the stimulus, a kinescope recording. The
eXperiment, then, proposed to examine the relative effec—
tiveness of such a kinescope in changing attitudes toward
Blacks with the independent variable being the race of the
actors involved.

The findings in this study seem to indicate that
the sincerity of credibility of the race of the communicator
is judged by the favorable context in which Black and white
communicators are perceived by the audience.

In a similar study, Williams49 reported that chil-
dren's participation in dramatization was the most effective
teaching method for changing their attitudes toward Blacks;
their viewing of motion pictures was second; their listening
to material read by the teacher was least effective.

A series of recent technical reports conducted by
Williams gp_§1.50 deals with several aspects of ethnicity

and speech stereotyping. One such study dealt with the

 

49Dorothy M. Williams, "A Study of the Relative
Effectiveness of Selected Teaching Procedures in the Modi-
fication of Children's Attitudes Toward the Negro," un-
published doctoral dissertation, New York University, 1946.

50Frederick Williams, Jack Whitehead, and Jane
Traupmann are research associates at the Center for Communi-
cation Research, University of Texas at Austin, Texas.

43

exploration of the degree to which teacher-subjects'
ratings of videotape samples of children's speech would
correspond to ratings of the speech that teachers might
presume to hear from children of certain ethnic and social

51 assumed that a teacher's

status group. Williams £3411
rating of the speech that she would anticipate from a

child who was described to her in terms of ethnic and social
status characteristics would represent a close approxima-
tion to that teacher's stereotype. Accordingly, the ques-
tion then was whether ratings obtained under such condi-
tions would correspond to ratings obtained when the teacher
judged the speech of a child selected a priori to repre-
sent a specified ethnic and status group.

A set of six two-minute videotape stimuli was pre-
pared, one for each of six ethno-status groups, Black-Middle
and Lower; Mexican-American-Middle and Lower; and Anglo-
Middle and Lower. Six brief descriptions for the ethnic
and status groups of children represented in the videotapes
were composed for use in eliciting subjects' stereotypes.

In an average of one week's time before participa-
tion in the video-tape presentation, subjects were visited
in their classes and were requested to fill in the stereo-

type response booklets described above. This was also done

 

—V~.

51Frederick Williams, Jack Whitehead and Jane
Traupman, "Correspondence Between Semantic Differential
Ratings of Children's Speech and Speech Anticipated Upon
the Basis of Stereotype," Technical Report, Center for
Communication Review, University of Texas at Austin,
August, 1970, pp. 2-7.

 

44

between three and five days after the experiment. No men-
tion was made of stereotyping and the like when subjects
would agree in terms of the speech associated with types
of children.

Videotape testing was undertaken individually with
the subjects where each subject was given the opportunity
to control the stimulus presentation and the order in which
he chose to fill in the 15 cards issued to each one.

One of the findings significant in this study was
in the case of the middle status cluster. Ratings of the
videotape of the middle class Black child were significantly
different from the two stereotype ratings, which were not
different from each other. This difference was in the
direction of the speech being rated as more ethnic and non-
standard than the stereotypes.

In another study by the same researchers52 effort
was made to assess the effects of racial sterotyping in a
design where ratings of the same standard English audio
samples could be compared under conditions of appearing
with the video image of a Caucasian, Black and Mexican-
American child. If racial stereotyping was affecting
speech ratings then it was hypothesized that (1) the ratings
of the same language samples would differ in the above com-

parisons, and (2) that the direction of difference would

 

52Frederick Williams, Jack L. Whitehead and Leslie
Miller, "Ethnic Stereotyping and Speech Attitudes," Tech-
nical Report, Center for Communication Research, University
of Texas at Austin, February, 1971, pp. 2-10.

 

45

be biased toward stereotyped ratings given the minority
group children.

Four video tapes were selected for the present
research, one each of a Black and a Mexican-American child,
and two of Caucasian children. Slight lip movement in the
video segments was detectable, but was insufficient for
lip-reading by viewers. For purposes of the testing design,
two "ethnic guise" versions of each of the minority group
children were prepared by using the audio tracks from the
standard-English—speaking Caucasian children. For each of
the Black and Mexican-American children's videotapes, there
was the original version with a nonstandard English audio
track, then two additional versions each with one of the
standard English audio recordings paired with it.

Each group viewed (1) a Black or Mexican-American
child whose nonstandard Speech had been replaced by dubbing-
in the speech of a standard English speaking child, (2) a
Black or Mexican-American child Speaking nonstandard
English, and (3) a Caucasian child speaking standard
English. Each subject saw either the Black or Mexican-
American child in the standard English version, but not
both.

In general, findings indicated that the videotape
image showing the child's ethnicity does affect ratings of
his language, and the bias does appear to be in the direc—

tion of racial stereotype expectations. For Black children

46

the bias was in the direction of expecting them to sound
more nonstandard and ethnic than their Caucasian peers.
For Mexican-American children, the bias was not only one
of ethnicity-nonstandardness but also that they were more

reticent and nonconfident in their speech.

Summar

The literature reviewed in this chapter reports
the examination of source credibility in terms of two broad
but distinct areas. One area is concerned with the diver-
sity of communicator source; the second area is focused
primarily on the race of the communicator source.

The findings in the literature dealing with com—
municator source indicate that prestige of the source is
related in some way to the impact of the message. This
generalization appears to be applicable to communicated
messages in such varied fields as politics, social science,
religion and economics. Other studies indicate that ethos
has a temporal dimension, suggesting that if high ethos
source diminishes, low ethos source gains. It is further
suggested that noncontent stimuli such as dress, voice, and
manner apparently affect the attitude of the audience toward
the communicator. Further review of the literature pro-
vides evidence relative to the great diversity in the vari-
ations of the conceptual framework in which source credi-
bility functions. And the number of components or dimen-

sions comprising source credibility is borne out by the

47

literature in offering a multiplicity of definitive state-
ments describing source credibility.

Literature reviewed concerning the attribute of
race of the communicator source suggests that those cues
denoting race of the communicator as a minority member
generally serve to diminish credibility of that minority
communicator. However, some studies indicate that because
the differences of the characteristic variables of the
minority communicator and audience composition, perception

of credibility source generally fluctuates.

CHAPTER III

PROCEDURES AND METHODOLOGY

Statement of the Problem

 

The purpose of this study was to investigate the
extent to which recognition of voice sound (aural cue)
functions as a basis for source credibility of a recorded
verbal message. Specifically, this study was designed to
attempt to measure the extent to which a distinguishable
voice sound (aural cue) associated with a Black speaker
and distinguishable voice sound (aural cue) associated with
a Caucasian speaker used as narrators for an automated
slide presentation affect the source credibility of a
recorded message presented to a selected group of students.
Of specific interest to this study was the extent to which
believability of message and voice preference were affected
by the identification of a distinguishable voice sound
(aural cue) associated with a Black or Caucasian narrator
respectively. The subjects and the data collection instru-
ments are described in this chapter. The specific procedures,
the experimental design and data analysis, and the research

hypotheses are also reported.

48

49

The Sample

 

The subjects participating in this study were two
hundred forty (240) undergraduate Caucasian students at
Michigan State University. The sample was selected from
a pOpulation of ten workshop sections of Education 450,

School and Society, conducted at Michigan State University

 

during the 1971 Spring quarter. The subjects were students
ranging in ages from 19 to 25 years old. All subjects were
enrolled in the Michigan State University Teacher Education
Program and had completed student teaching requirements.
The group consisted of eighty-nine (89) male students and
one hundred fifty-one (151) female students.

Each workshop section had an enrollment from 25 to
78 students. However, actual attendance at the workshops
ranged from a minimum of 21 students to a high of 42 stu-
dents. The fluctuation in attendance was due to the fact
that attendance at the workshop sessions was optional.
Because of the fluctuation in the number of students in
attendance at each of the workshops, it was necessary to

set the N for each experimental group at 20.

Instrumentation

 

One of the basic questions underlying this study
was whether voice sound (aural cue) could be distinguished
by the listener on the basis of ethnic group association.
Before distinguishable voice sound (aural cue) association

with a Black or Caucasian could be established, an instrument

50

to determine voice sound distinguishability had to be con—
structed for this study. A pre-test screening instrument
was constructed which included the following procedures:
(1) the selection of five Black and five Caucasian script
readers, (2) the production of a preliminary audio tape,
and (3) the construction of a voice sound (aural cue) dis-
tinguishability rating scale (see Appendix A).

Development of Pre-Test
Screening Instrument

 

 

Five Black and five Caucasian male doctoral stu-
dents enrolled in the College of Education at Michigan
State University during the 1971 Spring quarter, were
selected to serve as script readers. The selection of
the five Caucasians was based on racial identity, avail-
ability, and willingness to participate as script readers.
While race, availability, and willingness to participate
were of equal importance for the Black script readers one
additional criterion was considered. Because the voice
sound of some Black and Caucasians are indistinguishable
when compared with each other, the researcher selected
the Blacks whom he perceived as possessing a distinguish-
able voice sound (aural cue) associated with a Black speaker.
The five Black script readers were selected on an a priori
basis by the researcher. The major concern in selecting
the five Black script readers was that they would be posi-
tively identified by voice sound (aural cue) by the sample

population during the pre-test treatment.

51

A one page paragraph was selected for the script
(see Appendix B). This script was used as part of the
pre-test instrument and met one general requirement. The
content had to be understandable by the subjects, yet pro-
vide sufficient novel information to sustain interest and
at the same time not distract the subjects from concentrat-
ing on the voice sound of respective script readers. The
script readers were provided with ample time to become
familiar with the script and also appropriate time for
rehearsal.

The ten script readers, five Black and five Cau-
casians, were recorded on a preliminary audio tape reading
the same one page script. From this preliminary audio
tape, a master tape composed of the ten script readers'
voices was then produced. Sequence and order of the script
readers recorded on the master tape were determined by
simple random assignment. The master tape was then used
as part of the pre-test instrument to determine voice
sound (aural cue) distinguishability.

Used in conjunction with the master audio tape was
a five point voice sound distinguishability scale (see
Appendix A). The voice sound distinguishability scale
required the subjects to indicate their perceptions of
voice sound (aural cue) based upon ethnic group association.
Illustrated below are the typical choices and numerical
point range comprising the voice scale to which the subjects

were required to respond:

52
1. Sounds clearly distinguishable as a Black
speaker.
2. Sounds like a Black speaker.
3. Sounds indistinguishable.
4. Sounds like a Caucasian speaker.

5. Sounds clearly distinguishable as a
Caucasian speaker.

This pre—test screening rating scale instrument was devel-
Oped for this study by the researcher. The construction

of this rating scale followed the principles suggested by
Guillfordl and Kerlinger.2 In summary, the pre-test instru-
ment was comprised of the following: (1) a master audio

tape composed of ten voices, five Blacks and five Caucasians,
randomly ordered, and (2) a five point voice sound dis—

tinguishability scale with accompanying instructions.

Administration of Pre-test Instrument

 

A sample population (one workshop section) was
randomly selected from the total pOpulation of the ten
workshop sections of Education 450. This sample was ex-
cluded from the subsequent test treatment. The sample pOpu-
lation section was composed of thirty subjects (N = 30).

A standard reel-to-reel tape recorder was placed in

the classroom where the subjects met regularly approximately

 

1J. P. Guilford, Psychometric Methods (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1954), pp. 263-301.

2Fred N. Kerlinger, Foundations of Behavioral
Research (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1964),
pp. 564-580.

 

 

53

twenty minutes before the class was scheduled to meet.

This was done to keep distraction at a minimum. In addi—
tion to setting the tape recorder up before the class
actually met in session, the researcher placed the tape
recorder in the rear of the classroom. This procedure was
followed to minimize the subjects' attention on the tape
recorder and at the same time maximize their concentration
on listening to the voice sound (aural cue) of the speakers
on the audio tape.

The researcher distributed the sheet of instruc-
tions (see Appendix C) to the subjects. Each subject was
required to read the instructions. They were asked to
raise their hands if, after reading the instructions, they
had any questions. After all questions were answered, a
voice distinguishability scale (see Appendix A) was dis-
tributed to each subject.

The master audio tape was played for the subjects.
At the end of the reading of each paragraph by each of the
respective script readers, the tape recorder was stopped.
During this interval, the subject was required to indicate
by checking the appropriate number on the five point voice
distinguishability scale that best described his perception
of the association of the voice sound (aural cue) with the
corresponding ethnic group description on the scale. After
the subjects had an opportunity to respond to all ten

voices, the scales were collected and the data was computed

54

to obtain the mean score for each voice. Mean scores
ranging between (1.0) and (2.0) indicated that the subjects
perceived the voice sound to be either a clearly distin-
guishable Black voice or one that sounded like a Black
voice. Those mean scores ranging between (4.0) and (5.0)
indicated that the subjects perceived the voice sound to

be either a clearly distinguishable Caucasian voice or one
that sounded like a Caucasian voice.

A mean score of not more than (2.0) was the cri-
terion established for determining distinguishability of
voice sound (aural cue) associated with the Black voice
while a mean score of not less than (4.0) was the criterion
established for determining distinguishability of voice
sound (aural cue) associated with the Caucasian voice.

The computation of the mean scores showed that four Black
voices received a mean score of not more than (2.0) while
one Black Voice was rated indistinguishable (3.03). The
two Black voices receiving the two lowest mean scores (1.40
and 1.63) respectively were selected to narrate the messages
(pro and con) for the automated slide-tape presenta-

tions used in the experimental treatments. The mean scores
for the Caucasian voices showed that all five voices re-
ceived a mean score of not less than (4.0). The two Cau-
casians with the two highest mean scores (4.60 and 4.26)
were also selected to narrate the pro and con positions

for the automated slide-tape presentations used in the

55

experimental treatments. Table 3.1 shows a summary of the

mean scores on voice perception.

Table 3.1.--Mean scores on voice perception.

 

 

Voices Mean
Caucasian** 4.60
Black 1.93
Black* 1.40
Caucasian 4.33
Black 1.80
Caucasian 4.03
Black* 1.63
Black 3.03
Caucasian 4.23
Caucasian** 4.26

 

** Caucasian voices used for the narration for the
tape-slide presentations used in the experimental treatment.

* Black voices used for the narration for the tape-
slide presentations used in the experimental treatment.

Development of Test Instrument

 

The test instrument for this study was develOped
by: (1) providing the two Black and two Caucasian script
readers assistance and ample time for rehearsal, (2)
selecting and editing the scripts that were used for the
recorded messages, (3) producing audio tapes for the auto-

mated slide-tape presentation, (4) preparing an introductory

56

statement for the automated slide—tape presentation, (5)
designing and producing original slides, (6) assembling
the automated tape-slide presentations, (7) preparing two
semantic differential scales to measure voice sound pre-
ference and believability, and (8) constructing a racial

identification check form.

Narrators.--During rehearsal time the researcher

 

explained to each narrator the purpose of the script, its
relationship to the test instrument, and the importance of
reading both of the scripts with the same delivery, enthu-
siasm, rate, and tone as possible. Not until the narrators
were well rehearsed and thoroughly familiar with the script,
did the researcher permit them to be recorded. Recording
was done under the supervision of a professioanl sound
technician. Each narrator read both scripts in one setting
on the same day. Every precaution was taken to assure
uniformity and consistency in the script reading. Extreme
care was also given to the technical production of the audio

tapes.

Message Content.-—The topic, "Community Control of

 

Schools," was selected to be used as the source of the mes-
sage content for this study. The information used as the
basis for the message content was excerpted from the article
(see Appendix D) entitled, "Community Control of Schools:

A Review of Issues and Options." This article is based

57

upon discussions and prepared case materials. The article
presents a balanced statement in that for each "pro" posi-

tion given a "con" position is also stated, and for each

pro Option statement a "con" option is also presented.
The subsequent recorded message used for this study
dealing with the tOpic "Community Control of Schools" con-
sisted of two separate messages (see Appendix E). One
message dealt with the "pro" position on the topic, "Com—
munity Control of Schools," while the second message dealt

with the "con position on the same topic. The construction
of the message content consisted of the following: (1)
selecting a common introductory statement to be used for
both "pro" and "con" positions, (2) selecting six statements
supporting "pro" and "con" positions, and (3) selecting

one "pro" option and one "con" option. The researcher

used practically verbatim the language of the author of

the article in constructing the message content used for

the two recorded (pro and con) messages. These recorded
messages were used for the narration with the test instru-
ment in the experimental treatment. Language and writing
styles were held constant for both "pro" and "con" state-
ments selected for the recorded messages since the exposi-
tion of the statements are attributal to the same author.

Extensive consideration was given to the lahguage level of

the recorded messages. Because the periodical, Urban and

 

Social Change Review, is written in lay, and non-technical

 

58

terms and prescribed for popular consumption, it was as-
sumed that the language level would be readily comprehen-
sible to the subjects enrolled in Education 450.

Three basic factors were considered in selecting
the topic "Community Control of Schools" for the message
content used in this study. First, consideration was given
to the target audience to whom the test instrument was
going to be administered. It was decided that the message
content should be of general interest to the subjects, one
that would stimulate active listening as opposed to a pas-
sive involvement. Second, consideration was given to the
currency of the message content. It was decided that the
message content should be relevant to the subjects as well
as clearly related to their professional experiences. The
workshop instructors were informed by the researcher about
the nature of the message content. All instructors ex-
pressed the consensus that the message content was timely
and appropriate for their sessions. Third, consideration
was given to a topic that was minimally controversial with

options on both sides.

Message Format.--The message format was designed

 

to meet the following criteria: (1) uniformity, (2)

balance, and (3) consistency. The format for the two

recorded messages was identical for both "pro" and con
positions. Major segments of each message and their se-

quences were:

59

 

 

Topic: "Community Control of Schools"
Pro Position Con Position
1. Introductory statement 1. Introductory statement
2. Six supporting "pro" 2. Six supporting "con"
statements statements
3. One supporting "pro" 3. One supporting "con"
option statement option statement

To assure uniformity and balance in the message format, the
same introductory statement was used in both "pro" and "con"
presentations. Extreme precaution was taken to avoid the
inclusion of any editorial or subjective opinion in either
the "pro" or "con" presentation. Consequently, the two
presentations reflected accurately the statements in the
article, "Community Control of the Schools: A Review of

Issues and Options."

Audio Tape-Slide Presentation.--The audio tape-

 

slide presentation used for the experimental treatment was
produced with the assistance and under the supervision of
a graphic artist and a professional sound technician. The
audio tape-slide presentation included: (1) an automated
tape-slide sequence and (2) an accompanying recorded message.
The tape was cued with an audio signal which automatically
changed the appropriate slides that were pre-arranged in
the slide tray on the slide projector and pre-selected in
accordance to the accompanying recorded message.

The two Blacks selected as narrators for the treat-

ment narrated both "pro" and "con" positions on the tOpic,

60

"Community Control of Schools." Likewise the two Cauca—
sians selected as narrators also were required to narrate
both "pro" and "con" positions. For the purpose of this
study and also for future reference, one Black narrator

is designated as Black (Voice #1) while the second Black
narrator is designated as Black (Voice #2). A similar
designation is given to the two Caucasians. One Caucasian
is designated as Caucasian (Voice #1) while the second
narrator is designated as Caucasian (Voice #2). A total

of eight automated tape-slide presentations were developed
for this study. Each presentation was approximately three
and a half minutes duration. Only two separate and dis-
tinct recorded messages (narration) were used for the eight
slide-tape presentations. One recorded message dealt with
the "pro" position on the tOpic, "Community Control of the
Schools," while the second recorded message dealt with the
"con" position of the same topic. The format for the slide-

tape presentation treatment was as follows:

 

 

Slide-Tape Presentation Voiog Position“
Presentation #1 Black (Voice #1) Pro
Presentation #2 Black (Voice #1) Con
Presentation #3 Caucasian (Voice #1) Pro
Presentation #4 Caucasian (Voice #1) Con
Presentation #5 Black (Voice #2) Pro
Presentation #6 Black (Voice #2) Con
Presentation #7 Caucasian (Voice #2) Pro

Presentation #8 Caucasian (Voice #2) Con

61

Slides.--A series of four slides (see Appendix F)
was developed for the study. The slides were selected in
terms of: (l) originality, (2) simplicity, and (3) mini-
mal distraction. Original line sketches for the four slides
were done by the researcher. These black and white line
drawings were Subsequently reproduced by a professional
graphic artist. A professional photographer then produced
sets of 2x2 black and white slides. A title slide, one
single word caption slide, a simplified chart, and a slide
with caricatures of six faces (three Blacks and three Cau-
casians) constituted the composition of the four slides
used. The simplicity of the slides was designed to reduce
the probable influence of the visual image upon the accom-
panying recorded message. The slides were used as an'atten—
tion gettef'and visual references for the subjects.

In contrast to the recommended time of allowing a
single visual to be projected on a screen for approximately
no longer than seven seconds before it loses its effective-
ness, then, the slide-tape presentations developed for this
study were automated so that each slide was projected on
the screen for approximately 48 seconds. The assumption
underlying the use of an extended projected time period was
that once the subject had oriented himself to the visual
image on the slide he would then tend to lose interest in
the slide after such an extended viewing time. In this way

the subject was less distracted by the slides during this

62

projected time period and was more inclined to listen more
attentively to the voice sound (aural cue) and the recorded

message.

Semantic Differential Scales.--Two semantic differ-

 

ential scales (see Appendix G) were developed for this
study. Both scales were designed so that they could be
presented on a single IBM form. One scale was designed

to measure "believability" of message. The second semantic
differential was designed to measure "voice preference."

The semantic differential for measuring "believability" of
message consisted of thirteen items. Twelve items identi-
fying the acoustical features of the voice comprised the
semantic differential which was developed to measure "voice
preference." Both semantic differential scales were de-
signed according to the principles and construction tech-
niques suggested by Osgood3 and Kerlinger4 and were similar
to items validated by Osgood's5 research. Items appropriate
for this study were included in the semantic differential
for measuring "believability" of message. Other items
validated by Berlo6 were also included. The remaining items
were selected and evaluated for appropriateness by the re-

searcher.

 

3Charles E. Osgood, George J. Suci and Percy H.
Tannenbaum, The Measurement of Meaning (Urbana, I11.: Uni-
versity of Illinois Press, 1957), p. 173.

 

4 . .
Kerlinger, op. c1t.
5Osgood, Suci and Tannenbaum, op. cit.

6Berlo, Lemert and Mertz, op.‘cit., 568-569.

63

The semantic differential for measuring "voice pre-
ference" was designed in consultation with a specialist in
speech and audiology. Some of the items developed in the
classical study by Jakobson7 that were deemed appropriate
for this study were included in this scale. Additional
items were recommended by Dr. Oscar Tosi in consultation
with other colleagues in the Speech and Audiology Depart-
ment. Measurement of voice sound preference in this study
is similar to the principles and techniques suggested by

Rothauser.8

Ethnic Group Identification Check Sheet.--Following

 

the experimental treatment it was necessary to validate the
subject's identification of distinguishable voice sound
(aural cue) with the appropriate ethnic group association.
To do so, an Ethnic Group Identification Check Sheet (see
Appendix H) was developed. The primary purpose of this
check sheet was to provide evidence as to whether the sub-
jects did or did not make the correct ethnic group associ-
ation based on their reaction to the voice sound (aural
cue). These check sheets were distributed to the subjects

after the semantic differential forms were collected

 

,7Roman Jakobson, Preliminaries to Speech Analyses:
The Distinctive Features and Their Correlates (Cambridge:
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1963) pp. 1-64.

8B. H. Rothhauser, "A Comparison of Preference Mea-
surement Methods," The Journal of the Acoustical Society of

 

 

 

America, Vol. 49, No. 4 (Part 2) (April, 1971), 1297-1308.

64

and the treatment had been completed. This procedure was
followed in order to minimize any sensitizing or cueing
effect toward ethnic group bias that may have been held by
the subjects. Illustrated below are the typical choices
presented to the subjects on the check sheet:

Sounds like a Black American Speaker

Sounds indistinguishable

Sounds like an American Caucasian Speaker

This check sheet was attached to the response

forms. The differential scale response form of a sub-
ject who failed to identify correctly the association of
voice sound (aural cue) with the ethnic group speaker he
heard was not included in the tabulation of the data on
these forms. Table 3.2 shows the number of voice sounds

Table 3.2.—-Number of distinguishable, indistinguishable and
randomly excluded responses to voice sound.

 

Voice Position Total Distin— Indistin— Randomly
Number guishable guishable Excluded

 

Caucasian Pro 22 20 2

Black Pro 20 20 0

Caucasian Pro 23 20 3

Black Con 29 20 1 8

Caucasian Con 24 20 4

Caucasian Con 23 20 3

Black Con 22 20 2

Black Pro 47 20 7 20
Total 210 160 22 28

 

65

(aural cue) which were clearly identified as distinguish-
able and the number of responses which found the voice
sound (aural cue) indistinguishable as recorded in each
workshop section. Table 3.2 also shows the number of re-
sponses randomly excluded from two sections to make the

number in each section twenty (20).

Procedure

 

In individual conferences with each of the instruc-
tors of the ten workshop sections in Education 450, the
researcher explained the purpose and procedure of the ex-
periment and obtained permission to conduct the experiment.
However, the experiment was conducted in only eight workshop
sections which were selected randomly.

The eight slide-tape presentations were randomly
assigned for presentation to the eight workshop sessions.
Each section saw and heard only one automated slide-tape
presentation, either a "pro" or "con" position.

The experiment was conducted over a four day period.
Each workshop testing period was approximately twenty
minutes in length. The slide-tape presentation consumed
approximately three and a half minutes of the total time.
The random selection and assignment of voices, workshOp sec-

tions, and positions on message are illustrated as follows:

66

 

WorkshOps Position Narrator
Section 1 Pro Black (Voice #1)
Section 2 Con Black (Voice #2)
Section 3 Con Caucasian (Voice #1)
Section 4 Pro Caucasian (Voice #1)
Section 5 Pro Caucasian (Voice #2)
Section 6 Con Caucasian (Voice #2)
Section 7 Con Black (Voice #2)
Section 8 Pro Black (Voice #2)

Approximately a half hour before actually meeting
with each workshOp section, the researcher set up the
stereo tape recorder and Kodak carousel slide projector
and checked the technical operation of the equipment to
assure its proper functioning. After the workshop convened,
the instructor for that particular workshop section intro-
duced the proctor who administered the experiment. The
proctor was a Black female graduate sutdent who had been
well trained and thoroughly rehearsed by the researcher
regarding the experimental procedure to be followed. The
Black female proctor administered all eight experimental
treatments, while the researcher, unknowing to the subjects,
Operated the equipment for all eight eXperimental treatments.

The experimental treatment was administered as
follows: (1) The proctor read a prepared introductory
statement (see Appendix I) indicating the purpose for view-
ing and listening to the slide—tape presentation and out-

lining the procedure tO be followed by the subjects. No

67

reference was made to the racial identity of the narrator
Of the slide-tape presentation. The slide-tape presenta-
tion was presented to the subjects under the guise of
soliciting their responses as part of a continuing evalua-
tion process of a slide-tape presentation being developed.
(2) The slide-tape was presented following the introduction,
(3) The proctor then distributed the semantic differ-
ential response forms. (4) Upon completion of the
semantic differential response forms, the subjects were
given an ethnic group identification check sheet. (5) The
IBM Semantic differential response forms and the ethnic
group identification sheet were then attached together and

collected by the proctor.

Design and Analysis

 

The design Of the study and its various treatments
are shown in Figure 1.

The ratings on the semantic differential forms
were used to evaluate subjects' ratings of the two dimen—
sions Of source credibility which are: (1) believability,
and (2) voice preference. These data were treated with two
statistical procedures, the Pearson Product Moment correla-
tion and multivariate analysis of variance. The correla-
tion was calculated to determine the corelationship between
"believability" and "voice preference" associated with a

distinguishable Black voice sound (aural cue) and between

68

 

MESSAGE

L

j

Position

PRO CON

 

Black (Voice #1)

 

Black (Voice #2)

 

Caucasian (Voice #1)

 

Caucasian (Voice #2)

 

 

 

 

Legend
Message—-Community Control of Schools

Pro-~"Pro" Argument--Community Control of Schools
Con--"Con" Argument-—Community Control of Schools

Figure l.--Treatment design.

"believability" and "voice preference" associated with a
distinguishable Caucasian voice sound (aural cue).

The multivariate analysis of variance was employed
to simultaneously determine if significant difference
existed between the mean scores of "believability" and
"voice preference" of the Caucasian voice sound (aural cue)
and the Black voice sound (aural cue). The .05 level of
significance was selected as sufficient to reject the null

hypotheses in the study.

69

The data were punched on computer cards and analyzed

using a Control Data Corporation 3600 digital computer.

Statistical Hypotheses

 

This study was designed to determine if distinguish-
able voice sound (aural cue) identified according to ethnic
group association exercised influence on source credibility.
To test this thesis, eight statistical hypotheses were
generated and tested. Each null hypothesis is presented
first, followed by an accompanying alternate hypothesis.

No significant interactions were anticipated or hypothesized.

Null Hypothesis 1a There will be no difference

 

between the mean score of "believability" for the Caucasian
voice sound (aural cue) and the mean score of "believability"
for the Black voice sound (aural cue).

Alternate Hypothesis 1a The mean score of "believ—

 

ability" for the Caucasian voice sound (aural cue) will be
greater than the mean score of "believability" for the

Black voice sound (aural cue).

Null Hypothesis 1b There will be no difference be—

tween the mean score of "voice preference" for the Caucasian

 

voice sound (aural cue) and the mean score of "voice prefer-
ence" for the Black voice sound (aural cue).
Alternate Hypothesis lb The mean score for "voice

preference" for the Caucasian voice sound (aural cue) will

 

be greater than the mean score of "voice preference" for

the Black voice sound (aural cue).

7O

Null Hypothesis 2a There will be no difference

 

between the mean score of "believability" for the Black
voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score of "believability"

for the Black voice sound (Voice #2).

 

Alternate Hypothesis 2a The mean score of "believ—
ability" for the Black voice sound (Voice #1) will be
greater than the mean score of "believability" for the

Black voice sound (Voice sound #2).

Null Hypothesis 2b There will be no difference

between the mean score of "voice preference" for the

 

Black voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score of "voice
preference" for the Black voice sound (Voice #2).
Alternate Hypothesis 2b The mean score of "voice

preference" for the Black voice sound (Voice #1) will be

 

greater than the mean score of "voice preference" for the

Black voice sound (Voice #2).

Null Hypothesis 3a There will be no difference

 

between the mean score Of "believability" for the Cauca-
sian voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score of "believ—
ability" for the Caucasian voice sound (Voice #2).

Alternate Hypothesis 3a The mean score of "believ-

 

ability" for the Caucasian voice sound (Voice #1) will be
greater than the mean score of "believability" for the

Caucasian voice (Voice #2).

71

Null Hypothesis 3b There will be no difference

between the mean score of "voice preference" for the Cau—

 

casian voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score of "voice
preference" for the Caucasian voice sound (Voice #2).
Alternate Hypothesis 3b The mean score the "voice

preference" for the Caucasian voice sound (Voice #1) will

 

be greater than the mean score Of "voice preference" for

the Caucasian voice sound (Voice #2).

 

Null Hypothesis 4a There will be no difference
between the mean score of "believability" for the "pro"
position and the mean score Of "believability" for the

con" position.

Alternate Hypothesis 4a The mean score of "be—

 

1ievability" for the "pro" position will be greater than

the mean score of "believability" for the "con" position.

Null Hypothesis 4b There will be no difference

between the mean score of "voice preference" for the "pro"

 

position and the mean score Of "voice preference" for the
"con" position.

Alternate Hypothesis 4b The mean score of "voice

 

preference" for the "pro" position will be greater than the

mean score of "voice preference" for the "con" position.

Summary

Ten workshop sections of Education 450, School and

 

Society, were Offered during the 1971 Spring term at

72

Michigan State University. Eight sections were randomly
selected from the total Of ten workshops. Eight experi-
mental treatments were randomly assigned to the eight work-
shOp sections. Four workshops received a treatment with

a Black voice arguing either for the con or pro position

on "Community Control of Schools." Four workshops received
a treatment with a Caucasian voice arguing either for the
con Or pro position. Subjects in all workshops were ad—
ministered the same semantic differential consisting of
twelve items relating to "voice preference" and thirteen
items relating to "believability." The mode Of presenta-
tion for the treatments (automated slide-tape presentation)
was the same for all workshops. The hypotheses were tested
by using the multivariate analysis procedure, and the
probability level selected for rejecting the null hypotheses

was at the .05 alpha level.

CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS OF DATA

In this chapter an analysis of the data is reported.
This chapter is divided into four main sections: scale
reliability, scale intercorrelation, hypothesis tests and

summary.

Scale Reliability

 

The estimates Of reliability of the items compris-
ing the semantic differential scales for "voice preference"
and "believability" were computed by using the Hoyt Estimate
of Reliability formula.1 The computed reliability for the
first twelve items (voice preference) yielded a reliability
coefficient of r = .7551 indicating substantial intra-
scale reliability. Similarly the reliability coefficient
for the scale (believability) produced a reliability coeffi-
cient of r = .8352 indicating substantial intra-scale re-
liability for the items. The high intra-Scale reliability
for the test items Of "voice preference" and "believability"
were interpreted to mean that each scale was providing a

stable estimate of a specific dimension.

 

1C. J. Hoyt, "Test Reliability Estimated by Analysis
of Variance," Psychometrika, Vol. 6 (1941), 153-160.

 

73

74

Scale Intercorrelations

 

A Pearson Product Moment correlation coefficient
was computed to determine the strength of relationship be-
tween the "believability" and "voice preference" scales.
The computed score yielded a correlation coefficient of
r = .372 suggesting some interdependence as well as inde-
pendence between the two dependent measures utilized to
test the hypotheses. The correlation coefficient justi-
fies the utilization Of the multivariate analysis of vari-
ance test procedure since this statistic takes into account

the degree Of inter-dependence among the measures.

Hypotheses Tests

The statistical hypotheses were tested using a
one way multivariate analysis. Scores on the "voice
preference--believability" semantic differential scales
were used as the dependent variables. The independent
variables were race, position, and voice replication. All
hypotheses were tested using the .05 alpha level with the
appropriate degrees of freedom.

A summary of the analysis of group means is re-

ported in Table 4.1.

Hypothesop
The testable form Of the hypothesis for "believ-
ability" of Black voice versus "believability" of Cauca-

sian voice is stated as follows:

Table 4.1.—-Group means for voice preference and believability.

75

 

 

 

Narrator Positionb Voice Believability
PreferenceC

Black-Voice 1 Pro 34.6 37.7

§ Black-Voice 2 Pro 32.2 37.4

:3 Black-Voice 1 Con 32.2 35.6
Black-Voice 2 Con 34.7 37.1

g Caucasian-Voice 1 Pro 27.3 30.9

'3 Cancasian-Voice 2 Pro 26.6 34.9

g Caucasian-Voice 1 Con 28.0 31.3

{3 Caucasian-Voice 2 Con 28.3 33.3

 

a .
Rows are groups; columns are variables.

Pro Argument for "Community Control of Schools." Con
argument against "Community Control Of Schools."

0 . . . . . .
Higher scores indicate negative direction.

Lower

scores indicate positive direction.

Null Hypothesis 1a

 

Alternate Hypothesis 1a

 

There will be no difference between
the mean score of "believability"
for the Caucasian voice sound (aural
cue) and the mean score of "believ-
ability" for the Black voice sound
(aural cue).

The mean score of "believability"
for the Caucasian voice sound (aural
cue) will be greater than the mean
score Of "believability" for the
Black voice sound (aural cue).

The multivariate analysis of variance of means

yielded a F-Ratio of 20.

which was significant at the P = .0001 level.

43 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)

A Significant

multivariate F Ratio can be interpreted as meaning that the

two groups score significantly different from each other

a

76

on at least one of the dependent measures being simultane—
ously analyzed. TO locate the differences a univariate
analysis of variance of each of the dependent variables
was subsequently conducted. A summary of the univariate
analysis of believability scores is reported in Table 4.2.

Table 4.2.--Univariate analysis Of believability scores of
Black versus Caucasian voice sounds.

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability

 

Believability 752.5562 13.4288 0.0004

Degrees Of Freedom for Hypothesis 1

Degrees Of Freedom for Errors 152

 

The one way analysis of variance Of "believability"
scores of Black versus Caucasian voices produced a F value
of 13.42 which was significant beyond the .05 alpha level.
The mean score of "believability" for the Caucasian voices
was 27.75 while the mean scores for the Black voices was
36.90 (low scores indicate greater believability). Since
the range between these two scores was significant beyond
the .05 alpha level, the null hypothesis is rejected.
Furthermore, an examination Of the mean scores indicates
the greater "believability" is associated with the Caucasian
voice, therefore the alternate hypothesis is accepted.

The testable form of the hypothesis for "voice pre-
ference" of Black voice versus "voice preference" Of Cau-

casian voice is stated as follows:

77

There will be no difference be-
tween the mean score of "voice
preference" for the Caucasian voice
sound (aural cue) and the mean
score of "voice preference" for

the Black voice sound (aural cue).

Null Hypothesis 1b

 

Alternate Hypothesis 1 The mean score for "voice pre-
ference" for the Caucasian voice
sound (aural cue) will be greater
than the mean score of "voice pre—
ference" for the Black voice sound

(aural cue).

 

b

The multivariate of analysis of variance Of means
yielded a F-ratio of 20.43 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .0001 level. A summary
of the univariate analysis of "voice preference" scores is
reported in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3.--Univariate analysis of voice preference scores
Of Black versus Caucasian voice sounds.

 

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability
Voice
Preference 1368.9000 39.0527 0.0001
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for error 152

 

The one way analysis of variance of "voice prefer-
ence" score of Black versus Caucasian voices produced a
F-value of 39.05 which was significant beyond the .05 alpha
level. The mean score of "voice preference" for the Cau-
casian voices was 27.53 while the mean scores for the Black
voices was 33.87 (low score indicates greater "voice pre—

ference). Since the range between these two scores was

78

significant beyond the .05 alpha level, the null hypothesis
is rejected. Furthermore, an examination of the mean scores
indicates that greater "voice preference" is associated
with the Caucasian voice, therefore the alternate hypothesis
is accepted.

The testable form of the hypothesis for "believ-
ability" of Black (Voice #1) versus Black (Voice #2) is

stated as follows:

 

Null Hypothesis 2 There will be no difference between
a the mean score Of "believability"
for the Black voice sound (Voice #1)
and the mean score of "believability"
for the Black voice sound (Voice #2).

Alternate Hypothesis 2a The mean score Of "believability"
for the Black voice sound (Voice #1)
will be greater than the mean score
of "believability" for the Black
voice sound (Voice sound #2).

 

The multivariate analysis Of variance of means
yielded a F-ratio of .775 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .9255 level. The mean
score Of "believability" for Black (Voice #1) was 36.60
while the mean score for Black (Voice #2) was 37.00. The
difference between the range of these two scores was not
significant at the .05 alpha level, therefore the null
hypothesis was not rejected. A summary of the univariate

analysis of "believability" scores is reported in Table 4.4.

79

Table 4.4.--Univariate analysis of believability scores of
Black voice #1 versus Black voice #2.

 

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability
Believability 7.8125 0.1394 0.7094
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for error 152

 

The testable form of the hypothesis for "voice pre-
ference" of Black (Voice #1) versus Black (Voice #2) is
stated as follows:

There will be no difference between
the mean score Of "voice preference"
for the Black voice sound (Voice #1)
and the mean score of "voice pre-
ference" for the Black voice sound
(Voice #2).

Null Hypothesis 2b

 

The mean score Of "voice preference"
for the Black voice sound (Voice #1)
will be greater than the mean score
of "voice preference" for the Black
voice sound (Voice #2).

Alternate Hypothesis 2b

 

The multivariate analysis of variance Of means
yielded a F-ratio Of .775 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .9255 level. The mean
score of "voice preference" for the Black (Voice #1) was
36.60 while the mean score for Black (Voice #2) was 37.00.
The difference between the range Of these two scores was
not significant at the .05 alpha level therefore the null
hypothesis was not rejected. A summary of the univariate
analysis Of "voice preference" scores is reported in Table

4.5.

80

Table 4.5.--Univariate Of analysis of voice preference
scores of Black (Voice #1) versus Black (Voice #2).

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability

 

Voice
Preference 0.0125 0.0004 0.9850

Degrees Of Freedom for Hypothesis 1

Degrees Of Freedom for Error 152

 

The testable form of the hypothesis for "believ-
ability" of Caucasian (Voice #1) versus "believability" of
Caucasian (Voice #2) is stated as follows:

Null Hypothesis 3 There will be no difference between
a the mean score Of "believability"
for the Caucasian voice sound
(Voice #1) and the mean score of
"believability" for the Caucasian
voice sound (Voice #2).

 

 

Alternate Hypothesis 3 The mean score of "believability"
a for the Caucasian voice sound
(Voice #1) will be greater than
the mean score of "believability"
for the Caucasian voice sound
(Voice #2).
The multivariate analysis of variance of means
yielded a F-ratio of 1.935 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .1480 level. The mean
score of "believability" for Caucasian (Voice #1) was 34.00.
The difference between the range of these two scores was
not significant at the .05 alpha level, therefore the null

hypothesis was not rejected. A summary of the univariate

analysis Of "believability" scores is reported in Table 4.6.

81

Table 4.6.--Univariate analysis Of believability scores Of
Caucasian (Voice #1) versus Caucasian (Voice #2).

A

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability
Believability 174.0500 3.1058‘ 0.0801
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for Error 152

 

The testable form of the hypothesis for "voice pre—
ference" of Caucasian (Voice #1) versus "voice preference"
Of Caucasian (Voice #2) is stated as follows:

There will be no difference between
the mean score of "voice preference"
for the Caucasian voice sound

(Voice #1) and the mean score of
"voice preference" for Caucasian
voice sound (Voice #2).

Null Hypothesis 3b

 

Alternate Hypothesis 3 The mean score for "voice prefer-
ence" for the Caucasian voice sound
(Voice #1) will be greater than the
mean score of "voice preference"
for the Caucasian voice sound

(Voice #2).

b

 

The multivariate analysis of variance of means
yielded a F—ratio of 1.935 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .1480 level. The mean
score of "voice preference" for Caucasian (Voice #1) was
27.65 while the mean score for Caucasian (Voice #2) was
27.00. The difference between the range Of these two
scores was not significant at the .05 alpha level, therefore
the null hypothesis was not rejected. A summary of the
univariate analysis Of "voice preference" scores is re-

ported in Table 4.7.

82

Table 4.7.-- Univariate analysis of voice preference scores
Of Caucasian (Voice #1) versus Caucasian (Voice #2).

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability

‘w

 

Voice

Preference 1.0125 0.289 0.8653
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for Error 152

 

The testable form Of the hypothesis for "believ-

ability" Of "pro" position versus believability of "con"
position is stated as follows:
Null Hypothesis 4a There will be no difference be-

 

tween the mean score of "believ-
ability" for the "pro" position
and the mean score of "believ-

ability" for the "con" position.

 

Alternate Hypothesis 4 The mean score of "believability"
a for the "pro" position will be
greater than the mean score of
"believability" for the "con"
position.
The multivariate analysis of variance of means
yielded a F-ratio of .7955 (degrees of freedom 2 and 151)
which was Significant at the P = .4533 level. The mean
score of "believability" for the "pro" position was 34.30

while the mean score of "believability" for the "con posi-
tion was 34.30. The difference between the range of these
two scores was not significant at the .05 alpha level,
therefore the null hypothesis was not rejected. A summary

of the univariate analysis of "voice preference" scores is

reported in Table 4.8.

83

Table 4.8.--Univariate analysis of believability scores of

 

 

"pro" versus "con" position.
Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability
Believability 31.5062 0.5622 0.4546—
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for Errors 152

 

The testable form of the hypothesis for "voice pre-
ference" of "pro" position versus "voice preference" of
"con" position is stated as follows:

Null Hypothesis 4b There will be no difference between
the mean score of "voice preference"
for the "pro" position and the mean
score Of "voice preference" for
the "con" position.

 

Alternate Hypothesis 4b The mean score of "voice preference"

77‘ for the "pro" position will be
greater than the mean score of
"voice preference" for the "con
position.

 

The multivariate analysis of variance Of means
yielded a F—ratio Of .7955 (degrees Of freedom 2 and 151)
which was significant at the P = .4533 level. The mean
score of "voice preference" for the "pro" position was
30.00 while the mean score for the "con" position was 30.77.
The difference between the range of these two scores was
not significant at the .05 alpha level, therefore the null
hypothesis was not rejected. A summary of the univariate
analysis of "voice preference" score is reported in Table

4.9.

84

Table 4.9.--Univariate analysis of voice preference scores
Of "pro" versus "con" position.

 

Variable Between Mean Squared Univariate F Probability

 

Voice

Preference 15.6250 0.4458 0.5054
Degrees of Freedom for Hypothesis 1
Degrees of Freedom for Error 152

 

Although no interactions were hypothesized for

hypotheses 2a, 2 3 3b’ 4a’ and 4b, these hypotheses

b’ a’

were tested by no significant interactions were found.

Summary

Eight statistical hypotheses were generated and
tested. Each hypothesis was tested using the One way
multivariate analysis and using the .05 level Of confidence
for determining significance. Three hypotheses were formu-
lated to determine the effect of voice sound (aural cue)
on "believability." Three additional hypotheses were
formulated to determine the effect Of voice sound (aural
cue) on "voice preference." One hypothesis was formulated
to determine the effect of the position of argument on
"blievability" while the remaining hypothesis was formulated
to determine the effect of the position of the argument
on "voice preference." A summary of results of the statis-
tical analysis is presented in Table 4.10. A discussion

of the findings and their implications is in Chapter V.

85

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mumecuomwm HHOZ

 

.Aemscuuaoocua.oe.e wanes

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS,

AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary

The purpose of this study was to determine what
effect the recognition of a distinguishable voice sound
(aural cue) associated with a particular ethnic group would
have on "believability" and "voice preference." Specifi-
cally this study had two primary purposes. One purpose
was to determine what effect a distinguishable voice sound
associated with a Black narrator would have on "believ-
ability" and "voice preference." A second purpose was to
determine what effect a distinguishable voice sound asso-
ciated with a Caucasian narrator would have on "believability"
and "voice preference."

One of the generalizations drawn from review of
the literature indicates that the prestige associated with
the information source is related in some way to the impact
of the message. Review of the literature further indicates
that source credibility has a temporal dimension, suggesting
that if high prestige source diminishes, low prestige source
gains. Important to this study and substantiated by the

review Of literature is the indication that noncontent

87

88

stimuli such as dress, voice, and manner apparently affect
the attitude of the audience toward the communicator source.
Further review Of the literature reveals that there is a
commonality of agreement in defining source credibility
in spite of the great diversity in the variations of the
conceptual framework in which source credibility functions.
The literature reviewed concerning the attribute
Of race of the communicator source suggests that those cues
denoting race Of the communicator as a minority member
generally serve to diminish credibility Of the minority
communicator. Some studies indicate that because Of the
differences in characteristic variables of the minority
communicator and audience composition, the perception of
credibility source generally fluctuates.

Ten workshop sections of Education 450, School and

 

Society, were Offered in the Spring Term (1971) at Michigan
State University. Eight workshop sections were randomly
selected for the experimental treatment. Eight separate
experimental treatments were randomly assigned to each Of
the eight workshop sections. Four workshop sections were
administered an experimental treatment with a Caucasian
voice arguing either for the pro or con position on "Com—
munity Control Of Schools." Four workshop sections were
administered an experimental treatment with a Black voice
arguing either for the pro or con position on "Community

Control of Schools."

89

The experimental population consisted of 160 white
undergraduate students enrolled at Michigan State Univer-
sity. All subjects Were enrolled in the Teacher Education
program and had completed Student Teaching requirements.
The sample of 160 subjects was divided into eight workshop
sections consisting of twenty students each.

Two instruments were designed for this study. One
was the pre-test screening instrument designed to determine
whether or not voice sound could be distinctively identi-
fied as belonging to a Black or Caucasian speaker. Results
of the data collected with this instrument indicated that
differentiation can be made between the voice sound of
Black and Caucasian speakers. The second instrument con-
structed was the semantic differential consisting of a
total of 25 items. Twelve items related to voice preference
and thirteen items to believability. Reliability of this
instrument was substantiated by Hoyt's Estimate of Reli-
ability formula.

The mode Of presentation (automated slide-tape) for
the treatment was the same with all workshop sections. The
subjects in each treatment were administered the same
semantic differential test. Results of the data collected
by the semantic differential instrument supported the
hypothesis that the mean scores of "believability" and
"voice preference" would be greater for the distinguishable
Caucasian voice sound than for the distinguishable Black

voice sound.

90

Eight statistical hypotheses were generated and
tested. Each hypothesis was tested using the multivariate
analysis procedure and the .05 level of confidence for
determining significance. Three hypotheses were formulated
to determine the effect of distinguishable voice sound
(aural cue) on "believability." Three additional hypoth-
eses were formulated to determine the effect Of distin-
guishable voice sound (aural cue) on "voice preference."
One hypothesis was formulated to determine the effect Of
the position Of argument on "believability," while the re-
maining hypothesis was formulated to determine the effect

of the position of argument on "voice preference."

Findingo

 

 

Hypothesis 1 There will be no difference between the mean
a score of "believability" for the Caucasian

voice sound (aural cue) and the mean score

of "believability" for the Black voice

sound (aural cue).

With respect to Hypothesis la’ it was found that
there was a significant difference in the mean score for
subjects' ratings of perceived source credibility on the
"believability" dimension. Mean scores were higher for
the distinguishable voice sound associated with the Cau-

casian narrator than for the distinguishable voice sound

associated with the Black narrator. The data reveal that

 

when white undergraduate students were exposed to informa-

 

tion communicated byya Caucasian communicator they

 

91

gave higher credibility to the Caucasian information

 

source than they will give to the Black communicator

 

source .

There will be no difference between the
mean score of "voice preference" for the
Caucasian voice sound (aural cue) and the
mean score of "voice preference" for the
Black voice sound (aural cue).

Hypothesis 1

 

b

With respect to Hypothesis 1 it was found that

b’
there was a significant difference between the mean scores
Of "voice preference" for the Black narrator. Mean scores
were higher for the Caucasian narrator than for the Black
narrator. The data show that a clear distinction is made
in "voice preference" between Black and Caucasian narra-
tors. However, the acoustical features (tone, pitch,
resonance, etc.) comprising voice preference is a highly
personalized and subjective evaluation process. These
acoustical features were not specifically measured by this

study, however, based on the results of the data, it is

concluded that there are "certain" acoustical features

 

comprising the voice sound to which the listener attaches

 

"certain" values in determining voice_preference. What

 

ever these "certain" values areypit appears that "voice

preference" is perceived by white students as moreoposi-

 

tive with voice sound associated with a Caucasian than with

 

voice sound associated with a Black spoaker.

 

Hypothesis 2a There will be no difference between the
mean score of "believability" for the Black
voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score
of "believability" for the Black voice
sound (Voice #2).

 

92

With respect to Hypothesis 2a, it was found that
there was no significant difference in the mean scores of
"believability" between Black voice sound (Voice #1) and
Black voice sound (Voice #2). This result suggests that
negligible differentiation is made between different Black
communicator sources. It appears that perception of voice
sound attributable to different Black communicators did
not vary substantially in its effect upon "believability"

of the information. It is concluded that distinguishable

 

voice sound associated with different Black speakers will
tend to be perceived as having approximately the same level

Of credibilipy,

 

Hypothesis 2b There will be no difference between the mean
score of "voice preference" for the Black
voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean score
of "voice preference" for the Black voice
sound (Voice #2).

 

With respect to Hypothesis 2 it was found that

b’
there was no significant difference in the mean scores Of
"voice preference" between Black voice sound (Voice #1)

and the Black voice sound (Voice #2). NO negligible dis-
tinction was made between "voice preference" of (Voice #1)
and (Voice #2). These results suggest that distinguishable
voice sound associated with Black speakers will tend to be
generally rated approximately the same on "voice preference."
The combined mean scores generated from Hypotheses 2a and

2b were higher than combined mean scores generated from

Hypotheses 3a and 3b. It is concluded that "voice preference"

93

was rated in a negative direction when associ—

 

ated with a distinguishable Black voice souog.

 

Hypothesis 3 There will be no difference between the mean
a score of "believability" for Caucasian voice
sound (Voice #1) and the mean score of "be-
lievability" for the Caucasian voice sound
(Voice #2).

 

Hypothesis 3b There will be no difference between the mean
score Of "voice preference" for the Cauca—
sian voice sound (Voice #1) and the mean
score of "voice preference" for Caucasian
voice sound (Voice #2).

 

With respect to Hypotheses 3a and 3b, it was found
that there was no Significant difference in the mean scores
Of "believability" and "voice preference" between Caucasian
voice sound (Voice #1) and Caucasian voice sound (Voice #2).
It appears that distinguishable voice sound associated with
Caucasian speakers differ little in how they are per-
ceived in relationship to "believability" and "voice pre-
ference." The combined means scores generated from Hypoth-
eses 3a and 3b were higher than the mean scores generated
from Hypotheses 2a and 2 . From this evidence it is con—

b

cluded that_perception of "voice_preference" and "believ-

 

 

ability" will tend to be rated in a positive direction when

 

associated with a distinguishable Caucasian voice sound.

 

 

Hypothesis 4a There will be no difference between the mean
score of "believability" for the pro posi-
tion and the mean score of "believability"
for the con position.

Hypothesis 4b There will be no difference between the mean
score of "voice preference" for the pro posi—
tion and the mean score of "voice preference"
for the con position.

 

94

With respect to Hypotheses 4a and 4b, it was found
that there was no significant difference in the mean scores
Of "believability" and "voice preference" between con and
pro positions Of the arguments. Furthermore,
no significant interaction between the position taken in
communicating the message and believability Of the message.
Results of the data suggest that the announced persuasive
intent Of the message had negligible effect upon "believ-
ability" Of the message or upon "voice preference" associ-

ated with communicating the message. It is concluded that

 

believabilipy of the message can not be assured by the

 

position a speaker takes on an issue.

 

Discussion

 

The general question under investigation in this
study was to determine the extent to which distinguishable
voice sound associated with a Black or Caucasian speaker
influenced source credibility. Source credibility for the
purpose of this study was defined comprising two dimensions:
(1) believability, and (2) voice preference. Generally
speaking the results Obtained for "believability" and
"voice preference" support the two major Hypotheses 1a and
1b of this study. "Believability" and "voice preference"
were perceived and rated in a more positive direction for
the Caucasian voice than for the Black voice. The mean

scores were significantly higher for the Caucasian voice

than for the Black voice. However, it should be noted that

95

these data can not adequately support the contention that
these results will be duplicated under similar conditions.
Due to the personality variables Of the subjects and the
variations of voice quality for Black and Caucasian speakers,
the need for replication Of this study is warranted.

This fact emphasizes the highly fluid state Operating in

the communication process.

One of the basic questions underlying this study
was answered by the data collected. Substantial support
was given to the assumption that differentiation could be
made between a Black and Caucasian speaker based on the
distinguishability of aural cues. Out of a total of ten
speakers (five Black and five Caucasian), four Blacks were
accurately identified. One Black voice was judged to be
indistinguishable. All five Caucasian voices were identi-
fied as such. Based on the extent of the recognition of
voice sound, it appears that white students were negatively
influenced in their reaction to information communicated
by a distinguishable Black voice.

It was presumed that a certain amount of bias

would be held by the white subject toward any single
voice (Black or white). An effort was made to con-
struct a design that would keep this source of bias

at a minimal level thus reducing the impact of its effect
upon the subjects recorded responses. In addition, this

might have undertaken the task of developing an instrument

96

to pre—test the attitudinal bias of the subjects in order
to better control this variable. However, this was not
within the scope of the present study and would have been
a major study by itself. To minimize this apparent weak-
ness in the study, the researcher emphasized the relia-
bility of the instruments constructed for this study. The
pre-screening test instrument which enabled the researcher
to clearly establish identification of and differentiation
between Black and Caucasian voices proved to be extremely
effective and valid. The semantic differential constructed
to measure "believability" and "voice preference" proved
to be substantially reliable. Reliability was supported
by the Hoyt Estimate of Reliability formula. However, it
is recognized that any instrument should be subject to con-
tinuous refinement. Therefore, the present instrument
proved to be reliable under the conditions of this study,
it should be subject to further refinement for future use.
Results of the data Show that Black voices consis-
tently received lower mean scores than Caucasian voices.
Mean scores for "believability" and "voice preference" were
significantly higher for Caucasians. In contrast to these
results, mean scores were not significantly different be-
tween Black (Voice #1) and Black (Voice #2). The same
results were apparent between the mean scores of Caucasian
(Voice #1) and Caucasian (Voice #2). However, the combined

mean scores of Black (Voice #1) and Black (Voice #2) were

97

significantly lower than the combined mean scores of Cau-
casian (Voice #1) and Caucasian (Voice #2). It appears
that the attitudinal biases of the subjects were either
inclined toward stereotyping or the experimental treatment
did not effectively control this variable.

Another factor that may have indirectly influenced
the subjects responses is the presence of a Black female
proctor and a Black experimenter. Although no evidence is
available to support this notion, this question nevertheless
remains Open. The data seems to support indirectly that
speech dialect associated with a Black Speaker appears to
be one of many compounding variables which influence the
Caucasian Observer in forming certain stereotypic attitudes.
It should be noted that this position is not fully subv
stantiated by the present study.

It is noted that no significant interaction was
evident between the position of argument taken by the Black
narrators. However, the Black narrators were still per-
ceived as being less credible than Caucasian narrators.
These results indicate that voice sound (aural cue) played
a significant role in the minds of the Caucasian subjects
in their perception of source credibility.

The message format used as part of the experimental
treatment appeared to be adequate for this study. Extreme
care was taken to assure its uniformity. Each message con—

sisted of an introductory statement, supporting pro or con

98

statements, and one pro or con Option. Results Of the

data showed no significant interaction between the pro and
con positions, suggesting that position Of argument exer-
cised no significant influence on source credibility of

the message. This was significant to this study in that

it suggests that voice sound (aural cue) was the dominating
variable influencing source credibility.

The results of the data pertaining to the perceived
source credibility of Black voices versus Caucasian voices
Show a significant difference. It would be difficult or
unwise to generalize from these findings to other situa-
tions different than the conditions described in this
study. This study was limited in the size of population
and also limited by the mode (automated slide-tape pre-
sentation) of the experimental treatment. In View of
this, it might be inappropriate to make generalizations
about source credibility Of voice sound relating to other
media such as recording discs, video tapes, and instruc-

tional films.

Implications

 

Although it is difficult to generalize from the
limited scope of this study, the researcher, nevertheless,
feels very strongly that this study has broad implications
beyond its present scope. These implications are particu-
larly relevant to some Of the aspects of the educational

process. Education can generally be described as a process

99

Of social interaction. It is during this process that the
individual acquired behaviors, attitudes, and perceptions
of other individuals with whom he interacts. With this
point of view in mind, the following implications are
suggested:

1. The unfavorable image in which the Black voice
was perceived generally suggests that white students tend
to hold negative attitudes toward the competencies of the
Black individual. Implications of this Observation point
to a strong need for more exposure and contact by white
students with Blacks in a variety Of favorable educational
situations.

2. Implications further suggest that distinct cul-
tural speech patterns generally associated with the Black
educator are Often perceived by fellow Caucasian educators
as being suggestive of deficiencies in professional know-
ledge. This indicates that the Black educator is often
held in suspect by his Caucasian colleague regarding his
proficiency. A need to develop mutual professional respect
is indicated. I

3. It appears that strong overtones of racial
stereotyping are demonstrated in the Caucasian perceptions
of the credibility Of Blacks in an educational setting.

A need for greater and more intimate academic exposure is
implied. Hopefully through more favorable educational
contact, a positive shift in attitude toward credibility of

the Black educator will develop.

100

4. A serious question is raised in regard to the
classroom environment, particularly in the lower grades,
where Black teachers interact with white children. These
children are part of a larger society in which negative
attitudes toward the Black teacher are pervasive. There-
fore, significance is attached to the young child and his
perceptions of the Black teacher in relationship to his
world. Implications Of this study suggest that the effec-
tiveness Of the Black teacher can be drastically reduced.
These implications suggest further that a value conflict
can Often develop within the child if he is subjected to
strong racial biases and influences from his family and
peer group that are anti-Black.

5. Although this study showed that Black voices were
perceived in a less favorable image, the implications for in-
structional technology are significant. Based on the findings
of this study, commercial producers of instructional
technology (sound filmstrips, video-tape programs, films,
etc.) will not look favorably upon using Black voices for
narration based upon the findings Of this study. However,
the implications Of this study suggest that commercial
producers can make a unique contribution to the total edu-
cational process by providing a positive channel of communi-
cation by which Black voices can be incorporated in a manner
in which is nonexistent at the present time. The general
amount of exposure to and familiarity with Black voices in

a positive image will be greatly enhanced.

101

Recommendations

 

The following suggestions are based on the analysis

Of the findings in this study and the insights gained
'during the course of this study. The recommendations for
future research are stated below.

1. This study was restricted to a small experi-
mental population. Future research in this area should
include larger samples which would provide more definitive
results than the present study provides.

2. The population of this study consisted of only
University level senior students. It may prove beneficial
for future research to examine populations of lower grade
levels such as elementary, junior high, and senior high
schools. Research at these levels should provide a broader
basis for formulating more comprehensive conclusions re-
garding source credibility.

3. The present study was concerned primarily with
a pOpulation composed Of all white students. Further re-
search should examine credibility using all Black students
for the experimental population. As a result, some basis
may be established for comparing the differences between
Black and white students' perception of source credibility
based on distinguishable voice sound.

4. Students represent only a small segment of
society. This study was restricted to this single segment.
In order to get a broader perspective and different in-

sights to the question of source credibility, it may be

102

worthwhile to design future research in an attempt to ex-
amine other groups in society such as educators, social
workers, and counselors.

5. This study used only male voices in determin-
ing audience reaction to source credibility. It would be
Of interest to future research to determine what influence
distinguishable Black and white female voices would exer-
cise on source credibility. From the search of the liter-
ature it appears that this has never been done.

6. A more comprehensive study should be under-
taken in the future that would include a replication of
this study across comparable groups throughout the Univer-

sity.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

103

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APPENDICES

109

APPENDIX A

VOICE DISTINGUISHABILITY RATING SCALE

110

Check the appropriate number which best describes how you
perceive the voice sound of each speaker.

 

Speaker - Number 1

1

2

Speaker

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian Speaker

clearly distinguishable as

- Number 2

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

- Number 3

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

111

a black speaker

a Caucasian speaker

a black speaker

a Caucasian speaker

a black speaker

a Caucasian speaker

Page 2

112

Speaker - Number 4

1

2

Speaker

1

Speaker

1

 

Sounds
Sounds
Sounds
Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

'clearly distinguishable as

- Number 5

 

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

— Number 6

 

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

- Number 7

 

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

Page 3

113

Speaker - Number 8

1

Speaker

Speaker

1

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

- Number 9

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

- Number 10

 

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

Sounds

clearly distinguishable as
like a black speaker
indistinguishable

like a Caucasian speaker

clearly distinguishable as

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

black speaker

Caucasian speaker

APPENDIX B

PRE-TEST SCRIPT

114

APPENDIX B
PRE-TEST SCRIPT

Words and pictures are stimuli. What is learned
from them depends on the kinds of responses that they
elicit. For convenience of exposition they can be put
into three major categories. In the first are all pre-
paratory responses Of attention, selective discrimination
and perception which presumably have been learned previous
to the presentation. Second are the responses involved in
learning what the presentation purports to teach. These
are called acquisition responses. In the third category
are the reSponses involved in anchoring what has been
learned so that it can be used on subsequent occasions.

These are called consolidating responses.

115

APPENDIX C

INSTRUCTIONS

116

Instructions:

Please read the following instructions very carefully.
If there are any questions after reading the instructions,
please raise your hand.

YOu are going to hear a tape recording composed of ppp
speakers. Each speaker will read a very short paragraph.
Please listen very attentively to the voice of each speaker.

Following each speaker, the tape recorder will be stopped.
After the tape recorder is stopped following each speaker, do
the following.

Check the appropriate number which best describes how you
perceive the v01ce sound Of each speaker.

Example:

Sppaker - Number 0

1 Sounds clearly distinguishable as a black speaker
2 Sounds like a black speaker

3 Sounds indistinguishable

4 Sounds like a Caucasian speaker

5 Sounds clearly distinguishable as a Caucasian speaker

Please wait for instructions.

 

117

v "

4 '

APPENDIX D

ARTICLE

118

R

 

THE

 

5:]

 

The following article is based upon and inspired by the discussions and prepared case materials of the meeting concerning ”Commi
ity Control of Schools” of the Council on Urban Development of the Institute of Human Sciences held at Endicott House, Dedhar

Massachusetts on May 2-3, 1969.

COMMUNITY CONTROL OF
SCHOOLS: A REVIEW OF ISSUES
AND OPTIONS '

DAVID HORTON SMITH

Associate Research Professor in the Insti-
tute of Human Sciences and Associate
Professor of Sociology, Boston C o/lcgc

RICHARD F. MCGRAIL
Lecturer in the Schoo/

of Education

Boston Co/lege

At first qlance the phrase "Community
Control of Schools" seems to refer mainly
in the problem of the locus of authority in
our educational system In the frequent
current 0010lele on the issue. we read of
hnrcnts from the ghetto and other-large
City
VIQOTOHSIV

neighborhoods
that
receivmg an adequate education and that

complaining

their children are not

teachers cannot or Will not understand

their children We hear teachers (usually

through a profeSSional association or
union) decrying oiiISIde interfwence in the
larlk Of

discipline and poor capacities of ghetto

L‘d'lCalIOllal process and the

Voiingsters While stressmg their own
“grits to tenure and ioh security And we
sec public officials taking other tai‘ks in
response to the turn of political breezes
When we investigate the problem more
deirply. however we find that community
Coritrol of schools IS a complex political-
eCniiomic moral (or othnic) iSSiie It IS
3’80 an ISSUE of overall urban policy and

metropolitan planning. One of the most

'mhortant underlying questions in the
community control of schools isSiie is
Darricipation by members of the

community in the management of matters

 

affecting their BXISIBDCB, espeCially in the

inner-City and ghetto areas of large
metropolises The school issue has been
highlighted because it is somewhat easrer
to make a case for local control here than
in other areas such as police, utilities
This
many moic Citizens are directly involved in

their Also.

transportation. utc is true Since so

education throiigh children.
even though they may not fully appreciate
they (10

somehow see it as a vehicle to the "good

the Importance of education.
life for their children and as a means to
personal fulfillment As a result. schools
and tfieir staffs have become targets in
what IS really a (.i'eepseated and often
deliberately planned struggle by minority
equality in political and
The

from a general feeiinq of pOWfiiieSsricss

groups for

economic realms problem stems

on the part of people livmg in a highly
and
soiziety The intensny of this feeling is

technoioiiical competitive mass
multiplied many times in the case of those
who belong to a minority group and who
xth in poverty in our urban centers

Although the community control of.
schools issue is partially rooted in the
demands of urban poor for more power
and parIICipation in a variety of real‘ns, we.
Wish to limit ourselves here specrfioally to
sense of public

"schools" in the

and secondary schools.

Similarly. the term

elementary
"community" has a
variety of meanings. but we Wish to focus
on the "community" as a neighborhood
or natural sub-section of the core city of
a large metropolitan area. The rough Size
of such a community would be 50.000
people With a school poruilatirm of
1000020000 students It
that the issue of COfll'HUHIIV control has a

is obvrous

much different coniplemon in suburbs of
metropolitan areas or in smaller isolated
communities and rural areas

The concept of "control” as commonly

. 119

iiSed in discussmn of the present issiio heir
two impOrtant yet separate facets that an
often confused. First. there is communin
"control" of schools as decentralizatior
of bureaucratic authority in educationa'
decision-making. A decentralized systoni
is one in which nearly all of the ImDOHLIHT
and significant educational dCCISIons are
made at the community level or below hi
the community electorate and its elocter
and appointed representatives (schoc
boards, school superintendent. principals
etc i In a centralized metropolitan or 38190
City school system. by contrast. mos‘
major decisuons are made by higher New
representatives or bureaucrats who hays
no direct personal tie to all neighbomood
involved .,_. which usually means [her
lower status areas go unrepresentmf H
such deCis‘ion-making processes

The second facet of “control" refers ii
ani
educational Thr
means that the citizens of a communir
both

education for their children and activel-

citizen involvement in education

decision-making
concerned about a

are 900‘

parIICipate in the establishment anr
implementation of educational goals I'
their community The fact that a schou
board

community level and has power over Iocz

IS elected periodically at (h
educational dBCISIOnS does not by ac
means guarantee that there Will be a hip
involvement Wit

degree of Citizen

education in that COle’llUfllly

PROS ANDCONS'
Since community Control of schoo

involves these two separate facets

decentralization and Citizen involveme:
-~ the pros and cons of those two fourH

Will be conSiderod separately

Decentralization
Probably the most frequently pose

Urban and SOCiai Change Revue

rgument against decentralization is the
liggestion that it hinders integration. The
oint Here is that it IS, or could be, a step
act to enforced segregation or de facto
egregation. This argument loses most of
a force when we note that under the
lesent centralized educational systems.
he percentage of blacks and hence de
Icto segregation in core City populations
as been increasmg steadily during this
btade. so that decentralization could
Eidly make matters worse While this
18’ld reality. and
:o'tinues as protected by demographers.
ls certainly fair that tne residents of the
hie City communities or ghettoes have

"ie say in the deCI5ions affecting the
Education of their Children — a situation
that cannot easily exist without
ifecentralization as a base. Too. it should
be emphasized that the vast majority of
lfose in favor of decentralized school
Sistems are not proponents of
Sati'egation All of the available means to
ksler integration li.e., bussing. Head Start
F’mrams suburban programs, etc i could
N should still be promoted in a
de:entralized system.

-"~ second common argument against
ileuentralization relates to the ineffiCient
use of educational resources. Centralized
bi

scale in the acquisuion and use Of
’resources by means of centralized
llU'Chasmg, recruiting. etc. If this
fielficiency has to be sacrificed for the sake
ftl more important values. so be it.
"iciwever, the fact is that decentralization
‘5 JUIle compatible With the maintenance
pl certain centralized services, The central
ol‘ice still could be responSIble for bid
‘Soemfications, bulk purchasmg,
iomracted maintenance. etc. but it would
Be the local Officials who would decide
priorities and Would have the power to see
.10 ll that action is taken promptly The
“Eiffel office would thus be Simply

I
‘mplementing the deClSIOn of the local
‘Ofllmals

is a insofar as it

i'eaucracies permit certain economics of

The most important reasons in favor of
.decenlralizmg our school systems spring
mm the greater likelihood that the
“Eteiilralized system Will be optimally

it
“me 3. Number 1, Fall 1969

k

120

and local

conditions and needs Historically, large

sensitive

responswe to

centralized bureaucracies have been
noted for their insenSItiVity to the real
needs of the local communities they
purport to serve. Even when local needs
have been recognized. large centralized
bureaucraCIes have been ineffective in
bringing about meaningful changes and
implementing suitable programs. By
contrast. there is a greater chance that
decentralized school
aware Of speCIal local needs, will be able
relatively rapid decisions
responding to these needs. and will more
effectively appropriate

systems will be
to make
implement

programs and innovations.
Without this decentralization it is

scarcely possible that Widespread
community involvement in the
educational process will flourish.

Centralized authority structures in large

Cities essentially eliminate any real
pOSSibility for meaningful community
participation in educational deCision-

making. Decentralization guarantees that

 

the important
education will be made on a local level
(through local school boards and local
administrative staff) and this is a much-
step in City
communities. especially in ghetto areas
where the current demands for increased
”black power" must be answered Yet
decentralization
sufficient to bring about true community
control Of schools. since it may result in
token of the
community in educational decisions by

deCIsions affecting

needed most core

organizational is not

only involvement local
means of biennial school board elections
The need for bringing about even greater

Citizen involvement remains.

Citizen Involvement

Involvement has two distinct
concern and participation
Concern here implies that citizens of the

Citizen
aspects.

community are interested in education
broadly, believe in their
children, urge their children to remain in
school, encourage academic
accomplishment both at home and at

its value for

school. and provide back-up support for
teachers and other educational staff. This
kind of citizen involvement is most
characteristic of the suburbs and higher
socio-economic areas in general. Lack of
such concern is a vital problem in most
core cities and high poverty areas

Everyone seems to agree that concern
for education is a good thing per se. Thus.
there are no negative arguments to review
here. The difficulties come in considering
ways in which this concern can be
brought about or increased and in dealing
With the costs involved.

The great potential value of this kind of
Citizen concern is that it tends to foster
educational achievement and aspiration in
students. Substantial levels of educational
achievement are a necessny in modern
industrial society if the vicious cycle of
poverty and ethnic discrimination is to be
by
competition and mobility of those who are
the
effectiveness of

broken the effective occupational
presently deprived. Along With
increased occupational
Current ghetto residents and their children
would come increased representation in
the political power structure and in other
important private and public positions in
our society. The battle against ethnic
prejudice and discrimination will have to
continue unabated. But an increase.
through education. in the competence
levels of currently deprived ethnic
minorities should go a long way toward
fostering integration and equality of
opportunity in our nation.

The participation aspect
involvement goes beyond mere concern
and refers to the active engagement of a
variety of individuals from the local
community in the selection and
implementation of educational objectives
Within the school system. Here we have
parents and other citizens entering a
domain previously reserved to
professional educators and a handful of
school board members. This very fact is
the root of one of the most telling
arguments raised against community
control of schools. especially by
professional educators and their unions or
professional associations.

of citizen

121

Educators. not without some
justification, feel that the act of teaching
and its supporting activities demand an
expertise that is not to be found in
everyone who might have an interest in
and concern for education. They worry
about the possibility of citizens interfering
directly in the day-to-day operation of the
school. In addition to these worries
regarding the task of educating children.
professional educators at all levels are
also quite concerned about the
implications for their personal job security
and tenure. salary and promotion.
collective bargaining rights. and related
matters.

There is no denying the existence of
these professional and personal career
problems of educators, but their existence
is not sufficient reason to abandon the
concept of citizen participation in
community school systems. As will be
shown in a moment. the values of this
kind of participation for students. citizens.
and education in general far outweigh the
inherent problems. The answer must be to
negotiate some form of compromise that
avoids either the extreme of completely
citizen-run schools. or the extreme of
token of parents in
completely educator-run schools. The
compromise must take into account the
professional and personal career interests
of educators while providing for some

involvement

meaningful citizen participation in the
local educational decision-making
process.

Another kind of argument advanced
against meaningful community
participation is that quality standards for
educational achievement will be
diminished. Although sometimes
proposed very sincerely. this is often a
sham appeal to universal values that is

intended to mask educators' actual
concern for their own personal and
professional career interests. Certainly

there are few persons who would quarrel
with the need for maintaining and even
enhancing educational quality standards.
but there is no clear evidence that citizen
participation has a detrimental effect. and
in fact, there is good reason to believe that

it may have a positive effect. especially in
the ghetto areas. It should also be pointed
out that educational achievement is
already so low in poverty and ghetto areas
that there is no place to go but up.

The point is not to abandon quality
standards of a universal nature entirely.
but to broaden these standards to allow
some room for the inclusion of local
community values and educational
objectives.

A final argument raised against citizen
participation in the educational process
has to do with the spectre of extremist
and minority groups completely taking
over the educational system in local
communities. Many see this as a logical
development from allowing the
community to participate in the selection
of educational objectives. but exploitation
by extremists is no more necessitated by
community participation in education than
it is by community participation in city.
state. or national government. This danger
is inherent in the democratic process at all
levels but it is a danger that can be
guarded against by an alert and active
citizenry and by provision of options and
flexibility in the
objectives. .

Openness and flexibility can be

maintained by having the local community
select periodically the priorities it would
.Iike to have assigned to a series of
educational objectives rather than
attempting to arrive at a unanimous view
on a single program that may not take into
account minority opinions even Within the
local community. The implementation of
these community-selected educational
objectives should further maintain
flexibility by providing students and
parents some Options in choosing courses
and/or programs designed to meet these
objectives. '

implementation of

As noted earlier, community concern
with education is significantly related to
student educational achievement. Where
this concern is substantial. as in many of
our suburban areas. a minimal amount of
participation can be tolerated. Where this
concern is weaker, as in most ghetto and
poverty areas. a program of citizen

Urban and Social Change Review

tiigipation is needed to foster and

same Citizen interest in education and

schools.

2
Rezent research has shown that
liler‘it attitudes. expectations. and

iscrality traits have a very substantial
educational
ese range all

cast on achievement.
the way from broad
i'irgs of efficacy and positive self-image
'hs more specific attitudes toward the
education in achievrng
.pational success and the relevance of
i..‘.ic courses and programs to eventual
icress in life. The ghetto child tends to
if‘»:‘ from a psychological deficiency on
Int these counts. Programs that attempt
. mprove educational achievement in
it: eran schools merely by improving

Les of

in

l

(T)

_r'

utters, support services. facilities. or
f‘.'5-Cai plant are likely to achieve only
l’T'ifHfid success.3 insofar as they ignore
llF: psychological components. An attack
r. the root cause of poor educational
heyement in the ghetto and poverty
tress must be made via student attitudes
tr". expectations. Since the latter are
lfrT“ia'liy shaped in the home and the local
:o'hmunity, an effectively programmed
ianroach to changing student attitudes
inil expectations must involve parents
in'i other citizens in the community at
3“}6 This kind of involvement is what we
bane been referring to as meaningful
tiizzen participation in the educational
Decess

Participation of parents and other
thzens in educational decision-making at
the local level will lead to their increased
commitment to their schools and to the
ei'ucational process in general as well as
inCreasmg their sense of personal efficacy
and confidence. Insofar as this
E“JTUCIDation has been effective. one may
Exiled this sense of commitment and
Ei'fiac‘l to be passed on to the children. In
addition, effective
vcation Will

community
have brought about
attain changes in the school curriculum

DBIKIU

=3 that various courses and programs WI”
‘39 . . .
i available that are mtnnsrcally more

in
ean'“qul to students from the local
“Omniiinity.

i1 .
”8 enhanced relevance of certain

WW 3. Number 1, Fall 1969

122

community-selected programs and
courses as well as the increased parental
about by direct
likely result
from disadvantaged

experiencing some degree of efficacy in

concern brought
partICipation will in many
students areas
the school setting for the first time In
addition, is a

positive answer to many of the overt

community participation

behaVior problems plaguing our urban
schools such as poor discipline, truancy.
and general
indifference to the schools.
Otiite aside from the direct impact of
participation on student
educational achievement. such
participation also has an impact on the

absenteeism. hostility or

citizen

broader political, racial. economic issues
which bear not only on the problem of
community control of schools but also on
numerous other pressing problems
inherent in the urban scene. The root issue
here is equality. People in disadvantaged
areas are demanding their fair share of
American life in terms of political and
economic power and in terms of social
posuion relative to the majority ethnic
groups. As Commission
Report 4 amply shows. failure to meet
such demands is significantly related to
the occurrence of riots and other
manifestations of civil unrest in core Cities.

the Kerner

Community control of schools. insofar as
'citizen
participation, is at least one big step —
but by no means the only step ~—— toward
realizing equality. This kind of active

it involves meaningful

involvement will serve to decrease the
currently widespread alienation and
apathy found in poverty areas while
conversely fostering the development of a
generally aware and active citizenry who
are both Willing and able to take their
proper place as equal participants in
running their communities, their states.

and their nations.

OPTIONS
Implicit in all of the foregoing discussion
has been the assumption that adequate
funds will be available to bring about
meaningful decentralization and Citizen

involvement in community education.

Without
control

adequate funds, community
of schools will be a sham.
Generally speaking. funds for education in
a given community may come primarily
from within the community (either from
individual families or through local
taxation) or primarily from higher level
political units (city. metropolitan, state. or
national levels). By considering primarily
intra-community vs. primarily supra-
community funding for education together
with decentralized vs. centralized
educational authority and active citizen
involvement vs. no effective involvement.
several major practical options emerge.

OPTION 1 Centralized authority, no
effective citizen
community fiscal base.

Option 1 describes the status quo in
most large cities in this country today.
The core urban areas and especially the
ghettoes and disadvantaged areas have
essentially no part in the decision-making

involvement, supra-

affecting the education of their children
and manifest no effective citizen
either in the sense of
participation. Funds for
education come from the total city fiscal
base and other supra-community levels
rather than primarily from within the
community, but these funds are also
allocated by the centralized supra-
Community educational authorities. As a
the
meaningful

involvement.
concern or

result, local citizenry have no
community control of
education in any sense. Out of this
condition an increasing degree of
alienation and dissatisfaction is
deveIOping. At best. therefore. Option 1
results in apathy and indifference toward
education and local schools, and at worst
it leads hostility and

widespread violence against the authority

to outright

structure in general. The latter response is
all too prevalent in our urban ghettoes
and poverty areas today. Obviously.
Option 1 does not facilitate either good
education or domestic tranquility in core
city areas. nor does it foster racial justice
and the ultimate equality of Opportunity
for all persons in our somety.

OPTION 2 Decentralized authority,
no effective citizen
community level fiscal base.

Under this option. the community
local educational
making but also has the problem of
raismg adequate funds for education from
within the local community. There is still
no effective program for developing
citizen involvement. In middle class or
wealthy suburbs and towns, this option
works fairly well for two reasons. First.
the suburban community will generally be
wealthy enough to raise adequate funds
for education from within itself. Second,
the parents and other Citizens in a middle
class (or higher status) suburban
community will already tend to have a
welladeveloped concern for education and
at least a moderate level of Citizen
participation in the educational decision-
making process. By contrast. in the
ghetto and poverty areas of large cities
(or in the poorer suburbs). the local
citizens lack sufficient wealth to support a
sound educational program from their
own resources as well as having a lower
level of concern for education and less
opportunity for the
schools.

As discussed in a preceding section,
citizen involvement with education in
poor or disadvantaged areas is not likely
to occur merely because educational
authority is decentralized. A spectfic
program launched by. and through. local
community leaders (as in Option 3 and 5)
will generally be necessary to turn current
apathy or hostility into positive concern
for education and active citizen support of
the schools. In sum, Option 2 simply turns
the school system over to the local
community while failing to provide
adequate financial support from a supra~
community fiscal base and at the same
time failing to develop an effective
involvement. This
option may provide self-determination at
the community level. but its great danger
is that it will probably lead to the further
deterioration of the quality of education in
the community and may ultimately result
in aggravating the root problems of

involvement,

controls deClSlon-

involvement in

program of citizen

poverty. racial injustice, and inequality of
opportunity.

OPTION 3 Decentralized authority.
effective citizen involvement.
community level fiscal base.

This option is the same as Option 2
except that an effective program for
developing citizen involvement is now
assumed. As mentioned in discussing
Option 2, decentralization of educational
authority without maintaining a primary

 

 

fiscal base broader than the local ghe
community will effectively emascul
community control of education. Sit
Option 3 includes a program of CIII?
involvement, it will probably have m:
positive effects on the quality of lo
education and on local feelings of st
determination than would Option 2. ‘
Option 3 carries with it even grea
dangers in the long run than Optior
because both decentralization
educational authority and i
mobilization of local citizens for be‘

Urban and Social Change Rei

meeting including individuals from all
areas of the local community. In order to
make such a process more than a futile

exercise. the final recommendations of the

community should be implemented
insofar as is practically possmle by the
local . school board and
administration. Objectives that are
GSjJQClaiiY difficult to accomplish or that

tend to be rejected by the school board

school

and/or school administration should be
arbitrated. And, in fact. since the election
of the local school board will rest in the
hands of community citizens in any event.
according to Option 5. members of the
school board may be eaSily removed at
the next election if they fail to carry out
the wishes of their constituencies. A
correlative activity will be to foster greater
Citizen interest in school board elections
and local elections in general, as well as
the

meetings

stressing and making meaningful
openness of school board
themselves ’ _ .

A third broad type of activity favoring
citizen involvement in education would be
an intensively pursued“adult education
and continuing education program for
citizens of all ages who have left formal
schooling. Part of the broad educational
publicity campaign should emphasize the
relevance of education not only forgone's
Children but also for oneself, through. adult
education. Rather than being a relatively
passwe facility, as in suburban and middle
class areas. adult educational programs
should be aggressive recruiters of
students in all disadvantaged areas. The
course offerings and training programs
must be carefully designed to meet the
real needs of potential consumers.
Further. all types of adult
programs should be made freely available.
from basic literacy training up through
college courses. It will also be necessary

educahon

to make a variety of provisions for "school
hours". including early mOrning, evening.
late night. and weekend times. The
greater the participation of citizens of the
local in- adult
c0urses. the more likely these citizens are

community education

to pass on to their children by example a
genuine concern for education.

124

A fourth” important kind of citizen

involvement activity deals with pre-

school learning Through an active ”Head
Start" program and related activities. the
parents of disadvantaged children should
be contacted early and made aware of the
importance of pre—school learning and
stimulation in the home

neighborhood. In addition. special
school experiences should be provided on

and
pre-

a very broad scale in ghetto areas in an
attempt to counteract the cumulative pre-
that
occurs among ghetto youngsters

school experience deficit usuallyr

There are numerous kinds of activities

that may be used to foster increased

students.
educators. and parents in the local
community. On the one hand. there might

communication among

be special teacher orientation sessions run
for new-teachers by parents and other
members of the local community so as to
help close the gap between teachers and
citizens in poverty areas. On the other
hand, there should also be the reverse —-
orientation sessions for fairly small groups
of parents run by «teachers and other
school staff. stressing not only the nature
of the given school but also the Vital
importance of parental educational
behavior and attitudes in affecting school
attendance and school performance of
children. Wherever the parents of a given
student do not come to such sessions at.
the school, special attempts should be
made to hold similar sessions at odd
hours outside the school and to seek the
parents out at home. if necessary
Personalized home visits and 1 special
counseling of parents and other relatives.
as well as their school age children, may
have a marked on student

educational achievement, especially if this

impact

_is done by educators who have come

from, or are at least Close to, the local
community in background (race. ethnicity.
dialect. religion, etc).

Another related way to increase Citizen
involvement in education is to provide
Student
participation in school activities that can

greater opportunities for
be presented to parents. Such actiVities

would range from more frequent "Open

(varied

house'f. occasions for. ‘ parents to mor:
. and frequent educations.
demonstrations. plays._ intellectual
artistic competitions. etc, run by student
for parents and otheril‘ocal citizens. Sport

afll

events generate parental participatin
also; but the foregoing kinds of mor
strictly education-related activities at
likely to be more important for fosterin‘
student achievement through
concern and participation.

Finally, provision should be made fo

parent;

the use of local citizens and others a
resource persons and teacher aides in a
many different kinds of courses an
activities as possible. Such a prograr
would further emphasize the closeness (
ties between the school and the
community. Wherever possible. especrall
successful

loc.
ghetto residents or formr
residents should be ‘brought
frequently to talk with students and t.
encourage their educational achievemerx
and attendance. One highly successft
role model that students can identify wrt
may be worth a hundred lectures on th
importance of education. A serious talk I»

bat:

a somewhat older and ”sadder but wiser
school dropout from the local communit
would probably help also.
There are numerous other
ways of fostering effective citize

possrbl

‘ involvement in addition to the ones jut

mentioned. yet the foregoing will serve a
an overview of what is needed The key 3
the effectiveness of any such program w-
be its breadth of approach. its style. ac
its sincerity. From the outset. the prograi
must operate through and under tl
direction of local community leaders an
citizens if it is to be successful. It cann:
be effective if it is just one more "(It
gooder" program «imposed on H.
community from outSide by outsider
Outsiders may provide'some initial spark
but the fuel must come from Within

To sum up, Option 5 for Communi
Control of Schools would seem to be t'
only one with a substantial chance f
success in the long run. Only this optii
offers some substantial resolution both
the strictly educational issue of stude
achievement in poverty areas as well as

e broader political-economic-raCial
aces of participatory democracy,
ua'ity of opportunity. and racial-ethnic
stice ’

'oblems ' ~

ten that community control of schools
.in important goal to be accomplished
it that it will involve a situation similar
that outlined in Option 5. there are still
I'TTE‘TOUS difficulties to be resolved
slate such community control can
some a reality. The New York City
:rooi decentralization controversy.
s:ussed in the following article. amply
enorlstrates that the road to community
enrol is not an easy one. There are
iirerous vested interests on all sides
eager to hold onto their present

onu-ers irrespective of the strength of

131 are

community control
respective of the damage that may be

garments; for..

lain-we to others by their stands. Given such '

inackground. a long and difficult period
ii negotiation. testing, and compromise
rilst be expected before effective
Immunity control of
is". ablished and viable in the long run Yet
.it mist begin now.

Che of the most critical problems to be
limited is the precise mix of. supra—
csmmunity level funding that is best for a
given poverty area and the kind of central
nsbursinq unit that will accompany such
Can a method be devised
whereby funds can come from a central

indmg

rl'siiiirsmg source or sources directl'v' 10
its community school board for the
education of local children? Can this be
none in such a way that the central
scarce, whatever it may be, will not
encroach upon the community's right to
decree what kind of education is best for

its children? Should this central source be ‘

Di'.lriarl(y connected in some way with the
e"'Slmg government at federal. state.
mEI'ODOlitan. or city levels. or should it be
a SeDarate entity? How widespread and
f”le held are the values of equality 0f
ODDOrtunity and the right ”to a basic
education provided by our society.
Wheliter ones' parents and family can

afford it or not?

‘ metropolitan,

feasible?

and -

schools is

exploration.

Should progressive

125

the
State. or federal
educahonal

income taxation at local. city.
levels
Support equal opportunity.
and what mix of these sources is most
What should be the
responsibility of the federal government.
particularly in view of the fiscal crisis of
our core cities and the role of education in
deveIOping the nation?
Another problem

pessible 'and

area concerns the
indeed actual conflict at

. times between the community's desire to
,control

its schools and the role of the

, professional educator. Can a compromise

be worked out that Will allow the educator
to maintain or increase his status and

economic position while making'him

directly responsible to the local
What kind of protective
deVices can be worked out for the
community (to avoid "being left with poor
teachers") and for the educator (to
provide some job security and to avoid
arbitrary dismissal)? '

A third key problem area is the need for
more preCise and extenswe knowledge of
the strictly educational impact of various

experiences and situations upon children.

community?

Given all the best intentions and unlimited
”money, What exactly could one do with a
normal ghetto child (or any child) to

maximize his education? How early does
one have to begin and what does one do?
Can the hours a ghetto child is inschool
ever compensate for the other hours of
the day and weekend when he is exposed
to learning environments 'which are
disturbing and often contradictory to his
school experiences? Are teachers really
useful in their traditional role any longer.
or does the electronic. age call for a new
breed of teachers who take much greater
advantage of such things as computer-
aided-instruction. new audiosvisual media,
etc. in becoming guides to learning rather

than sources of knowledge?

These are seen as key areas that need
further negotiation. and
Without minimizing the
importance or the complexuy of these
problems. the movement toward effective
community control of schools must not be
delayed.

research.

7 3 Fox.

FOOTNOTES
1 In writing this article the authors made
use of the various case materials regarding
community control of schools that were
prepared for the COuncil on Urban Devel-
opment's May 1969 meeting, as well as
drawing upon the actual discussions and
notes taken at the meeting, and the brief
statement of conclusions prepared by
members of the Council and of the Insti-
tute of Human Sciences. For all of this
inSpiration and material the authors are in-
debted to the Council members and to
the Institute of Human Sciences' staff.
However, the views presented in this
paper do not necessarily reflect the opin-
ion of the Council as a whole nor of any
individual member.

The Council is a deliberate body of
distinguished scholars, professionals, sci-
entists, members of the business com-
munity, government officials, and others
who meet semi-annually to confront the
major issues of urban life. ‘ -
Equality of
Educational Opportunity (Washington.
D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office.
1966) p. 22 f.. pp. 319 ff; Nuttall. Ronald
L., David Horton Smith, et al.

2 Coleman. James. at al.

Predicting

VIGrade Point Averages (Chestnut Hill.

Mass: Institute of ‘Human Sciences.
Boston College. 1968). Sections VII to X.
XIII, XIV; Lavin, David B.,The Prediction
of Academic Achievement (New York
Russell Sage Foundation. 1965). ‘Chapter
David J.. Expansion of The
More Effective School Program (New
York. Center for Urban Education, 1967).
p. 122f. indicates that elaborate and
expensive administrative changes in
disadvantaged schools do positively affect
parental and teacher attitudes. but
perhaps because these attitude changes

are not effectively transmitted to the

students involved. there is no noticeable
improvement in student achievement.

4 National Advisory Commission on
Civil Disorders. Report of The National
Advisory Commission on Civil
Disorders (New York: Bantam Books.
1968)

APPENDIX E

SCRIPT

126

APPENDIX E
SCRIPT: COMMUNITY CONTROL OF SCHOOLS--PRO POSITION

At first glance the phrase "Community Control of
Schools" seems to refer mainly to the problem of the locus
of the authority in our educational system.

When we investigate the problem more deeply, how—
ever, we find that community control of schools is a com-
plex political, economic, racial (or ethnic) issue.

The concept of control as commonly used in discus-
sion of the present issue has two important yet separate
facets. First, there is community "control" of schools as
decentralization of bureaucratic authority in educational
decision-making. The second facet of "control" refers to
citizen involvement in education and educational decision—
making.

This speaker is in favor 9: community control 2:

 

 

schools.

One of the most important reasons £g£.decentraliza—
tion is the strong likelihood that decentralization will
be optimally sensitive and responsive to local conditions
and needs. Decentralized school systems will be aware of
special local needs, will be able to make relatively rapid
decisions responding to these needs, and will more effec-

tively implement apprOpriate programs and innovations.

127

128

A second argument £g£_decentralization is that de—
centralization guarantees that the important decisions
affecting education will be made on a local level (through
local school boards and local administrative staff).

Another argument Egg decentralization is that par-
ticipation of parents and other citizens in educational
decision-making at the local level will lead to their in-
creased commitment to their schools and to the educational
process in general as well as increasing their sense of
personal efficacy and confidence.

A fourth argument advanced £25 decentralization
suggests that the enhanced relevance of certain community-
selected programs and courses as well as the increased
parental concern brought about by the direct participation
will likely result in many students from disadvantaged
areas experiencing some degree of efficacy.

An additional argument for decentralization is

 

that community participation is a positive answer to many
of the overt behavior problems plaguing our urban schools
such as poor discipline, truancy, absenteeism, and general
hostility or indifference to the schools.

A final argument raised £95 decentralization refers
to minority groups realizing their share of equality in
the terms of political and economic power and citizen par-
ticipation in exercising authority in the community control

of schools.

128

A second argument £9£_decentralization is that de-
centralization guarantees that the important decisions
affecting education will be made on a local level (through
local school boards and local administrative staff).

Another argument £9; decentralization is that par-
ticipation of parents and other citizens in educational
decision-making at the local level will lead to their in-
creased commitment to their schools and to the educational
process in general as well as increasing their sense of
personal efficacy and confidence.

A fourth argument advanced Egg decentralization
suggests that the enhanced relevance of certain community-
selected programs and courses as well as the increased
parental concern brought about by the direct participation
will likely result in many students from disadvantaged
areas experiencing some degree of efficacy.

An additional argument for decentralization is

 

that community participation is a positive answer to many
of the overt behavior problems plaguing our urban schools
such as poor discipline, truancy, absenteeism, and general
hostility or indifference to the schools.

A figal argument raised Egg decentralization refers
to minority groups realizing their share of equality in
the terms of political and economic power and citizen par—
ticipation in exercising authority in the community control

of schools.

129

In essence, decentralization is a desirable option

 

for community-control of schools. With decentralization
authority, effective citizen involvement, and broad fiscal
base as an option, meaningful community control of schools
is Optimized by decentralizing educational authority to
the local level by providing adequate funding from a fiscal
base beyond the community level, and by developing an ef— i
fective program of citizen involvement in education.
Decentralization provides the poor and other mino-

rity groups with greater opportunity of self-determination

 

and participatory democracy.

SCRIPT: COMMUNITY CONTROL OF SCHOOLS--CON POSITION

At first glance the phrase "Community Control of
Schools" seems to refer mainly to the problem of the locus
of authority in our educational system.

When we investigate the problem more deeply, how-
ever, we find that community control of schools is a com—
plex political, economic, racial (or ethnic) issue.

The concept of control as commonly used in discus-
sion of the present issue has two important yet separate
facets. First, there is community "control" of schools
as decentralization of bureaucratic authority in educational
decision-making. The second facet of "control" refers to
citizen involvement in education and educational decision-
making.

This speaker i§_not in favor gf community control

 

 

of schools.

923 of the most frequently posed arguments against
decentralization is the suggestion that it hinders inte-
gration. The point here is that it is, or could be a step
back to enforced segregation or de facto segregation.

A second common argument against decentralization
relates to the inefficient use of educational resources.
Centralized bureaucracies permit certain economical savings
in the acquisition and use of resources by means of cen-
tralized purchasing, recruiting, etc.

130

131

Another kind of argument advanced against meaning-

 

ful community participation is that quality standards for
educational achievement will be diminished.

A fourth argument against decentralization is that
citizen participation in the educational process has to
do with the spectre of extremists and minority groups com-

pletely taking over the educational system in local com— ;

munities.

An additional argument against community control

 

 

of schools is that educators feel that the act of teaching

m. “fins—bawh—‘Mf- f ‘

and its supporting activities demand an expertise that is
not to be found in all the parents and other citizens who
might have an interest in and concern for education.

A figgl argument against decentralization of com-
munity control of schools relates to its unlikliness that
any really noteworthy long-term changes in the quality of
educational achievement of ghetto children will occur
under decentralized authority. Further, decentralization
of educational authority will not effectively solve the
psychological proglems of ghetto students relating to
self-determination.

In essence, decentralization is not a desirable

 

option for community control of schools. No effective
program for developing citizen involvement exists. Par—
ticularly in the ghetto and poverty areas of large cities

(or in the poorer suburbs), the local citizens lack

132

sufficient wealth to support a sound educational program
from their own resources as well as having a lower level
of concern for education and less opportunity for involve-
ment in the schools.

Citizen involvement with education in poor or dis-
advantaged areas is not likely to occur merely because

educational authority is decentralized.

 

APPENDIX F

SLIDES

133

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137

 

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137

 

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APPENDIX G

IBM SEMANTIC DIFFERENTIAL

138

INSTRUCTIONS: Blacken in the appropriate number (1 through 5) in the
column to the right which corresponds to the number on the word scale
which best describes your reaction. DO NOT BLACKEN THE (0) COLUMN.

REACTION TO VOICE SOUND:

 

 

1. lively _1_ g 2 fl 2 sluggish
2. calm l _2_ 2 g 2 anxious
3. clear _1_ g 1 5g 2 muffled
l4. lax _1_ _2_ 2 it 2 tense
5. restrained _1_ _2_ 2 3 2 forced
6. soothing }_ _2_ 2 fl 2 piercing
7. mellow 2 2 2 it 2 harsh
8. articulate _1_._ g 2 fl 2 inarticulate
9. nasal _1_ _2_ 2 fl 2 oral
10. smooth _1_ _2_ 2 fl 2 rough
ll. pleasant _1_ 2 2 if 2 unpleasant
12. warm _1_ _2_ 2 fl 2 cold

REACTION TO RECORDED VERBAL MESSAGE:
13. reliable }_ g 2 _It 2 unreliable
11+. trustworthy _l 2 2 fl 2 untrustworthy
15. acceptable 1. 2 2 fl 2 unacceptable
16. calm _1_ g 3 g 2 agitated
l7. undoubtful _1_ 2 2 3 2 doubtful
18. objective _1_ _2_ 2 fl 2 subjective
19. good 1 a 2 2. 2 bad
20. consistent _1_ _2_ 2 it 2 inconsistent
21. questionable J; _2_ 2 _{f 2 unquestionable
22. creditable }_ _2_ 2 3 2 discreditable
23. clear 2_L_ 2 2 ft 2 vague
21$. disrefutable l 2 2 fl 2 refutable
25. strong 2 _2_ 2 3 2 weak

139

 

 

 

APPENDIX H

ETHNIC GROUP IDENTIFICATION CHECK SHEET

140

INSTRUCTIONS

Please read the followigg instructions carefull .

Check the appropriate space which best de-
scribes how you perceive the voice sound of the
narrator on the automated slide presentation.

 

Sounds like a black speaker.

Sounds indistinguishable.

Sounds like a Caucasian speaker.

141

.._. .4 ~--

H ~-....

31!

«.3 a

APPENDIX I

INSTRUCTIONS FOR PROCTOR

142

APPENDIX I
INSTRUCTIONS FOR PROCTOR

The Instructional Media Center is presently de-
veloping instructional media kits. Your solicited reac-
tions to the tape-slide presentation which I am going to
present is part of a continuing evaluation process in the
development of these instructional kits.

The title of the slide-tape presentation is "Com-
munity Control of Schools." Please listen carefully, pay-
ing particular attention to the narrator.

After the presentation is completed, you will re-
ceive an IBM response form. Please read the instructions
and indicate your reactions by marking directly on the
form.

After you have completed the IBM form, please raise
your hand. At that time a second sheet will be distributed
to you. Please read the instruCtions and then check the
appropriate response. Please raise your hand after you
have finished, and I will collect both forms together.

Thank you.

143