‘l"'-.'

'f

.t‘

:t'gufr‘n" 971:1 '

n ;:
gnl6 H"

1499

,z" nu
U,,Q.,.~.r

"Q‘V‘
rQ ':‘:.'-q":v.

.
"

. . - I

, 21‘ ,'.:;‘. .

,_.*.‘f‘r' , .,.....~.. xiv-s": -

. .. 99-4.“... ..

_ ,...,..,
‘r‘ AVv.

fixaviwnn . 4-9.9.

953993;. ‘ -.l
a’p“ 1“..

39939?
(I “”

I
5.1”.th
[1 H:':"

“‘ .".'-'.

9".1 .2

(flu; .,.
. .Ir

 

Tflfltg

' 7‘ n‘uéj

IIWWWWWMWWI i:

4_704

W~-. ,

 

Thuutooerttfgthatthe

thesis entitled
“The Economic and Social Philosophy of Washington Gladden"

presented by

Edward I. Cohen
has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for
Master 9: Axis degree inn—Histnqt

Major professor

Date m

0-169

 

 

 

PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record.
TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due.
MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested.

DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE

 

6/01 c‘JClRCDltODuopSS-pJ5

1. T\ ( "‘ '1’ T fl

T

THE ECONCEIC Any bev‘fiy rd-LCLCFHY

CF WASHIKGTCN GLADDEN

By

Edward I. Cohen

3
I

A The545
Submitted to the School of Graduate
State College of Agriculture and
in partiel fulfillment of the
for the degree of

£55.3R OF ARTS

Department of Histo

1951

Studies of Richigcn
Applied Science

requirements

1'}!

Table of Contents

Chegter'

III.
I'J.

Early Life of dashincton

Economic PflilOSOphy

1. Labor . . .

2. The Employer .

3. Solutions to Problems

4. TAB Cimrcn and Labor

5. Sociclism .

Applied Christianity

Conclusion . . .

Gladden

O 0 O
0 O O O
O O O O
O o o o

(D

§ '
C u 0 . o
o
o o
. n u
a u 0
. i I .
v o o i
Q o i s v
o p I g a
u o e e . 4
o a . t c o
I A . c u I q
u . . . . . u
a . . c o .
v 0 w c a q .
C o . o I . o

 

[I'll

 

|ljl|llllll

Acknowledgment

I wish to thank Professor Harry brown
for his suggestions, criticisms, aid.

and guidance.

INTRODUCTION

The years following the Civil bar brought forth a
new age of industrialism to the United States. During the
period of reconstruction, manufacturing, which had rapidly
increased during the war, continued on the upswing. An
industrial economy slowly replaced an agricultural economy
in the United States. The industrial revolution had reached
America, and by 1880, the foundation of modern America was
being laid down by this industrial system.

The country formerly composed of farms now became a
nation of cities and factories. The workingman who had been
an artisan producing goods by his own hands and tools, now
found himself worKing in the factory where he lost his
individuality and became one of many who tended the machines.

The demand for workers by the factories caused
multitudes to leave the farms and flock to the city. Not
only did the farmers come to work in the industrial plants,
but many came from far away shores to the new and crowded
cities. As a result, the supply of labor reached an over-
flowing proportion. The employer was assured of an ever
growing stream of immigrants to furnish him with a labor
SUpply. In the 1880's, immigration had reached a new high

Of over five million immigrants.1 The employers were quite

lJohn Commons, Histor 2; Labor in the United States
(New York, l9185, II, 559.

i

'lllllllllll' IIIIEIIEIEEIEEIJ

 

willing to hire these peOple from the old world because the
latter would accept any job and were willing to work for
almost any wage.

One of the results of this new industrialization was
a division of the people into two distinct classes, employer
and employee. The employers, unconscious of business morals,
took advantage of those who worked for them. As a result,
it was necessary for the workers to organize to protect
themselves. "Committees of correspondence" were formed
wnose object was to inform workers of the same trade of
”shOp and sharp practices" throughout the country.2 Although
local trade unions had existed in this country for some time,
the workers found that it was necessary to form a federation
of labor through which labor in all parts of the country
could act. As a result, a meeting of the National Labor
Union took place in August, l866. More than seventy seven
delegates of trade assemblies, workingmen unions, eight
hour day leagues and other labor organizations were repre-
sented at this meeting. The National Labor Union organization
lasted for about five years and sponsored many successful
.labor congresses. It died, however, because local unions
became interested more in their own local affairs and

municipal politics than in general national improvement.§

‘—~

2Herbert Harris, Americaanabog (New haven, 1938), p. 62.

5Charles Beard, The Rise g§_§merican Civilization
(New York, 1927), p. 161.

ii

'lllIlllllllllllllll.illll‘-Elllilll l

Although the business depressions of 1875 and 1879
caused the disappearance of many unions from the local
scene, an organization known as the Noble Order of the
Knights of Labor survived, and became one the foremost
labor organizations of the period. Under the guiding hand
of Terence Powderly, it reached a membership of over five
hundred thousand workers by 1886.4 It was successful in
carrying out strikes against the railroads in 1882 and
1884, but it began to decline in the later years because
of the failure of some of the strikes it supported. Ty
1890, it was disappearing from the national scene.

The 1880's gave rise to increased prosperity and
wideSpread industrial eXpansion. There were one tenth more
wage workers in 1882 than there had been in 1880.5 Arising
in 1881 to give the Knights of Labor competition was the
American Federation of Labor under the leadership of
Samuel Gompers. This new organization accepted capitalism
as part of the country's economic system and strove to
secure a partnersnip for labor in the increasing wealth
of the nation. During this period, there were many other
labor organizations which appeared on the national scene
such as the Order of Knights of St. Crispin, the Sovereigns

of Industry, the holly kaguires, but all were short lived.

4Lyman Abbott, Christianity and Social Problems
(Boston, 1901). p. 276.

s . , .
”darris, emericsn Labor, 80.

iii

The employers, trusts and corporations which had been
formed to combat competition,refused to recognize the labor
unions or to deal with them. The result was industrial
turmoil. The strength that the employers possessed as well
as the influence that they wielded over government, both
state and national, were demonstrated to the workers by
results of the Haymaker Strike of 1886, the homestead Strike
of 1892, the Pullman Strike of 1894, and others.

The new industrial situation presented many problems
to the workers. Foremost among them were wages and hours of
labor. Other problems were the organization of labor bureaus,
the right of collective bargaining, child labor laws, the
restriction of immigration, the abolition of the sweat Shop
system, employer's liability laws and the abolition of the
contract system.

During this period, a minority of Protestant leaders
saw that in the struggle between capital and labor, many
Christian beliefs were being repudiated. They realized that
the church had been too busy with the slavery problem,
missionary work, concern for the Sabbath, and vice and as
a result was unaware of the new social conditions existing
between classes. To help protect the workers and the threat
to Christian ethics, a movement arose in Protestant circles
known as Social Christianity. Some of the leaders in this

Y

movement were Lyman Abbott, nenry fl. Beecher, Josiah Strong,

iv

George derron, Richard Ely, and Washington Gladden. The
jlast named has been called by some the ”father of the
£30cial Gospel movement“.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the social
and.economic philosophy of this social leader and his relation-
ship to some of the problems that arose in this industrial
society. In order to do this, it is necessary to examine
his attitudes and views towards the worker, the employer,
the church and its relationship to the labor movement, and

the problem of wealth and government in the United States.

 

 

IIIIIJ

Chapter I
The Early Life of

Washington Gladden

Washington Gladden was born on February 11,1856, in
a little hamlet in central Pennsylvania called Pottsgrove.
ilis father, Samuel Gladden, was a school teacher who had
migrated to Pennsylvania from Southhampton, Kassachusetts.
His grandfather, Thomas Gladden, was a shoemaker in South-
hampton while his great-grandfather, Azariah, had been a
soldier with George Washington at Valley Forge. here in
Pottsgrove, his father met Amanda Daniels of Gwego, New York,
whom he married. Washington was their first child. He was
named Solomon Washington Gladden, but drOpped the Solomon
after graduating from college.

When Gladden was six years old, his father died.
Although he died while Gladden was young, a love for his
father remained with Gladden throughout his whole life.

He was then sent to live with his father's people in Mass-
achusetts. here he remained for about one year and then went
back to live with his mother's relatives in Owego, New York.
he attended school at the Cwego Academy and after his gradu-
ation went to Williams College, Williamstown, Massachusetts.
TO help earn his college expenses, he worked on the Spring-

fleld Republican, Springfield, hassachusetts as a reporter,

{\7

aind taught school during winter vacations in Owego. In
Z1859, Gladden graduated from Williams College as a teacher.
Invhis last year at school, he wrote "The Mountains, the
Idountainsl" which has become the official college song of
'Williams.

Gladden then returned to Owego and taught school.
however, he became deeply interested in religion and realized
that the Kingdom of Heaven was foremost in this world.1 He
was licensed to preach by the Su5quehannah Association of
Congregational Ministers. Deciding upon the ministry as
his life's worK, he was ordained a minister in November,
1860. This same year, he married Jennie O. Cohoon, and
they settled in Brooklyn, New Yora, where Gladden received
his first pastorate at the First Congregational Church.

The next year, the Gladdens moved to morrisania, New York,
which was just outside the New York City limits. While he
lived here, the draft riOts of 1865 broke out in New York,
and Gladden helped to organize a group of citizens to patrol
the streets of horrisania. Gladden walked his beat carrying
a horse pistol which, it is said, was so large in size that

Just the appearance of it would scare away any invader.

lWashington Gladden, Recollections (New York, 1909).
p. 650 '

'Peter KacFarlane, "Washington Gladden, First Citizen
of Columbus," Colliers (New York), v. 49, p. 20,
June 19, 1912.

 

3
During the Civil War, Gladden became an attendant
in a military hOSpital as an appointee of the Christian
Commission. here he helped minister to the sick and wounded
returning from the battlefront. however, he contacted
malaria, and as a result had to resign his appointment.
He returned to horrisania, and remained there until 1866.
At that time, Gladden accepted a call from the Congre-

f‘ '

égzitional Church in North Adams, Massachusetts. North Adams
VNEiS a peaceful little village where shoe manufacturing was
‘tkme main occupation. In 1869, a strike occurred in the
sl1c>e factories over wage diSputes. The strike continued
£133? several months. Attempts by the employer to bring in
leatborers from other cities failed for the new workers were
LLSIlally met at the train station by the strikers who
pmexvsuaded them either by argument or by violence to return
Incune. Finally, the employer imported Chinese laborers to
lferxlace the men on strike. The day they arrived the town
““15 'bustling with excitement. however, the police were

(Nit in force and no violence occurred. The reason for this,
acetirding to Gladden, was that, "These pigtailed, calico
:flrocflaed, wooden shod invaders made a Spectacle which nobody

n» _ . . . ,6
“GDIued to miss even long enough to pick up a brickbat:

 

5Gladden, Becollections, 172.

4
A loft in the factory was prepared for them to sleep, and
they also cooked their food inside the factory, and therefore
were seldom seen on the streets of North Adams. although
the Chinese knew nothing about snoe manufacturing and had
to be taught the complete process, after a few months the
employer reported the eXperiment had proved successful.

The workers of North Adams objected to this importation
of Chinese labor not only because they lost their jobs, but
also because they regarded it as a threat to the labor move-
ment. The religious leaders at this time sided with the
employer. They thought that the laborer's objections to the
Chinese were based on racial issues. To them, the Chinese
appeared as quiet, neat, and faithful individuals. Gladden
himself took this attitude. In later years, howeVer, he

reversed his position. he stated in his Recollection;

 

that the conditions under which the Chinese were forced
to work were not normal ones, and if industry had to depend
on such, it would never prOSper.4 This north adams event
caused Gladden to become aware of the plight of the worker,
but. it was not until later years that he became an outspoken
advocate for aid to the workers.

During his stay in North Adams, Washington Gladden
gave some Sunday evening lectures on Christian ethics which

\

4Ibid., 175.

 

vvenezlater edited and called, Plain Thoughts pg the Art

 

52;: Living. Because of these, he was offered the literary
eeciitorship of the New York Independent, a monthly magazine,
trut he declined it. however, he did accept an.offer to
tiecome its religious editor, and moved to New York in 1871.
dere at the Independent, Gladden Spent four happy
yrears and came into contact with some of the great literary
Irames of the period. During this time the boss Tweed Bing
scmandal broke out in New York. Gladden was acting as

exiitor at the time since the Independent's regular editor

 

“was on.vacation. he thus attacked Tweed in an editorial:

The gates of the tombs have never Opened to
receive criminals of deeper dye than the men
wno compose the New York Ring. For it is not
only against property, but against life and
public virtue as well that they have conSpired.
They pocket the money that ought to pay for
cleansing the streets, and thus join hands

with fever and pestilence to slaughter the
innocent. They keep for their servitors, the
assassins of murder and rapine. They make common
cause with rumshOps, brothels, and virtue. If
there are any criminals in the land tOday, these
men are criminals. If it is worth wnile to
punish any evil doersgwhatsoever- it is worth
while to punish them.v

In November, 1874, Gladden gave notice to the

PUblmishers that he was resigning from the Independent. he

 

dld-‘this because he could not agree with the publisher's

aQVfirtising methous. In the Independent there was a

 

\

5Quoted in Gladden, Recollections, 205.

cieapartment of "Publisher's Notices" adjacent to the
eeciitorial page. The print and the appearance of items
:111 the "Notices" were the same as that of the editorial
Ipzage. Thus it appeared that these advertising messages
1~£ere endorsed by the editor. Washington Gladden wrote in
liis note of resignation:

I have never been satisfied that the Publisner's
Notices are strictly honest. They appear to be what
they are not. It may be said that very few persons
consider them to be other than advertisements, but
if this is so, why not put them under the heads of
advertisements? I suppose you get extra rents for
them and that these extra rates are paid because
they appear to be the publisher's Opinions, and
because they may be quoted into other papers from
the Independent. That as you know, is constantly
done, and it gives the impression that the
Independent is a monster puffing machine.

 

Taking leave of his literary career, Gladden resumed
true preaching of the Gospel. he accepted a call from the
chrth.Congregationa1 Church of Springfield, Massachusetts,
anti here remained until 1882. In 1875, the country nad not
fulQLy recovered from the depression of 1873. Very few
indiistries in Springfield had re-Opened, and the city had
a Searious unemployment problem. The unemployed would
gatkuer in the Police Court Room of the City Hall, and
attennpts to find ways in which the city might offer relief
were; discussed. Wasnington Gladden was invited to address
one of these meetings.

\

6Quoted in Gladden, Recollectiogg, 254.

7

At this meeting, he told the unemployed workers that
tsrie city would be unable to furnish work for all of them,
zaJnd that they should accept whatever work was available even
145 the wages were small. It was better to work and receive
a: nominal wage, than not to work and have idle time on one's
krands. A man's personal pride makes him want to be self-
snnfficient rather than a recipient of charity.7 He informed
tJie non-workers that he was going to address the employers
«of? Springfield, and invited them to the North Congregational
Church to hear him.

at this gathering, he appealed to the employers to
.fLLrnish'work for the masses of unemployed men. he asked that
arty kind of work be given to them. They reSponded by repairing
arnj building additions to homes and shOps. The unemployed
weave hired and the reSults were beneficial to both parties.

The unemployment problem in Springfield revealed to
Gleniden that a new social problem was arising in which the
cthrch,shou1d play a part. The church should point out the
Chitistian approach to prOper relationships between management
and-.'labor. Too many peOple, he discovered, separated the
ruifés ci‘the church from the rules of business. Church laws
were: not carried over into factory management. The business

\

7,_ . i , .
Gladden, decollections, 248.

 

Ch

men felt that "business was business, and religion was
religion."8 Gladden incorporated these ideas into a book
called The lorkingmen and Their Employers which was publisned
in 1876. In it, he Spoke out for the right of the laborer
‘Ccu organize for his protection and to bargain concerning
vvages; he maintained that c00peration was a method of ending
industrial turmoil. In later years, Gladden admitted that
this book was not an important one. He felt that it had only
scratched the surface of industrial relations and that the
side of labor was not emphasized as much as it should have
been.

During his stay in Springfield, Gladden was a member
of‘ the Connecticut Valley Theological Club. This club,
composed of members of the clergy, met once a onth in
Springfield, and heard papers by fellow members, and discussed
various current topics. Gladden also undertook the editorial-
Ship of a magazine called Sunday Afternoon, 33 Magazine for the
W. This was a monthly magazine designed for Sunday
reading for the family. It sought to give training, develOp
ChELPacter, and present information.

In 1882, washington Gladden accepted a call from the
First Congregational Church in Columbus, Ohio. here he
reméiined until his death in July, lgla. During this period

\

Q.
U

Ibig. , 251.

from 1882 to 1918, he became a well known figure on the

innerican scene. his interests were centered Upon the

economic and social conditions of the day, and his frank

Opinions and thoughts were preaChed from the pulpit and
the Speaker's rostrum, as well as written in books and in

magazine articles.

Chapter II
Economic PhilosOphy

lo Labor

Washington Gladden arose as one of the leaders of
‘bine Social GOSpel movement in america. This movement
ClevelOped among the Protestant clergy because of the conflict
tietween capital and labor and the materialistic civilization
(1f the day. They tOOk it upon themselves to help in the
snolution of prOblems that were being created by the new
iuidustrial america.

at its beginning, only a few forward looking ministers
Stipported the movement. Many of the clergy seemed to be
'urraware of the status of labor or the problems that the
wcxrkingman had to face in this period. They felt that if
all employee was dissatisfied with his job, he could leave
arul find other employment. Others felt that poverty, like
ricflaes, was generally deserved. Those wno worked hard and
belnieved in God would be justly rewarded. There were also
those of the clergy who felt that labor organizatiOns were
deSTLructive to american traditions. As they saw it, the
cui§adiizati0h of men into labor unions would make them lazy

and Shiftless.l

ldenry May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America
(New York, 1949), p. bl.

ll

To Gladden, however, the industrial situation facing
1:11e country was one of the biggest unsolved proolems of the
Cissy. he wrote, "It was made my duty as a Christian teacher
airri as the moral counselor and guide of meh.under my care,
‘CJD grapple with it (the labor prOLlem], and try and get
sit the rights of it."2

Gladden and his colleagues recognized the fact that
time workingmen's snare in the prOducts of his work had been
ggreatly reduced. They saw that the result was a creation
<Df' two distinct social classes with the employer group having
tile most advantages. It is interesting to note that the
{Scxzial Gospelers were not the only ones concerned with this
piroblem. henry George, an economist, pointed out the same

triing in his Progress and Poverty.

 

Gladden believed that the only way the workingman
WCHJlG be able to achieve anything in the new industrial
numerica was by organization. he Observed that unorganized
latuar was working twelve hours a day, seven days a week
fol' a wage that barely kept it alive. hobert Ellis Thompson,
‘nlotfluer clergyman of the day, also believed that the laborers
COUJJd increase their wages by organizing, although he thought
thal; unions were unnecessary in a free country.5

\

Washington Gladden, Recollections (New YOFK. l909):
. 294.

May, Protestant Churches, 42.

 

CN’C N)

12

Gladden maintained that these laborers were american
citizens, and as sucn should not be placed in a position of
‘vaSSalage to the industrial system.4 The workingmen should
have something to say concerning conditions under which
'they were to work, their hours of labor, and rate of pay.
'Tne main purpose of trade unions, according to Gladden, was,
“to provide a continuous association of wage earners for the
purpose of maintaining or improving the conditions of their
employment."5 One of the labor union's functions was to
‘bargain with employers concerning conditions of labor.

bhortly after Gladden arrived in Columbus, Ohio, the
flocking Valley coal strike of 1884 occurred. The conflict
iaetween the workingmen and the employers began with a
Cuemand for higher wages by the workers. however, it
eventually included the right of the miner to organize
for their own protection. The company had had trouble
with the Miner's Union and considered it the cause of the
present strike. They were determined that the union should
be abolished. The strike continued for several months until
the ndners were forced to withdraw their demands. They
Signed an agreement with the owners saying that they would

ineVer'Join a union. however, three months after the end of

 

 

4Nashihgton Gladden, "The Reason for the Unions,‘
Outloqg (New York), v. 97, p. 497, march 4, l9ll.

51bid., 499.

15
'the strike, all the miners were unionized. They felt that
‘the original agreement had been forced upon them when they
ilad lost their capacity to resist.6

Many of the peOple involved in the conflict were in
Gladden's congregation. One of the vice-presidents and the
general manager were members of the church board of trustees,
while another vice-president and a treasurer were also members
of the congregation. Gladden had frequently eXpressed his
conviction of the right of labor to organize, and he
ennphasized his views again to his congregation. dowever, his
advice did not make mucn impression upon those engaged in
‘the conflict.

A year after the strike, another demand for increased
‘pay'was made by the miners through the union. This time the
operators recognized the union, and their demand was submitted
to arbitration. Senator Thurman was the arbitrator, and
his decision was in favor of the miners. The Operators
accepted the decision, and an agreement was formulated by
Which yearly conferences would be held to determine the wage
Standard. One of the gene'al managers later declared, "It
iS.far better to have an organized and disciplined force to

deal ‘with than to deal with a mob. we are having no troubles."

6Gladden, Recollections, 292.
71bid., 293.

14

One of these conferences settled the wage question in twenty
minutes. The Operators said, "we trust that you do not expect
us to increase the wage; we cannot afford it; we will maintain
the old rate, that is the best we can do."8 The miner's
.representative replied, "We understand it; we have looked

into the matter, we know that the rate cannot be increased,
Llet it be as it is."'9 Thus, the owners found that labor
linions could be dealt with fairly and intelligently. Gladden *
ffiirmly believed that as long as corporations and trusts were
pnermitted, the right of the workingmeh to combine must be

:recognized. If the employer refused, he felt that they were

cioihg the worker a great injustice.

In 1866 at a Speech to workingmeh in Cleveland, Ohio,
Gladden stated:

Who will deny to labor the right to combine for

the assertion of its just claims? Combination
means war, I admit...and war is a great evil, but

it is not the greatest of evils. The permanent
degradation of the men who do the world's work be

a greater evil....while the conflict is in progress,
labor has the same rights that capital has to
prosecute the warfare in the most effectiVe way.

If war is the order of thfwday, we must grant to
labor belligerent rights. 5

By this speecn, Gladden made himself one of the first

mmisters to come out strongly for the cause of labor.

8” . , , . t .
Washington Gladden, "The booial and Industrial

Situation," sibliotheca Sacra (kew York), v. 49,

p. 392, 159a.

91bid.

i0Quoted in kacFarlane, "Gladden, First Citizen,“ 20.

He vnas asked to repeat it on several occassions.

In 1886, the daymarket Affair occurred in Chicago
with the loss of eleven lives. It resulted from police
efforts to break up a group of workers who were listening
to audarchistic Speeches. Just at this time when ‘ator was
beginning to get a favorable public Opinion, the strike and
ensuing violence reversed the general attitude. Prior to
this, other clergyman and altruistic individuals had taken
a sonnewhat sympathetic attitude toward labor. Newman Smyth,
a Ccungregational minister of New Haven, Connecticut, maintained
that;'the labor question was more than an economic question.
He heal produced a book expressing his views entitled Sermons

L 3" O: kingmen.

 

Yet, in Spite Of these newly acquired friends of labor,
many <Jf the labor leaders condemned the clergy for their
neéli¢gence. Terence Powderly of the Knights of Labor main-
tainéxd that the churches treated the laboring man with cold
negléuzt. He accused them of insincerity in praying.for the
Comirug of the Kingdom of God, yet Opposing the program of
the Iflrrights of Labor.ll C. Osborn worn, a writer in the
fielll (3f labor history, chided the pulpit for "neglect of
the millions whose toil supplies its luxuries."l€ Others

\_
'llMay, Protestant Churches, 220.

L12 - . . . ,
‘ Charles Hopkins, The Rise Q§_the Social bospel in
:émerican Protestantism {new daven, l940), p. as.

16
attacked the ministry for their lack of sympathy with the
poor, their commercial-mindedness, and for preaching a
theolOgy too complex for a working class audience. 'w‘.D. P.
Bliss, one of the leaders of the Social Christianity movement,
answered these charges by listing sixty-three ministers who
were actively identified with the Knights Of Labor, and sixty
more ministers who were interested in labor as members of
the American Economic Association.

The nmerican Economic Association was founded by
Richard Ely, :Jashington Gladden, Lyman Abbott, Newman Smyth,
Leighton Williams, and other Social GOSpelers. Its principles
were to recognize the church, the state, and science as agencies
Whose COOperation was needed to help solve social problems,
especially the one between capital and labor, to accomplish
Practical results in the social world, and to help to discover
the Principles that the industrial society was based upon.15

Gladden was firmly convinced that labor organization
was needed under the wage system of industrial nmerica. The
Worker should have a right to belong to a union if he wished,
or to have the right to refuse to join one. he thought it
was unjust for employers to refuse to hire workers because
they belong to a union. These unions, he maintained, snould

h" “a . . . . . .
“V‘— the right to strike for an increase in wages or against

\____
léibid, 116.

 

l7
reduction in wages, but he believed that they should try

to settle their disputes by peaceful means before resorting

to strikes.l4

As eager as Gladden was to champion the cause of labor
and unions, he did not hesitate to criticize them publicly
as well. Gladden thought that labor's Opposition to prison
labor was both narrow and anti-social. his research led him
to the conclusion that the entire prison output was not
more than one fifth Of one per cent Of the total production
of the United States. He believed that if a man had to sit
idle for months in a prison, he would, on release, very likely
be an even less worthy member of society than before.

John P. Frey, editor of the International holders'

Journal took issue with Gladden on this. he wrote Gladden

 

that the latter misunderstood the attitude of the trade

unions toward prison labor. Frey told Gladden that the

unions did not favor abolition of convict labor. They were
Opposed to the kind of labor Which the convict performed,

and the methods used, whicn created injurious competition

for free labor. He wrote, "Our opposition is against the
contract convict system through which the labor of the convict
is made to result in a profit to the contractor, the convict's

welfare and reformation being a secondary and frequently

l4Washington Gladden, $9915 and the Han (boston, lees).
p. 161.

18
negligible factor--- the prime motive being that of any
practical business man--- the making Of money. With this
advantage, the convict can be driven to a physical limit
which is impossible in free labor."15 Convict labor, he
said, had helped to ruin the cause of free workers in such
industries as the shirt making industry, shoe making industry,
and saddlery. It had resulted also in driving the hollow
ware business almost clearly out of the foundaries. Of
this Frey was quite certain because the hollow ware business
was his business. He also declared, "I have never yet seen
a statement emanating from the rank and file of the Officers
of the trade unions advocating idleness for convicts.”l6
His letter to Gladden was a friendly one and praised Gladden
for his interest in helping to improve the position of the
workingman.

Gladden could not agree with labor's policy with regard
to the limiting of apprenticeships. He also could not agree
to any refusal to work with men who were not union members.

An important criticism that he had of the unions was that
their program was never broad enough to include the welfare

of all the people in the same community. They felt that they

 

C4
UQuoted in Washington Gladden, The Labor guestion
(New York, 1911). p. 184.

l6Ibid., ias.

19

had no obligations to their fellow citizens, and this
resulted in a narrow and clannish Spirit.l7

In 1691, the State Congregational Association Of Ohio
adopted a resolution at its meeting which declared the belief
of the association to be that the "law of tne Church should
be the law of society, and that social problems will never
be settled right until settled according to the law Of love
as manifested in the life and teachings of Jesus."18 It
asserted that commercial greed was paralyzing the business
world and that "monOpolistic plutocracy" was assuming
dangerous proportions.lg To investigate the social and
economic conditions in Ohio, a committee consisting of the
Reverend Washington Gladden, the Reverend Sydney Strong Of
Mt. Vernon, Ohio, and General B. Brinkerhoff Of Mansfield,
Ohio, were appointed. The object of the committee was to
bring together the employers and the employees so that they
might get to know each other better and hear eacn others
ideas. This was achieved in part. Views Of employers and
employees were expressed freely and Opinions were formulated
and discussed. Some of the workingmen interviewed were
surprised and gratified to hear some of the employers' points

l7Washington Gladden, Social Facts and Forces

(New York, '597), p. 67.

larne Christian Union (New York, 1891), v. 44, p. 23,
July 4, 189l.

lgIbid.

20
of view. The investigation centered around various questions
concerning the relationship of employers and employees, how
'these relationships could be improved, how the government or
gmiblic Opinion could aid the laboring class, any changes in
,industry that they thought feasible, what their views were
'toward nationalization of industry, and the possible worker‘s

O
ccnnplaints of the churcn.“

In this investigation, Gladden found that the wage
eerrners almost unanimously favored the right Of labor to
ccnnbine. The workers said that they actually recieved
ngecific benefits by belonging to unions. Not only did a
tuaion protect them against capital (which was itself organized).
INAt it also provided them with social and intellectual
arrvantages. They admitted that mOdern industry could not
nerve progressed on such a large scale if capital had not
benzome consolidated, but if capital had the right to combine,

lalaor'too should have this same right.21

In this same investigation, the question of the eight
houI‘ day brought interesting comments from both employer

and ennployee. One workingman pointed out that the ten hour

20Gladden, "Social and Industrial Conditions," 585.

lebid.

 

21
(day was much more than ten hours. He stated:

Ten hours in the shOp is the same as thirteen
hours Spent in making a living. You have got to
prepare yourself before you go to work; your
noon is consumed in getting your dinner; and
you do not reach home before seven O'clock.

That puts a great strain on a man and doesn't
put him in a condition to enjoy the position

of a wage earner. I believe the eight hour day
would be a thing prOductive of much goon.““

The employers, however, thought that ten hours was a
Inormal working day. They thought that production would be
(nit and as a result prices would increase if the working
dery was decreased. One employer believed that the reduction
of‘ time to eight hours would simply result in an increase

of‘ the number Of factories with no real gain for the

mmxrkingman.“5 Another employer stated:

Changes must necessarily be gradual. All efforts
must be concentrated upon the gains of one point
at a time. The first of these, and the one which
would give the greatest immediate relief is the
eight hour day. This accomplishment would give
employment to about 15 per cent more laborers
than are now employed. I say 15 per cent, as
some few work now but eight hours and many but
nine hours. This would mean more work than
workers during the busy months, and an enormous
decrease of the army of the unemployed during

the dull months of that year. It would also
result in larger consumption because of the
greater distribution of the earnings. It would
enable tne laborer to make better terms for his
servicei, because the demand for laborers would be
great.6

\
d2euoted in Gladden, "bocial and Industrial Situation,"
394.

25Ibid., 395.

24Ibid.

22

Gladden believed that laborers working eight hours
a day would accomplish more than four fifths of what they
'would.produce in ten hours. Also, he thought, the reduction
311 hours would add steadiness and continuity to their work.

Washington Gladden was asked his views concerning
vwdetner or not government employees should have the right
tc> join labor unions and whether or not they had the right
tc> strike for higher wages and better conditions. Gladden
CCNlld see no justification for any organization of govern-
nnant employees for ordinary trade union purposes. He
beiLieved that mutual benefit societies could be formed,
tart not organizations whose purpose was to enforce demands
to? carrying out strikes. To Gladden, a strike was a means
of? warfare, and thus, he could not see it being carried out
aggadret the government.

Gladden believed that the case of the employee of
thee government was different from that Of an employee of
a piiivate person or company. To him, the government employee
is at citizen of the country, and a member of the government,
afld .huas had an Opportunity to help in fixing terms and
conxlixtions under which to work. If he was not satisfied,
he heaCI the privilege and the power of joining with his
fell<>“7 citizens in making the satisfactory. The matter

could- toe referred to the peOple of the nation.

25

A strike of government employees, thought Gladden,
mMJuld be an attempt of a class of citizens to interrupt the
<3L3eration of the government upon which the welfare of the
uniole peOple depended. No class of citizens, he said, had
‘tkie right to do this.

Some people wanted all the public service industries
pfiLaced under government control. This, they thought, would
LflJt an end to industrial strife. However, Gladden thought
‘tkiat if government employees were given the right to strike,
“tile industrial situation would be in a worse state than it
“was. Thus he maintained that no government employee Should
txecome affiliated with any labor organization which tried
tcp determine the terms and the conditions under which he
sliould work.25

Gladden thought that labor had the mistaken idea that
‘tluzy were the sole source of wealth. To him, labor was one
of"the bases of wealth, but not the only one as capital and
lanri were also sources. The workingman, too, did not realize
that: leadership and intelligence were factors in industrial
PPOffiit. This along with the ingenuity and business capacity

or tkha employer were of utmost importance. Gladden, along

 

25Gladden, The Labor guestion. 200-

4

(‘0

wiifld others, believed that these people who directed industry
weIHe;receiving too large a return, and that the wage worker
SfMIuld receive a greater share in the growing wealth of the
na t i on.

Labor was discovering the boycott as a tool in
arttempting to secure demands from indust'y. Gladden under-
stnood its use, but could not see any justice in the secondary
looycott in.wnich all who would not boycott the disliked
irnlividual were themselves toycotted.27

After the release of an article entitled "The Case
regainst the Labor Union" whicn appeared in the magazine,
Chrtlook, he received many complimentary letters from both
ennployer and employee. however, one letter he received from
811 employee admonished him for his attitude. The workingman
wrote:

In your case against the labor unions, I find

you very small indeed for you are taking up the

case of the rich against the poor. For Christ's

sake let the poor alone. They have trouble

enough.... It seems to me you do not need the

money, or are you doing it for money You as
a preacher of the goSpel shnuld follow Christ,

as he was kind to tne poor.
Glafihien.thought that this worker must have read only the

titlee and not the complete article. Much of the industrial

N

26 . . i -n
Gladden, Tools and the nan, loO.

¢7Washington Gladden, "The Case Against the Labor Union,"

Outlook (New York), v. 97, p. 471. February 2;, l9ll.

28Qioted in Gladden, The Labor Question, 183.

or“ ”‘Fifl

I; 'nP-ZA.‘ . .

25
trouble was because many of the unionists were like this

worker.

Yet, Gladden was a strong supporter of the right of

vworkers to unionize. He felt that if he was a wage worker

rue would feel under obligation to join the union. he

declared:

If I were a workingman I'd join the union. Freedom
of my class is maintained only by organization.

I would not feel admirable toward men of my own
trade who did not join 53d did what they could

to defeat its purposes.‘

K.
zgflashington Gladden, "Crosslights and Counter Claims,"
Outlook (New York), v. 97, p. 851, April 5, lQll.

 

26

2. The Employer

Washington Gladden did not neglect the employer's
sixie in the industrial struggle even though championing
tuie side of the worker. The employers in industrial America
vnere now corporations and trusts. The friendly owner-worker
ITilathuShip had disappeared. Rockefeller, Carnegie, horgah,
riill, and Vanderbilt were just names to the employees who
“were now only a small unit in the overall picture. The
imalationShip between employer and employee was one of "cash
ruexus' or current wagea‘jO The employer, too, had his
Llroblems of adjustment in this new relationship.

Gladden found that hostility between employer and
ennployee was ever increasing. The employers did not wish
tc> have men organize unions nor did they wish to recognize
tjienxwhen they were organized. Some employers believed that
ii‘ all industries were unionized, the employer would lose
all. control of his business, production would be crippled,
and .prices would rise. Profits would be so small because of
hiekl wages that it would not be worthwhile to enter business.
Gladxien.thought that this picture was vastly overdrawn.

N

30

 

Gladden, Social Facts and Forces, 83.

61Gladden, "Crosslights and Counter Claims," 827.

31

 

urn-tom. was -_..n
I

27
'In the survey of the industrial conditions in Ohio,
the question, "Do you think that the present relations of
employers and employees are satisfactory?" was asked."62
The answers that Gladden received from employers and employees

alike were in the negative. He found that the conditions

between the two were worse than they needed to be. One

 

employer admitted that the reason that relations were not
satisfactory was that the workers were not getting their 3
fair share of profits. Another employer thought that the E
cause of the unfriendly relationship between owner and worker i
was the small wages that the worker received. Most of the
workers interviewed agreed with this and claimed that the
relationship would exist as long as the prevailing wage
level was maintained.35
Yet, the employers in the docking Valley coal fields
spent hundreds of dollars trying to do away with unions.
The Haymarket Affair of 1886 caused the public to denounce
the unions even more violently and to support the employers.
The public also took the side of the employer in such strikes
as the New York Coal Handlers Strike of l887, the Chesapeake
and Ohio Railroad Strike of 1888. The public denounced
\
3gGladden, "Social and Industrial Situation," 384.

351bid., 385.

 

 

, 28
labor severely in the New York Central Railroad Strike of
1890 because it inconvenienced them, and the strikers
wanted to control the hiring and firing policy of the
company. Owners of other industries charged that unions
crippled production by restricting the output of goods,
by reducing the speed at which they worked, and by attempting
to make a job last as long as possible.

The employer was also against the trade unions because
their rules were forced upon him. Gladden maintained that
petty restrictions such as forbidding a plasterer to drive
a nail, or a plumber to do a single task belonging to a
bricalayer, or fixing the hours of labor so rigidly that
the worker was not permitted to finish a job even if it
took ten minutes more than their regular working day were
just causes of complaints of the employer}54 The employers,
he found also, opposed the violence of st'ikes and the law-
lessness that sometime caused destruction of property. He
believed that the employers were perfectly justified in
condemning the strikers who were guilty of violence.55

Yet Gladden could not see how the employer could demand
high standards from the worker if he denied them the right to

uniuafor the protection of their rights. He thought that if

 

54Gladden, The Labor guestion, 12.

55Gladden, "Case Against the Labor Union." 468.

29

the employer would recognize this right, he would find the
worker much less disposed to resort to the extreme measures
to which the employer objected. A wise employer would realize
that an organization among his workers was needed to safeguard
the employees from any injustices Gladden believed.56

Gladden felt that if employers recognized local unions
and had friendly relationships witn them, many difficulties
between the two could be settled. The national union, he
found, undertook to enforce demands on an industry by ordering
the local union to strike. But, if friendly relations existed,
the bond would be so strong between the two local parties
that even a national union would be unable to force its will
on the local union. An intelligent employer, said Gladden,
would want to keep his relationship with the local union
favorable and settle locally all questions that arose}.7

However, the important lesson for both workingmen and
employers to learn, Gladden contended, was that they were
neighbors and should adhere to that old fashioned law, "Thou

shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."58

 

36Washington Gladden, "Industry and Democracy," Outlook
(New York), v. 97, p. 594, March 18, l9ll.

58Gladden, Recollections, 298.

5. Solutions to Problems

The struggle between employers and employees to
further their own ends was a needless one, Gladden thought.
The problem that needed to be solved was to find a way of
bringing capital and labor together on friendly terms and
to make a settlement that would insure industrial peace.

Gladden noticed that the method commonly used to
settle difficulties between owner and worker was that of
coercion. whenever a diSpute occurred between them, such
as one created by a demand for higher wages by the workers,
or a decrease in wages by the employer, the men would go
out on strike, and the employer would lock the doors to
his shop. Then it became a question of who could hold out
the longest.

Gladden thought that it was absurd that these two
parties eXpected to promote their own welfare by refusing
to c00perate with each other. The result was a waste of
money to both sides as well as moral degradation to the
workers.

As early as 1886, Gladden came out for settlement of
labor diSputes by arbitration. He felt that tribunals could
be set up to which all questions regarding wages and hours

of labor as well as any other diSputes could be referred.

 

13 :‘fimr-uu‘: visunxlu. .un—
.‘ A, 1 ..

l

51

The waste and the suffering caused by the diSputes could
thus be alleviated by holding friendly conferences between
the two sides. Andrew Roy, a former inSpector of mines in
Ohio, declared that losses through strikes to the miners of
Ohio during a twelve year period had averaged three hundred
thousand dollars a year or a total of a5,EOO,GOO.39 This
showed that the monetary loss was great, but along with
this was an increase of hatred between the two classes.

Gladden found that the workingmen and the trade unions
were in favor of arbitration. They believed that peaceful
means were a mucn better way of settling diSputes than the
use of force. The president of the trade union congress of
1877 believed that if an arbitration board was set up and
given prOper publicity, the results would be promising.
Terence Powderly of the Knights of Labor and A. Strasser,
president of the Cigar Makers' Union came out publicly
for arbitration.4O

However, it was the employers who were usually un-
willing to negotiate with the workers. They not only did
not want to negotiate with the trade union, but also did
not wish to recognize it. The first step toward arbitration,

59w . _ , . . -.
Washington Gladden, "arbitration of Labor Disputes,"

American Journal g§_80cial Science (noston), v. 21,
p. 147, September, 1886.

 

4OIbid., 186.

52
according to Gladden, was the organization of workers into
a unit which would be able to bargain with the employers.
The next step, he said, was the recognition of their
existence by employers and the readiness of the employers
to deal with the representatives of the union.41

Gladden received some support for his ideas when the

 

Straiton and Storm Cigar Manufacturing Company of New York

1

I
s
i

organized a board of arbitration in 1886. On this board

were seven representatives of labor and seven representatives

of the employers. The results of this board proved more
advantageous than was hOped for. The success of this justified,
to some extent, Gladden's ideas on arbitration.

Another means of solution to the labor problem advocated
by Gladden was industrial partnership or profit sharing. This
was a limited partnership between the employer and the employee,
in which wag 5 should depend upon profits. It was an admission
of the fact that workingmen, too, have a stake in the business
and that the business was not conducted exclusively for the
employer, but also for the benefit of the laborer. The
employer was willing to give the men as large a share of the
product as he could afford to give. Capital was furnished

and the business was organized and directed by the employer.

 

 

56

The workingmen were paid wages at the market rate, and at
the end of the year they received a percentage of the net
profit, each man receiving an amount in preportion to his
earnings.42

Although the system of indistrial partnership had
been in successful operation for many years in France and
in Germany, Gladden noted that American employers were not
in favor of it. They did not wish to lose any of their
profits from business. Under this system, Gladden maintained,
friendlier relations would occur between owner and worker.
The workingmen would be partners in the business. is a
result, they would become mOre efficient and conscientious
in their work. They would save materia s and macninery.
Not only would this system result in a great pecuniary
advantage to employees, he said, but it would also be an
attempt to recognize labor with some regard to the Christian
law of human brotherhood. A

In Gladden's survey for the Congregational hssociation,
employers and employees were asked their opinion concerning
the feasibility of industrial partnership. The Opinions

received were many and diverse. Some employers were in

 

n
47Gladden, Tools and the Egg, 157.

45Ib1d., 210

a4

favor of it. They thought that the worker would take more
interest in business and in making it profitable. another
employer was against profit sharing because not all industries
could or would adopt it, and thus, the supply of labor would
be greater than the need in the industries that had adopted
profit sharing. The result would be a reduction in wages.“14

The workingmen, he found, were in favor of industrial
partnership and would like to have seen it put into effect.
however, the employees saw no advantage to this system if
the salary of the owner was so large as to cause a decrease
in the profits of the business.4

Although industrial partnership was a scneme that
would prove beneficial to the laborer, Gladden came to the
conclusion that one of the reasons workingmen did not show
a greater interest in it was that this movement required the
initiative to come from the employer. For it was the employer
that was giving up part of his profits. There was also a
fear by labor that industrial partnership would weaken the
status of the union. Gladden also found that workingmen
wanted measures more radical than profit sharing, although

.. 46
he did not enumerate these measures.

44Gladden, "The bocial and Industrial Situation," 588.
451bid.
461bid., 590.

35
The interviewees were also asked by the committee
for their view concerning nationalization of industry with
the government controlling capital and the machinery of
industry as a possible solution to the labor problem. Gladden
found that the employing class was against this. They thought
that inefficiency would result as well as increased corruption ' E
in government. %
The workingmen, however, were for control by the :
government in some of the indistries. They believed that ' g.

the means of transportation, the telegraph, telephone, and

U)

lighting ystems should be government controlled. They cited
the mail services and banking systems as examples of successful
‘enterprises that the government handled and believed that
they could do the same in the above mentioned.47

In 1902, the coal strike of the anthracite.and bituminous
miners was paralyzing the nation. Neither side would submit
to arbitration. The country finally looked toward President
Theodore Roosevelt to mediate. Gladden, who was a personal
friend of the President, was asked by a group of citizens
to write the petition calling on the President to intervene

and to help settle the diSpute. The petition that Gladden

wrote is worth quoting in full as an excellent statement

 

Ibid., 397.

 

er}

of hi :3

(N
C)

views:

To His Excellency, Theouore Roosevelt, President
of the United States.

Ewe whose n res are underwritten, citizens of the
s, most earnestly ask you to use your
good office in bringing to an end the unhappy
strife in the coal regions.

Some of us are men and women who work with our hands;
some of us are earning our livelihood in other ways;
Inany of us are losers now by the conflict; all of us
are appalled by the prOSpect of suffering before the
country if it not be Speedily terminated; and we feel
that we have a right to call upon you as our repre-
sentative to see wnat you can do to make peace.

we do not ask you to use any official power in the
matter, for you have none to use; we only ask you
as the first citizen of this nation to mediate
between the contending parties.

You can Speak as no one else can Speak for the plain
peOple of this country. Every workingman knows that
you are his friend; no capitalist of common sense
can imagine that you are his enemy. The fact that
others have Spoken without effect does not shake

our faith that your words of counsel and persuasion
would be heeded.

We want no injustice done to either party in this
conflict. We want no coercion to be used or threatened.
Coercion is the game both sides are now playing; we
want them to stOp that, and reason together. No
question of this kind is ever settled rightly or
finally by coercion.

We recognize the fact that you would hesitate to
interpose, even in the interests of peace and good
will, lest you should seem to be exceeding your
preogatives. But if the voices of hundreds of
thousands of your fellow citizens should summon you
to sucn a tasa, you would not, we are persuaded,
shrink from undertaking it.

57

This is not business, hr. President, it is not
politics, it is something much higher and finer.
May Sou help you to render this great service to
your country, and crown you witgflthe blessings
that belong to the peacemakers. ”

In 1910, a strike of the street car workers of Columbus,
Ohio, occurred. It had its origin in the circulation of a

petition among the men of the car lines in January, 1910.

 

This petition asked the owners for an increase of pay on the

grounds of increased cost of living. The company refused ani

;
L

dismissed from its employ the men who had circulated the

wa—~n—u..—a
.n O *

petition. At this time there was no union among the street
car workers, and none had been contemplated. dowever, his
action of the company aroused the men into forming a union.
The company, therefore, began to dismiss every man known to
have any part in the newly formed union. The union,
nevertheless, became strong, and by April 1910, was able to
demand an increase in wages and restowation of dismissed
employees. After a conference between the company and a
committee of men not representing the union, an agreement
was reached by which the company increased wages slightly,
promised to rehire thirty-five discharged men, and not to
discriminate against union members.

But friction between the owners and the workers did

not cease. The employees complained that inspectors and

o , . .
4Ouladden, Recollections, 336.

68

foremen of the street car system were constantly threatening

the union.
not acting cOOperatively
grounds that the company
discrimination, a strike
refused the offer of the
arbitration. After five
between the two with the
not discriminate against

Howe ve r ,

The company complained that the union men were

with the non-union men. 0n the

had not kept its pledge to avoid
was declared in May. The company
workers to submit the matter to
weeks,

an agreement was reached

company's assurance that it would

men who belonged to the union.

complaints soon arose from the workers that

they were being discriminated against and that men were being

discharged for their affiliation with the union.

strike took place in July, 1910.

to negotiate again,

investigated the situation,

violating their pledges.

enforce its decisions.

upon the Governor for militia

occurred in Columbus.49

Another

Although the company refused

the Ohio State Board of Arbitration

and found the company guilty of

but this board had no power to

Mayor larshall was forced to call

after considerable mob violence

Gladden became convinced that the differences between

the two parties should be arbitrated.

Tne strikers were

9 H n H . ,. . _
"otreet oar Strike 01 volumbus," Outlook (New York).

C‘
V. V,

p. 903,

Auglst 27, 1910.

willing, but not the employers. Gladden, therefore,
expressed his convictions of the matter publicly by means

of a letter to the newSpapers. The employers were enraged
by this. Nevertheless, Gladden did not hesitate to put his
convictions into a sermon and preach it to his congregation.

He then wrote five articles and published them in a book

 

called The Labor ;uestion which was concerned with Opposition

. . 5 E
of employers to the workers. 0 a

 

Gladden also believed that the refusal of employers to E
have any dealings with representatives of unions was unjust.
The employer, he said, would find the labor representatives
intelligent and reasonable men. If the employer would rid
himself of his views concerning labor's walking delegates,
he would find it greatly to his advantage. The trouble was
that the employer waited too long before calling in these
peOple, and as a result unnecessary strife resulted.51
A contract between the Manufacturers' Association of
New York and the Garment Workers' Union in September, 1910,
was one that Gladden thought liberal, reasonable, fair,and
honorable, and he believed that similar ones should be
adOpted. It stated:
Each member Of the manufacturers is to maintain

a union shOp, a union shOp being understood to

50MacFarlan, "Gladden, First Citizen," 22.

c . a , , . ,i
VlGladden, "Crosslights and tounter claims," 85o.

 

4O

refer to a shOp where union standards as to

working conditions, hours of labor, and rates

of wages as herein provided shall prevail, and
where, when hiring help, union men are preferred,

it being recognized that, since there are differences
in degrees of skill among the employed in the trade,
employers shall have freedom of selection between
one union and another, and shall not be confined

to any list, nor bound to follow any prescribed
agreement whatsoever....The manufacturers declare
their belief in the ‘nion and that all whpodesire
its benefits should share in its burdens.”“

Gladden contended that the important solution to
industrial strife was for men to act as Christians. If
both parties would obey the Golden Rule, their relationship
would be harmonious and satisfactory. If the employer would
snow a willingness to share the profits with the laborer,
then, Gladden believed, the labor prOblem would be quickly
solved. This was happening slowly, he found. There seemed
to be more kindness, consideration, and willingness on the
Part of employers to be just and fair. One employer commented,
”I would be glad to give ten years of my life to find an
arrangement that would be permanently satisfactory."55
Gladden said, "The welfare of the nation requires the highest
Possible degree of health, vigor, and independence in all its

. . . . . ., . 54
Citizens. The labor of the nation 15 the life of the nation."

52 G ‘ ' ‘ I“ ‘1 ‘ ‘ ‘ 1" (1-1 ‘ —.
quoted in Gladden, "brossiights and bounter oiaims," 8o2.

L
"‘T‘

JSGladden, ‘he Social and Ifldustrial Lituation, It 4:04.

54Washington Gladden, Applied Christianity (Boston, 1692),
p. :2.

 

41

4. The Church and Labor

"The business of the Church in the world is to bring
the departments of life under Christ's law of love, that
they may be filled with the Spirit of Christ and may govern
their conduct among men by Christ's law," wrote Gladden.55
To him, the labor question was a part of the economic question,
and as suchvws a religious one. he believed "that there are
no souls that more need saving than the souls that are getting
entangled in the materialism that undervalues manhood; and
that there are no people who need moral guidance more than
those who are grappling with the manifold phases of the
labor question.“56 To Gladden, the strife between workers
and the owners was seriously affecting the moral attitudes
of the peOple. Therefore, the church must help society to
produce c00peration between the two to secure Justice,
friendship, good will, and peace for all.57

An increasing number of Protestant ministers in the
1880's began to take an interest in the labor movement. The
Reverend harry Cadman of San Francisco wrote, "The duty of

rChristianity in the present crisis is to infuse inuustrialism

55Washington Gladden, The Church and Modern Life
(Boston, 1906). p. 92.

r, _ .
”6Gladden, The Labor 3;estion, 153.

R ' ' m1 F‘ 1 ‘ »" '
U7Washington Gladden, "lhe vhurcn and the Labor question,"

Outlook (New York), v. 98, p. 55, May 6, 1911.

,p
(‘0

., , . . a , . . . . 58
With tne Spirit 01 love derived from Jesus Christ."
George E. McNeill, sometimes called "the father of the

American Federation of Labor", wrote in his book entitled

The Labor Movement, "Jhen the Golden Rule of Christ shall

 

measure the relations of men in all their duties toward

their fellow, in factory and workshOp, in the mine, in the
field, in commerce... the promise of the prOphet and the

poet shall be fulfilled... and peace on earth shall prevail...
by the free acceptance of the GOSpel that all men are of

one blood."59 David J. Hill wrote in his book, The Social

Influence 9: Christianity, published in 1888, "If all men

 

were Christians, the labor problem would melt away and be
forgotten in the sense of universal brotherhood."60 The
Reverend d. 8. Eigelow of Cincinnati, Ohio wrote, "Let the
church become identified with the labor movement. Let its
sympathies be so democratic that no plutocrat will apply for
admission. Let it preach a message calling men to the work
of the poor. That will vitalize the religion as nothing
else can."61 Thus, others of the periou were aware that the

church had an immediate interest in labor's problems.

 

58,

 

quoted in Hopkins, Rise 92 the Social G35pel, 88.
sglbid.

601bid., 89.
61The Public, v. l, p. l5, September 17, 1895.

 

gar as“; ~¢ '9: m

.60‘1‘
‘~._. ' _

VI"-

45
Newman Smyth, one of the Social Gospelers of the
period and minister of the Center Church in New daven,
Connecticut, stated that the laborer was not getting his
just share from the products he helped to make a definite

social class was being formed by the industrial society,

("

., . . . , 6.5 .
and capital was receiVing the advantages. JOSiah Strong

in the New Era wrote, "The worker is not receiving his share
of benefit of recent material progress, nor is the division

0f PTOPePty between labor and capital just."63

Vzmm‘uuml QMVLahV‘K- r.
.g. .__ - i .

The early days of the last half of the nineteenth
century saw a decrease in membership of the workers in the
churches. The reasons were that they felt the relationship
between the church and the employers was too close and that
the pulpit criticized labor. A few of the clergy who leaned
toward labor did not fully understand the problems of labor.
Wage and hour proposals, which were the main aims of labor,
were either ignored or thought of as too materialistic by
the clergy. Many of the workingmen felt that the approach
of the clergy lacked sincerity. The church still preached
to them to rid themselves of "their vices".

Gladden, in 1885, decided to find out why the working-

men were not attending church. He therefore sent out a

62
65

 

d0pkins, Rise 9§_the Social GOSpel, 81.

Quoted in Hopkins, Rise of the Socia‘1 GCSpel, lbO.

44

questionnaire to some of the workers. He found that the
two main reasons for the worker's absences were their inability
to dress well enough to appear in church and the feeling that
the churches were controlled by the capitalistic class. One
of the workers replied to Gladden as follows:

Of course the manufacturers can and should dress

better than the laborer; but when we see them so

full of religion on Lunday, and then grinding the

faces of the poor on the other six days, we are

apt to think they are insincere.... when the

capitalist prays for us one day in the week, and

preys on us the other six, it can't be eXpected

that we will have much reSpect for this

Christianity.o

Gladden also found that the hearts of the workers were
set against God and that they preferred to Spend their day
in pleasure rather than in church. Some of the workers felt
that the ministers preached politics and so stayed away.
Others felt that not only could they not dress well enough
to appear in such a fashionable place as the churcn, but they
could not afford the cost of going to church. Gladden found
that this reason was related to the fact that they were paid

65

low wages.

In 1891, one of the purposes of the survey for the

Congregational Association was to find whether or not laboring

 

6 a.
4Ibid., Eb.

65Gladden, Applied Christianity, 124.

 

45

 

a . . , , . , . . . . '6
men ccxnplained oi the cnurcn and wnat their complaints were.
The connnittee discovered that the laboring class as a whole
did new; complain about the church but seemed indifferent to
it. One worker stated:
he do not feel that the ministers take the side
of labor as they should.... There are more that
condemn labor than uphold it. The pulpit is a
place where Ehe subject ought to be put in the
right light. .
I". .4.‘ .~ 3
nIlOtIlel‘ 58.10: i
We cannot afford to go to church, cannot dress 5'
as the rich and fe8§ out of place where are so L
;

Inany grand people.

ESamuel Gompers in a reply to Reverend h. Francis Perry
Of Chixzagp in 1898 concerning the reason that workers did
not atrteend church said that the workers felt that the church
deferuienj the capitalistic class.69 John B. Lennon, general
secrertaary of the Journeyman Tailors' Union of america, gave
asixis .reason that the workers felt that the employers
contiw31;1ed the churches.70 Thus, it can be seen that
thrOLUehuout the years one of the main reasons for the work-
in5m811'53 absence from the church was his belief that the
\W

€56Gladden, “The Social and Industrial Situatinn," 407.

67292;.

6E5
Ibid.

 

6‘ . g. , . , .
9dopkins, hlSO pf tne SOCial GOSpel, 85.

'7 .
CIbid.

46
church was c0ntrolled by the owners of industry and his
feeling that he received little Christian treatment from
them.

In 1887, because of its concern for the welfare of
the workers, an organization was fOrmed and called the
Church Association for the Advancement of the interests of
Labor. Its principles, based on Christ's teacnings, were
brotherhood of man and the duty of every man to labor. Its
methods were to be prayer, sermons on the relevance of the
gospel to social problems, lectures and addresses, and
conscientious use of the ballot. This organization rapidly
spread throughout the country and became recognized by labor

5 n ally. Meetings were held where sucn tepics as women's

‘1'!
0'}

suffrage, prison reforms, housing needs, sweat snOps, and
other uhases of the labor proclem were discussed. The
Association had three standing committees. These were

the Committee on Tenements whose duty was to inSpect all
buildings in the parish and report violations of the law,
the Labor-Organization Committee, Which insured that justice
took place in controversies, and the SweatshOp Committee
which published a "white list" f ‘iHms that paid a living

wage and treated employees fairly.71 The Association

47
stressed action and practical solidarity with the labor
movement. It also campaigned against child labor, sweat
sheps, slums, and Spoke out for the effective arbitration
of strikes. This Association was also the creator of Labor
Sunday--— one Sunday a year devoted to the cause of Labor.

Although other associations such as the Actors' Alliance
and Church Social Union were formed to help labor in its
struggle, there were many things that the ministers themselves
could do. The ministers should try to convince the wage
workers that the churches were not on the side of capital in
the st'uggle. They should Speak out for the right of the wage
worker to combine into unions for the protection of his
interest. Gladden believed that ministers should advocate
arbitration as the way for settling labor diSputes. Gladden
was a believer in profit sharing as one of the solutions to
the labor problem. he believed that ministers should make
themselves familiar with the facts of profit sharing in France
and in Germany and should bring these facts before the employers
. . . 79
in their congregation.

Gladden also believed that Christian individuals could
help in finding solutions to the economic problem by voluntary

contributions. PeOple should give money to charitable

 

7gw , . . l. . . . .
Cladden, qpplled Christianit*, lt4.

 

48
institutions, help the needy and those struggling to better
themselv.s, build sanitary dwellings which would be rented

. . -,. . , 75 ,
at a fair price, and endow public libraries. There would
then be a reformation in the church, he believed, that would
result in a changing attitude toward the working class and
an awakening of the church to its reSponsibilities.

The world and the nation, maintained Gladden, needed
religion. PeOple should have the conviction that the Spiritual
world was the real world. Those unseen things such as truth,
purity, honor, justice, integrity, fidelity, and unselfish

1.. 4. , . . - m 1- :V 74 W1.
love, Gladden said, were endurina realities. ”hat the
w rld needed was more faith‘in God. The Golden Rule of life
was the working rule of life. If the employer and the
employees could govern themSelves by this law, they would

. _ - ., , . ,1, 75 .
find peace and the solution to their proclems. The
Christian employers and the Christian employees must be Christians
wherever they might be and as Christians should regard the
interests of others as well as their own.

In a Speech at the Seventeenth Semiannual Dividend

Meeting at Ivorydale, Ohio, Gladden said that the only law

73 . -. , . . . .
Gladden, gpplied Christianity, 25.
74Washington Gladden, The New Idolatry (new York, 1905), 4.

75h - . , . . .H .
uladden, "The uOCial and Industrial Situation," 410.

49
that man could live under was, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor

"76 He said that this meant that in all transactions,

as thyself.
services, and exchanges of commodities, one must not asn for
anything mOre than was fair and just. The Christian law,

he maintained, did not require employers to give away all
profits so as to destroy business. The employer had a right

to resist this. The employer Should practice economy and

care in the administration of his business. what the Christian
law required, he said, was, “that every man in exchanging
commouity or service shall ask for himself only what he deems
to be just, and fair, and give in exchange for what he gets

"77 Accordingly, the employees should not

as much as he can.
ask for a higher wage than the employer can pay and should give
loyal and faithful service to the employer. It did not, said
Gladden, require the worker to give all his time or ruin his
health, but he should give as much as possible for the return
that he receives. The employer also, he continued, should

not ash any more of the workers than was just or fair and
should give them as much as wossible in wages. This was

the Christian law of industrial society. The employer wno
tried to get out of the workers as much as possible and pay

76Washington Gladden, ”The Relations of Capital and LabOr",

An address at the seventeenth Dividend meeting at Ivory-
dale, Ohio, February 5, l896. Published by request, p. 9.
77Ibid., 10

him as little as possible and the worker who did not
c00perate with his employer Were selfish. 'dhen Christian

principle governs the action of employer and employee, that

. . . 1. . . . . 78
aSSDCiation is profitable," deClareu Gladden.

The employer, keeping the Christian law in mind,
would want to make his business successful so that the profits
CWnld be shared with the workers. These men were his brothers
and he should try to do all he could for them. If he did
not do this, he would not be obeying the Christian law. The
workingman, too, must c00perate in the practice of the
Christian law or nothing could be accomplished. There must
be the will on the part of the employees just as much as on
the part of the employers. Coope‘ation and consideration
would be practicing this Christian rule of life. The thing
to be desired was that the Christian principle would take
hold in the minds of both employer and employee.79
Gladden received many letters from employers questioning
the right of the minister of the Gospel to have any Opinion
or publicly expressing it about the labor question. They
felt that it would be wrong if they gave Gladden any advice
concerning his spiritual work and felt that Gladden was wrong

in giving them advice about their business.

 

 

 

El
However, Gladden felt otherwise. He admitted that
he knew nothing about manufacturing, production, and marketing,
and certainly would give no advice to business men on this.
Industrial society had a technical and mechanical side which
a minister had nothing to do with. But he believed that he

was well acquainted with human relationships, and it was his

 

duty to find out how men could live peacefully, usefully,.
and prOSperously. The teachings of Christ, he said, applied 5

to the industrial society as well as any other society. The

Ww‘rfifiir ;-. h 5

business of the church was the application of the Christian
law in all human relations.

The question at hand was what kind of men were being
produced by industrial society and wnat social relationShips
between the worker and the employer existed, said Gladden.
He felt that if the classes were being brought together in
a happier, stronger, better, and more hOpeful relationship
more closely knit through a Spirit of friendship and coOperation,
then the Christian Church was fulfilling its duty. dowever,
if the reverse of these conditions was taking place, the
church was failing. kinisters had everything to do with the
human side of any activity, and thus, Gladden had reason to

take an interest in the industrial society of the day.

 

80w . V - . .
Gladden, The Labor auestion, 207.

(T1
(0

To some, the answer to the turmoil existing between
employers and employees was socialism. They pointed out
that industrial strife, panics, and depressions were caused
by the character of the industrial system. This was the
result of the competitive system. Socialist thought circulated
freely in EurOpe and America and eventually reached the
Protestant Churches.

The Society of Christian Socialists was formed in
Boston in 1859. It concluded that the wrongs of the modern
industrial society were the concentration of ownership of
resources and inventions in the hands of a few, unplanned
proouction resulting in business crises, c0ncentration of
control of industry in hands of a plutocracy who were guiding
the destinies of the masses, and the consequent prevalence
of moral evils such as mammonism, overcrowding, prostitution,
and crime. The aim of this Society was to snow that the goals
of socialism embraced the principles of Christianity. During
this period, a number of clergymen had embraced a Christianized
version of socialism as the ideal formulation of the religious
Social Gospel. Christian Socialism was interpreted to mean
Christianity plus modern socialism. The aim of both

Christianity and socialism was to secure the recognition of

53
society so that a greater diffusion of virtue, power, and
intelligence would result.81

The socialists favored control of factories, mines,
raw materials, land, as well as the direction of all the
productive and distributive industries, by the state. They
also wanted all the railroads, telephones, telegrapns, and
other means of tranSportation and communications to be state
controlled. The state then could distribute labor as needed
and control supply and demand. Thus, the socialists maintained,
the function of the state would be threefold--- as a superin-
tendent, a statistician, and an arbitrator. The state,
therefore, would be supreme.

To Gladden, socialism was "a prOposition to extend
the functions of the state so that it should include and
control nearly all the interests of life."83 Although he
disapproved of this exaltation of statism, he was in agreement
with many of the points that the socialists brought forth
concerning the ills of the industrial situation. The
socialists believed that there was a tendency for the wages

of the worters to decrease toward a starvation point while

 

(I)

8 . , p. . . r . , .
ldOpklnS, The filS§_;i_tfl booial Gospel, 175.

 

 

0
La..- . . ,_ . ,_. _.
Gladden, applied UflrlStlafiltx, 77.

83W ‘ x .
Gladden, Tools and the nan, 24$.

 

(it

4
their share in the national wealth grew smaller. Gladden
was in agreement with this. The socialists maintained
business Operations and enterprises were becoming concentrated
into fewer hands, and that the wage worker was becoming con-
fined more and mOre to present status. Gladden agreed with
this also.84 The socialization of mines, t'a Sportation
services, waterways, light, water, and telephone services
was supported by Gladden. This would aid the worker, he
believed.

Nevertheless, he did not believe that socialism was
the panacea for industrial ills. If socialism was going
to take over, he felt that it should proceed cautiously
and slowly. The municipalization of public utilities,
nationalization of railways and telegraphs, and the education
of the peeple should come first. he thought that a rapid
movement towards bringing the country under socialism would
be destructive. The socialists in this period were in favor
of centralization of power because it would make it easier
for tnem when the control of industries passed from the
hands of the trusts and corporations into their hands. The
faster that centralization took place, the quicker it would
be overthrown by democratic forces, and would make their

task easier.85

(.0
4s.

Gladden, Applied Christianity, 69.

03
0‘

flashington Gladden, "The Spread of Socialism",
Outlook (New York), v. 62, p. 871, December 9, 1899.

55

Although Gladden agreed with the socialists in many
of their views, he, himself, was no socialist. de did not
see how socialism could take over. The peeple of the country
were not ready for it. He thought that the socia ist plan
of nationalization was too large an undertaking and he could
not visualize how it could successfully be accomplished.
The work was so vast and complicated, and there were so many
details and adjustments that the central bureaucracy establisned
by the socialists would collapse. He believed also that the
one way the socialist scheme would work was by uniformity of
most of the details of life. Under socialism, the freedom
of the individual would also be limited. It would produce
"a race of weak, insipid, dependent creatures."86 ban
would not strive forward and would eXpect that the state
owed him his living. The gain of c00peration would be
overshadowed by this loss of integrity of the men. Gladden
also believed that socialism was fundamentally wrong because
it based its economy on a doctrine that all value was the
product of 1abor.8r7

Many other clergymen also took a stand on socialism.
Reverend Frank North stated that the common brotherhood of

8‘EDGladden, Tools and the Man, 274.

 

87‘. - - . r . . .
Gladden, applied bhristianity, 90.

56

man.is the GCSpel of Christianity and the GoSpel of socialism.

'10 him, socialism was not the foe but the brother of

a . . . 83 r i , l .
Christianity. The neverend Joseph vook, a prominent

V .
u

minister in Lynn, massacnusetts, rejected socialism because

he thought it would lead to more government corruption than

already prevalent and would tend to discourage initiative.

dd

George D. herron, pastor, lecturer, and author, was a

Social Gospeler who believed that the churcn should not try

to reform so iety but to reconstruct society in accordance

with the standards of Christ. The society would then be a

socialistic one. he wrote:

a system which makes one human being dependent
upon another to earn his bread and develop his
life is a system which enslaves 000185 and souls;
it is inherently immoral, destructive of life,
wasteful of Spiritual and material forces.

Faith and love as social forces, with liberty

as a social fact, means communism in natural
resources, democracy in production, equality

in use, private preperty in consumption, social
reSponsibility in all relations and things.

The realization of the Kingdom of ueaven on earth
means a civilization in which all shall work for
the common good andgsach receive according to
every sort of need.

Another Social GOSpeler who embraced socialism was

Rauschenbusch. dis book, Ghristianity and the Social

 

8. . . . . _ _
dOpkins, The nise or the Soc1al GOSpel, l72.

agIbid., 41.

90 1' , r‘ . . . r . . -
George nerron, An address at nansas state agricultural
College. The PubliC. v. i. p. is, november 5, iaea.

.mn-‘nrg fl

 

“‘4-

 

 

 

one of tne leaders in this

H
L.
1...)
U)
(D
U)
(1'
m
[T
H
P.
If
(D
Q)
U‘
P
B
( f)

movement. Re advocated an adeption of a program of SOCl al
Christianity. he believed that necessities sucn as coal,
iron, waterways, and other natural resources should be owned

by society for the common goon. he thought that along with

I)

socialization of property ther a would be a rise in the
Spirit of peOple. These natura monopolies should be owned
by the peeple because they would not only be run more
efficiently and coherently, but also because their common

. ,L . p. . . ,-. _ . ,. . , 9i
ownership would give rise to ClVlC morality and public Spirit.
He believed that a socialistic state directed by a hierarchy

of virtue was practicing the truths of Christianity and the

truths of social science. de avow tha caiita lism was
92

in direct opposition to ChristLanity.
However, Gladden, Lyman Abbott, Richard Ely, and

other Social G05)elers stopped sh rt o’ fiauschenbtsc: .

concept on of overwhelming solidarity wnich practically

submerged individualism. They did not agree with Rauschenbusch

that Christ stood for the do ing away of the capioaiistic

system and the institution of a socialistic system as a

replacement.

 

he nise of the Social GCSpel, 225.

 

 

0 'w - r-. o ‘ ‘ ' h .
“Donald home, "The oOCial UUSpEl oi waiter nauschenbuscn,"
South itlantic guarterly, v. 43, no. 5 July lQbG.

W’ _ ml... —.-_.- ‘.___,v
.M ‘ -- _ -ntuq.”

Thus, it is agparent that the social gospelers had

’ 0

similar goals as to the organization 01 society for the
benefit of all men. But, whereas RauSchenbuscn and ierron
would achieve it thriugh the inauguration of a socialist
economy, Gladden, Ely, Abbott, and others favored an approach
through the imorovemcnt of the Christian principles of the

1"

individual man. 'ladden believed that the remedy to the

 

complaints of the socialists was the abblication of Christian

—_.l.

i
3,
princiglss and dnristian methods to the solution of industrial r

Chapter III

Apblied Christianity

The labor question was of utmost importance to Gladden.
however, there were variois other economic and social
questions that occupied his miLd. He c;ncerned himself with
the problems of the farmer, of the Negro, of relief, of

municipal and state governments, and of church missionary

 

societies.
The interests of the farmers of the nation, ashecially

in the mid-west, collided with those of the industrialists E

 

during the lBaO's and 1390's. The farmer was faced with the
problems of monetary deflation, as well as those arising
from abuses of the “ailroads, and the practices of the
monogoliss. n Pofulist Party had been formed by the farmers
to help bring about inflation by fiat money and to secure
legislation in their favor. Gladden, in an article called
"Embattled Farmers" written in l590, recognized tne blight
of the farmer. It seemed to him that those who were producing
a great share of the country's wealth were receiving very
small returns. As the farmer went further into debt each
year, he found it more profitable to move to the city and

take a job as a common laborer.

vx

Gladden believed that this poverty of the farmer was

caused by mono-metalism, deficient circulating mecium,

60
protective tariffs, the trusts, speculation in farm products,

h‘eh tranSportation rates, and over-production. The general

.u—a
(D
a;
U)

credit system was diSadvantageous to the farmer.
forced to borrow money from eastern bankers who not only
charged a high interest rate of 7 to l2 per cent, but also

the cost of the negotiation. Thus, the farmer's debts had
been on the increase. Gladden believed that the farmer
instead of giving up and going to the city should use a little
ingenuity in solving his problems. he should raise or prodice
goods that would appeal to the peOple. He would thus find

a ready market and be able to realize a profit.

Gladden was also interested in the Negro problem. he
was president of the American missionary Association, an
organization formed to help the suffering and the friendless.
Addressing a meeting of this organization, he told the
members that one of its greatest tasks was to help the
American Negro achieve manhood. The North helped free the
Negro, and now Northerners must help care for them. This job
could not be left to the South. The werro, numbering at this
time around nine million or one ninth of the total population

0
of the United States, was a national problen.?

 

lWashington Gladden, "Embattled Farmers," The Forum
(New York), v. 10, p. 515, November, 1890.

 

2'! _ 1- - 1‘ , " x T" 3" n . - o ‘-..- .
wasnington Gladden, "The negro orisis," nmcrican magaZine

 

(New York), v. 65, p. 296, January, 1907.

“-1—!“ 'Wmm

\Lv—vw

6l
Gladden believed that there was a movement to return
the Negro to serfdom. he cited as evidence the fact that
the contemporary governors of hississippi and Seorgia, R.
Vardaman and n. bmith, advocated repealing the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments. Such a policy of subjugation and
repression of the Negro would result in segregation of the E
i

I

fire—,-

races and partition of territory between them. The thing

—-.._._‘_“

to do. 'as to give the Negro a good Christian education and

.V.

let him take his place in society. The American missionary

‘l... *‘flq‘z‘g so..-

Association had over one million dollars to Spend in the
0 A - . r , _ ,3 r 3 my ‘sz «V ,- n p - -° , r
uoutn for negro education. lne negro was a Citizen and
must be recognized as such. The white race and the black
race, Gladden maintained, could live together, learn to

. , , 4
r—Spect eacn other, and work together for the common good.

P)

The depression occurring in the 1890‘s brought a new
problem to Gladden's attention. This problem was unemployment
and Gladden believed that the community should find work for
the unemployed. To find 30b5, he said, an employment bureau
should be set up with descriptions of jobs available and
names of those seeking employment. The cost to the community

would not be any more than was already handed out as Charity

av

 

Bflashington Gladden, "The Negro's Southern Neighbors
and his Northern Friends," An address to the American
missionary bociety, n.p., n.d.

4 -~. " r1 - . r
Gladden, "Negro triSis," 296.

62
to help find and provide jobs for these unemployed. The
difficulty that the community had in doing this, Gladden
found, was that the fear of socialism was strong among some

of its members. dowever, Gladden could not see how giving

U)

people money from the public treasury was any les socialistic
than providing jobs for them, since the money all came from

the same source. he concluded that if the community was

unable to find work for the unemployed, then the state should
assume the responsibility.

One of the primary duties of Christians in a community,
said Gladden, was the Christianization of the community. Ien
should cooperate and join together for this end. Yet, Gladden
found that in rural areas, churches were organized and competed
with each other for membership. Some Christians, he discovered,
believed that competition was the right I.rinciple for church
extension. In some areas there were six churches where two
would do and be more useful. he felt that the organization
of a municipal church was necessary to develOp and foster the
unity of the good peeple in the community in order to help
municipal reform.6

At the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, Gladden

was on his way to England. here he delivered Speeches

.—

51!? a - ~ . - ~ . .
~wasnington Gladden, "nelief ”Ork, Its PrihCiples and
Methous," Review 9; neviews (“ew York), v. 9, p. 55,
January, 1894.

6Nashington Gladden, "The Municipal Idea of Churches,“ _
Review 9; Reviews (New YOrk), v. 6, p. 535, OctOber, ld 8.

\

65
concerning the humane motive of the Jnited States in the war.
These Speeches were entitled ”Causes and Issues of the war"
and "Reasons for Friendship Between England and America."
3e defended the right of the United States to go into Cuba
and help her overthrow her oppressors. He believed that if
Cuba and the Philippine Islands were unable to govern them-
selves, it was right for the United Ltates to govern them
until they could do 50. Since this imperialism was new to
the United States, he believed that the government ought to
set up a policy to follow. Possession by the United Ltates
of these territories would give the peOple of these countries
more liberty than they had ever dreamed of, would fill the
land with schools, and would fit the peOple for self-government
and liberty.7 The United States could do all this and still
not be imperialistically inclined in her role as benevolent
administrator, Gladden maintained.8 These Speeches met with
cordial reaponses from the Englisn peOple and press.

At the time of world War I, Gladden Spoke out for
non-intervention. He was against the building up of armaments
and the creation of a huge navy. de believed that such a

course would cause a race with other nations, and all this

7-. . ‘1- ~ '1 ~ '2'
dashington Gladden, "Causes and Issues or the war",
Outlook (New York), v. 59, p. 675, July 16, 1898.

81bid.

 

64
preparedness would lead to war. Gladden believed that there
would be no gain to this war, and the result would only bring
disaster to the peOple. Gladden admitted that he was a
pacifist. He did not want "peace at any price" but maintained
that the price of peace was justice, truth, trust, fair play,
good will, and kindness. The price of peace should not be
slaughter, crippled lives, ruined cities, and hatred.

Gladden supported intervention in the LpaniSh american mar.
Yet, eighteen years later, he had reversed his position on
war and argued that the United States should stay out of
World War I. It seems strange that he was impressed by the
alleged atrocities of the Spaniards in Cuba and that he
accepted without cyncism the intervention of the United Ltates,
while in the greater conflict of World War I, he called
himself a pacifist.

Gladden also became interested in state and local
governments. In Ohio in 1684, two elections took place.
One was the October election for governor and other state
offices. The second election was the presidential election
held in November. Thus the state was in a political turmoil
from June through November. Gladden thought that this was

economically and morally injurious to the state. he therefore

 

9., ,. , . . . .. .. .
wasnington Gladden, "Plea for Pac1fism," The nation
(New York), v. 105, sup. 2, August a, 1916.

6S
undertook to get the constitution of the state amended so
that the state elections would be held in hovember also.
He wrote a petition for this and secured the Signat res of
the governor, the ex-governor, the two United States senators
from Ohio, the judges of the Ohio State Supreme Court, and
various other leading men of the state. This petition was
printed in the neWSpapers and received much support. when
the state legislature met at its next session, it passed a
joint resolution submitting an amendment to this effect to
the people. It was readily approved by the people of Ohio
at the election.

Gladden took quite an interest in the municipal
government of Columbus, Ohio. Shortly after arriving there,
he found the city government to be in need of reorganization.
He had Seth Low, mayor of Brooklyn, New York, whose city had
adOpted a reform charter, Speak to the citizens on "Municipal
Problems." The brooklyn plan was one in which the mayor had
executive reSponsibility giving him the right to appoint and
remove heads of city departments. Each department came under
a department head who was reSponsible to the mayor. Financial
matters were left in the hands of the city council. douever

no change in the set up of the Columbus city government

 

O... . . ,, _ . .,
washington Gladden, Recollections (New Yorn, 1909),
p. 516.

 

66

occurred at this time. Gladden believed that unless a
greater majority of the citizens were willing to assume
responsibility in the government, no plan would result in
good city government.ll

In the Spring of 1900, Gladden discovered that the
city council members seeking re-election planned to demand
money from a public service corporation whose charter was
up for renewal. Gladden believed that the interests and
the rights of the peOple were being sacrificed. Since one
of the council members involved in this transaction was from
Gladden's own ward, Gladden announced by a statement in the
neWSpapers that if the voters of the Seventh ward wished him
to repr sent them on the city council, he would accept the
job. He ran as an independent candidate, although he received
the endorsement of the Democratic Party in its primaries.
The voters at the Democratic primaries had scratched the
names of two partisan candidates on the printed ballot, and
had written in Gladden's name to give him a plurality of
votes. Gladden did no campaigning after his initial announce-
ment. his neighbors reaponded, however, by forming a "Non

Partisan Municipal Association" which made a door to door

 

1c . .. . . . . .
NaShington Gladden, "Public Serv1ce Companies and

City Governments," Outlook (New York). V. 56. po Eve.
October 27, 1900.

 

F'.a

~1

v.,

(0

“A
W
)
x
c

-
v
.
i
‘g.
«c

(1—1.

67
canvass in his support. Although Gladden's name was listed
under the "Independent" column at the election, he was
elected by a majority of seventy-six votes over his
Republican Opponent. He served for two years on the council;
he was chairman of one committee and member of three others.

Gladden followed a conservative program while a member
of the council. he was Opposed to municipal monOpolies and
machine politicians. ne said that "as long as public service
industries are privately owned, their owner must not be
deprived of a just reward for their services and sacrifices,
but neither Should they be permitted by Shifty financing and
corrupt bargaining with politicians to bind heavy burdens
on the necks of the producing class."

Gladden believed in municipal ownership of public
service industries. de believed that they were necessary
monopolies and as such Should belong to the peOple. also,
he thought that if the municipality owned the public services
there would be less corruption. however the public Services
in Columbus were not taken over by the people, but were
leased out to private companies. While he was on the city
council, the street railroad system came up for rechartering.
Gladden wanted a reduction of fares made for while he belie ed

the company Should have a fair return on its investment, the

68

present rate gave them an excessive profit. He said:

We want to confiscate no man's earnings or

savings. we want every man---capitalist and

laborers to have all his riahts--~but we want

no man to be giVen legal power by the city to

tax thfsrest of us to pay interest in watered

stock.

Gladden enjoyed his two years \n the city council.
He did not seek re-election because of the pressing duties
of his church. He admitted learning two facts wnile serving
on the council. These were that a corporation in dealing
with a city need not be eXpected to tell the truth and that
a representative had better, as a rule, rely on his own
. . . . . . . l4
Judgement and not seek instructions from his constituents.
Gladden received five hundred dollars for his services on
the city council; he returned this compensation to the
City Treasurer.

ladden also believed that any business which depended
upon the state for its existence should have the state as a
dominant partner in the business to help control it in the
interest of the peeple. Transactions of railroad companies
should ccme under State cont ol for they had been given land

and money by local, state, and national governments. without

 

l5 . . . .
Anon., "Dr. Gladden's Election to the pity CounCil,"

Outlook (New York), v. 64, p. 855, April 14, l900.

l4Gladden, Recollections, 544.

 

69

state control and as a result of conpctition, the railroads
had becone a monopolistic and ,owerful fOrce.15
No franchise should be given to any public service

company unless it contained provisions requiring that all
diSputes occurring between owner and worker be submitted to
arbitration. Ken who went on st“ike before the cuestion had
been submitted to arbitration should be guilty of a misdemeanor.
He also believed that if a company refused to arbitrate or

_ . . . .. . - . , . . o 16
carry out the ceCision o: the board it Should lose its charter.

ladden believed that there were three social evils

which tended toward the disintegration of society. One was
drinking, which he thought to be a great waste of money and
ruinous to the health of the peOple. however, he did admit
that the saloons offered social relaxation for Some people.
Another was ”the unsocial factors" that made war upon society
by assailing the family. These forces were caused to a
conside"able degree by selfisnness. The third evil was
gambling. Card playing and the like he considered a great
waste of time. However the worst gambling was Speculation

. . . , . r . 17
in buSiness, in tne stock market, and in tne grain market.

L:
lUHashington Gladden, "Limits of Conpetition," The

Independent (New York), v. 52, p. 54:, Karen, l900.

lEWashington Gladden, "Crosslignts and Counter Clains,"
CUtlook (New York), v. 97, p. 852, April 5, lsll.

17-, . 'V- - I. . (. - ’-\ I
Washington Gladden, DOCliJ_Lx;Lvatlon kfioston, 1302),
p. 135.

7O

Gladden did not believe that the scnools were doing
all they could toward making the children better citizens.
To him, the functions of the school was to teach the children
how to live with others and to identify their interests with
others. The schools must also attemrt to cultivate the habit

Q

of COCperation and the spirit of service. V

In 1905, the American Board of Commissions for Foreign
Missions, a bod‘ sudported chiefly by the Congregational
churches and famous for its educational and missionary
activities, announced that they had accented a gift of one
hundred thousand dollars from John D. Rockefeller. ‘ladden
objected to the acceptance of this gift, estecially after
it became known that the money had been solicited. he gained
much attention by his denunciation of its accertance.

Gladden believed that the fOrtunes of millionaires
had been built up by violating laws and by using underhanded
metnoos such as bribery. It was well known to all, he said,
that the Standard Oil Company had such complete control over
the railroads that they not only received rebates but fixed
the rates themselves. He pointed out that their methods
were well known from the publication of such books as Henry

Lloyd's Health Against Commonwealth and Ida Tarbell's History

 

lalbid., 186.

 

71

of the Standard Oil Compan . These books presented the

facts, for no legal action was taken by the company against
the writers. Rockefeller, maintained Gladden, had been the
instigator of many wrong deeds and practices. Gladden had
singled out Rockefeller because of his contribution to the
American Board, but admitted that there were many others in
the same category as Rockefeller.

Churches should refuse contributions from such sources,
Gladden maintained, although he realized that it was difficult
to refuse such large contributions. But if churches accepted
money from the Standard Oil Compani, they allied themselves
with it and laid themselves wide Open for other such alliances.
Some said that the money received from Rockefeller would do
the same things as money received from more reputable peeple.
Gladden admitted this but maintained that the result of
accepting money from such people freed the donor from
criticism by the ministry. It is true, he said, that the
ministers do not necessarily make any promises not to criticize
the giver, but out of reSpect, the ministers in most cases
simply would not criticize him. Thus it would lead to the
refusal of ministers to take a stand against public evils
and wrongs. They would resort to the preacning of the "bimble
GOSpel," to religion only, with little reference to the social

and economic world.

7?
Such a situation limiting ministers is created by
. \ ‘ ‘ - n ‘_o + ' ’ fl "19 1" ‘1 . " 1 \
What Gladden called tainued money. not only would the
pulpit refrain from mentioning the problems of the day, but
young men and women, seeing the church condoning such things,
would lose faith in the church and this indeed would be a
mortal blow to it. It would also prove to the working peeple
that the churches were in close association with the wealthy
classes. The Christian Church should be a leader in the
fight for equality-and liberty, he empnaSized.
Some of this "tainufl money" had been given to educational
institutions also. The results, Gladden thought, were the
same here as in the churches. eachers were prevented from
saying anyth'.g injurious about the donors; furthermore,
they were held in such high esteem that the young men in
college idolized them and attempted to pattern themselves
after them. Therefore, educational institutions, too, should
a
be careful about accepting gifts.
Gladden thOUght that there was enough free money whica
had been honeStly acduired to supply the needs of the church
without the acceptance of such contributions. he accordingly

introduced this resolution before the emerican board:

 

 

 

19-” 1 'u . . my . .y 1 \
heelington Gladden, The nev Idolatry (new form, l9o )
p. 250
2
Ibid. ’ 4:}.
21

 

Resolved that the officers of the Board should

neither solicit nor invite donations to its

funds from persons wnose gains have been made

by methodsggorally reprehensible or socially

injurious.“
Although this motion was tabled at first, it was later
approved. Gladden believed that the reSponsibility of a
missionary society began "in the act of receiving a gift,
if that gift is unsolicited" rather than"after the gift
_ . . - "25
has been received.

Gladden was one of several emericans chosen by
Fredrick U. adams to give his views on several questions
centering around the theme "Are Great Fortunes Great Dangers?"
The first question was concerned with whether a man could
render his country such service that he was entitled to a
reward of millions of dollars. Gladden did not believe
that any man could render service to his country or to his
fellowman that would entitle him to such a huge reward. He
thought fortunes of such huge proportions were acquired by
unsocial and corrupt methods.

The second question asked was "Does the possession of
a billion dollars in the hands of an individual constitute a
menace to the republic?" Gladden believed that it was a

serious menace because it gave the person tremendous power

 

 

 

74
over the community. Gladden also thought that if a man
acouired a billion dollars, he snould be prevented from
bequeathing it to anybody at his death. In answer to the
question whether he was in favor of an inheritance tax and
an income tax, Gladden replied that he favored both but
on a prOportional basis. The last question asked "Do you
favor the municipal ownership of street railways, gas plants,

en was in favor of this. he

Cl.

and similar utilities?" Glad
believed that it would result in less corruption in municipal

_ 24
government .

It is apparent that Gladden's life was occupied in
helping to solve the many economic and social problems of
the day. dis viewpoints on the subjects made him one of
the best known Congregationalist ministers of his time.

To make the story of Gladden's life complete, a few
of his other activities should be mentioned. In 1895, he
became one of six preachers appointed to the staff at narvard
University. Each minister Spent six weeks at the University,

and his duty was Spiritual oversight of the students. Gladden

 

2 .. _ . . _ ..,
4rredrick U. Adams, "are Great rortunes Great bangers?“,
Cosmopolitan (New York), v. 40, p. 39o, February, 1906.

enjoyed this contact with these young men and served on
i.. a - a l_ 25
the staff Ior three years.

Gladden was considered fOr the presidency of three
universities, yet never received an appointment. He was
considered by bestern Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio,
but at this time he gave an address to the workingmen and

a

m
to

employers of Cleveland, "Is It Peace or War?", and
result his name was dropped from the list of possible
candidates by the trustees of the University. he was
approached by Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, to
become its president. However, the state legislature refused
to make any appropriations to the University if a man from
Columbus was appointed. They felt that with a Columbus man

s president, the city would have too much control over a

m

state university. The offer to Gladden was withdrawn.
Gladden also refused the offer of the presidency of Illinois
State University. He felt that as a university president,
his freedom of eXpression would be limited. From the pulpit
he could eXpress his thoughts and views without restraint,

_ . . , p 26
free from any inlluence.

During his stay in Columbus, he became an honorary

member of the Columbus Board of Trad . This was an organized

 

Zbfiladden, Recollections, 524.

26 ,.. i
Ibid., 410.

 

— .hl

76

body of over one thousand business men who represented the
material interest, life and enterprise of the city. Gladden
was the only person that this honorary membership was conferred
upon who was in no way connected with business.27

Gladden retired from active church work in l9l4 after
thirty one years of service to the First Congregati nal
Church of Columbus, Cnio, becoming Minister Emeritus. The
followiné year he was invited by Henry Ford to become a
member of the Ford Peace Party, but was unable to accept
the invitation. he did endorse its purposes. In 1916, he
was awarded one thousand dollars for his prize winning essay
"Fork in the Road" by the Church Peace Union. This organization
was founded and endowed by Andrew Carnegie in the Spring of
1914 for the purpose of promoting the cause of international
peace.28 It is interesting to note the fact that Gladden
accepted this gift of one thousand dollars from an organization
endowed by Carnegie, because Carnegie, like John D. Rockefeller
whom Gladden attacked in I905 during the "tainted money"
incident, had built up his fortune by means perhaps not

socially justifiable.

 

"The Twenty-fifth Anniversary of Commencement of
the Pastorate of Washington Gladden", Pamphlet of
the First Congregational Church, Columbus, Ohio, 1907.

28
New York Tides, may 8, I916.

 

 

77

Gladden was a prolific writer with many books and
articles to his credit. The book that he believed hic bes
was where Does the Skv Begin?, a book of sermons. his last
writing was an article, "Do Ge Believe in Goo?" concerning
the religious questions of Jorld Jar I.

On July 5, 1918, Washington Gladden died at the age
of eighty-two from a stroke of paralysis. Thus came to an
end the outstanding career of this writer, Speaker, teacner,

minister, and servant of God.

Chapter IV

Conclusion

Washington Gladden was one of the foremost pastors
of his day in strivin, to bring economic theories, industrial
relations, and social institutions under the law of Christ.
During his lifetime, industry, commerce, and political
life evidenced changes which he attempted "dd tried to
eXplain to his fellowmen. He championed the application of
the Golden Rule in settling industrial diSputes believing
that capital and labor could settle their differences by
friendly methods.

Gladden was one of the first of the clergy to bring
the social conception of the GOSpel to the fore. he suggested
that the essential note of really Christian civilization
was in the humanization of the employer and the employee in
industrial relations. he recognized the fact that changes
and new views were occurring and that the church must move
to meet these. As one of the leaders of the Social GOSpel
movement, he helped to awaken some of the clergy to assume
their place in this new industrial age.

Gladden's views toward economic problems went through
a transformation. In 1869, when Chinese workers were brought
to North Adams, Massachusetts, to replace the striking workers

in the shoe factories, he defended the right of the employer

79
to do this. It was not until 18 5, when he was nastor in
Springfield, Lassachusetts, that he developed a real interest
in working men, their problems and their conditions. From
this time on, his interest in industrial relations continued
for the rest of llS life. Gladden tried to bring to the
Christian community an understanding of the industrial
problems of the day. He tried to enforce upon men the moral
reSponsibility that accompanied industrial conditions. his
service to humanity enabled him to come into contact with
all kinds of people. he was able to interpret employers
to employees, employees to employers, classes to classes,
the world to the church, and the church to the world.

Gladden never became identified with any political
party. his victory in the city election for city council
occurred under the "Independent" ticket. The fact that
Gladden served on the city council was unusual because it
was uncommon for a minister to assume such a public office.
Furthermore, When he returned his pay to the City Treasurer,
he demonstrated his interest for good municipal government.
as has been pointed out, his interests were also centered on
better s,ate and federal government. . Although a friend
of presidents, governors, senators, and tne like, he retained

his simplicity and independence.
I

80

Some of the many things that Gladden stood for and
supported were the recognition of labor unions, the right of
labor to organize, the peaceful settlement of industrial
diSputes, regulation of hours of labor, factory inspection,
taxation on inheritance, income tax, strict regulation of
monopolies, civil service reform, and church unity.

Gladden was a man who possessed tnose outstanding
qualities of courage and common sense. Although his congre-
gation was wealthy and conservative, he did not hesitate
to speak out his views and thoughts on whatever subjects
occupied his mind. Although there were differences of
Opinions between the pastor and his parishioners on leading
questions of belief and conduct, Gladden's position was
usually accepted because of his essential rightness and his

strong personal influences. his nse and clear

(D

OIIIIIIOH S

O

thinking helped this man to understand tne problems of his
time. de was held in the highest of esteem by his fellow
church members, the citizens of Columbus, and those of the
nation.

Gladden's own life seems to be sumned up best in one
of his most well known works:

on taster, let me walk with thee

In lowly paths of service free;

Tell me thy secret; help me hear
The strain of toil, tne fret of care

O)
H

Help me the slow of heart to move
Ey some clear, winning word of love;
Teach me the wayward feet to stay,
And guide them in the homeward way.

Teach me thy patience; still with thee

In closer, dearer company,

In work that neeps faitn sweat and strung,
In trust that triumphs over wrong;

In hope that senus a shining ray

Far down the fdtures' brOadering way;
In peace that only thou cans't give,
With thee, O naster, let me live:

Washington Gladden represented a type of citizen

that embodied the best of American ideals.

b

. , .r ,H, '5," q ., -. ’
bILLJ+V~11111¢ IIIVILLJ NULL;

71'," '71 orvr.)/\'-7Q
.L.‘u_.'1-h UKJULLVLJ“

Washington Gladden was the author of numerous books
.and magazine articles. Most of his writings were obtainable
in the Michigan State College Library, the Michigan State
Library, the Detroit Public Library, and the University of
Eichigan Library.

Each of Gladden's books read contributed information

collections, Boston, 1909,

(I)

L

y-.

contained in this essay. His
was a great aid. This book covered his life up to 1909 and
presented many interesting phases of it that could not be

found elsewhere. The books that were used to determine the

opinion of Gladden's economic philosophy were a' lied

   

1

Christianity, doston, ldud, Social Facts and Forces, New York,

 

l897, and The Labor guestion, boston, l9ll. These gave an

 

insight to Gladden's views on labor, the worker, the employer,
the corporation, wealth, preperty, competition, and socialism.

Gladden's book Ruling Id—as oi the Present age, boston, 1895,

(V)

 

was concerned with the ideas and views on religion and
politics, and brotherhood of man. Social Salvation, Boston,
1902, gave some of the author's attitude toward education.

The New Idolatry, New York, 1905, gave an excellent account

 

of his views on the dockefeller gift to the American board

and the ”tainted money“ incident. The Caurch and iodern Life,

”

boston, l90d, expressed his attitude toward the part that the

 

church glays in eveiyday life. Che Past, Philadelthia, l934,
from the willi iam L. Bull Lectures for the Year 190- was read,
but little was drawn from it.

Numerous maoazine aitic les by Gladden ere used. An

-w '1 -. ,. .,. : -,\ p ,x ., m: ., .. .,- . ',
BACEilc‘ilt 3118 flags "&’«$.b-'~tlutl'qil OJ. LQUOJ: u.-€y.lt:5," .‘afnzzl lCuil

 

T-‘ p“‘1 “ (:.- ~r1 C‘ ~ 0 10' "
.Jzirna- cn .wiciai aciegnma, v. ai, J»-J:,‘ko 147, iii.Niicn

 

 

 

arbitr fit on of disrutes between OnflLP and worker as a means

or triniinj at cit indust'ial peace. The article "The Social
and Industrial Situation," bibliotheca Sac a, New York, v. i9,
13“:, p. 685, was valuable because it gave a: account of the
interviews that Gladden and the committee had in in erviewing
the cmyioyers and emcloyees of Ohio. In l9ll, some of the
best articles written by Gladden concerning the industrial

"T Case

(1‘.

‘
.A

situation atpearei in the Outlook. These were

 

against the Labor Union," v. 97, February 25, l9ll, p. 453,
"Reasons for the Unions," v. 97, harch 4, l9ll, p. 497,
"Industry and denocracy," v. 97, Larch lS, l9ll, p. 559,
"Crosslights and Counter Claims," v. 97, abril li, 1911,

p. 82 , and "The Church and Labor," v. 90, may 6, 1911, p. 55.
Other articles of value were "moral Tendencies of Existing
Industrial Conditions," Outlooli, New YOrh, v. 65, December 9,
1899, p. 871, "Limits of Competition," The

v. 52, Larch, 1900, p. 540, and "Spread of 00 c'alism," CJtLQQk.

New York, v. 62, Kay 15, 1899, p. 116. These were all
imgortant sources of information.

Articles that gave some of Gladden's LeNs tONard
other problems of the neriod were "Zmba tt led

The Forum, Haw York, v. 10, Hovemoer, 18 90, p. 515, "Problems

 

of Poverty," Century, New York, v. 45, Decernter, 1-593, p.
“Relief Work, Its Princisles and lethous," Review 9: Reviews,
New York, v. 9, January, 1894, p. 58, "Religion and wealth,"

R view g£_RevieNs, Ne ev York, v. 11, February, 1895, p. 214.
Gladden's attitude toward the Spanish-Americ a; Nar was some—
what covered in his article "The Causes and Issues of the war,"
appearing in Outlook, New Yorh, v. 59, July 16, 1898, p. 59.
Additional information on the "tainted money" incident was
found in Gladden's "Rockefeller and the American Board,‘
Outlook, New Yora, v. 79, Aoril 22, 1905, o. 184.

Cthe articles by Gladden used in producing this essay

r1

war "The Church and the ReNard of Ini iuity The Independent,

(0

New York, v. 58, april 20, 1905, "The Negro Crisis," Th

 

Amer ican Iia: azine, INew York, v. 65, January, 1907, p. 296,

"Religion and the Schools, 'Atlantic, New York, v. 115,

 

v.

January, 1915, p. 57. Some of Gladden's articles on Jorld
War I were "The Great War," Sermons by Washington ladden,
Columbus, Ohio, 1915, published by KcClelland Comeany and

"Plea for Pacifism," T e Nation, New York, v. 105, sup. 2,

 

hug ust 3,1916.

Other Norlrs that were Harticularly valuable were
Gladden's "flights and Duties," an address delivered at the
Fifty-eighth Commencement of the Iniversity of Iichigan,
June 19, 1902, Published by the Board of Regents in 1902,
his address entitled "The Negro's Southern Neighbor and dis
Northern Friends" given at the meeting of the American
lissionary Society in New York, n.d., "The Relations of
Capital and Labor," an address on the occasion of the
Seventeenth Semi- annual Dividend asset 111,, at Ivorydale, Ohio,
February 5, 1896.

ST“ (3 '\ V)fl"fi
-KJkJatajh.L_L U‘J JL undo

 

General secondary wo-ks were imoortant in giving a

backgr01nd oi‘ American labor history. John Commons, Ii sto z

of Labor in the United States, II, New York, 1913: and

 

 

D. Lescchien and 3. Lrandeis, distorz of Labor in the United

ates, III, New York, 1955, 'ere invaluable aids. Also,

 

Herbert harris's Ameri can Labor, New Haven, 1958, Samuel

 

Yellen's Amer'can Labor Stru igles, New York, 1956, and

 

Charles fieard's The Rise of American Civilization, New York,

 

1927, were valuable subtlementary sources.

 

Lyman Abbott's Christi a1ityyand Coci: Problems, Boston,

1901, Richard Ely‘s Socialism, New York, 189 , and Walter

 

Rauschenbusch's Christiani tyrand Soc ia crisis, New York, 1907,

were read in order to obtain the views of other Social Gosgelers.

r14

[(

V- .1 . . A .\ x f‘ ‘ ‘flA \.A T A- Q . .1 I. “A ': -
nenry Lay s Protestant bh‘rcnes and industrial “LLFACL,

New York, 1949, is a recent book describing the Protestant
church and its role in the industrialization of America.
If offered a stOre of valuable material. The most important

7'3
.4

1es a. dobkins' The .~.ise of

secondary source book was Char

the Social GoSpel 'n american Protestantism, New Haven, 194C.

 

 

In this book the author traces the rise of the Social Gosbel
movement in the United States---its birth, its develobment,
its coming or age. Its value is noted by the number of
references drawn from it in writing this essay.

Cther material used was Donald Come, "The Social Gosbel
of Walter Rauschenbausch, " South ntlantic QUarterly, New York,
v. 49, no. 5, July, 1950, p. 546, which contrasted some of
the views of Rauschenbausch with those of other Social Gosbelers.

hagazine articles that were found of value were
"Washington Gladden," Outlook, New Yorx, v. 52, November 9,
1895, p. 745, "Dr. Gladden's Election to City Council,"
Outlook, New Yorn, v. 65, April 14, 1900, p. 55, which gave
a goodemcount of his victory in the city election, George
borris's "Preacher and Patriot," Century, New York, v. 49,
1905, p. 815, and "The Jork of Washington Gladden," Egglggg,
New York, v. 52, January 27, 1906, p. 154. an article by
Fredrick U. Adams entitled "Are Great Fortunes Great Dangers?",

Cosmobolitan, New York, v. 40, February, 1906, p. 596, gave

 

3

some clear-cut Opinions oi Gladden concerning wealth,

income tax, and municipal ownership of utilities. "The
Twenty-fifth anniversary of Commencement of the Pastorate

of hashington Gladden" at the First Congregational Church

in Columbus in 19C7 gave some excellent evidence of the

high esteem Gladden was held in by his congregation and
fellow citizens. Peter Clark's article, "Washington Gladden,

First Citizen of Columbus," Cplliers', New York, v. 49,

 

June 19, 1912, b. 20 gave a very good picture of Gladden.
Other articles about Gladden were "Character of Gladden,"
Outlook, flew York, v. 95, December 4, 1909, p 776,
"Washington Gladden, Retirenent," Outlook, New York, v. 106,
January 24, 1914, p. 160, and "Peace Prize Essay," Literanz
gist, New Lork, v. 521, June 24, 1.916, I» 1848.

Articles that appeared after G adden's death and were
used to obtain the reactions of others were "Washington
Gladden, Obituary," Outlook, New York, v. 119, July 17, 1918,
a. 442 and "Death of bashinbton Gladden," The Indenendcat,
New York, v. 95, July 20, 1918, p. 77. An article also
useful was Reverend Gains G. atkins' "An Address In bemory
of v'iashington Gladden," given at the First Conbregational
Church, Columbus, Ohio, February 15, 1919.

From the magazine Cutlook, New York, v. 95, august 27,

1910, p. 908, an article, "Street Car Strike in Columbus."

gave the history of the deveIOpment of this strike which
was used for background material. Also, under the

Religious hews in the Christian Union, New York, v. 44,

 

no. 1, July 4, 1891, p. 28, an account was given of the
formation of the comnittee headed by Gladden for the

Congregational Church association of Chic to investigate

(O

ocial and economic CCnCithuS in Ohio. An excerpt from

C)

eorge Herron, en Address at Kansas State Agricultural
College, The Public, v. 1, o. 15, November 5, 1898 was
used.

Although it was difficult to secure newspaper
articles on or concerning Washington Gladden, a few were

secured from the New York Times, 1905, 1916-1918.

ROOM use Um: ms...— S; , ,,
reg—2w}
W new use ONLY

 

   

“iiiiiiii“