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CROSS-CULTURAL LEARNING OF JAPANESE MARRIED WOMEN
WHO LIVED IN THE UNITED STATES

By

Hisako Inaba

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Educational Administration

2000

ABSTRACT

CROSS-CULTURAL LEARNING OF JAPANESE MARRIED WOMEN
WHO LIVED IN THE UNITED STATES

By
Hisako Inaba

In the past, the area of cross-cultural studies that involves individuals’
experience in a different culture took little interest in the process of learning in the
different culture. Instead, they focus on how an individual reacts to a foreign cultural
environment. The sojoumer’s prior life circumstances were not often taken into account,
and their application of new learning to an original culture has not been discussed widely.
By acknowledging individuals’ reasons for certain learning in a different culture, and
their application in their original culture, it is necessary to include the individuals’ prior
life circumstances and life circumstances after they returned to own culture.

This study tries to discover a series of experiences, events, and/or strategies that
Japanese women employed in learning to live in the United States and applying in Japan.
As a recognized outcome of experiences, a concept of self in their own terms (emic view)
is looked into. In this way, a Japanese woman’s learning experiences in the foreign
culture are understood in her context. The objective of this study was to find categories
as they emerged and identify critical experiences that contributed to their change in self
concept.

The study was conducted in Tokyo, Japan, in 1998. The participants were six
Japanese women, ages 30-50, who lived in the United States for a year or more during

1992 and 1996, not in exclusively Japanese neighborhoods. and returned to Japan. The

 

study consisted of three 1.5 hour in-depth personal interviews. All interviews were
conducted within three months.

All interviews were transcribed and summarized. The categories were found
by clustering similar experiences between interviewees. Categories found in the life
prior to their sojourn included expectation of housewives. stress in the community. stress
of being a housewife, family, relations with other housewives, role of mother, role of wife
and husband, stress at home, images of the United States, anticipation/willingness to go
abroad, work experiences, and self (111. 911191373113 and_amae). Categories found to be
important in their lives during the sojourn included physical surroundings, ethnic groups,
diversity in Americans, role of husband and man, role of mother-in-law and daughter-in-
law, diversity in white Americans, democracy, housewives and individualism, woman’s
role, learning opportunities, everyday, outing, self (ki, emote-Jim, and me), disorienting
dilemma, reflection, and learning strategies. Categories found to be important to their
lives after the sojourn included America-gaeri (retemees from America), expectations for
themselves, association with current activities, norm change, new perspectives, and
international activities. Their “ki (spiritual energy)” has been described to show the
change during three phases of pre-, during and post- U.S. stay, but no common pattern
was found. Each woman described how her experiences in the United States aided that
she became assertive, abandoned the desire to be an ideal mother, learned to manage
heavy amae (dependency or indulgence) relationships, accepted being deviant from other
Japanese women, learned to manage her “ki” in an environment that did not offer strong

sekemfl (critical eyes of others), and found alternative life options.

 

Copyright by
HISAKO INABA
2000

AKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the Richard L. Featherstone Society for the
scholarship that enabled me to launch my dissertation research. I would also like to
acknowledge the work of my committee and especially the work of my chair, Dr. Kathryn
M. Moore for her significant time commitment to me over a year across the Pacific
Ocean. Thanks to Dr. Dennis P. Patterson for his two visits to Japan while I was
conducting my research, and especially his encouragement and understanding of
Japanese culture. I appreciate Dr. Patricia W. D’Itri for her willingness to accept my
“voyage” and her patience that something good would come out of my data. Thanks to
Dr. Marylee Davis for her support especially the comforts that she gave during the times
when I was so unsure of what to do next.

I acknowledge Professor Michio Nitta of the Institute of Social Science, Tokyo
University for his help in editing letters in Japanese that I sent out to my interviewees. I
appreciate Professor Akimitsu Ushikubo of Tokyo University of Agriculture for his
assistance in locating potential interviewees, and providing an office for interviews.
The Institute of Social Science at the Tokyo University also offered me a status of
Research Fellow that allowed me to use an office and have computer access to library
resources. Ms. Irene Unkefer for her prompt communication that was valuable for me

especially when I returned to the campus from overseas.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ..................................................... XII
LIST OF FIGURES ................................................... XIII
CHAPTERlilNTRODUCTION 1
BACKGROUND ................................................... 1
PROBLEM STATEMENT ............................................ 5
PURPOSE OF STUDY .............................................. 9
ASSUMPTIONS ................................................... 10

1. Symbolic Interactionism ...................................... 10

2. Relativism ................................................. 10

3. Culture .................................................... 10

4. Social Constructivism ........................................ 11
RESEARCH QUESTIONS .......................................... 12
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ................................... 14
ORGANIZATIONAL OUTLINE OF THE STUDY REPORT -------------- 14
SUMMARY ...................................................... 1 5
CHAPTER 2; LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................... 16
INTRODUCTION ................................................. 16

(1) Historical and Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan °°°°°°°°° l6
Ryosai Kenbo (Good Wife, Wise Mother) Education for Women ''''''' 25

Debate on “Sufu as a Secondary Occupation” ------------------------ 30

(2) Cross-Cultural Learning .......................................... 34
psychological Models .......................................... 36

Learning Models - Behavioral Approaches °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 41

Learning in Transition .......................................... 44

(3) The Japanese Concept of Self ..................................... 50

CHAPTER 3: DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
OVERVIEW OF DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 58
Reframing Questions .......................................... 63

vi

Study Design ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 64

Participant Selection ........................................... 66
Criteria for Selection ........................................... 67
Interview Process ............................................. 68
Consent Form ................................................. 69
Interviews .................................................... 70
Language Presentation ......................................... 73
Reasons for not Using Computer Software ------------------------- 74
Translation .................................................. 76
Advantage and Disadvantage of Japanese Interviewer °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 76
Rumor among Interviewees ..................................... 77
Usage of Tape Recorder and Transcriber --------------------------- 77
Expenditure to participants ...................................... 78
DATA ANALYSIS ................................................. 78
RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY ..................................... 79
LIMITATIONS ................................................... 80
SUMMARY ...................................................... 80
CHAPTER 4- FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ............................. 82

RESEARCH QUESTION 1:
How do these women describe what it was like to be a Japanese

woman living in the United States? ............................... 86
(1) What was the community like for these women before they
went to the United States? ................................... 86
Stress in the Community .................................. 88
Housewives’ Hierarchy ................................... 90
(2) What was their family like before they went to the United
States? ................................................... 9 I
Expectation 0f Housewives ............................... 9]
Stress Of being a Housewife ............................... 93
Farnily ................................................ 93
Relations with Other Housewives °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 94
R018 Of Mother ......................................... 95
Role of Wife and Husband ................................ 97
Stress at Home ......................................... 98

(3) What were their images of America before they went to the

vii

 

United States? ............................................ I 00

Anticipation/Willingness to Go Abroad --------------------- 100
(4) How was the k1 energy of the Japanese women before they
went to the United States? .................................. I02
(5) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them the most
before they went to the United States? °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 102

(6) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and
tatemaeflmnne that concerned them the most before they

went to the United States? .................................. 102

SeIf_ ki, emote-ma, and mine ............................... 103

Dyadic Relation .......................................... 108
(7) What types of critical events had these women experienced

before they went to the United States? °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 111

Work Experiences ......................................... l 12
(8) What types of personal goals did they have before they went

to the United States? ....................................... I I3
(9) What types of prior inter-cultural experiences did they have

before they went to the United States? °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 115

RESEARCH QUESTION 2:

How does a Japanese married woman, after returning to Japan,
describe what is was like to be a Japanese woman living in a not-
exclusively Japanese community in the United States? --------------- 117

(1) What was the community like that these women lived in in

the United States? ......................................... 117
Surroundings .......................................... I I 7
Ethnic Groups ......................................... I 19
Diversity in America .................................... 124

(2) What was everyday life like for these women who were

Iiving in the United States? .................................. I27
ROIC Of Husband and Man ................................ 127
Role of Mother-in-Law and Daughter-in-Law ---------------- 130
Diversity aniong White Americans ......................... I 31
Democracy ........................................... I 32

viii

 

Housewives and Individualism ............................ I33

Woman’s Role ......................................... I 3 3
Learning Opportunities .................................. I 3 5
Everyday Activities ..................................... l 36
Outings ..................................................... 1 38

(3) How was the ki energy of the Japanese woman in the United

States? oooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo I 40

(4) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them most in

the United States? ......................................... I40

(5) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and

tatemae/honne like that concerned the Japanese women most

in the United States? ....................................... 140
Self_ ki, me, and front/back ............................ 140
(6) What types of disorienting dilemmas did these women have
in the United States? ....................................... 142
(7) What types of reflection did these women have in the United
States? .................................................. I 44
(8) What types of learning strategies did these women undertake
in the United States? ....................................... 145
RESEARCH QUESTION 3:

In what ways and to what extent do the Japanese women who
lived in the United States associate this experience with
subsequent decisions regarding their activities and interactions

with others afier they retun-Ied to Japarl? ooooooooooooooooooooooooooo 147
(1) What were the women amedkaggaeri (returnees from America) like? °°°°° 147

(2) What did these women conceive as their expectations for

themselves after they returned to Japan? --------------- ' ------------- 151

(3) In what way and to what extent do these women associate what they
experienced in the United States with the activities they currently

engage in and plan? ............................................ I 56
(4) What are the perceived changes in norms due to living in the United
States? Why and why not? ..................................... 165
(5) What was the ki energy of the Japanese woman like after they
returned to Japan? .............................................. I70
ix

 

 

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned the Japanese women

the most after they returned to Japan? .............................. 170
(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and

tatemaelhonne that concerned them the most after they returned to

Japan? ..................................................... I70

(8) What new perspectives did these women attain? -------------------- 172
(9) What types of international activities do these women participate

in? ..................................................... I 78

DISCUSSION: ..................................................... 179

(1) Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan °°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 180

a. Assertiveness .............................................. 180

b_ Changing an Ideal .......................................... 185

C. DeVIanCC from Other women ................................. 188

(1. Alternative Life Options ..................................... 190

(2) Cross_CuItm-ai Learning ......................................... 191

a_ Taylor’s Model ............................................ 191

b. Learning ................................................. 198

(3) The Japanese Concept of Self .................................... 199

a. Managing Amae (dependency or indulgence) Relationship °°°°°°°°° 199

b. Managing ki ............................................... 201

c. General State Ofki .......................................... 202

d_ Changes in self Concept ..................................... 204

CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, MAJOR FINDTNGS, IMPLICATIONS, AND EFLECTION

..................................................... 207

SUMMARY ..................................................... 207
M AJOR FINDINGS ............................................... 208
(1) Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan °°°°°°°°°°°°°°° 208
Assertiveness .......................................... 203

Changing an Ideal ...................................... 212

Deviance from Other women ............................. 213

Alternative Life Options ................................. 215

(2) Cross-Cultural Learning ..................................... 217

(3) The Japanese Concept of Self ................................ 219
FURTHER RESEARCH ........................................... 220

IMPLICATIONS ................................................. 224

(1) English as a Second Language Class -------------------------- 224

(2) Learning Back Home ...................................... 225

(3) Learning Opportunity ...................................... 226
REFLECTION ................................................... 226
APPENDIX A PARTICIPANT CONSENT ................................. 23I
APPENDIX B. INTERVIEW QUESTIONS ................................ 234
APPENDIX C: LETTER TO INTERVIEWEES ---------------------------- 239
BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................... 241

xi

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 _ Overview of StUdy Design ................................... 65

Table 2 _ General State OfKi ........................................ 203

xii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 __ U-shaped Curved Model .................................... 37

xiii

 

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUND

Today in Japan, many Japanese women are venturing into the larger world to
learn and to develop themselves. One of the ways that women are able to go abroad
is by accompanying their husbands. This research is about Japanese married women
who lived in the United States for a year or more with their family members, and
returned to Japan. The inquiry for this study is these women’s learning content in
the United States, and the consequence of that learning that they claim back in Japan.

Historically, going abroad to learn in the Edo period (1603-1868) in Japan was
not easy. Death was the punishment for breaking the national seclusion law, which
went into effect in 1640 (Ishizuki, 1992). In 1853, the American Commodore,
William Perry arrived. This incident made the Japanese government prepare for
foreign military incursions by constructing or purchasing naval warships, learning
navigation, and increasing their knowledge of foreign cultures (Ishizuki, 1992).

In the Meiji restoration period (1868-1912), studying abroad to learn about
Western society was considered the most important means to achieve social
advancement. The number of Japanese who went abroad between 1861 and 1912 is
reported at about 4,200. (Tezuka, 1992). Major areas of study included military

science, especially naval information, science, and medical studies (Ishizuki, 1992).

 

These people contributed to the establishment of the modern Japanese democratic
nation.

A small number of Japanese women went abroad and returned to Japan during
the Meiji period (1868-1912). About one hundred and thirty years after the Meiji
restoration period (1868-1912), Japan became recognized as a modern industrial
nation. It participated in the world economy in a manner not seen in any earlier
historical time.

Globalization continues today not only in business but also in education.
Students study abroad, and faculty go to foreign countries to conduct research. In
1996, 5,180,000 Japanese people visited the United States for business, study, tourism,
and other purposes (Ministry of Sorifu, 1997). In 1993, 10,746 people entered as
exchange visitors, and 6,473 people entered the United States as spouses and children
of exchange visitors. Unlike other nationalities, most Japanese return to Japan (U .S.
Department of Justice, 1994, p. 130). Unlike men who went abroad in the Meiji era
and after, Japanese women frequently are not “assigned” a mission of their own.
Instead, most married women accompany their husbands, whose assignments are
business or study. The living conditions of women and their families in the
United States have varied from urban and suburban to rural. (Ministry of Education,
1989). Some women live in communities with high concentrations of Japanese.
The circumstances under which they locate in certain communities vary. Some
companies prepare housing before they arrive, so some women are offered only one
housing choice. Some communities offer the new arrivals special services,
sometimes organized by the local Japanese communities to meet the needs of these

Japanese families. Many women, however, start their lives in the new environment

with little or no organized assistance.

Various studies have reported on married women and their families who lived
in exclusively Japanese neighborhoods. Some researchers found that these
communities are “more Japanese” than those in Japan (Flory, 1989). The research
also indicated that the concerns of women who lived in the exclusively Japanese
neighborhoods concentrated on the issues they expected to encounter when they
returned to Japan (Shinkai, 1994). As mothers’ concerns about their children could
be alleviated by special schools, their children’s education in the home country
concerned them the most. The exclusively Japanese communities offer various
support systems to meet their concerns. Examples are full time schools and
supplementary Saturday schools established by the Japanese government and
Japanese businesses. These are intended to prepare Japanese children to cope with
the difficulties anticipated when they return to Japan.

Some support systems are designed to meet women’s own needs as they cope
with the American culture. These include English language schools and community
education classes. Recent additions to the support system include the intemet World
Wide Web site in the Japanese language. It features helpful hints on various aspects
of life in the new culture (Sakarnoto, 1997). The United States communities with
concentrated Japanese populations usually offer local newspapers in the Japanese
language, Japanese restaurants, bookstores, and grocery stores that carry raw fish and
other specialized foodstuffs for Japanese cuisine. Cable channels air Japanese news
and dramas 24 hours a day, and an organized business or community may support
some cultural activities such as an outing in cherry blossom season or (1an dance

festival in the middle of August. Some physicians, lawyers, and real-estate agents

also speak Japanese in such communities (YPJ, 1989).

However, women who do not live in these exclusively Japanese
neighborhoods do not enjoy many of these services. These women have to struggle
more immediately with a greater diversity of cultural issues. Some cases of
difficulties associated with life in a foreign culture have been reported in the
newspapers. For example, after a woman was charged in the drowning death of her
new-born baby (Detroit Free Press, 11/3/95), her cultural and social isolation were
attributed as the cause of her depression (Fetters, 1997).

After they struggle to adjust to the foreign culture, most of these women
return to Japan where they are obliged to readjust to their local communities (White,
1988). Kashima (1989) points out that some of these returning women become
more active in their local communities than they had been previously. Kashima’s
(1989) study suggests that the Japanese women who lived in foreign countries may
undergo some internal or external, subtle or drastic changes. White’s (1988) study
suggests that whether this change is subtle or substantial, real or imaginary, these
women had to readjust to their home communities.

These studies did not consider the women’s reactions to these experiences in
foreign countries and how they were interpreted when the women returned to Japan.
Many questions remain unanswered. Did the experience of living in the United
States lead Japanese married women to change their perception of their activities?
What accounts for such changes? Presumably, everyone lives under different
circumstances, and each individual makes different interpretations of the surrounding
phenomena. An overriding question, then, is what kinds of cross-cultural learning

occur as a consequence of a foreign experience, and how do these women sojoumers

retain or revise their self concept?

PROBLEM STATEMENT

Cross-cultural studies offer two major types of inquiry. One focuses on one
population and compares cultural behaviors with the population of another culture.
For example, an ethnographic study which deals with a native population is often
utilized to compare with another (cf. Marcus & Fischer, 1986). This comparison
sometimes shows varying degrees of difference in certain categories of behaviors.
Some examples are comparisons of property rights, inegalitarian political relations,
family, law, and religious authority across cultures (Marcus and Fischer, 1986, p. 128).
Psychological comparisons can be made at a micro level, and social structural
comparisons can be made at a macro level.

Another area deals with the cross-cultural experience itself. It also offers the
potential for analyses at the micro and macro levels. An experience of a different
culture may range from direct interaction with persons from that culture to indirect
exposure to information through mass media. The cross-cultural experiences are the
processes which sojoumers undergo while they are in a foreign country, and they
have been studied extensively.

There are several stages of that process, including culture shock. Culture
shock may occur when people enter foreign environments for substantial periods of
time. A feeling of frustration and anxiety may arise when familiar cultural cues are
suddenly removed and replaced by new and seemingly bizarre behavior (Oberg.
1960). This line of inquiry contributes to predicting the psychological result caused

by numerous internal as well as external factors associated with a person’s

_‘1

experiences in unfamiliar surroundings. When people have to leave the foreign
country and return to their own, a similar phenomenon called reverse culture shock
may occur.

Some researchers agree, however, that those people who engage in extended
cross-cultural experiences are apt to attain some learning and development. For
example, Kim and Ruben (1988) recognize “gradual change” even as a person
experiences culture shock. They see a change “beyond the cognitive, affective, and
behavioral limits of their original culture. . . projecting a personhood that transcends
any given cultural group. . . not bounded by any specific cultural attributes” (p. 306).

What constitutes these internal as well as external factors that make a person
feel frustrated and anxious, and yet contribute to a person’s learning when he/she
crosses cultural borders? What kind of learning occurs when “familiar cues” are
replaced with “new” and “seemingly bizarre behavior?” How are these behaviors of
a different culture incorporated into everyday life back in their home culture? Why
do most people who return to their own countries experience reverse culture shock
despite cues that remain familiar after a year or more in a foreign culture?

Taylor (1994) interviewed 12 interculturally competent Americans, and
offered a model of the learning process of becoming interculturally competent.
“Intercultural competency” is the certain types of skills and attributes which can
predict the successful intercultural experience (Hammer, Gudykunst, and Wiseman,
1978). Taylor found that these interculturally competent Americans presented a
learning model which contains a series of experiences, events, and/or strategies.
These components. are “setting the stage, cultural disequilibrium, nonreflective

orientation, reflective orientation, behavioral learning strategies, and evolving

intercultural identity (p. 160). Taylor points out that Mezirow’s theory of
perspective transformation explained the nonreflective and reflective orientation
process of intercultural competency.

For Mezirow (1991), reflection is “the process of critically assessing the
content, process, or premise(s) of our efforts to interpret and give meaning to an
experience” (p. 104). Content reflection is reflection on what we perceive, think,
feel, or act upon” (p. 107). Process reflection is “an examination of how we perform
these functions of perceiving, thinking, feeling, or acting and an assessment of our
eflicacy in performing them” (p. 108). It also involves a “critique of how we are
perceiving, thinking, judging, feeling, and acting . . .” (p. 106). Premise reflection
involves “our becoming aware of why we perceive, think, feel, or act as we do and of
the reasons for and consequences of our possible habits of hasty judgment, conceptual
inadequacy, or error in the process of judging . . .” (p. 108). It is also “an assessment
of the validity of norms, roles, codes, ‘common sense,’ ideologies, language games,
paradigms, philosophies, or theories that we have taken for granted” (p. 105). These
types of reflection make “perspective transformation” possible.

Mezirow (1991) describes “perspective transformation” as follows:

“Perspective transformation is the process of becoming critically aware of
how and why our assumptions have come to constrain the way we perceive,
understand, and feel about our world; changing these structures of habitual
expectation to make possible a more inclusive, discriminating, and integrative
perspective; and finally, making choices or otherwise acting upon these new
understandings. (p. 167)”

Mezirow (1991) finds that the process of transformation requires ten phases as

follows.

1. A disorienting dilemma

2. Self-examination with feelings of guilt or shame

3. A critical assessment of epistemic, sociocultural, or psychic assumptions

4. Recognition that one’s discontent and the process of transformation are
shared and that others have negotiated a similar change

5. Exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions

6. Planning of a course of action

7. Acquisition of knowledge and skills for implementing one’s plans

8. Provisional trying of new roles

9. ' Building of competence and self-confidence in new roles and relationships;

and
10. A reintegration into one’s life on the basis of conditions dictated by one’s
new perspective (p. 168—9).

Mezirow’s model has not been applied to other population such as Japanese
women who have been found to construct their concept of “self” in different ways.
For example, Nancy Rosenberger (1992) presents a middle aged Japanese woman’s
life history and suggests a three dimensional movement of self concept of Japanese
k1; (psycho-spiritual) energy, relationship and contexts. All three parameters change
depending on how a Japanese woman is situated at certain points in her life.
Rosenberger’s (1992) research presented several turning points that marked change in
three aspects of the self of the woman she studied: World War II, college education,
teaching profession, marriage, living with her mother-in-law and sister-in-law,
menopause, and leaving the in-laws household. Japanese women, according to
Rosenberger (1992), create with their fiiends, students, and relatives, experiences of
“ordering and generative powers, giving and receiving as they move through and
signify multiple positions in various contexts and relationships (p. 88).”

Do the Japanese women who lived in the United States for a year or more go

through the cross-cultural learning process as Taylor or Mezirow indicated? Could
an experience of living in the United States for a year or more provide such an
occasion for a Japanese woman to evolve an intercultural identity that is a result of
cross-cultural learning? Do these Japanese women present Mezirow’s critical
reflection process for a perspective transformation? Before we examine these
models are applicable to a different population, it is necessary to know if such a
transition phenomenon exists in a particular population such as Japanese married
women. An ethnographic interview can make it possible to find out whether or not
such a transition phenomenon of one’s “self” concept occurs in a group of people
who are culturally very different from these Mezirow or Taylor researched. In
order to find out such a phenomenon, it is considered inevitable to look into personal
contexts for reasoning for crosscultural learning that brings about changes in one’s
“self” concept. A woman who moves from her original culture to a different one
and returns to her original culture provides a good case to examine the learning
content because the contexts and relationship in Japanese culture, in this case, are
different from these in American culture. How do Japanese women apply their
learning to the Japanese culture when they return to Japan, and what aspects of

learning play significant role for successful application?

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

In this study, I will examine, through in-depth interviews, a series of
experiences, events, and/or strategies of Japanese married women who lived in the
United States of America, for a year or more during 1993 and 1997 and returned to

Japan. The concepts that will be used to interpret the various personal experiences

 

include Japanese emic (insider’s) categories such as “ki” (psycho-spiritual) energy,
the dyadic relationship embodied in the giving and taking of indulgence, and the
context signified by related sets of terms such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae
(meaning on-stage)/honne (meaning off-stage) (Rosenberger, 1992). From emic
descriptions of these women, hopefully a segment of contextual and relational

learning process will be explored.

ASSUMPTIONS
This study may have been influenced by the following assumptions on the part of the

researcher:

l. Symbolic interactionism

“The term ‘symbolic interaction’ refers, of course, to the peculiar and
distinctive character of interaction as it takes place between human beings.
This peculiarity consists in the fact that human beings interpret or ‘define’
each other’s actions instead of merely reacting to each other’s actions. Their
‘response’ is not made directly to the actions of another but instead is based
on the meaning which they attach to such actions. Thus, human interaction
is mediated by the use of symbols, by interpretation, or by ascertaining the
meaning of one another’s actions. (Blumer, 1962, p. 180)”

2. Relativism

“Relativism is the position that all assessments are assessments relative to
some standard or other, and standards derive from cultures (Jarvie, 1983, p.
46).

3. Culture

“It (culture) denotes an historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied
in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by

10

 

means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge
about and attitudes toward life (Geertz, 1973, p. 89).”

4. Social Constructivism

“The intransigent background to all human action is the human conversation,
the elements of which are the acts produced by the joint actions of
speakers . . . The conversation, as a flow of joint actions, is . . . that of the
flow of electromagnetic energy. It is made by all the people, but at the will

'of none. At the same time, it is in that world that persons are made.
Speakers (and the listeners who become speakers in their turn) are the
locations at which act-bearing actions occur. But those speakers are human
beings, constituted as people by the acquisition of the skills that permit them
to enter into the conversation. The acquisition is in the end the effect of
these human beings attaining mindedness, constructing private miniaturized
versions, microcosms, of the great conversations that constitute civilizations.
Discourse and person are mutually constituted beings. They are internally
related (Harre, 1992, p. 157).”

ll

Research Questions

The main research questions addressed in this study are:
1. How does a Japanese married woman, after returning to Japan, describe what it
was like to be a Japanese woman living in a not-exclusively Japanese community in

the U. S.?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1) What was the community like that these women lived in in the U. S.?

(2) What was everyday life like for these women who were living in the U. S.?

(3) How was their ki energy of the Japanese woman in the United States?

(4) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them most in the United States?

(5) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/bonus: like
that concerned the Japanese women most in the United States?

(6) What types of disorienting dilemma did these women have in the U. S.?

(7) What types of reflection did these women have in the U. S.?

(8) What types of learning strategies did these women undertake in the U. S.?

2. How does a Japanese married woman describe what it was like to be a Japanese

woman living in Japan prior to going to the U. S.?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1.) What was the community like for these women before they went to the U. S.?

(2) What was the family like for these women before they went to the United
States?

(3) What were the images of America before they went to the U. S.?

(4) What was everyday life like before they went to the U. S.?

(5) How was their ki energy of the Japanese women before they went to the U. S.?

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them the most before they went
to the U. S.?

12

(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/home that
concerned them the most before they went to the U. S.?

(8) What types of critical events had these women experienced before they went
to the United States?

(9) What types of personal goals did they have before they went to the United
States?

(10) What types of prior inter-cultural experiences did they have before they went
to the United States?

3. In what ways and to what extent does a Japanese woman who lived in the United
States associate this experience with subsequent decisions regarding their activities

and interactions with others after they returned to Japan?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1) What were the women amerika-gaeri (returnees from America) like?

(2) What did these women conceive as their expectations for themselves after they
returned to Japan?

(3) In what way and to what extent do these women associate what they
experienced in the U. S. with the activities they currently engage in and plan?

(4) What are the perceived changes in norms due to living in the United States?
Why and why not?

(5) What was the ki energy of the Japanese woman like after they returned to
Japan?

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned the Japanese women the most
after they returned to Japan?

(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/home that
concerned them the most after they returned to Japan?

(8) What new perspectives did these women attain?

(9) What types of international activities do these women participate in?

13

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study will examine the cross-cultural learning of the Japanese married
women and its application when they returned to Japan. The content of learning and
its application will be found from their personal descriptions. The content of
learning will be described in their emic terms, and the application will be in their
personal context. It will be focused on psycho-spiritual energy known as ki, me or
an indulgence relationship, and the context of formality and informality known as
solo and ughi (Rosenberger, 1992).

This study will also provide practical information about models of cross-
cultural experience. Not only Japanese women who plan voluntarily or involuntarily
to have cross-cultural experiences, but also individuals surrounding them at home and
overseas, cross-cultural program administrators, multi-cultural counselors, English-
as-a-second-language educators, educational administrators, and policy makers will

benefit in being better able to plan, carry out, and evaluate programs.

ORGANIZATIONAL OUTLINE OF THE STUDY REPORT

Chapter 1: the background and focus of the study a statement of the problem, the
purpose, assumptions, research questions, significance, related research, an overview
of the design, and an organizational outline of the report

Chapter 2: a review of literature in areas of study related to the topic:, Cultural
Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan, Cross-Cultural Communication and
Learning, and the Japanese Concept of Self

Chapter 3: the research design and methodology. This includes a description of the

researcher’s information collection procedures and data analysis

14

Chapter 4: findings and discussion
Chapter 5: a discussion of the conclusions and implications that can be drawn from

this study. Suggestions for further research and reflection

SUMMARY

In this chapter, the historical movement of Japanese from Japan to the United
States was outlined with a focus on women’s experiences. Although past research
dealt with cross-cultural psychology centering on the concept of culture shock and
stages of cultural adaptation, research from the point of view of learning was
generally missing. In this study, an emic (insider’s) view is taken into account to
examine Japanese married women’s cross-cultural learning and its application when

they returned Japan.

15

Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

INTRODUCTION
A review of the literature relevant to this study includes three main conceptual
areas: (1) cultural assumptions of women’s ideals in Japan, (2) cross-cultural

communication and learning studies, and (3) studies on the Japanese concept of self.

(1) Historical and Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan

A taxonomy of women in Japan is still under discussion (cf. Ueno, 1987).
Some terms to indicate a certain group of women may not be translated into English
with full connotations. For example, shufu, a word that is ofien translated as
“housewife” in English, was developed from the meaning of “female head of the
house” (Yanagida, quoted by Ueno, 1987). Shufu is also the leader of a group of
women who resided in an extended household, a situation that was commonly
observed around 1910.

Studies of Japanese women have been introduced to America since the 1860s.
The images depicted often reflect more “. . . the changes in American attitudes
concerning gender in general, and attitudes to Japanese society, than it does of
historical developments in Japan” (Kuzume, 1991). Kuzume concludes that

American attitudes influenced the image of Japanese women.

16

 

Only 25 articles and books are listed in the section on “Education Since World
War II” in Huber’s (1992) Wm, 30 for “Education Prior to
World War II,” and 8 for “Overviews in Education.” The contents vary from general
descriptions of women’s education (Burton, 1914, Shakai Kyoikukyoku, 1972 ), to
biographies of prominent women who contributed to women’s education in Japan,
such as Tsuda Ume(ko) (Chapman, 1987, Yamazaki, 1989), and Naruse J inzo (Naruse,
1910). Among 38 listings in the two sections of Huber’s bibliography on
“Overviews” and “Education Prior to World War 11,” only one article overlaps with
the articles that Kuzume uses to claim the characteristics of the period between 1910
and 45 when foreign missionaries flourished. Kuzume’s (1991) section on Japanese
women’s reaction to the writings of missionaries during the same period also overlaps
only one with Huber’s (1992).

Interestingly, Uchino’s (1981) bibliography on Japanese women lists 118
academic books, excluding journal articles on education, but offers only one book
related to Christian education. It was edited by Nihon Kirisuto Kyodan (1960).
General educational history books contain some sections on Christian education in
Japan. For example, Hiratsuka’s (1965) book contains sections on Protestantism
and women’s education, and Catholicism and women’s higher education.

It is not clear if the American writings about Japanese women reflect their
attitudes concerning gender in general, and attitudes toward Japanese society, because
Kuzume’s selected writings may not be considered as representative by other
bibliographers. However, it is clear, at least, that there were different “historical
developments in Japan” (Kuzume, 1991, p. 4) from what Kuzume observed about the

descriptions of Japanese women in the United States. In order to bridge the gap, 1

l7

will include American as well as Japanese materials for this study.

Among numerous issues and problems related to women in Japan, I will focus
primarily on scholars’ discussions on the status and the role of housewives.
Historically, women were known to have relatively equal status with men until the
Ritsuryo system was firlly established. Ritsuryo is the “system of centralized
patrimonial rule, informed by elaborate legal codification called ritsuryo” that
“developed in late 7th-century Japan, reached maturity in the early 8th century”
(Kiley, 1983). Before the introduction of this system, a woman was considered to be
“someone who is creative, has leadership, and is fertile and strong” (Yoshie, 1993).
Women were active in religion (Katsuura, 1993) and literature (Umemura, 1993).

Early Buddhism perceived women as the inferior gender. Katsuura (1993)
describes how Buddhist texts see a woman as “someone who jeopardize men from
training and austerities, and who are messengers from Hades” (p. 39). When women
desire to gig or jgbmsn (attain Buddhahood after death), stricter conditions, such as
extra training, are required (Katsuura, 1993, p. 39). Women are known in Hokekyo
(one of the Buddhist texts) to be gosho who are ineligible for assuming the five high
positions of the Buddhist society. When women desire to attain Buddhahood, a
metamorphosis to a man is the required condition called henjgumnshi, This view
actually was not accepted in Japan when Buddhism was introduced, but after the 9th
century a copy of the practice was required for women (tennmjobmsnkyo) (Katsuura,
1993, p. 44). Over time, women’s status was gradually lowered. Katsuura (1993)
points out that the law for monks and nuns assumed that monks had the primary
position (p. 42). Although the numbers of nuns increased, they were gradually

placed under the monks’ authority (Katsuura, 1993).

18

Along with Buddhism, Confucianism was introduced to Japan in the 4th
century, and Neo-Confucianism later (McMullen, 1983). [Although many
writings on Japanese life do not attribute various behaviors to specific religious
activities, certain clusters of symbolic behaviors and ideas can be attributed to the
specific religion or philosophy] Confucianism is a “moral, cultural and political
teaching that originated in ancient China” (McMullen, 1993). It is often classified
as a religion but is “mainly a philosophical, ethical, and political teaching”
(McMullen, 1983). According to its teaching, morality is considered to be
embodied in “filial piety, a child’s respect for and obedience to its parents, in practice
mainly to the father” (McMullen, 1983). For women, its teaching concerns sanjn,
literally translated as three obediences, which guide women to obey the parent when
they are young, the husband when they are married, and the oldest son when they are
old.

Based on Confucianism, the manual of ethics and proper behavior for women,
called Onna Daigaku (The Great Learning for Women) was published and widely
circulated in the early 18th century. It remained in circulation until the end of the
. 19th century. Authorship of this text was first attributed to Kaibara Ekken (Ekiken),
but later his wife, Kaibara Token was speculated to be the author (Hironaka, 1983).
Hironaka (1983) points out that the Onna Daigaku is considered to be “most
important because of the influence it had in defining the position of women and their
role within the narrow confines of Japan’s family system (p. 108).”

Onna Daigaku is composed of 19 chapters that contain general principles
regarding women’s education and behavioral codes (Hironaka, 1983). The emphasis

was on “subordination to husbands, chastity, the cultivation of a forgiving nature, and

19

the fulfillment of obligations to in-laws (Komicki, 1993)” Some excerpts are as
follows. (Komicki, 1993, p. 167)
Use few words and refrain from speaking a great deal.
Do not drink a lot of tea or sake.
Have nothing to do with anything lewd like kabuki.
Until you are 40, do not frequent places like temples and shrines where lots of
people gather.

Consider your husband as your master, respect him, and serve him deferentially.

Two major criticisms were registered against Onna Daigaku: one from the
philosophical sect called Kokugaku led by Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801); another
from Fukuzawa Yukichi' (1899). Seki, Tamiko (1993) shows that Iseki, Takako
(1785-1844) left a diary describing her true feelings when her husband was dying, in
contrast to hiding her feelings as Consucianism teaches. Seki (1993) points out that
Iseki, a student of Motoori, sees men and women as having equal “michi (way)” and
rejects subjugation to the male head of the family (p. 147). Another point of Iseki’s
criticism is about the foreign origin of Confucianism which makes its followers,
especially female followers, guilty just because of their different nature. Iseki
describes this as “despicable, and unnecessary” (p. 147).

Fukuzawa’s (1899) criticism is very well known through “A Critique of the
Greater Learning for Women” and “The New Greater Learning for Women.” He
attacks “the unreasonableness and the injustice of the moral standards governing the
women of Japan” (Kiyooka Eiichi, 1988, p. 171).

For example, Fukuzawa questions Kaibara’s suggestion of a “demarcation

20

separating women from men” (Chamberlain, Basil Hall, WW 1890) as

being impractical or inappropriate. (Kiyooka, 1988, p. 177). Fukuzawa also

observed that (in spite of no separation between men and women among Westerners),

‘flmany

of these barbarians (Western ladies and gentlemen) are found to be very

upright in their moral behavior and their honor is as secure as rock or iron” (p. 177),

just what Kaibara would like to see in Japanese women. Thus, Fukuzawa rejects the

theory that social separation of men and women leads to moral correctness as
advocated by Kaibara.
Kaibara suggests Seven Reasons for Divorce in Onna Daigaku as follows:

1. A woman shall be divorced for disobedience to her father-in-law or mother-
in-law.

2. A woman shall be divorced if she fail to bear children, the reason for this rule
being that women are sought in marriage for the purpose of giving men
posterity. A barren woman should, however, be retained if her heart is
virtuous and her conduct correct and free from jealousy, in which case a child
of the same blood must be adopted; neither is there any just cause for a man
to divorce a barren wife, if he have children by a concubine.

3. Lewdness is a reason for divorce.

4. Jealousy is a reason for divorce.

5. Leprosy, or any like foul disease, is a reason for divorce.

6. A woman shall be divorced, who, by talking overrnuch and prattling
disrespectfully, disturbs the harmony of kinsmen and brings trouble on her
household.

7. A woman shall be divorced who is addicted to stealing. (p. 179-180)

Fukuzawa reacted to these suggestions as follows: First, “if the wife is rude

and unruly and shows no etiquette or sympathy for the parents of her husband, the

grounds for a divorce are reasonable.” Second, if barrenness is a reason for divorce,

an adopted son who does not beget a child after marriage to the daughter of the house

21

should be disinherited and driven out of the house with a new rule, ‘A man shall be
divorced if he fails to beget children.”’ Fukuzawa thinks that there is “no just cause
for a man to divorce a barren wife if he has a child by a concubine.” Third, the
lewdness of women singled out as a reason for divorce is not right because “more
men will be divorced because of lewdness than women.” Fourth, jealousy is
“natural for the wife to challenge him in legitimate self-defense.” F ifih, leprosy as a
reason for. divorce is “an unreasonable and outrageous rule,” because it is a
“contagious disease” and “would not be the responsibility of the person afflicted.”
Sixth, Fukuzawa writes that “it is difficult to set standards for too much talking and
too little talking,” and “it is unacceptable to make this one fault a reason for divorcing
her.” Seventh, as for stealing as a reason for divorce, “the section on family in the
Civil Law and such sources should be consulted.” Fukuzawa finally concludes that
“the ultimate purpose of every rule. is clearly to restrict women’s rights and their
activities so as to allow men the liberty to abandon their wives” ( in Kiyooka, 1988, p.
183).

It is undeniable that Onna Daigaku is criticized on the ground of different
expectations toward men and women in Japan. However, Kuwabara (1993) points
out that Kaibara Ekken’s Onna Daigaku does not suggest a different educational
content for men and women. Kaibara suggests that women learn clothmaking in
addition to the basic education for men and women in W (How to
teach Women). His Shinsen Onna Daigaku lists twelve pieces of classic literature
for women only.

Yanagida Kunio (1875-1962) is a well known folklore scholar who described

commoners’ lives in the late 19th to early 20th century in Japan. His studies imply

22

that Kaibara’s as well as Fukuzawa’s suggestions were only known to upper class
people. People who were engaged in agriculture in villages had a “kafucho sei
(patriarchal is: or family system based on the Confucian value)” The head of the
family is known as the kacho who exerts power over members of the family.
Yanagida found that the high status and power possessed by shufu, the main woman
of the household sometimes extended to more than relatives. Ueno Kazuo (1982)
points out that the family in those days was a type of work organization which
included non-relatives.

Snafu-ken is an authority possessed by shufli over “management of foods,
distribution and preparation of meals, construction and management of clothes, and
nurturing and disciplining of children” (Nagashima, 1993, p. 123). A new
daughter-in-law had no rights over these matters in spite of her residency. A
daughter-in-law was in training until the shufii decided to retire, symbolized by the
hemwatashi or shalmahimtashi (handing over the rice spatula) ritual.

Shufu is usually called “okami,” “one,” “omae,” or “okata” which indicates
“on the Miami mat,” “W (room in front),” “hank: (main family in an
extended family system of 19.),” or “Ikaa (family of long tradition” (Yanagida, 1969).
These words show that a shufu engaged in the work inside and at the center of the
house. In northern Japan, shufii is called ennshi or “head of the house” (Yanagida, p.
118). Later studies speculate on the shufu’s position from their names on the seat in
the family room. For example, ennshizza (seat for the head of the house),” “wakata:
23 (seat for upper side),” and “kami:za (upper seat) are seen as being for shufn. For
1;th (head of the house), the seat is called “yokoga (side seat),” “okuzza (seat in the

inner part), or “ma-23 (seat in the back)” Tsuboi (1985) points out that kacho’s

23

yokoga, for example, is beside shnfu’s seat.

Segawa (1957) describes the ritual of shakushiflatashi (handing over the rice
spatula). In Sado island, the last evening of the year after 6 or 10 years of living in
the husband’s house, the mother-in-law (shufu) talks the daughter-in-law, “I will give
you a spatula because I am too old (to do all the work). I would like to be taken care
of” (p. 184 translated by the author). In the Tohoku region, the mother-in-law puts a
large and a small spatula on the lid of a pan. She hits the iron hearthhooknose with
the large spatula, puts it on the lid, and pushes it to a daughter-in-law with both hands.
Some regions have witnesses at the ritual. Others use different items to symbolize
the transfer of authority. Segawa (1957) indicates that in addition to shakushi
watashi, hgnmtashi (transfer of the seat of shufiiXp. 187), sentaknmtashi (transfer
of the mending and cleaning work of the husband’s clothes)(p. 157), and nedo
watashi (transfer of the bedroom of the mother-in-law)(p. 187) also accompany this in
some regions.

According to Segawa (1957), shnfn plays various roles centered around the
foods, clothes, relationships, and rituals. In self-supporting agriculture, shnfn is
responsible for deciding how much of what grains and vegetables to plant, knowing
about edible plants in the mountains, picking and storing these vegetables, producing
soy bean paste, sake, and soy sauce, and deciding how much of what foods to give
members of the household (p. 193). Shnfu also negotiates “through shamgji (rice
spatula)” This means that meals contributed to village meetings control
productivity of the cooperative work and “face” of ie (Segawa, 1957, p. 194).
Segawa also points out that shufn’s ability determines how smooth the relationship is

with relatives, available workers who live in and out of house, and other villagers.

24

In one fishing village, Segawa (1957) recognizes that shnfn controls financial matters
(p. 197). Yanagida (1969, Vol. 15) speculates on the development of shufu along
with the development of the family (ie) system. In a society consisting of extended
families who reside in a single household, a single shufu lives with other women who
work for her. Then this society develops to be holding small single families shnfii
and a daughterjndayy. In a society that consists of nuclear families, all of the
women become shufu when they marry. Yanagida assumes that this family
development coexists with a decline of shufir’s authority.

Yanagida points out the conflict between shufu and the daughter-in-law who
resides in the same household. This conflict did not exist under the mukoiri marriage
system. After the marriage ceremony a married woman resided in her native family
while her husband would commute frdm his house. Only when the mm of his
family, his own mother, declared her intention to give up the shnfu’s authority did his

wife move into his house;

Mani Kmlm (Good Wife, Wise Mother) Education for Women

While the Shufu’s authority was acknowledged in the late 19th to early 20th
century in rural Japan, the Meiji (1868-1912) restoration swept Tokyo. It was a
period of massive social andvpolitical transformation during which Japan emerged as
a modern state. Some historical changes were as follows: first, the government
returned sovereign power to the emperor, and the imperial government issued the
Charter Oath of 1868, some of which emphasized the deliberative assemblies,
abandonment of “evil customs” of the past, and a pledge to “seek knowledge

throughout the world in order to strengthen the foundations of imperial rule.” (Jansen,

25

1983). Five classes of people (samurai, farmers, craftsmen, merchants, and outcasts)
were merged and called commoners. Based on this idea, onseidasaLcL-sho (preceding
the Education Order of 1872) was issued to show the principles of the new
educational system. One of the four principles assisted universal education, which
included girls, and proclaimed that “in a village there shall be no house without
learning, and in a house no individual without learning” (Jansen, 1983). The
Education Order of 1872 shows a detailed plan to create eight districts and place a
university in each district. Additional levels of schools were also planned, but not
fully actualized (Yamazumi, 1987). The content of learning was based on Kaibara
Ekken’s W (Cultural Disciplines for Children) for the primary level
(Yamazumi, 1987).

In 1879, the Education Order of 1872 was abolished, and the new Order of
1879 went into effect. It was revised in 1880. Shushin (morals) was emphasized
in this Revised Education Order (Hirota, 1982). The official moral education
textbooks for schools showed the revival of Confucian morals which expected
women to be “main (obedient, gentle, and well-behaved) and chastity” (Hirota,
1982). In the shushin textbook, statements like the following appeared: “If women
stop living inside (of in) and go out to engage in some other obligations (shalmmu),
the human society shall suffer from the disaster” (Hirota, 1982, p. 11). Hirota points
out that this direction was not exactly the same as it was in Edo period (1603-1868)
because the new idea] of women’s education was to create msaLkenbg (good wife,
wise mother) who are patriotic (Note: the original phrase used by Mori Arinori,
Minister of Education, 1887, was WM which literally means

“the spirit to consider the nation”) (Hirota, 1982, p. 11).

26

For women’s education, only women’s normal schools (Joshi Shihan Gakko)
and one public women’s school (Kanritsu Tokyo Jogakko) existed above the primary
level. In 1880, there were only 12 prefectural normal schools for women (Kokuritsu
Kyoiku Kenkyujo, 1974, p. 1342). Women students comprised only about 13
percent (p. 1342). The Kanritsu Tokyo Jogakko established in 1872 hired Western
teachers to teach English and emphasized general education. However, it lasted
only five years. (Murata, 1980). Women’s normal schools were also merged with
men’s normal schools, while some men’s normal schools created a division for
women (Murata, 1980). Apart from Joshi Shihan Gakko, there were girls’
secondary schools (Koto Jogakko) and private missionaries’ schools. Yamazumi
(1987) points out that twenty-two missionaries’ schools were established between
1882 and 1892 (Yamazumi, 1972, p. 71).

Because Western influence was viewed negatively by the Meiji Emperor, he
ordered Inoue Kowashi (1843-1895), the Minister of Education, to write the Imperial
Rescript on Education (1890). The content of this message continued in efl‘ect until
after World War II. (Azuma, Okuda, and Kawano, 1988). Inoue created the Koto
Jogakko system based on the Confucion idea expressed in the Imperial Rescript.
For him, the pru'pose of women’s education was to learn the virtue of supporting the
husband in any circumstances, devoting herself to educating the children, and not
flirting and becoming interested in other things or persons (taishnku_ng_toku) (the
translation of teishuku is based on the meaning provided by Kindaichi, ed.,
Shinmeikai Kokugo Jiten, Sanseido, 1972.) (Nagahara, 1982). Inoue thought that all
of the subjects for women’s education should be based on this teishukumjoku idea

(Nagahara, 1982). He believed that women had to be educated according to their

27

bun (a part, a share, duty, standing, or means) (Shimizu and Narita, 1976) which is
determined by biological differences between men and women (Nagahara, 1982).
Inoue’s Confircian idea for the women’s education plan was continued by the next
Minister of Education, Kikuchi Dairoku (1855-1917) without major revision
(Nagahara, 1982).

A principle philosophy of women’s education at that time is identified as
msaikenho (good wife, wise mother) in various laws and rulings (Nagahara, 1982).
The purpose of higher education is stated as “(to equip women with) character
(hinkaku) needed for the women of higher than middle class (p. 154).” These
women are expected to learn “diligence, frugality, orderliness, attentiveness,
discipline, and cooperation” (Nagahara, 1982, p. 154). Kikuchi Dairoku (1855-
1917), the Minister of Education, twice studied mathematics and physics in Britain
(Nihon Rekishigakkai, 1994). He preached that women needed to be virtuous,
obedient, persevere, and be harmonious” (Nagahara, 1982, p. 155). He believed that
conflicts tended to arise between young women and old women 'who lived in one
household because Japanese women held a child’s place (shiig_no__ighi) even after
they joined the family (is) (p. 155). Thus, the main goal of education was to create
women who could preserve the family system (is).

According to Fukaya (quoted by Nagahara, 1982), more than 60 percent of
female students who attended schools come from families of former samurai
(shizoku). The occupations of these people included professional and white collar
vocations such as government officials, bankers, and doctors. Another type of
occupational group was the “elite class which follows the samurai life style (F ukaya)”

The mosaLkenhQ ideology presented no contradiction to their patriarchal “ie”

28

ideology, which was dominant among samurai families at that time.

Although a limited number of people such as the socialists (Oki, 1982)
actively critisizedr the W ideology, private and public Women’s
Professional Schools (JushLSenmgnfiaka) continued to support it (Murata, 1980).
Professional areas of these schools extended to music, medicine, pharmaceuticals,
dentistry, literature, home economics, sewing and domestic work, religion, physical
education, dance, and education (Murata, 1980, p. 57-58). Murata indicates that the
traditional rmsaLkenm ideology generally coexisted with an ideology of
modernization and was described in the statement of purposes of these schools.

In the early 20th century, the gross national product nearly tripled between
1911 and 1940 (Duus, 1983). There were “rapid population growth, new social
movements, a deepening cultural and economic gap between country and city, and
increased economic dependence on the outside world (Duus, 1983, p. 197).” In the
Taisho period (1912-1926), new types of shufu emerged (Ishizaki, 1993). The
nuclear family emerged in Tokyo where a husband could be a sandman (a man who
worked at a company). Urban shufu enjoyed an electric pump for the water supply
instead of a well, a standing cooking table, a large dining table in the middle of the
room to have meals together, and a bright light hanging from the ceiling (Ishizaki,
1993). These amenities are called hunkajeikatsu (cultured life) (Ishizaki, 1993).
Women in big cities had time to read magazines (Ishizaki, 1993), but they lost the
power that Yanagita saw in the rural area. However, musaLkenlm ideology
continued (Ishizaki, 1993) especially in education.

After World War II, General Douglas MacArthur made major changes in

various social as well as political spheres (Orii, 1993). A new constitution

29

promulgated in 1946 established equality between men and women. Based on the
new constitution, women’s suffrage was completed. “Ie” system was abolished, and
the Basic Education Law (Kyoiku Kihon Ho) (1947) assured co-education for all
levels of schools. However, this was not a total solution to women’s problems.
Orii (1993) points out that the “ie” system still remains as the family registry system
(W519). Orii also observes that the Labor Standard Law (1947) did not
provide protection for women from being discriminated against upon employment,
promotion, and retirement. After World War II the Occupation Force implemented a
surface equality in voting rights and a tracking system in Japanese education.
However, Ichibangase (1971) observed that this did not lead to women’s inclusion in
education to become informed participants in the political process to cope with a

rapidly changing society.

Debate on “811qu as a' Secondary Occupation”

About 50 percent of all workers engaged in the first industry (mostly
agriculture), more than 60% of women engaged in agriculture between 1920-1950
(Kanai, 1993). Ishigaki (1955) claimed that “shufu is a parasite on men (Ueno, 1982,
p. 11). About seventy articles and essays about shufu appeared in seven years afier
Ishigaki’s article was published in “EuiLKomn” (1955) (Ueno, 1982). These
articles argued about the economic independence as a necessary condition to be an
independence of shufu, necessary or unnecessary evaluation of domestic labor (U eno,
1982, p. 248).

Ueno (1982) presented four types of claims which were classified based on

two categories: family and gender roles. For the category of family, she divided it

30

into two: those who claim protection and continuation of the family, and those who
claim family disassemblence. For the gender role category, one group claims gender
roles as positive, and another as negative.

Shiozawa (1980) called for further analysis in the debate on shufu. He
pointed out that the debate consists of four major issues that were extremely confused.
The first issue was the effort to find a conceptual construct, second was the view and
understanding of reality, third was the effort to suggest the ideal state of values, and
the last was the effort to see if the argument suggests the advancement or retreat of
the ideological or class struggle (Shiozawa, 1980, p. 105).

The essays make numerous assumptions regarding shufu, that did not emerge
from research but from the writers’ understanding of reality. Ueno (1982, I)
attempted to see the phenomenon based on pull and push factors (p. 226). However,
they are sociological factors such as economic recovery and market expansion after
the World War II, and they are. assumed to be. understood by women through a
campaign, popular phrases in the mass media, and the government’s family policy (p.
227). Her push factors were also presented as campaigns, consumption patterns, and
common phrases such as “hitonami (average, or the same as other people)” desire (p.
231). A generalized picture of shufii was not found by the appropriate research

method but from the selected experiences that were assumed to be shared by the

majority of shufu.

While this debate centered on vocation and women’s liberation, women in
Japan entered various social spheres. Attendance at the World Conference of the

International Women’s Year in Mexico (1975) and the following Treaty of

31

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in
1979 (Japan signed the treaty in 1980) made Japan introduce an Equal Employment
Opportunity Law (1985). The effect of this law has beenin question in terms of
women’s liberation (Yoneda, 1993, p. 267.) Some women like men who had 199
hours of overtime a month would die (kamshi) due to over work (Yoneda, 1993, p.
267). Part-time women workers increased, and the wage gap between men and
women became larger in 1990 than in 1976 (Fujin Rodo no Jitsujo, 1991 quoted by
Yoneda, p. 268). The Japanese government presented a national action plan in
response to the World Action Plan passed at the United Nations Decade for Women in
Nairobi, Kenya in 1985. This plan emphasized the women’s freedom of choice over
various life courses. The word “freedom” was seen in various policies (Yoneda, p.
270), but it had various meanings for diverse types of women (Yoneda, p. 270).

In 1982, Madoka reported a shufu syndrome which showed symptoms of
stress due to “conflict and: agony inherent to the role of shufu.” The symptoms
include mental and physical change, fatigue, impatience, insomnia, apathy, delusions,
and hatred (Matsumura, 1990, p. 242). Saito (1982) reported (IsnmatacthQ
Shishuki) that some women attempted to flee from the seemingly happy family life to
alcoholism and drugs. Hayashi, in her KateinaLRian (1985), portrayed a broken
family pretending to function as a happy family. Matsumura (1990) indicated that
shufii’s social participation became a necessity for both women and the family to be
in good health (p. 243).

Matsumura (1990) attempted to present multiple types of married women’s
social participation based on Kanamori and Kitamura’s (1987) classification. For

her, social participation can be made possible through employment or non-

32

employment. There are three employment types for women: full-time employment,
unstable employment (part time workers, “alhaita,” and temporary workers hired by
one company and employed by another), and self-employment (business owners,
family business helpers, and piece work assemblers). The non-employed women
can be classified into two major types: those who joined the activity out of their
interests and purposes, and tried to fulfill the need of their own; and those who
believed that their purpose can be attained through an organizational effort. For the
individual type, some women enjoy their present life style through taking classes on
literature, and sports. Some other women change their current life style afier
learning about social issues including women’s history and issues, education, welfare,
and peace problems. A third group of individuals aims to change their life styles as
they study and train for vocational purposes (Matsumura, p. 245). “Culture
Schools” sponsored by public and private organizations offer a variety of classes to
thousands of people, especially women. 'Group oriented social participation includes
PTA, women’s circles, and community organizations (iichizkai) (Matsumura, 1990, p.
246). Another group is oriented to social participation through the consumer’s
movement, volunteer activities, and other social movements.

Kanamori and Amano (1985) presented a “New Work Movement” in which
women’s volunteering experiences became a foundation for self-actualizing paid part-
time jobs. They found that many women participated in the consumers’ movement;
local learning activities; volunteering; and workers’ collectives; and they learned new
perspectives from these experiences. These women reviewed the existing welfare
and family services and changed the system so that these services genuinely reflect

their new perspectives. New meal services, helper services to do house work, baby

33

sitting, and care of senior citizens are some of them. They are new because the
effort to keep quality of services at the lowest cost is planned from women’s and
consumers’ perspectives rather than letting commercial interests to prevail. This
New Work Movement seems to be a new type of part-time jobs for which the
previous shufu debate did not find a solution based on their dual-burden perspective.
Kanamori and Amano’s model also educates us women’s new ideals which are not
restricted by Confucius and mosaikenbo (good wife, wise mother) ideas.

To what extent traditional aspects of the Japanese women play in their daily
roles? As pointed out by Kanamori and Amano, some contemporary Japanese
women learned and applied what they learned in their experiences. Their learning
may be possible in their experiences overseas where traditional Japanese norms and
values do not prevail. The current study hopefully will show how this learning
occurs in the contemporary Japanese women’s experiences overseas and how they

applied to the Japanese context when they retumed to Japan.

(2) Cross-Cultural Learning

The study of cultural learning includes various disciplines such as
anthropology, sociology, psychology, communication, education, and linguistics.
Major discussion is located in the issues of multiculturalism around social policy,
educational policy, and practices relating to bilingual education, literacy, and adult
education. The concept of culture is also dealt with when some phenomena are
shared among people of similar ethnicity, age, gender, sexual orientation, religion,
organization, or other factors. The unit of analysis can be any point between a

national and an individual level. Here, cross-cultural learning and communication

34

studies are relevant to the present study because they focus on psychological as well
as sociological dimensions of an individual’ experience.

Studies in sociopsychological adaptation have offered many theories and
models to predict what happens when a person crosses cultural borders for a
prolonged time. Some attempts have been made to organize theories and models of
cross-cultural adaptation. Anderson (1994) presents four broad families of models:
(1) recuperation, (2) learning, (3) journey conceptualizations, and an (4) equilibrium
model. Martin and Nakayama (1997) present a set of four different types:
(l)anxiety and uncertainty management model, (2) U-curve model, (3)transition
model, and (4) communication-system model. Ward (1996) offered three categories:
' (1) the stress and coping literature, (2) research on social learning and skills
acquisition and, to a lesser extent, (3) developments in social cognition and intergroup
perceptions. . Taylor (1994) suggests three types: (1) research which identifies
predictors that are indicative of intercultural competence, (2) research which offers
the process of becoming interculturally competent, including the learning/growth
approach, and (3) the learning model of perspective transformation.

The common denominators among these models of cross-cultural adaptation
are the models and theories that deal with(1) a psychological state, and (2) learning
process. Anderson’s “recuperation” model, the “journey” conceptualization model,
and the “equilibrium model” are psychological, while the learning model falls in the
learning category. Martin and Maruyama’s (1997) first three models seem to be
psychological while the fourth offers solution to first three models. Ward (1996)
recognized one major psychological type and two learning models. Taylor (1994)

distinguished between two types and offers an alternative model.

35

Psychological Models

A psychological model offers concepts such as cultural shock, the U-Curve
process of cultural adaptation or adjustment, and intercultural communication
competence. For example, the recuperation model presents the adaptation process
that begins with culture shock (Oberg, 1960). Some symptoms of culture shock are

as follows (Oberg 1960, Adler 1975, Bennett 1977):

1. Excessive concern over cleanliness and health
2. Feelings of helplessness and withdrawal

3. Irritability

4. Fear of being cheated, robbed, or injured

5. A glazed stare

6. Desire for home and‘friends

7. Physiological stress reactions

8. Anxiety, frustrations, and paranoia
9. Loneliness and disorientation

10. Defensive communication (Oberg, 1960, p. 178)

As primary impetus for culture shock, Oberg’s (1960) assumes anxiety.
Pedersen (1949) describes neurosis. Garza-Guerrero (1974) uses loss and mourning
which emphasize the anxious, depressive, and hostile components of the experience.
Arredondo-Dowd (1981) considers despair, homesickness, and disorganization.

The U-shaped curve model presented by Sverre Lysgaard (1955) describes

this psychological state over time (Fig. 1).

36

 

 

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Figure l — U-shaped curve model of Lysgaard, quoted by Foust, ed. (1981. p. 10).

Other types of curves are also presented, such as one showing a zigzag movement
(Robert, 1984) Five stages of process following cultural shock are recognized
(Oberg, 1960) and up to eight (Robert, 1984). Oberg’s five stages include
following.

(1) In the first or honeymoon stage the sojoumer may feel genuinely euphoric
about the exciting new culture around him/her.

(2) This is followed by a second stage of dealing with crises that result from
“normal” daily activities that suddenly seem to present insurmountable
difficulties, generating hostility toward hosts for being “unreasonable.”

(3) In the third stage the sojoumer begins to understand the host culture and
regains a sense of humor.

(4) The fourth stage is where the sojoumer begins to accept the host culture in a
balanced picture of positive and negative aspects.

(5) The fifth and final stage occurs when the sojoumer returns home and
experiences reverse culture shock in the readjustment to the old environment.

(p. 178-179)

37

To what extent, a person experiences the feeling of frustration associated with
cultural adaptation? Spitzberg and Cupach point out that intercultural or cross-
cultural communication competence influence the length and the degree of this
adaptation period. (Spitzberg & Cupach, 1989) or intercultural effectiveness
(Hammer, Gudykunst, & Wiseman, 1978). Martin and Nakayama (1997) offer four
areas to describe this competence: motivation, knowledge, attitudes, behaviors
including skills. Benson (1978) identifies lO competencies such as language skills,
communication skills, interactions, reinforcing activities, fiiendliness, socially
appropriate behaviors, job performance, attitudes, satisfaction, and mobility.

Abilities that determine these competencies include “the ability to deal with
psychological stress . . . the ability to effectively communicate, [and] . . . the ability to
establish interpersonal relationships (Hammer, Gudykunst, and Wiseman, 1978, p.
389)

Holmes and Rahe (1967) theorize that stress-provoking life changes and
coping responses call for psychological reaction. This view assumes that
disequilibrium induces adaptive reactions. Furthermore, this causal relation is
mediated by a variety of personal and situational factors (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).
These seem to be responsible for this psychological state.

Additional factors that influence adaptation include life changes (Lin, Tazuma,
and Masuda, 1979), personality (Ward and Kennedy, 1992), the individuals’ cognitive
appraisal of the change (Chataway and Berry, 1989), and social support (Adelman,
1988)

As an outcome of cultural adaptation experiences, Hammer, Gudykunst, and

38

Wiseman (1978) identified the concept called “third cultural perspective.” It is
“being nonjudgemental, being accurate in perceptions of similarities and differences
between cultures, and being less exclusive (p. 384).” Church (1982) concluded that
“those who are acculturated demonstrate a broader worldview, a low level of
ethnocentrism, and greater self-awareness and self-esteem (p. 557).

Kim (1988) presented three categories of outcomes of adaptation:
psychological health, functional fitness, and intercultural identity. Feelings of comfort
in a new culture indicate psychological health. Functional fitness becomes possible
by learning new ways of living and behaving. The aquisition of some skills in
applying local rules for politeness, verbal communication, and typical uses of
nonverbal communication are outcomes of adaptation (Kim, 1988). One of the
outcomes of adaptation which Kim indicated above is an intercultural identity.
When a person has an intercultural identity, he/she is neither a part of nor apart from a

particular culture but someone who acts situationally (Adler, 1977, p. 26).

The reactions of individuals who returned to their home countries have also
been researched by a number of scholars. Gullahom and Gullahom (1963)
suggested that the W-curve of adaptation, which is basically an extension of the U-
curve. When individuals return home, they experience a sense of relief and
excitement, then depression and a negative outlook ofien follow. Thus, they had a
U-curve experience in the host culture, and another U-curve when they return home.
Austine (1987) found that returnees’ self-concept decreases because their new roles
are rejected in their home countries. Homesickeness and nostalgia for the foreign

country emerge during this time (Moore, 1981). Sometimes individuals changed

39

their values while they were in the host countries, and this may cause depression
(Austin, 1987). Dissatisfaction with the home country may also be a reason (Austin,
1987). Austin (1987) found that some individuals had more problems when they
returned to their home countries than in the host country. Kidder (1992) found that
these returnees are ambivalent about the changes they went through. For example,
“some transformations are physical changes in hair and clothing; some are visible
behavioral changes in how they walk or move their arms or faces. The more serious
changes are in interpersonal styles and expressions (p. 383).”

While most stages resemble the U-curve upon reentry, Austin (1987) points
out a “conspiracy of silence” as a possible reason for deeper stress. No one wants to
admit that he or she is having difficulty readjusting to the home culture.

Psychologists have criticized the above psychological models. For example,
Headey, Holstrom, and Wearing (1984) pointed out that it is ofien assumed in the
adaptation literature that a person who is well adjusted to the society is generally
considered happy. However Headey, Holstrom, and Wearing claim that this
assumption is not valid. The reason is that well-being and ill-being are distinct
dimensions, and “the correlates and causes of well-being are somewhat different from
the correlates and causes of ill-being” (p. 115).

Other criticisms include the following. The term “culture shock” is vague,
overgeneralized, and not even close to the term used generally (cf. Main, 1984).
Chang (1985) points out that “culture shock” is a catch-all phrase that includes a
variety of reactions to different problems.

Anderson (1994) notes that these psychological models do not depict higher

level activities such as learning, fulfillment, growth, and development. She implies

40

that the model assumes that human beings function to reduce stress and imbalance,
and that is all that human beings do. That is, the model leaves out the fact that many
individuals “actively seek out tension and are revitalized by difficulty” (p. 297). She
also observes that individuals vary in how they perceive the same situation. The
same events may be variously appraised by different individuals as “threatening,
positive, exciting, or benign (Lazarus and F olkman, 1984). What is a dreaded threat

to one individual may be a challenge to another (Anderson, 1994).

Learning Models -- Behavioral Approaches

Adler (1975) claims that a cultural adaptation process is potentially a learning
experience that promotes personal growth. According to this view, culture shock is
thought of “as a profound learning experience that leads to a high degree of self-
awareness and personal growth. Rather than being only a disease for which
adaptation is the cure, culture shock is likewise at the very heart of the cross-cultural
learning experience. It is an experience in self-understanding and change” (p. 29).
Through what kinds of experiences a person comes to understand him/herself, and to
be transformed? Are the people who belong to the same culture generally go
through similar experiences when they are in a host country? If culture shock is a
cross-cultural learning experience, what is the learning content? Is this learning
content same to all the people who belong to the same culture? What is the variation
in this learning content? Kidder (1992) writes that Japanese changed interpersonal
styles and expressions after one to ten years of stay abroad. What made them
become so?

Adler’s (1975) five phases also reflect learning and growth:

41

(l) a contact phase characterized by excitement and euphoria during which the
individual views the new environment ethnocentrically

(2) a disintegration phase marked by confusion, alienation, and depression during
which cultural differences become increasingly noticeable

(3) a reintegration phase characterized by strong rejection of some or all of the
second culture, formed by defensive projection of personal difficulties on to
the new culture, and an existential choice to either regress to earlier phases or
to move closer to resolution and personal grth

(4) an autonomy stage marked by increasing understanding of the host culture
along with a feeling of competence, and

(5) a final stage of independence marked by a cherishing of cultural differences
and relativism, creative behavior, and increased self- and cultural awareness.

(p. 19)

Kim and Ruben (1988) also describe the learning aspect of personal transition
when a person crosses cultural borders for a prolonged time. In their Stress-
Adaptation-Growth Process model, Kim and Roben show how stress is needed for
growth. They conclude that better adapted immigrants had a somewhat greater
frequency of stress-related symptoms (p. 312). Individuals who managed the stress
successfully may show “increased cognitive complexity, positive orientation toward
the host environment and themselves, and behavior capacities to communicate with
the natives” (p. 313).

In 1995, Kim observed that “. . . strangers discover that they lack a level of
understanding of the communication system of the new host society, and must learn
and acquire many of its symbols and patterns of activities” (p. 176). “As new
learning occurs, unlearning, or deculturation, of at least some of the old cultural
habits occurs -- at least in the sense that new responses are adopted in situations that

previously would have evoked old ones” (p. 176). That is, “. . . some of the ‘old’

42

cultural habits are replaced by new cultural habits” (p. 179). Thus, a person who is
in the host culture becomes aware of insufficient communication methods that were
the considered most efficient in his/her own culture, and start adopting new ways of
communicating to fulfill his/her intention in the host culture.

Anderson (1994) offers reasons for learning in intercultural adaptation, and
the possible ways of management. “It is the urge to solve problems that makes
individuals first learn the parameters of the situation then decide on responses to
problems presented and internalize response alternatives as a function of the
parameters learned” (p. 305). Upon confrontation with problems, Anderson (1994)
points out four ways of reacting to the new situation: changing the environment,
changing oneself, doing nothing at all, or walking away (P. 305). This view implies
that when a person reports an absence of problems, he or she is assumed to have
learned the culture (Jacobson, 1996). Four ways of responding to problems suggest
the application possibilities for the learning content when a person returns from

abroad.

As a major criticism of the behavioral approach to cultural learning theories
and models, Ady (1995) points out the methodological problems. He states that
“individual’s adjustment is being conceptualized as the lack of something . . .” (p.
102). Operationalization of sojoumer adjustment “in terms of general adjustment to
a new environment” (p. 102), uses “sojoumers’ self-reports of whether they
‘adjusted’ to the new culture in a global sense or to several broad domains of life in
the new culture” (p. 102). Some studies even use the term adjustment itself which

holds “denotative meanings” (p. 103) and “psychometric justification for such a

43

choice of stimulus materials” (p. 103). In other words, some studies may present
serious research problems.

Similar criticisms can be applied to intercultural learning models and theories.
Taylor (1994) points out that in these learning models, “intricacies of the learning
process are hardly explored” (p. 157). Some theories simply imply that “learning
has taken place” (p. 157). He raises some questions as follows: “What is the
process of learning that is taking place?” (p. 157). “How are these skills developed?
What does a stranger do that is central to the process of learning that allows
development of a more inclusive world view? How does a stranger revise and
change a former interpretation of a culture for a new and broader interpretation?” (p.
157). Thus, the process and the contents of learning are not clearly presented by
above theories, and_leamer’s previous capability was not taken into consideration.
The behavior of the learner in the learning situation was neither clearly described.
Finally, the process of transformation that seems to take place in moving two cultures

is not described precisely by above theories.

Learning in Transition

Bennett (1977) considers culture shock and adaptation to be a normal part of
human experience, which can be classified as transition. Some scholars consider
that various transitional experiences share all of the characteristics presented.
Anderson (1994) points out three areas of studies that might be relevant to studies of
cultural adjustment and adaptation: bereavement, migration, and critical life-event
studies. They all present distress reactions individuals exhibit and describe

symptoms such as “irritability, depression, lowered self-esteem” (p. 301 ).

44

Various transition theories touch upon psychological reactions and outcomes
of transitions, and some of them observe the relationship between life events and
learning in adulthood. For example, Aslanian and Brickell (1990) study why adults
participate in adult education. The majority of the respondents in their study (83%)
answered that they participate because they need to cope with life changes.
Similarly, Merriam and Clark (1994) found that life events such as “first job, divorce,
death of a loved one, travel, or job promotion” were identified as “triggering
significant learning experiences” (Merriam, 1994).

Life events are the “turning points” or “punctuation marks” that call forth
changes in self-concept and identity (Neugarten, 1976). Normative life events
(Neugarten, 1976) are those that are expected to occur “on time.” These are societal
expectations about life events such as marriage, graduation, illness, or job change.
Non-normative events are “off time” or unanticipated such as unexpected death, and
they become a force for learning. Factors that determine the impact of the event on
the individual include timing, cohort specificity, contextual purity, and duration
(Merriam, 1994).

Timing refers to whether an event occurs “on time” or not. For the “on time”
events, many resources are available to draw upon. For example, a person who
becomes pregnant “on time” has fiiends and siblings who become pregnant at the
same time. This situation offers instrumental and emotional support. Cohort
specificity means that an event affects different generations in different ways. World
War 11 may mean different things to different generations. The contextual purity is
the degree to which “an adult’s reaction to an event may be related to the extent to

which the ‘event occurs at a relatively stable, otherwise uneventful time in a person’s

45

life” (Danish et al., 1980, p. 344). Duration is the time period of an event.
“Educative events” (Danish et al., 1980, p. 343) can be a long illness or the birth of a
child. “The role, rights, expectations, and responsibilities of the impending event
can be explored and learned ahead of time” (Danish et al., 1980, p. 343).

Life events are punctuation points which sometimes require changes in social
roles. A “teacheable moment (Havighurst, 1972)” is the time when adults are ready
to learn developmental tasks, those required for life events (Havighurst, 1953). For
example, “getting married” is the developmental task to start the social roles of

“husband” or “wife.”

How do we learn from a life event? Dewey (1938) is well known for his
conception of experiential learning. In his Experiencaanifidugatign, he advocates
two principles, continuity and interaction. The principle of continuity of experience
means that “every experience both takes up something from those which have gone
before and modifies in some way the quality of those which come after” (p. 35).
Interaction is “going on between individual and objects and other persons” (p. 43).
Dewey believes that “What he has learned in the way of knowledge and skill in one
situation becomes an instrument of understanding and dealing effectively with the
situations which follow” (p. 44).

In Gestalt psychology, “situation” is believed to be subjectively perceived
(Kohler, 1959). Individuals are believed to organize patterns they perceive and
make meanings. Based on this theory, Discovery Learning (Kohler, 1959), and
Meaningful Reception Learning (Ausubel, 1963) are earlier models. Learning by

discovery is learning “through one’s own self-guided exploration, rather than through

46

explanation or modeling from a teacher” (Good and Brophy, 1995, p. 182). In this
model, “aha,” a sudden insight, was followed by a solution to the problem.

Ausubel (1963) believes that individuals make sense of the situation by
relating it to what they already know. He assumes that “knowledge is organized into
hierarchical structures in which subordinate concepts are subsumed under higher-
level superordinate concepts” (Good and Brophy, 1995, p. 182). Ausbel believes
that analogies, metaphors, examples, and concrete models help learners to connect
new learning materials with familiar ones. He also believes that the transfer of
existing knowledge to new situations requires generalizations.

Not all life experiences are considered to offer the potentiality of learning.
Jarvis (1987) classifies responses to a life experience into nine categories:
nonlearning (presumption, nonconsideration, and rejection), nonreflective
(preconscious, practice, and memorization), and reflective learning. He believes that
attention to the experiences and reflection are needed for learning to take place.

How can meaning be made while individuals attend and reflect on it? For
Mezirow (1991), reflection is “the process of critically assessing the content, process,
or premise(s) of our efforts to interpret and give meaning to an experience” (p. 104).
Content reflection is reflection on what we perceive, think, feel, or act upon” (p. 107).
Process reflection is an examination of how we perform these functions of perceiving,
thinking, feeling, or acting and an assessment of our efficacy in performing them” (p.
108). It also involves a “critique of how we are perceiving, thinking, judging,
feeling, and acting . . .” (p. 106). Premise reflection involves “our becoming aware
of why we perceive, think, feel, or act as we do and of the reasons for and

consequences of our possible habits of hasty judgment, conceptual inadequacy, or

47

error in the process of judging . . (p. 108). It is also “an assessment of the validity

of norms, roles, codes, “common sense,” ideologies, language games, paradigms,

philosophies, or theories that we have taken for granted” (p. 105). These types of

reflection make “perspective transformation” possible.

Mezirow (1991) describes “perspective transformation” as follows:

Perspective transformation is the process of becoming critically aware of how
and why our assumptions have come to constrain the way we perceive,
understand, and feel about our world; changing these structures of habitual
expectation to make possible a more inclusive, discriminating, and integrative
perspective; and finally, making choices or otherwise acting upon these new
understandings. (p. 167)

Mezirow (1991) finds that the process of perspective transformation requires

ten phases as follows.

1.

2.

A disorienting dilemma

Self-examination with feelings of guilt or shame

A critical assessment of epistemic, sociocultural, or psychic assumptions
Recognition that one’s discontent and the process of transformation are
shared and that others have negotiated a similar change

Exploration of options for new roles, relationships, and actions

Planning of a course of action

Acquisition of knowledge and skills for implementing one’s plans
Provisional trying of new roles

Building of competence and self-confidence in new roles and relationships;

and

48

10. A reintegration into one’s life on the basis of conditions dictated by one’s

new perspective.

Taylor (1994) focuses on how people learn to develop adaptive capacity that
allows effective communication in a host culture. His model shows the learning
process to become competent interculturally. Intercultural competency is “an
adaptive capacity based on an inclusive and integrative world view which allows
participants to effectively accommodate the demands of living in a host culture”
(Taylor, 1994 p. 154). Taylor interviewed 12 interculturally competent persons, 25
years or older, who had the United States as their primary culture, and lived and
worked in the host culture a minimum of two years. Two more criteria were used
for selecting the subjects: the participants spoke the host language as his or her
primary form of communication; and they expressed positive feelings about the
intercultural experience. ,

Taylor’s model of the process of learning to become interculturally competent
shows five major components: (1) setting the stage, (2) cultural disequilibrium, (3)
cognitive orientations, (4) behavioral learning strategies, and (5) evolving
intercultural identity. For (1) setting the stage, three major conditions are assumed
to set the stage for a person who becomes ready for the learning: (a) former critical
events, (b) personal goals, and (c) previous intercultural experience and training.
Once a person enters the host culture, he/she shows periods of dissonance in the
participant’s life causing stress and intense emotions. Taylor label this state as
cultural disequilibrium. The degree of this discomfort depends on (a) gender,

marital status, and race, and (b) previous experences of marginality, host language

49

competency, and by experience in the host culture. In response to cultural
disequilibrium, some persons reflect themselves, and others do not. The reflection
process is considered as questioning of prior values and assumptions. In order to
balance their cultural disequilibrium, a person is assumed to take various behavioral
learning strategies, such as (a) as an observer: listening, watching, reading, (b) as a
participant: talking, socializing, dressing, eating, shopping, and (c) as a friend:
committing, risking, sharing. Finally a person can evolve intercultural identity that
manifests in (a) change in values, (b) increase in self-confidence, and (c) change in

perspective such as world view.

(3) The Japanese Concept of Self

In 1944, based on her field research of the Japanese in the United States, Ruth
Benedict presented in W many concepts that are
considered crucial to understand the Japanese. Some of them are “on (feeling of
debt)” “on-gaeshi (returning of ‘on’)” “ko (being dutiful to one’s parents)” “chu

9’ ‘6

(loyalty to the emperor, nation or laws) giri (obligation)” “makoto (sincerity)”
“michi (way)” “shuyo (cultivation)” “hara (belly)” and “haji (shame).” She points
out that the Japanese are bound by the feeling of debt (“on”), which is usually given
by one’s superiors in the hierarchical society. Each individual holds “an appropriate
place” and he/she has to pay duty (“ko”) and loyalty (“chu”) to one’s superior
regardless of conditions and time. “Giri (obligation)” is the obligation to pay back
limited quality and quantity of “on” which is at lesser level than “ko” and “chu.”

However, once a person fails to pay back “giri,” he or she will be accused of having

“haji (shame).” Benedict claims that Japan is “a shame culture,” not a “guilt

5O

culture.” Sincerity (“makoto”) means to follow one’s way (“michi”), which is
elaborated by the sense of feelings of debt (“on”). To create strong “belly” means
that one does not change his or her mind or is not influenced easily unlike a more
transitory gut reaction. Self-discipline to create such belly (“hara”) is the goal of
everyday cultivation (“shuyo”).

Benedict concludes that Japanese behaviors are controlled by other people.
For example, “seken (public)” “hito no me (eyes of others)” and “hito no kuchi
(mouth of others)” all influence one’s behavioral norm. According to her, the

feeling of shame, thus, comes from the evaluation by others of oneself as follows:

The shame cultures rely on external sanctions for good behavior, not, as true
guilt cultures do, on an internalized conviction of sin. Shame is a reaction to
other people’s criticism. A man is shamed either by being openly ridiculed
and rejected or by fantasying to himself that he has been made ridiculous (p.
223)

As opposed to Benedict, Sakuta (1972) indicates that for Japanese “to know
shame means to secretly be ashamed of oneself because of one’s improper behavior
(p. 295). Contrary to Benedict’s indication, the autonomous sanction in Japanese

behaviors is like what Benedict attributes to the “guilt” culture.

In HumarLReJatiQnLirLlapan, Nakane (1972) identifies concepts such as

“attribute” and “fiame” which are used to form groups. Attribute refers to descent,
hereditary status, academic background, social standing, occupation, gender, and age.
Frame, on the contrary, refers to groups who “share a common situational position by

living in a particular district or belonging to a specific organization” (p. 8). Nakane

51

claims that Japanese society is “a frame society” in which individuals identify
themselves with organizations. A Japanese individual would say “I belong to S
Company” rather than “I am an engineer.” A group consisting of a variety of
attributes requires a “sense of unity” and “internal tie” to maintain the frame. The
sense of unity is strengthened by extending the range of the frame to private life,
including marriages and company trips. Thus, a strong cohesiveness presenting the
sense of “our people” and “outsiders” emerges. To the individuals in one frame,
such outsiders are not human. Nakane (1972) also points out that the “strength of
human relations depends on the length and intensity of contact (p. 24).” Thus, a
transfer of companies become “unbearable” for a Japanese due to the loss of a social
network.

Nakane (1972) points out that the “vertical” nature of Japanese organizations
is characterized as an “oyabun-kobun” relationship (“patron and prote'gé, landlord and
tenant farmer, or master and disciple” (p. 30). Therefore, rank consciousness is
inevitable, and ability is not easily taken into consideration for evaluation (p. 31-32).
For Japanese, equality of ability is assumed (p. 35). Therefore, indices for ranking
commonly include age, length of service, and educational background.

From a psychiatric viewpoint, Doi (1974), claims the concept of “amae” is

considered as “a basic desire” in the Japanese relationship.

Amae is the noun form of amaeru, an intransitive verb that means “to depend
and presume upon another’s benevolence” (Doi, 1956). This word has the
same root as amai, an adjective that means “sweet.” Thus, arnaeru has a
distinct feeling of sweetness and is generally used to describe a child’s attitude
or behavior toward his parents, particularly his mother. But it can also be
used to describe the relationship between two adults, such as the relationship

52

between a husband and a wife or a master and a subordinate (145).

In his other writings, Doi indicates that an ambivalent amae becomes the
source of dissatisfaction when others do not respond and causes grudges, sulking, and
a jaundiced view (p. 165, Hamaguchi, Nihon Rashisa no Saihakken, Kodansha, 1988).
He also indicates that the Japanese are incapable of retaining identity unless they
imbed themselves in the group where they have a full opportunity to amaeru. (Doi,
1974)

Kimura (1972) criticizes Doi’s concept, especially in its original dictionary
meaning. According to him, “amae” is not “a desire” but a description of a state.
That is, a person behaves as he or she wants to be based on the assumption of a pre-
existing “amae” relationship. In other words, Doi (1962) regards “amae” as a cause
of Japanese behaviors, and Kimura (1972) claims it is a result of Japanese

relationships.

Hamaguchi, (1985) points out that the concepts used in studies are culture-
bound. He notes the concepts such as “individual” and “group” found in the studies
of “shame culture” and “vertical society” are culture-bound. A concept of
“personality” used in the study of “amae” is also considered culture-bound. He
suggests that the Japanese behaviors are determined contextually. In contrast,
Benedict seems to assume an individual as an independent autonomous being
(Hamaguchi, p. 292). Nakane seems to assmne that a more generalized picture
applicable to “all segments of contemporary Japanese society.” (p. 293). Doi also

assumes a “independent ego” (p. 294).

53

Kimura (1972) indicates that the concept of “self” for the Japanese is “a part
(bun) of film (self).” In other words, an entity exists beyond the fundamental self,
and it floats in space positionally. A person exists in this context as a part of this
entity (p. 154). The quality or characteristics of identity do not vary. The Japanese
terminology describe oneself reflects Kimura’s (1972) point as follows.

A linguist, Suzuki (1978), presents the Japanese self-reference terms that
include all the words the speaker uses to refer to his/herself (p. 124). He presents a
scenario of conversation in which “a person with higher status uses the term which a
person with lower status uses to call him or her.” For example, a forty-year-old
male elementary school teacher calls himself by the terms other people use, the third
person. This person uses “watakushi (1)” to the principal of the school, “th11
(colloquial “I” for younger persons)” to one’s father, older brother, and colleagues,
“nii;san (older brother) to the younger brother, “are (I, in casual way)” “mu-sari
(father)” to his father, “sensei (teacher)” to his students, and “9ij (uncle)” to the
neighbor’s child. Suzuki’s (1978) study demonstrates that Japanese self is known to
be relative depending on the situation, and it requires that other(s) be defined. In
order to use the Japanese “I,” one has to empathize with others to know how they see
oneself. In such a situation, “other” is not positioned as confronting oneself.

Rosenberger (1992) also tells us that the Japanese concept of “self” or jibun,
cannot exist separate from the context or social environment. She claims that “we
are forced to understand that self . . . form through relating to others, but, . . . by
relating in a variety of ways” (p. 4). Rosenberger (1992) points out that a view of
the “relational self” came from Herbert Mead’s ideas of self. Mead (1934) sees self

as follows:

54

“The individual experiences himself as such, not directly, but only indirectly,
from the particular standpoints of other individual members of the same social
group or from the generalized standpoint of the social group as a whole to
which he belongs. For he enters his own experience as a self or individual,
not directly or immediately, not by becoming a subject to himself, but only in
so far as he first becomes an object to himself just as other individuals are
objects to him or are in his experience; and he becomes an object to himself
only by taking the attitudes of other individuals toward himself within a social
environment or context of experience and behaviour to which both he and
they are involved (P. 138).”

Mead (1934, 1967) distinguishes two types of self: “I” and “me.” The ‘I’
is “the response of the organism to the attitudes of the others. The ‘me’ is “the
organized set of attitudes of others which one assumes. He claims that “the attitudes
of the others constitute the organized ‘me,’ and then one reacts toward that as an ‘I’.
(p. 175). At this point we are not sure if the Japanese possesses ‘I’ as Mead (1934,
1967) suggests.

Based on Mead’s concept, Plath (1980) claims that the Japanese have a
“people-centered worldview; it is not ‘sociocentric’ in the sense of being primarily
attuned to society as an abstract structure of roles (p. 217).” He continues that “the
lifelong struggle is to carry out one’s responsibilities to others without diminishing
one’s playful responsiveness toward them (p. 217).” However, Rosenberger (1992a)
questions if Plath (1980) presents “how relationships constitute the self (p. 11).” To
Plath, others (consociates) are “a special jury who evaluate and confirm the course of
your being and becoming (p. 8).” What we are doing must be “recognized or

validated by others (p. 8).” Plath indicates that we can “continute to grow, . . but

55

 

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only to the extent that others allow or confirm that growth (p. 8).”

These various views are observations on the collective Japanese self.
However, this generalization cannot be applied to all segments of the Japanese
population without exception, especially in recent times. Some segments of
population have experienced alienation. For example, school children (Lock, 1986,
Rohlen, 1983), housewives (Vogel, 1978; Imamnra, 1987; Rosenberger, 1987),
salarymen (Vogel, Ezra, 1971), and the elderly people (Bethel,1992).

If the self “attains through relating to others, but, . . . by relating in a variety of
ways (Rosenberger, 1992a)” the methodology of the research has to take into
consideration the definition of “ways.” Rosenberger (1992b) suggests that the
Japanese self could be visualized in the form of a “three-dimensional checker game
with three layers of movement that interconnect both horizontally and vertically.” (p.
67). These three dimensions are the psycho-spiritual energy known as “ki,” the
“amae” relationship, and the context of formality and informality known as “soto
(outer)” and “uchi (inner),” “omote (front)” and “ura (back),” and “tatemae (on-
stage)” and “honnne (off-stage)” (p. 67). Based on her interview with a fifty-year-
old woman, Rosenberger (1992) concludes that this woman understands that “self” is
“a cyclical processthat takes form and meaning from its position in relation to other
people within changing contexts, groups, and ideologies. (p. 88).”

In summary, various aspects of Japanese self concept were presented as

$9 6‘

“shame, or being strongly influenced by other people (Benedict), a frame society,
or the vertical nature (Nakane, 1972),” “arnae (sense of dependency or indulgence

(Doi, 1962),” “separated entity beyond the fundamental self (Kimura, 1972),”

56

“contextual nature (Suzuki, 1978),“ “relational nature (Rosenberger, 1992), and

“people-centered worldview (Plath, 1980).”

57

Chapter 3

DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

OVERVIEW OF DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

This study aimed at the understanding cross-cultural learning process of
Japanese married women who returned to their homeland after living in the United
States for a year or more. The main research question was as follows:

What kinds of cross-cultural learning occur as a consequence of a foreign

experience, and how do these women sojoumers retain or revise their self concept?

In order to answer this question, three areas of questions were identified, and

under each question, subsidiary questions were placed.

1. How does a Japanese married woman describe what it was like to be a Japanese
woman living in Japan prior to going to the U. S.?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1) What was the community like for these women before they went to the U. S.?

(2) What was the family like for these women before they went to the United
States?

(3) What were the images of America before they went to the U. S.?

(4) What was everyday life like before they went to the U. S.?

(5) How was their ki energy of the Japanese women before they went to the U. S.?

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them the most before they went

58

to the U. S.?

(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and taremae/hunne that
concerned them the most before they went to the U. S.?

(8) What types of critical events had these women experienced before they went
to the United States?

(9) What types of personal goals did they have before they went to the United
States?

(10) What types of prior inter-cultural experiences did they have before they went
to the United States?

2. How does a Japanese married woman, after returning to Japan, describe what it

was like to be a Japanese woman living in a not-exclusively Japanese community in
the United States?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1) What was the community like that these women lived in in the U. S.?

(2) What was everyday life like for these women who were living in the U. S.?

(3) How was their ki energy of the Japanese woman in the United States?

(4) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them most in the United States?

(5) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/minus like
that concerned the Japanese women most in the United States?

(6) What types of disorienting dilemma did these women have in the U. S.?

(7) What types of reflection did these women have in the U. S.?

(8) What types of learning strategies did these women undertake in the U. S.?

3. In what ways and to what extent does the Japanese woman who lived in the
United States associate this experience with subsequent decisions regarding their
activities and interactions with others after they returned to Japan?

[Subsidiary Questions]

(1) What were the women amerika-gaeri (returnees from America) like?

(2) What did these women conceive as their expectations for themselves afier they
returned to Japan?

(3) In what way and to what extent do these women associate what they
experienced in the U. S. with the activities they currently engage in and plan?

(4) What are the perceived changes in norms due to living in the United States?

59

Why and why not?

(5) What was the ki energy of the Japanese women like after they returned to
Japan?

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned the Japanese women the most
after they returned to Japan?

(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/harm: that
concerned them the most afier they returned to Japan?

(8) What new perspectives did these women attain?

(9) What types of international activities do these women participate in?

In selecting the research methodology, not only the type of inquiry but also the
cross-cultural nature of the study calls for a particular way to approach the questions.
Maxwell (1996) points out that certain research purposes are suited for qualitative
studies. Such purposes include the following: “(1) Understanding the meaning, for
participants in the study, of the events, situations, and actions they are involved with and
of the accounts that they give of their lives and experiences; (2) Understanding the
particular context within which the participants act, and the influence that this context
has on their actions; (3) Identifying unanticipated phenomena and influences, and
generating new grounded theories about the latter; (4) Understanding the process by
which events and actions take place; and (5) Developing causal explanations (p. 17-
20).”. All five points fit what this study intended toodo.

Qualitative study offers many varieties in itself. Tesch (1990) classifies it into
four major categories such as the research interest which is in the characteristics of
language, the discovery of regularities, the comprehension of the meaning of text and/or
action, and reflection. Each category is further divided into subcategories, and then
two more levels. For example, the research which has an interest is in the

characteristics of language is first divided into “as communication” and “as culture.”

60

Then the one “as culture” is further divided into “cognitive” and “interactive.” The
research in the “cognitive” group is further divided into “ethnoscience” and “structural
ethnography.”

The elimination of one category under the “discovery of regularities” seemed
necessary because this study did not aim at making generalizations at the first level of
categorization of Tesch’s scheme. The category of “characteristics of language”
might be the secondary purpose of this study. The potential category of this study
might fall under “comprehension of the meaning of text and/or action,” because the
process of meaning-making is considered as “interpretation,” and that is what this
study looked for. In Tesch’s organization of categories, this school of research is
further divided into case studies or life history studies, and hermeneutics. Tesch
considers that life history studies “concentrates on following the development of
events and experiences over time (p. 68).” Case studies include historical research
and “direct observation and systematic interviewing (Yin, 1984, p. 19).”
Hermeneutics takes into consideration of “a singular event (which) is understood by
reference to whatever it is a part of . . . (Polkinghome, 1983, p. 221). This study did
not provide particular implications in the historical sense. Another area of Tesch’s
organization of categories is reflection, includes the studies which deal with intuition
or “tacit knowledge (Tesch, p. 69).” This area also seemed to be secondary to this
study. However, life history seemed to fit this study.

The method of gathering data varies depending on the inquiry. Some forms
include interviews, observations, and collecting documents or any information.
Data also vary. Mason (1996) lists the following: speech, language, writing, texts,

narratives, stories, art, cultural products, visual images, diagrams, photographs, maps,

61

publications, media products, documents, archives, laws, statutes, rules, regulations,
policies, collectivities, groups, clubs, organizations, events, and socio-geographical
locations. This study evaluated the data such as narratives and stories because they
included contextual information and accounts of the changes in activities from the
participants‘ point of view.

Experience is “individuals’ meeting, confronting, passing through, and
making sense of events in their lives (Denzin, 1989, p. 33).” Brnnner (1986, p. 6)
indicates that experience refers to how the realities of life present themselves to
consciousness. Epiphanies are a type of experiences which are considered as
significant events which evoke revelation in a person’s life (Denzin, p. 33) These
epiphanies usually leave a mark on peOple’s lives. Meaning takes forms of “ . . . a
concrete presence in the lives of . . . people (Derrida, 1972, p. 250).” The forms of
meaning are verbal and written expressions through “windows (Derrida, 1972).”
However, there is “no clear window into the inner life of a person, for any window is
always filtered through the glaze of language, signs, and the process of signification
(Denzin, 1972, p. 14).” Language is admittedly always “inherently unstable, in flux,
and made of the traces of other signs and symbolic statements (Denzin, 1972, p. 14).”
However, there seems no better [way to reflect and present a person’s meaning making
than in texts. Therefore, how lives are told and written about is considered to be
best represented by the narrative study.

In this study, the variations of experiences were looked into in light of the
three dimensions: “ki” energy, relations, and context. The changes in perspectives
were also examined in light of these three dimensions. This illuminated the complex

nature of cross-cultural experiences as they influenced individual perspectives back in

62

Japan. Such an illumination suggested a theory with regard to how cross-cultural
experience influences “ideas in people’s head” about “their model of their social

universe (Keesing, Ibid.).”

Reframing Questions

As I conducted the interviews, I noticed certain questions were useless, and
some others did not elicit an intended area of response. For example, asking the
interviewees to describe their images of America did not elicit detailed descriptions.
It seemed that an individual holds some types of images about certain incidents or
detailed pictures of some scenery, but a general images did not come out in concrete
descriptions.

The questions about context was very difficult ones as well. It seemed that
these women did not seem to easily distinguish the difference between outer/inner,
front/back, and tatemae/harm: when they speak of some behaviors. Often used
word was ura (inner, back, or home), but no simple (outer, front, or taremae) was
mentioned in any case.

Questions about the community in the United States only showed the
surroundings and people, but no community concept which was equivalent to their
neighbors in Japan came up. The contextual information was not clear when these
interviewees described about their lives in the United States.

While interviewing these women, I noticed certain questions produce poorer
response. As I mention later, language as well as cultural communication patterns
seemed to be the major reason. I was forced to refrarne some questions, and

sometimes, I abandoned entire subsidiary questions. In chapter 4, I will present the

63

categories that appeared to be shared by at least two interviewees.

Study Design

For the first step, participants were identified, and their names and addresses
were obtained. Then letters to ask them to participate were sent. Within ten days
from the day of sending letters, telephone calls were made to see if prospective
interviewees had some questions. If a person indicated her willingness to see the
consent form, it was sent right away. Usually, the consent form and the questions
were sent altogether, or brought to the participants for the first interview. After
reading these materials, the interviewees indicated their agreement to participate.
Some interviewees showed their agreement in the first telephone call. However, a
special care was taken for when to obtain their agreement, and they were told to hold
their indication of agreement until they read consent form and questions.

In the first individual interview, key, questions related to research questions
were introduced. The interviews were taped. Later these tapes were transcribed
and typed. When the study was planned, supplemental interview was considered
possible. However, no supplemental interviews were conducted. After reading the
transcription, summary was created. Analysis to find the themes and categories took
place during this stage. For the second and third interviews, same process was taken.
In-depth review and analysis were not discrete process but were concomitant with
interviews and transcriptions. After all the transcribing, in-depth review was made

using color markers. The following figure shows the flow of the study design.

64

Table l - Overview of Study Design

 

Participant

Selection

1

Data Collection

and Analysis

Analysis of

 

Participant Identification

Consent

First Individual
Interview

Transcription Review
Analysis

Second Individual
Interview
Transcription Review

Analysis

Third Individual
Interview

Transcription Review

In depth Transcription
Review and Analysis of

all Data

Supplemental Interview
(if needed or requested)
In-depth Transcription
Review and Analysis of
all Data

Names and addresses
obtained.
Letters sent out.

Consent form sent

out

Key questions related

to research questions

Key questions related

to research questions

Key questions related

to research questions

 

65

 

 

Findings

l

Study Report
1

Conclusions

 

 

 

Participant Selection

I decided to interview six Japanese women plus three others as a pilot. Most
participants were recruited through the educational exchange program between
Michigan State University and Tokyo University of Agriculture. These two
universities agreed on their sister-university relationship in 1966, and each year
Tokyo University of Agriculture sent one or two professors to Michigan State
University. They were usually accompanied by their family and remained in the
United States for from one year to eighteen months. Michigan State University does
not have exclusively Japanese neighborhoods, which are defined according to such
criteria as the availability of commercial services such as Japanese grocery stores,
restaurants, schools, travel agencies and parcel services targeted at a Japanese
population. The town of East Lansing, Michigan, had about 50,677 (Census, 1990)
population and is predominantly (85%) Caucasian. The Japanese population
comprises 0.6 percent. It has only one Japanese restaurant and several Asian
grocery stores that carry some Japanese staples. Japanese live in campus housing or
in neighborhoods near the university.

The participants were selected through institutional connections such as host
professors for the exchange program at the Michigan State University. A

coordinating director at Tokyo University of Agriculture was identified through these

66

host professors, and contact with the interviewees were made through this person.

Criteria for Selection

The female interviewees were selected based on marital status, and ranged in
age from 30 to 50. Professional career involvement was not included in the criteria.
The number of children was not included in the criteria. Most interviewees were
selected from the pool of population whose husbands work at a university, stayed for
one-year to 18 months in the United States of America that holds not-exclusively
Japanese population.

In the specific age range of 30 to 50, Japanese women usually are concerned
with their roles as primary caretakers of the family. This age range is also important
in employment, Between ages 30 and 34, Japanese women’s work force
participation is lowest (53.5%) and becomes highest between ages 45 and 49
(Ministry of Labor, Hataraku Josei no J itsujo, 1996). Women over 35 comprise 80
percent of the part time workers in Japan (Ibid., p. 37). Japanese women of this age
range seem to be engaging in various decision making activities that determine their
life circumstances such as employment and family care issues.

Participants were asked to:

1. provide demographic and personal characteristics such as age, education, career
profile, family structure, previous experience living in the US. or other foreign
countries.

2. participate in three personal andiotaped interviews of approximately 1 and 1/2
hours each.

3. participate in a supplemental interview for verification of information.

67

Six women (three for the pilot study) were selected from those who met the
criteria. A letter was sent to the interviewees to inform them about the research, an
estimate of time, and the usage of audio tape recorder for the interview. Within 10
days, the researcher called individuals to see if they expressed an intent to participate.
A consent form was brought to the participants for the first interview.

Some of the participants were known personally to the researcher at the outset
of this study. This would not be generally considered desirable in some cases
(McCracken, 1988). However, establishing trusting relationship can be a long
process, especially for the Japanese. Therefore, where relationships are already
established and perceived as trusting, this should be an advantage to conduct the

research.

Interview Process

Interviews took place mostly in the interviewees’ homes, two rooms available at
the university that a woman’s husband teaches and at another university that the
researcher held her temporary status as a visiting researcher. A room in the public
building was also used for one interviewee. It was the place that held meetings,
concerts, and classes.

As a Japanese custom, I brought some souvenirs from the United States such as a
book. of post cards, calendar, and cloth bag with university logo. I also brought cookies
to the homes especially if interviewees had small children. Cookies and tea were also
offered at rooms in the universities. Notable physical feature of Japanese universities is
the availability of water and a heating range in almost every room. They made easier

for me to make teas. Interviewees at their homes also prepared teas and cookies for me.

68

Interviewees made a selection of the place to talk after listening to what I
requested. A woman said that her home was in a mess, and had no time to clean up.
Another woman said that she wanted to stay out of her home as much as possible where
She lived with her mother-in-law. Other women said that they could not leave the house
because they had to watch small children. While in the interview, I understood that
many of their words meant as they were. Mrs. Ishida had to make sure there was
nothing special at school when her daughter came home from school, told her son to

leave for luku, a preparatory private school that offered classes after school, and arranged
the pick-up time. Mrs. Sato told her daughter to watch video program, and watched her
how she selected a program and how she kept the distance from the TV screen. Her
daughter also negotiated over a snack several times during the interview, and Mrs. Sato
carefully told her how to eat the sweet. Mrs. Tanaka returned late for an interview from
her flower arrangement class, and her mother offered me tea which apparently was
arranged before she left home.
Some of them picked me up and saw me off at the railroad station with a car or a
van. Many of them sent me a map through FAX, and wrote me E-Mail messages.
Sometimes, it rained and thundered hard, so I had to change my schedule and did

extended hour of interview for the arnonnt of two interviews on one day.

Consent Form

All interviewees signed a consent form that did not seem to be popular in Japan,
but they seemed to understand it was a necessary procedure in the U. S. In the form,
some expressions were necessary due to the Human Subjects’ regulation. For some

interviewees, these expressions sounded somewhat too specific. Some interviewees

69

smiled and told me that this type of writings was that of American. Sometimes, I felt
that some interviewees were pressured by being asked to sign. None of them told me so,
but sometimes I felt awkward moment, and hoped that they trust me in Japanese way.

One way to gain trusting feeling in Japanese way is to follow what I promised.
Afier the interview and when the first draft of transcriptions was made, I sent them a
cepy of transcript to show what I promised them, and asked them to correct or add.

Some did return, and some did not. For those who did not return their original
Titanscript, they said that they were too busy, and the content of the transcript was up to
their satisfaction.

Afier months from the interview, I wrote them new years card that is a Japanese
Custom, as I found it a good occasion to thank everyone involved in the research. Only
One person did not reply to me. Amazingly, one woman wrote me that she and her
family revisited the place once they lived. Another woman expressed that the interview
Was a good occasion to review what that whole experience of the stay in the United States
Was. It was my delighted moment, but I concerned most the one who did not reply to

me.

Interviews

Most interviewees followed the order of questions as they appeared in the
question form, although actual talking mixed up all the time frames. One woman
preferred the chronological order, rather than the given order. One woman did not like
the individual questions, so I gave up using them and let her talk what was on her mind.
Another woman asked me to understand what she intended to say, rather than to

understand what appeared in her vocalization. In her case, Japanese compound words,

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ishin;denshin, communicating heart by heart, was what she wanted to do. I am not sure
to what extent I succeeded in doing so. From their answers, I speculated that several
women misunderstood the purpose of the research. From her prepared notes, Mrs. Sato
seemed to have thought that I tried to point out the shortcomings of social system in
Japan. From her occasional mentioning about her son, I had a difficult time with Mrs.
Kobayashi to focus on her inner thoughts. Three possible reasons were considered:
( l ) Mrs. Kobayashi might have misunderstood that I was interested in fancy episodes
regardless of the person who experienced. (2) It might be an avoidance of presenting
her inner feelings. Or, (3) it might be a presentation of a different type of identity.
One time, I almost abandoned her transcription. However, a moment of discovery
arrived after many months of reading her transcription. The interview with her was a
frustration for me because I assumed that everyone understood the purpose of the
interviews but she did not appear to do so. It took me long time until I accepted the fact
that such description WAS about her identity. It contained a rich resource that indicates
identity of Kobayashis, rather than Mrs. Kobayashi and her son that were two separate
individuals. This acceptance led me to find out how other interviewees reacted to my
individualistic questions.
Sometimes, Mrs. Ishida did not seem to have completed presenting her thoughts.
For one episode, she presented a picture without her insights. I asked, “so?” she replied
“so ‘2” Her episode was meant to be taken as she described, but I thought that the
meaning was left out. After reading her transcript several times, I reached the point to
accept that there might not be further meanings.
As an interviewer, an unanticipated frustration was in unwillingness and

inability of the interviewees to describe inner thoughts. For Mrs. Fujita, probably,

71

feelings were not the type of things she was used to talk about. When I tried to ask
further, she started thanking all the peOple she thought she was indebted in the United
States. She might have guessed the reason why I asked her further, because she did not
express her gratitude to the people she thought she had on (indebtedness). She might
have thought that my question was more than just a question, but the accusation for being
rude or not fulfilling her role. This way, I felt difficulty with giving them question
sentences. Thus, for some interviewees, my questions were all too straight-forward,
asking them to describe in very specific ways.

There is still another difficulty with question form. It may not be interpreted by
the Japanese as it appears. For example, I heard some women said “good experience” to
comment what she experienced and felt negatively. So I asked, “in what way it is
considered ‘good’?” I failed conveying my intention. The interviewee answered, “It
Inight not be good one, but . . .” She seemed to feel that I made comments or evaluation,
rather than the clarification.

Some types of questions were not well considered. I realized after I
interviewed several people. For example, a question about world view was not well
articulated. The concept of world view is the analytical concept that interviewees may
1101: understand their worlds carrying this concept. The world view is the abstract
Concept that researchers finalize conclusions using this word. My solution was to ask
about the interviewees’ definite ideas about yononaka (inside of their world), or

I’elati onship with surrounding people.

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Language Presentation

I conducted the interviews in Japanese language and transcribed them all by
myself. In order to construct a sentence in English, I need information on subject,
object, verb, tense, and other things. However, Japanese sentence does not appear with
all the information that I need to construct English sentence. It is not only subject that is
missing, but also tense and verb are missing most of the time.

For example, in order to construct one sentence, such as “I read a book about
Amish (Mrs. Kobayashi)” I first found that she started saying “The first thing that I
concerned about was the Amish.” In order to find out how she came to know about
them, I had to read a couple of hundred words, and finally reached the sentence, “read
story titled Midnight Story.” However, I did not know who read this story in what type
of printed materials. However, after she described the story, she said, “heard that 20

percent of them left (or leave)” I am still not sure if she ever visited the village or read

a book.

’9

One woman used numerous numbers of interjections such as “well,” “ah,” nn.
An expression such as sonnakannii meaning ‘like that’ was used with “well” and “ah” to
Sound like a complete sentence, but no meaning was found in there.

Often subjects of the sentence are omitted in Japanese. This practice combined
Probably with some psychological tendency gives interviewees to create phrases only.
The problem with phrases emerged when I have to place a period mark in transcription.
It Was not too difficult to speculate the connected ideas without a period mark, but it

allowed my interpretation.

Sometimes, it took a half an hour to remind an interviewee to focus on her insight,

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rather than her children’s or husband’s. When I asked, “How did you feel . . . ?” An

,9

interviewee started saying “My son felt . . . Some women provided me with all sorts of
interesting experiences of sons and daughters of them. It seemed very difficult for these
women to admit their own episodes worth telling. However, as I found above, it might
be a way of presenting their identity.

Another problem was the locus of analysis. In the interview, I looked for
episodes, not the analysis of their collected experiences. Mrs. Kobayashi had hard time
describing what had happened, but gave me her analysis of cultural behaviors. Often I
asked, “for example?” She told me that she did not have any concrete examples.
Probably, there were many examples to let her conclude that way. Probably it seemed

too tedious for her to bring up detailed examples, because it was already analyzed and

concluded by her anyway.

Reasons for not Using Computer Software

In the process of finding discrete episodes and all other concepts of my interests,
I repeatedly read and marked with color markers and post-it. I made a summary chart
dividing the episodes into three time frames and one column for descriptions that were
Somewhat related to their “self” concepts. One time, I tempted to use qualitative
Computer software although later I found that there was no Japanese language version of
it- However, once I checked with Japanese synonym dictionary and the transcripts, it
might require that I create a new set of dictionary. Not only the large volume indicated
in the synonym dictionary, but also the fact that transcripts do not show exactly what is
deSil‘able or anticipated. For example, for the question to ask Mrs. Aoki, “How did you

feel?” She replied, “I had no money to pay.” Such unmatched question and answer

74

came up all over the places. Determination of how she felt was, therefore, not based on
what exactly she verbalized. Logical as well as cultural interpretation had to be made
there.

Some Japanese expressions and common usage also showed some problems.
For example, often used word, such as shone (little, or a little), meant various things in
wanous places. A lot of times, the sentence included charm is not finished. For
example, “(That’s) a little. . . . “ is the common sentence. I have to catch subtle nuances
such as this, but I distrusted computer software that requires exact wording.

What appears in the sentence might not be meant by the speaker. For example,
the act of deciding on going abroad was called imeigyugaku by both Japanese university
and the professors. Literally, it means that “study abroad by the order.” However,
actual process revealed that the senior professor in the university in Japan talked (not
ordered) to the professor who is the candidate below him, and the candidate submitted the
request (or a letter of indication) to go abroad. When I asked who decided, many
women just answered views from both sides: the main professor in the section of the

university showed some favorable attitude about his going abroad to study, and he wanted
to go (Mrs. Ishida). Or, the idea of study abroad was simply decided (Mrs. Mori).
Therefore, the original meaning of “study abroad by the order” was not recognized by
these women.

Such inconsistencies in expressions actually appeared in many places.
Interviewees had their own usage of vocabulary. Sometimes, clarification of meanings
Was not succeeded. For example, for the word, goriteki. interviewees could not describe
What it meant, while they used this word to indicate many aspects of American life style.

' In the dictionary, it means “being rational (The Kodansha Pax English-Japanese

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Dictionary, 1988)” which seemed to have come from Sociology textbook. An
interviewee indicated that the American house had double layer of glass window, and it
was gun'reki. It seemed to me that they meant being functional and economical by the

word goriteki. It had nothing to do with being rational.

Translation

It is extremely frustrating to translate Japanese expressions into English. For
English readers, translated words have to be consistent so that meaning stands by itself.
Many Japanese ,words are highly contextual. Therefore, they may not appear
consistently in a same meaning.

In addition, many Japanese words do not translate word to word. For example,
there is no exact translation for “assertiveness” in Japanese. Therefore, adjectives and
surrounding expressions should have been taken in order to determine if equivalent

concept was expressed.

Advantage and Disadvantage of Japanese Interviewer
One advantage that I am a Japanese native is that I see all the subtle clues that
are used to judge my trust-worthiness. Japanese value feeling of trust, and all sorts of
detailed questions are made to assure if I follow my promise and my behaviors are in
Consistent. If interviewees know each other, they check what I tell others.
Disadvantage of being a Japanese woman is that sometimes I was perceived as a
competitor. I have carefully chosen the interviewees so that all the women I used for the
study were not this type. When a researcher is perceived as a competitor, questions

W0lulld be challenged or commented, and ideal, rather than honest answers would be

76

elicited. If interviewees were competitive, they would lead me into time consuming
effort of explaining and teaching all the relevant academic theories and methods.

Even though I carefully chose the interviewees who were not competitive, some
of them appeared to comment and evaluate. I have learned how to nagasu such
moments by reading out the prepared questions. Another way to manage such moments
is to give them first the researchers’ episodes, and ask about the case of interviewees.

David Plath (1980) used this method to Japanese, and it seemed worked well.

Rumor among Interviewees

Individual Japanese women were accessed through a university exchange
program organizer and their husbands. I followed suggestions of this organizer about
the interviewees, but carefully told him it would be up to me to decide which transcripts
to be used for the study. A couple of months after I started the interview, I was told by
one woman when 1 called and asked her to interView, that she thought that she was
skipped although she thought she should be on the list. I understood that there was an
expectation that was already created by a rumor. The danger of everyone knowing
about the study is that a woman wonders how I judge particular answer compared to
others’. The solution I took was to repeat that there was no right or wrong answer, and

everyone has to come up with different answers.

Usage of Tape Recorder and Transcriber
For the technical matter, usage of tape recorder showed no problem with the
interviewees in my study. A tape recorder that makes noise when oneside of tape is up,

made me concentrated on the interview. The tape recorder had two speed options, and

77

this feature gave me enough time to go through a group of questions without interruption.
I used two micro tape recorders and carried extra 90 minute blank tapes and fresh
batteries all the time. A tiny microphone that can be worn on the lapel did not function
at all- For transcription, I used a transcriber and a computer with word processing
software. Unlike English word processor, Japanese language entry required much more
complicated process and time that seemed about three times more than English.
Expenditure to Participants
Cost of transportation and postage were the major expenditure. One
interviewee hinted that I pay for the transportation for her trip to my office. I
understood the nuance and knew the culturally appropriate way of paying - exact amount
of money was prepared and put in the envelope, and gave it to her with a word of thank

you.

DATA ANALYSIS

Initially, Composite Sequence Analysis introduced by the Huberrnan (1989)
seemed to be the most effective analytical tool because it shows the meaningful
sequences. First, the narrative stories were condensed onto a summary and then
diVided into phases or stages. However, these segments did not appear clearly.
The 131‘ get stages such as the time in their original culture, that in the host culture, and
the time back in Japan were somewhat clear. Those who have been abroad several
times described stories at one time without clear indication of specific stay. This
made the distinction between phases unclear. According to Huberrnan, they were

named or labeled by themes for each phase. Then the results were clustered

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according to each phase. Then each phase will be named. However, actual themes
showed wide rage, and none of them unifome appeared in all six interviewees’
descriptions. Huberrnan suggested that the sequence of themes be mapped by arrow
signs in the graphics. In this study, only ki level was indicated to show its

transitions.

RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY

Issues of reliability and validity in qualitative research are directed toward the
skills of the researcher that a person interviews, records, and modifies the methods
from one research site to another. Therefore, the researcher’s experiences and skills
are considered to be crucial to the reliability and validity of the study. Miles and
Hubberman (1994) list four criteria to ensure this (p. 38):

1. some familiarity with the phenomenon and the setting under study

2. strong conceptual interests

3. a multidisciplinary approach, as opposed to a narrow grounding or focus in

a single discipline
4. good “investigative” skills, including doggedness, the ability to draw people

out, and the ability to ward off premature closure

The researcher for this study, a native of Japan, was very familiar with the
phenomenon in question through volunteer work to help these women settle in the
United States. Through two graduate programs in Anthropology and
Com“'lllrrication in the setting, a number of interviews were conducted with Japanese

women. in the area. Good cross-cultural information can be collected when an

79

interviewer knows subtle cultural cues. Without this knowledge, the research can be
led to “relatively naive, easily misled, easily distracted fieldwork, along with the
collection of far too much data (Miles and Huberrnan, Ibid., p. 38).”

In order to lessen reactivity or the researcher’s effect, leading questions were
avoided in the interview. However, as Hammersley and Atkinson (1983) indicate,
minimizing reactivity is not a goal, but it is the understanding how the researcher

influences what the interviewees say.

LIMITATIONS

For this qualitative research, sampling was purposefully done rather than
random. Cross-case generalizability was not a goal of the research. However, the
generalizability of qualitative studies can be based on the development of a theory
that can be extended to other cases (Yin, 1994). For the current research, cross-case
generalizability can be extended to the population of the same cultural background
(Japanese), gender, age range, and duration of stay in the United States, but excluding
factors such as Japanese local population in the United States, intention of staying in
the United States, and the community formation in Japan. The factors that are
ambiguous include the husbands’ occupation, types of organization through which the
interviewees are sent, and the women’s participation in educational institutions in the

United States.

SUMMARY
This study aimed at understanding cross-cultural learning process of Japanese

married women when they returned to their homeland after living in the United States

80

for a year or more. As a methodology, the descriptive and narrative nature of the
study was outlined. Study design, selection procedure, interview process, data
analysis, reliability and validity, and limitations were presented in the preceding

section.

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Chapter 4

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

In this chapter, I will present the data that were obtained from the interviews
with Japanese married women who lived in the United States for a year or more and
returned to Japan. Before going into the presentation of their descriptions, I will
introduce the subjects of the research. I have given them pseudonyms and altered some

details that might make them recognizable to others.

Six Women Respondents

Mrs. Kobayashi is in her late forties and has had various experiences of going
abroad. She is college educated. She worked part time for a non-profit organization
that deals with Asian immigrant workers before and after she went to the United States.
In the United States, her son was 6 years old, and she was pregnant. She had a baby girl
there. The main focus of her description of her stay in America included experience
of staying in a hospital, her son’s school, and her PTA activities. Upon her return to
Japan, she relearned what Japan was like, especially in the areas of gender roles, options
for women, and PTA activities. She finally accepted that she was different from other
women and resisted the strong pressure to be like other married women. Her image of

Japan is one of coercive uniformity with gender separation. She put some effort into

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changing some of her cultural practices in, for example, the PTA activities.

Mrs. Ishida is her mid forties and used to be a dietitian. Later she became an
editor of a textbook for future cooks. She lives in the 12'“ floor of a 16 story apartment
building. She talked a great deal about the stress she felt in her community. She has
two children. In the United States, she drove 10,000 miles in 34 days for vacation.
When she returned to Japan, she said she was much better adjusted to her community.
She said that she became less involved with in community relations when she returned.
She also said that she learned to manage her stress by doing some sports. She showed
some sympathy to foreigners in Japan. To her, now, Japanese society looks very
provincial and closed.

Mrs. Aoki is in her early thirties with three children. She used to be a high
school teacher who taught Economics and Political Science. She "Stopped teaching and
married. She turned down the opportunity to go abroad to study when she was in
college. She canied this regret with her all the time and actualized her dream by
accompanying her husband who was assigned an overseas stay for a year. In the United
States, she went to a community college and studied English. She said that financially
and physically it was not easy to manage several roles as a mother, a student, and a wife.
When she returned to Japan, she perceived that the Japanese education looks like the
military. Through helping her children to readjust themselves at school, she said that
she found that the Japanese way requires her children to play in groups. She said that
her role as a mother was intensely monitored by others. She said that the Japanese
society as a whole tells women in various ways not to go out to work.

Mrs. Sato is in her late twenties with one child. She used to work at a

computer software company and later at a college as a secretary. Her choice of work at

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the college was strategically planned. She prepared and studied to enter a formal
graduate program at the host university in the United States. Four months after her
arrival, she returned to Japan to deliver her child, and flew back to the United States with
her baby. She started the graduate program, but returned to Japan without being able to
finish it. She met a Japanese family who used to live in Zimbabwe from whom she
learned that there are many life options. Now, she said, she can let her daughter not to
be bound by traditional Japanese expectations. She said that if her daughter doesn’t
want to go to college, it is OK. If her daughter wants to go abroad to study, it is also all
right with her.

Mrs. Mori is in her mid thirties. She has two children. She is a high school
graduate. She used to work as a secretary at a company before she married. One of
the most serious decisions Mrs. Mori engaged before going to the United States was
switching the school for her daughter from a prestigious, private one to a local, public
one. Upon her marriage she became a full-time housewife who was in charge of all
household activities. Her mother lives with the family only in the winter. Mrs. Mori
did not want to go to the United States. While in the States, she had several regrettable
experiences, including signing a petition without knowing what it was. She gradually
became confident in the United States. Since returning to Japan, she described herself
as becoming more active and assertive. She said that she began going out alone. She
said that she saw Americans express themselves straightforwardly, and that they
sometimes hurt other people. She believes that everything including the ill-natured acts
of a person will return to his/herself. Therefore, she said that she wanted to be gentle,
kind, and not hurt other people.

Mrs. Yamada used to work at a company as secretary before her marriage.

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After her marriage, she.lived with her parents-in-law and sister-in-law. Her husband
was the oldest son of a farm family. She is in her mid-thirties and has two children.
She felt strong resistance about going to the United States from her parents-in-law. She
said that being a housewife is “ikiba_ga_nai.” or “no place to go or develop.” She
described that she was cut off from any connection with the society. In the United
States, she enjoyed herself without the watchful eyes of parents-in-law. She took
community education classes in English, crafts and sports. She observed different roles
of wife and husband in the United States. She returned to Japan and learned to make
difficult relationships easier to handle. She described this psychological management as
nagasu (to drain). Her spiritual energy (ki) became strong compared to how she was
before she went to the United States, and she said that she could express her opinions
better. She said that she now goes out frequently and participates in the PTA activities

to promote internationalization.

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Responses to Research Questions

The first questions regarding pre-U.S. stay were addressed as follows:

1. How do these women describe what it was like to be a Japanese woman living in

Japan prior to going to the U. S.?

In the following section, I will present respondents’ descriptions when they

are most relevant to the questions.

(1) What was the community like for these women before they went to the U. S.?

Four women lived in apartments. Three of them lived in tall buildings called a
“mansion” or danchi (apartment complex). One woman lived in a small apartment
complex that was owned by her husband’s company. Mrs. Yamada and Mrs. Mori lived
in houses located in Tokyo suburbs. I visited three residences: Mrs. Ishida’s and Mrs.
Sato’s apartments, and Mrs. Mori’s house.

Their community is constituted of the people surrounding them. When these
women talked about “mawan'no hito (people who surround them)” there appeared to be
several categories: (1) kirrio_no_hito (neighbors), (2) family and shinseki (relatives),
(3)tomo_daghi (friends), and (4)others. Many times, friends are categorized by time
frame or formal association, such as friends since I was small, or fiiends with whom I
went to school. People categorized as “other” often involve some intermediate person,
such as people whom I met through my husband, or people whom I met through my
children. “Others” may include nakama which indicates psychological and structural

belongingness to a group at a company or hobby clubs. Many times, these surrounding

86

people become sources of stress as well as support.

Mrs. Ishida lives on the 12th floor of a 16 story-high apartment with her husband
and two children. When her children were young, she said she took them outside
everyday and came back to eat lunch, and she had tea with other mothers in the afternoon.
There was a sand box located between the tall apartment buildings. Mothers let their
children play in the box while they chatted on the bench. When she didn’t feel up to
going out, she said that someone called her name from the yard outside to her 12th floor
balcony. When her children attended nursery school, she saw her children off at the
school bus stop with other mothers. After their children left for school. the mothers
usually stayed at that bus stop to chat and gossip.

Mrs. Aoki said that she had a close community life. She said that when she had
a caesarian section in the hospital, mothers took turns to prepare a box lunch every day
for her husband who stayed at home alone. She said teachers at a nursery school
washed her son’s dirty clothes because they knew that his mother could not launder them.
Some mothers volunteered to care for her second son when Mrs. Aoki was in the hospital,
and they cooked dinner for his father. Mrs. Aoki’s description of outings to the nearby
park was very positive. She said some mothers called her up about 11 o’clock when
they knew her children had no school and had to stay home. They had a picnic outing to
see cherry blossoms at the park and ate snack, while their children played. It seemed to
be a cooperative social interaction.

Mrs. Sato’s satisfaction with her community life was moderate. Mrs. Sato lives
in a small apartment building with 18 families. She takes her child to the park and
meets with other mothers. When she and her husband moved into the apartment, she

was told by the head of the resident organization to visit every household in the apartment

87

complex, and to give them a gift worth about five dollars. The resident organization
collects fees to hire cleaning persons and to give gifts collectively for weddings and
funerals. They had a news bulletin on the clipboard, and each resident has to stamp
(hanko) on it to show that they read it. Each resident has to pass this kairanban onto the
next neighbor. They also have some fire drills and grass eradication in the apartment
complex. She was involved in the community responsibilities which she did not
describe positively, and she mentioned that she did not have many close contacts in the
apartment complex.

When Mrs. Yamada described her community life, she told how her neighbors
visited her once in a while and had tea with her when her mother-in-law was not
around.

Mrs. Sato and Mrs. Kobayashi did not mention support for their children from
the people who surrounded them. Mrs. Mori’s mother lived with her, so I assume
that she helped Mrs. Mori to some extent. Mrs. Aoki said that she frequently asked
her own mother to take care of her children, although her mother lived several hours
away by car. Mrs. Yamada wanted a baby sitter to take care of her children, but she
told me that was not acceptable to her mother-in-law. Mrs. lshida’s mother once

lived with her daughter for one year and took care of her daughter.

Stress in the Community

The respondents were asked if they experienced any stress living in their local
community. Mrs. Ishida pointed out the stress she experienced in her community:

“It was the eyes of others (seken), or relationships among housewives that gave

me stress. They had faction-like groups. Sometimes I cried when I was caught in

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conflicts. Now I think of it, it is just a small thing. However, when I had that problem.
it was a huge thing in my mind. I was waiting for my husband to come home, and I
cried, screaming, ‘kuyashii (I can’t stand it.)’ This was over the matter of deciding on
the number of years of nursery school for my child. A woman who used to be a school
teacher said to me that those who had nursery education for three years usually show
some problems. I was thinking of giving my son three years of nursery education then.
She suggested that I take care of him for one more year at home and let him be in the
nursery school next year. In Japan, people really walk into your life in that sense.”

For Mrs. Sato there was stress about her children also. Mrs. Sato told me
that the ern_de_but (park debut) was well known as a first step to community
participation for small children. Popular magazines and journals write about this.
KerLDebut was the child’s first appearance at the near-by park, which was usually
located at the corner of the residence area or between tall apartment buildings. Mrs.
Sato told me that mothers have to pay special attention to what the child wears. “If
your child’s clothes are too fancy, she will be excluded (from the group). If they are
too frugal, that’s no good either.”(t. 6)

Mrs. Sato added that the purpose was not for her to participate in the
community. “(I intend to participate locally because I have) to look for playmates
for my child. It is not something I will do for me, but for my child. So I may join
the “circle” such as children’s activity groups (t. 6).”

Mrs.Ishida told me that she is well aware of the bullying among the women
who gather around the sandbox in the park. “Housewives have bullying (ijime)
among themselves. Usually those women who surround the sandbox had closed

groups. Some women won’t be welcome by these groups. Therefore, those who

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were excluded go and wander to other parks (t. 18).”

Housewives’ Hierarchy

The respondents described a form of hierarchy among the housewives in their
community. Mrs. Mori described how housewives establish a hierarchy:

“When my daughter started going to the kindergarten, I was surprised by the
way other mother talked to teachers, and the newsletter from there. . . . As I saw off
and picked up my daughter, I started exchanging greetings with other mothers. Then,
I started inviting or being invited to let my child visit other children’s houses. Then
the mothers started asking questions about where I was born. Then they asked about
where I went to school. They also told me where they went to school. If you went
to a nice girls schools such as the one I know that one of the mothers told me about,
you laugh with words such as ‘o-ho-ho,’ instead of ‘a-ha-ha.’ Those nice ladies
would say, ‘gomemasobase’ (‘excuse me’), and ‘gukigenm(‘farewell’)’ It was a
very different world.”

Mrs. Ishida also pointed out such rank consciousness among housewives:

“When my son was about to take an entrance examination at a junior high school, I

avoided seeing those women. They knew what school my son took an examination to

get into. Japanese people evaluate and decide one’s social status by the name of the

university he/she (subject of the sentence was not clear) graduated from, or the name of

the company her husband works for. There are not many overt comments on university

names that have lower prestige, but subtle nuances play enough to rank housewives.

Rumors fly by themselves, tsurai, tsmaflpainful, painful)” (t. 1 0)

Mrs. Sato told me that she was extremely careful about topics of talk with

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neighbors: “If I said that I did things such as this and that when I was in the university.
someone would say that she was a high-school graduate. This kind of thing really
happens. I can talk to the women when I know their background and education.
I have to be extremely careful about topics. Otherwise, I would be thought as
‘smart’ or ‘rich.’ The safest way is to say nothing (t.27).”

Housewives seem to interact with a greater variety of people than their
husbands who are recruited through similar level universities, and thus have
economically and socially similar backgrounds. Mrs. Sato told me that the

community of housewives seems to offer much more varied family backgrounds.

(2) What was their family like before they went to the United States?
In this section, I will present the descriptions that are related to family
centering around a variety of issues the women had. They include expectations of
other housewives, stress of being a housewife, family, relations with other

housewives, role of mother, role of wife and husband, and stress at home.

Expectation of Housewives

For various reasons, the interviewees all became housewives (shufii). While in

the past, under rstaikenbo slogan (Good Wife and Wise Mother) that advocated shufu

was the ideal authoritative status in a family, contemporary women are given choices that

might not be well recognized by them in their life course. Some women are well aware

of these choices and consciously choose what they want to be, but other women point out

that others’ expectations are strong.

Mrs. Aoki was asked to become a full-time housewife by her husband when they

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had an arranged marriage. Another omiai_(arranged marriage) couple was Mr. and
Mrs.Yamada. Mrs. Yamada also became a full-time housewife. The other four women
married in so-called “love marriages” that do not have traditional rituals such as an
exchange of portraits. Usually, people who follow the traditional marriage style are
expected to conform to traditional life styles. One of the four who had a “love
marriage,” Mrs. Mori, also followed this pattern. She quit her work and stayed home
one year before marriage. While the woman is staying at home, it is considered to be in
an apprentice period, and she learns all sorts of housework from her mother.

Three women worked after they married. Mrs. Ishida quit her job when she
became pregnant. She recalled her sentiment this way: “I always looked down on the
full-time housewives. I said “funi(a voice to show looking down)” when I saw them.
However, when we moved to this place (about two hours from her work place), I became
exhausted. I gave up (working full time)”

Unlike Mrs. Ishida, both Mrs. Sato and Mrs. Kobayashi continued working after
their marriages. Mrs. Kobayashi worked full-time at first and became part-time later.
Mrs. Sato worked full time. Mrs. Sato considered being a housewife as follows: “Being
a housewife is unforgivable. The family constitutes society, but a housewife does not
directly contribute to the society. I don’t think that a woman is forgiven for doing only
the housework, and nothing else. It is OK to do volunteer work if you like it. Just
taking care of your husband and children is no good, if you excuse my expression.
Taking care of your husband and children is not the same as doing something for yourself.
Your husband has his company and society, and your children have their schools. I

really think I have to have such (world). Otherwise, I lose jihun (myself).”

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Stress of being a Housewife

For some of the women, being a housewife is very stressful. Mrs. Sato told me,
“I can’t bear the life in that I do nothing (other than the housework). It (being a
housewife) is really stressful.”

One of the most frequently mentioned comments about being a housewife is the
detachment from the society (shakaLkaranofianzersu).

Mrs. Sato told me that housewives had no 55:11:11 (connected point) with
society.(t.25) Mrs. Yamada also said that she felt that she was shadan (cut-off) from
connection with society (t. 14). Mrs. Ishida told me that the world of housewives is
narrow (t. 18).

In order to compensate for this feeling of detachment, not many options are
available for housewives.

Mrs. Ishida told me that housewives have shallow (kihaku, or thin) relationships
among themselves (t.l9). Mrs. Mori told me that the relationship among housewives is
kudaranai (not worth taking seriously.) (t. 25). Mrs. Kobayashi also pointed out that the

talk of housewives is kudaranai (not worth taking seriously.) (t.26).

Family

Among the six women, only Mrs. Yamada lived with her husband and two
children(6 and 4 years old), mother-, father- and sister-in-law in a farm house. Mrs.
Mori lived with her husband and children (1. and 6 years old), and her mother-in-law for
every winter. Mrs. Ishida lived with her husband and children (2, and 4 years old).
Mrs. Aoki lived with her husband and children (3 months, 2, and 4 years old). Mrs.

Kobayashi had her husband, a 6 years old child, and delivered a baby in the United States.

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Mrs. Sato returned to Japan alone to deliver a baby and rejoined her husband later in the
United States.

Interactions with relatives, especially with their own mothers, appeared in
several of the women’s descriptions. For example, Mrs. Aoki had close ties with her
own mother and asked her to baby-sit with her children before and after she lived in the

United States.

Relations with Other Housewives

When their children were small, the mothers seemed to have intensive
relationships with other mothers. Mrs. Ishida’s description showed the most intensive
relationship with other mothers: “I intended to find some private classes for my children
so I could meet other mothers. I went out once a week to take my children to class and
made some new relationships with other mothers. It was because I had a repetitious,
dull life everyday, and I was stressed out (t.p.15)”

Some mothers mentioned intensive involvement with the Parent and Teacher
Association (PTA). This seemed to be a crucial tie with other mothers. Mrs. Yamada
visited her child’s school twice a week. She was elected as a core member of the PTA.
Eight core members were elected. These members also have to attend the city-level
PTA association. Mrs. Yarnada’s committee invited some people to lecture to the
parents. In addition, they published a newsletter on environmental issues and culture.
During summer vacation, PTA members have to eradicate the grass in the court yard.
Fees were collected and the money was used for various activities. According to Mrs.
Yamada, those members who meet regularly become good fiiends. They eat out

together and had parties such as “forget-the-year (hgnenkai).” Such groups sometime

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continued even after their children graduated from school. Mrs. Yamada’s father used
to be head of the PTA twenty years ago when Mrs. Yamada was in junior high school,
and he still goes on trips with other members.

Mrs. Aoki also mentioned close ties with other mothers in the PTA of her child’s
nursery school. “When it rained, I called other mothers to come over to my apartment
and baked pancakes and ate together (p. 46).” However, she said that this atmosphere
changed when she moved to a condominium. “When we rented an apartment, no one
complained when the park in the complex became in a mess. However, various people
lived in the condominium, and we all paid maintenance fee. If someone’s child made a
mess (in a park), someone would not agree to use the budget to restore that (t. 47).”

Thus, PTA members seemed to have fewer choices to get together.

Role of Mother

Motherhood was an important role for many of the women interviewed. Mrs.
Mori described how she felt about being a mother when she said that the mother is
responsible for establishing surroundings so their children could find friends. The
private nursery school she chose for her daughter was located somewhat far from her
home. After three years of attending this school, Mrs. Mori found that her daughter did
not have local friends.

“I found that my child had no friends locally when she was supposed to graduate
from nursery school. It was her parents’ fault. There were many children of her age
around the area. I did not let her play with them because I have to drive a car for her to
meet with her fiiends. My mother, who was a former school teacher, also suggested that

I let my child attend a local primary school.

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Mrs. Aoki also took initiatives to find friends for her children (t. 34): “If you
want to have your son have many fiiends, you and their mothers have to be friends.
Mothers have to create the setting for that. Once he finds a friend, he can make the
circle larger. For the first introduction, I invite several friends over to my house. I talk
to their mothers. They may suggest some other friends, so I also include them. Next
time when they meet each other at the kindergarten, they can talk. I think I am
irresponsible as a mother if I abandon that effort.”

Some of the women defined other roles for themselves, including Qsandgn (meal
preparation three times a day). Mrs. Mori described usandon as follows: “Qsandan is
the housewife. I (They) take care of children’s meals and the things that American
mothers would do.”

However, what she described included more than just meal preparation. When
she described the preparation to go to the United States, major areas of her roles included
children’s education, health care of family members, and relations with neighbors: “The
thing I was most concerned about was my children’s education. A year’s absence
means a lot to them. However, it was pitiful if my children fell behind students in Japan.
My role was to hit their bottom (means that Mrs. Mori had to encourage them to study).
I worried about the children’s education most (t. 22).”

In Japan, Mrs. Mori had her children receive private preparatory classes called
juku, study classes. One iuku gives Kumon style curriculum. Mrs. Mori said, “I
decided to be a atooshi (back-up) for family members (t.2). I decided that I didn’t dare
to speak out about things I want to do. I will acompany my husband who will go to the

United States to work. I want to support him in various ways. Therefore, health care

of the family members was the first priority.”

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Mrs. Mori also said, “I shouldn’t bother neighbors by letting tall grass become
bothersome to them. So I had to ask my brother and aunts to take care of the house

while we were gone (t.22).”

Role of Wife and Husband

Mrs. Aoki had several counseling sessions before she and her husband left for
the United States: “It was the nayami (serious concern, internal confusion, or problem)
about the process of taking care of my children, that made me see the counselor. It was
about the first son. My son often forgot to bring various things, and I didn’t realize that.
However, my husband often complained. In Japan, when we go out, mothers prepare
everything for the outing. I had to cook breakfast, close windows, prepare things to
bring, change my son’s clothes, but my husband just yelled at me without helping me
around. Instead, he said, ‘Hurry up.’ When he found that I did not bring something
important, he complained. The counselor suggested that we write a plan and put it on
the wall. Then, we wrote such as this: getting up at 8 o’clock, eating breakfast at 8:30,
doing dishes by 9:00, then father folds the futun (bedding) while I do dishes, and change
our son’s clothes together from 9:00. Father has to remember this.”

Mrs. Aoki described that her problem disappeared after the counseling sessions.
It seemed to be her husband’s participation in the housework that was necessary. Mrs.
Ishida also mentioned her husband’s role of taking care of their children. According to
her, her husband didn’t mind changing diapers, and their neighbors were surprised with
his quick manner when they went to the swimming pool together. When their neighbors
asked him how often he does this kind of thing, Mr. Ishida told them it was an everyday

thing.

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Some husbands’ non-participation in house work can be suspected from the
descriptions that wives gave about the life during their stay in the United States. For
example, Mrs. Yamada told me that her children, when they saw a male professor making
a desert himself with a blender, brought a step stool so they could look into the kitchen
sink, stared at the face of this male professor, and looked back to their mothers. I asked
why they did this, and Mrs. Yamada told me that a man did such a thing, and it never
happened in her family. Mrs. Yamada also told about the changes in the role of wife and
husband that occurred when they stayed in the United States. This included her
husband’s cleaning a bathroom, preparing for a party, giving a ride for Mrs. Yamada and
their children, and being with their son in a swimming class. Apparently, these new
roles were not assumed when they were in Japan.

Mrs. Kobayashi mentioned that if her husband did not mind cooking himself,
she would have gone out more frequently. Usually, she had to prepare for dinner before
she left home for evening events. She also mentioned this is the expected role for

Japanese women.

Stress at Home

Only two women lived with their parents-in-laws. One of them, Mrs. Mori,
however, lives with her mother-in-law half a year every winter. For the rest of the year,
she lives in Hokkaido, the Nothern island of Japan. She noted that this arrangement was
not her original desire when she married. When she and her husband started having a
family, her mother-in-law suggested that their new baby should live in a house, not in an
apartment. At that time, they lived in an apartment. Mrs. Mori did not mention any

notable conflict with her mother-in-law. However, she said that living with parents-in-

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laws was the biggest unexpected event in her life (t.23). She suspected that her way of

raising her child looked strange from her mother-in-law’s point of view (t.27):

“When my daughter was allowed to enter a famous private kindergarten, I was
influenced by the philosophy of that school to the extreme. It was like a brain
wash. For example, when I had to go to my maternal house, I asked my three
year old daughter if she wanted to go with me or not. From my mother-in-law’s
point of view, I think such behavior looked funny because my daughter was only
three years old. My mother-in-law has never been angry or preached to me.
When I hit my daughter and became angry at her, my daughter cried. However,
I have never done what I was supposed to do after doing such things, such as
hugging her. My daughter ran for her grandma and grandpa soon after that.”

Mrs. Yamada’s stress at home is notable: “It is always faster if I do things at
home right away (than asking my mother-in-law). However, if I do them right away,
(my mother-in-law) will get angry. It won’t work. Therefore, I have to ask her first.
No matter how quickly I can (solve such problems), I have to ask her, and she would say
‘I have done for you.’ Then, I have to say, ‘Thank you.’ to her.”

Mrs. Yamada mentioned that her mother-in-law complained about how she
disciplined her children (t. 19). She also complained that Mrs. Yamada did not follow
traditional customs, such as the festival for the children of seven, five, and three years old.
Mrs. Yamada described that being a full time housewife gave her no way out (ikihaga
nai). . (Literally, ikiba means “a place to go.” However, Mrs. Yamada added in this
case “place” meant “development.”) She indicated that living with in-laws was a nerve-

wracking experience for her.

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(3) What were their images of America before they went to the United States?

The women’s awareness ranged from ignorance to some prior knowledge. For
some, the idea of going to the United States was positive; for others, it was rather
negative.

Mrs. Sato told me that she didn’t have any iwakan (feeling of difference, or unfit
feeling) with America: “Culturally and materialistically, I can live in America without
any feelings of (things) being different. For example, I expected to watch similar TV
programs and sports. In Japan, American dramas are often aired. I expect that such
people (those who appeared in TV programs) live in the States. I thought (the life in the
States) probably looks like that (which appeared in the TV programs)”

However, other women just told me that they did not have any specific picture of
the United States before the sojourn. Mrs. Mori told me that she had no specific images
about America. But/and/so she did not want to go to the United States: “I didn’t like
going at all. When my husband told me about going, I told him that I didn’t like going.
I told him, ‘If you want to go, go without me.’ My husband told me that our family
would experience what an ordinary Japanese family would never experience in Japan.
Then, I hesitantly agreed. However, I told him that if anything happens, it would be his

fault.”

Anticipation/willingness to Go Abroad

Mrs. Kobayashi described to me that she had been thinking (nayamu) about
going abroad: “Why do I have to go? Is it because (the entire business of going to the
United States) was his? If I can’t make myself a plan of going abroad, then (it would be

all right). (I was working) full-time, then. Actually, the salary was not full (though). . .

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I had no money (to support myself if my husband goes alone and let me stay at home). . .
Women who have spouses are. . . easy to be hired by such an organization (that pays less
than ordinary company). And the women are willing to work there (even if they pay
less) . . . So I had to think about it.”

In Mrs. Kobayashi’s case, decision making was not easy. At least several
issues appeared to be involved here: power relations with her husband; other potential
opportunities to go abroad; creating such an opportunity herself; concern about having
enough income if she stayed in Japan; job opportunities when she came back.

Mrs. Yamada was told about the plan to go to the United States when she was on
her honeymoon. At that time, she was not sure where her husband was supposed to go.
She told me that she noticed a farewell party every summer for the professors who were
going abroad. Then she asked her husband about his turn. She told me that the order
of the people who were going was based on age and seniority. It was the third year that
her husband finally decided after hearing all the advice from other professors who have
been abroad. She also told me that the official decision was made about a year before
they actually went. Mrs. Yamada, however, did not tell me her willingness to go abroad

clearly. She told me that her parents-in-law strongly rejected the plan:

“When I and my husband told his parents about the sojomn, we were told next
morning that the parents-in-law couldn’t sleep at all. My mother-in-law told me
that it was irresponsible as a mother not to let my children attend ‘shichigosan,’
the festivals for seven, five, and three years old, if I went abroad. She also
pointed out that my oldest son would miss an entrance ceremony at the
elementary school. Letting him miss these events was not acceptable to the
mother-in-law. She accused me of enticing my husband to think of going abroad.
My mother-in-law asked, ‘who is going to take care of us if something happens
while you are in the States?’ After various other objections from my parents-in-

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law, I had a countdown in my mind. I wanted to get out of the house very badly.”

Mrs. Aoki told me that professors in her husband’s university are allowed to go
abroad only once in his/her life time: “You don’t get to ‘go’ just because you requested it.
It won’t pass (the committee meeting). In my husband’s case, his major professor
became ill . . . if it happened a half year later, we couldn’t go. It was only one week
before we left Japan that my husband got formal approval from the president of the
university and the committee (t. 44).”

Mrs. Sato actively prepared to go abroad:

“My husband has a goal to do things in the United States. I had some concern
that if I have nothing I can’t hang (motsu) in there everyday. I saw magazine
articles on the topic of ‘neurosis (yuutsm’ of wives of people who are assigned to
work overseas. Those who can’t get used to (the surroundings) become
confined in their rooms. So, I thought that it’s better to have something to do for
myself. If I will do something, then I wanted to study formally.” (Mrs. Sato
entered the program in the United States.)

(4) How was their ki energy of the Japanese women before they went to the U.S.?
(5) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them the most before they
went to the U.S.?
(6) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemaelhunne
that concerned them the most before they went to the U.S.?
Initially, I expected to be able to present separate descriptions that show ki,
dyadic relations, and outer/inner context. However, these items appeared in a
mixture. It seems logical because ki is an individual person’s inner energy, the

dyadic relations is the person’s smallest social context, and the outer/inner context

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is the larger one as pointed out by Rosenberger (1992). Naturally, my
interviewees told me how they felt when they were with someone in a certain
place. Therefore, I will present descriptions that seem to include more than one

of these concepts as it is necessary.

Self—ki, mac, and gimme-m

Self seems to be expressed in various ways. One way is seen in behavior
surrounding “ki.” “Ki” is known as “mind,” “spirit,” or “heart (Wagatsuma, 1983).”
It is used to express various states of mind. Wagatsuma organized the usage of “ki”

in four categories:

“(1) Consciousness, awareness, or sanity: when a person becomes insane, it
is said that his “ki” is out of kilter” (ki ga kuruu); when he faints. his “ki
becomes distant” (ki ga toku naru); when he gets distracted, his “ki becomes
scattered” (ki ga chiru)).

(2) Interest, intention, or volition: when an individual is willing, his “ki
proceeds” (ki ga susumu); when he loses his initial interest, his “ki changes”
(ki ga kawaru).

(3) Mood, feelings, or emotions: when a person feels depressed, his “ki
sinks or becomes closed” (ki ga shizumu/fusagu); when he is nervous, his “ki
becomes ruffled” (ki ga kusha kusha suru).

(4) Temperament, heart, or mind: of a quick-tempered person it is said that
his “ki is short” (ki ga mijikai); of a timid person that his “ki is small” (ki ga
chiisai); of a good-natured person that his “ki is good” (ki ga ii); of a patient
person that his “ki is long” (ki ga nagai).(quote from Wagatsuma, 1983).”

In addition, Wagatsuma offers another category of “ki” that is used

as an object. Wagatsuma writes;
“for example, a person “moves his ki around” (ki o mawasu) when he makes a

conjecture about another person, or he “dr0ps his ki” (ki o otosu) when he is

disappointed. However, in most expressions it is ki, not the individual, that

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is the subject of the statement. When a person is patient, it is not he but the
ki (in him) that is long (length). When an individual feels depressed, it is not
he but ki that sinks (Ibid.)”

Mrs. Ishida told me that living in Japan is not easy because university prestige
influences one’s ranking consciousness (t. 10). The state of ki for her was expressed
as follow: “Things between housewives such as tiny things hit my kan (liver), and it
caught my ki_(ki ni 11am). In the past, I took them seriously. . . I thought that I have
to force myself (muri;Q;shi1e) to interact with other housewives when I see off my
child at the bus stop and talk to them every morning (t. 12).”

Mrs. Ishida also used the words, seken and sekenflei to show concern. Mrs.
Ishida told me that the seken in this case is the neighbor’s eyes and mouths (t. 15).
Iei is an appearance. Thus, seken-tei is the formal presentation of one’s self. In
other words, it is not one’s natural and honest presentation. Thus, Mrs. Ishida’s
concern was around the forcefill presentation of her idealized self in the public sphere.
Otherwise, she felt that she would be placed at a lower rank among the housewives.

Mrs. Yamada’s ki was also at the verge of existence on the day that she told
the plan to the parents-in-law. Ki, in this sense is the spiritual energy to configure
one’s self. They objected to her going to the United States. She had a countdown
in her mind right before the sojourn. She told me that she and her parents-in-law

had the worst situation before the sojourn.

“My parents-in-law asked me what I would do if something happened to them
while we were gone. Finally, (at the end of the arguments), my husband told
me not to say anything more. He said that it would confuse the arguments.
He also said that he would take care of everything himself. So my husband

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prepared the request for the passport, but I had to pick it up myself, otherwise
they wouldn’t give it to me.”

Mrs. Yamada made one statement that showed her state of mind: “I had never
thought of such opportunity (of going to the United States.) Before I was told about
that exchange program, I thought that I would finish my life here.”

It sounded like she has given up various things, especially speaking her mind.
It seems that her ki has never been relieved inside of the house with her parents-in-
law. Mrs. Yamada told me that she exploded to her husband. However, she told
me that she did not tell her own mother about how things were at her is, (the family
institution) she married into. She told me that this is because she had been watching
how her own mother suffered the same way.

Prior to going to the United States, Mrs. Mori went through a change from
presenting her ideal mother role to being more congruent with her natural way of life.

She described her changes of state of ki as follows:

“When my children were around my knees, I was young. I could see (things
and matters) only a distance from my eyes and nose (meaning very close).
To some extent, I followed the ideal. I had some idea about how to educate
children, to be a mother, be a 3mm: (daughter-in-law). Ideas such as these
came from me. I don’t think such an ideal is hypocritical (gizen, or
pretending being good). However, I was not relieved from bottom of my
heart . . . I don’t think I was calm then like now. In the past, I tried to follow
my ideals because I was full of them. Only five of us were living here: three
of us and the parents-in-law. I had no other people to interact with (outside
of the family). Then I became very much influenced by the philosophy of
the kindergarten that was located far from here. For three years, I was brain
washed . . . Then I let my second child go into the local primary school. My
attitude became drastically changed . . . changed to be “normal.” I might

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have a competitive attitude with other mothers. Once I came out of it (the
philosophy and relationship among other mothers of that kindergarten), it
looks strange now.”

Mrs. Mori’s ideals when her daughter went to a kindergarten that was located
far away from home are attributed to the 52er world that was dominating her life
space. Qmote is contrasted with ura. According to Doi (1985, p. 11), “. . . two
concepts representing a way of looking at things that is unique to the Japanese
language (p. 11).” English words that are close to these words include: “Recto-
verso, heads and tails, outside-inside, facade-interior, and so on” although “none of
these correspondences between the Japanese terms and English is precisely correct
(Ibid.).” Doi (p. 17) also pointed out that amine and ura are parallel to tatemae and
hane. According to Doi, tatemae is rooted in Japanese architecture, and it means
“raising the ridgepole.” In daily usage, taremae indicates something essential or
principled, and these essential things are often “created by people on the basis of
consensus (p. 36).” This tatemae is often distinguished from “own motives and
Opinions that are distinct from it (p. 37).” One’s own motives and opinions are
usually referred to as home.

Mrs. Mori told me that her ideals as a mother were not her natural way. Her
natural way is considered as hmme as Doi indicated. The ideals are considered as
tatemae.

In Japan, Mrs. Sato had a notable concept called “warikiri” that showed the
demarcation between tatemae and home. Her description shows that tatemae can

co-exist with hmme:

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“When I was working at the university as a secretary, I had a yearly contract.
The qualification they put to recruit was that a person has to have experiences
in private companies. The younger a secretary was, the easier professors
could take advantage of her. I did all sorts things, such as pouring tea or
buying lunch. I didn’t mind doing such things. I had warikiri
(psychological demarcation). For the exchange of free time to study, I did
anything. Some people complained. There was an organization of
secretaries, and the purpose of it was to get to know each other. Some
people said that buying and delivering lunches for the professors (to their

rooms) hurt the secretaries’ ego. But I didn’t mind.”

Mrs. Sato drew a clear line between what she wanted from the work situation
and whatever the services were requested in exchange. Iatemae for her in this
situation was to do things that were requested by the professor. It was an expected
social role. By saying warikiri, Mrs. Sato was well aware of what was requested and
that was not something that she was willing to do at heme. Her heme was to spend

her time studying as much as she wanted:

“I was studying hard at work when my husband got approval from his
company. I was preparing to take the TOEFL examination. There were
native English speakers at the university because my department was English.
I asked them to correct essays that I wrote . . . I did the exercise books and
tapes for TOEFL secretly. I listened to the tapes in the room where I worked
while the professors were teaching in classrooms. If someone came in, they
didn’t notice because I was listening to English tapes. I took the TOEFL
examination numerous times. When I applied, I got only 548 points, which
was lower than the required 550 (t.4).”

Mrs. Sato’s home was backed with other factors. She also told me that she
had no way to become an associate professor there. A career-oriented woman such

as Mrs. Sato had no hope but to find a job somewhere else. Mrs. Sato also told me

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that she kept secret her intention to quit work until three months before the fiscal year

ended. She didn’t reveal her home to go abroad to study.

Dyadic Relation

In dyadic relations, amae is a concept that Rosenberger (Ibid) reminds us to
pay attention to. Amae is also a concept described by Doi (1971). “The adjective
amai, for example, is used not only in the sense of “sweet” to the taste, but also as a
description of a man’s character: thus if A is said to be amai to B, it means that he
allows B to amaeru, i.e. to behave self-indulgently, presuming on some special
relationship that exists between the two ( Doi, 1971, p.29),.”

“. . . amae is, first and foremost, an emotion, an emotion which partakes of the
nature of a drive and with something instinctive at its base (p. 166).” Doi, wrote that
“the word, it would seem, really refers not to the observed behavior as such but to the
emotion of which it is a sign (Ibid).” “They all demonstrate a relationship between
the one who feels the emotion and his surroundings (Ibid).” Doi described that “it
represents an attempt to draw close to the other person . . . the craving of a newborn
child for close contact with its mother, and, in the broader sense, the desire to deny
the fact of separation that is an inevitable part of human existence, and to obliterate
the pain that this separation involves (Ibid).”

Notable hints to indicate an amae relationship were seen in various
circumstances described by several of the women. Their amae relations are
reflected in the descriptions of the time when they were faced with the decision of
going to the United States. Those who stated their clear opinions about their going

to the United States were Mrs. Kobayashi (“Why should I go? It is his business”),

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Mrs. Sato (“I wanted to live there (t. 3)”), Mrs. Ishida (“I wanted to get out of the
world of housewives (t. 18)”), Mrs. Mori (“When the plan was decided, I told him
that I didn’t want to go (t. 7)”), Mrs. Aoki (“I have always wanted to go there. I
wondered what I cut off at that time (t. 3)”), and Mrs. Yamada (I wanted to go to
America as soon as possible. I had a countdown in my mind (t. 3).”).

Among them, Mrs. Sato, Mrs. Ishida, Mrs. Aoki, and Mrs. Yamada hinted at
some assumptions about going to the United States with their husbands. Mrs.
Kobayashi, showed a clear consciousness of being separate from her husband. Mrs.
Mori, also showed consciousness of accepting to be separated to some extent. It is
not clear, though, if Mrs. Mori had different amae relations at home.

Another way of showing the mothers’ emotional attachment with their
children, to show amae, is in their response to my questions. Some mothers did not
separate what happened to their children from what happened to them. At the other
extreme, some women were reassured that I was asking about them and not about
others.

For example, before going into our interview, Mrs. Mori asked me, “Is it
(your questions) about my case? Me, an individual? Or my family?” Mrs.
Kobayashi, however, started talking about her son’s feelings in order to answer my
question (How did you spend everyday?)

She said;

“Everyday? Oh, I worried about my child. Parents can maxim
(psychological demarcation) gmitekLaationally), but my child didn’t know
what America means. He was just dragged there regardless of being asked if
he wanted to go or not. He was dragged almost by force. He didn’t

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understand the language . . . He felt very concerned about how his name was
pronounced . .

To questions regarding conflict and difficulties, Mrs. Kobayashi answered,
“The adjustment (of my child) was the one . . . (t. 20).” “I heard that first 3 or 2
months are usually the worst (for my child)” So, I had to come up with questions
such as “Did you often see his school teachers?” Finally, I got some answers about
what she did. My impression was that, for Mrs. Kobayashi, conscious emotional
separation of mother and child seems difficult.

Mrs. Yamada seemed to have amae relations with her. mother-in-law. The
direction of this indulgence was from mother-in-law to Mrs. Yamada. That is, her
mother-in-law seemed to say Mrs. Yamada home which did not always make Mrs.
Yamada happy. Also, Mrs. Yamada had another complicated situation. Her
children were always the target of an indulgent relationship from her mother-in-law,
but Mrs. Yamada has to deal with her own children with tatemae in front of their
grandmother, and with home as a family member. Thus, Mrs. Yamada has to deal
with ambivalent amae situations at home.

Mrs. Ishida reflected a difference in the way mothers described amae
relationships with their children. Mrs. lshida’s description was more on behaviors

than emotions as if her child is independent of his mother:

“Koji had been crying for one month before going to the kindergarten. He
said that he didn’t want to go. I said, I will buy a miniature car for you, so
let’s go to the kindergarten tomorrow. At the moment he saw his teacher, he
said he didn’t want to go. I thought going or not going is not his choice. I
wanted him to go so badly, otherwise I would be in trouble.”

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Mrs. Mori’s description of her change in attitudes toward her child also

showed behavioral terms rather than the children’s emotions;

“When I looked around (when my daughter was about to graduate from the
kindergarten), that child did not have local friends. It was her parents’ fault.
There were some classmates around here. However, I didn’t let her play
with them because I didn’t drive her there (t. 26).”

(7) What types of critical events had these women experienced before they went
to the United States?

Mrs. Mori indicated that the living with her mother-in-law was her critical
events. Although she did not go into details, her mother-in-law’s comments and
criticisms appeared in various descriptions. In particular she was concerned about
Mrs. Mori’s way of disciplining her child.

Mrs. Sato told me that her critical events were what she learned when she
worked. Mrs. Kobayashi’s critical events were her trip to the South East Asian
countries. Later she picked up the work that was related to Asian women. Mrs.
Aoki did not point to her work as her critical events. She had to give up the
opportunity to go to the United States when she was in college because her father did
not permit her to do so. Mrs. Aoki described this event as the most critical one for
her motivation to study at the community college in the United States.

Mrs. Ishida’s critical events were related to her work and surrounding people.
She noted that she changed her apartment because it made her feel stressed about
commuting to her work. A conflict with her neighbor was another critical event.

Mrs. Yamada’s critical events were her marriage and living with her parents-

lll

in-law. Five years after her marriage. she was able to compare certain things with

the five years of her work before the marriage:

“Marriage, and child birth . . . such big events happened. When I was
working, I felt everything was fresh. I had to plan and decide at work.
When I was staying at home, however, I felt that I was cutoff from the society.
I wanted to work again, but my husband asked me who would take care of our
children.”

Each of the women seem to have something related to their work outside of
their homes as being equally critical as marriage and childbirth in their lives before

they went to the United States.

Work Experiences

All six women worked fulltime before they married. Mrs. Ishida worked as
a dietitian and later as an editor of a textbook for students who want to become
professional cooks. Mrs. Yamada and Mrs. Mori worked as OLs (Office Lady) or
clerical workers at the office. Mrs. Sato worked first at a computer programming
company and later at a university as a secretary. Mrs. Aoki worked as a high school
teacher. Mrs. Kobayashi first worked at a seminar house (a facility for university
level seminars) for university students and later at a nonprofit organization to support
women from other Asian countries.

They have described various tasks in their work. Mrs. Ishida first worked as
a dietitian for a cafeteria run by a large bookstore. She then worked to create a
dictionary of professional cooking terms. She checked various professional

publications to list words to be included in the dictionary and read the draft written by

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college professors. Mrs. Yamada and Mrs. Mori said their main tasks were pouring
tea for visitors. Mrs. Sato worked for a computer software programming company
where she was a member of the programming team. After three years of working
there, she changed her career to be a secretary at the university she graduated from.
Mrs. Aoki taught high school students Political Economy. Mrs. Kobayashi worked
at a seminar house. At the current work place which is a nonprofit organization, she

sends supporting messages to Non Governmental Organizations overseas.

(8) What types of personal goals did they have before they went to the United
States?

Prior to her sojourn, Mrs. Sato told me that she wanted to enter a graduate
program in the university. However, she told me that she had financial problems

that made her feel unsure about her selection for a university (t. 4):

“I thought that I couldn’t pay tuition and fees out of my pocket to the
university such as New York University. They were very expensive. I
already forgot how much though. There is no comparison with MSU. So,
if my husband wanted to go to NYU, I might have to borrow some money and
go to the same university. Or, I might find some other college that charges
less. It wouldn’t be difficult to find such a college in New York, would it?
When my husband settled on the MSU, I thought I can pay out of my

, savings.”

Similarly, Mrs. Aoki’s story hinted at her desire to actualize herself through

education:

“When I was about to graduate from my university in Japan, I passed the test

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for a foreign exchange program. Students can go to Nebraska State
University for one year. However, I didn’t go. My father objected very
much. His reason was that I will be one year behind when I come back from
the United States. So far in my life, I had never failed an examination.
That’s probably why my father didn’t like the idea of being behind other
students of the same grade level. I am the oldest daughter. I know that my
father didn’t want me to go. Finally, he said it is OK for me to go.
However, if I think of his mind, I couldn’t ignore his feelings (futikim was the
original Japanese word for ‘ignore.’ The original meaning was to ‘cut the ki,
a tie, or feeling by shaking).

At that time, I thought that I could go (to the United States) anytime.
If I want to go so badly, my father told me that I could work for a while and
save some money myself, and go. I thought I could go anytime because I
was young. However, there weren’t such opportunities. Once you get out
of (organization, or university), going back to school one more time, or
cutting off from what you are doing takes enormous energy in Japan. I am
the oldest daughter, so I can’t do such unplanned things such as quitting a job
when my savings became enough, going to America, and finding another job
when I returned. How can I find the way to contact a university in the
United States (if I do not belong to a university)? Once I become shakaL—jjn
(literal meaning is social person, or person in the society), how on earth can I
find the way to contact them? Shakatjin has no such support as students
who are backed with exchange programs.

While I was thinking that way, my work became pretty busy.
Everyday passed very quickly. Then, the marriage happened. No way. I
couldn’t cut off myself (omoikim, or make up my mind) from what I was
doing.

The big regret was always hanging somewhere in my mind. I
thought that I made myself understood. It was I who cut off that desire at
that time, and I couldn’t go. However, I see my friends who have been
there . . . Once I find the situation impossible to go, then I find myself still
wanting to go.

The purpose was to find out what exactly I cut off my desire at that
time. Of course, to study English was one, but I didn’t know anything about
the university such as what kind of atmosphere. I really wanted to
experience it (t.3).”

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Mrs. Yamada wondered what she could do in the United States, rather than
having a specific goal, because she said she did not know what options she could
have. Maren; (getting used to, probably, surroundings) is the word Mrs. Yamada
used. Mrs. Ishida also used the same word, although she felt more strongly that the

real purpose was to get out of her current surroundings.

“I thought that I could get out of such relationships with other housewives if I
go to the United States. It was troublesome or cumbersome (W11).
I wanted to get out very badly (t. 18).”

(9) What types of prior inter-cultural experiences did they have before they went
to the United States?

Before going to the United States, some women had had cross-cultural
experiences. Mrs. Ishida said she knew a woman from the Netherlands. Mrs. Ishida
told me that her mother first met this woman when both were baby sitting at the park
between tall apartment buildings. When Mrs. Ishida’s sojourn to the United States was
decided on, Mrs. Ishida asked this woman to teach her English. When Mrs. Ishida
worked as a textbook editor, she took future cooks to Hong Kong for a field trip.

Mrs. Aoki has been to other foreign countries about 7 times: Taiwan, Hong
Kong, Singapore, China, Britain, and the United States. The stay she described for this
research was her fifth in the United States. Mrs. Aoki said that the purpose of these
previous stays were mainly sightseeing and shopping.

Mrs. Sato stayed one month in an American home in South Dakota when she

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was in junior high school. She said that the parents of the family still write Christmas
cards to her. She told me that she went to New York for a sightseeing trip. At home in
Japan, her family accepted a woman from Poland for a one month stay. This woman
gave Mrs. Sato a strong impression of the political situations in different countries. Mrs.
Sato told me that she also had some interactions with foreign staff at the university where
she worked. Mrs. Sato asked them to correct her English because she was preparing for
the TOEFL examination.

Mrs. Kobayashi noted that she belonged to an international club when she was a
student at a university. Through this club, she tutored foreign students. She told me
that she went to South Korea to participate in a Work Camp sponsored by UNESCO.
Then she participated in a group tour to visit places between Singapore and Chong Mai in
Thailand with her friends. Later she said this group started publishing a newsletter and
hosted some lectures by people who returned from other Asian countries. After she
started working, she lived with an American Baptist minister for two years. After her
marriage, she had a chance to stay in the United States for the first time. The living
experience for this research was the second stay for her.

Mrs. Yamada and Mrs. Mori said they had no prior immediate experiences with
people from other countries. Their sources of information on the United States were
mainly from mass media. However, both women told me that they had indirect
experiences. Mrs. Yamada heard about the United States from her husband who had
contacts with a host professor in the United States. She also heard stories from a
housewife who has been to West Germany. Mrs. Mori told me that her uncle lived in

California, and she asked him questions about the American life style.

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In this next section I discuss how the women described their experiences

while they were in the United States. The guiding question was:

2. How does a Japanese married woman, after returning to Japan, describe what it

was like to be a Japanese woman living in a not-exclusively Japanese community in

the U. S.?

In order to answer the above question, subsidiary questions were presented as

follows:

(1) What was the community like that these women lived in in the United States?

Surroundings

All six women described how they lived in the university apartments. This
university apartment complex was for families of faculty members. Two women
who first lived there moved out. One of them moved to a private apartment outside
of the university, and the other moved to a house that was not located on university
property.

The women did not comment about the condition of the apartments.
However, these women understood that their stay was temporary, and so they were
not so concerned that these university apartments were not up to their social status in
Japan. This perception appeared when I asked them about their ‘impression of

America.’ ‘They pointed out the American house as that of the middle-class, not the

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one they lived in.

Mrs. Yamada joined the house tour that was a part of English class activity
and visited the home of the instructor. The “bedroom was organized beautifully, and
the beds were covered with spreads, and pictures were arranged.” When Mrs. Aoki

visited a gorgeous house of her neighbor’s parents, she expressed it as follows:

“It (such a house) was in a dream, after all. It was a mansion. You can’t
see the neighbor’s house from your house, can you? You have a forest.
The woman of the house said while pointing at a tree, ‘that tree belongs to our
neighbor, and this tree belongs to us.’ So I asked where the border was.
The woman answered, ‘I wonder where.’ That is very different (from Japan).
In Japan, we have a legal conflict over one centimeter (about a half an inch).
(In the U.S.,) you have a pond, a natural pond, and a house is built on a hill.
The scenery from the middle level of the house was very pretty, especially in
the fall. I felt like I was in a dream.”

This scenery was not at all like the university apartments. However, Mrs.
Aoki described this house as “a house of the ordinary (ippan-teki) Amerian family.”
She also described that her own apartment in the suburb of Tokyo is not gorgeous, but
has a natural forest in the area. “There is no such a house in Japan,” said Mrs. Aoki.
“Our apartment (in Tokyo) is a rabbit hutch, but it costs the same as a house in
Michigan.”

The rich natural environment of Michigan seemed fresh to these
interviewees. Mrs. Mori said that she often took her children to the nearby lake,
showing them the different natural environment. Mrs. Yamada said that she went
the same lake in the winter and a child was skating there. She said that this type of

enjoyment was unheard of in urban Tokyo.

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Ethnic Groups

These women reported no interactions with any large Japanese population.
Only Mrs. Yamada joined the Japan Club that hosted a party once every academic
semester. She said that this club had approximately 100 members consisting mostly
of students at that time. She also had some interactions with a couple, a Japanese
wife married to an American. Mrs. Aoki also had some interactions with such a
couple who lived in the neighboring town. Mrs. Mori also had interactions with
approximately five to six other Japanese families residing in the university apartments.
Mrs. Ishida had about the same number of Japanese and American host professors.

An interesting phenomenon was that the Americans the interviewees
interacted with all had some type of relationship with Japanese: some of them were
married to Japanese, some had parents who came from Japan, or some had previous
relations with Japanese in various ways such as tutoring and hosting.

These women also had some interactions with people from other countries.
The interactions with the people from other foreign countries gave some opportunities
for these women to compare their circumstances as follows.

For example, Mrs. Aoki sold their car to a Chinese or Korean when she and
her family left the United States. They had difficult time selling their car because of
the high mileage. Afier all, they sold it for 2,000 dollars. Other interviewees did
not describe this type of relations involving economic exchange at an individual level
with other foreign nationals such as Africans and Europeans.

Mrs. Kobayashi had the opportunity to interact with women from Iran. In her

English class, she met an Iranian woman who wore a veil. One day, Mrs. Kobayashi

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accompanied this woman to a fabric store at the mall. She said that this woman
walked around the area with red and pink fabrics. So she asked if that person was
allowed to wear those colors. This woman said that if a woman sees men outside of
the family, or goes outside of the house, she has to wear a veil. However, when
women gather for a party, they wear bright colored or flowered prints. Mrs.
Kobayashi said she learned “the universal way” of releasing stress when women were
not allowed to wear what they wanted in a public place.

Recognition of different cultural practices was also demonstrated by other
interviewees. Mrs. Aoki met a Vietnamese woman who said in her English class
that she hated her own country. Mrs. Aoki wondered if Japanese ever give up their
own country. She said, “It is very sad to abandon your own country.”
Multicultural experience seemed to let her consider if she ever has to give up Japan.
So far, these experiences are from observations and interactions with people from
different cultures.

Sometimes the women learned by struggling with communication. The
following examples are from one’s conflicts about sensitive expressions related to
place name.

Mrs. Yamada had a misunderstanding in her English class. When her
classmate told the class that she was from Saishufla, the island of Korea, Mrs.
Yamada asked her if that was in the southern part or northern part. The woman
apparently misunderstood and thought she was asked if she was from North Korea or
South Korea. This woman stared at Mrs. Yamada and asserted that she was from the
South. Mrs. Yamada felt the political nuance in the topic and decided never to touch

upon such topics again.

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Mrs. Sato also described some negative experiences with Korean people.
When she had a party with her husband’s classmates, Korean men started talking
about history. Sometimes, she said, some Korean men were uncontrollable (1e_ga
tsukerarenai meaning cannot deal with). During the party with these Koreans, Mrs.
Sato was often asked about her political position regarding the history between Japan
and Korea. It was about Japan’s invasion of Korea. Mrs. Sato felt that such an

attitude was immature.

“In the United States, I had unexpectedly many occasions to see people from
Asian countries. Especially many students in the department to which my
husband belonged came from Taiwan and Korea. There were not many
Japanese. I often invited them, and they invited us for a party. Such types
of interaction were a gain that I did not anticipate in Japan. (The interviewer
asked, “What type of gain?”) In Japan, I had not met the people from these
countries. So I found their culture and stories very interesting. I regret that
I did not study the history. The Korean people showed much concern about
past history. Sometimes they started arguing when I did not know anything
about the history. When they drank (alcohol), I couldn’t deal with them.
They asked me what I thought, about invasion, and such matters. However,
it is immature for them to chill the party. In Japan, I did not have such
occasions to interact with them. You have to go where they live. I was not
the kind of student who showed interest in such topics. I had only the
knowledge in textbooks. That’s why I found such experiences
uncomfortable.”

Mrs. Sato’s description indicated that multicultural conditions exist in Japan,
but no she hadn’t experienced substantial interactions with Koreans and Chinese.
For many Japanese, meeting with Koreans and Chinese in a different land offered

them unexpected interactions. In Japan, these minority people were the topic of m

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(back) side. People ofien whisper when they talk about them. Social confrontation
is rare but exists, especially between Japanese high school students and Korean
students. Koreans and Chinese in the United States are not same as those in Japan.
They know little about their fellow countrymen in Japan who are treated unfairly.
They are not restrained in the small zainiehi (Korean who live in Japan) world.
However, this distinction was not recognized by the these women. Therefore, for
Japanese in the United States, the Koreans and Chinese who are considered to be in
the ura world come out and behave like the ones who live in the emete (front) world.
Here is an episode that would lead a Japanese woman to go beyond the
conflict with Koreans, although in an unexpected direction. Mrs. Mori’s son had a

fist fight with a Korean boy.

“There were many Asian, African, and American kids living and playing
around the apartment area. One day, my boy hit the Korean boy when they
were playing with sand. They threw sand and other stuff on each other.
However, I was told that my boy used a stick to beat the other boy. I knew
that it was not serious, but both boys were hurt somewhat. Later, a girl who
claimed to be a sister of that boy showed up at my apartment door with her
little brother. It was about 3 o’clock, and she looked fierce. She was
angrily saying that my son hit her brother. The amazing thing was what she
told me afier the complaints she made. This girl said that she would forgive
me because we are both Asians. She continued that if my son hit the white
boy, things would never be like this. She said that white people would call
the police. This girl also said that as long as I live there, I should be careful
not to let such a thing happen again. It was truly a different culture.”

However, the difference she claimed was not that a girl’s offer of forgiveness

because Mrs. Mori is also Asian, nor her teaching on how to deal with white

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Americans. Mrs. Mori did not accept the position that this girl presented.
Regardless of the content of what this girl said to her, Mrs. Mori was surprised by the
fact this girl showed up to confront her, and to claim that her son did the wrong thing.
Mrs. Mori said as follows:

“In America, one has to be assertive about what he/she believes right. One
has to claim justice no matter what race you are.”

It seems that the ma (back) concept which is manifested in the concept of
“race” disappeared and a concept of culture which is manifested in “in America”
appeared. Mrs. Mori saw the attitude of the girl as being more culturally determined
rather than what the girl claimed to be culture. Culture seems to be a set of
generalized and collective behaviors, and a person may not recognize it unless certain
patterns emerge after many relevant experiences. For Mrs. Mori, her son’s fights
were not new at all. She said, “kedome_no_ko_to_desukara (it is a thing that is
normally expected for a child to do).” A new behavior is the fact that this girl
showed up at the door and made an assertion of justice. The cultural stereotype that
this girl suggested was not yet supported by Mrs. Mori’s limited experience in her
short time stay in the United States. However, the way this girl talked to Mrs. Mori
made her feel that this girl was “assertive.” “If this thing happen in Japan, a girl of
that age would never yell at a woman of my age.” said Mrs. Mori. If a girl is not a
family member, this kind of behavior is unheard of in Japan where Confircian
philosophy still prevails for daily manners. Mrs. Mori didn’t think this girl’s
behavior was a negative feature of Americans. To Mrs. Mori, “assertiveness” means
“to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ straightforward (“ehamQ,” or “kiehinte”) after having clear

(kiehime) opinions.

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“In Japan, things can go smoothly without problems when I nod my head
slanted even the time that required that I nod vertically.” She indicated that in Japan,

expressing one’s opinion in a vague way is more culturally appreciated than in

straightforward way.

Diversity in America

Mrs. Ishida’s children went to a school that had students from about 40
countries, so they had many occasions to play with African Americans. One day,
Mrs. Ishida’s friend, who married an American man, saw Mrs. Ishida’s children
playing with African Americans. This woman told Mrs. Ishida that her children
shouldn’t play with such people. This woman further commented about Koreans
with a negative connotation. Mrs. Ishida said that this woman has lived in the
United States for more than twenty years, so she must have experienced
uncomfortable discrimination herself.

Mrs. Ishida was sensitive about how other Japanese dealt with African
Americans. The Japanese woman who was sent from the same university at the
same period often called African Americans kurmhan (Blacky), king is black and
ehan is a casual title, sometimes with sarcasm. Mrs. Ishida’s voice apparently
showed some disturbance, and said that she was confused (komaechan).

Mrs. Ishida’s private English tutor had a brother in a wheel chair. Sue, the
English tutor, took Mrs. Ishida’s children in costumes to visit Sue’s brother on
Halloween. Through Sue, Mrs. Ishida leamed that some neighbors where Sue lived
did not like Japanese. The fact that Sue met with Japanese made her unpopular.

She told me that from an American’s point of view, Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese

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all look alike. However, from the Japanese point of view, Mrs. Ishida said that
Japanese see themselves as being different fiom other Asian people. Mrs. Ishida
said that she could tell the diflerence between Chinese and Japanese.

The difference between how other people see themselves and how one sees
him/her self (G. H. Mead,l934) is prominent in ethnic identity such the examples
given above. For Mrs. Ishida, who showed sensitivity toward seken or the world
surrounding her, and who said that “eyes of seken“ was the pressure to leave her
Japanese world temporarily, this ethnic consciousness seemed to be natural.

Mrs. Ishida said that she experienced prejudice in an English class. When
she visited a volunteer who teaches English class at home, she made a comment on
the higher quality of the Japanese automobile (than American.) Then the teacher
seriously asked her the reason why she said so. (She did not mention how she
replied to this teacher.) Mrs. Ishida said that this teacher had much pride. With
this experience, she said that there might be another side to attitudes she usually
experienced. This other side was pointed out as ura (back) by Mrs. Ishida. This
concept contrasted with emote (front) (Doi, Ibid). These contrasting concepts were
expressed when they described unexpected or undesirable experiences. It is notable,
however, that Mrs. Ishida pointed out that her unexpected experience of seeing
American’s ura was what she described as prejudice.

Mrs. Mori had another type of experience. She participated in a signature

collecting campaign without knowing what it was:

“I still find this story unclear. However, it became a scar in my mind. One
day, three mothers of my son’s classmates showed up at my apartment door.
They were collecting signatures from other parents. All three were Asians.

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They asked me for my signature. I did not understand what they said in
English because they spoke very fast. I asked them to speak slowly, but they
did not. So I told them to find someone to interpret what they said. They
said that was not necessary and said just sign it because I belonged to the
same class that their children attended. I thought that they used the word,
“family” and “you are a member of the class.” Therefore, I thought that the
teacher in the class asked them to collect signatures from parents. So I
signed.

After they left, I quickly went to the Japanese who lived in the next
building, and I asked her interpretation. Her son does not belong to my son’s
class. She said it was not clear to her, either. She understood some English,
but she said she did not understand it. My hunch was that it was the
movement to get rid of Ms. X, my son’s school teacher, who is an Afiican
American, because she was not good. Later, I heard at some occasion at the
school that Ms. X was fired. I thought that the campaign was intended to ask
me to decide if I liked Ms. X or not. If that were true, I still feel very sorry
for Ms. X. I bow my head for her. I am not sure that her resignation was
made by her will or by other force. If it was the latter, I am responsible for
that. After that, I told the story to my husband, and he said it might be
discrimination.”

Mrs. Mori’s regret was both in supporting the discrimination and in not
expressing her opinion clearly. She said that “in Japan, we disguise such sentiment
with ‘smoke.’ We do not express ‘red’ or ‘black,’ ‘yes’ or ‘no.’ We hide such
opinions. Often we humble ourselves. Such (cultural) differences appear when we
have to be assertive without being influenced by surrounding people. We shouldn’t
be ashamed of asserting our opinions.”

Mrs. Aoki believed that she and her children were seen as Chinese by
Americans when she went to the office of Secretary of State for her driver’s license
test. She felt that Americans saw her children as not being disciplined and that was

the reason for them to see her as Chinese. She made her judgment based on the

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facial expressions made by the staff at the Secretary of States office and their rude
attitudes toward the parents. Apparently, she was well aware of how she was
perceived, and that Americans are not capable of distinguishing Chinese from
Japanese. This was an example how the Japanese women thought that they were

treated.

(2) What was everyday life like for these women who were living in the United
States?
Role of Husband and Man

Mrs. Ishida told me that she noticed that her husband’s American host
professor helped his wife. When she and her family were invited to their house, this

man cooked dinner and served the guests. Yet, Mrs. Ishida told me that he did not
forget to pay “ki” to his wife.

Mrs. Ishida’s expression, “ki o tsukau” is close to Wagatsuma’s (1983) “ki
wo mawasu” in meaning. That host professor made a conjecture about his wife at a
dinner party, which was observed by Mrs. Ishida. She added that this type of
behavior reminded her that she was in the country of “the Lady First.” She said that
her husband won’t cook at home.

Mrs. Yamada told me her husband took care of her child who was sick on the
day of a party she attended (t. 15): “(Mrs Yamada was showing her pictures to me

and told the story behind it.):

“This is Sue who taught English to Japanese. This is her sister. (The
picture was a scene at the party.) On this day, my older one had 39 degree
(Celsius) fever. He was supposed to come (to the party) with me, but he

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couldn’t. My husband said that he would take care of the child, so I could

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go.

Mrs. Yamada also told me that her male host professor made desert at the
party, and her children curiously watched him. She said that her children reported

how he did to Mrs. Yamada (t. l 6):

“This is the picture taken just before we left the United States. My
husband’s host professor invited us to a barbecue party in his home. My
husband had never cooked at home at all. When my children saw what that
professor (male) was making - using a blender to make some drink made of
ice cream and liqueur, my oldest one (child) said to me ‘What? The
professor is gonna make a desert?’ Then he looked at his father. My
husband said ‘What?’ My child brought something to climb from
somewhere and looked into this professor’s face and the blender alternately.
‘Wow!’ said my child.”

Mrs. Yamada also described how her husband helped her to go to swimming

class (t. 8):

“I found the pamphlet saying that community education offered various
classes such as swimming and aerobics. Winter and spring courses. I took
both. The class met once a week on Saturday or Sunday for one hour in the
morning. My husband couldn’t swim, so he didn’t want to take swimming
courses. My oldest one (child) went to the swimming class at the middle
school, and I went to the one at the high school. My class started earlier, so
my husband drove me to the high school first, and he drove the older one to
the middle school. My youngest one was only 4 years old, so he had to have
an adult with him. First, I went to the swimming pool with my youngest one.
However, my husband saw from the pool balcony that many attendants were
with their fathers, not mothers, especially, in the case of a male child. From
then on, my husband took this role . . . Yes, it was unthinkable in Japan. He

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others.

has never complained about driving and such things (t. 8).”

Mrs. Yamada gave another example of things she learned by observing

She said that on some occasions such as parties she argued with her

husband:

“(In America), sometimes we argued on some occasions such as parties where
other people were present. When I saw what other couples were doing or
saying, I pointed it out to my husband, saying ‘Wow, they are great.’ One
day, we went to a party hosted by other Japanese. A little girl had some
mishaps. Then, other family members said that ‘Daddy just cleaned things
up today.’ Yes, they said that the father did the cleaning. Then my husband
said that if that father does that, he would do it, too. When we were at the
party, I saw a lot of things other family members did.”

Mrs. Yamada also said that her husband vacuumed before parties:

Japan:

“On the day of the first party we hosted, I was preparing the foods. My
husband had nothing to do. He was nervous because it was the first time.
So, he asked me what could he do? Then I said to him to vacuum the room.
Then, he asked me again once he finished it. How about the bathroom? I
told him that I cleaned it yesterday, but my children made some mess again,
so I was thinking of doing it again. In Japan, he had never done it. When I
heard him say he was going to do it, I said, ‘What? Are you going to do it?’
Since that first time, my husband has always cleaned the bathroom before a

party.,,

Mrs. Yamada noted some special occasions that she had never celebrated in

“My husband and I had never celebrated our birthdays in Japan. In the
United States, we celebrated them. (She was pointing at a picture.) My

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husband blew up these balloons. I had never thought of him doing such
things in Japan. He said that he wanted to do it.”

Mrs. Kobayashi described a situation at a party in which her husband

behaved differently when in Japan:

“When we invited people to our party, my husband was first smiling as he
used to do in Japan. Sometimes he sneaked into the kitchen. However,
there was no place for him in the kitchen. In Japan, he has to entertain the
guests by smiling and talking. (In the United States), he felt that he had to
do actual preparation together with his wife.”

Mrs. Kobayashi also described her bewilderment at what she saw at a party:
“(In the party we were invited,) all the men worked in the kitchen. All the
women were sitting and chatting (in the living room). There was a clear line. I

didn’t know what to do. Usually I help in the kitchen. However. . .”

Role of Mother-in-Law and Daughter-in-Law
It is notable that Mrs. Aoki said that she saw different interactions between

mother-in-law and daughter-in-law in the United States from that of Japan:

“Mother-in-law and daughter-in-law have a completely different relationship
from that of Japan. When we were invited to a house of my neighbor’s
parents, I saw the relationship between them. They were having some
quilting classes. The daughter-in-law was a hostess. She distributed her
‘ki’ to details (ki we kuharu), and offered me some snacks. While she was
doing so, she was behind in the quilting process. So she asked mother-in-
law to help her because she was behind. In Japan, you can never say such
things to your mother-in-law. In the United States, you don’t have honorific

in language. Only ‘please’ could function the same way as in Japanese

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honorific. Then, that daughter-in-law wanted to sit across from her mother-
in-law, and asked other attendants to squeeze a little. That’s outrageous.

You don’t say such things to your mother-in-law, do you? “

Diversity among White Americans

Mrs. Ishida was the only interviewee who classified white Americans. She
put them into two categories: one is the type that her English tutor, Sue, represents.
Mrs. Ishida said that Sue was very sympathetic and accepting even though her uncle
showed anti-Japanese sentiment. According to Mrs. Ishida, Sue tried to listen to her
poor English. There were grandma type teachers of “the basement,” and “aunties”
of the Every Tuesday Class. White Americans of this type are kind and sympathetic.
Another type is represented by the wife of a college professor who invited her and her
friends with children to visit, but who yelled at a child when she walked bare footed
on the white carpet. Mrs. Ishida told me that it was a Japanese custom to be bare
footed when the weather permits. However, she was told by the angry American
woman that the oil from feet stains the carpet. Mrs. Ishida called the former, “wet
type,” the latter, “dry type” of Americans. The dry type was found mainly among
members of the Faculty Folk Club, Mrs. Ishida said. Mrs. Ishida said to me that
these dry type of women were not ready to accept (other cultural practices). She
recalled that such an experience was a “good experience.” She said she attended the
Club once a week for about one year. Mrs. Ishida said that this club did not leave a
good impression on her. None of the other women told me that they differentiated

Americans in this way.

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Democracy
Tow of the respondents commented on their perceptions about how

democracy works in America. Mrs. Aoki told me a story of a field trip:

“When we (a group of students with our instructor) went on the field trip, we
dropped by a fast food restaurant. Then I wanted to go to the bathroom.
When I went there, there was a line. Many people were waiting. In the
United States, you have a line at the entrance (in Japan, they line up outside
the individual cubicles). So I was in line. When I was the next to go in, a
woman cut the line and waited in front of me. The instructor of our group
was ahead of me and just came out of the individual door. She found that I
was supposed to be next, but I wasn’t. So she told the woman something,
and let me in. Later at the table, another member of the tour group told me
that I should have said something to give a turn to that woman who cut the
line. She told me that I should have kept the situation calm. I argued back.
If I did so, our instructor loses her taehiha (social position, one’s place, or
face.) She told me that if she were 1, she would give a turn to that woman
and this would make the situation calm.” (t. 14)

Mrs. Mori told me several times about her experience of the ishi (mind

closed to willingness, philosophy, or opinion):

“About the collecting signatures, I still think that I am sorry for her . . .
Japanese hide such ishi (firm opinions or intentions). I believe that I
shouldn’t be influenced by others. When I believe I’m right, I think I have
to express it. I should not be ashamed of it.”

Mrs. Mori seems to have perceived just the opposite from what Mrs. Aoki’s
classmate who told Mrs. Aoki to give a turn to a woman who cut the line. Both Mrs.

Aoki and Mrs. Mori seem to have experienced one incident but it gave each of them

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an opportunity to exercise moral judgment relating to the democratic idea.

Housewives and Individualism

Two of the respondents made comments concerning how they were

perceived as housewives in Japan compared to their experience in the United States.

Mrs. Ishida told me about how she perceived housewives are connected in the United

States based on her observations:

her:

“In Japan, housewives are connected through children. However, in the
United States, housewives are related to other housewives without children.
I thought that they are female friends who had similar circumstances. In the
United States, I hired baby sitters to sit with my children, and I had some tea
with other housewives and went to play golf. It was not the mother to
mother relations, but a place to exchange information.” (t. 19)

Mrs. Kobayashi also told me about on episode that made an impression in

“When we were invited to a party, there were peOple who had an association
with my husband. Even though they are not directly connected with me,
they tried to remember my name, and asked me what I do and what interests I
have. This kind of things has never happened in Japan.”

Woman’s Role

Several of the respondents made observations about the role of women.

Mrs. Kobayashi told me about her perceptions of the role of women in Japan based on

reading an article in a magazine:

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“The head of the local union was a female. It was a nice surprise. She
delivered a baby after more than one year of doing her job. In Japan, labor
unions are led by men. That news which appeared in the local magazine was
really fresh to me. If you try to do it, you can do it.”

Mrs. Aoki mentioned what she learned about woman’s role in parenting as

follows:

“We applied our sharing of child care (that we started at the counselor’s
suggestion) to daily life in America. It is the direction to become someone
such as Mrs. Albright, the Secretary of States. Mrs. Albright was just a
housewife, wasn’t she?”

Mrs. Aoki said, “In Japan, all the (social and economic) systems of the
nation implies that women should not go out to work.” She was pointing out the
difficulty of her sister rettuning to work after the birth of her child.

Mrs. Mori told me her conclusions based on her experience in the United

States as follows:

“Women in America do what they were supposed to as housewives, and
further, they work full-time, and do entire tasks at home. Furthermore, they
do what they enjoy. I really envy them. In Japan, we are bound by
housework, but do not do much. I don’t use my time efficiently. (t. 18).”

In the above comments, women’s roles are recognized by the interviewees
and compared with their own situation in Japan. In their eyes, American women are

viewed positively and appear to enjoy multiple roles at home and work. Not many

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of the interviewees explicitly stated the difficulty that Japanese women experience
with multiple roles. It can be inferred from what they mentioned as features of
American women. That is, it can be conceived that if one said “They (Americans)
do what they enjoy.” That this implies “Japanese women do not do what they enjoy.”

But these implications were not discussed in detail.

Learning Opportunities

The university setting gave an opportunity for some of these women to take
formal classes. Mrs. Sato became a graduate student, and Mrs. Kobayashi sat in a
class with permission from the instructor. Mrs. Aoki took English classes at a
community college which was located in a neighboring town.

In addition to these opportunities, there were English classes offered at a
local church that was located at the other side of the street which runs alongside of the
apartment complex. Many of them heard about the “church’s English school”
through host professors. Mrs. Yamada heard about this school in Japan from a
Japanese who lived there through the same exchange program and returned to Japan.

In addition to these classes, there was a class called “Every Tuesday” offered
by local volunteers at a different church from the one that offered English classes.
In the Every Tuesday class, foreign wives learned about and shared their own various
things such as American culture, customs, and rules (Mrs. Yamada). Mrs. Yamada
said that she demonstrated Tea ceremony, dressed in Kimono, and cooked seserelL
She learned American history, embossing, crafis, and Halloween cooking.

Some other opportunities enriched their lives, such as non-credit classes

offered by the Evening College, which was a part of the university extension

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programs. That is where Mrs. Yamada took swimming lessons. Commercial classes
were offered through a local fabric store where Mrs. Yamada took a quilting class.
Not only formal educational opportunities, but also other types of education
offered additional learning. The most common type was a private tutor. Mrs.
Ishida found her tutor from her classmate whom she met at the “church’s English

school”

Everyday Activities

Each of the women described her everyday activities and gave some
impressions of what she learned. Several of the women went everyday to “Church’s
English Class.” Mrs. Aoki said that she attended an English as a Second Language
(ESL) class at the community college during the day time, and also attended the
“Church’s English Class” in the evening. When Mrs. Sato arrived, there was no
“Church’s English Class” because it was summer time. Mrs. Mori told me that she
was pleased because people in the Church English Class knew the way to handle a
person who didn’t know anything about English. Once a week, they said that they
attended the class called “Every Tuesday” with cultural demonstrations, cooking,
crafts, and all sorts of activities.

Shopping was done at a nearby supermarket or large supermarket that

required driving. The one closest to their apartment on campus surprised Mrs. Aoki:

“what a deserted supermarket it was. That’s how I felt when I first went
there. In Japan, those markets are crowded and really noisy with music.
When they haven’t reached their goal, they use the theme song of Rocky.
But if they reached today’s goal, . . . My host professor took us there for the

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first day we arrived. Later I realized that it was a decent supermarket.
However, the vegetables were the kinds that would be put in the wagon for
reduced price if it were in Japan. The fish were something that could make
us ill.” (t.l3)

At the supermarket, Mrs. Yamada saw more than meat and produce:

“There were motorized chairs available at a large supermarket such as Meijer.
Slopes instead of steps were there. Parking space for the handicapper was
very spacious. At a nearby supermarket, a part-time sales clerk took the
hands of blind people, carried the basket for them, and shopped around the
market with them. In Japan, those people can’t get out of the house. Steps
and trains inhibit them because of the stairs. At the market, parking for
handicapper is not treated seriously, and anyone feel it is OK to park there.
Senior citizens also drive themselves to the supermarket. These things won’t
happen in Japan (t. 10).”

Restaurants evoked other comments. Mrs. Aoki said to me as follows:

“Some restaurant used chairs made of pipe and plastic, and the dish was
something I could make at home. When I first saw it, I was shocked.

However, I made use of take out service several times.”

These women enjoyed sports and various other activities. Mrs. Ishida said

that she took golf lessons while a baby sitter cared for her daughter:

“I and my husband also went to see Broadway musicals while asking the same
baby sitter cared for the children (t. 16). If I let my folks in Japan know that
I was hiring a baby sitter, they would criticize me. However, I didn’t let
them know. I did it because all the others also did it. I thought I was doing
the ordinarily acceptable thing.”

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Mrs. Aoki’s everyday activities were not like other women’s because she

was a student also:

“In order to make the spare time, I spent 850 dollars for two baby sitters, and
three places of nursery schools. I moved minute by minute. I stayed up
until 2 or 3 o’clock and studied . . . I let my children play outside and I studied
on a nearby bench. I couldn’t waste a penny because I created the spare time
with 800 and some dollars. We were paying loans for a house in Japan, and
paying the rent for the apartment in the States.”

Outings

Several of the women took trips where they learned a great deal about the
United States and themselves. It was notable that Mrs. Ishida said that she drove
10,000 miles in 34 days. She said that her husband was along, but he did not drive
even once: “I planned all the trip. I rented a car myself, and we went to all sorts of
places.”

Mrs. Ishida also told me that she didn’t even know the meaning of
“expiration date” on a credit card, although she made all the reservations by

telephone.

Mrs. Mori also traveled from east to west of the American continent:
“I went to Canada, Niagara, Detroit, Chicago, New York, etc. Because I
liked drawings, I wanted to go to museums in Chicago. I went there many
times. Famous drawings, so called in Japan but we can’t see them in Japan
easily, are hung in a non-flashy place. I was very impressed. I thought
something like the difference in nation’s power (kekmjyekku). I didn’t know
what it was . . . It was rich cultural facilities in America that awakened me.
It could be said that the difference in educational environment, or that for

shakatjin (social persons) or children . . . public facilities are really

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substantial (jujitsu). In Japan, they won’t be that far . . . in addition, if they
make such things in Japan, they are put at the top (of other social policies) and
formally publicized (t. 5).”

Mrs. Aoki told me that her family did not go anywhere far: “Everyone was

going to Miami and Cancun. My family went to the campus skating arena. I had

no money.”

people:

Mrs. Yamada described her experience in Washington DC:

“It was totally different city from the place we lived in Michigan. There was
a guard standing out side of the store. And the front doors were locked.
When customers stood at the front, the guard unlock the door, and let them in.
It was really safety-conscious.”

Mrs. Ishida talked about Cancun where she observed the economically deprived

“The gap between rich and poor is really large in Mexico. On the way to Cancun,
we drove by a place with no electricity. People sleep in a hammock. They
didn’t even have a bed to sleep on. When you come back home, your house is
not lighted, you know. I felt a little guilty, because I visited there for sightseeing.
Our trip was asebi (play). We were rich, and they were poor.”

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(3) How was their ki energy of the Japanese woman in the United States?
(4) What were the dyadic relations that concerned them most in the United
States?
(5) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/heme like
that concerned the Japanese women most in the United States?
As dealt with in a previous section on pre-United States stay, the above three

questions will be treated as one.

Self- ki, amae, and “front/back”
Mrs. Ishida tried golf, skiing, quilting, and embossing all for the first time in
the United States. She described “power” as her motivation to do them or her

spiritual energy:

“What was that ‘power’ after all? I reserved all the rental cars and hotels
(for the 34 day-tour). I wanted to go (to see all the parts in the United States)
at any cost. I thought I was free there. Probably I had no home there, no
rooted camp. I was a temporary visitor, anyway.”

Other ‘powerfully motivated’ persons were Mrs. Yamada, Mrs. Sato, Mrs.
Kobayashi, and Mrs. Aoki.

Mrs. Yamada noted that she really enjoyed herself (t. 9). Mrs. Sato also
expressed joy that she was accepted by the university graduate program. Mrs.
Kobayashi also said that she enjoyed the experience of child birth (t. 19).

However, Mrs. Aoki told me that she had “fog” in her head as follows:

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“I always told my mother in Japan (over the phone) that my fog was not going
away. The fog means that I couldn’t reach the itchy place by myself. That
means that I couldn’t express myself in English as I wished. So, my mind
(kimeehi, or feeling) was only 60 percent expressed most of the time.
Therefore, I was always under stress.”

What makes one woman feel joy is different from that of other women.
Sometimes, spiritual “power” is considered as “joy.” However, as seen by Mrs.
Kobayashi, some things ordinarily considered “pain” such as childbirth could become
a “joy.” The “Fog” described by Mrs. Aoki did not sound like “joy” but it seems to
indicate her willingness to express herself and the frustrated feeling of limitation. It
is notable that Mrs. Aoki did not claim the cause for her “fog.”

For amae, or a sense of indulgence/dependence, these women did not
describe many such relations in the United States. Some incidents such as Mrs.
Aoki’s who saw American mother-in-law and daughter-in-law was the only such
occasions that she observed. Absence of strong amae relations in the United States
may mean the relief from that experienced in Japan.

Another strong amae could be Mrs. Kobayashi’s mother and child
relationship. However, her descriptions did not testify the fact that she had this
strong relationship only in the United States. Rather, it seemed that she maintained
it from Japan.

Qmete/Ilra or Front/Back distinction may not be strongly perceived by these
women in the United States. Mrs. Mori described a formal party that required that
she wear a formal dress, kimene. Mrs. Yamada realized that her clothes became

very casual in the United States. Mrs. Aoki even wore her casual dress back in

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Japan. Casual dress was usually considered as the attire of era in Japan. This may
indicate that era attire became emete in the United States. What seems to be
indicative is the sentiment or ki became expressive as well because ki is more

expressive in ma world in Japan as mentioned by Rosenberger (Ibid.).

(6) What types of disorienting dilemmas did these women have in the United
States?

Several of the women had experiences that were disorienting for them and
often provoked strong reactions. Mrs. Mori described one notable episode, a

disorienting dilemma:

“My daughter took a school bus to school. For the first day my husband and
I saw off my daughter at the bus stop. My daughter looked extremely
nervous, ‘kekerebesei.’ My husband left for the university, and the younger
one left for school. I was thinking of my daughter who looked very lonely.
Then I couldn’t stop myself, but I started a car to go to my daughter’s school.
I don’t know why I knew the street. Then, I was standing by the school
ground, and I looked at the building. No one was around. I was just staring
at the school building for a long time. Then, I asked myself what I could do
for her? I was helpless. I realized that my child had to go alone without me
anyway. I also realized that no one helped me anyway.” (t.8)

The bove episode shows a sequence of several steps: (1) intriguing episode,
(2) reaction, (3) reflection, and (4) “letting go” or acceptance of the situation without
any change. As an intriguing episode, Mrs. Mori’s daughter’s seemingly natural
expression of nervousness and/or helplessness was taken in a Japanese context. Mrs.

Mori reacted just as she would in Japan. However, she found no one was around.

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If she could go into the building, she had no one to talk to. She sensed this
difference because of the cultural differences and her language capability. Then she
reflected and that was followed by her sense of helplessness. That moment seemed
to be the detachment of amae relationship by an outer force, and finally she had to
accept the non-amae relationship in the United States. Thus, Mrs. Mori’s
disorienting dilemma included amae relationship.

Mrs. Sato’s dilemma was caused by the attitude of a secretary of the

university who lost her application materials:

“The secretary of the department said to me that she didn’t receive my
application form. All of the documents were supposed to be there. I hadn’t
heard anything from the university for many months since I sent them in.
First, she told me that I have to wait a couple of days. So I showed up on the
third day and was told that my application materials did not arrive. I
happened to have a copy of my post office receipt, so I asked my mother to
send it to the United States. When the secretary saw it, she told me that it
was proof that this university received the documents, but it does not mean
she received them. I had made all the copies as my husband instructed me
before I sent them. Since then, I make all the copies every time I send. It is
my ‘warranty’.” (t.l9)

Mrs. Aoki told me about her difficulty in cross-cultural communication:

“In Japan, we don’t express details. When I locked myself out and called a
person, I told her that I was locked out. Then I was asked what would I like
to do. I wondered what I should say. I wanted her to understand that I had
to go back to my apartment, get a spare key, and return to my car. I expected
her to give me rides both ways. However, I was asked very specifically if I
would like to go back to the car. In Japan, I can’t say it. In Japan, it is a
shame culture if I am forced to say that specifically. Locking me out was my

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fault. I have to admit that clearly and verbally.

Things happened many times. I had to communicate and express my
willingness clearly all the time. Otherwise, no one helped me. If I say, ‘I
am in trouble.’, no one helps. I have to tell Americans that I am in such and
such trouble and ask them how they can help me specifically. In Japan, you
never say that.”

Mrs. Ishida, Mrs. Yamada, Mrs. Kobayashi did not express many dilemmas in their

discussion of their sojom in the United States.

(7) What types of reflection did these women have in the United States?
Various reflections were presented in these women’s descriptions of their
experience. For example, in the United States, Mrs. Yamada reflected about senior

citizens in Japan:

“In the United States, I saw many senior citizens, many of them were
independent. When I went to a supermarket, I saw old people who barely
walked with the help of cane drive a car and come to shop. In Japan, such
things have never happened. In Japan, when one grows old, they expect
others to take care of them. In that case, we have to drive them to the market
and pick them up. In the United States, these old people take care of
themselves . . . When I think of my situation, old people have to take care of
things to the extent that they are capable of it. If my parents-in-law fall
down, all the things will be on my shoulder. That is, I have to do all the
things, don’t I? I wonder what to do when I have to take care of them all by
myself. In my neighborhood, both wife and husband live together so they
can share the burden. In my case, my husband leaves home early and returns
late. I can’t let an institution take care of them because it is a farming area
(meaning conservative and she would receive criticisms). I don’t know what
will happen, but I can’t escape from whatever happens. However, when we
grow old, we want to think about ourselves.”

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Mrs. Sato reflected upon her life course compared with the persons whom she

met in the United States:

“I met a Japanese couple who used be in Zimbabwe with their children. Their
way of thinking seemed very broad-minded. In Japan, children take entrance
examinations for kindergarten, elementary school, junior-high, and high
school. . .However, the person from Zimbabwe didn’t see that type of concern as
a big deal (sasai na koto). I wondered what it would be like if a person went a
little bit off from the railroad track of life. I met a person who divorced her
spouse and came to the United States with her child. In Japan, all of my friends
live similar lives. They all went to college, married, and had children. It is like
a life plan that an insurance company made. If this life plan is no longer
foreseeable, I now learned to tell myself it is OK. Watching various people’s
lives made me think about me and my child’s life course. I became more ready
to accept someone else’s off-track life. I decided my child doesn’t need to go to
a Japanese college. If she wants to, she can go abroad. I now realized there
were more options in the world.”

These two women reveal some of the internal thoughts that the women had

based on their experiences.

(8) What type of learning strategies did these women undertake in the United
States?

Several of the women engaged in active learnings, deliberated seeking ways
to increase their understanding. In particular they mentioned many people who
helped them learn. Mrs. Sato told me that if she had many options of learning

strategies, she would certainly choose one. However, she said when a person was

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limited in various strategies, he/she employs whatever method works best. She also
said that there was no time to decide how to communicate. She said that if talking
seems to be the only option, she talks. If the written materials such as maps or
picture are available, she can use them.

Mrs. Mori told me that she observed a lot. She said jokingly that she was a
Helen Keller because she couldn’t read, write, talk, or listen.

One notable phenomenon that I found in the descriptions was that almost
everyone had a regular helper. Mrs. Mori had Japanese friends who were living
there. In addition, she said that she asked the host professor to find a tutor for her
children. Initially, this person baby sat with the children, but actually helped them at
the hospitals and other places.

Mrs. Sato also had such a person whom she found in a newspaper classified
section. She told me that this person corrected the English of Mrs. Sato’s husband,
but later she learned much about the American culture from this person.

Mrs. Aoki asked her ELS teacher to introduce her to a Japanese woman who
was married to an American. She said she had close relations with this person.

Mrs. Kobayashi told me that her husband’s host professor took care of her
and her husband very well. She told me when they first came, this professor took
Mrs. Kobayashi to various garage sales to make life complete.

Mrs. Ishida asked Sue, the English tutor who also tutored many other
Japanese.

Mrs. Yamada also had a tutor who taught her English once a week. She

said this person was interested in Japanese culture.

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In the next section, I will discuss how the women described their experiences after

they returned to Japan. The guiding question was:

3. In what ways and to what extent do the Japanese women who lived in the United
States associate this experience with subsequent decisions regarding their

activities and interactions with others after they returned to Japan?

In order to answer above question, subsidiary questions were presented as

follows.

(1) What were the women amerika-gaeri (returnees from America) like?

An interesting phenomenon emerged from the transcriptions. None of these
women said that they started to talk about their experiences in the United States when
they met their friends or family members. In addition, these women appeared to realize
that there are certain expectations about those who returned from the United States.

Mrs. Yamada said;

“I have never said that I enjoyed the United States to ‘them (parents-in-law).’ I
didn’t even show them the pictures I took. I looked very happy in those pictures.
I couldn’t show them, because we looked so happy. My husband said that he
would find the right time to show them. When we were in the United States, my
husband never wrote them what we did in the United State. If they knew it, they
would get upset.”

For different reasons, Mrs. Yamada did not like to talk about America in the PTA

gatherings:

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“These days, many people live in foreign countries, such as Hong Kong and
Indonesia. Sometimes I share the stories of my experiences in America with
these mothers at PTA gatherings. When something happens, I say, ‘in America,
this and that.’ However, I didn’t feel that some people wanted to hear about it.
Generally, for the beginning, it is OK, but if I keep on going, their reaction would
be chilly. Sometimes, I feel that I shouldn’t have talked. If I don’t need to talk
and things can be done, I wouldn’t talk about what I did and saw in America.
Some people like to hear about it, but other people show uncomfortable faces.”

“My children were called America-gaeri.” said Mrs. Yamada. According to her,
“Some teachers didn’t like to hear what my son wanted to say about America.” Mrs.
Yamada said that her son told her, when she tried to put her son into an English class of
YMCA, that he wanted to talk in Japanese with his friends, and he did not want to take
English class in Japan anymore (t. 24). Upon his return to Japan, Mrs. Yamada’s son
had to introduce himself in front of about 500 pupils of the elementary school that he was
from America. After that, Mrs. Yamada described that the senior graders teased him in
recess hours, and Mrs. Yarnada’s son refused to talk in English. His homeroom teacher
visited Mrs. Yamada’s home for an annual home visit, and told her that Mrs. Yamada’s
son told him the stories and things that happened in the United States. Mrs. Yamada felt
from the nuances and tone of his voice that this teacher did not like to hear such things
from Mrs. Yamada’s son. Mrs. Yamada’s son told his mother that he liked American
school. However, Mrs. Yamada did not mention anything to her son about what the
teacher told her. Next year, her son had a different teacher who liked international
things. According to Mrs. Yamada, this person found out that her son attended an

American school. Then, Mrs. Yamada showed a picture of map that showed all the

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places the students were from, and it showed a string connecting from her son’s name at
Japan to the school in the United States. Later, Mrs. Yamada found the same picture at
the special exhibition, and felt that the teacher acknowledged her son’s international
experiences.

Mrs. Yamada seemed to realize that returnees are not always welcome by some
people through her son’s experience. In the PTA meetings, some international lecturers
were planned. However, Mrs. Yamada told me that some mothers did not like the idea
of international things because they said, “there are many domestic problems. Why
should we plan something international?” Mrs. Yamada was one of the core members
of the PTA that year, and found some other members had experiences of staying in
foreign countries such as Hong Kong and Indonesia. Mrs. Yamada told me that these
people refrained from talking about experiences that they had in foreign countries.
However, she told me that she felt other people who had never been abroad did not enjoy
hearing about her stories about the United States. She said, “If I do not need to talk
about the things that I experienced in the United States, I would rather not to (t. 30).”
She added, “that could be a jealousy (t. 30).”

Mrs. Sato also told me that she refrained from talking about her experiences.
She said that being in the United States to study is considered as having a long vacation
by the residents of her company owned apartment. She also said that in her husband’s
company, not many people showed a favorable attitude toward study abroad.

Mrs. Kobayashi worked at the non-profit organization that deals with Asian
women’s workers. She said, “When I returned, no one told me that I have changed, or
my English improved. Probably, my work place is dealing with the people from other

Asian countries, so other people may not like to hear about America (t. 26).” It seemed

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to be because of the image of “imperialistic America (t. 26).” Mrs. Kobayashi used the
sound of silence “sheerfl to indicate that no one enthusiastically listened to what she tried
to say about her experiences in America. However, she did note that “having
experiences in America is more appreciated than other countries.”

When Mrs. Ishida talked to her neighbors they told her that she would return
home with perapera (sound to show fluency in English). “It is a pressure-some. Why
and how could I become fluent in English? I did not graduate from English department
of a university (t. 29).”

Mrs. Mori was told by her friends that she became active and “aggressive
(kegekijeki) (t.15).” However, she added, “being aggressive does not mean negative
(as usually cosidered in Japan). I used to stop at certain line, but now I stepped
forward.” She showed an example of helping an ill fiiend for some time. Mrs. Mori
thought her fiiends were of appreciative her change. “If they do not like the way I am,
we are not fiiends (t. 15).”

Mrs. Aoki indicated that no one except her mother told her that she has changed.
Her mother pointed out that she became more assertive. Mrs. Aoki was told by other
people that her children had a difficult time adjusting to the Japanese way of doing at a
nursery school and an elementary school. Through helping them to readjust themselves,
Mrs. Aoki seemed to form her picture of returnees: “If you live in the States for along
time, I bet that those people have frictions with other mothers. Other mothers might say
about those retumee mothers as those who express individualism (kojinjhngi) (t. 29).”
She pointed out the seemingly excessive advice provided by the nursery school such as
what to put into a lunch box, how to prepare food, and what combination of foods. “If it

were in America, these advice are taken as excessive . . . However, pointing out such

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things are very American, and this difference is understood covertly (t. 29).” This also

indicates her refraining from talking about her experiences in the United States.

(2) What did these women conceive as their expectations for themselves after
they returned to Japan?

Mrs. Sato mentioned that she wanted to finish her graduate degree that she
started in the United States. However, she described that it is highly unlikely: “If I
have to take my child with me to the United States to finish my degree, I don’t think I can.
If I do not take my child, I think I can do it. (However), I can’t ask (amaem) my parents
to take care of her (if I go the United States again)” Mrs. Sato expected that she was
capable of becoming a graduate student at a university in the United States that was a
dream when she tried TOEFL examination “numerous times (t. 4)” before she went
there.” Her expectation about her capability became somewhat clear in the United
States, but it had because another challenge when she returned to Japan.

Another woman who tried academically in the United States was Mrs. Aoki.
She said that she wanted to obtain a license to teach Japanese language to foreigners in
Japan. However, she said that money and time are the two main obstacles to reach that

goal. In order to find the financial source, she said;

“If you stay in the company for ten years, your career becomes firm. I spent all
of that time for child rearing. I had no (occupational) career. In order to create
one, I have to go out to gain knowledge and receive an education. If I become to
be a student again, I have to ask someone to sit my children. A year or two
won’t help. I need five or ten years (to set a foundation for my career). But if
the education won’t help . . . or, if it goes as I wished, I would be happy myself.”

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Mrs. Aoki concluded by saying, “I don’t think that it is OK to say loudly my
rights (t. 34).)” Apparently, she did not expect her academic capability to be important,
but rather a moral issue concerning her role as a mother who is responsible for taking
care of children. Using family budget for her personal education to satisfy her career
desire was not acceptable. Mrs. Aoki continued, “I feel sorry for my children, if I ever
do that (t. 34).”

Mrs. Kobayashi sat in some academic classes while she was in the United States.
She mentioned diversity in her English classes, and women’s roles in the United States.
Upon her return, she realized that foreigners who participated as lecturers in Japanese
situations such as the PTA activities were not selected. “They are very limited. There
must be women, people from other Asian countries, and colored or Black people.
However, I wonder if any of them ever be selected (t. 29).” She wondered if Japanese
children at school believe that there is only one right way to speak English. “Not only
Americans, but the people from Australia, Britain, and Asian countries such as India, and
Philippines speak English. I want children to listen to various ways of speaking English
(t. 29).” Now Mrs. Kobayashi hopes that the Japanese will accept their way of speaking
English. “It is important to be confident with Japanese accent (t. 29).” She then
continued, “there must not be absolutely one right English. I began to justify myself
like this (t. 29).” Her justification was extended to the difference that she realized about

herself, although she did not mention it exactly.

“I do not worry or insecure about being different from others. I do not want to
do same thing as other people do. It did not happen long time ago. It is OK to
have different opinions from others, I think. Whatever other people say, I do not
care. I think it is dangerous to have same opinions.” (t. 32)

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In addition to the area of usage or difference in speaking in English, Mrs.
Kobayashi described other areas such as gender participation in non-traditional
occupations and activities such as PTA. However, it seemed contradictory when she
said that she accepted her different position in gender participation, but she also started
changing her surroundings by suggesting more participation of fathers in the PTA
activities. Suggesting a change does not seem to be an acceptance of difference. She
used the term, “acceptance,” and it seemed to mean that acceptance is the social nature,
or her hope to be accepted socially. Unlike Mrs. Aoki who foresaw obstacles in
financial as well as role constraints, the nature of the obstacles to be accepted socially
was not specified by Mrs. Kobayashi. However, what appeared in her descriptions is
that, Mrs. Kobayashi blamed herself for not making clear suggestions about fathers’
participation in the PTA: “I wanted to suggest that fathers participate in the meetings.
Current schedule allows only mothers who do not work during the day time. So, I said,
‘how about having a meeting twice in the evening time out of five times?’ But I do not
attend the meeting regularly, so I can’t say it loudly (t. 30).”

Here, what she pointed out was the expected role as a PTA member. On the
one hand, her descriptions appeared to express a desire to be accepted socially; on the
other hand, she blamed herself for that she did not do to fulfill her social obligation as
expected. Mrs. Kobayashi said that her change didn’t happen long time ago and that
was an answer to a question, “Did you gain confidence after you returned from the
United States?” It appeared that she was well aware of her situation, that she was
caught in the middle between her new sense of expectation for herself and the old one

that she retained, although she did not point out the jeopardizing factors.

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Mrs. Ishida was the one who used to be bothered by the neighborhood
relationship. She described her change as “being a perfect neighbor,” to less than
perfect, or the one that accepted the limitation. She said that those frictions with other
women in her neighbors “used to touch her nerve (kan), but now I became able to ignore,
or not to let others bother me (nagase) (t. 12).” She also said that she became the
opposite of a phrase, kininam that means a concern becomes ki itself, or the state that she
became obsessed by such a concern. “It is OK not to step into (relationship with other
women) further (t. 12).” “I did not do mmi (unreasonable things, or things that required
more than an ordinary effort) (t. 12).” “It is OK with me if everyone is not my fiiends (t.
12).” It seemed that Mrs. Ishida psychologically became better able to manage her
neighborhood relationships. On the behavioral level, she seemed to maintain what she
used to do such as talking to her neighbors outside of the apartment. The expectation
for herself seemed to have changed to become more limited, but within a realistically
manageable range.

Similar changes seemed to have appeared to Mrs. Yamada. Mrs. Yamada was
living with her parents-in-law. When I asked her if their complaints became harsher
after her return from the United States, and she said “yes.” However, she said, she
became able to nagasn (drain, or not to let others bother) their complaints afier she

returned from the United States. Mrs. Yamada expected her role as daughter-in-law of a
traditional farm family before the sojourn. The expectations to her before the stay in the
United States, were expressed as “the one on whom all the family members could heavily
depend (naanhitemeji, or “it is OK to do anything to her”) before the marriage (I. 14),

“the one who takes care of children (t. 14),” “jine_shiteinakeneba_ikenai (the one who has

to stay home) with letting her ki be in work in the surroundings (t.l8),” and the one who

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has to check mother-in-law’s mood, ask her, and thank her (t.l9).” Mrs. Yamada’s
expected her role after the United States as more relaxed: “when other people called on
me, I would go anywhere (t. 22).” She said that she began knowing other mothers of the
children’s friends and PTA. This in turn to indicate her ha(one’s place) enlarged
compared to once it used to be. Mrs. Yamada used to say, ilgbaganai (no place to go)
before the sojourn, and seemed to have realized that her be (place) to meet other people
was limited by saying “ha_ga_kagirar_e_teita (place was limited.) Because she stayed in
the United States, she described that she met other families in Japan who have been there
through the same university exchange program. Thus, her role and ha were expanded
after she returned to Japan.

Before the sojourn, Mrs. Mori expected that she would do “esanden (meal
preparer three times a day)”. She described her role as “back-up of the family (t. 2).”
She was a full-time shnfn in a traditional house where her mother-in-law visited and
stayed every half a year. Upon her return to Japan, she said that she realized that she
became more active, “aggressive,” and independent. For example, she said that she
used to go out shopping with her friends before the sojourn, and now she be laughed at
those people who did that. Rather, she said that she behaved alone. She said, “I began
to think that I had nothing to fear or worry (W) (t. 17).” “I do not need
someone to accompany me for the hobby lessons and sports clubs (t. 17).” “I used to
think that I had to buy a piano because my neighbor bought a piano. And this kind of
thinking disappeared (t. 17).” About her role, she said that she actively participated in
the PTA and fulfilled what was expected of it. Before the sojourn, she said she hated

such committee roles of the PTA, and avoided an appointment as much as possible.

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(3) In what way and to what extent do these women associate what they
experienced in the United States with the activities they currently engage in
and plan?

I did not hear any of these women say clearly they started new social activities
after returning to Japan. However, their mode of behavior and attitudes seem to have
changed. For example, Mrs. Sato accepted wider alternative life options. Her vital
experience in the United States was the encounter with a Japanese who had been to
Zimbabwe. Before seeing this person in the United States, Mrs. Sato thought that she
was following the predicted life course that seemed to be “created by an insurance
company.” Through the discourse with this person who had been to Zimbabwe, she
realized there were alternative life options. In the child rearing, Mrs. Sato decided to
tell herself if her child does not want to go to the university, it is OK, or if she wants to go
abroad to study, it is also OK.

Mrs. Sato’s other crucial experiences such as the University secretary having
lost her application form, the Koreans’ manner at the party, and hardship in academic
class do not seem to be directly associated with activities or drinking that she described.
However, some underlying issue of multiculturalism seems to add to her issue of life
options. According to her, she found the TV program titled “Barney” presented a
variety of types of children, such as Hispanics, African Americans, Caucasians,
Physically Disadvantaged, and a boy who wore a hearing aid. Mrs. Sato said that the
song that was used in'this children’s program about the family showed a variety of types
of family, such as the single family, and the children living with their grand parents.
This awareness by Mrs. Sato showed a partial and indirect support for her new life

options. It seems to be the same diversity, but from the different angles. She found the

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Barney Show which accepts diversity; and the Barney Show was the desirable world for
her child whom she wanted to be capable of choosing her own life course.

It is difficult to point out exactly which experience led to which of her
philosophical directions in Mrs. Kobayashi’s case. In Mrs. Kobayashi’s descriptions,
some issues emerged such as alternative occupational options for women; women’s roles,
and diversity. She described the headline about the female union leader that appeared in
a local magazine. She also said that she saw woman welders, bus and truck drivers in
the United States. She also observed that the party in which American professors split
into gender groups and all the males were in the kitchen cooking, and all the females
were sitting on the sofa and talking. She described it as very fresh to her eye, but she
was “shocked” by that scene. Mrs. Kobayashi wondered whether “A reverse is OK.
However, don’t they mix?”

After reviewing what she described about her experiences, Mrs. Kobayashi’s
choice of work for the Asian immigrant workers seemed to be the philosophical answer
to her critical reflections, although a one-time trip to the foreign country was not the only
thing responsible for her experiences. Probably, the fact that she continued working as a
part-time worker at the non-profit organization was backed with her continuous
reconfinnation of her critical reflections. Besides Mrs. Kobayashi’s employment, she
started suggesting that the PTA create more activities that include men. This would be
the same direction toward more egalitarian participation in the social sphere, and that
seemed to be rooted in the experiences she had in the United States.

Mrs. Mori said that she started going out alone afier she returned to Japan. She
described that she became active, “aggressive,” and assertive. She also said that she

came to say “yes” and “no” clearly. She also told me that she started participating in

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volunteer activities in Japan after returning to Japan. She said, “I don’t want to hurt
other people, anyone (t. 19).”

Her crucial experiences in the United States included participating unknowingly
in a petition to set a school teacher to resign, and a girl who visited her at the door and
claimed that this girl’s brother was hurt by Mrs. Mori’s son. Regardless of the content of
what this girl said to her, Mrs. Mori was surprised by the fact this girl showed up to
confront her, and to claim that her son did the wrong thing. This experience seemed
to have led Mrs. Mori to become more assertive about what she believed is right.
Upon her return, she said she practiced her belief with her daughter when she was in
trouble at school.

Mrs. Mori reflected and said, “When I had been there (the United States),
I learned the way to mamem (protect) myself and family. A new behavior to Mrs.
Mori is the fact that this girl showed up at the door and made an assertion of justice.
To Mrs. Mori, “assertiveness” means “to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ straightforwardly
(“ehame,” or “kiehime”) afier having clear (kiehime) opinions. Upon her return,
she began to nod vertically more often when she believed it was just. Thus, Mrs.
Mori made an association between the experience of that Asian girl who said she
would forgive her because she was from the same Asian countries, and a change in
her attitude toward injustice.

Mrs. Aoki experiences of community college life in the United States were
important ones. Going abroad was a dream because she once turned down the
opportunity given by a college long time ago. Her father didn’t agree with her going
abroad then, and she gave in to his opinion because she was the oldest child who was

supposed to have special responsibility in the family in Japan. She managed her busy

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life as a mother, wife, and a student in the United States. Upon return to Japan, Mrs.
Aoki said that she was able to say it was all right to be different from other women(t. 41):
One such area of difference was her change in taste in clothes after she returned from the
United States.

Another area for Mrs. Aoki was expressing her own opinions at the PTA
meetings. However, she said that she did not want to express her opinions at the
meetings. She said, “(Japan) is the society in which anyone who wants to stick out will
be struck back.” Therefore, she said, “I always think of inaeri (change of posture) to be
assertive, but . . . I gave up asking other mothers’ understandings(t. 41).”

Another area of Mrs. Aoki’s change is that she became able to admit that she
was not a perfect mother. Mrs. Aoki told her children that she sometimes felt that she
did not want to cook meals for them. She also told her children, “you didn’t clean up
what you made a mess, but why your mother has to do it?” Mrs. Aoki’s ideal mother
and father used to be that of W, the popular comic created by Machiko Hasegawa.
After Mrs. Aoki returned from the United States, she said that she started using the
language of war comrade to describe her relationship with her husband. Things that
Mrs. Aoki began to tell her husband extended to various things about the housework,
such as a preparation for a meal, and replacing bathroom tissues,

Mrs. Aoki wanted to teach Japanese language to foreigners in Japan. However,
she realized that money and time are needed and she couldn’t make them. She said that
she wanted to find an ikigai, something that is worth living for. Mrs. Aoki noted that all
the systems in Japan indicated that women should not leave their house for work. She
pointed out all the difficulties associated With women who would like to come back to

work after child rearing: degrees, taxes, and societal hospitality.

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In the United States, Mrs. Aoki went on a field trip in a group. She described
the story of an argument with another Japanese person over offering a turn to an
American who cut the line. She said that if she offered a turn to the person who cut the
line, their instructor loses her taehiha (social position, one’s place, or face). Offering
a turn is a recognition of denial of a person who tried to fulfill democratic expectation.
That is, giving a turn to someone who behaved undemocratically implies her approval
of such a behavior. Her instructor’s position was supposed to carry out the
democratic rule as a teacher of societal morals. Thus, Mrs. Aoki seemed to
recognize the democratic implication of her words, but her expression, taehiea (one’s
place), reflects more like an empathic expression. This expression was not what
Mrs. Aoki felt, but it was her interpretation of how the instructor might feel.

In the above experience, Mrs. Aoki seemed to show her opinions assertively.
This assertion seemed to be the inaeri (change of position) to accept the fact that she
had a different opinion from her group member. It is notable that she expressed as
“fog” to indicate that condition that she couldn’t express herself as she wished in the
United States. The “fog” meant the condition in which she couldn’t reach the itchy
place. Mrs. Aoki then rephrased the sentence as “I couldn’t express myself in
English as I wished (t. 6).” This frustration seemed to have emerged because there
was a willingness to express in Mrs. Aoki’s mind, which she used to give up doing it.

Another experience contributing to her becoming more accepting of herself
as different and assertive may be the various difficulties that she had in the United
States. There, she said that she had to explicitly demand what she wanted. One
such experience was the incident of locking herself out of her car and having to call

someone for help.

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“However, I was asked very specifically if I would like to go back to the
car . . . I had to communicate and express my willingness clearly all the time.
Otherwise, no one helped me. If I say, ‘I am in trouble.’, no one helps. I
have to tell Americans that I am in such and such trouble and ask them how
they can help me specifically. In Japan, you never say that.”

Contributing to a more egalitarian relationship with her husband, was Mrs.
Aoki’s observation of an interaction between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law in the
crafting class. This seemed to influence Mrs. Aoki’s thinking. She said that the
mother-in-law and daughter-in-law have a completely different relationship from that in

Japan.

“In the United States, you don’t have honorific in language. Only ‘please’ could
function the same way as in Japanese honorific. Then, that daughter-in-law
wanted to sit across from her mother-in-law, and asked other attendants to
squeeze a little. That’s outrageous. You don’t say such things to your mother-
in-law, do you?”

Mrs. Aoki probably saw the egalitarian nuance in the interactions between these
American daughter-in-law and mother-in-law. She said that she liked such relationship.

Mrs. Ishida said that after she returned to Japan she began to be able to nagasn
(drain) the tedious relations between housewives who surround her. Before going to the
United States, Mrs. Ishida’s most crucial concern was the eyes of the others (seken_ne
me). One of neighbors criticized when Mrs. Ishida wanted to have her child receive two
year’s of nursery school education. She said, “In Japan, people really walk into your

life in that sense (t. 17).” In the United States, Mrs. Ishida found no such 52km for her.

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She drove 10,000 miles in 34 days and visited various places in the United States. She
said that she found a good tutor for English but whose neighbors did not show favorable
attitude toward Japanese. Her observation in the United States included the attitudes of
Japanese friend toward Afiican Americans (t. 3), separation of children’s world from that
of adults (t. 20), prejudice received against Japanese in English class (t. 3), and
uncomfortable yelling by an American against a Japanese child who walked barefooted
on the white carpet (t.l3). She also described two types of Americans: wet and dry.
Mrs. Ishida tried golf, ski, quilting, and embossing all for the first time in the United
States. She also described “power” as her motivation to do them.

In the United States, Mrs. Ishida’s physical absence from the sekenmme (eyes
of others) that is characterized‘by hierarchical consciousness, relieved her from intensive
stress she used to receive in Japan. At the same time, Mrs. Ishida seemed to have
learned how to nagasn (drain) or manage the psychological inclination to be concerned
about what other people say about her. She said, “I had no time for that (to concern eyes
of the others) in the United States (sennaketeyaneimhaaijanah) (t. 6).” This sentence
shows her psychological detachment from concerns that bothered her when she was in
Japan.

Mrs. Yamada also became able to nagasn (drain, or not letting others bother her)
upon her return to Japan. She used to listen to her mother-in-law’s complaints and
criticisms before the sojourn. “Shufn (housewife) had no place to develop,” said Mrs.
Yamada. She had strong resistance from her mother-in-law against accompanying her
husband who went to the United States. Her responsibility as a mother of two children
was strongly questioned by her mother-in-law. In the United States, Mrs. Yamada

actively participated in various things such as English classes and cultural demonstrations

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sponsored by several organizations. In the small episodes, she described her surprises:
her child was asked by his teacher where he would like to put his name tag. This offer
of a small choice made Mrs. Yamada feel that children in the United States were truly
respected to practice their preferences. Her observation of the preschool also made her

feel American education was based on recognition of individual difference. She said;

“Those children (in the preschool) were from 2 years old to 4 years old. Not all
children did the same thing in the class. I found drawings that were hung and
dried in the hall way. However, I couldn’t find the one signed by my child.
When I asked my son, and he told me that he didn’t draw. So I asked what he
did then. He said that he was playing with Lego. Such a thing has never be
allowed in Japan.” (t. 6)

Thus, to her, individual students in the United States seem to be truly respected in

what he/she wants to do in a classroom.
In the United States, Mrs. Yamada took lessons such as swimming and quilting.
She described how her husband changed in his role of taking care of his wife and

children:

“It was I who wanted to take swimming lessons. My husband couldn’t swim at
all. My husband became a driver on the day of swimming. He gave a ride to
three of us whose swimming classes started at different time and place. It was
unthinkable for my husband to give us a ride to swimming pool in Japan!.” (L8)

On a different occasion, Mrs. Yamada’s husband let his wife go to a party when
their child became ill. The fact that Mrs. Yamada mentioned his kindness seemed to

imply that Mrs. Yamada was expected to be with their child in Japan. There, Mr.

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Yamada’s understanding of his role seemed to have changed, and Mrs. Yamada
acknowledged this change.

Mrs. Yamada visited a host professor’s father who lived by the lake alone. She
said, “such things never happens in Japan.” In Japan, senior citizens seemed to depend
heavily on housewives. Mrs. Yamada also said that she observed public facilities in
various parts of town that accommodate these senior citizens and handicappers: part-
time employees at a supermarket held these people’s hands and walked with them in a
shop. Mrs. Yamada indicated that she had to take care of them if her parents-in-law
become senile. However, she said that when she talked with her husband about their
future, they hope that they do not want to depend on their children (t. 11). This is an
awareness of dependent relationship that is followed by a decision not to become the one
who has to depend on others.

In summary, in the United States, these women saw and experienced what they
did not have or what they had differently in Japan. Upon their return they showed subtle,
less visible, but substantial psychological changes that made these women release from
what they used to think as a binding force. Some significant themes appeared:
accepting alternative life options (Mrs. Sato), accepting diversity (Mrs. Sato, and Mrs.
Kobayashi), social acceptance of alternative occupational options for women (Mrs.
Kobayashi), social acceptance of women’s roles (Mrs. Kobayashi), becoming more active
(Mrs. Mori), becoming more aggressive (Mrs. Mori), becoming more assertive (Mrs.
Mori, Mrs. Aoki), accepting being different from other women (Mrs. Aoki and Mrs.
Kobayashi), giving up to be a perfect mother (Mrs. Aoki), egalitarian relations with
husband (Mrs. Aoki, and Mrs. Yamada), egalitarian relations of mother-in-law and

daughter-in-law (Mrs. Aoki), social position or democratic manner (Mrs. Aoki),

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inaeri(Mrs. Aoki), nagasn (Mrs. Ishida, Mrs. Yamada), less dependent relationship with
mother-in-law and daughter-in-law (Mrs. Yamada), less dependent relationship between
parents and children (Mrs. Yamada).

Some of them are psychological in nature, such as fined, and nagase,
acceptance of alternatives, diversity, and giving up. Some others seemed to be
behavioral descriptions but they seem to require some psychological conditions prior to
them. For example, they are, becoming more active, aggressive, assertive, (expecting

and having) egalitarian relations with others, democratic manner, and dependency.

(4) What are the perceived changes in norms due to living in the United States?
Why and Why not?

Norms about how they should behave have shown some changes in these
women’s lives. For example, Mrs. Kobayashi said, “I am no longer afraid of being
different. My opinion is different from others, and it is OK. I think it is reasonable.
Furthermore, I think that the idea that ‘everyone is the same’ is dangerous.” Mrs.
Kobayashi expressed concerns about some areas in which her sense of a norm is applied.
They include accepting diversity such as seen in her employment related to the Asian
women and her opinion relating to correct pronunciation of English, alternative
occupational options for women such as in her description regarding woman welder, bus
and truck driver, and women’s roles such as in finding a head of female union leader.
Throughout these issues, her sense of what is a norm seems to begin more loosely bound.
Mrs. Kobayashi appeared to widen the acceptable range of applicable norms in her
concerns.

This acceptance was also described by others, such as Mrs. Mori: “I used to

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follow what other people do and buy. For example, when my neighbor bought a piano, I
thought I also had to buy one. However, now I tend not to think that way.” Before the
sojourn, her sense of norms seemed to be determined by the criteria of other people.
After the sojourn, she became more assertive to say “yes” and “no” clearly. more
aggressive in helping her friend who was ill, and more active in going out alone. It
appeared that she became less dependent on other’s judgment or norms, and began to
establish her independent sense of norm that did not need others’ advice. Mrs. Mori’s
issues included assertiveness in relationships with her friends, and independent behaviors.

Mrs. Sato spoke of her acceptance of life options for her daughter such as the
idea not going to the university, or going to the university overseas is all right. She
gained this perspective after she met a person who had been to Zimbabwe. 'In addition,
her sense of norms appeared in the issues such as being a full-time housewife is
unforgivable, questioning classroom manners that did not allow students to eat in Japan,
and an awareness of educational opportunities for all ages who are willing to learn. A
minor but still important change in her norm appeared in her description regarding the
local program for children that was well prepared by mothers. After the sojourn, she
began questioning such adult’s involvement in setting up the children’s playground. In
contrast, the unchanged norm appeared in her sentence, “On Saturdays, I am permitted to
go to English school.” Her apologetic attitude is seen here. However, this apology
seems to be her unfulfilleddesire to work full-time, and thus an inevitable dependence on
her husband’s income. Furthermore, she is sorry for asking her husband to take care of
their child because she was supposed to take care of her as a full-time housewife. In
summary, Mrs. Sato showed some changes in her norms in issues such as a role as a

mother, full-time housewife, relations with husband, and classroom manners and

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educational opportunities. The picture of this norm change is toward the range of wider
and more extended, but at the same time she shows some respect for the independence of
her children.

Mrs. Ishida also told me that she now accepted not being a perfect friend to
everyone. She became able to nagasn (drain, or not letting others bother her) the
complains and criticisms of others. She said “These days, I do not do men
(unreasonable things)” Her norm in the relationship with her neighbors seems to be
less rigid than before the sojourn. Mrs. Ishida gave a reason for such change: “I
thought it looked stupid. I began to see things clearly after the stay in the United States
in which I was able to keep some distance between those people and 1.” She interpreted
that this distance made the “liberation from seken (eyes of others) possible.”

Mrs. Ishida’s other norm change was about her expression of her own desires
which used not to be accepted before the sojourn. For example, she said that it would
be late for her if she gave a ride to her daughter, so her husband did (t. 4). Another
example of such expression is that she said that it would be inconvenient for her
(kemam) if her son would not go to the nursery school. Her son was in culture shock
and refused to go to the nursery school. Finally, Mrs. Ishida said that she behaved in the
United States based on what she wanted not what other people expected of her. She
added that, “In Japan, I used to feel guilty about these things (t. 15).” Although
reviewing what she did in the United States, she regretted and said, “I may have
sacrificed my daughter (because I kept her at the nursery until 3 o’clock)” In this
example, her change in her norms appeared in the United States, but it did not continue
back in Japan except her psychological state of letting go, new (not letting others

bother her). Mrs. Ishida’s issues included the relationship with her neighbors and a

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concern about playing her roles as wife and mother. Norms of both of these issues
appeared to be more flexible in the United States, and thus she began to feel in control.
Back in Japan, only the psychological state appeared as a subtle change, but it seems vital
enough to influence her decision making, especially in the relationship with her
neighbors and her children.

Mrs. Yamada told me about a different type of norm change. It is a change

regarding her reaction to the people who are ethnically different in Japan.

“(Before going to the United States), I withdrew myself from the foreigners.
Nowadays, I tend not to be hesitant about being with them on various occasions.
For example, there is a Brazilian Assistant English Teacher in my son’s school.
I used to withdraw when I saw such a person. He is big and looks powerful.
However, nowadays, I don’t kamaem (get nervous or being formal)” (t. .23)

In the same direction, Mrs. Yamada began to suggest that the PTA include international
lecturers for their programs. Another area that Mrs. Yamada showed her change in
norms is her role as wife that is seemingly submissive or subservient in Japan has
changed in the United States. Mrs. Yamada described the scene in which she had an
argument with her husband in the United States: “We had arguments even at the party
where other people were present.” Mrs. Yamada told me that she told her husband how
she was amazed by other married men who were helping their wives, such as kitchen
staff. Then at the first party they hosted, Mr. Yamada vacuumed the room, and cleaned
the bathroom. Upon their return to Japan, Mrs. Yamada told me that Mr. Yamada did
not help her household chores except taking out and putting back the bedding from the

closet on weekends.

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Before the sojourn, Mr. Yamada told his wife that he had no way of persuading
his parents about going abroad. It appeared a significant shift in roles and the decision
making power that was assumed between Mrs. and Mr. Yamada. This shift showed
more significantly in the United States, and returned in lesser degree when they were
back in Japan. It is notable that Mrs. Yamada’s norm about how she deals with her
mother-in-law has also changed with her expression of nagase(drain, not letting others to
bother). This change also showed the direction toward the acceptance of being a less
perfect daughter-in—law than was expected to accord with her mother-in-law, or to be a
more independent daughter-in-law that allowed more freedom to decide to go out.

Mrs. Aoki’s significant norm change was in the rigid ideal model of mother,
wife, and herself. For example, she told her children to accept the limitation of mother
simply because she is a human being: “Your mother does not want to cook sometimes (t.
42).” She also talked about the new war-comrade-like relationship with her husband.
Mrs. Aoki also mentioned the “egotistical (t. 33)” life style that she had in the United
States, but admitted that she came to be different from other people, and it was OK (t.
41).” She changed direction toward being more egalitarian, and accepting and admitting
her honest desire to be an individual which did not seem to be perceived so in Japan.

The reasons for their norm change were not usually clearly recognized by these
women except Mrs. Ishida who pointed out the physical and psychological distance for a
period of time. The psychological management such as nagasu of Mrs. Ishida and Mrs.
Yamada appeared to be the way they coped with the surroundings they found unchanged

when they returned to Japan.

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(5) What was the ki energy of the Japanese woman like after they returned to
Japan?

(6) What were the dyadic relations that concerned the Japanese women the most
after they returned to Japan?

(7) What was the context such as outer/inner, front/back, and tatemae/honne

that concerned them the most after they returned to Japan?

I have already mentioned in previous sections that the above three questions have to
be dealt with together.

Mrs. Sato demonstrated that her ki became more tightened and she wanted to do
something for herself: “Everything that I do for my child and husband is not for me.
They have their worlds. If I don’t have such a world for me, I lose myself (fieunga
nai). I think being a housewife is unforgivable. I can’t bear doing nothing and it
creates stress.”

Mrs. Sato’s dyadic relation with her husband did not become notably stronger or
weaker after the stay in the United States. She indicated her henne (true feeling) that
she looked for a chance to breath someday. Mrs. Sato started a part-time job without
letting other people know, she said, and an English class that is offered downtown every
Saturday. It seems that for her, the strength of her ki is already “lighted (kami),” or
loosened.

Mrs. Yamada cried when she returned Japan. She said she often cried for half a
year. Then, she learned how to deal with the original problem that she had with her
mother-in-law who was in the power position. She learned to go out frequently. It was

her outer world. By doing so, she was able to manage the amae relations that were

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formally directed from her mother-in-law against her. “I stopped paying attention (ki
ni_sm_u) to those things.” said Mrs. Yamada. Her ki became peaceful.

Mrs. Mori described the experience that was similar to an existential experience
in the United States. After returning to Japan, she spoke of her returning to the life that
she used to have before the sojourn. However, her descriptions showed inconsistencies
from the state of becoming more traditional and at the same time the state of showing her
independent thinking. In one aspect, she admitted that she came to cherish more
traditional artifacts and manners of Japanese. In another aspect, she said that she
became more assertive, unfearful, and independent. Her ki seemed to become stronger
and appeared in her newly acquired assertiveness, but she seemed to become careful
about selecting the context in which she exhibited this strength. In a traditional
Japanese situation, she never seemed to be assertive. She said firmly, “I don’t want to
hurt other people these days.”

Mrs. Aoki showed more henne, that is, her true feelings, after she returned to
Japan. Mrs. Aoki said to her children, “Your mother is merely a human being.” This
inaeri (change of posture) showed her acceptance of her natural self. Thus, her ki
seemed to be relaxed after she returned to Japan. One notable thing is that she didn’t
touch upon her father at all when she returned to Japan. Her dyadic relation with her
husband seemed to be working without problems as seen by her expression about him as
“war comrade.”

Mrs. Ishida said that she seemed to handle her neighbors, or her concerned
context, better than ever. “I stopped going finther into other people’s lives. I do not do
mmi anymore.” Mud was translated as “unreasonable things.” However, it may fit if

we understand this term as “things that are beyond one’s capacity.” This way, Mrs.

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Ishida’s relations with her neighbors became closer to her honne than ever. She
indicated that her ki seemed to be in excessive tension when she was in Japan before she
went to the United States. While in the United States, she seemed to regain the strength
of her ki as a result of driving 34 days for 10,000 miles.

Mrs. Kobayashi did not report any obvious changes in her ki, amae dyadic
relations, and the context in which these concepts play out. One complication is that she
did not seem to realize what consequence was brought about by the experience of the
specific stay in the United States. Sometimes, it is reasonable that people change
without knowing the cause of the specific changes. In addition, she had multiple
numbers of experiences of contacting Americans in and outside of Japan. Therefore, the
impact of that one particular sojourn may be difficult to distinguish from other foreign

experiences.

(8) What new perspectives did these women attain?

Mrs. Mori told me that she returned to the Japanese traditional thinking and
values after she returned from the United States. She said that she didn’t want to hurt
other people because she thought that every behavior turns around and comes back to
herself. This is believed and recognized by Mrs. Mori to be a traditional Japanese view.
It is not clear if this belief is associated with her change to be active in volunteers. For
example, she said she went to help her ill friend, and she described that it is because that
she saw a volunteer spirit in the United States (t. 15). Her above changes appeared to
center around the issue of relationship. One of the areas of relationship was with her
daughter who helped her bullied friend. Mrs. Mori told her daughter to be assertive, and

she admitted that she had never been like that before the sojourn. Finally, Mrs. Mori

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said that she began to host parties with her neighbors. This was not traditional Japanese
practice because she said that the parties included couples. Therefore, Mrs. Mori’s
change of perspectives was in the issue of her relationship with her daughter, friends, and
neighbors. The direction and degree of the change appeared to be more toward
independence because she did not need to consult or be influenced by others’ opinion
when she advised her daughter and her friend. However, having parties in couples may
not indicate strong individualistic independence.

Mrs. Ishida gained new perspectives in two major areas of relationships: one
with her neighbors and other mothers, and another at an ethnic level. For relationship
with neighbors, Mrs. Ishida described distanced relations that was characterized in her
expression of nagasn (not letting others to bother her, or drain). With other mothers, she
described what she saw in the United States: “In America, I didn’t have the relationship
with my fiiends that required the presence of children. When we had teas together (with
other mothers), or went to play golf, children did not come into play, because we took
them to kindergarten, preschools, or the places of baby sitter (t. 20).” Mothers
appeared to have more independent relationship when Mrs. Ishida was in the United
States. However, the word “independent” means physical separatedness from their
children. It does not indicate the physical presence of married couple as usually
considered in the United States.

Another new perspective that Mrs. Ishida described was the discrimination to
which she appeared more sensitive after the sojourn. The incident of a child walking on
the white carpet and was yelled at (t. 13), another Japanese woman who called an Afiican
American “blacky” contemptuously (t. 17), and being told not to let her child play with

African Americans (t. 3). Mrs. Ishida also went to Cancun and described how she felt

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guilty about visiting the- poorest area (while she was from the rich country). Finally, she
described the TV show in which an African man pointed out the Japanese provincialism
and a prejudice against them. Through these experiences, Mrs. Ishida appeared to be
more conscious about labels of ethnic groups, economic levels among different ethnic
groups, being prejudiced against, and prejudice toward other ethnic groups. She
appeared to be an anti-prejudice advocate even before the sojourn, but it became
intensified after the sojourn. She said that she felt close to America after she returned to
Japan (t. 20). Therefore, Mrs. Ishida’s new perspective appeared to be that she widened
and deepened the existing anti-prejudice perspective with actual experiences. It was
widened because she included the people from Africa who were on TV. It was
deepened because she realized that Japanese themselves had prejudices and expressed it.

Mrs. Aoki’s new perspective appeared in various areas: children’s rights,
Japanese education system, woman’s career advancement, and the relationship with her
husband. In the children’s rights, Mrs. Aoki described, “children are not an auxiliary
entity (firzekniin) (t. 9).” “They have their own ideas and claim their Opinions (t. 9).”
Mrs. Aoki said that she used to respond to her children’s claim by saying her children
were selfish, but after the sojourn, she began listening carefully to what they complained
about. It appeared that she started respecting them more and dealing with them as not
an auxiliary to her, but as independent thinkers.

For the Japanese education system, Mrs. Aoki described how it is resembled a
military system: “There is a school yard in front of my apartment. In June, they had a
sports festival (undekai). In May, students practice walking for many hours in the yard.
It is a type of child abuse. I wonder if children had a rights to refuse such a practice (t.

26).” She mimicked the voice of teachers who conducted the practices in the school

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yard, “Stand at ease! ‘shun! (t.26)” Mrs. Aoki said that she was told by her husband that
her new perspective on education was not desirable, because she might have seen only
the positive side of the American education for people who belong to a middle class.

For women’s career advancement, Mrs. Aoki pointed out the career of Mrs.
Albright whom she knew was just a housewife before she became the Secretary of
States. However, back in Japan, she realized that her sister could not come back to
her teaching job after she raised her child for two or three years. Mrs. Aoki said,
“After all, Japanese society as a whole claims that women should not work outside (t.
31).” Therefore, her new perspective on the women’s career advancement in Japan
was a critical one. However, her criticism did not seem to lead to the strategizing
that was seen in the case of Mrs. Sato.

In the relationship with her husband, Mrs. Aoki said that she came to have a
relationship of “war-comrade.” The new perspective on the relationship that she
saw in the United States in daughter-in-law and mother-in-law did not become
actualized upon her return, but she said that it was simply because she did not have a
mother-in-law (t. 8). Based on what she described about her relationship with her
husband, her new perspective on the relationship appeared more egalitarian than
hierarchical. The area to practice this egalitarian principle is housework and
children’s education. The housework is indicated by Mrs. Aoki in her description
on preparing for a bath. The children’s education showed up only once, “My
husband is the kind of person who wants to show up at the schools of our children (t.
29).” She criticized that Japanese schools because they do not offer opportunities
for fathers to participate.

Mrs. Sato’s new perspectives are about the issues of life options for her daughter,

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classroom manners, learning opportunity, and mother’s role. Through meeting with the
person who had been to Zimbabwe, Mrs. Sato said that she found more life options are
available, and decided to let her daughter choose her own. This new perspective is the
change from the only choice model that was indicated by insurance companies to wider
options. Mrs. Sato actually took some academic courses and observed classroom
manners that she found were very different from that of Japan. Then, she reflected,
“What was so wrong about eating and drinking in the classroom in Japan? (t. 39)” Her
newly acquired perspective is wider than the one she had before.

Mrs. Sato’s perspective on learning opportunity became also wide. While she
was attending formal school, she described, “(In America), you can learn if you want to
even if you are 40, 50, or 60 years old (t. 40).” Such an educational opportunity became
a comparable category across cultures when Mrs. Sato actually took some classes at a
graduate school. For mother’s role, Mrs. Sato questioned the intensive involvement in
setting up the place and equipment for children to play. However, she said that she did
not criticize. As she indicated, the pressure from other people is very strong (t. 26).
However, a question that Mrs. Sato held was an indication of her newly emerged
perspective about to what extent mothers should be involved in indulging the children’s
sphere.

Mrs. Yamada’s new perspective was in relationship with her mother-in-law,
independence in one’s old age, and the role of wife and husband. Mrs. Yamada said that
she became able to nagasn (drain or not letting others to bother) her mother-in-law’s
complaints after the sojourn. Her new perspective was the acceptance of a less perfect
model of being a daughter-in-law than before. This new perspective about the daughter-

in-law’s role is not the one of traditional housewife’s role that expects women to stay

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home all the time. On the contrary, Mrs. Yamada said that she went out frequently when
she was offered such opportunities.

Mrs. Yamada appeared to gain a new perspective about the independence of
senior citizens in the United States. She saw an old man living alone but independently,
and she hoped that her parents-in-law would be independent, and not requiring her care.
It is her new perspective because she does not want to reproduce the cycle. She did not
want to be dependent on her children when she became old.

Mrs. Yamada appeared to gain another perspective about the role of wife and
husband. In the United States, the couple argued over the roles (t. 33), and her husband
participated in domestic sphere including helping in children’s swimming lessons. The
traditional Japanese view on roles of wife and husband usually do not allow such flexible
roles. However, this new perspective did not continue when they returned to Japan,
except her husband helped her to take out and put back the bedding (futen) into the closet.
Nevertheless, it is a perspective once practiced in the United States, and still remembered
by Mrs. Yamada.

Mrs. Kobayashi’s new perspective from a single sojourn is difficult to determine.
However, through her concrete experiences, some fresh perspectives were drawn. First
and foremost, she appeared to gain her new perspective on herself: “It is OK to be
different from others (p. 32).” The old perspective was that a person has to follow what
other people say and order. It seems something that Mrs. Ishida also used to be bothered
by. Mrs. Kobayashi’s solution was not the change of herself, but to assert that she was
as she was. The next new perspective was about the absolute correctness of English
pronunciation. She claimed that there is'no single correct pronunciation of English. It

seems to resemble the some perspective that she took as a position of about herself.

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Principally related to the above issues, Mrs. Kobayashi also appeared to accept that there
should be more options in various areas of life, such as occupations for gender, and
fathers’ participation to PTA. For her, acceptance of diversity was rooted in her
experience of observing her child who did not want to play with an African American,
and always played with other Oriental male friends. Mrs. Kobayashi wondered if there
is such an instinct in human beings. She described this finding as shocked her (t. 21).
However, expecting her son to play with an African American seemed to be the
expectation of seken (public) which she did not approve of, and finally departed from it
to gain her own self difference.

In summary, the new perspectives that these women gained or revised include
areas of their concerns such as Japanese traditional thinking; volunteerism; relationships
with children, neighbors, husband, mother-in-law, other mothers, other ethnic groups;
prejudice, children’s rights; Japanese education system; woman’s career advancement,
life options for daughter; classroom manner; learning opportunity; role of wife and
husband; mother’s role; independence in one’s old age; asserting the difference of
oneself; correct English pronunciation; and diversity of gender related occupation.
Some general themes appeared among the various issues above including widening their
roles and expectations, increasing their personal flexibility, and accepting and asserting

diversity.

(9) What types of international activities do these women participate in?
Mrs. Yamada started participating in international activities in the PTA. She
said that she tried to promote asking international persons to talk about foreign cultures to

the PTA. Mrs. Ishida told me that if her son wanted to go to the United States to study,

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she would support that idea. Mrs. Aoki still wanted to go back to the United States to
stay, but she found no support. Mrs. Kobayashi did not think that she wanted to go back
again, but she thought that if money were available, it should be used for young people to
go abroad. Mrs. Mori did not seem to want anything to do with intemationalism at all.
Mrs. Sato, on the other hand, started going to an English School on Saturdays in which
she said she learned to debate.

These women demonstrated various activities and thinking about
“intemationalism.” Mrs. Yamada actually started promoting opportunities to include
persons from foreign cultures into Japanese scenes, and others want to have them or their
children go to the United States again. However, some of them appeared to reject
international activities. Mrs. Kobayashi, for example, did not mention any negative
reasons for not wanting to go to the United States. She is participating in Asian
women’s issue for her employment, and this fact shows high involvement in
internationalization. Some reasons could be speculated in her description regarding why
she had to accompany her husband to the United States? Complicated issues appeared
there, such as her future job opportunity, and power relationship with her husband.
From the view point of learning, Mrs. Mori described the highest intensity among these

women. However, she did not show any interest in going abroad again.

DISCUSSION

In the following section, noticeable categories and themes will be organized into
three areas of (1) cultural assumptions of women’s ideals in Japan, (2) cross-cultural
learning, and (3) the Japanese concept of self. Their learning was found in their

descriptions that were about the changes after the United States stay. In each section, I

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will deal with episodes or critical incidents that they had in the United States that may

have contributed to their learning.

(1) Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan
a. Assertiveness

Assertiveness as a category was noticed when reviewing the descriptions that
these women gave up some of their behaviors or certain ideas. The highlighting of this
concept was based on not only the frequency of usage, but also the importance in the
context. Examples of these behaviors or experiences are provided.

Being assertive means “saying ‘yes’ and ‘no’ clearly (Mrs. Mori),” “a person has
her own opinions about a matter (Mrs. Mori and Mrs. Yamada)” “saying what one wants
to say (Mrs. Mori),” and “shucho (advocating or demanding)(Mrs. Sato).” The reason
for becoming assertive is “to become strong (Mrs. Mori),” and “ki became strong (Mrs.
Yamada)”

These women felt that they became assertive about the mother‘s role, i.e.
“mothers are human beings, so they may not feel up to cooking sometimes (Mrs. Aoki),”
“mother has a limited care for her daughter (Mrs. Mori), or ” one’s existential awareness,
i.e. “I am what I am, and all right to be different from others (Mrs. Aoki),” “It is all right
to be different from others (Mrs. Kobayashi)”

Mrs. Mori told me that she tried to discipline her child based on what she
believed: “When my daughter supported a victim of bullying at school, she became
isolated. I told her to keep her opinion straight, and to advocate what she believed was
right. I told her to say ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ clearly.‘ I told her to use a democratic way to

appeal everyone.”

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However, many women told me that they refrained from being assertive in a
public place. For example, Mrs. Kobayashi said (in response to the question ‘do you
say your opinions?’) “No, not in the PTA meetings. However, when teachers visited our
home, I tried to hint what I wanted to say.”

Mrs. Aoki also pointed out the difficulty of being assertive in a public place: “At
PTA gatherings, I don‘t find meaningful topics to discuss. So, I don’t want to go there.
If I express myself, I will be struck back (such as the proverb, ‘a nail sticks out will get
struck back.’). If I miss the meeting, someone asked me why I didn‘t go.”

The question such as above, “why did not?” is one of the forms of being “struck
back” by others. Mrs. Yamada told me that she would get “chilly” reactions. Mrs.
Kobayashi told me that a person may not be recognized in a meeting although she is
physically attending. One way of ignoring such a person in a meeting is to choose a
topic that a particular person may not favor to talk about. Mrs. Kobayashi told me that
her husband was struck back in the PTA meeting although he didn‘t express his opinions
but his “sticking nails” were conveyed in various ways.

How did these women learn to become assertive in the United States? Mrs.
Mori had an experience in the United States with an Asian girl who confronted her and
said that she forgave Mrs. Mori‘s son for hurting the girl’s younger brother. Mrs. Mori
also said that she had another experience of feeling guilty for not knowingly participating
in a petition to get a school teacher to resign. These two experiences seemed to have
left Mrs. Mori thinking of becoming more assertive.

Mrs. Yamada told me that the nursery school teacher asked her son about his
favorite place to put his name label. She told me that she was surprised about his being

offered a choice, because in Japan, it was a rule to put it on the left-side of his chest.

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It didn‘t seem that Mrs. Yamada had experiences that made her reflect about her
assertiveness, but occasions such as that mentioned above seemed to provide her with
opportunities to express assertively her (or her son’s) choices.

Mrs. Aoki told me she experienced communication breakdowns with Americans.
She said that she had to spell out her requests in English so that Americans could help her.
She also had an argument with another Japanese who told her that she should have given
her turn to an American who cut the line in the public bathroom. Mrs. Aoki said that
she, not the program staff, should have said “no” to the American who cut the line. In
Mrs. Aoki‘s case, a person who “struck the nail” was the Japanese who argued with her.

Mrs. Sato learned how to be assertive with a help of her husband. She
experienced the case of the university secretary who said that Mrs. Sato‘s application
materials had not arrived. She learned to make copies that helped her to shuehe (assert)
herself.

General concepts such as assertiveness may be examined from various angles.
For one thing, the concept of “assertiveness” did not appear alone in the women’s
descriptions. Some surrounding concepts showed up. Adjectives and adverbs
included “umsaKu (noisily)(Mrs. Sato),” “hakkiri_(clearly)(Mrs._Aoki),” “ehante (clearly)
(Mrs. Aoki),” and “kiehime (exactly and accurately)(Mrs. Aoki).”_

‘6

Other expressions that came with assertiveness included znzn;
shii(impudent)(Mrs. Mori), jishin (confident)(Mrs. Mori, Mrs. Yamada), and “kaknshin
(firm belief)(Mrs. Aoki),” “jiritsn (being independent)(Mrs. Mori),” “kegekiteki
(aggressive)(Mrs. Mori),” and “sekkyekugteki (pro-active)(Mrs. Mori)”

Mrs. Mori told me that she became assertive and behaved more independently:

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“I started doing things alone to participate in sports and art clubs. I used to do
things with fiiends whom I met through my children‘s activities. For example,
if my neighbor bought a piano, I thought I had to buy one. When I had these
friends, I thought that I had to do things with them. However, now I don’t do
things like I used to do.”

Mrs. Mori‘s independent behavior extended to her communication mode:
“(Before I went to the United States), I couldn‘t express my opinions and behave based
on what I said. Not only that I couldn’t, but I didn‘t even have that kind of thinking.”

Mrs. Mori described an episode to illustrate how she became pro-active:

“My fiiend became seriously ill, and she had to be hospitalized. She was
divorced and had a son. I knew that this person did not get any help from her
relatives. I found the thing that I could do for her. I let her child stay in my
house for three months. This boy was 15 at that time and had to take an entrance
examination for high school. I also saw her at the hospital very frequently
because I thought that it was very important to be with her.”

Mrs. Ishida‘s and Mrs. Yamada’s “nagasn (drain)” concept seems to be a
replacement for assertiveness, and it seems to be utilized only to avoid confrontation.
For example, after returning to Japan, Mrs. Yamada told me that she started not paying
attention to her mother-in-law‘s complaints, or not “making into ki (Garrison and Kimiya,

1994).

“(After I returned from the United States), my mother-in-law became harsher.
Before (the sojourn), I couldn‘t nagasn (drain, or not making into ki) her
complaints. Nowadays, when I hear such complaints, I tell her that I will go out
for grocery shopping. I get out 'of the house. While my children are not at
home during the day time, I try to stay outside of the house.”

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Mrs. Ishida told me that she also began not to pay attention (ki ni sum) to what
was nerve-wracking before. The word, nagasn (drain) also came up in Mrs. Ishida‘s

transcription:

“1 tended not to kinijem (making into ki) about the matters between housewives.
Nowadays, I nagase (drain) things like that . . . That kind of stress disappeared
compared to the time before I went to the United States . . . I accept that I do not
need to step into (stressful housewives‘ relations) further. I started not to force
myself. I used to think that everyone has to be my friend. However, nowadays,
I do not think that I have to be that way. I do not think that I have to accept muri
(unreasonable things)”

For some women, there is a middle position between being assertive and mm.

For example, Mrs. Kobayashi took a soft tactic to make her opinion known:

“I won‘t say it straight forwardly, (that’s no good, so) I said something like, ‘Let’s
ask fathers‘ group to participate (to the PTA activities).’ . . . I think that if we plan
things that will take place in the morning of weekdays, only mothers or
housewives can come. So I wanted to suggest that two out of five times some
activities be held on Saturdays or in the evening. However, I am not attending
all the meetings so I can‘t say it loudly. By offering such activities on Sundays,
for example, we can include men in the PTA activities. I think that child rearing
can also be a joy for men.”

As seen above, personal opinions are not usually expressed by many women, or
at least they are socially discouraged from doing so. Frequently, they may face
obstacles if they become assertive in Japan. However, it should not be assumed that

many of these women did not have personal opinions. Mrs. Mori, for example, said,

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“(Before I went to the United States), I couldn‘t express my opinions and behave based
on what I said. Not only that I couldn’t, but I didn‘t even have that kind of thinking.”
However, Mrs. Mori did not say that she did not have her opinions she simply didn’t

believe she was able to express them.

b. Changing an Ideal

It is the Japanese concept called inaen' (change of posture or attitude) that seems
to illustrate the time for a woman to change her ideal. The frequency of this word was
not high, but it seemed to play a crucial role in their psychological transition. First,
there is Mrs. Kobayashi who changed her attitude toward trying to be a perfect English

speaker:

“It is important for a Japanese to be confident in pronouncing English words with
Japanese accent. If two persons‘ cultural back grounds are different, it is
reasonable for them to have a communication breakdown. Therefore, if
Americans demand what they possess (qualities or cultural behaviors) to other
nationalities, they are arrogant. ‘ I think that it is important that we feel others’
disabilities (she used the word, ‘handi.’).”

Mrs. Aoki‘s inaeri was existential: “I began to tell others ‘this is what I am.’
After returning to Japan, I started not to cherish brand-name dresses, for example.” She
wore sneakers and jeans on the day of the interview. She told me that before she went to
the United States, she used to wear brand-name dresses and go to a beauty shop every
two weeks.

Mrs. Aoki‘s other inaeri was about to play a role of an ideal mother. She said

that she told her children, “Your mother does not feel up to cooking sometimes. Your

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mother is a human being, the same as other people.” It is an admittance of being
imperfect.

She had another inaeri about being an ideal wife. She said that her ideal couple
was the senior parents that appeared in the comic book called Sazae;san. Sazaejan is a
manied woman living with her family and her parents in a house. According to Mrs.
Aoki, Sazaeian‘s mother uses honorific terms to talk to her husband. For example, if
the bath is ready, Sazae—eanjs mother would say, “Father, would you like to take a bath
before you have dinner?” However, she would never say, “Do you want to take a bath?”
After Mrs. Aoki returned from the United States, she started saying, “Can you take a bath
now?” “I have to clean up the bathroom today. If you can clean it yourself, you can
take a bath later.” Mrs. Aoki used a word “war-comrades (senyu)” to show her new
relationship with her husband. It indicates an egalitarian and friend-type relationship
with her husband.

Mrs. Ishida had an inaeri about being an ideal neighbor. As it appeared for the

concept nagasu, Mrs. Ishida told me as follows:

“I accept that I do not need to step into (stressful housewives‘ relations) further.
I started not to force myself. I used to think that everyone has to be my friend.
However, nowadays, I do not think that I have to be that way. I do not think that
I have to do mnri (unreasonable things)”

The episodes that seemed to have contributed to Mrs. Kobayashi‘s inaeri
included various English language learning while still in Japan, and she seemed to have
reached a saturated level or the level that did not seem to improve her proficiency. In

the United States, Mrs. Kobayashi attended two university courses on Southeast Asia and

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Women’s studies. She said, “(In the United States), various people come and go . . . If I
hear a strange accent, I go blank. I understand probably 50 percent of what is said.”
She also said that she had many opportunities to meet people but she had no clue what
they were thinking. Meeting with people in various settings including university classes
seemed to help her draw a more realistic line about understanding people who are
culturally different.

Mrs. Aoki‘s relevant episodes in the United States to inaeri include her
community college education, the church’s English school, and being a wife and mother
at the same time. However, a crucial factor in Mrs. Aoki‘s case was her strong
determination that started before she went to the United States. It concerned her
original regret of turning down the opportunity to study abroad when she was a college

student in Japan, and a pessimistic estimate of her future.

“When I was going to the community college, I told myself it is alright because it
will be only for one year. I was egotistical. I sacrificed my children. I
couldn‘t be with my children all the time. I stayed up to 9 o’clock in the evening
and read books at their bedside. If they stayed up later, I often told them to go to
bed because I had to study. . . Then I studied until 2 or 3 o‘clock in the morning.”

Mrs. Aoki also foresaw that she would never have the chance to study again:

“After my children were born, I could see my future. I can‘t use money and time for

myself. I didn’t want to [repeat what I missed when I was in the university. I didn‘t
want to pass up the opportunity (of living abroad)”

Mrs. Aoki‘s decision not to be an ideal mother and wife can be explained by

the above conditions. How can we trace her existential inaeri? Or, it may not be

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existential, but just a change of taste in clothing. One noticeable phenomenon is her
change in her relationship with her husband from the ideal wife to an egalitarian war-
comrade. Mrs. Aoki seemed to have extended this inaeri to the outer world of her
friends. There, I frnd a less clear boundary between her emete (public) and ura (private)
worlds than before. If a change in these concepts exists, rather than a single experience,
different cultural conditions and relationships in the United States from that of Japan can
be found to be contributing. These conditions and relationships were described by other
women such as Mrs. Ishida’s absence of sekentei (in her case, it is an ideal presentation
of herself to the eyes of neighbors) and Mrs. Yamada‘s absence of relationship with her

mother-in-law.

c. Deviance from Other Women

Mrs. Kobayashi accepted her difference when she returned to Japan. “It is
alright if my opinion is deviant. I no longer become uneasy when I find that I am not
like others. I do not want to be like other people any more.” In these descriptions, Mrs.
Kobayashi did not specifically indicate what her opinions were about. From her
descriptions, several areas were found such as women‘s occupation, relationship between
men and women, mother’s role, and group inclusiveness. She seems to have learned in
the United States that people treated her as a distinct person.

Mrs. Kobayashi remembered that American colleagues of her husband tried to

remember her name, and showed sincere interest in what she was doing:

“In Japan, such things never happened . . . When Japanese friends of my husband
visited our house in Japan, wives are not involved . . . If they show some interest,
it will be interpreted differently. Wives should be smiling at the party, or

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carrying dishes. Therefore, I was glad because I was asked.”

Women would express diverse ways of being from other women. Mrs.

Kobayashi found diversity in the ESL classes:

“I find the church‘s ESL classes very interesting. Rather than knowing that my
English became better, meeting various people and talking to them were real joys.
I often talked about countries such as Korea that I visited some time ago. I also
listened to wives from other countries.”

Mrs. Kobayashi had a baby at an American hospital and told me how she

compared that experience with what she had in Japan for the first baby.

“In Japan, they don‘t consider privacy important. In Japan, hospitals
were available anytime to anyone. The cost was not expensive. However, I
don’t think that I was treated as a human being in the Japanese hospital. Nurses
didn‘t explain to you when you visited for routine examination of the baby’s
weight, etc. No one told me for the first time, so I had to ask other patients
where to go. Other patients were waiting only a yard away with a divider of a
thin curtain or something when I had an examination. What if doctor has to tell
me something serious? Anyone can hear it.”

“In America, nurses may be attending with the doctor. However, when
the doctor wants to talk to you, they disappear. When the nurse needs a doctor‘s
help, she calls him/her.”

It seemed that Mrs. Kobayashi‘s concern over privacy is related to the diversity
she found in the ESL class, and individual recognition that she received from her
husband’s colleagues. She seemed to hope that her individuality would be recognized

and respected more in Japan. Her differences, based on her description, seemed to be in

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her experiences of going abroad such as other Asian countries, and jobs she had. She
had her perspective about the relationship between men and women, and ideal
interactions. However, when she suggested that men be included in the PTA activities
as seen above, her idea was not well received by other members. While she learned that
her individuality was recognized in the United States, she found various obstacles in
Japan. Her statement, “It is alright if my opinion is deviant.” could be interpreted as a
defensiveness and not being welcomed by others. Her sentence also suggests broader
things such as that once a person developed her sense of difference, it is difficult to go

back to see the similarity on which sense of sharing stood.

d. Alternative Life Options
Mrs. Sato was one of the respondents who discussed the development of

different life option. She talked about life options as follows:

“I now realized that many more life options exist in the world. Ninety percent of
the people who surround me went to colleges and universities. We live life as if
it were created by an insurance company’s life plan. However, after I met a
person from Zimbabwe who lived very differently, I realized that there were many
options. Options of the way to study and live. I think I knew about this long
time ago. However, I didn’t think these options were available . . . When this
life plan is no longer feasible, I now expect that I am saying that it is OK, I can
handle this . . . I now have kekem gamae (mind preparation) (to accept any
difficulties in my life)”

Mrs. Sato‘s relevant experience was the encounter with a Japanese who lived in
Zimbabwe. Mrs. Sato told me that this person was “eeraka (broad minded)” She told

me that for that person all sorts of small things did not seem to be worth concern. Mrs.

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Sato told me that to him, taking examinations to enter junior high, high school, and
college is not a big deal.
Mrs. Kobayashi’s findings about life alternatives is concerned about work for

women.

“In America, I saw female welders, bus and truck drivers. I thought that even
women were capable of doing such work. In Japan, certain occupations are for
women. The division between female work and male work is very clear.
However, there is, in fact, no actual difference between them. To some extent,
some occupations were suitable for women, probably. However, we can’t

determine the division definitely.”

Both Mrs. Sato and Mrs. Kobayashi told me that they began accepting
alternative modes of living. Such acceptance may not indicate that they would follow
what they saw. However, we could anticipate that they would say it is alright when their
children and surrounding people try to go in a different direction. Furthermore, they
would refrain from becoming “watchful eyes of neighbor” who give pressures to other

women who try to step out of the traditional women‘s course.

(2)Cross-Cultural Learning
a. Taylor’s Model

Taylor (1994) introduced a model of the learning process of becoming
interculturally competent. “Intercultural competency” is certain types of skills and
attributes which can predict successful inter-cultural experience (Hammer, Gudykunst,
and Wiseman, 1978). Taylor offered a model which contains a series of experiences,

events, and/or strategies. These components are “setting the stage, cultural

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disequilibrium, nonreflective orientation, reflective orientation, behavioral learning
strategies, and evolving intercultural identity (p. 160).

The first question for the analysis based on my study is to see if the respondents
talked with fit what Taylor called “successful inter-cultural experience.” He listed five
criteria to select pe0ple who have intercultural competency. They are (1) primary
culture, (2) age of intercultural experience, (3) duration of stay in the host culture, (4)
primary language usage, and (5) positive feelings about their intercultural experience.
Among them, (5) positive feelings about the interculttu'al experience was difficult to
measure.

In my study, almost all of the six women had some mixed feelings about
intercultural experience. The question is about the possibility of generalizing various
experiences they had in the United States. For example, Mrs. Ishida enjoyed the trip
very much, but she had negative feelings about the apartment she lived in. Mrs. Mori
did not like the manners of Americans because she felt they lacked sensitivity, but she
enjoyed how they expressed their opinions. Mrs. Aoki liked educational opportunities
that were available to anyone, but found it was costly if she had to hire several baby
sitters.

The evaluation they received from surrounding people when they returned to
Japan is another factor that contributed to their “feelings about the intercultural
experience.” When Mrs. Yamada’s child was called amerika—gaeri, and he told her that
he did not like to go to English conversation class to maintain his English, Mrs. Yamada
wondered if the United States experience was good for him. When Mrs. Kobayashi
talked about America to her co-workers in the non-profit company to support Asian

women, it was taken as American Imperialism. Mrs. Kobayashi wanted to give a

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younger person a chance to go to the United States if such opportunity becomes available.
Mrs. Yamada felt “chilly reactions” in the PTA meetings when she talked about America.

For Taylor’s first step, setting the stage, that sets the learning readiness of a
person, includes (1) former critical events, (2) personal goals, and (3) previous
intercultural experience and training. In my study, the former critical condition for Mrs.
Yamada’s and Mrs. Ishida’s cases, were a major factor for them to be ready. Four
women had no concrete personal goal: two women had some goals to pursue formal
learning. However, these factors do not seem to be necessarily directly connected to
“cultural learning” that extends formal learning. Previous intercultural experience and
training do not seem to be a definite determinant for these women to feel the experiences
in the United States positively. For example, Mrs. Aoki had been to Korea, Taiwan,
Shanghai, Singapore, China, Britain, and the United States before she stayed in the
United States. This study reflected her fifth time. It doesn’t seem to play a major role
in determining her intercultural identity compared to Mrs. Kobayashi who had been to
Korea and Southeast Asia and showed some changes in perspectives. Therefore, it may
not be just a previous intercultural experience and training, but quality and evaluation of
them that seem to play a crucial role.

Taylor’s second component, cultural disequilibritun, was not apparent in my
interviewees except the case of Mrs. Mori. Some stresses were present in the matters,
such as about time and money, and communication (Mrs. Aoki), no enough opportunity
to meet other people (Mrs. Kobayashi), quality of university and commercial services
(Mrs. Sato), and unkind Americans (Mrs. Ishida).

Taylor writes that cultural disequilibrium was muted by previous experiences of

marginality, host language competency, and by experience in the host culture. In my

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study, marginality could be speculated from what they described as types of occupation,
and how they conceive that occupation is evaluated. It is because as Nakane (1972)
pointed out, Japanese society is characterized by a hierarchical nature of organizations
and occupations. The Japanese values ranks among companies and occupations, and
marginality is considered as the one who belong to a company that is ranked lower, or the
occupation that is socially ranked lower than other. A problem exists because a full-
time worker and a housewife such as Mrs. Sato thinks that she is not at marginal but in
the main stream of society as a worker. However, she is a minority in the housewives’
community and treated as marginal. Mrs. Kobayashi, a part-time worker, showed
marginality from both the larger society and the housewive’s community. However, her
cultural disequilibrium does not seem to be particularly muted when compared to other
full-time housewives. Mrs. Mori, however, expressed strong cultural disequilibrium.
Her difference showed that marginality could be caused by her educational background.
She was the only high school graduate among the six interviewees. In her case,
marginality in Japan did not seem to lighten the cultural disequilibrium.

Descriptions of cognitive orientations were difficult to obtain for these Japanese
women. Topics expressed were not often what the cognitive orientations indicate. Mrs.
Aoki hinted at communication differences between Japanese and Americans in the
episode in which she had to ask a person to pick her up because she was locked out.
She said it is a “shame” to spell out all the requests. Likewise, admitting uneasy
experiences in the foreign culture means their ignorance about the cultural process.
Therefore, obtaining such descriptions from Japanese women was extremely difficult.
However, it does not indicate that such a cognitive process is absent from Japanese

women. An indication is found when I asked about their concerns. Logically speaking,

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when they were concerned about school education for their children, for example, they
had some views and questions about it. Therefore, it may be that they were not sure
what particular aspect of their concerns was important to share.

As I touched upon in the description, learning strategies were another
component that Japanese women found difficult to select one from the other. Mrs. Sato
told me that there was no time and yeyu (room to spare). That is, conscious selection
was absent. Taylor pointed out that “the context of a particular intercultural experience
determined the strategy or strategies employed by the participant (Taylor, p. 172).”

Some interviewees described the association between the intensity and duration
of learning English in Japan, and the learning strategies taken in the United States. Mrs.
Yamada told that it has been more than a decade since she graduated from school, so she
was not confident in communicating in English. Children’s illness and accidents were
the main concern in which Mrs. Yamada worried if she couldn’t speak English. When
in the United States, Mrs. Yamada said that it was her role to negotiate and ask questions

when the couple wanted to know something:

“My husband said he did not want to talk (to Americans). He is better at
speaking (than I), but he told me that he did not want to talk to the strangers.
Because I can’t understand English when things become complicated, my
husband (signed) ‘OK, OK.’ I didn’t mind (heiki) doing asking a person to push
a shutter of a camera. My husband and children told me that they are ashamed

of my doing it (haznkashii).” (t. 12)

She pointed out the association between her English education and the role of a
cultural negotiator with the term, heiki (not to mind, or literal translation is ‘flat ki’).

This seems her strategy to cross-cultural challenges.

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Mrs. Mori called herself “Helen Keller,” because she couldn’t read, speak, or
listen to English. She also had minimum English education in Japan. This means
about 6 years in junior high and high school learning grammar and reading. In the
United States, she drove her daughter to school by herself, and she called herself “a
person of instinct (t. 8),” because she did not know the street to reach there, but she did.
Her strategy was to have someone help her: her husband, daughter, a tutor, host
professor and his wife, other mothers. It is what Taylor pointed out as “fi'iends.” Did
she have a sense of association between what she learned or how she was in Japan, and
how she survived in the United States? It does not seem to be a conscious selection of
solutions to cultural challenges or a conscious reasoning in her selection. While she had
challenges in the United States, she said that she has learned that she could communicate
with limited English proficiency (t. 7). It seems that she realized that she previously
assumed an association between English language learning and communicability in the
United States, and that became invalid after the sojourn.

The above point was also mentioned by other women. For example, Mrs.
Yamada said, “Now I think that I am capable of living anywhere (t. 23.),” Mrs. Aoki,
“One year of stay in the United States did not produce as much (as she expected for her
English proficiency) (t. 48),” Mrs. Kobayashi, “If one’s culture is different from others, it
is common (finsn) not to be able to understand each other. I had to inaeri (change of
posture, or to accept as it is)(t. 29).”

The strategies to “bring their lives back into balance (Taylor, 1994, p. 172)” that
these women took in the United States include all the items that Taylor presented, such as
listening when other mothers visit for a petition (Mrs. Mori), watching a daughter-in-law

and mother-in-law’s relationship (Mrs. Aoki), reading an Amish story (Mrs. Kobayashi),

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talking to other mothers (Mrs. Ishida), socializing at a party (Mrs. Yamada). dressing
kimene to a party (Mrs. Mori), eating at an ethnic food restaurant (Mrs. Aoki), shopping
in the Christmas town (Mrs. Yamada), committing to take care of an American student
(Mrs. Ishida), risking signing on petition (Mrs. Mori), and sharing the sentiment of being
in a hard time (Mrs. Ishida).

In contrast, Mrs. Sato, for example, learned English for years and took TOEFL
examinations “numerous times” before the United States stay. She did not rely on one
strategy, nor consciously chose one over the other. Her uniqueness is that she continued
learning English upon her return. It seems that she had a long-term perspective, and did
not employ one strategy to solve any particular cultural disorienting dilemma in the
United States. Taylor assumes that people employ learning strategies to solve problems
or attain some goals, but Mrs. Sato did not seem to use her strategy for that particular
purpose. She seems to have longer term desire, rather than goals, than just to c0pe with
cultural disorientation.

Over all, the Japanese women’s case contributed to Taylor’s model to some
limited extent. What would seem more contributing to their intercultural experiences?

Based on what the Japanese women claim to have learned in the United States,
the quality and quantity of individual interactions were the key factors for them to
become interculturally competent. Taylor looked into a visitor’s characteristics and
his/her strategies, but his study did not include critical experiences in the host culture as
well as individual interactions. In a simple form, Taylor points out that it is all the
visitor’s responsibility to become happy or unhappy. My interviewees do not agree with
Taylor; individuals in a host culture might also be responsible for it. More precisely, it

is the interaction with host individuals that becomes crucial in intercultural experiences.

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b. Learning

In the various learning theories presented in the literature review, the one that is
relevant to this study is Ausubel’s (1963) concept of the transfer of knowledge to connect
new learning materials with familiar ones. For these Japanese women, in order to
transfer new learning such as assertiveness to the familiar situation back home, first they
have to see if the context is relevant because that was the first and predominant factor for
them to decide their manners and communication mode in Japan. With their existing
knowledge, contextual relevancy between the United States and Japan is scrutinized and
judged. It shows that in many cases, the public sphere (emete) fails personal
examination but the private (ura) sphere passes. Mrs. Aoki told me that she couldn’t be
assertive in the PTA meetings, but she developed a war-comrade like relationship with
her husband with whom she could talk frankly. Mrs. Kobayashi also tried to be
moderately assertive in the PTA meetings as she developed strong opinions that she
seemed to be willing to push. This seems to indicate the difficulty of unlearning
contextual differentiation once a person has developed it.

Another significant finding in this study is related to learning theories is the
confirmation of discovery learning (Good and Brophy, 1995, p. 182). Many scenes and
episodes of their learning experiences reach unexpected conclusions. For example, Mrs.
Mori described an Asian girl who showed up at her door and told her she would forgive
her because Mrs. Mori was from same part of the world. Mrs. Mori told me that she
learned that she had to be assertive about what she believed was right. Instead, I
thought she would comment on race relations in the United States. Mrs. Aoki’s lesson

on democratic manners in the public bathroom line also failed my expectation. She said

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that the program instructor would lose “face” if Mrs. Aoki offered a turn to an American
who cut the line. I expected that she would defend the Japanese who tried to discipline
her by claiming that it is not democratic. These examples demonstrated that some
episodes are not necessarily interpreted by the people from other cultures as they are

meant to be taken in the host culture.

(3) The Japanese Concept of Self
a. Managing amae (dependency or indulgence) relationship

Mrs. Yamada told me that her “kl” became strong after she returned to Japan.
She also said that she was capable of nagasu (draining) her mother-in-law‘s complaints.
From her description, her mother-in-law, and father-in-law to some extent, showed heavy
amae relationship. As previously mentioned, amae is psychological dependency or
indulgence (Doi, 1974).

The major episode to illustrate the excessive amae of Mrs. Yamada‘s mother-in-
law appeared when they were told about their son’s sojourn in the United States. Mrs.
Yamada‘s physical absence from the Japanese scene was of great concern to her mother-
in-law: “They told me that I would be irresponsible for not letting my children attend
the festival for seven, five and three years old while in the United States.” (t.2)

In addition, amae appeared in the following sentence more clearly: “What if
parents-in-law have some critical thing?” said her mother-in-law. “Critical thing
(meshime ne kete)” means some life threatening events. As this sentence indicated,
Mrs. Yamada told me various complaints she received from her mother-in-law. Mrs.
Yamada‘s observation in the United States also gives a hint of her mother-in-law’s amae

,9 66

expectation: “Many senior citizens are independent in the United States. . . . In Japan,

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(those people) can‘t get out of the house. . . (In the United States), senior citizens also
come to the supermarket by driving themselves. These things won’t happen in Japan (t.
10).” “In Japan, there is an expectation for senior citizens to be taken care of, and the
surrounding people to take care of them. In the United States, an individual person

takes care of him/herself.” (t.lO)

“When the world becomes full of senior citizens, we can‘t depend on the
surrounding young people. In old times, a couple had seven or eight
children. When some critical things happened to the parent, children took
turns. Nowadays, a couple has two or three children. It is better for them
to live nearby, but if one goes away, another child becomes responsible . . .
My husband can’t take time off. His brother lives far away, and his sister
may leave home someday. That means everything will be on my shoulders.”
(t.lO)

The fact that “everything” was currently “on her shoulders” was seen in her
expression such as “eukagai we tatem (respectively asking mother-in-law‘s
direction)” even though a thing is a lot easier if Mrs. Yamada takes care of it alone.
Mrs. Yamada told me that she became capable of handling such expectations from her
mother-in-law by nagasn (draining) and going out grocery shopping. It seems a
learned skill to manage heavy amae expectations from her mother-in-law based on the
experiences she had in the United States in which she did not rely on verbal
communication methods simply because her proficiency level did not accommodate a
full range of communication.

What did experience in the United States contribute to such learning? It

seems to be a different condition, or mere physical absence of the mother-in-law in

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the United States. Absence of negative experience does not always seem to direct a
person to actively create a similar environment in the original situation. The
alternative action such as “going out grocery shopping” or some other activities have
to be hinted from her observations in the United States. That is, Mrs. Yamada told
me that she met many Japanese women who did “fly” a lot. “In the past, I was told
by my parents-in-law that they did such and such things in certain ways because they
were always done that way. In the United States, my husband and I met many
women who did “fly” more than I did.“(t.33)

The way to “fly” includes being “unbound” by ie (house, family system).
The other Japanese women Mrs. Yamada met in the United States went out frequently
while hiring a baby sitter, and asked their husband to “clean up the bathroom before a
party.” Mrs. Yamada, as described before, went out for parties, craft clubs, and

swimming classes in the United States.

b. Managing “ki”

Mrs. Ishida told me that she became capable of managing ki: “(When I returned
to Japan), I began not to ki ni sum (making into ki) about the matters between
housewives . . . I accept that I do not need to step into (stressful housewives‘ relations)
further. I started not to force myself. I used to think that everyone has to be my friend.
However, nowadays, I do not think that I have to be that way. I do not think that I have
to muri (unreasonable things).”(t.12)

As opposed to other usage of ki as a subject of movement, an expression such as
k1 ni sum (or not “making into ki ) (Jeff Garrison and Kayoko Kimiya, 1994) is the

expression that indicates a person who makes an object into ki. That is, an ordinary

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matter that is not usually paid attention to can become something that is worth paying
attention to. It assumes a will of an actor and that ki is something that one can control.
Therefore, Mrs. Ishida‘s description showed that she became capable of managing her ki.

Her experiences in the United States made her learn to manage her ki seemed to
be the trip of over 10,000 miles in 34 days. She seemed to have become confident about
her ability to make reservations, have a schedule, and pay for the trip all by herself. It
seemed to be the opportunity for her to be in charge of her decision making. She said
that she had no time for housewives‘ relations in the United States. This is an indication

of switching her ki from housewives’ relations to other matters.

c. General State of Ki

As Rosenberger(l987) indicated, ki changes according to context. The state of
ki moves every moment in one’s immediate context, and it shows overall general level in
three phases of pre-, during, and post- United States stay. Ki can be presented based on
what these women indicated in the description. When these women talked about their ki,
they usually assumed a specific context or a relation. For example, Mrs. Yamada
assumed a relationship with her mother-in-law while she expressed her state of ki. The
only exception among the six interviewees was Mrs. Kobayashi who did not indicate

specific contexts or relationship and the state of ki.

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Table 2 — General State of Ki

Before During After

Mrs. Ishida Low High Mid
Mrs. Kobayashi Mid ? ?

Mrs. Yamada Low High Mid
Mrs. Aoki Mid High Mid
Mrs. Mori Mid Low Mid
Mrs. Sato Mid High High

Two women, Mrs. Ishida and Mrs. Yamada, shared the pattern, although their
context and reasoning to bring about the “ki” differ. For Mrs. Ishida and Mrs. Yamada,
the concept of amae (dependency or indulgence) appeared to be a strong concern.
However, this was not applicable to all women. Likewise, for some women, the concept
of ura-emete (informal and formal, private and public, and inner and outer) appeared
strongly to determine their behaviors to show a new self. Again, this was not applicable
to all women.

A chart of movement of their “ki” state should be interpreted as a presentation of
individual movement rather than a comparison among them. Each of these women had
unique circumstances. Therefore, a comparison was not possible because it usually
assumes generalized assessment across different persons. Rather, the process of
individual movement of their inner state gives us a more meaningful message.
Presenting graphically such an individual process required attention to details, and it

created additional problems. One of the problems is the starting point of their “ki” state.

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With what specific expressions should we determine Mrs. Sato‘s “ki” state before the
sojourn? How about the Mrs. Kobayashi’s? Should we take the words to express
unwillingness to go abroad as low “ki” state? However, Mrs. Yamada wanted to go
abroad badly, but her “ki” was not a happy state. Relying on one category to determine
their “ki” state, such as “willingness to go abroad,” seems questionable about validity.

In this study, general expressions as well as specific expressions were consulted.

d. Changes in Self Concept

As seen in the literature review, concepts surrounding self for the Japanese
extends from Benedict’s en (feeling of debt), giri (obligation), haji (shame), to Doi’s
amae, Hamaguchi’s eentexieralism, and Kimura’s like. Suzuki (1973) pointed out that
the Japanese uses terms to call self is the same term that the other referred to him/herself.
The locus was always on the others. Rosenberger (1987) claimed that for Japanese, self
cannot exist separate from the context or social environment. Mead (1934), noted the

6619,

process of “becoming an object to himself” or the relational self, distinguished from

“me.” Based on Mead’s concepts, Plath (1980) claimed that the “Japanese lifelong
struggle is to carry out one’s responsibilities to others (1980, p. 217).” For Plath, others
are “a special jury who evaluate and confirm the course of your being and becoming (p.
8).” Rosenberger (1992) suggests that the Japanese self could be visualized in the form
of a “three-dimensional checker game with three layers of movement that interconnect
both horizontally and vertically (p. 67).” These three dimensions are the psycho-
spiritual energy known as “ki,” the “amae” relationship, and the context of formality and

informality known as “sete(outer)” and “uehi (inner),” “emete (front)” and “ma (back),”

and “tatemae (on-stage meaning)” and “heme (off-stage meaning)” For Rosenberger,

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the Japanese self is “a cyclical process that takes form and meaning from its position in
relation to other people within changing contexts, groups, and ideologies.”

This study showed various aspects of these concepts. Mrs. Aoki used the word,
“shame” to express that she could not spell out what she wanted to request because it
meant admitting her fault. Mrs. Mori said that she should not be ashamed of expressing
her opinions. According to Mrs. Mori, expressing one’s opinion in Japan is considered
a “shameful” thing. This means that becoming assertive is indeed a change for her.

Mead’s “becoming an object to himself” plays a significant role in changing the
ideal these women had of themselves. These women take the attitudes of other
individuals toward themselves within a social environment or context of experience and
behavior to which they are involved (p. 138). Mrs. Ishida, for example, had a firm ideal
about the attitudes and behavior of her neighbors. Mrs. Ishida thought that she had to be
an ideal friendly neighbor. When this particular “other” disappeared in the United
States, the attitudes and behavior became faded. New neighbors or others were “flying
more than 1 (Mrs. Yamada)” Therefore, the mere absence of others changes one’s
attitudes and behaviors. Mrs. Ishida’s neighbor seemed to be what Plath (1980) claimed
was a “jury,” and Mrs. Aoki’s neighbors were Plath’s “consociates” who share one’s life
for a long engagement. Both play the same role, but two individuals perceived the same
“others” differently. If one has to explain why Mrs. Ishida had a negative perception
about her consociates, it would be that Mrs. Ishida had a stronger sense “to carry out
one’s responsibilities to others.” This “responsibility” is felt as an expectation called
amae (dependence or indulgence). Mrs. Yamada’s mother-in-law was the one who
showed strong amae relations to her. In order to resist this expectation, strong ki is

desirable as Mrs. Yamada told me. However, this ki has to be played differently in a

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different context, what Rosenberger described as a three dimensional checker game.
That is why Mrs. Kobayashi felt defensive about her deviancy, but not to challenge other
women in the PTA meetings. There, the capability to delineate different context
between omote (front) and ura (back) still exits and play very significant role in

determining one’s behavior when they return to Japan.

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CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY: MAJOR FINDINGS, IMPLICATIONS, AND REFLECTION

SUMMARY

The previous chapters included an introduction; review of literature; design and
methodology for this study, and data analysis and findings. This final chapter offers a
summary, a discussion with implications, suggestions, and reflection.

This qualitative research focused on six Japanese married women’s learning
experiences in the United States and the effect of these experiences on their concept of
“self” in Japanese terms. In order to establish a context, I obtained descriptions of their
lives prior to and after the sojourn. The objective was to find categories as they
emerged and identify critical experiences that contributed to their account of their
changes in self concept.

The main research question for this study was: What kinds of cross-cultural
learning occur as a consequence of a foreign experience, and how do these Japanese
married women sojoumers retain or revise their self concept?

In order to answer this question, three major questions were addressed.

1. How does a Japanese married woman describe what it was like to be a Japanese
woman living in Japan prior to going to the U.S.?
2. How does a Japanese married woman, after returning to Japan, describe what it was

like to be a Japanese woman living in a not-exclusively Japanese community in the

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U.S.?
3. In what ways and to what extent does a Japanese woman who lived in the United
States associate this experience with subsequent decisions regarding her activities

and interactions with others after she returned to Japan?

In each question, 8-9 subsidiary questions were used to solicit the specific
information to answer above questions. The approach was three 90-minute in-depth
personal interviews with six Japanese married women who had been to the United States
with their family for one year to 18 months. The community in which these women

lived was predominantly white population.
MAJOR FINDINGS

(1) Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan
Assertiveness

In the review of literature, cultural assumptions about women’s ideals in Japan
revealed a change in the traditional ideals concerning shnfu toward a more contemporary
view of women’s roles. In the traditional ideals, shufu as depicted by Yanagida (1969)
and Segawa (1957) showed the high status of the woman occupant of this role and her
power over foods, clothes, relationships, rituals, and financial matters. There seems to be
one shnfu, usually a mother-in-law in an extended family. The mode of communication
for shefn can be speculated from her power. However, as Yanagida (1969) speculated,
when family structure became small, a single sham in a nuclear household became

common. Their mode of communication seems to be influenced by that of Confucian

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teachings which are depicted by McMullen (1993), and Onna Daigaku (The Great
Learning for Women)(Kaibara Ekken or Token (Hironaka, 1983). The emphasis on
“subordination to husbands, chastity, the cultivation of a forgiving nature, and the
fulfillment of obligations to in-laws (Konricki, 1993)” is indicative of this non-assertive
nature.

In this study, Mrs. Yamada appeared to be the most traditional woman. She
lived in the house in which her mother-in-law seemed to exert the power of shufn. Her
traditional thinking appeared when she had to finish some jobs, even though she knew
that it was faster if she did them all alone, she said that she had to ask her mother-in-law
respectfully for permission to do them(t. 19). The least traditional women among the
six appeared to be Mrs. Kobayashi and Mrs. Sato, who seemed not to be bothered by
other figures such as a mother-in-law or neighbors. However, unlike Mrs. Kobayashi,
Mrs. Sato who is in her thirties, has not finished fulfilling her dream of pursuing her
study, although her traditional values are revealed in her description of being allowed by
husband to go to an English school on Saturdays. Mrs. Kobayashi said that she wanted
to give an opportunity to go abroad to next generation. This seems to reveal a trace of
Confucianism that teaches women to obey the parent when they are young, the husband
when they are married, and the oldest son when they are old. Mrs. Mori, appeared her
traditional thinking in terms of perfecting full-time role of housewife who, according to
her, is supposed to support other family members while putting her personal matters aside.
She found that American housewives do their work perfectly (ehante), and further more
they work outside. The order that she paid attention to about American wives showed
that house-keeping work was more important to her, and how they do it matters as a wife.

Mrs. Mori said that she learned to be assertive in the United States in expressing right

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ideas that seemed to be based on traditional Japanese philosophy, shnren (training) to
develop herself. This training, is to strengthen one’s spirit to the extremes. In this
shin-en, one must not complain the hardship or be defeated by emotions. No
talkativeness is welcomed by such philosophy. Mrs. Aoki’s dream of W
relationship showed traditional Japanese farrrily relationship. Upon her return, she now
valued the relationships of war-corrrrade or egalitarian relations with her husband, but
still wondered if American individualism really protects children from being
overwhelmed by responsibilities. She also wondered if a married woman can express
her desire to succeed in her career at the expense of her children. It is a clear case of
Confucianism not to be egotistical as a mother, a woman, and a daughter in a family.
Mrs. Ishida somewhat hated being a full-time housewife before the sojourn because of
her relationship with her neighbors. However, the way she interacted with her
neighbors are very traditional Japanese type of “neighborhood association (ehenai;kai
that stemmed from tenarhgumi in the War time.) Strong cohesiveness and intensive
daily interactions were present. She seemed to be relieved alter the sojourn that she cut
off such intensity with her neighbors. Mrs. Ishida, in this regard, was caught in between
the traditional community expectations and her desire to actualize herself in someway.
Rather than becoming assertive, she seemed to came to manage her own expectation
toward herself.

In summary, all six women revealed to some extent traditional Japanese
women’s values and thinking. However, the experience of staying in the United States
appeared to influence them to become more nontraditional Japanese women. For
example, one of the characteristics that they acquired was assertiveness. Traditionally,

ideal women in Japan were not assertive, such as is seen in the Kaibara (Hironaka, 1983).

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It is notable that this influence was actually not realized to the fullest extent by any of the
women.

Another point is that such an assertiveness did not appear as a general
characteristic in this study. As my interviewees described, they carefully chose the
contexts in which they appeared to be assertive. Yanagida claims Fukuzawa’s and
Kaibara’s (Kiyooka, 1988) suggestions to women were only known to upper class people.
However, the current study on women with similar social status indicates that they do not
manifest the same assertiveness everywhere. In other words, their acquired assertive
behavior is manifested in carefully selected contexts. What is not known is whether this
selective behavior is peculiar to this group of people.

The ideology of Ryesai Kenlm (good wife, wise mother) that was pervasive in
women’s education in Taisho era (1912-1926) taught women “diligence, fi'ugality,
orderliness, attentiveness, discipline, and cooperation” (Nagahara, 1982, p. 154). Based
on this principle, then-Minister of Education, Kikuchi Dairoku (1855-17) preached that
women needed to be virtuous, obedient, persevere, and be harmonious (Nagahara, 1982,
p. 155). New types of shufn emerged in the Taisho period, and the shnfii’s power was
lost.

However, the women’s assertive behavior seems to remain the same without
power. Women’s economic participation in society after the debate on “shnfu as a
secondary occupation,” and an Equal Employment Opportunity Law (1985) sought a way
to women’s liberation (Yoneda, 1993, p.267)” However, social policies such as the
above might not have produced concrete measures for women to be liberated or become
assertive about their desire.

This account does not seem to indicate the assertiveness is a characteristic of

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modern behavior while it was considered so in the traditional Japanese Confucian
ideology because it was opposing characteristics to what Kaibara or other writers thought.
What appeared in the study was that these women attributed their newly acquired
assertiveness to their living experiences in the United States and not to changes in

Japanese culture.

Changing an Ideal
Changes in being an ideal English speaker as Mrs. Kobayashi wished, a mother, wife,
and neighbor, to more being an “egotistical” one through the psychological transition
called inaeri appeared in the women’s descriptions. Mrs. Kobayashi, in breaking down
her ideal English speaker, gave the explanation of different cultural backgrounds. Mrs.
Aoki defended herself by saying that she was (only) a human being. Mrs. Ishida
implied that she used to do mnri (unreasonable things) before the sojourn. Mrs. Aoki
clearly stated that she felt that she was “egotistical.” Exactly the same expressions
actually appeared in Mrs. Ishida’s description (t. 15). However, she did not feel guilty
about it in the United States. Mrs. Ishida also said that she sacrificed her daughter
because she let her stay at a nursery school until 3 o’clock so that Mrs. Ishida could enjoy
other things. It seemed that guilty feeling or being “egotistic” appeared only in the
context of Japan in which traditional self-devoting concept of mesa'tkenee (good wife
and wise mother) exists and is expected by people who surround these women.
Nevertheless, this guilty feeling about adopting these new behaviors shows that they are
not fully incorporated by Japanese women.
In the literature, Kanamori and Amano (1985) presented a “New Work

Movement” in which women’s volunteering experiences became a foundation for self-

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actualizing paid part-time jobs. Their participation in the consruners’ movement, local
learning activities, volunteering, and workers’ collectives, enriches women’s
psychological well-being while satisfying their needs to be “egotistical” and at the same
time fulfilling the need to reject the negative nuance of it. Kanamori and Amano’s
report did not offer any inaeri descriptions although both women in their report and the
current study participated in local learning activities and volunteering. My speculation
is that the women in the current study echo the dual-burden perspective that was
pervasive in the debate on “Shnfu as a Secondary Occupation.” They did not seem to
have fully liberated themselves from a sense of guilt consciousness that stemmed from
not being financially independent. Women in Kanamori and Amano’s report were
financially supported by part-time jobs, and also were able to psychologically fulfill their
needs to be self-actualized. In contrast, four women in my study were not in the paid
work at all, and two women left the work when they came to the United States. To
understand how the differences can be attributed between the women in the current study,

and Kanamori and Amano’s report, a further detailed descriptive study may be needed.

Deviance from Other Women

Traditionally, Japanese women were expected to become ryesai kenhe (good
wife and wise mother), and this was expected uniformly as seen in the women’s
education. In addition, Nakane (1972) points out that Japanese society is a “frame”
society in which individuals identify themselves with organizations. For married
women, their organizations are primarily their husband’s, and secondarily is their living
district. Benedict (1946) points out that Japanese behaviors are controlled by other

people. For example, “seken (public)” “hito no me (eyes of others),” and “hito no kuchi

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(month of others)” all influence one’s behavioral norm. From this context, no major
deviance had been socially encouraged and expected.

Mrs. Ishida appeared to be strongly concerned about “eyes of neighbors.” She
also seemed to be relieved from them in the United States. However, she strongly
regretted that she returned to the same place in which “eyes of others” were present.
However, she appeared to manage her mental state, saying “I do not need to step further
(into neighbors’ relations)” She knew that the “eyes of her neighbors” were still there,
but she appeared to adjust herself so that she will not repeat the situation that made her
obsessed with “eyes.” However, Mrs. Ishida did not allow herself to be publicly deviant
from her neighbors.

Sanctions to a person who is deviant from others is seen in the proverb, “When a
nail sticks out, it will be struck back.” For Plath (1980), others are “special jury who
evaluate and confirm the course of your being and becoming (p. 8).” Our behaviors
must be “recognized or validated by others (p. 8).” We can “continue to grow, . .but
only to the extent that others allow or confirm that growth (p. 8).” For Mrs.Ishida, her
behaviors in the neighborhood was “recognized” negatively, and she grew “only to the
extent that” her neighbors “allow or confirm that growth” based on her “frame” or her
husband’s university prestige.

In this study, Mrs. Kobayashi strongly accepted her deviance from other women.
She did not appear to be like Mrs. Ishida who was bothered by her neighbors’ eyes.
What appeared to be different was her “frame,” and the fact of being employed before
and after the living in the United States. Her “frame,” or more precisely her husband’s
frame, appeared to be ranked socially higher than Kobayashi’s. This fact seems to be

the key factor in not letting “eyes of others” bother persons with high rank in the “rank”

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conscious society such as Japan.

Mrs. Aoki also expressed her acceptance of being different from other women.
However, her difference appeared to be in her taste in clothes, and the role of wife.
There is still some resistance to such acceptance, such as Mrs.Sato who said that many
people had experiences of travelling abroad, and it is not a unique experience. I
speculated that her company-owned apartment in which strong community activities and
responsibilities exist, allow strong “eyes of others.” However, after she returned to
Japan, her description also reflected that she started accepting alternative life options for
her daughter. Her seemingly contradictory descriptions appeared to show on the one
hand that her unsatisfactory state of being in the “eyes of others,” and on the other hand a

desire for her daughter, or her separate half, to choose the better options.

Alternative Life Options
Mrs. Sato indicated that she learned about alternative life options. She met a
person who lived in Zimbabwe who did not see the deviance from predetermined life
course as a crucial matter. In Japan, ninety percent of her surrounding people go to
university or colleges. Before she met this person, she thought that she expected her
daughter to have higher education and the employment at a prestigious company. Upon
returning to Japan, she did not feel that she had to bind her daughter with such a limited
expectation.
A debate on shufu as being a full-time professional housewife showed that
traditional life options for Japanese women were not many. Ryosai Kenbo ideology
showed only one life option based on the Confucian idea. Only recently, Matsumura

(1990) presented multiple types of social participation that indicates different women’s

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life options: full-time employment, unstable employment, temporary workers, and self-
employment. For those who are not employed, Matsumura classified them into two
types: those who joined the activity out of their interests and purposes, and tried to fulfill
the need of their own; and those who believed that their purpose can be attained through
an organizational effort. These social participation types are indicative of different life
options for women, and the case such as Mrs. Sato contributes to understanding the
transition from one life course option to alternative ones.

Mrs. Sato attributed her newly acquired awareness of alternative life options to
her living in the United States, more precisely, to the encounter with a particular
individual. Such an encounter in Japanese society does not easily happen if we read
Nakane right. Nakane points out that the devotion to one’s ‘frame.’ “ . . . kaisha is my
or our company, the community to which one belongs primarily, and which is all-
important in one’s life(p. 3).” Such community “provides the whole social existence of
a person, and has authority over all aspects of his life; he is deeply emotionally involved
in the association (p. 4).” An ordinary Japanese male has only one such primary
community in his life. His wife, as Nakane speculated, also considers this community
as primary. In a same community, other members are not selected based on “attributes,”
but on another “frame” called universities. Thus, members of the same “frame” share
similar background.

Such members may interact with members of different “frames.” We do not
know why such interactions may not produce such strong awareness of alternative life
options. Those who participate in the volunteer work as depicted by Kanamori and
Amano (1985) express self-actualizing experiences. Why in volunteer work? And

why the United States in the current study? My speculation is an attempt to taste what

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is expected in the social rank that is higher than one’s own. And this attempt should be
justified socially positively. In the current study, it might be the positive image of the
United States that contributed to such attempt. In the volunteer work, the philanthropic

nature justifies the movement.

(2) Cross-Cultural Learning

The sign of a “third cultural perspective” as noted by Hammer, Gudykunst, and
Wiseman (1978) was indicated by some interviewees. This is the perspective of “being
nonjudgmental, being accurate in perceptions of similarities and differences between
cultures, and being less exclusive (p. 384).” For example, Mrs. Kobayashi seemed to
have attained this perspective. Mrs.Kobayashi described “no such things called correct
English pronunciation.” However, she admitted from observing her son who only
played with other Asian children, and concluded that there must be some instinctive
“affinity” or “closeness (t. 21).” Mrs.Aoki’s awareness of multiculturalism, and
acceptance of alternative life options for her child seemed to provide another example of
the third cultural perspective. On the contrary, Mrs. Mori did not seem to widen her
horizon, but reevaluated the traditional Japanese culture when she returned to Japan.
This indicates that not all the people who have been abroad attain an intercultural
identity.

So-called “culture shock” was not described by the interviewees, although some
stressful situations described as “fog” by Mrs. Aoki were mentioned such as cultural
disequilibrium. However, the problem is whether a concept of culture is recognized as a
causal factor for such psychological discomforts. For example, Mrs. Sato’s complaints

about the college secretary and store clerk, Mrs. Ishida’s episode of a child being yelled

217

at when she walked bare footed on the white carpet, Mrs. Aoki’s communication
breakdown to ask specifically, and Mrs. Mori’s participating in the petition not knowing
what it was, all did not indicate that they claim these things happened due to American
culture, or because Americans behave like this. These incidents were “shock” in a sense
to them, but not recognized as uniquely “cultural.”

They learned from these shocks as described in the previous section. Some of
them learned to become assertive, changed their ideal images, accepted being deviant
from other women, and accepted alternative life options. While Taylor’s model did not
seem to predict precisely for these women, many of its parts are relevant to their
descriptions. The notable problem with Taylor’s model appeared when these women
did not provide a direct causal relationship among Taylor’s components and the linear
progress. For example, in Taylor’s model, cultural disequilibrium seemed to cause
behavioral learning strategies based on cognitive orientations of being reflective or
nonreflective. Some women pointed out that such discomforts led them to reflect, but
no clear associations were obtained that showed their acknowledgement of discomfort
with their reasons, reflections, and strategies. For example, Mrs. Aoki had discomfort
with other Japanese about an American who cut the line in the public bathroom. She
reflected based on her own reasoning that this was the “losing face” of the program
coordinator who told the cheater. However, her behavioral learning strategies were not
clearly described as associated with this particular experience and she did not even
specified what they were. Segments of experiences seemed to be randomly vocalized

without conscious associations with other segments.

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(3) The Japanese Concept of Self

In the interviewees’ descriptions, all sorts of Japanese expressions appeared that
indicated the nuances and movement of the concept of self. However, not all the
interviewees indicated all the concepts that appeared in the literature review. Mrs. Aoki
described only one concept such as “shame” in the communication breakdown, and
indicated the contexts that showed the movement from a hierarchical relationship to a
more egalitarian one as seen in her use of the terms from “Sazae-san” to “war-comrade.”
Mrs. Ishida strongly indicated the concept of seken that Benedict introduced. Mrs.
Yamada indicated Nakane’s group oriented hierarchical concept embodied in a mother-
in-law and daughter-in-law relationship. As I explained, Doi’s amae (dependency or
indulgence) appeared in various relationships of these women. The women who
showed least amae were Mrs. Sato and Mrs. Kobayashi who incidentally took some
academic classes in the United States. The current study suggests that if Japanese
women’s academic participation is associated with some level of amae with their
immediate family members.

Hamaguchi (1985) criticized the assumption of the concept of “individual” used
in various studies as invalid. He suggested that Japanese concept of self is determined
in a highly contextualized way. Thus, in the current study, the contexts were included,
but the problem still remains: to what extent does a person take relevant context into
consideration. For example, Mrs.Sato once gave up the opportunity to go abroad while
she was in college because her own father disagreed and she was an oldest daughter.
Mrs.Kobayashi did not indicate that such a context was relevant to her thinking. Her
contextual categories included power relations with her husband and job opportunity after

she returned to Japan. However, no personal context that is equivalent to Mrs. Sato’s

219

father appeared. The current study asde for such details.

Rosenberger organized the use of frames to study the Japanese sense of self.
However, some concepts such as ura (back side) did not appear in these women’s
descriptions. This makes the coding extremely difficult. A contribution of the current
study is in the variety of ways of measuring degree of ki concept. Rosenberger only
indicated the “loose” and “tight” degrees. In the current study, ki appeared to have other
dimensions, such as “down” and “up”(kiga shiznmnXMrs. Yamada, t.l7); “formal” and
“casual” (ki gamaemXMrs. Kobayashi, t.12 ); “stable” and “changing” (ki 83 ochitsnku)
(Mrs. Yamada, t. 9); “fine” and “cloudy”(ki ga hareyaka) (Mrs. Ishida, t. 6).

While expressions that include ki vary, other expressions were used that do not
include such a word but indicate the same meaning. For example, hikkakam (being
caught in, or remains on one’s mind) (Mrs. Aoki, t. 3) means apparent ki that was not
verbalized. Another example, tachikim (to cut-off) (Mrs. Aoki, t. 3) without objectives
also means ki that was cutoff. For both cases, Mrs. Aoki did not use the word, ki, at all.
Therefore, the current study suggests a wider variety of ways of describing ki, and at the

same time some alternative expressions that were used in place of ki.

FURTHER RESEARCH

Current study in an area in the Cultural Assumptions of Women’s Ideals in Japan
showed some contexts in which Japanese women were able to be self-actualized, and thus
be able to find alternative life options. Characteristics such as assertiveness, changing
an ideal, and accepting to be deviant from other women seem to be in the same direction
toward self-actualization that includes firm awareness of self.

Both the current study and the Kanamori and Amano‘s report show contexts in

220

which some Japanese women acquire such an awareness. Kanamori and Amano
presented the context of volunteering experiences. The current study shows the
experience of living in the United States. Moving up among the social ranks seems to
be the key for the women to learn and become aware of a new way of learning.

Further research may confirm this speculation if Japanese women who positively
value the movement among social ranks learn to change their self-concept. Currently, a
massive social movement is occurring in Japan; namely, restructuring in the business
world. Many husbands are forced to leave the prestigious companies. Re-employment
can usually be at socially less prestigious organizations than the ones where the men
formerly worked. One of the populations for the possible study is about these wives to
know if they learn to change their self-concept along with their husbands’ transition.
Another group should be the ones who successfully moved up to the social rank, and their
wives can be studied to see if they change their self-concept.

Another area is to see how the women who have gone and lived overseas
educate their children, or if they do so as they would like such as Mrs. Sato wished.
This population can be found in various schools overseas such as private junior, senior
Japanese schools with dormitories, international schools, or local colleges and
universities. Mothers of these children would be the population for the study to find out
how they end up by allowing their children to take untypical life tracks.

In the area of Cross-Cultural Learning, more studies are expected to find out if a
person sees some fundamental values in various experiences and they lead him/her to
reach new personal interpretations. It seems that a person has multiple incoherent
experiences, however he/she chooses only one. Experiences and learning that seem

irrelevant do not seem to come into play. In future study, tighter associations among

221

various experiences have to be sought. It is also valuable to see why certain experiences
become more personally valuable than others. Cross-cultural learning is the best
contexts to delineate the specific experiences because some experiences offer non-daily
experiences.

Mezirow (1991) presents the process of transformation. The current study
offers descriptions that confirm parts of the phases of his perspective transformation such
as (1) a disorienting dilemma, (2) self-examination with feelings of guilt or shame, (3) a
critical assessment of epistemic, sociocultural, or psychic assumptions. However, the
rest of the phases appeared not to be well recognized by Japanese women. For example,
(4) recognition that one‘s discontent and the process of transformation are shared and that
others have negotiated a similar change. The “recognition” of one‘s discontent was not
clearly known from the voice of the Japanese women. The “others” who have
negotiated a similar change did not appear clearly, either. Mezirow‘s (5) Exploration of
options for new roles, relationships, and actions, was almost impossible in Japanese
context because of social norms and self-bound restrictions by the Japanese women.
From this regard, the Japanese women in the current study ended at the stage of (4) of
Mezirow’s schema‘s. Perhaps a new study can find out if these women recognize
discontent and how they express such discontent. How they share the process of
transformation is another item to find out. It is also worth knowing if they are aware of
others who have negotiated a similar change.

Another area for research concerns reflectivity. In the current study, it
appeared difficult to know if these women showed reflectivity. It is partially because of
Japanese language usage, and partially because these women‘s unwillingness to disclose

their emotions. If a new study were designed to find out what types of reflectivity the

222

Japanese women discloses, it may be worth having a research population including those
who are considered to have already become transformed by cross-cultural living
experiences. Those who are in the volunteering experiences and also have been to
overseas for a long period of time can become appropriate sample.

In the Japanese Concept of Self, various scenarios can be researched further to
find out whether these new situations are conceivably influencing the Japanese concept of
self. For example, women who started or stopped participating in various social
activities, such as part-time jobs and firll-time employment. Those who divorced are
also another possible population which can be considered to have lost their dependent
relationship. Likewise, those whose partners are deceased are also a possible research
target. Who would they substitute for those whom they used to depend?

A study of ki could be designed to explore. For ki study, the degree of this
concept can further be researched if it carries‘two dimensions such as “existence” and
“non-existence.” In other words, it would be worth knowing if ki is understood in
gradual form.

In the current study, Japanese women do not express ki sometimes, but is
implied in various situations. What are the contexts for such cases? Is the
classification of such contexts possible? What is the contextual significance that
Japanese people decide when or when not to disclose themselves?

There is another area for further study in which how new mode of
communication patterns and the new relationships with each other fit with the traditional
ones. How are these phenomena treated in Japan? How do people cope with such
changes? Are conflicts inherent in such situations? What are the solutions for such

conflicts? These are some remaining questions for firrther study.

223

IMPLICATIONS
(1) English as a Second Language Class

These six women experienced a variety of learning opportunities during their
stay in the United States. Some were forms of formal adult education or immigrant
education. Others were less formal. The Church English Class was one of these
formal programs. In the current study, there were two other types of programs for
international wives, the Every Tuesday Class and the Faculty Folk Club. The Japanese
women understood that some funding came from the government for the Church English
School and the Every Tuesday Class, but not for the Faculty Folk Club. These women
appreciated the free or almost free schools. They also told me that they met various
people from all over the world and did various cultural activities through this school.
However, these women had limited opportunities to meet Americans some of whom often
were characterized as “busy (Mrs. Kobayashi)” and “dry (Mrs. Ishida)” As we see in
these women‘s descriptions, their perception of Americans was based on an extremely
limited number. They usually include the host professor, his wife, a teacher at the
Church English Class, a volunteer at the Every Tuesday Class, and a tutor. These five
people provided the women their dominant perceptions of Americans. Some of them,
such as Sue, Mrs. Ishida‘s tutor, had no background in English training. However, Sue
helped Mrs. Ishida understand the American perspective tremendously. This fact
implies that the organized effort such as English as a Second Language Class backed by
government support may not be functioning well to enhance intercultural understanding.

The argument is about the desirability and appropriateness of teaching a

language as a means for these students to be capable of making their experiences

224

meaningful and worthwhile. It seems that an existing English as a Second Language
program ignores such an aspect or assume that language mastery would take care of other
aspects of cultural learning. Classes on American culture were usually about crafts and
cooking. They seem fine as long as students also have some interactions and time to

discuss, but often serious questions or issues do not arise in such groups.

(2) Learning Back Home

The interviewees indicated that they maintained their cognitive ability to
differentiate contexts when they returned to Japan. That ability was the key for them to
function in a socially acceptable way when they were in Japan before they left for the
United States. The understanding of what they learned and how they could apply this
learning in a different context required an innovative approach that they had not learned
in Japan. The way they found for psychological coping was called “inaeri (change of
posture)” and it was acceptable to most surrounding women but created some frictions
and some defensiveness. Mrs. Aoki’s relationship with her husband was the first
context in which she applied what she learned. This indicates that other women who
have been to the United States may share similar learning, and they may become more
tolerant about violating traditional Japanese rules. Some women found other women
who have been to the foreign countries more comfortable to be with. There was one
organized effort mentioned by several women in my study, but the attempt was only once
when the host professor and his wife visited Japan, and the purpose was said to be to
repay the on (debt) to them. If such an effort is encouraged at an organizational level, as
Mrs. Yamada wished, their voices may be heard and shared. Thus, the creation of a new

context in which these women could express their opinions may be the next step.

225

(3) Learning Opportunity

The lack of a flexible life track, as Mrs. Sato pointed out, means a lack of formal
learning opportunities in Japan in which one‘s education almost determines the career for
life. All the women in my study worked before and some women did so after they
married. Some women held professional jobs such as a textbook editor and high school
teacher. Some pursued further study such as Mrs. Kobayashi who went to a counseling
school so that she could become a counselor. However, she gave up her study in the
middle of the program because she decided to accompany her husband to the United
States. Mrs. Aoki and Mrs. Sato started formal study in the United States, but they did
not continue when they returned to Japan. Mrs. Sato continued her English study while
she hoped someday to finish the Master‘s program she started in the United States.

This sheds light on the current Japanese educational system. Those who wish
to change their life career have to start from scratch, and they face tremendous barriers.
Going abroad and taking advantage of it gives wide opportunities. However, returning
with such an educational background to Japan may not always be appreciated and valued.

Similarly, the American educational system usually does not have graduate level
credit exchanges with foreign institutions. If lifelong education is truly advocated and

respected, educational opportunity across geographical boundaries should be considered.

REFLECTION

My personal inquiry has been a long journey. The most difficult time was not
the time when I was writing a proposal, nor when I was doing the library research. It
was the interviews that gave me the most difficult time. It was the vivid movement of

thoughts of the interviewees that gave me the feeling of not being able to follow their

226

thinking at every moment. Their accounts did not always appear to be in coherent forms.
Their logic did not always run as I wished. When they present one episode, their
concluding remarks may not be what I expected. Their descriptions were exactly what
the real persons felt and thought. I regretted my academic background that commanded
logical presentation of thoughts. Some of their thinking was very remote from what I
anticipated.

Parts of the transcriptions that I did not choose include had some of these things
in them. Some of the women were not able to give interpretation for their experiences.
Concerns and interests for some included sun tans and dusty wind in Michigan.
Eliminating some descriptions was not in the first plan. I anticipated that all the
interviews would be useful. However, once I started, I found out that was not the case.

In order to come up with logically and academically meaningful descriptions, I
had to overview various parts of the descriptions to find defeating and contradictory
statements. It was tedious and time-consuming work. As I wrote before, the Japanese
way of talking is not something that appears in the school textbook. A particle of a
Japanese sentence, or “marker” that indicates the grammatical position of the words, is
pronounced very softly, but it often indicates the psychological state. Very often, just a
phrase with the words, “a little” is the only expressions to indicate one‘s feeling about a
certain thing.

However, my transcriptions filled a huge volume. I made a summary, but it
was useful only for indexing purposes. In the summary I wrote episode’s titles and the
outstanding psychological remarks. However, when I return to the original transcripts, I
often find more details. They all come up here and there all the time. Probably, we are

all living with all the experiences that we had in the past. I felt grateful that these

227

women shared their internal worlds with me. Some of their episodes still make me cry.
I admire the strength and flexibility of these women. Mrs. Ishida taught me that a
woman could change herself when others will not change. She was the most stressed
among all of the interviewees. I sensed that she has to go out of the apartment complex
and work full time. That would be the best cure for her stressed mind. I know that she
is capable because she told me that she was a professional dietitian and a textbook editor.
While she did not say much about her relationship with her husband, his participation in
domestic matters was felt as she said, “I am a cold mother, but he . . .” Sometimes, I felt
that these women who stay at home move various social aspects with stronger force than
those who work outside and be considered participating in the social power, or those who
openly challenge existing male dominant Japanese society. Mrs. Ishida told me that she
changed her way of relating to other women. I assume that her relationships with
husband and children also changed although she did not describe them.

Mrs. Kobayashi taught me that a woman needed courage to be independent. I
know that she sat in a protest with other Asian women although that was not her job.
She was a person of strength although she did not show it through her description. Here
is another soft spoken person who does not openly challenge but is strongly determined
to challenge quietly traditional Japanese customs.

Mrs. Yamada taught me that a woman could support her family members
enormously. When I asked her to be the first interviewee, I did not expect that she
would contribute to my studies extensively. I had a stereotype about what the Japanese
housewife usually thinks and does. Mrs. Yamada broke my stereotype. She was
talkative and full of expressions. She tried to make me understand her context. I hope

that I now understand her world in her terms.

228

Mrs. Aoki explained that it was all right to say that a woman was limited in
strength. She was caught in traditional Japanese values that were manifested in emiai
(arranged marriage), and en to her father. Yet, she tried to test her limit by enrolling in
the community college and studied until 2-3 o’clock every morning. Finally, she
accepted her limited strength. Seken (eyes of surrounding people) bothered Mrs. Ishida
extensively, but not Mrs. Aoki while they were living in the similar environments.

Mrs. Mori told how a woman has to let go of her children and depart
independently from heavy amae relationship. I selected Mrs. Mori for an interview
because I had heard her story from other people. Instead of the story I expected to hear,
she presented deep, insightful descriptions of her history as a mother and a wife. She
was honest and sincere. I understood what she intended to say through a particular
vocabulary such as shugye that was a Buddhists‘ term for training. She said that she
wanted to be calm and kind.

Mrs. Sato showed how a woman needed to be prepared and that makes her
dream come true. She enrolled in a graduate program and prepared herself extensively.
Now she is in Japan, finding no way back to the program. She anticipates that when she
wants to go back to work again, the only option will be as a cleaning lady or a store clerk
at the Seven-Eleven. Without an education degree and a continuous career background,
a woman in Japan may not have a good opportunity for a job. She is well aware of that.
It will not be so long until the day that women are welcomed back to full-fledged careers
because all of my interviewees showed positive attitudes toward that direction.
Listening to what they said they have learned in the United States caused me to learn

many important lessons for my own life.

229

APPENDIX A

230

APPENDIX A

PARTICIPANT CONSENT

You are being asked to participate in a study titled WW
II .11“ III] I' 1.1113

1, Hisako Inaba, have sent you a letter dated which summarizes the purposes
and procedures of this research. The letter includes my address and telephone number
in case you have any questions or concerns about the study that you may wish to discuss.
Your participation in this research entails three personal audio-taped interviews of
approximately 1 and 1/2 hours, and a possible additional interview of 30 minutes, all of
which will be conducted within a three-month period. The language for the interview
will be Japanese.

During the interviews, you may feel free to show me various document that help me
understand the meaning of your U. S. experiences, including pictures, journals, and/or
videotapes. Once the interview has been transcribed, you will be given an opportunity
to make additional comments or changes.

You may rest assured that all interview and documentary data will be treated with strict
confidentiality and that your identity will not be disclosed in the final reports of the study.
Your name will be disguised as well as other information that could be used to identify
you. Public access will not be permitted to any recorded documentation in written,
audio-taped, or any other forms containing any information that you choose to share.
Your participation in this research is completely free and voluntary. You may choose not
to participate at all. You may refuse to respond to certain questions or to provide any of
the suggested documents. You have the right to have the tape recorder turned off at any

231

time during the interviews, and you may discontinue the research at any time without
penalty.

By signing this form, I agree to participate in this research project.

Signature: Date

 

 

Signature: Date

 

 

232

 

APPENDIX B

233

APPENDIX B

Interview Questions

1. [In the United States]
How did you spend your days in the U.S.? —-(1)
What kinds of kimeehi (ki) did you have in the U.S.? --(1)
What kinds of relationships did you have with other people while you were in the
U. S.? --(1)
What kinds of outside activities did you have? --(1)
What kinds of things do you particularly remember? --(1)
Was there any noticeable change in the pattern of your feelings or sentiments over

time? --(I)

2. [In the United States]

What did you find were the most different aspects between what you expected

234

and what you saw in the United States? -- (1)

What kinds of conflicts do you remember? -- (1)

What concerns, questions, or wonders did you have in the U. S. ? --( 1)

How did you learn different ways of living in the United States? Were you
primarily listening, watching, or reading? --( 1)

How did you participate in the social activities? Did you like talking, socializing,

dressing, eating, or shopping a lot? --(1)

3. [Back in Japan]

What were the challenges for you when you returned from the U. S.? --(3)

What did other people tell you about you when you returned from the U. S.? «(3)
How did you react to them? --(3) Have they changed over time? «(3)
Have your reactions changed over time? --(3) Why or Why not? --(3)

What kinds of kimochi (ki) do you have now--(3)

What kinds of relationships do you have with other peOple in Japan? --(3)

What kinds of outside activities do you have now? --(3)

What kinds of conflicts do you have now? -- (1)

What concerns, questions, or wonders do you have in Japan? --(3)

235

4. [Back in Japan]
Do you now engage in any activities or ways of doing things which are different
from what you used to do before you went to the United States? «(3)
What are they? «(3) Why those particular things or why not other
things? --(3) In what sense, are they different? --(3)
Did you change in values? If so, how? --(3)
Did you increase in self-confidence? If so, how? --(3)

Did you change your world view? If so, how? --(3)

5. [Back in Japan]
Do you want to live in the United States again? --(1, 3) Why, or why not? --(1,

3) Under what condition do you think you would change your mind? --

(3)

6. [Prior to the U. 8.]
Would you please tell me a little about how your stay in the US. was planned and

how you prepared for it? -- (2) What were your major concerns at that

236

time? --(2)
What kind of kimochi (ki) did you have before going abroad? «(2) What did you
expect before going there? --(2) What kinds of personal goals did you

have prior to going to the U. S.? --(2)

7. [Prior to the US]

Tell me a little about your past life prior to living in the U.S.? --(2)

What kinds of conflicts do you remember? -- (1)

What concerns, questions, or wonders did you have in Japan ? --(1)

What kinds of kimochi (ki) did you usually have in Japan? «(2)

What kinds of relationships did you have with other people in J apan.? --(2)

What kinds of outside activities did you have before you went to the United
States? --(2)

What kinds of cross-cultural experiences did you have prior to going to the U. S.?
"(2)

What kinds of English training did you have prior to going to the U.S.? --(2)

* The bracketed numbers refer to the main research questions.

237

APPENDIX C

238

APPENDIX C

LETTER TO INTERVIEWEES

Date:

 

Dear

 

I am presently studying for a doctoral degree in education at Michigan State University.
My research focus and proposed qualitative study concerns Japanese women’s cross-
cultural learning in the United States and the consequences of that learning back in Japan.
The purpose of this study is to gather information to prepare narrative stories that focus
on the association of your experiences in the United States with your decisions
regarding everyday activities. I would like to ask you a variety of questions as a
Japanese woman who has had the experience of living in the Midwest region of the
United States of America.

This will entail three personal interviews of approximately 1 and 1/2 hours, each in a
quiet place agreed upon by you and me. An audio tape recorder will be used if you
agree. In advance of each interview, I will send you a list of questions written in
Japanese that we will be discussing to assist you in recalling various memories. Once I
have transcribed the interview, I will give you the opportunity to make additional

comments or changes.
I hope you are willing to share your memories of what you experienced in the United
States and how they relate to your later activities in Japan. Your participation will be

very valuable and very much appreciated;

I will call you in 10 days to talk to you about the project.

239

Thank you.

Hisako Inaba

Address in Japan:

to be specified upon arrival.

Address in the United States:

1711 Chief Okemos Circle, Apt. 9
Okemos, MI 48864

F ax/Phone: (517)349-8610
E-Mail: inabahis@pilot.msu.edu

240

BIBLIOGRAPHY

241

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