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La .mA-mh 1 .23 (I... .: u .i. an .3 THEs‘S ‘H {fifth .' \ \ This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Latino Children's Perceptions of Authority in Sexual and Nonsexual Moral Dilemmas presented by Marieva Puig Ramirez has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Psychology degree in Adi/W Major professor Date //,/RVZ;/m MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0—12771 LHBRARY Michigan State Universlty PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE ' DATE DUE 11/00 C'JCIRCIDaDDuepGS-p. 14 LATINO CHILDREN’S PERCEPTIONS OF AUTHORITY IN SEXUAL AND NONSEXUAL MORAL DILEMMAS By Marieva Puig Ramirez A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 2000 ABSTRACT LATINO CHILDREN’S PERCEPTIONS OF AUTHORITY IN SEXUAL AND NONSEXUAL MORAL DILEMMAS By Marieva Puig Ramirez This study investigated the influence of the sociocultural context, grade, child’s gender, and social position of the adult on Latino children’s perceptions of authority in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. The sociocultural context was defined by assessing Latina mothers’ adherence to traditional cultural family values, Latina mothers’ pattern of acculturation in the United States, and their socioeconomic background. Participants were 153 Latino children in grades 1- 6 and their mothers. Children were presented hypothetical vignettes depicting a father and a neighbor issuing commands in a sexual and a nonsexual moral dilemma. Results showed that most Latino children judged the adult as not having legitimacy and disobeyed the adults in both sexual and nonsexual ‘ moral dilemmas presented. Children’s ability to comprehend sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas increased as a function of grade. Although sociocultural context variables were not significant predictors of children’ judgements of authority, more comprehensive ways to examine cultural variables are suggested before making conclusive remarks about children’s perceptions of authority in sexual moral dilemmas. A mi abuelita y mi madre (to my grandmother and my mother) iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank God for giving me the courage and the blessing of accomplishing this goal. I owe special thanks to the people whom withI counted for support and guidance. To Anne Bogat, my chairperson, who has guided me in becoming a researcher and given me complete support throughout this journey. To Alytia Levendosky, for her unconditional support, positivism, and encouragement. Thanks to Alex VonEye for his help with the statistics of this study and his serenity. Thanks to Francisco Villarruel for being a role model and mentor for Latinos in academia. Thanks to my fiiend and editor, Emily Holley, for her willingness to share her best. Finally, to my family in Puerto Rico and my wonderful friends in Michigan whom always remind me to believe in my dreams. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................. vii LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................... viii INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1 CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE .......................................................................... 3 Short-term and Long-term Consequences ................................................ 5 Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse ........................................................ 7 Latinos and Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse .......................................... 9 CHILDREN’S PERCEPTIONS OF AUTHORITY ............................................ 10 ' Perceptions of Authority in Sexual Moral Dilemmas ................................. 14 CHILDREN’S SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT ............................................... 17 Latino Family Values ...................................................................... 17 Acculturation ................................................................................ 20 RATIONALE OF THE STUDY .................................................................. 23 HYPOTHESES ..................................................................................... 28 METHOD ............................................................................................ 32 Subjects ...................................................................................... 32 Measures .................................................................................... 34 Recruitment ................................................................................. 39 Procedures ................................................................................... 40 Interviewers’ Training ..................................................................... 41 RESULTS ............................................................................................ 42 DISCUSSION ....................................................................................... 53 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY .................................................................. 61 IMPLICATIONS FOR CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE PREVENTION PROGRAMS ....... 64 CONCLUSION ...................................................................................... 67 APPENDICES ....................................................................................... 81 Appendix A: Demographic Questionnaire ............................................. 82 Appendix B: Family Attitude Scale — Revised ........................................ 86 Appendix C: Biculturalism Scale ........................................................ 92 Appendix D: The Authority Questionnaire ............................................. 99 Appendix E: Informed Consent Form .................................................. 110 LIST OF REFERENCES ......................................................................... 113 Table 10 11 LIST OF TABLES Page Descriptive Statistics for Family Attitude Scale Revised, Involvement in Latino Culture, Involvement in American Culture, and Socioeconomic Status 71 Comparison of Percentage of Positive (Yes) Responses for Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for Father and Neighbor across Situations 71 Justifications for Negative Responses to Legitimacy: Comparison of Percentages for Each Category for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations 72 Justifications for Negative Responses to Obedience: Comparison of Percentages for Each Category for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations 73 Justifications for Positive Responses to Legitimacy: Comparison of Percentages for Each Category for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations 74 Justifications for Positive Responses to Obedience: Comparison of Percentages for Each Category for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations 75 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Nonsexual (Fighting) Dilemma with the Father Authority Figure 76 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Nonsexual (Fighting) Dilemma with the Neighbor Authority Figure 76 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Sexual Moral Dilemma with the Father Authority Figure 77 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Sexual Moral Dilemma with the Neighbor Authority Figure 77 Summary of Simultaneous Regresssion Analyses for Variables Predicting Mothers’ Family Traditionalism 78 vii Figge LIST OF FIGURES Potential Predictor Variables of Children’s Perceptions of Authority Figures viii if 80 INTRODUCTION There is a large body of literature describing the short-term and long-term psychological damage and social consequences of childhood sexual abuse (Adams- Tucker, 1982; Beitchman, Zucker, Hood, daCosta, Akman, & Cassavia, 1992; Browne & Finkelhor, 1986; Cole & Putman, 1992; F inkelhor, 1990; Herman, 1981; Mian, Marton, & LeBaron, 1996; Phelan, 1995). Serious and long-lasting consequences are most often associated with those children who are abused by a relative, molested for an extended period of time, or who are orally, anally or vaginally penetrated (Kendall-Tacket, Williams & F inkelhor, 1993). Despite the fact that the incidence and the impact of intrafamilial (i.e., parent) and extrafamilial (i.e., stranger) childhood sexual abuse has been recognized as a serious problem in our society, little of this research attempts to understand this problem among Latinos. Latinos represent the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the United States (US. Department of Commerce, 1989). In addition, it is expected that by the year 2030 the number of Latino children in the United States will reach 9.6 million (Solis,l995). These statistics suggest that prevention and treatment programs developed to deal with this phenomenon must understand the experience of child sexual abuse among Latinos in order to effectively meet the needs of this group. Child sexual abuse in which the perpetrator is a parent, parental figure, or extended family member is known as incest (Sgroi & Dana, 1982). Research has shown that in two-thirds of all cases of childhood sexual abuse, the perpetrator is either a relative or an acquaintance (Finkelhor, 1984). Furthermore, these individuals often have authority over the child (i.e., parents). Thus, researchers have suggested that a better understanding of children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexually abusive situations may help educational efforts that attempt to teach children preventive skills to avoid being sexually abused (Bogat & McGrath, 1993; McGrath & Bogat, 1995). Studies on children’s perceptions of authority figures indicate that children make judgments on two basic dimensions: legitimacy and obedience (Damon, 1977). That is, children judge whether the authority has the qualities to command and whether they should obey or disobey. Studies have found that children’s perceptions of authority figures’ legitimacy and rationales for obedience are related to the traits of the authority figure (i.e., knowledge, social position), the context, and the child’s deve10pmental stage (based on age). These studies have failed to consider the impact sociocultural context might have on children’s perceptions of authority figures in nonsexual and sexual moral dilemmas. The sociocultural context in which a child is raised is important to examine. In socializing children, parents from different ethnic backgrounds have distinct beliefs and behaviors determined largely by their cultural values. These different socialization processes result in different parent and child behaviors that encompass specific cultural values (Zayas & Solari, 1994; F ontes, 1995). For Latino children, the traditional sociocultural context involves the values of family solidarity and a sense of obligation to the family, respect towards adults, and a patriarchal system. Thus, Latino caregiver’s (typically mothers’) childrearing beliefs and socialization practices teach children to maintain respect for authority figures and to conform to parental authority in order to maintain a strong sense of family cohesiveness (familism) (Zayas & Palleja, 1988). There is no research that has explored how these traditional cultural family values, reinforced by mothers, may influence Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. Studies on Latino children’s socialization practices have suggested that a Latino mother’s pattern of acculturation in the United States and her socioeconomic status influence childrearing beliefs and practices (for review see Zayas & Solari, 1994). Latina mothers’ pattern of acculturation and their socioeconomic status may influence the degree to which they adhere to traditional family values. Moreover, Latino mother’s adherence to traditional family values may have an impact on their children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. This study will be the first to explore the influence of the sociocultural context on children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. Thus, this study will examine the influence of Latina mothers’ adherence to the . traditional Latino family values of respect for authority, familism, and a patriarchal system on Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. In addition, the influence of Latina mothers’ pattern of acculturation in the United States, and their socioeconomic status on their degree of adherence to traditional family values will be explored. CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE Child sexual abuse has only begun to gain the attention of mental health professionals in the last 20 years (Herman & Hirschman, 1981). As recently as 1975, father-daughter incest was still cited in a major psychiatric reference text as occurring in only one case per million (Henderson, 1975). However, recent statistics demonstrate that intrafamilial child sexual abuse is not an uncommon event. Williams and Finkelhor (1990) reported that the number of cases of incest coming to professional attention averages 100,000 per year in the United States. More recently, a survey of fifty states conducted by the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse (1994) reported 150,000 substantiated cases of childhood sexual abuse including intrafamilial and extrafamilial sexual abuse. Herman (1981) did a review on data collected in several large surveys (F inkelhor, 1979; Gagnon, 1965; Landis, 1956) conducted on the prevalence of sexual abuse. Cumulatively these studies had information from over five thousand women from different regions of the United States. The results indicated that between 4% and 12% of all Women surveyed reported a sexual experience with a relative, and 1% reported a sexual experience with their father or stepfather. Russell’s (1988) survey of 930 women residents of San Francisco indicated that 16 percent had experienced at least one incident of intrafamilial sexual abuse before the age of 18, and 12% had experienced this before the age of 14. Notably, this prevalence rate represents intrafamilial sexual abuse where sexual intercourse must have occurred. When other non-contact experiences in childhood, such as unwanted kisses, someone exposing their genitals and other non-genital touching were included in a broader definition of child sexual abuse, 54% of the women surveyed reported at least one experience of sexual abuse by a relative before the age of 18 years. As noted above, the definition of intrafamilial abuse includes perpetrators who are members of the nuclear family as well as extended family members. In Russell’s (1988) study, 4.5% of the women who experienced intrafamilial sexual abuse were abused by their fathers (biological, step-foster, or adoptive), 4.9% reported an incestuous relationship with their uncle, .l% of the women reported a sexually abusive relationship with a mother, and 1.8% with some other male or female relative. Few studies have examined the prevalence and circumstances of childhood sexual abuse among Latinos (Huston, Parra, Prihoda, & F oulds, 1995; Lindholm & Wiley, 1986; Mennen, 1995; Russell, 1986). The evidence on differences in prevalence rates for Latino as compared to other ethnic groups is contradictory (F inkelhor, 1993). Some researchers have reported a higher rate for Latinas (Kercher & McShane, 1984; Huston et al., 1995), while others report no differences (Arroyo, Simpson, Aragon, 1997; Mennen, 1995; Russell, 1988; Hall & F lannery, 1984) between Latinos, African Americans, and Whites. Despite these contradictions in prevalence rates, studies have documented ethnic differences in the short-term and long-term psychological functioning among victims of childhood sexual abuse. Short-termand Long-tenn Consequences Most of the literature on short-term and long-term consequences of being sexually abused as a child does not distinguish between intrafamilial (family member) and extrafamilial (individuals external to the family) sexual abuse (Kendall—Tackett et al., 1993). Gomes-Schwartz, Horowitz, and Cardarelli’s (1990) review on the short-term effects of child sexual abuse noted four categories of symptoms: 1) inappropriate behaviors that indicated that the child is disturbed and disturbing others (e.g., sexual promiscuity and delinquent behavior); 2) somatic complaints; 3) internalized emotional harm (e.g., depression, guilt); and 4) diminished self-esteem. Recent studies have examined the relationship between ethnicity of the child and these short-term symptoms (Sander-Phillips, Moisan, Wadlington, Morgan, & English, 1995). Sanders-Phillips et al. (1995) compared the psychological functioning of Black and Latino sexually abused girls ages 8 to 13. Their study found that sexually abused Latina girls showed more symptoms of depression than sexually abused Black girls. This difference was a result of three factors characteristic of Latina girls: the perpetrator was more often the biological father or a close relative, there was less maternal support after disclosure, and there was an earlier age of onset. Huston et al. (1995) and Arroyo et al. (1997) also found evidence that for Latino children the perpetrator was more often a family member or close relative as compared to their Anglo or Black counterparts. In addition, Huston et al. (1995) found Mexican American children more likely to delay the disclosure of sexual abuse when compared to their Anglo and Black counterparts. The authors suggested that this longer interval between the abuse and disclosure could be attributed to the tendency for the perpetrator to be more closely related to the Mexican American children. Mennen (1995) evaluated the relationship of race/ethnicity to the nature and severity of symptoms in sexually abused girls. In this study there was no general effect of race/ethnicity on severity of symptoms among sexually abused girls. However, there, was a significant interaction effect, with Latina subjects reacting differently according to the kind of sexual abuse suffered. Latina girls who had experienced penetration during the abuse had significantly higher symptom levels on measures of depression, anxiety, and self-worth problems than did Latina girls who were abused without penetration. The psychological consequences of childhood sexual abuse can last well beyond childhood. A myriad of symptoms have been associated with long-term effects of childhood sexual abuse. These include high levels of anxiety, depression, difficulty trusting both men and women resulting in poor marital and interpersonal relationships, sexual dysfunction, suicide attempts, self-destructive behavior, problems with substance abuse, and a tendency toward repeated victimization (Browne & Finkelhor, 1986; Finkelhor & Browne, 1988; Herman, 1981). Few studies have examined the effects of ethnicity on long-tenn psychological functioning. In one study, Latino male and female victims of child sexual abuse had higher rates of depressive disorders and alcohol and drug abuse problems as compared to their non-Latino counterparts (Stein, Golding, Siegel, Burnal & Sorenson, 1988). Furthermore, Russell’s (1988) community survey suggested that Latina women who had been sexually abused as children reported more symptoms of trauma when compared to African American, Asian, and White women who had been victims of child sexual abuse. These ethnic differences in the psychological functioning of victims of child sexual abuse suggest the need to understand how the sociocultural variables influence the individual’s psychological functioning. Prevention of Child Sexuafl Abuse The short-term and long-term negative consequences of child sexual abuse are well documented in the literature. Nevertheless, there has not been sufficient research on effective strategies of reducing the prevalence of child sexual abuse. Although an in- depth review of the literature on child sexual abuse prevention programs is beyond the scope of this study, a brief overview of what current school-based programs emphasize is discussed below. Most sexual abuse prevention programs have been aimed at the potential victims-- children. Due to the fact that most abused children do not reveal the abuse, it has been critical to reach the children before victimization (Wurtele, 1992). Bogat and McGrath (1993) described most school-based sexual abuse prevention programs as attempting to teach children five major concepts: “a) recognize whether the touch is good or bad (RECOGNITION); b) if the touch is bad (i.e., sexual), refuse the advance (SAY NO); c) leave the situation; (1) find a trusted adult (GO TELL); and e) tell him/her what happened” (p.653). Wurtele’s (1992) review of child sexual abuse prevention programs provides an overview of how these programs are typically implemented. Children are taught the skills in a variety of methods such as lectures, role-plays, puppet shows, and movies. It is common for these programs to start by describing the concept of “touches,” usually described as a “touch continuum” of good, bad and confusing touches. The child is expected to learn that when any adult attempts to touch their private parts they should disobey the request and go seek help by telling a trusting adult about the incident. The efficacy of these programs in preventing child sexual abuse by teaching children the skills mentioned above is still unknown. Researchers have argued that these skills run counter to the prototypical power differential between an adult and a child. For example, McGrath and Bogat (1995) noted that “sexual abuse education programs that teach children to recognize and resist sexual advances are attempting to counter, in part, a possible inappropriate authority relationship between adults and children” (p. 6). Furthermore, Millan and Rabiner (1992) noted that child sexual abuse prevention programs teach children behaviors that are particularly contradictory to the relational norms forged in Latino families, where children are expected not to question parental authority. Latinos and Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse Very little has been done to address child sexual abuse prevention programs for Latinos (Millan & Rabiner, 1992). Millan and Rabiner (1992) noted that prevention programs for Latinos must consider variables such as language, level of acculturation to the US, socioeconomic status, and the cultural family values of Latinos. Levy (1988) developed a child sexual abuse prevention program for Latino families based on a needs assessment procedure, which involved interviewing victims, family members, and clinicians. Specific patterns occurring in Latino families were noted: a) economically poor Latino children were especially vulnerable to sexual assault because of their poor living and working conditions; b) sexual issues were considered too intimate to be discussed, even within the family; c) attitudes toward sexual abuse varied according to the degree of acculturation of Latino families into the dominant U.S. culture; (1) children felt unable to be assertive with adults due to the cultural value of silence and respect toward adults; and e) the cultural value that young women marry as virgins resulted in punitive consequences and shame for victims of child sexual abuse (Levy, 1988). These observations suggest that the unique sociocultural context of Latino children needs to be taken into account when developing an effective child sexual abuse prevention program. In particular, an understanding of how the cultural value of silence and respect toward adults influence children’s perceptions of authority in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas may help contribute to the development of prevention programs that are sensitive to the needs of Latino children. There is a significant amount of literature on children’s perceptions of authority figures (Laupa, 1995; Laupa & Turiel, 1993; Tisak, 1986; Tisak and Tisak, 1990; Turiel, 1983). These studies have mainly focused on frequently occurring, benign social interactions. Furthermore, Latino children are strikingly absent fiom this literature. Despite this, the existent literature on children’s perceptions of authority provides a foundation to understand Latino children’s perceptions of authority in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. CHILDREN’S PERCEPTIONS OF AUTHORITY Damon ( 1977) found that children’s conceptions of authority develop along two basic dimensions: legitimacy and rationale for obedience. Legitimacy refers to children’s perceptions of whether authority figures have the qualities that allow them to lead and command. Rationales for obedience include children’s reasons to obey or disobey the authority figure (e. g., “because dad is the boss at home”). Research has shown that children’s perceptions of the legitimacy of the authority figure and rationale for obedience are based on factors such as: (a) traits of the authority figure, (b) the context (moral vs. social conventional), and (c) the age of the child (Laupa, 1995; McGrath & Bogat, 1995). For example, regarding authority traits, a high social position appears to be most influential in children’s justifications of legitimacy and their rationale for obedience. Laupa’s (1995) study of children’s perceptions of authority in different contexts noted that parents hold a social position that allows them to set rules in different settings, not just in the home. Most children in Laupa’s (1995) study judged parents as legitimate authority figures, regardless of whether the social context was at home or school. In light of this finding, it is possible that when the perpetrator of child sexual abuse is a parent, the social position held by the parent may contribute to the likelihood that the child will consider the authority as legitimate and thus obey the authority’s sexual request. Contrary to the power of parental authority outside the home, children’s judgments of the legitimacy of a neighbor giving commands at home varied based on the age of the child (Laupa, 1995). The influence of children’s age on their perceptions of authority’s legitimacy and obedience will be discussed later in the text. Studies show that children’s perceptions of authority figures’ legitimacy and rationale for obedience are also context-dependent. In these studies context has been defined as the type of corrrmand made by the authority and the social setting (e.g., home vs. school). For instance, children’s perceptions of parental authority vary based on whether the command involves a social-conventional situation or a moral situation (Laupa & Turiel, 1993). Social-conventional situations are based on custom, traditions, and personal choice (e.g., family can decide bedtime rules) (Davidson, Turiel, & Black, 1983). These social-conventional rules, if broken, do not lead to harm. Moral rules are based on welfare, fairness, and obligation (e.g., stealing) (Davidson et al., 1983). These rules, if broken, may result in psychological or physical harm. Studies on children’s perceptions of authority figures in moral situations have mostly presented children with scenarios in which an action pertains to the physical welfare of others, such as pushing a peer off a playground slide (Davidson et al., 1983) or continuing a fight (Laupa & Turiel, 1986). In these situations, when an adult’s request was to continue fighting or to push a ll peer off a playground slide, children did not obey adult commands to break these moral rules. The distinction of social-conventional and moral situations becomes complicated in the context of child sexual abuse. It is yet to be examined whether comprehension of sexual abuse as breaking a moral code could override children’s disbelief that someone they love (i.e., a parent) might intend to hurt them (McGrath & Bogat, 1995). Thus, it is unclear whether children would obey a sexual request from a parent knowing that it violates a moral code and that it may cause psychological harm to themselves. This is further complicated in sexually abusive situations in which the perpetrator may make threats against the child or emotionally coerce the child to comply with the request. McGrath and Bogat (1995) indicated that “children may understand sexual abuse as a violation of a moral code, and resist accordingly, until the perpetrator introduces alternative moral counterarguments such as, “You’d let me touch your private parts if you loved me.” (p.32) A child’s age also influences his/her perceptions of authority figures. Laupa (1995) studied elementary aged children’s perceptions of persons giving two types of commands in the home: one that resolved a turn-taking dispute (i.e., who’s first) and one that enforced a conventional rule (i.e., bedtime rule). The individuals giving the command in the home were of varying ages and held different social positions in the family: parent, older/younger sibling, and neighbor. In addition, a parent was presented issuing commands related to a turn-taking dispute and a conventional rule in the school (i.e., classtime event). Children under 7 years old accepted the legitimacy of any adult (including a neighbor) giving commands at home. This indicates the limited 12 understanding of the meaning of social position before the age of 7. Third and fourth grade children, however, were more likely to reject the authority of a neighbor making commands in the home. By age 11, children showed an even more differentiated view of authority. They accepted the neighbor’s authority command in the context of the tum- taking dispute but rejected the command in the context of a conventional rule (bedtime rule). Notably, these age differences in perceptions of authority do not appear when the authority making the command is a parent, regardless of the social setting. Regardless of the child’s age, children judged their parents as being legitimate to make commands in different contexts. Thus, it appears that age is a factor that has a greater influence on children’s perceptions of nonparental authority. As children grow older they are more likely to disobey an authority figure who does not have a high social position in a particular context (i.e., a neighbor giving commands in the home). It is unclear, however, whether the distinction between children’s judgments of parental and nonparental authority in the context of a social-conventional rule would also apply in the context of a violation of a moral code. To date, no study has compared children’s perceptions of a parental versus a nonparental authority figure in the context of a sexually abusive situation. Age has been discussed as a factor that influences children’s understanding of sexual abuse (W urtele & Miller, 1987). Wurtele and Miller (1987) noted that children younger than 7 years old hold several inaccuracies and misconceptions of what constitutes child sexual abuse. These young children saw the perpetrator as someone who was probably their age. By age ten, children showed a more accurate understanding of what constitutes child sexual abuse. Thus, Wurtele and Miller (1987) suggest that the 13 presentation of hypothetical situations are appropriate for this age level given their understanding of sexual abuse issues. Although children of this latter age group understood sexually abusive situations, when asked to define sexual abuse, half of these children described sexual abuse as including serious physical aggression (e.g., beating). Studies have shown that sexual abuse rarely involves extreme violent behavior (Groth, 1978) Perceptions of Authority in Sexual Moral Dilemmas Only two studies have compared children’s perceptions of authority figures’ legitimacy and rationale for obedience in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas (Bogat & McGrath, 1993; Burke, Bogat, Liang, & Martin, 1994). Bogat & McGrath (1993) conducted a study with 117 preschool children between the ages of 3 and 7. Children were presented two hypothetical stories: a benign request (request to clean the room) and a sexually abusive story (request to touch the child’s private parts). The benign story involved the mother as the adult making the command. The sexually moral dilemma depicted a male neighbor offering a reward to a child in return for allowing him to touch the child’s private parts. Following the reading of each story, children’s perceptions of adult’s legitimacy and rationales for obedience were assessed. Based on methodology previously used to assess children’s perceptions of authority, legitimacy was assessed by asking the child whether they thought the authority had the right to make the command (i.e., yes or no). In addition, the children were asked to give justifications for their responses. Children’s justifications were then coded in different categories based on the children’s responses. The authors found that preschool children were able to recognize 14 the inappropriateness of the adult’s requests to touch their private parts. In other words, children refused to obey the neighbor’s request to touch their private parts. Bogat & McGrath (1993) argued that children’s judgment to obey the mother’s request and disobey the neighbor’s request may have been based on their knowledge of sexual abuse as a violation of a moral dilemma. However, because the two stories confounded gender and social position of the authority, and the type of command, the results are inconclusive. It may be that in sexual moral dilemmas children are more likely to obey parental figures due to their social position in the home. Thus, in a sexually abusive situation children may disobey a neighbor or a stranger because of their lack of social position in the home. No study has explored how children would judge the authority’s legitimacy and rationale for obedience when the authority making a sexual request is a parent or parental figure. Burke et al. (1994) compared preschoolers’ (ages 36-72 months) perceptions of an authority figure in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemma. In their study, the perpetrator was the same in both stories (sexual and nonsexual) in order to control for the possible effects of the authority’s social position on the child’s response. Each child was presented with two unfamiliar moral situations: one story involved a substitute male teacher attempting to touch the child’s private parts, the other involved the same male teacher attempting to steal something belonging to the child. In order to portray the intimidation that tends to occur in sexually abusive situations (Bogat & McGrath, 1993), three types of stories were developed for each situation: a straight-forward request, the use of guilt, and the threat of physical punishment. The latter two stories were added because the literature suggests that children comply with sexual perpetrator’s commands 15 because they fear punishment or because they are emotionally coerced by the adult. In both stories the perpetrator was a male. Children were asked whether the authority was legitimate or not (i.e., “Is it ok or not ok for the teacher to make the request?”) and the rationale for their answer (i.e., why?) In addition, children were asked if they would obey or not obey the authority. Their rationales for obedience were also assessed (i.e., why?) “Why” questions were coded into four categories in order to determine rationales for legitimacy and obedience. These justification categories were: (a) appeal to rules (i.e., act is wrong because it is forbidden by existing standards), (b) appeal to authority (i.e., act is wrong because it is forbidden by authority), (c) appeal to fairness (i.e., act violates rights, is unjust, or unfair), and (d) uncodeable responses (i.e., child indicates he/she does not know, or refuses to believe that the authority figure is capable of performing the inappropriate act). Findings indicated that significantly more children responded that they would obey the teacher’s request, whether it was sexual or nonsexual, when the consequence included punishment as compared to a straight-forward request or to the use of guilt. Furthermore, most preschoolers seemed at a loss to provide justifications for their responses to the sexual story as opposed to nonsexual stories. Preschool children gave mostly uncodeable responses to the questions in sexual stories. One reason may be that preschoolers’ conceptions of child sexual abuse at this age may not be as advanced as elementary school. It appeared that children had difficulty believing that an adult figure would make an inappropriate sexual request (Burke et al., 1994). These studies of children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexually abusive situations, although preliminary, focused on children’s cognitive development during 16 preschool. Both studies failed to examine other important variables such as the sociocultural context of the child and how this might have influenced children’s judgments of the authority’s legitimacy and their rationales for obedience. A review of the literature of traditional Latino family values examines how culturally-based family values may influence Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. CHILDREN’S SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT I_._2_rtino F mils/flames Research comparing cultural differences between Anglo-Americans and Latinos indicates that family values and socialization beliefs are the primary differences between the two cultures (N egy, 1993). Therefore, researchers have developed measures to assess family values that are more important for Latino families than for Anglo-Americans (Ramirez & Carrasco, 1969). Recently, a study comparing traditional family values found that Anglo-Americans and Latinos differed significantly in their adherence to values of loyalty to the family, strictness of child rearing, respect for adults and religiosity (N egy, 1993). These findings suggest that the sociocultural context of Latino children is often dictated by cultural family values. The sociocultural context for Latino children in the United States is influenced by their caregivers’ (typically mothers’) expectations that are based on their traditional family cultural values (Zayas & Solari, 1995). Respect (respeto) toward elders, particularly parents and extended family members, is highly valued in Latino families. Respect is observed in the deference shown to parents. Children are taught from an early age not to question their parents (Locke, 1992). Latina mothers believe that failure to 17 show respect, by being obedient and silent in front of authority figures, is shameful. . Behaviors in children not consistent with the value of respect may lead to scoldings or other kinds of punishment carried out by parents or elders (Ramos-McKay, Comas-Diaz, & Rivera, 1988). In relation to sexually abusive situations, Crespo and Gaba (1990, cited in Ben- Baraque, 1993) noted that this respect for authority may prevent the child from saying “no” to a parental figure and may put pressure on the child to comply with sexual requests. Furthermore, in sexually abusive situations, Latino children may remain silent as a sign of respect toward the parental authority figure. Latino children may have particular difficulty disobeying a sexual request due to the strong sense of respect towards adults that is emphasized in their culture (Levy, 1988). In addition, Latinos report a strong commitment to family and a tendency to rely on extended kinship for support (Hurtado, 1995). F amilism refers to the family cultural value representing the strong identification and attachment that exists among immediate and extended family members and the strong feeling of loyalty toward each other (Triandis,Botempo, Villareal, Asai, & Lucca, 1988). The concept of familism encompasses close personal relationships with uncles, grandparents, “padrinos or compadres” (godparents) and other fiiends who may have become part of the family, even though they are not biologically related (Comas-Diaz, 1992). These extended family members often share responsibility for the caretaking of children in the family. Likewise, the reliance an extended family members for child care could be a risk factor for child sexual abuse in Latino families (Arroyo, Simpson, & Aragon, 1997). Furthermore, researchers have suggested that the context of sexual abuse disclosure may 18 be particularly stressful for Latino children due to the possible loss of family unity (Arroyo et al., 1997). In traditional Latino families, men’s primary responsibility is as a provider of the family (Rogler, Santana-Cooney, Constantino, Early, Grossman, Gurak, Malgady, & Rodriguez, 1983). In this system, described as patriarchal, women are often seen as the caretakers and caregivers, and are expected to assume a submissive role (Canino, Rubic- Stipec, Shrout, Bravo, Stolberg, & Bird, 1987). Contemporary studies of Latino families have noted the existence of traditional gender-roles, but with important modifications due to the participation of Latinas in the workforce (Baca Zinn, 1982). For example, Latina women in New Mexico were found to perform role obligations that are usually normative for males, because men worked away from home for extended periods of time (Kutsche, 1983). The patriarchal system, thus, refers to the degree of decision-making power and respect that is particularly attributed to the paternal (male) figure in Latino families. In addition, the traditional cultural value of marianismo (women’s virginity) influences the socialization of girls. Mariam'smo means that women should maintain their virginity for the honor of the family and as a sign of respect for authority (Locke, 1992). These gender-related behaviors encourage female children to sacrifice their own needs to those of the male authority figures in the family (Edwards & Alexander, 1992). Sanders—Phillips et al., (1995) suggested that the strong cultural value of virginity and the taboo against discussing sexual issues among Latino families may, in part, explain why Latina girls who have been sexually abused report more symptoms of depression compared to Black girls who have been sexually abused. 19 Although the above literature suggests that these culturally-based family values, transmitted through the mother, may influence Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures, no research has explored this to date. F urthermore, no research has examined whether Latina mothers’ adherence to these traditional family values influences Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. The body of research on Latino children’s socialization is still limited. However, among the variables studied, acculturation to the United States, education, and socioeconomic status accounted for differences in Latino parents’ socialization practices (Negy & Woods, 1992a). Research on Latina mothers’ childrearing socialization practices have noted that acculturation to the Anglo-American culture significantly influences mothers’ beliefs and practices (Padilla, 1980). An overview of the process of acculturation that Latinos in the United States experience underscores why this variable must be considered when studying Latino populations. Acculturation Acculturation is known as the process of change of an immigrant group as a result of continuous contact with a new culture (Berry, 1995). Theoretical reviews, have noted that within the context of the United States, where Anglo-Americans are the dominant group, Latinos are said to have become acculturated to the US. when they acquire the language and customs of American culture (N egy & Woods, 1992a). Acculturation measures assess where individuals are in this process of adaptation to a new culture. A problem with the traditional concept and measures of acculturation is that they assume that individuals either exclusively identify with their native culture or adopt the new culture’s language, values and customs and reject their own. 20 Contemporary theories consider the process of acculturation from a biculturalism model (Cortes, 1994). Biculturalism refers to the individual’s ability to become simultaneously fluent in his/her culture of origin as well as the new culture (Magana, Rocha, Amsel, Magana, Fernandez, & Rulnick, 1996). The biculturalism model assumes that acculturation occurs along two independent dimensions: Hispanicism (i.e., involvement in the Hispanic/Latino culture) and Arnericanism (involvement in the American culture). Based on this current conceptualization of acculturation, Cortes, Rogler, and Malgady (1994) have proposed that acculturation should be measured using a two-dimensional instrument with independent scales of involvement in the Latino culture and involvement in the American culture. A two-dimensional measure allows individuals to identify their level of involvement in both the Latino culture and the American culture without one score being dependent on the other. Thus, four combinations of involvement in the American and Latino culture are possible: (a) high involvement in the Latino culture and low involvement in the American culture, (b) high involvement in the Latino culture and high involvement in the American culture, (c) low involvement in the Latino culture and low involvement in the American culture, and ((1) low involvement in the Latino culture and high involvement in the American culture. Biculturalism measures such as the scale developed by Cortes et al. (1994) assess different domains of the process of adaptation. These include language use, food preferences, social relationships, behaviors, and values (Olrnedo, 1980). These domains are typically assessed by asking Latinos to indicate how much they enjoy speaking either language, how proud are they of being Latinos, and how important is it for them to raise 21 their children with Latino values. In contrast to measures of adherence to family values (e. g., Family Attitude Scale- Revised), acculturation measures do not ask about specific adherence to traditional family values (i.e., respect toward authority, loyalty to the family). Thus, measures of biculturalism and family values are addressing different constructs, one being involvement in the American and Latino culture and the other degree of adherence to specific family values. Garcia Coll, Lamberty, Jenkins, McAdoo, Cmic, Wasik, and Vazquez Garcia’s (1996) theoretical paper noted that in the context of parenting, Latino parents in the United States must decide which aspects of their cultural values they wish to retain and which they will relinquish in favor of the dominant culture’s values. Research studies have found that parental acculturation patterns have an impact on Latina mothers by influencing their developmental expectations, mother-infant interactions, and the role of extended family (Garcia Coll, Meyer, & Brillon, 1995). Furthermore, empirical studies on Latinos in the US. have found that some individuals adopt certain values that are “American”, (i.e., competitiveness), while still maintaining the “Latino” value of familism (Gomez & Fassinger, 1994). It is important, therefore, to consider mother’s level of involvement in Latino and American cultures to examine the impact this might have on their adherence to Latino family values. In addition to acculturation, socioeconomic status (SES) has accounted for differences in Latina mothers’ socialization practices. Gutierrez, Sameroff, and Karrer (1988) compared differences in perceptions of child development in a sample of Mexican-American mothers of low versus high SES, with different levels of acculturation to the US. culture (acculturation was measured as low, middle, and high). Findings 22 yielded an interaction between acculturation and SES. For the high SES group, highly acculturated mothers had more complex conceptualizations of their children’s development than those of both middle and low acculturated mothers. For low SES mothers, regardless of level of acculturation, their conceptualizations were simplistic. These findings suggest that SES may moderate the relationship of acculturation and conceptualizations of child development. Researchers have previously empirically studied the interaction between SES and acculturation (Negy & Woods, 1992b). Socioeconomic status is strongly associated with acculturation level because higher educational attainment and higher income is often associated with contact and thus involvement with the American culture (Negy & Woods, 1992b). RATIONALE OF THE STUDY The last two decades have seen an increase in the attention paid to the problem of ' childhood sexual abuse. In particular, child sexual abuse prevention programs have been developed to teach children preventive skills. Child sexual abuse perpetrated by adults involves the exploitation of adult authority and power for sexual ends (W urtele & Miller- Perrin, 1992). Therefore, researchers have suggested that an understanding of children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas could aid in the improvement of child sexual abuse prevention programs (Bogat & McGrath, 1993). Studies show that children’s perceptions of authority figures are based on judgments regarding dimensions of legitimacy and rationale for obedience, which are themselves influenced by factors such as the traits of the authority figure, the social context and the age of the child. The social context, as noted in the review, has been defined as a situation involving either a social-conventional or moral rule. 23 All of these studies have ignored the sociocultural context of the child and how it might influence his/her perceptions of authority figures. For Latino children, their sociocultural context is characterized by family values that emphasize: a) familism, b) respect for authority, and c) patriarchy. These family values are typically passed on to the child through the mother and may influence Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. To date, no study has attempted to examine this. Acculturation and socioeconomic status have been known to influence Latina mothers’ childrearing beliefs and practices. Therefore, acculturation conceptualized in this study as involvement in both American and Latino cultures, may influence Latino mother’s degree of adherence to the traditional Latino family values. Acculturation is intricately intertwined with socioeconomic status (SES). The relationship between acculturation and SES is often overlooked in many research studies. Negy and Woods (1992b) noted that researchers must examine the differential effect of SES as well as acculturation when conducting research on Latinos. This study, therefore, measured and tested the differential effect of acculturation (i.e., involvement in American and involvement in Latino culture) on mother’s adherence to traditional Latino family values, with SES as a moderator variable. Gender is another variable that must be considered when examining the factors that influence children’s perceptions of authority in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. A disproportionate number of girls are victims of sexual abuse as compared to boys (Wurtele & Miller-Penin, 1992). Girls may be more likely to be victims because they may be more likely to be submissive to authority figures than boys (Wurtele & 24 Miller-Penin, 1992). In addition, for Latina girls, the patriarchal system characteristic of traditional families may socialize them to be more submissive to authority figures than Latino boys. Previous studies examining children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas have relied on the use of vignettes (Laupa, 1995; Burke et al., 1994). Vignettes provide children with hypothetical stories of situations between a child and an adult that resemble real-life situations. This study used a variant of the methodology used by Burke et al. (1994). Burke et al.’s (1994) study on children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas-focused on preschoolers between 36 and 72 months of age. Findings indicated that most preschoolers gave uncodeable responses regarding the justifications for their perceptions of authority. In light of this finding, this study compared children’s perceptions of authority of sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas on elementary school children in grades one through sixth, instead of preschoolers. A study on children’s conceptions of sexual abuse noted that by age 7, children have a better understanding of immoral situations, including sexual abuse (Wurtele & Miller, 1987). Therefore, it was expected that elementary aged children would be able to articulate the reasons for their responses. Laupa (1995) found that a child’s grade influences children’s perceptions of an authority figure that lacks social position in the home. Thus, this study also examined the influence of grade on children’s perceptions of authority figures. Young children, due to their limited understanding of social position, may agree to obey an adult’s request even if the adult is not their parent. However, when the authority making a request is a parental figure, children of all ages may agree to obey the request. 25 The influence of developmental level (i.e., grade) on children’s perceptions of parental authority in sexual moral dilemmas had not been explored prior to this study. In Burke et al.’s (1994) study, the authority figure depicted in all stories was a substitute teacher. In this study, in order to test for the effects that authority figures’ social position might have on the child’s responses, two adults with different social positions were presented. Thus, four stories were presented to the child, a parental and a nonparental authority figure making a command in both sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. One authority figure was a father and the other a male neighbor. Previous studies have noted that parental social position influences children to judge parents as legitimate and, therefore, the children feel obligated to obey them (Laupa, 1995). The use of two authority figures with different social positions allowed us to compare Latino children’s perceptions of parental and nonparental authority figures. Another variant from Burke et al.’s, (1994) study was the type of moral dilemma presented. In Burke et al.’s (1994) study, the nonsexual story was a substitute teacher attempting to steal a child’s coat. Their findings suggested that most children find it hard to believe that a teacher would steal and, as a result, gave uncodeable responses. In contrast to the stealing scenario, Laupa and Turiel (1986) studied elementary aged children’s perceptions of authority figures using a hypothetical story in which the adult’s command was to continue fighting. In their study, children indicated that they would disobey the authority figure. Other studies also show that children are capable of setting limits to authority commands when the command is a violation of a moral rule. Therefore, it is expected that children will recognize this scenario as a violation to the rule. This study used the scenario in which two children are fighting and the adult’s 26 request is to continue fighting. This context was used to examine Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in a nonsexual moral dilemma. Similar to Burke et al.’s (1994) methodology, after reading each story variation children were asked: (a) to evaluate the command (“Is it OK for (person) to tell him/her that?”), (b) to explain what gives the command its legitimacy or lack thereof (“Why can (person) tell him/her that?”), (0) whether the command should be obeyed (“Should he/she do what (person) tells him/her to do?”), and (d) the reasons for obedience (“Why should they do what (person) tells him/her to?”). Children’s justifications for their responses of legitimacy and obedience were categorized with a coding system adapted from one previously used by Laupa (1995). Justifications were coded as one of six categories: Authority Orientation, Act Orientation, Consequences, Recognition of Power, Punishment Orientation, and Uncodeable 'or “I Don’t Know”. Authoriy oriented justifications pertained to the attributes of the authority giving the command. These attributes included adult’s status, knowledge, and social positionuparental role or lack of parental role (e.g., “The neighbor can’t tell the child what to do because he is not part of the family”). _Ac_t Oriented justifications pertained to the act itself (e.g., “Because that is bad, nasty”). Consequences oriented justifications pertained to the child making reference to the negative consequences of the act (e.g., “Because it may hurt”). Recognition of Power pertained to the child perceiving control over the situation or putting the responsibility on the child for the action (e. g., “She should not have allowed that to happen”). Punishment oriented justifications pertained to the child making reference to the adult’s ability to punish (e. g., “The child can get in trouble if she does not 27 obey”). Last, the “I Don’t Know” category refers to answers that were uncodeable or simply children did not know why they gave a negative or positive response. The main contribution of this study is that it considered the sociocultural context of the child. The sociocultural context plays a role in socializing children and in shaping the beliefs regarding adult-child relationships. Therefore, children’s perceptions of authority figures are likely to be influenced by culture. This study defined the sociocultural context of Latino children by assessing Latino mother’s adherence to traditional Latino family values, Latino mother’s involvement in Latino and American cultures, and socioeconomic status. The study examined the influence of Latina mothers’ degree of adherence to traditional Latino family values on their children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. In addition, the study examined the influence of mothers’ involvement in the Latino and American cultures and socioeconomic status on their degree of adherence to traditional Latino family values. Overall, the study was designed to address the research gap in studies of child sexual abuse that have ignored Latino children. The findings of this study could contribute to the development of culturally sensitive sexual abuse prevention programs that address the needs of Latino children. Hypotheses Tested in this Study Hypothesis Regarding Pmeml versus Nonparental Authority 1. In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s responses will vary based on the social position of the adult making the request (i.e., father versus male neighbor). Latino children will be less likely to indicate that the authority has legitimacy and less likely to obey the authority when the authority figure is a neighbor as opposed to a parental figure. 28 Analysis: Comparisons of children’s judgments of authority 'figures’ (father vs. neighbor) legitimacy and obedience were calculated using 2 scores for dependent proportions. Hypotheses Regarding Parentafil versus Nonpgrental Legitimacy and Obedience Justifications I. Latino children’s justifications for their judgments of legitimacy and their rationale for obedience will vary based on the social position of the adult making the request. 1a) In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas where the authority figure is the father, Latino children’s justifications for positive responses to legitimacy and obedience will be categorized more often as Authority Orientation/Parental Role than other justifications. 1b) In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas where the authority figure is a parent, Latino children’s justifications for negative responses to legitimacy and obedience will be categorized more often as Act Oriented Justification than other justifications. 1c) In sexual and nonsexual moral dilerrunas where the authority figure is a neighbor, Latino children’s justifications for positive responses to legitimacy and obedience will be categorized more often as Authority Oriented/Adult Status than other justifications. Id) In situations where the authority figure is a neighbor, Latino children’s justifications for negative responses to legitimacy and obedience will be categorized more often as Authority Oriented/Lack of Parental Role than other justifications. Analysis: Comparisons of children’s justifications for legitimacy and obedience were calculated using 2 scores for dependent proportions. Gender Hypothesis 29 I. In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, Latina girls will be more likely to indicate that the authority figure has legitimacy and will be more likely to obey than Latino boys. Analysis: The contribution of gender as a predictor variable of children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience was calculated using logistic regression analyses. Grade Hypothesis 1. In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s grade will influence their judgments of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. Younger children will be more likely to indicate that the authority has legitimacy and more likely to obey than older children. Analysis: The contribution of grade as a predictor variable of children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience was calculated using logistic regression analyses. Hypotheses Regarding how Mothers’ Family Traditionalism Influences Children’s Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments I. Latina mothers’ family traditionalism (i.e., respect for authority, familism, and patriarchy) will be a significant predictor of Latino children’s judgment of authority figures’ legitimacy and obedience in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. la) In sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, Latino children of mothers with high family traditionalism scores will be more likely to indicate that the authority has legitimacy and more likely to obey than children of mothers with lower family traditionalism scores. Analysis: The contribution of mothers’ family traditionalism as a predictor variable of children’s judgment of legitimacy and obedience was calculated using logistic regression analyses. 30 H. Latino mother’s family traditionalism will be a mediator between the relationship of involvement in the Latino and American culture and children’s judgment of authority’s figures legitimacy and obedience. Analysis: The mediation hypothesis was tested using regression analyses. Hypothesis Regarding Involvement in the Latino and the American Cultures I. Latina mothers’ involvement in the Latino culture and the American culture Will be significant predictors of mothers’ family traditionalism scores. Based on scores on each dimension, the following pattern may emerge: a) Latina mothers with high involvement in the Latino culture and low involvement in the American culture are expected to have high family traditionalism scores. b) Latina mothers with high involvement in the Latino culture and high involvement in the American culture are expected to have high family traditionalism scores. c) Latina mothers with low involvement in the Latino culture and high involvement in the American culture are expected to have low family traditionalism scores. d) Latina mothers with low involvement in the Latino culture and low involvement in the American culture are expected to have low family traditionalism scores. Analysis: Involvement in the Latino culture and involvement in the American culture as significant predictors of mothers’ family traditionalism was calculated using regression analyses. Hypothesis Regarding Socioeconomic Sfitatus (SES) 1. SES will be a significant moderator of the relationship between involvement in Latino culture (ILC) and mothers’ family traditionalism scores. 31 The moderator hypothesis is supported if the interaction between involvement in the Latino culture (ILC) and SES is a significant predictor of family traditionalism scores. It is expected that ILC will be a significant predictor of mothers’ family traditionalism for Latina mothers who are from low SES backgrounds but not for Latina mothers from high SES backgrounds. Analysis: The interaction between SES and involvement in Latino culture as a significant predictor of mothers’ family traditionalism was calculated using regression analyses. METHOD Slaw Participants were 133 Latina mothersl (mean age = 35, SD = 7.6) and 153 Latino children (61 males, 92 females) in grades one through sixth residing in Michigan and Florida. Fifty-three percent (n= 81) of the children were from Florida and forty seven percent (11 = 72) were from Michigan. This sample size was required to detect a medium effect size at power .80 for an alpha of .05 (Cohen, 1992). The distribution of children’s grade was 31% (n = 47) first graders, 15 % (n = 23) second graders, 14% (n= 20) third graders, l6 % (n= 25) fourth graders, 12 % (n =19) fifth graders, and 12% (n = 19) sixth graders. The participants’ socioeconomic status (SES), based on Hollingshead’s (1975) 9-step scale was low (mean = 3.3; SD = 1.9). The average numbers of years residing in the US. was 15 years (SD = 12.4). The participants were from different Latino subgroups, 31 % (n = 48) Mexican American, 33 % (n = 50) Central American, 9 % (n = ‘ In this study, 20 Latina mothers had two children who met the criteria for participation. It is important to note the dependency of this subgroup of the total sample, given that some children were siblings. However, after careful consideration of how this would impact the analyses, it was considered appropriate to analyze the data together with the mothers who only had one child participating in the study. 32 16) Dominican, 9 % (n = 13) Puerto Rican, 10% (n=15) Cuban, and 8 % (n = 11) South American. To determine if there were any demographic differences between individuals recruited from different states (i.e., Michigan versus Florida), independent sample t tests were calculated on interval or ratio variables and chi square tests were calculated on demographic variables that were on a nominal scale. The t test analyses revealed no statistically significant differences between the groups on mother’s age, t (133) = -.59, p = .56, or socioeconomic status, 103) = -.38, p = .70. However, statistically significant differences between states were observed on the number of people living in the home t_(133) = -3.52, p_= .001, and the number of years they had lived in the United States 1 (133) = -1.99, p = .049. In Michigan, the average number of people living in the home was higher (M = 6; SD = 2.40) than in Florida (M = 4.8; SD = 1.37). In addition, in Michigan the average number of years living in the US. was higher (M= 17 years; SD = 14.9) than in Florida (M = 13.2 years; SD = 9.5). The chi square analyses indicated no statistically significant differences between the groups on the child’s gender, X2 (3, N = 153) = 3.07, p_= .08, and their mothers’ education, X2 (3, _N_ = 133) = 6.60, p= .086. However, statistically significant differences between states were found on child’s language, X2 (1, N = 153) = 35.21, p_= .000, and mothers’ language X2 (3, N = 133) = 14.60, p_= .000. More children preferred to be interviewed in Spanish in Florida (85%) versus in Michigan (3 8%). Furthermore, 96% of the mothers in Florida preferred to be interviewed in Spanish as compared to 40% in Michigan. 33 Measures Demographic Information Questiomflg. (see Appendix A) Demographic information was collected for Latina mothers and their children. This information included: (a) age, (b) sex of the child, (c) religion, ((1) mother’s level of education, (e) birthplace, (f) immigration history, (g) mother’s marital status, and (h) occupation. Socioeconomic status (SES) was scored using Hollingshead’s (1975) 9-step scale for the occupation of the parent living in the home with the higher status occupation. This questionnaire was translated and back translated by three bilingual graduate students from different Latino subgroups. See Table 1 for the descriptive statistics of these demographic variables. Family Attitude Scale- Revised. (see Appendix B) The Family Attitude Scale (FAS) was developed by Ramirez (1969) and recently revised by Ramirez and Carrasco (1995). The scale assesses the degree of adherence to traditional Mexican-American values (i.e, familism, respect toward adults). Some items were designed by the author and others were adapted from items in three existing scales: Traditional Family Ideology Scale (Levinson and Huffman, 1955), the Historical Sociocultural Premises Scale (Diaz- Guerrero, 1955), and the Parent Attitude Research Instrument (Schafer and Bell, 1958). The FAS was designed to tap six dimensions of traditional family values: (a) loyalty to . the family, (b) strictness in child rearing, (c) respect for adults, (d) separation of gender roles, (e) male superiority (patriarchy), and (f) time orientation. Ramirez and Carrasco (1995) revised the FAS for use in a cross-national study with parents and their adolescent children in three cultures: Mexican, Mexican-American, and White. The internal consistency of the measure from this cross-national study 34 yielded an alpha coefficient of .75. The instrument has 30 items and participants respond to each item on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from Agree Strongly (1) to Disagree Strongly (4). Items are added to obtain a total score of family traditionalism. In this study, the Cronbach’s coefficient alpha of all 30 items together was .70. In addition, Cronbach’s alphas for the relevant subscales were .02 for loyalty to the family, .31 for respect to adults, .44 for male superiority, and .45 for separation of gender roles. See Table 1 for the descriptive statistics of the FAS in this study. Acculturation Scalp: (see Appendix C) The Cortes, Rogler, and Malgady (1994) Biculturalism Scale was used to assess Latina mothers’ involvement in the Latino culture and the American culture. This scale was chosen because it allows for measurement of simultaneous affiliation to both Latino and American cultures. Thus, it is consistent with current conceptions of acculturation. The instrument consists of eighteen items developed from focus groups with Puerto Ricans. Even though the scale was first deveIOped for Puerto Ricans, it has been also been used for other Latino subgroups (D. E. Cortes, personal communication, July 29, l998)2. The scale measures acculturation based on language preference and usage, values, ethnic pride, food preferences, child- rearing practices, and interpersonal relations. One set of nine items assesses the degree of involvement in the Latino culture. A parallel set of nine items assesses the degree of involvement in American culture. Items related to the amount of days of the week that individuals eat their traditional Latino food or American food are recorded on a scale of 1 to 7. Items regarding language, pride, and enjoyment of Spanish or American television 2 The existent acculturation scales developed for Mexican-Americans measure acculturation from an unidimensional perspective. Unidimensional measures do not account for the two independent factors of involvement in the Latino culture and involvement in the American culture. Despite Cortes et al.’s (1994) 35 programs require individuals to respond on a 5-point rating scale. Scores for items are summed independently for the two scales. Participants’ level of acculturation is defined as the score on each scale-- involvement with the Latino culture (ILC) and American culture (IAC), independently. The internal consistency of this measure revealed Cronbach’s alphas of .25 for involvement in the American culture and .70 for involvement in the Latino culture. See Table 1 for the descriptive statistics of the ILC and IAC in this study. Mothers’ Definition of Child Sexual Abuse. In addition to the quantitative measures, Latina mothers were asked: “How do you define child sexual abuse in your own culture and in the American culture?” Responses were analyzed based on the emerging themes. The AuthorityOuestionna_irp. (see Appendix D) This questionnaire was translated and backtranslated by bilingual graduate students. The questionnaire consisted of four hypothetical stories (i.e., two sexual and two nonsexual stories). In the two sexual stories, a father or a male neighbor asked the child to touch his/her private parts. The two nonsexual stories described two children fighting; a father and a neighbor asked the child to continue fighting with a peer. The child’s gender in the story was matched to the gender of the child being interviewed. Before the sexual story was presented, children were shown a picture of a boy and a girl wearing bathing suits. Children were asked: “what do you call the parts of the body covered by the bathing suit?” The interviewer would use the words chosen by the child instead of using the phrase “private parts”. The investigator of the study chose this procedure because using the phrase “private parts” in Biculturalism scale being originally developed for Puerto Ricans, it was deemed as the most appropriate measure for the purpose of the study. 36 the Spanish language means parts that nobody should touch, therefore, the results would be confounded. Familiarity with the two situations was assessed by asking, “Did you ever know somebody who wanted to touch a child’s (word chosen by the child to describe the private parts) for no good reason?” and “Did you ever know somebody who saw a child fighting with another child and ask him/her to continue fighting?” Following each story variation children was asked: (a) to evaluate the command (“Is it OK for (person) to tell him/her that?”), (b) to explain what gives the command its legitimacy or lack thereof (“Why can (person) tell him/her that?”), (c) whether the command should be obeyed (“Should he/she do what (person) tells him/her to do?”), and (d) the reasons for obedience (“Why should they do what (person) tells him/her to?”). Thus, the legitimacy and obedience questions each have two components, 1) judgments (yes/no) and 2) justifications (why?) Evaluations of legitimacy of commands of different persons and responses to whether the command should be obeyed were coded as positive or negative (yes/no). Children’s justifications (i.e., rationale) for their responses, whether positive or negative, were coded using an adaptation of Laupa’s (1995) coding system. In Laupa’s (1995) coding system, one of the subcategories of Authority Orientation was “delegated position” (having an authority position assigned by someone in authority). In this study the scenarios presented did not include a command made by someone with a delegated position. Therefore, this category was eliminated. Children’s justifications were coded into the six categories of justifications described previously: Authority Orientation, Act 37 Orientation, Consequences, Recognition of Power, Punishment Orientation, and “I Don’t Know.” Children’s justifications were grouped according to the six categories. A binary classification procedure was used to assign scores to subjects for each of the justification categories. This procedure was repeated for each legitimacy and obedience justification question. A “l” was coded each time a child used a particular category to support one of his/her positive or negative responses and a “0” was coded on each occasion the justification category was not used. Thus, each subject has a score of 0 or 1 for each justification category for each question. Similar to Laupa’s (1995) study, intercoder agreement was assessed by randomly selecting 33% of protocols for coding by two trained undergraduate coders. Cohen’s weighted Kappa (Cohen, 1960, 1968) for judgments and justifications was calculated. Kappa is an index of the degree of relationship between nominal variables corrected by ‘ the level of agreement possible by chance (Schmitt & Klimoski, 1991). Kappas for the nonsexual moral dilemma with the father, nonsexual moral dilemma with the neighbor, sexual moral dilemma with the father, and sexual moral dilemma with the neighbor ranged from .88 to .99. Sample nonsexual story: Suppose there are two girls your age named Paula and Clara. They are playing at Paula’s home. Paula’s father is in the house when they are playing. Paula and Clara get into a fight about a toy because they both want to play with it. They get very angry with each other. Paula starts hitting, pushing, and shouting at Clara. Paula’s father sees them and asks Paula to keep fighting over the toy. 38 Sample sexual story: Suppose Paula is a child your age. She lives in a house with her parents. Paula likes to read books and enjoys when adults read to her. One day, Paula’s father is reading her a story. Paula really likes the story. After her father finishes reading the story, he asks to touch Paula’s (child’s own description of private parts was used). Recruitment The sites of subject participation in Michigan were elementary schools and migrant farm workers’ housing units in areas with large concentrations of Latino families. In Florida, subjects were recruited from a pediatrician’s office located in Miami. Interviews were conducted by the principal investigator and trained undergraduate assistants. In the elementary schools, principals allowed the researcher to hand out flyers to every elementary-aged Latino child. Children were asked to take the invitation to participate in the study to their parents. Mothers interested in participating and also allowing their children to participate were notified of the dates that interviewers would be coming to the school. Interviews were conducted in the schools. In the migrant farm workers’ housing units a group of four interviewers and a social worker that knew the families went door to door asking for volunteers to participate in the study. All mothers asked agreed to participate in the study. In Florida, all recruitment was done through a pediatrician’s office that was located in the middle of a Latino community. Flyers were handed out to community members inviting mothers’ to come to the office and participate in the study. All interviews were done in private rooms in the physician’s office. 39 Procedures Data was collected in a structured interview format. All of the instruments used in the study were available in English and Spanish. Participants were asked to select the language in which they preferred to be interviewed. Mothers and children were informed that the study was anonymous and that their responses would be kept confidential. Mothers were advised that participation entailed an interview with the mother and an interview with her child. Mothers’ interviews consisted of the Demographic Information Questionnaire, Family Attitude Scale-Revised, the Biculturalism Scale, and the open-ended question on their definition of child sexual abuse. Mothers were advised that their children’s participation would entail listening to stories about imaginary children in different scenarios, including a sexual and nonsexual moral dilemma. In addition, mothers were advised that their children would be asked to respond to a series of questions relating to how they perceive the authority in these hypothetical situations. Mothers were informed that they and their children could refuse to participate or end the interview at any time. In addition, parents were given an Informed Consent Form (see Appendix E) describing the parameters of participation. Once the mother gave informed consent for her child’s participation, children were asked to give their verbal assent to participate. Mothers were informed that they would receive $10.00 for participating in the study. A After obtaining parental consent, the child’s interview began. Children were interviewed individually for approximately 20 minutes. Children’s perceptions of authority figures were assessed by presenting hypothetical situations in which persons with different social positions issued commands in a sexual and a nonsexual moral 40 dilemma. Each child was presented with two nonsexual moral dilemmas and two sexual moral dilemmas. ’The two sexual stories were the same except that the authority figure was a father in one scenario and a neighbor in the other scenario. Similarly, the two nonsexual stories were the same, except the authority figure was a father in one scenario and a neighbor in the other scenario. The child’s gender in the stories was the same as the interviewee’s gender. Interviewers read the four hypothetical stories in the following order: 1) A father asking the child to continue fighting, 2) A neighbor asking the child to continue fighting, and 3) A father asking to touch the child’s private parts, and 4) A neighbor asking to touch the child’s private parts. The order of the context of the stories remained constant— nonsexual stories always preceded sexual stories. Upon completion of the mother’s and the child’s interview, participants were given the opportunity to ask questions to the interviewer and they were paid for their participation. Mothers were provided with the primary investigator’s name and office telephone number where they could call if they had any further questions or concerns. Interviewers’ Tm Five undergraduate assistants, in addition to the principal investigator, conducted the interviews. Interviewers were fluent in Spanish and English. The principal investigator trained the undergraduate assistants. Training consisted of familiarity with the study, the questionnaires, and interviewing skills. Undergraduates were observed conducting mock interviews with a child prior to beginning the data collection for the study. 41 RESULTS Overview of AnabLspa When the study was designed, the author intended to test the significance of the model of potential predictor variables of Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures using structural equation modeling statistical analyses (see Figure 1). Due to the lack of variability in children’s responses to authority’s legitimacy and obedience questions, it was impossible to analyze the data by testing the whole model. Therefore, the analyses performed were intended to address the significance of each individual predictor variable of Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas (see Figure 1). An alpha level of .05 was used in all the analyses. The hypotheses were tested in three different sets of analyses. The first set of analyses consisted of evaluating the differences between children’s judgments of parental and nonparental (neighbor) authority figure’s legitimacy and rationale for obedience. Because each subject responded to the same four stories, 2 tests for dependent pr0portions were used to test the differences between father and neighbor stories. In addition, differences in the Justification Categories used for father versus neighbor were analyzed using 2 tests for dependent proportions. Tables 2 through 6 include the results of these analyses. The second set of analyses was to determine the influence of children’s grade, children’s gender, and mothers’ family traditionalism on children’s judgment of the authority’s legitimacy and obedience. First, logistic regressions were performed because they can predict discrete outcome variables from a set of variables that are continuous, discrete, or a combination of both (Tabachnick & Fidel], 1996). The dependent variables 42 were legitimacy judgment, obedience judgment, legitimacy justifications, and obedience justifications. The continuous independent predictors were children’s grade level and mothers’ family traditionalism (i.e., score on measure of traditional family values). The discrete independent predictor variable was child’s gender (boys vs. girls). Second, the analyses for each hypothesis was conducted by testing the contribution of each independent variable as a predictor of: a) children’s judgment of authority’s legitimacy, b) children’s judgment of obediencefc) children’s justification for their legitimacy judgment and, (1) children’s justification for their obedience responses. Logistic regression was performed on children’s perception of authority figure’s legitimacy and obedience for each of the four stories (i.e., fighting context/ father authority figure, fighting context/ neighbor authority figure, sexual context/father authority figure, sexual context/neighbor authority figure). Tables 7 through 10 include the regression coefficients, Wald Statistics, p values for each of the predictors. Finally, the third set of analyses examined the significance of involvement in Latino and American culture, and socioeconomic status as predictors of mothers’ family traditionalism; linear regression analyses were used. The variables included in these analyses were involvement in the American culture, involvement in Latino culture, and SES (socioeconomic status). SES was treated as a moderator variable. In other words, the interaction between SES and involvement in the American culture and involvement in the Latino culture was tested to determine whether there was a significant interaction effect on mother’s family traditionalism. Table 11 presents the standardized and unstandardized regression weights and test results for these analyses. Descriptive Statistics 43 Parameter Differences based on Spanish versus English Questionnaires. As noted in the procedures, participants of this study were given the choice whether to be interviewed in English or in Spanish. Out of 133 mothers who participated, 86% m = 114) of them were interviewed in Spanish and 14% (p= 19) in English. Prior to conducting the analyses, the parameters for the English and Spanish versions of the questionnaires were examined. The parameters of the Family Attitude Scale- Revised (FAS) Spanish version (M = 74.6, S_D = 8.06) were different from the English version (M = 69.4, SD = 8.2). The t test analyses revealed that these means were statistically significant, t_(153) = 7.32. The parameters for the Acculturation Scale indicated that for Involvement in the Latino Culture (ILC) the Spanish version (M = 35.2, SD = 5.5) did not significantly differ from the English version (M = 33.5, $2 = 3.2), t (153)= 1.8, p = us. For Involvement in the US. Culture, the Spanish version (M= 21.7, S_D = 5.7) was significantly different from the English Version (M = 30.9, S_D = 4.3), t_(153) = 49.3. Due to these differences, logistic regression and linear regression analyses on the dependent variables were performed separately for English and Spanish versions. Results were no different when the data was split as opposed to combining both English and Spanish data. Thus, the analyses reported below are for English and Spanish versions together. Latino children were also interviewed in their preferred language. Sixty-three percent (a = 97) of them were interviewed in Spanish and thirty-seven percent (a = 56) in English. Children’s judgments of authority’s legitimacy and obedience did not differ for Spanish versus English versions of the dilemmas presented. The chi square analyses indicated no statistically significant differences between English and Spanish versions on children’s judgements of legitimacy, X2 (l, N = 153) = 3.06, p = .08, and judgments of obedience, x2 (1, a = 153) = 6.50, p = .01. Earn_il_i_arit1with Sexual fld Nonsexpalfi moral dilemma The majority of Latino children reported being unfamiliar with both sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. A total of 93% reported being unfamiliar with the situation of an adult requesting a child to continue fighting, and 96% of the children reported being unfamiliar with the situation of an adult making asexual request. Results Regarding Parental versus Nonparental Authority It was predicted that in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, Latino children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience would be significantly different based on whether the authority figure was a father or a neighbor (i.e., social position). Latino children were expected to be less likely to indicate that the authority had legitimacy and less likely to obey when the request was made by a male neighbor rather than the father. Table 2 presents the results of the percentage of positive responses to legitimacy and obedience for father and neighbor, and the z scores for dependent proportions. The results indicate that in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience did not significantly differ based on the social position of the authority making the request. Overall, only 5% of Latino children responded positively to the legitimacy of both a father and a neighbor making a sexual request. Furthermore, 9% of Latino children said that they would obey the father, and 5% said that they would obey a neighbor that made a sexual request. In the nonsexual moral dilemma, 8% of Latino children responded positively to a father’s request to continue fighting and 6% responded positively to the neighbor. Furthermore, 13% of Latino children said that they 45 would obey a father’s request to continue fighting, and 10% said that they would obey the neighbor. Results for Legitimacy and Obedience Justifications It was predicted that Latino children’s justifications for their judgments of legitimacy and obedience would be significantly different depending on whether the authority figure was a father or a neighbor. Table 3 presents the results for Legitimacy Justifications to n_egative responses and Table 4 presents the results for Obedience Justifications to pagative responses. Table 5 and 6 presents the results for Legitimacy and Obedience justifications for positive responses. Due to the large percentage of children who responded negatively to both sexual and nonsexual requests made by a father and a male neighbor, the discussion of children’s justifications will mainly focus on children’s reasoning for negative responses. The findings for children’s reasoning to positive responses will be discussed briefly.’ Authority Oriented Justification Negative Responses. In sexual and nonsexual moral dilermnas, it was hypothesized that in situations where the authority figure is a neighbor, Latino children justifications for negative responses to legitimacy and obedience would be more often categorized as Authority Oriented/Lack of Parental Role than other justifications. Table 3 indicates that in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, the most predominant justification for children’s negative response to legitimacy and obedience was Act Oriented justifications. However, Table 3 shows that Latino children’s legitimacy justifications for negative responses were categorized as Authority Oriented/Lack of Parental position more often when the authority figure was the neighbor than the father. 46 Children’s justifications for negative responses to obedience varied. Table 4 indicates that in the sexual moral dilemma, children’s use of Authority Oriented justifications for negative responses to obedience did not significantly differ, depending on the social position of the authority figure. However, in the nonsexual moral dilemma, children used Authority Oriented/Lack of Parental Role justifications for negative responses to obedience more often in the neighbor (31%) stories than the father (18%) stories. Positive Responses. Few children (n = 8 - 15) responded positively to the legitimacy and obedience of the authority figures in all stories; thus, these results must be interpreted with caution. It was hypothesized that in situations where the authority figure is a parent, Latino children’s justifications for positive responses to legitimacy and obedience would be categorized more often as Authority Oriented/Parental Role than any other justification. As can be seen in Table 5, children’s justifications for positive responses to the legitimacy of a parent in a sexual situation were mostly “I Don’t Know” (62%) followed by Authority Oriented (38%). Furthermore, children’s justifications for saying that they would obey a father in a sexual situation were mostly categorized as Authority Orientation/Parental Role (57%) followed by “I Don’t Know Responses” (43%). As presented in Table Sand 6, in nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s justifications for positive responses to a parental figure were predominantly categorized as Authority Oriented. It was hypothesized that in situations where the authority figure is a neighbor, children’s positive responses for legitimacy and obedience would be categorized more often as Authority Oriented than any other justification category. Table 5 and 6 indicate 47 that in sexual situations where the authority figure was the neighbor, children’s justification for legitimacy were mostly Authority Oriented (38%) and “I Don’t Know” (3 8%). Furthermore, in sexual situations, children’s justifications for positive responses to obedience were primarily Authority Oriented (62.5%). In the nonsexual moral dilemma, children’s justifications for positive responses to legitimacy were primarily Authority Oriented (89%) and their justifications for obedience were mostly “I Don’t Know” (53%). Act Oriented Justification. It was predicted that in situations where the authority figure is a parent, Latino children’s justifications for negative responses to legitimacy and obedience would be categorized more often as Act Oriented than other justifications. As can be seen in Table 3, children’s justification for negative responses to the legitimacy and rationale for obedience to parental authority were predominantly Act Oriented (62.7 %). When comparing children’s justifications for the father versus neighbor authority figure, results indicated that in the sexual moral dilemmas, children’s justifications for negative responses to Legitimacy judgments were more often Act Oriented justifications in the father (62.7%) versus neighbor (46.4%) stories. In the nonsexual moral dilemma, there was no significant difference in the use of Act Oriented responses when the father was the authority figure versus the neighbor. Table 4 presents the comparison of percentages for each justification category for Obedience Justifications. The results indicate that in the context of the sexual moral dilemma there was no significant difference in justifications for obedience used by the children based on the authority figure being a father or a neighbor. However, in 48 nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s justifications were more often Act Oriented responses in the father (56.9%) than the male neighbor (43.8%) story. Consequences Oriented Justification. An unpredicted significant result was the difference in the use of Consequences Oriented responses for negative responses to legitimacy when the father was the authority figure versus the neighbor. In the sexual moral dilemma, Consequences Oriented justifications for authority’s legitimacy were more often used when the authority figure was a neighbor (16.3%) versus the father (7.2%). On the other hand, in the nonsexual moral dilemma, justifications for negative responses to legitimacy were more often Consequences Oriented when the authority figure was the father (34%) as compared to the neighbor (21.6%). Results indicated no significant differences in the use of Consequences Oriented justifications for obedience. Results for Children’s Gender It was predicted that in both sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, Latina girls would be more likely to indicate that the authority figures had legitimacy and would be more likely to obey than Latino boys. The predicted effect of children’s gender on their judgment of legitimacy and obedience was not significant in all four stories presented. Results for Children’s Grade It was predicted that children’s developmental stage as measured by the children’s grade level would be a significant predictor of their judgments of legitimacy and obedience in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas (see Tables 7 through 10). In nonsexual moral dilemmas, children’s grade was a significant predictor of children’s judgment of the authority’s legitimacy (i.e., fighting context/father authority 49 figure and fighting context/neighbor authority figure). The Wald statistics for the fighting context/father authority figure and fighting context/neighbor authority figure (2 = 5.20, z = 3.67; respectively) indicated that older children were significantly more likely to deny the authority’s legitimacy than younger children (see Tables 7 and 8). Children’s grade was a significant predictor of children’s judgment of obedience when the fighting story was presented with the neighbor as the authority figure (2 = 7.11). This indicates that older children were more likely to disobey the neighbor that requested the child to continue fighting than were younger children. However, in the fighting story, children’s grade was not a significant predictor of their judgments of obedience when the authority figure was the father. In sexual moral dilemmas, grade was a significant predictor of children’s judgment of legitimacy (z = .37) and judgments of obedience (z = 4.37), when the neighbor was the authority figure making the request. This indicates that older children were more likely to deny the neighbor’s legitimacy and more likely to disobey the neighbor than younger children. Children’s grade was not a significant predictor of judgment of legitimacy or obedience when the authority figure making the request was the father (see Table 10). ' Results Regarding how Mothers’ Family Traditionalism Influences Children’s Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments Latina mothers’ family traditionalism was predicted to be a significant predictor of their children’s judgment of authority figure’s legitimacy and obedience in both sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. It was predicted that children of mothers with high family traditionalism would be more likely to indicate that the authority had legitimacy 50 and would be more likely to obey, than children of mothers with lower family traditionalism scores. Logistic regression analyses indicated that Latina mothers’ family traditionalism was not a significant predictor of children’s judgment of legitimacy or judgment of obedience in any of the stories presented (see Tables 7 through 10). Furthermore, mothers’ family traditionalism was not a significant predictor of children’s justifications for their responses. Results Regarding Latina Mothers’ Involvement in the Latino and American Culture. a_n_d Socioeconomic Stat_u§ Originally, when this study was developed, it was conceptualized that Latina mothers’ family traditionalism would be a mediator between Latina mothers’ involvement in the Latino culture (ILC) and involvement in American culture (IAC) and ' children’s judgment of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. Results indicated that Latina mothers’ family traditionalism was not a predictor of their children’s judgments of authority. Therefore, the mediator hypothesis was no longer relevant in these analyses. However, interesting results emerged from the analyses of IAC, ILC, and socioeconomic status (SES) as predictors of Latina mothers’ family traditionalism. Socioeconomic status was predicted to have a moderating effect between ILC and mothers’ family traditionalism scores. Table 11 includes the regression weights and p values for each of the predictors tested in the analyses. Linear regression analyses (see Table 11) indicated that the main effects of involvement in Latino culture, involvement in American culture, and SES were not significant predictors of mothers’ family traditionalism. However, there was an interaction effect. The interaction between 51 socioeconomic status (SES) and ILC was a significant predictor of Latina mothers’ family traditionalism. As noted earlier in the methodology, the moderator hypothesis is supported if the interaction between two independent predictors has a significant effect on the dependent variable (Baron and Kenny, 1986). In this study, SES was a moderator between the relationship of ILC and mothers’ family traditionalism. It was expected that Involvement in the Latino culture, would have an impact on mother’s family traditionalism, for mothers with low SES but not for mothers with high SES. The results confirmed the moderating effect of SES on the relationship between ILC and family traditionalism. The interaction between ILC and low SES had a significant ([3= .276) effect on family traditionalism. However, the interaction between ILC and high SES did not have a significant effect (B=. 066, p = ns). Lati:n_a mothers’ Perception of Child Sexual Abuse in their Own Culture and in the US Qualitative data analyses of Latina mothers’ perceptions of the definition of child sexual abuse in their culture and in the US revealed the following three major themes. First, there was a group of Latina mothers (n = 75) who defined child sexual abuse as inappropriate touches that have a sexual connotation and that may or may not include penetration. Second, there was a group of Latina mothers (n = 30) that believed that in the US. child sexual abuse occurs more than in their own culture, and that children are less protected in the US. This perception of sexual abuse being more prevalent in the US, seemed to emerged from their experience that the topic of sexual abuse is more talked about in the US. media and schools than in their country of origin. Third, there was a group of Latina mothers (n = 25) who gave very vague definitions to describe ’9 5" sexual abuse. Some of the vague answers were: “it is horrible, it is a sin, ,9 ‘6 we don’t 52 talk about this,” and “it is ugly,” “I can’t describe it.” It appeared as if they were asked to talk about a subject that they were not supposed to talk about, never asked to discuss, a subject that is a taboo. DISCUSSION This study is the first attempt to understand Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. Studies with non-Latino children have found that children’s judgment of authority figures’ legitimacy and obedience are based on the traits of the authority figure, the context, and the child’s developmental stage. F urtherrnore, a high social position has been found to be the authority trait that most influences children’s perceptions of authority figures (Laupa, 1995). Previous studies have found that the context of the authority’s command also influences children’s perceptions of authority (Laupa & Turiel, 1993). As noted earlier, context has been defined by prevention researchers as socio-conventional and immoral situations that involve fighting and stealing (Laupa, 1995; Laupa & Turiel, 1986). Two previous studies have examined preschool aged children’s perceptions of authority in sexually abusive situations (Bogat & McGrath, 1993; Burke et al., 1994). Findings noted that preschool children were able to recognize the inappropriateness of a neighbor’s request to touch their private parts. In addition, preschool children were able to refuse to obey the neighbor. In Bogat and McGrath’s study, the stories presented confounded gender and social position of the authority, and the type of command. Therefore, these results were deemed as inconclusive. The present study addressed what no study had previously done. That is, this study explored how Latino children would 53 judge the authority’s legitimacy and rationale for obedience when the authority making a sexual request is a parent as compared to a neighbor. For clarity, the findings will be discussed in the order presented in the results. First, the parental versus nonparental comparisons will be addressed, then logistic regression analyses on children’s judgment of legitimacy and obedience will be discussed, and then the linear regression analyses on mothers’ adherence to family traditionalism will be presented. I Papental versus Nonparental Authorigg It was hypothesized that in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, Latino children would be more likely to indicate that the father had legitimacy and would be more likely to obey him than the neighbor. The findings indicated that children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience were not significantly different for the father versus the neighbor. As noted above, the majority of Latino children responded negatively to the authority’s legitimacy and said they would disobey both authority figures in the sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas presented. These findings may indicate that Latino children were aware of the inappropriateness of both moral dilemmas. It is possible that their awareness of the requests being inappropriate allowed them to say that the adults did not have the right to make such a command and thus, they could disobey the adults. These findings are consistent with Laupa and Turiel’s (1986) study in which children were presented with a fighting situation and the results indicated that elementary aged children would disobey the authority when the adult made a command to continue fighting. Furthermore, these findings are consistent with other studies that show that children refuse to obey an authority figure who asks them to break moral codes (Bogat & 54 McGrath, 1993; Laupa & Turiel, 1986; Tisak, 1986; Tisak & Turiel, 1988; Tisak & Tisak, 1990). Legitimacy and Obedience Justificatjppa In this study, six different justifications categories were coded for children’s responses to “why is it okay or not okay?” and “why should the child obey or not obey?” As noted earlier, this study attempted to understand Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in different contexts (i.e., sexually and nonsexual moral dilemma). Particularly, this study was designed to explore how children perceive a parental versus a nonparental authority figure. Analyses were performed to evaluate whether use of justification categories varied depending on whether the authority figure was a father or a neighbor. Negative Responses. Overall, across both father and neighbor stories and across sexual and nonsexual dilemmas, the justification most often used for negative responses was Act Orientation. Thus, children reasoning of sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas predominantly included their awareness that the act itself was inappropriate. For the first category, Authority Orientation, the findings revealed that in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas, children were more likely to use this justification when the neighbor rather than the father was the authority making the command. Thus, children referenced the attributes of the authority giving the command more often for the neighbor than the father. In this case, a justification for a negative response included responses that indicated that the neighbor lacks the qualities necessary for the children to obey (i.e., “he is not part of the family,” “he is a stranger”). In the context of the sexual 55 moral dilemma, this finding may reflect the fact that children are often taught that “strangers” are not supposed to touch children’s private parts. Therefore, a male neighbor does not have the legitimacy to request such a command mostly because he lacks parental authority. For the category labeled Act Orientation, findings revealed that a significantly higher percentage of children used this category when the father was the authority figure than the neighbor. One explanation for this finding is that children use their knowledge of the act itself as being inappropriate to justify their negative responses to a parental figure. In other words, children’s reasoning for disobeying a father, whom otherwise they would most likely obey, may have emerged from their awareness that these particular requests were inappropriate commands. An interesting unexpected result emerged for justifications that were Consequences Oriented. A significantly higher proportion of children in the sexual moral dilemma justified their negative response toward a neighbor making reference to the fact that the child or the adult may have negative consequences after engaging in this act. Positive Responses. Although only a small percentage of Latino children responded positively to authority figures’ legitimacy and obedience, it is interesting to examine the justifications used by those children who gave a positive response. In sexual moral dilemmas where the authority figure was the father, Latino children who gave a positive response either did not have an explanation for their answer (62% responded “I Don’t Know”) or made reference to the traits of the authority figure (38% Authority Oriented/ Parental Role). The use of “I Don’t Know” as a justification may be an indication that some children 56 follow parental command-«particularly younger children--- without questioning the authority’s legitimacy. Mothers’ Family Traditionalism. Gender, and Grad; It was hypothesized that each of the predictor variables-- mothers’ family traditionalism, children’s gender, and children’s grade would have a significant effect on children’s judgment of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. Results indicated that there was no support for the hypotheses that mothers’ traditionalism and children’s gender are significant predictors of children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience. However, children’s grade—an indicator of developmental stage-- was a significant predictor of children’s judgment of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. Each of the predictor variables examined will be discussed accordingly. It is important to note that these findings need to be interpreted with caution because of the lack of variance in children’s judgments. As noted before, most of the children interviewed responded negatively to the authority’s legitimacy and obedience. It was hypothesized that mothers’ adherence to traditional Latino family values would have an impact on children’s responses to authority’s legitimacy and obedience. The speculation was that children of mothers’ with higher family traditionalism would be more likely to accept the authority’s legitimacy and obey the adult than would children of mothers with lower family traditionalism. The results indicated that mothers’ family traditionalism had no effect on children’s judgments of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. One explanation for these results may be that children’s knowledge of the inappropriateness or immorality of the command may have overruled the cultural norms of respect for authority figure, familism, and patriarchy. Children may have considered 57 the deviance of a sexually abusive request before following adults’ commands. Another explanation could be that mothers’ adherence to traditional family Latino cultural norms are not the only strong influence on children’s perceptions of authority. The children in this study were all in elementary schools in the United States; thus, it is likely that they are impacted by the US. cultural norms. There may be different set of relational rules in the US. about what are acceptable adult-child interactions. These norms may have influenced Latino children's perception of authority figures. Latino children in the US. may learn that they can challenge more authority commands than what traditionally is valued in their own culture. Perhaps, it is necessary that future studies examine children’s level of acculturation. Children’s level of acculturation would provide more information on what are the norms that children are adhering to and what are their beliefs and understanding of authority figures. Gender was expected to be a significant predictor of Latino children’s judgment of legitimacy and obedience. Although the literature on children’s perceptions of authority has not found gender to influence children’s judgments of legitimacy and obedience, it was speculated that in the context of sexual abuse, gender could have an impact on children’s perceptions of authority’s legitimacy and obedience. It was hypothesized that girls would be more likely to indicate that the authority figure has legitimacy and, therefore, would be more likely to obey. This speculation grew out of the statistics that have noted that girls are two to three times more likely to be sexually abused than boys. Furthermore, it was speculated that since traditional Latino family values include strict gender roles, girls would be more submissive than boys, and thus more likely to perceive the authority as legitimate and obey the adult. The findings did 58 not support this hypothesis. Thus, when presented with hypothetical situations girls were able to perceive limits to adults’ authority, despite the traditional gender roles ingrained in traditional Latino families. Another predictor variable analyzed was children’s grade. It was hypothesized that younger children would be more likely to indicate that the authority had legitimacy and more likely to obey than older children. Results were different in sexual moral dilemmas versus nonsexual moral dilemmas. In the nonsexual moral dilemma, children’s grade was a significant predictor for judgments of legitimacy in both father and neighbor stories. As expected younger children were more likely to indicate that the authority had legitimacy than older children. These results confirmed what previous studies have found; namely younger children are more vulnerable to follow the request of adults, regardless of their social position, because they are less able to perceive limits to authority figures. The results for obedience judgments were somewhat different from the above legitimacy judgments. Children’s grade was a significant predictor of judgments of obedience only when the authority figure was a neighbor. Older children were more likely to disobey the neighbor than younger children. However, when the authority figure was the father, there was no significant difference between younger and older children’s judgments of obedience. In sexual moral dilemmas, children’s grade was a significant predictor of their judgment of authority’s legitimacy and obedience when the neighbor was the authority figure. Younger children were more likely to indicate that the authority had legitimacy and more likely to obey the neighbor than older children. 59 However, in the sexual moral dilemma with the father as the authority figure, children’s grade was not a predictor of judgment of legitimacy and obedience. These findings are consistent with Laupa’s (1995) study that indicated that children’s grade tended to influence children’s perceptions of an authority figure who lack social position in the home. However, when the authority figure is a parent, children’s judgment of obedience did not differ by grade. Similar to Laupa’s findings, the judgments of legitimacy and obedience of a father may not be influenced by age. Regardless of age, children may be aware of the high social position of a parent. Influences on La_ti_rm Mothers’ Traditionali_sm In this study, it was hypothesized that Latina mothers’ adherence to traditional Latino family values would be influenced by their involvement in the Latino culture and American culture, and their socioeconomic status. Specifically, it was expected that mothers with high involvement in Latino culture (ILC) and low involvement in American culture (IAC) would have high adherence to traditional Latino family values. It was expected that mothers with low involvement in the Latino culture and high involvement in the American culture would have low adherence to traditional Latino family values. It was also hypothesized that SES would be a moderator variable between the acculturation style and adherence to traditional Latino family values. Findings indicated that neither ILC nor IAC were significantly associated with mothers’ degree of adherence to traditional Latino family values (i.e., familism, patriarchy, and respect for adults). There was, however, an interaction effect between SES and ILC. SES behaved as a moderator between ILC and adherence to traditional Latino family values. For mothers from lower socioeconomic status, higher involvement 60 in the Latino Culture was associated with greater adherence to traditional family values. This relationship was not present when Latina mothers were from higher socioeconomic backgrounds. One explanation for these findings is that Latina mothers who are from lower socioeconomic backgrounds tend to hold on stronger to their culture’s traditional values than mothers from higher socioeconomic status. It is possible that mothers from higher socioeconomic backgrounds make more adaptations to their adherence to traditional Latino family values than mothers from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY There are a number of methodological limitations in this study. First, there were psychometric problems with the Family Attitude Scale-Revised. Second, the order in which the vignettes were presented and the type of close-ended (i.e., yes/no) questions following the vignettes might have confounded the results. Third, the sexual dilemma presented may not be representative of realistic sexually abusive situations. Fourth, the diversity between Latino subgroups was not addressed. One major limitation of this study was that the F arnily Attitude Scale- Revised, used to evaluate mothers’ degree of adherence to traditional Latino family values, had low reliability (i.e., alpha with all 30 items = .70). Furthermore, the internal consistency of each of the subscales (i.e., loyalty to the family, respect for adults, and male superiority) was extremely low. The low reliability of this measure decreased the chances of identifying mothers’ family traditionalism as a significant predictor of children’s perceptions of authority’s legitimacy and rationale for obedience. In addition to the psychometric limitations, the small standard deviation in the scores of the FAS, ILC, and IAC (all sociocultural context variables) indicated that these are weak predictor 61 variables, thus it was harder to find statistically significant within group differences. These measures were critical in this study because they were a major component of how sociocultural context was defined. Therefore, the lack of good psychometric prOperties impeded an accurate assessment of the proposed hypothesis. The F AS was deemed as the most appropriate measure for this study because it focuses on the construct of traditional Latino family values that are related to child-rearing practices and it is the only known measure that assess family attitudes among Latinos. Future studies may do better by using a measure that examines more behavior oriented, child-rearing practices used by Latina mothers. Assessing child-rearing socialization practices as they relate to adherence to the value of respect to adults and male superiority may be more relevant to how children perceive and behave toward authority figures in the context of immoral dilemmas. In order to address the issue of the small range of standard deviation, future studies would benefit from having a comparison sample from a different cultural background, thus increasing the chances of finding significant differences. Another methodological limitation was that order effects were not taken into account. In this study, the nonsexual moral dilemmas always preceded the sexual moral dilemmas. In addition, stories with the father as the authority figure always preceded those with the neighbor as the authority figure. Previous studies have noted that most elementary aged children were able to deny an authority figure making a request to continue fighting (Laupa & Turiel, 1986). Thus, having heard the fighting situation before the sexually abusive story, children might have been primed to the inappropriateness of the sexual moral dilemma. It is not clear whether children would have responded similarly if they would have heard the sexual moral dilemma before the nonsexual story. This order of presenting the stories was used because: a) it was consistent with previous studies and b) it was less intimidating to the children to hear a fighting context story as opposed to a sexually abusive story. In addition, in being consistent with previous studies done on this topic children judgments were scored based on yes/no responses. The yes/no questions “is it okay or not okay for a father/neighbor to ask that?” and “should the child obey or not obey?” may have limited the possibility of responses that children could have given and consequently prevented them from expressing their true perception of the authority figure in these contexts. It might have been more appropriate to have asked an open-ended question like “what should the child do when an adult asks that?” This type of question was used to examine children’s justifications for their responses (i.e., Why?) and elicited a range of responses in children. Likewise, in these judgment questions it might have increased the variability in children’s responses. The third methodological limitation is that the sexual dilemma presented may not have represented a real life situation. The sexual moral dilemma included a father and a neighbor who, after reading the child a story, would ask to touch the child’s private parts. Similar to previous studies (Bogat & McGrath,l993), the children in this study understood that the adult was asking to break a moral code, thus, their response was to not obey. This is contrary to what is known from interviews with perpetrators who report that their victims comply easily with their requests (Conte, Wolf, & Smith, 1989). The reality is that the vignettes presented did not include the complexity of interactions that occur in sexually abusive situations. Perpetrators of child sexual abuse are more likely to initiate an inappropriate touch without asking permission, most likely within the 63 context of a game or instigate fear in the child by threatening to hurt them if they disclose to somebody. Maybe a child is able to say no and disobey the adult who mks to touch his/her private parts. However, it is not clear whether a child would respond similarly if sexual abuse occurs in the context of a game or if the adult threatens the child with negative consequences. The vignette presented in this study was considered the most appropriate vignette given that this was the first study of this kind done with Latino children. A final limitation of this study is that grouping everyone under the category of Latinos, ignored the diversity between Latino subgroups. Participants in this study were from a variety of ethnic backgrounds including Mexican American, Cuban, Central American, Dominican, Puerto Rican and South American. It is known that although there are some similarities in the language and culture of Latinos, there are also some differences that must be explored when conducting research with Latinos. In this study, there were not enough participants from each subgroup to examine differences between the reSponses of mothers and children from different ethnic backgrounds. Thus, the findings of this study should not be generalized to all Latino subgroups without conducting further research. IMPLICATIONS FOR CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE PREVENTION AND RESEARCH Despite the limitations discussed above, several practical implications and directions for future research can be extrapolated from this study. One important implication emerged from the findings of Latino children’s judgments of authority’s legitimacy and obedience in sexual moral dilemmas. Most Latino children were able to recognize when an adult made a request to touch their private parts and disobeyed the adult. This was true for both girls and boys. Similar results were found in a study with preschool children (Bogat & McGrath, 1993). The original purpose of examining children’s perceptions of authority in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas was to improve the effectiveness of child sexual abuse prevention programs. School-based child sexual abuse prevention programs have primarily focused on teaching children to recognize the abuse, say no, leave the situation, and tell a trusted adult. The effectiveness of these programs in reducing the prevalence of child sexual abuse is unknown (Wurtele & Perrin, 1992). The findings of this study suggest that elementary-aged children are aware of the inappropriateness of sexually abusive situations. Recognition of sexual abuse .is not where the problem lies, if anything the rate of children’s awareness of what is sexual abuse has increased. Latino children did recognize sexual advances as inappropriate. If elementary aged children are able to recognize sexually abusive situations and to disobey an adult who makes a sexual request, then, why is child sexual abuse still occurring? Why is the prevalence of child sexual abuse not decreasing as children are more equipped to recognize when an adult approach them in such manner? One proposition is that school-based, children-focused child sexual abuse prevention programs are not being successful in eradicating sexual abuse because children in sexually abusive situations are always in a less powerful position than the adult. These school-based, children-focused programs have served their purpose in creating consciousness in children about inappropriate adult’s requests and sexual gestures. However, the power differential between child-adult relationships puts the child at risk, regardless of whether he/she recognizes the situation as inappropriate. Ultimately, in the context of child sexual abuse, the child is the victim and there is a 65 definite power differential that another adult would have to confront in order for the abuse to stop. The prevention of child sexual abuse through programs that solely emphasize empowering the victims (i.e., children) may not be the most comprehensive way to eradicate the occurrence of child sexual abuse. For example, a child that is being abused and practices the skills that are taught, may confide in a “trusted adult.” The trusted adult may or may not know how to respond to intervene on behalf of the child. Keeping in mind that the child is in a situation in which he or she has less power than the adult perpetrator, child sexual abuse prevention programs would benefit from including important adults in the life of children. The qualitative data gathered from the mothers in this study elicited some issues that could be addressed in child sexual prevention programs. Although this study focused only on Latino families, this could be relevant to other ethnic groups. The data gathered from the interviews with the mothers suggested that for some Latino families the topic of child sexual abuse is either a) perceived to be an issue more relevant to the US. culture, or b) perceived to be a taboo and therefore it should not be discussed under any circumstance. The perception of some Latina mothers that child sexual abuse is considered a taboo and therefore should not be discussed could be a contributing factor to the higher rates of depression and anxiety among sexually abused Latina girls (Mennen, 1995). Future studies would need to explore empirically whether sociocultural variables influence the higher rates of depression and anxiety symptoms among Latina girls who have been sexually abused as compared to their African American and Caucasian counterparts (Mennen, 1995). It is possible that Latina mothers’ perception of child 66 sexual abuse as a taboo topic could explain why Latina girls report less maternal support after disclosure (Sander-Phillips et al., 1995). If this is the case, child sexual abuse prevention programs would benefit from parental involvement. Moreover, prevention programs should involve educating male and female adolescents about the risks associated with child sexual abuse as a pre-parenting prevention approach. Child sexual abuse prevention programs could educate Latino adolescents as well as Latina mothers and fathers about the prevalence, consequences, and risk factors associated with child sexual abuse. Child sexual abuse prevention programs that target adolescents could increase consciousness in individuals who are likely to be parents in the future. These prevention programs could educate adolescents on the negative impacts of child sexual abuse and the types of behaviors (i.e., alcoholism and drug addiction) that are associated with child abuse practices. Child sexual abuse prevention programs that target parents could help them be more proactive in identifying sexual abuse, particularly, if it is happening within their own families. In addition, educating parents could give them knowledge about how to intervene if a child is being sexually abused by an adult either within the family or outside the family. Future studies could examine whether children would recognize the dilemma as inappropriate, if the adult’s request was not as explicitly abusive as it was depicted in the vignettes in this study. Future research should use vignettes that include the following conditions: a) the authority initiates an inapprOpriate touch without asking the child permission to touch him or her; b) the authority offers a bribe if the child follows the command without telling another adult; and c) the adult threatens the child if he or she does not obey. In addition, future studies might expand the age range of the children 67 participating. This could increase the possibility of having more variability in children’s responses and thus provide information on how development influences children’s perceptions of a parental and a nonparental figure in the context of sexual abuse. In this study, sociocultural context variables did not significantly influence the children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. Due to the limitations of the measure used to define sociocultural context, one cannot conclude that the sociocultural context of Latino children does not impact how they perceive adults in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. Future studies could conceptualize the sociocultural context in a more comprehensive and ecological manner that would involve considering children’s level of acculturation (i.e., involvement in the US. and Latino culture) in the United States. Latino children residing in the United States are being socialized in two different cultures, thus it would be appropriate to examine how children’s perceptions of authority figures are influenced by their involvement in each culture. CONCLUSION This study was the first attempt to understand Latino children’s perceptions of parental and nonparental authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas. A major contribution of this study was that it filled a research gap in the literature of prevention of child sexual abuse that has ignored Latino children. Furthermore, this study also contributed to the literature on children’s social development, particularly, children’s perceptions of authority figures. Researchers in this area also had never addressed Latino children specifically. 68 Studies with non-Latino children had found that children’s perceptions of authority figures are influenced by factors such as the traits of the authority figure, the social context, and the age of the child (Laupa, 1995). The findings of this study indicated that Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas are influenced by the age of the child. Overall, results revealed that younger children are more likely to believe that it is okay and thus obey an adult who makes a sexual immoral request. Those in the field of prevention of child sexual abuse need to be reminded of the increased vulnerability of younger children to be victims of child sexual abuse. Thus, child sexual abuse prevention programs that target young children should continue to be developed. Overall, results indicated that most Latino children were able to set limits to both a father and a neighbor by disobeying their sexual and nonsexual immoral requests. It could be interpreted that Latino children took into consideration the context of the situation before deciding whether to obey or not obey an adult. These findings confirm what previous studies have found about children’s perceptions of authority figures. That is, children are able to disobey an authority figure that asks them to break a moral code. Sexual abuse still occurs despite the fact that children are able to deny the legitimacy of the adult and to disobey his/her command. Current child sexual abuse prevention programs have been able to address one aspect of the phenomenon of child sexual abuse, that is, increase awareness in children. However, despite the increase in children’s awareness of inappropriate touch from adults, the prevalence of child sexual abuse has not significantly decreased in this country as prevention programs intended. One recommendation is that a paradigm shift in prevention programs is needed. If the 69 ultimate goal is to reduce the prevalence of child sexual abuse, prevention programs should expand to target not only the children. Disobeying an adult, particularly a parent, is counterintuitive to what is otherwise expected of children. Therefore, a paradigm shift in child sexual abuse prevention programs implies the need for integrating parental education. The involvement of parental education in child sexual abuse prevention programs is particularly relevant to the prevention of intrafamilial child sexual abuse. Parental involvement could also be a way to explore some of the specific cultural factors that emerged from the qualitative data gathered in this study. The findings of this study have helped to redefine the major research question: does sociocultural context impact the way Latino children perceive parental and nonparental authorities in sexual and nonsexual moral dilemmas? Although the sociocultural context, as defined in this study, was not a significant predictor of children’s perceptions of authority figures, one could not interpret that sociocultural context variables do not influence how children perceive adults. The qualitative data gathered in this study clearly identify specific cultural factors that influence Latina mothers’ perceptions of child sexual abuse. Thus, the redefinition of the question asked in this study involves the development of: a) programmatic research that delineates sociocultural variables that are relevant for the study of prevention of child sexual abuse, and b) accurate measures for addressing these issues in Latino families. In conclusion, this study marks the beginning of research at the forefront of developing child sexual abuse prevention programs that are sensitive to the needs of Latino children in the US. 70 TABLES 71 Table 1 Descm'ptive Statistics for Family Attitude Scale Revised, Involvement in Latino Culture, Involvement in American Culture. and Socioeconomic Statuaand Demographic Variables Measure Range Mean Standard Deviation Family Attitude Scale 50-92 70 8.3 Involvement in Latino Culture 9-79 35 5.3 Involvement in American 7-39 23 6.4 Culture Socioeconomic Status 1-9 3.25 1.97 Mother's age 22-62 35.49 7.670 child's age 6-12 8.35 2.036 Mother's level of 1-4 1.97 .830 education Generation status in the 0-5 .24 .669 U.S* Number of people that 2-12 5.31 1.986 live in the home *Note: Generation status 0 means not born in the US, 1= first generation in the US. through 5= Fifth generation in the US. 72 Table 2 Comparison of Percentage of Positive (Yes) Responses for Legitimacy and Obedience LIMgment for Fathflnd Neighbor across Situations (N = 153) Judgment Questions Father Neighbor 2 % % Sexual Stories Legitimacy 5.3 5.3 .00 Obedience 9.3 5 .3 1.34 Fighting Stories Legitimacy 7.8 5.9 .66 Obedience 13.1 9.9 .88 Note: all the Z scores for dependent proportions were nonsignificant. Table 3 Justifications for Negative Responses to Legitimacy: Compam'son of Percemages for Each Category for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations Categogy Father Neighbor 2 Sexual Stories (n = 137) (n = 138) Authority Orientation 12.4 24.2 -2.71** Act Orientation 62.7 46.4 2.91" Consequences 7.2 16.3 -2.50* Recognition of Child’s Power 3.3 3.3 0.0 Punishment Orientation 2.0 2.0 0.0 Don’t Know 11.1 5.9 1.64 Fighting Stories - (n= 141) (n=139) Authority Orientation 12.4 30.1 -3.89*** Act Orientation 49.0 43.1 1.04 Consequences 34.0 21.6 2.45* Recognition of Child’s Power 0.0 0.0 0.0 Punishment Orientation 2.6 2.0 .35 Don’t know 4.6 2.6 .94 * p< .05. **p< .01. *** p< .001. 73 Table 4 Justificafions for Negamive Responses to Obedience: Compmrison of Percentages for Each Categopy for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations Category Father Neighbor 2 Sexual Stories ‘ (n= 133) (n = 137) Authority Orientation 21.6 22.9 -.27 Act Orientation 41.2 37.3 .70 Consequences 25 .5 21 .6 .8 1 Recognition of Child’s Power 1.3 0.7 .53 Punishment Orientation 5.9 5.9 .00 Don’t Know 4.6 11.1 -2.14* Fighting Stories (n= 130) (n= 133) Authority Orientation 17.6 30.7 -2.72** Act Orientation 56.9 43.8 2.32* Consequences l l. 1 1 l . 1 .00 Recognition of Child’s Power 3.3 5.9 -l.09 Punishment Orientation .7 .7 .00 Don’t Know 9.2 3.9 1.89 *p< .05. ** p< .01. Table 5 Mstifications for Positive Responses to Legitimacy: Comparison of Percentages for Eacm Categom for Father and Neighbor across Both Situations Category Father Neighbor 2 Sexual Stories (n = 8) (n = 8) Authority Orientation 38 38 0.0 Act Orientation O 0 0.0 Consequences 0 0 0.0 Recognition of Child’s Power 13 13 1.0 Punishment Orientation 0 0 1.0 Don’t Know 62.5 38 1.14 Fighting Stories . (n =12) (11 = 15) . Authority Orientation 67 89 1.34 Act Orientation 0 0 0.0 Consequences 8 8 l .0 Recognition of Child’s Power 0 0 0.0 Punishment Orientation 0 0 0.0 Don’t Know 25 11 1.11 74 Table 6 Justifications for Positive Responses to Obedience: Comparison of Percerptages for Eacm Category for Father and Neighbor apross Both Situations Category Father Neighbor 2 Sexual Stories (n = 14) (n = 8) Authority Orientation 57 62.5 -.29 Act Orientation 0 12.5 -1 .09 Consequences 0 0 0 Recognition of Child’s Power 0 0 0 Punishment Orientation ' 0 O 0 Don’t Know 43 O 3.26*** Fighting Stories (n= 20) (n=15) Authority Orientation 65 26.7 2.5** Act Orientation 5 6.7 -.251 Consequences 5 0 l .02 Recognition of Child’s Power 5 6.7 -.251 Punishment Orientation 5 6.7 -.251 Don’t Know 15 53 -2.5** ** p< .01. *** p< .001 75 Table 7 Lpgistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Nonsexual Moral Dilemma with the Father Authorim Figme (N= 153) Significance Independent Variable B Wald test (p < ) (z- raticy Legitimacy Judgment Grade -.78* 520* .022* Gender -.66 .89 .344 Mom’s Traditionalism .00 .00 .937 Obedience Judgement Grade -.21 1.77 .184 Gender -.49 .87 .351 Mom’s Traditionalism .02 .48 .490 *p 3.05 Table 8 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Nonsexual MoraiDilemma with the Neighbor Authority Figure (N=153) Significance Independent Variable B Wald test (p <) @— ratio) Legitimacy Judgment Grade -.65* 3.67* .050* Gender -.09 .01 .904 Mom’s Traditionalism .08 1.92 .166 Obedience Judgement Grade -.85** 7.11** .008M Gender -.36 .31 .586 Mom’s Traditionalism .05 1.71 .191 *p 3.05 **p 3.01 76 Table 9 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Sexual Moral Dilemma with the ther Authoripy Figure (N=153) Significance Independent Variable B Wald test (p <) (2- ratio) Legitimacy Judgment Grade -.50 3.17 .066 Gender -1.02 1.70 .192 Mom’s Traditionalism .07 1.90 .179 Obedience Judgement Grade -.22 1.35 .244 Gender -.43 .50 .480 Mom’s Traditionalism .02 .19 .661 Table 10 Logistic Regression Identifying Predictors of Legitimacy and Obedience Judgments for the Sexual Moral Dilemma with the Neighbor Authoriay Figure (N = 153) Significance Independent Variable B Wald test (p < ) 42- ratio) Legitimacy Judgment Grade -.72* 4.17* .050* Gender -1 .42 2.54 .l 10 Mom’s Traditionalism .07 1.71 .190 Obedience Judgement Grade -.78** 4.37* .037* Gender -1.60 3.35 .061 ' Mom’s Traditionalism .06 1.19 .272 *p 3.05 77 Table l 1 Summary of Simultaneous Regression Analysis for Variables Predicting Mother’s Family Traditionalism (N= 153) Unstandardized Standardized t Sig. Coefficients Coefficients Variable B Std. Beta Enpr Involvement in .551 .695 .068 .792 .430 American culture (IAC) Involvement in -l.028 .636 -.135 -1.616 .108 Latino Culture (ILC) Socioeconomic .964 .642 .127 1.501 .136 Status (SES) IACXSES .496 .657 .064 .755 .452 ILCXSES 4.428 1.588 .276 2.788 .006 Note: Dependent Variable: Mother’s Family Traditionalism. This is the sum of all items of the Family Attitude Scale- Revised. 78 FIGURE 79 85630 no.“ :ouaocgg 35330 58553 no.“ 2028532. 33533 39:053‘ mo cozomeom Pecan—EU 0:33 are £56 03mm 52053.? 082. 2330 cmotofi< Al on“ 5 62:05.95 beam mo 0%... . F » mmm Sam—«533$. 325$ 98502 F fl 2230 05:3 2: E Huang—95 c350 REED . magi $853.3 mcomaoeom $22220 mo 33 ta> 88:85 3838 _ oczmfi 80 APPENDICES 81 Appendix A (Spanish) 1. Numere de Identificacien 2. Cual idiom ha escegido: _ espanol ingles Instrucciones: Favor de responder a las siguientes preguntas sebre usted y su hijo(a). 3. Su Edad 4. En que Grade en la Escuela esta su hijo (a)? Edad 5. Sexo de hijo(a): hembra varon 6. Religion (0 ninguna) 7. Estade civil: Circule rma 1. Soltera 2. Casada 3. Divorciada 4. Viuda 5.Separada 8. Cual es su nivel mas alto de edueacion? Circule una 0. Ne ha ido a la escuela. 1. Escuela elementaria. 2. Escuela secundaria. 3. Universidad . 4. Escuela Graduada e Prefesieml 9. Es usted ? 1. Mexico-Americana/ Chicana 2. Puerterriquena 3. Dominicana 4. Cubana 5. Centre Americana ( e.g., Guatemala, El Salvador) 6. Sur Americana (e.g. Columbia, Venezuela) 7. Otre (especifique) 10. El padre de su hijo/a es ? 1. Mexico-Americano/Chicane 2. Puerter'riquene 3. Dominicane 4. Cubane 5. Centre Americane ( e.g., Guatemala, El Salvador) 6. Sur Americane (e.g. Columbia, Venezuela) 7. Otre (especifique) 82 11. Es usted: (circule ma) 0. Ne naci en les Estades Unides 1. Prirnera generacion en les Estades Unides (usted nacie en E.U. pere sus padres no) 2. Segunda generacion en les Estades Unides (sus padres y usted nacieren aqui ) 3. Tercera generacion en les Estades Unides 4 Cuarta generacion (e mas) en les Estades Unides 12. Cual es la ecupacien de la madre del hegar? (Si usted tiene varies trabajes, favor de indicar sole dende pasa la mayeria del tiempe) 13. Cual es la ecupacien de el padre del hegar? Complete sole si aplica. (Si e1 tiene varies trabajes, favor de indicar solo dende pasa la mayeria del tiempe) 14.Cuantaspersonasvivenenlacasa? 15.Quienesvivenenla casa? l6. Dende usted nacio? Pais Ciudad 17. Cuantes anes usted ha vivide en les Estades Unides? 18. Cuantes anes usted ha vivide en Michigan/ Florida? 19. Enbaseale queustedcreacemo usteddefineabuse sexualdenines/ninasenla cultura Americana? PORFAVOR ESCRIBA CLARO 20. En base a lo que usted crea, come usted define abuse sexual de nines/ninas en S_a cultura? PORFAVOR ESCRIBA CLARO 83 APPENDIX A (English) Demographics 1. ID number 2. Language chosen: __ English __ Spanish Instructions: Please answer the following questions about yourself. 3. Your age 4. Yem' child’s grade level Your child’s age 5. Sex of your child: Male Female 6. Religion (or none) 7. Marital Status (choose one) 1. Single 2. Married 3. Divorced 4. Widowed 5. Separated 8. Mother's level of education. (choose one) 0. No school. 1. Elementary school (k-8). 2. High school (9-12). 3. University. 4. Graduate of Prefessieml School 9. What is your ethnic background? 1. Mexican-American/ Chicane 2. Puerto Rican 3. Dominican 4. Cuban 5. Central American (e.g. Guatemala, El Salvador) 6. South American 7. Other (specify) 10. What is the ethnic background efthe father efyeur child? 1. Mexican-American/ Chicam 2. Puerto Rican 3. Dominican 4. Cuban 5. Central American (e.g. Guatemala, El Salvador) 6. South American 7. Other (specify) 11. Are you: (please choose one) 0. I WAS NOT BORN IN THE BORN IN THE US. 1 First generation in the US. ( you were born in US. but your parents were not 2 Second generation in the US. (you and your parents were born in the US.) 3. Third generation in the US. (your grandparents were born in the US) 4. Fourth or more generation in the US (your great grandparents were born in the US.) 12. What is the occupation of the female head of the household ?(If you have several occupations, please state only the one you spend the most time doing) 13. What is the occupation efthe male head efthe household ?(Ifyou have several occupations, please state only the one you spend the most time doing) l4. Howrmnypeeple live inthehome? 15. Who livesinthe home? 16 Where were you born? Cormtry City 16. How many years have you lived in the United States? 17. How many years have you lived in Michigan? 18. According to you, how is child sexual abuse defined in American culture? PLEASE WRITE CLEARLY 19. According to you, how is child sexual abuse defined in your cultme? PLEASE WRITE CLEARLY. 85 Appendix B Family Attitudes Scale - Revised After each statement indicate whether you: Strongly Agree (SA); Agree (A); Disagree (D); or Strongly Disagree (SD). Please circle your choice. 1. Parents always know what's best for a child. SA A D SD 2. A husband should do some efthe cooking and house cleaning. SA A D SD 3 For a child, the mother should be the most-loved person in existence. SA A D SD 4. People who are older tend to be wiser than young people. SA A . D SD 5. Girls should not be allowed to play with toys such as soldiers and footballs. SA ‘ A D SD 6. Children should be taught to question the orders of parents and other authority figures. SA A D SD 7. It ismore irnportantto respectthe fatherthanto levehim. SA A D SD 8. Boys should not be allowed to play with toys such as dolls and tea sets. SA A D SD 9. Men tend to be just as emotional as women. SA A D SD 86 10. It doesn‘t do anygoodtotryto clungethefirture,becausethe firtureisinthehandsof 60d. SA A D so 11. It is all right for a girl to date a boy even if her parents disapprove of him. SA A D SD 12. It's all right for a wife to have a job outside the home. SA A D SD 13. Uncles, aunts, cousins, and other relatives should always be considered to be more important than fi'iends. SA A D SD 14. We must live for today; who knows what tomorrow may bring? SA A D SD 15. Young people get rebellious ideas, but as they grow older and wiser they give them up. SA A D SD l6.Apersonshouldtakecareofhisorherparentswhentheyareold. SA A D SD 17. Parents should recognize that a teenage girl needs to be protected more than a teenage boy. SA A D so 18. All adults should be respected SA A D SD 19. The father should be considered to have the most authority. SA A D SD 20. A child should not obey his parents if he/she believes that they are wrong. SA A D SD 87 21. It ismore important to enjoythepresentthanto worry about the firture. SA A D SD 22. The best time in a child's life is when they are completely dependent on their parents. SA A D SD 23. The teachings of religion are the best guide for living a good moral life. SA A D SD 24. WecanattainourgoalsorrlyifitisthewillofGodthatwedo so. SA A D SD 25. .A child should be taught to be ambitious. SA A D SD 26. Fathers should always be respected regardless of any personal problerm they might have. SA A D SD 27. A husband should take over some of the household chores and child-rearing duties if his wife wants to develop her career interests. SA A D SD 28. A teenage boy needs to be protected just as much as a teenage girl. SA A D SD 29. Being born into the right family is as important for achieving success as is hard work. SA A D SD 30. A person should be satisfied with what he or she is without always wanting to achieve more. . SA A D SD Total Traditionalism Score Total Atraditional Score Balance Score 88 Appendix B Escala de Actitudee Famliares Despues de cada fi'ase, indique si usted esta: Muy de Acuerdo; De Acuerdo; En Desacuerdo; o Muy en Desacuerdo. 1. Les padres siempre saben lo que es mejor para, un(a) nino(a). Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 2. Un esposo deberia de ayudar con el que hacer y a cocinar en el hogar. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 3. Para un(a) nino(a), la mama deber'm de ser la persona mas querida en el mundo. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 4. Laspersonasdemasedadtiendenasabermas Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 5. A las ninas no se les deberia de permitirjugar conjuguetes come soldaditos y pelotas de football. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 6. A les(as) ninos(as) se les deberia de ensenar a cuestionar las ordenes de padres y otras personas con autoridad. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 7. Esmsimportanterespetaraunpadreque quererlo. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 8. A les nines no se les deberia de permitir jugar con juguetes come munecas y juegos de te. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 9. Les hombres tienden a ser tan emociomles come las mujeres. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 10. De nada sirve tratar de cambiar e1 future, porque e1 future esta en manos de Dios. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 11. Esta bien que una muchacha salga con un muchacho, aun cuando les padres de ella no aprueben de el. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 89 12. Esta bien que una esposa tenga un trabajo fuera del hogar. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 13. Ties, tias, primos(as) y otros parientes deber'mn de siempre ser considerados mas importantes que amistades. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 14. Debemosvivirparahoy; quiensabeloqueocmramanana. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 15. A losjovenes les entran ideas rebeldes, pere a come van creciendo se vuelven mas sabios y dejan atras estas ideas. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 16. Una persom deberia de cuidar a sus padres cuando ellos se vuelven ancianos. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 17. Les padres deben reconocer que una muchacha debe de ser protegida mas que un muchacho. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 18. Todos los adultos deben de ser respetados. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 19. El padre debe de ser considerado como la persona con mas autoridad. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 20. Un(a) nino(a) no deberia de obedecer a sus padres si el/ella cree que estan equivocados. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 21. Es mas irnportante disfi'utar el presente que preocuparse por el firturo. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 22. El mejor tiempo en la vida de un(a) nino(a) es cuando, esta completamente dependiente de sus padres. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 23. Las ensenanzas religiosas son los mejores guias pm Ilevar una vida moralrnente bien. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 24. Podemos alcanzar nuestras metas solo si es la voluntad de Dios que asi sea. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 25. Un(a) nino(a) debe de ser ensenado a ser ambiciose. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 26. A 105 padres siempre se les debe de respetar sin hacerle case a les problemas personales que puedan estar teniendo. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 27. El esposo deberia de encargarse del quehacer y de atender a les(as) ninos(as) si su esposa quiere desarrolhr una carrerra fuera del hogar. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 28. A un muchacho se le debe de proteger tanto come a una muchacha. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 29. Elsermiembro deumfamiliaadecuadaestanimportantecomo trabajarduropara tener exito en la vida. > Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo 30. Unapersonadeber'mdeestarsatisfechaconcomo es, sinsiemprequererlograrmas. Muy de Acuerdo De Acuerdo En Desacuerdo Muy en Desacuerdo Cuenta total en tradicionalisrno Cuenta total en Atradicienalismo Cuenta Balance 91 Appendix C (Spanish) The Cortes, Rogler, and Malgady Biculturalism Scale Instrucciones: Por favor conteste las siguientes preguntas con la respueeta que mejor la describe a usted. 1. Cuanto usted disfruta e1 hablar espanol: un placer irnrnenso ....................................... 4 mucho placer ............................................... 3 no mucho placer, o ....... - 2 ningun placer ............................................... 1 (NO LEA ESTO) No habla espaflol ......................................... 5 2. Cuanto usted disfi'uta e1 Inblar ingles: un placer immense ....................................... 4 mucho placer ............................................... 3 no mucho placer, o ...................................... 2 ningun placer ............................................... 1 (NO LEA ESTO) No habla ingles ............................................ 5 3. Cuanto forrmn les valores Latinos parte de su vida: granparte ................................................... 4 una buena parte ........................................... 3 una pequefia parte ....................................... 2 ningunaparte? ............................................. 1 4. Cuanto forman los valores Americanos parte de su vida: gran parte ................................................... 4 una buena parte ........................................... 3 am pequefia parte ....................................... 2 ninguna parte? ............................................. 1 5. Cuantosdiasala semanaausted 1e gustacerner comida Latina? (Dias a la semana) 92 6. CuantosdiasalasennmlegustacomercomidaAmerieana? (Diasalasemana) 7. Cuan orgullosa se siente de ser Latina: muy orgullosa .................................................... 4 basante orgullosa ................................................ 3 no my orgullosa ............................................... 2 no se siente orgullosa para nada. .......................... 1 se siente avergonzada ........................................ 5 8. Cuan orgullosa se siente de ser Americam: muy orgullosa .................................................... 4 bastante orgullosa .............................................. 3 no muy orgullosa ............................................... 2 no se siente orgullosa para nada. ......................... 1 se siente avergonmda ........................................ 5 9. Cuancomodo(a) sesentiriaustedentreungrupodeamericanosquenohablan espafiol: muy comoda ...................................................... 4 bastante comoda ................................................ 3 no muy comoda ................................................. 2 totalrnente incomoda ......................................... 1 10. Cuan comodo(a) se sentiria usted entre un grupo de latinos que no hablan ingles: muy cemoda . ........... 4 bastante comoda ................................................ 3 no muy comoda ................................................. 2 totalrnente incomoda ......................................... 1 11. Cuan importante es para usted criar a sus hijos eon valores Latinos: muy importante .................................................. 4 bastante importante ............................................ 3 no my importante, e ......................................... 2 no importante en absolute? ................................. 1 93 12. Cuanirnportante esparausted criarasushijos convalores Americanos: muy importante .................................................. 4 bastante importante ............................................ 3 no my importante, o ......................................... 2 no importante en absolute? ................................. 1 13. Cuanto disfi'uta usted de los programas de la television en Espanol: mucho ................................................................ 4 bastante ............................................................ 3 no tanto, o .......................................................... 2 nada? .................................................................. 1 (NO LEA ESTO) No mira h television en espailol .......................... 5 14. Cuanto disfiuta usted de los programas de la television American (en ingles): mucho ................................................................ 4 bastante .............................................................. 3 no tanto, o .......................................................... 2 nada? .................................................................. 1 (NO LEA ESTO) Ne mira la television en ingles ............................. 5 15. Cuan importante es para usted celebrar les dias festivos de la manera Latina: muy importante .................................................. 4 bastante importante ............................................ 3 no my importante, o ......................................... 2 no irnpertante en absolute? ................................. 1 16. Cuan importante es para usted celebrar les dias festivos de lamaneraAmericana: muy importante .................................................. 4 bastante importante ............................................ 3 no muy importante, o ......................................... 2 no importante en absolute? ................................. 1 17. Con respecto a la bondad y la generosidad, piensa usted que les Latinos son: muy bondadosos y generosos ............................. 4 bastante bondadosos y generosos ....................... 3 poco bondadosos y generosos, o ........................ 2 ni bondadosos ni generosos? .............................. 1 18.Conrespectoalabondadylagenerosidad,piensaustedquelesAmericanessen: muy bondadosos y generosos ............................. 4 bastante bondadosos y generosos ....................... 3 poco bondadosos y generosos, o ........................ 2 ni bondadosos ni generosos? .............................. l 95 (English) Appendix C The Cortes, Rogler, and Malgady Biculturalism Scale Instructions: Please answer the following questions with the response that best describes you. 1. How much do you enjoy speaking Spanish: tremendous enjoyment ................................. 4 quite a bit of enjoyment ............................... 3 not too much enjoyment, or ......................... 2 no enjoyment? ............................................. 1 (DO NOT READ) Does not speak Spanish ............................. 5 2. How much do you enjoy speaking English: tremendous enjoyment ................................. 4 quite a bit of enjoyment ............................... 3 not too much enjoymem, or ......................... 2 no enjoyment? ............................................. 1 (DO NOT READ) Does not speak English .............................. 5 3. HewmuchareLatinovaluesapartefyourlife: verymuchapart .......................................... 4 agoedpart .................................................. 3 asmallpart,er ............................................ 2 nopartatall? .............................................. 1 4. How much are American values a part of your life: verymuchapart .......................................... 4 agoedpart .................................................. 3 asmallpart,or ............................................ 2 nepartatall? .............................................. l 5. How many days a week do you like to eat Latino food? (Days per week) 6. How many days a week would you like to eat American food? (Days per week) 96 7. How proud are you of being Latina: very proud ................................................... 4 fairly proud .................................................. 3 not too proud .............................................. 2 not proud at all, or ....................................... 1 do you feel ashamed? ................................... 5 8. How proud are you of being American: very proud ................................................... 4 fairly proud .................................................. 3 not too proud .............................................. 2 not proud at all, or ....................................... 1 do you feel ashamed? ................................... 5 9. How comfortable would you be in a group of Americans who don‘t speak Spanish: very comfortable ......................................... 4 fairly comfortable ........................................ 3 not too comfortable, or ............................... 2 not comfortable at all? ................................. 1 10. How comfortable would you be in a group of Latinos who don't speak English: very comfortable ......................................... 4 fairly comfortable ........................................ 3 not too comfortable, or ............................... 2 not comfortable at all? ................................. 1 11. How important is it to you to raise yem' children with Latino values: very important ........................................... 4 fairly important .......................................... 3 not too important ....................................... 2 not important at all ..................................... 1 12. How important is to you to raise your children with American values: very important ........................................... 4 fairly important .......................................... 3 not too important ....................................... 2 not important at all ..................................... l 97 13. How much do you enjoy Spanish TV programs: very much. ................................................... 4 quite a bit .................................................... 3 not too much, or ......................................... 2 not at all? ................................................... 1 (DO NOT READ) Do not watch Spanish TV ............................ 5 14. How much do you enjoy American TV programs (in English): very much. ................................................... 4 quite a bit .................................................... 3 not too much, or ......................................... 2 not at all? ................................................... 1 (DO NOT READ) Do not watch TV in English. ........................ 5 15. How important is it to you to celebrate holidays in the Latino way: very important ........................................... 4 fairly important .......................................... 3 not too important ...................................... .2 not important at all ..................................... l 16. How important is it to you to celebrate holidays in the American way: very important ........................................... 4 fairly important .......................................... 3 not too important ....................................... 2 not importam at all? ................................... 1 l7. W'rthrespectteldndncesandgenerosity, do youthinkthatLatinosare: verykindandgenerous ............................... 4 fairlykindandgenereus .............................. 3 alittlekindandgenerous,or ....................... 2 notkindandgenerousatall? ....................... 1 18. With respect to kindness and generosity, do you think Americans are: very kind and generous ............................... 4 fairly kind and generous .............................. 3 a little kind and generous, or ....................... 2 not kind and generous at all? ....................... 1 98 APPENDD( D (ENGLISH) rev 2/28/99 Subject # Grade _ Interviewer Children’s Verbal Assent Script: (child’s name) your mother has given me permission to read you four stories about a child your age and ask you some questions about the people in the story. Are you willing to allow me to read these stories to you? ( Yes No) Ifat any time during the interview you want to stop, you can tell me and I will step the interview. ENGLISH VERSION GIRL (note: boy’s version is the same except the name Paula will be replaced with Roberto) Intm’ er: OK, (child’s name), I am going to read some stories to you and after I finish I am going to ask you some questions about the people in the stories. Parental Authom‘ gem nnaire STORY ONE 1. Imagine there are two girls your age named Paula and Clara. One day, they are playing at Paula ’s house. Paula ’s father is in the house when they are playing. Paula and Clara get into a fight about a toy that they both want to play with. They get very angry at each other. Paula starts hitting, pushing and shouting at Clara. Paula ’s father sees them and asks Paula to continue fighting over the toy. STORY QUESTION: What does the father ask? (check one) MAKE SURE THAT CHILDREN UNDERSTAND THAT IT’S THE FATHER ASKING PAULA TO CONTINUE FIGHTING. If child gives the wrong answer, say: “That’s almost right” (repeat father’s command) If child gives the right answer, say: That’s right” (repeat the father’s command) Autho ‘ cations: 1. IsitOk(alln'ght) forthefatherteaskthat? Yesor No 2.WHYisitOK(notOk) ferthefatherteaskthat? Ifneeded prompt: Canfathersasktheirchildrento do that? 3. Should Paula obey her father, that is to continue fighting? YES OR NO 4. WHY SHOULD (or WHY SHOULDN’T) Paula continue fighting? Ne' r Au ' estionnaire STORY TWO 2. Imagine there are two girls your age named Paula and Clara. One day, they are playing at Paula ’s house. A neighbor is in her house when they are playing. Paula and Clara get into a fight about a toy that they both want to play with. They get very angry at each other. Paula starts hitting, pushing and shouting at Clara. The neighbor sees them and asks Paula to continue fighting over the toy. STORY QUESTION: What does the neighbor ask? (check one) MAKE SURE THAT CHILDREN UNDERSTAND THAT IT’S THE NEIGHBOR ASKING PAULA TO CONTINUE FIGHTING. If child gives the wrong answer, say: “That’s almost right” (repeat the neighbor’s commnd) If child gives the right answer, say: That’s right” (repeat the neighbor’s cemnnnd) Autho ' ions: 1. Is it Ok ( allright) forthe neighbor to askthat? Yes or No 2.WHYisitOK(notOk) fertheneighborteaskthat? If needed prompt: Can a neighbor ask children to do that? 3. Should Paula obey her neighbor, that is to continue fighting? YES OR NO 4. WHY SHOULD (or WHY SHOULDN’T) Paula continue fighting? 100 Familiarity Question: Did you ever know somebody who saw a child fighting with another child and asked her to continue fighting? Yes or No ( circle one) ParentalA EX. M'nnaire (INTERVIEWER: SHOW THE PICTURE AND ASK THE CHILD WHAT DOES HE/SHE CALL THESE PARTS) What do youcallthesebodyparts? (pointto theprivatepartsonthepictme) lOl 102 STORY THREE 3. Imagine Paula is a child your age. She lives in a house with her parents. Paula likes to read books and enjoys when adults read to her. One day, Paula ’s father is reading her a story. Paula really likes the story. After her father finishes reading the story, he asks to touch Paula ’s (use the child’s words for private parts or say: “ pro-ts that are usually covered by a bathing suit”. STORY QUESTION: What does the father ask? (check one) MAKE SURE THAT CHILDREN UNDERSTAND THAT IT’S THE FATHER TOUCHING THE CHILD’S PRIVATE PARTS. If child gives the wrong answer, say: “That’s almost right” (repeat fitther’s command) If child gives the right amwer, say: Tlnt’s right” (repeat the father’s command) Arnhem Questions: 1. IsitOk(allright) forthefathertoaskthat? Yesor No 2. WHYisitOK(not Ok) forthefathertoaskthat? If needed prompt: Can fathers ask their children to do that? 3. Should Paula obey her father, that is let her father touch her? YES OR NO 4. WHY SHOULD (or SHOULDN’T) Paula let her father touch her? Neighbor Amm Questionnaire STORY FOUR 4. Imagine Paula is a child your age. She lives in a house with her parents. Paula likes to read books and enjoys when adults read to her. One day, a neighbor is in her house 103 reading her a story. Paula really likes the story. After the neighbor finishes reading the story, he asks to touch Paula ’s (use the child ’s words for private parts or say: “ parts that are usually covered by a bathing suit. ” STORY QUESTION: What does the neighbor ask to do? (check one) MAKE SURE THAT CHILDREN UNDERSTAND THAT IT’S THE NEIGHBOR TOUCHING THE CHILD’S PRIVATE PARTS. Ifchild gives the wrong amwer, say: “That’s almost right” (repeat the neighbor’s commnd) If child gives the right answer, say: “That’s right” (repeat the neighbor’s command) Autho ' estions: 1. Isit Ok(allright) fortheneighborto askthat? Yesor No 2. WHY is it OK ( not Ok) for the neighbor to ask that? If needed prompt: Can a neighbor ask children to do that? 3. Should Paula obey the neighbor, that is let the neighbor touch her? YES OR NO 4. WHY SHOULD (or WHY SHOULDN’T) Paula let the neighbor touch her? Familiarity Question: Did you ever know an adult who wanted to touch the parts of a child’s body tint are under the bathing suit? Yes No (circle one) 104 APPENDIX D (SPANISH) rev 2/28/99 Consentimiento Verbal: (nombre del nine/a) tu mama me die permiso para leerte cuatro historias y hacerte preguntas sobre las personas en la historia. Esta bien contigo? Si/ No Sienalgunmomente quierespararynocentinuarmedieesyyepararelaentrevista. VERSION EN ESPANOL NINA (nota: la version del nino sera la misma excepto que en vez de Paula sera Roberto) Participante Grade Entrevistador Entrevistador: Ok, (el nombre de la nina), yo te voy a leer unos cuentos y al terminar cada historia preglmtare sebre las personas en el cuento. Cuestionario de Auteridad Paternal PRIMER CUENTO 1. Supongamos que hay dos ninas de tu edad, Paula y Clara. Un dia, ellas estan jugando en la casa de Paula. El papa de Paula esta en la casa mientras ellasjuegan. Paula y Clara empiezan a pelear porque ambas quieren jugar con unjuguete. Ambas estan muy molestas (i. e., con coraje). Paula comienza a empujar, darle punos, y a gritarle 0 Clara El papa de Paula las ve y le dice 0 Paula que continue peleando de esa forma. PREGUNTA DEL CUENTO: ?Que es lo que el papa 1e dice a Paula? Si la nina responde incorrecto, diga: “Eso es casi cerrecto” (repita lo que el papa 1e dijo) Si la nina responde correcto, diga: “ Eso es correcte” (repita lo que el papa 1e dijo) m Sebre la Auteridad l. ?Esta bien que el papa le ordene a Paula lurcer ese? Si 0 No 2. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) esta bien que el papa 1e ordene a Paula a hacer eso? 105 Siesnecesariopregtmte: _?Lospapaspuedenordenarasushijosahacerese? 3. ?Tu crees que Paula debe obedecer a su papa, osea que Paula debe continuar peleando? Si 0 No 4. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) debe obedecer a su papa? Cuest' m’ de Vecino come Auteridad SW 2. Supongarnos que hay dos ninas de tu edad, Paula y Clara. Un dia, ellas estan jugando en la casa de Paula. El vecino de Paula esta en su casa mientras ellajuega con Clara. Paula y clara empiezan a pelear porque ambas quieren jugar con un juguete. Ambas estan muy molestas. Paula comienza a emprg’ar, darle punos, y a gritcu'le a Clara El vecino las ve peleando y le dice a Paula que continue peleando de esaforma. PREGUNTA DEL CUENTO: ?Que es lo que el vecino le dice a Paula? Si la nina responde incerrecto, diga: “Eso es casi correcte” (repita lo que el vecino 1e dijO) Si la nina responde correcto, diga: “ Eso es cerrecto” (repita lo que el vecino 1e dijO) P_r_eg_unt§§ Sobre 1a Auteridad 1.?EstabienqueelvecinoleordeneaPau1aalmcerese? SioNo 2. ?Porque si (O Porque no) esta bien que el vecino le ordene a Paula a hacer eso? Si es necesaiio diga: _ ? Un vecino puede ordenar a sus hijos a hacer eso? 3. ?Tu crees que Paula debe obedecer a1 vecino, osea que Paula debe continuar peleando? Si 0 No 106 4. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) debe obedecer al vecino? Pregtmta de Familiaridad: Alguna vez has conocido a algun adulto (persona mayor) que vea una nina peleando con otra nina y le diga que continue peleando. Si 0 No (circule la respuesta) Cuestienario dc Auteridad Paternal (ENTREVISTADOR: EN SENE EL DIBUJO Y PREGUNTE AL NINO/A COMO EL/ELLA LLAMA A ESTA PARTES) ?Como le llamas a estas partes de tu cuerpo? (apunte al dibuje) TERCER CUENTO 3. Supongamos que Paula es una nina de tu edad. Ella vive en su casa con su padres. 11' Paula le gusta leer cuentos y tambien le gusta cuando adultos le leen cuentos a ella. Un dia eI papa de Paula le esta leyendo un cuento. Paula Ie gusta la historia del cuento. Luego que su papa termina de leerle el cuento, el le dice que quiere tocarle sus (UTILIZA LAS PALABRAS QUE EL NINO 0 LA NINA UT ILIZA) 0 “las partes del cuerpo que estan quedan debajo del traje de bano PREGUNTA DEL CUENTO: ?Que es lo que el papa 1e dice a Paula? Silaninaresponde incorrecto, diga: “Eso escasicorrecto” (repitalo que elpapale diJ'O) Si la nina responde correcto, diga: “ Eso es correcte” (repita lo que el papa 1e dijo) Pram Sebre 1a Auteridad l. ?Esta bien que elpapa le hagaeso aPaula? SioNo 2. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) esta bien que el papa 1e haga eso a Paula? 107 Siesnecesariodiga: _?Lospapaspuedenordenarasushijosahacereso? 3. ?TucreesquePauladebeobedecerasupapa,oseaqueelpapaletoquelaspartesque quedan debajo del traje de bane? Si 0 No 4. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) debe obedecer a su papa? Cuestienario de Vecino Come Auteridad CU ARTO CUENTO 4. Supongamos que Paula es una nina de tu edad. Ella vive en su casa con su padres. A Paula le gusta leer cuentos y tambien le gusta cuando adultos le leen cuentos a ella. Un dia, un vecino esta leyendole un cuento a ella. Paula le gusta la historia del cuento. Luego que el vecino termina de leerle el cuento, el le dice que quiere tocarle las partes (UT ILIZA LAS PALABRAS QUE EL NINO 0 LA NINA UT ILIZA) 0 “las partes del cuerpo que estan quedan debajo del traje de bane. ” PREGUNTA DEL CUENTO: ?Que es lo que el vecino 1e dice? Si la nina responde incorrecto, diga: “Eso es casi correcto” (repita lo que el vecino 1e diiO) Si la nina responde correcto, diga: “ Eso es correcte” (repita lo que el vecino le dijO) Pregu_ntas Sobre 1a Auteridad 1. ?EstabienqueelvecinolehagaesoaPaula? SioNo 2. ?Porque si (O Porque no) esta bien que el vecino le imga ese a Paula ? Si es necesario diga: _ ? Un vecino puede ordenar a sus hijos a hacer ese? 108 3. ?Tu crees que Paula debe obedecer a1 vecino, osea que el vecino 1e toque las partes privadas? Si 0 No 4. ?Porque si (0 Porque no) debe obedecer al vecino? Pregunta de Familiaridad: Has conocido a alguien que quiere tecar las partes del cuerpo queestandebajo deltraje debanodetmaninae tmnine? Yes/ No 109 Appendix E Informed Consent Form This project is interested in understanding Latino children’s perceptions of authority figures in sexually abusive and nonsexually abusive situatiom and mother’s family values. Participation in the study will involve completing a questionnaire and giving the investigator permission to interview your child. Your child will also be asked to give his/her verbal assent to participate in this study. The interview with your child will take approximately 20 minutesanditcomistsofreading storiestohirn/heraboutachildhis/her ageindifl‘erentsituafionsandaskingquestionsrelatingto hewtheythinkaboutthe people in the story. The completion of questionnaires for you will take approximately 10 minutes. After the interview with yotn' child is completed, if your child has disclosed to memterviewermathdshehasbeensexmflyahweithemterviewerwmfirstmlkto you about wlnt your child said. In addition, you will be informed that Protective Services will be notified in order to protect and investigate the possible abuse. ThissmdyisbeingconductedbyMarievaPrug,aspartefherdocteralthesis research under the supervision of Anne Bogat, Ph.D., Professor of Psychology at Michigan State University. As a participant, you will be paid $10.00 for your contribution in this project. Your pmticipation in the study is greatly appreciated. 1. The study has been thoroughly explained to you. You understand the explanation that has been provided and what participation involves. 2. You are aware that participation is vohmtary. You are also aware that you and/or yom' child maywithdraw fiemparticipatingat anytimewithout penalty. 3. You understand that your answers to the questionnaires will be strictly confidential and anonymous. On request and within these restrictions, results of the overall studywillbennde availabletoyou. 4. You tmderstand that when you and your child complete the interview then you will be paid $10.00 for you and your child’s participation. 5. You \mderstand that if you have any questions or want to discuss any feelings about you child’s and you participation in this study, you can contact Marieva Puig at (517) 887-6222 or write to 129 Psychology Research Bldg, East Lansing, MI 48824. 6. You understand that by completing the questionnaires and signing below you are indicating your vohmtary agreement to participate in this research project and give permission for your child to participate in the study. Mother’s Signature 110 APPENDDK E (Span'uh) Hoja de Consentirniento Usted esta inivitada a participar en este projecto sobre los valores familiares y come les nines perciben las figuras de autoridad en situaciones sexuahnente y nesexualmente abusivas. Participacion en este estudio requiere que usted complete tmos cuestionaries y permita que la investigadora entreviste a su hijo/a. A su hijo/a se le pedira que de su consentimiento verbahnente. La entrevista con su hijo/a consistira de leerle a el 0 ella unes cuentos sobre un nine/a de su edad en diferentes situaciones y luego preguntarle sobre los persenajes en los cuentos. Esta entrevista tomara apreximadament 20 minutes. En case de que su hijo/hija diga durante la entrevista que e1 0 ella a side abusada/o sexuahnente, laentrevistadorahablara conustedy 1e diralo que sunine le dijo. Luego, se le notificara a las oficinas de proteccion de nines para que investigen el caso por el bien de su hijo. Elestudio serallevado acaboper MarievaPuig,quieneSImaestudiante completando su tesis doctoral baje la supervision de Anne Bogat, Ph.D., Profesora dc Psicologia en Michigan State University. Por haber participado en este estudio usted recibira $10.00. Su cooperacion para este estudio tan importante es tremendamente agradecida. l. Este estudio ha sido explicado detalladamente. 2. Usted esta consiente que su participacion y la de su hijo es voluntar'n y tambien esta consiente de que puede terminar su participacion en cualquier memento sin 3. Usted entiende que sus respuestas a les cuestionaries seran completamente confidenciales y anonimas. Yo podre obtener les resultados generales del estudio silodesco,dennedeestasresnicienesdeconfidencialidadyanonirnidad. 4. Yo entiendo que hrego que complete la entrevista recibire $10.00 por mi participacion y la de mi hijo/a. 5. Yo he leido o escuchado el material que ha sido presentado en esta hoja y cualquier pregunta que yo he tenido se ha contestado a mi satisfaccion. Si yo tenge alglma pregunta en el funn'o puede llamar a la investigadora Marieva Puig al (517) 887-6222 0 escribir a la siguiente direccien : 129 Psychology Research Bldg, East Lansing, MI 48824. 6. 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