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THESIS

/

ZCCI

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dissertation entitled

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPERIENCES OF

LATINA PROFESSIONALS: STRESS & COPING
presented by

LETICIA M. ARELLANO

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
of the requirements for

 

 

 

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PSYCHOLOGY
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THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPERIENCES OF LATINA PROFESSIONALS:
STRESS AND COPING

By

Leticia M. Arellano

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Counseling, Educational, and School Psychology

2000

ABSTRACT

THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPERIENCES OF LATINA PROFESSIONALS:
STRESS AND COPING

By

Leticia M. Arellano

The current body on research on Latinas has increased within the past two
decades. However, a majority of these studies have examined Latinas in their traditional
roles of wives and mothers. Relatively little is known about Latinas employed in
professional ﬁelds and the stressors they encounter. The purpose of the current study was
to examine stress and coping strategies among Latina professionals. A national sample of
361 Latinas from diverse professional occupations were surveyed. Multiracial Feminist
Theory (Baca—Zinn & Dill, 1997) and Transactional Model of Stress (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984) were integrated as theoretical frameworks. Instruments including the
Hispanic Stress Inventory, Brief COPE, Short Acculturation Scale, Rosenberg Self-
Esteem Scale, Attitudes Toward Women Scale, and a demographic questionnaire were
used to measure stress outcomes, coping strategies, self-esteem, acculturation, and gender
role attitudes. Simultaneous regression analyses indicated that self-esteem uniquely
predicted overall stress, marital stress, family/cultural conﬂict, and
occupational/economic stress. Emotion-focused coping uniquely predicted
family/cultural conﬂict and overall stress. Narrative data indicated that 50% of the

participants reported experiencing discrimination and 75% reported experiencing

occupational barriers. In addition, data suggested that Latinas utilized a variety of coping
strategies that included cultural and nontraditional elements. Findings also suggested
that as a construct, emotion-focused coping reﬂects Western concepts of coping, and
traditional coping scales do not capture the dynamic coping process of Latinas.
Implications and future research recommendations for examining the stress and coping
process among Latinas are discussed. Recommendations for a stress management

program for Latina professionals are also presented.

Copyrighted by

LETICIA M. ARELLANO

2000

DEDICATION
This study is dedicated to my sister, Dr. Ofelia R. Arellano. Thank you for
opening many doors for me, and for simply being my loving older sister. To the mujeres
in my familia: Stella, Lorenza, Olivia, Guera, Xochitl, Stellita, and Alyssa. This study is
also dedicated to the numerous women who participated in my study. You have my
eternal gratitude, for without you, this study would not be possible! To past, present, and

future Latina professionals. Our world would not be complete without you.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My sincere appreciation is extended to my wonderful advisor, Dr. Robbie J.
Steward, whose prayerful, patient, and supportive presence enabled me to endure my
doctoral training and to complete my dissertation. Thank you for being a pillar of
strength. I would also like to thank my additional committee members Drs. Gloria Smith,
Linda Forrest, Maxine Baca-Smith, and Anna Ortiz. Thank you for your generosity and
wonderful support.

My sincerest gratitude is also extended to my family and loved ones. This
dissertation could not have been completed without the love and support of my parents,
Stella and Frank Arellano. Also acknowledged are my additional family members: Nana
Lorenza, Uncle Buddy, Ofelia, Olivia, Arthur, Richard, Guera, Milo, Chito, Xochitl,
Stella, Anthony, Alyssa, J .R., and Mikie. Your love and encouragement gives me the
courage to always persevere. A warm thank-you is also extended to my compadres,
Norma and Bobby, for always supporting me and reminding me of what is important.
Thank you Jacque, Romero, Hector, Arturo, Angelica, Amanda, Freda, and Linda. You
are all very special and I love you! A warm abrazo is also extended to my outstanding
WOC network: Esme, Neesha, Olga, and Leonore. Thank you for your friendship and
support. My deepest appreciation is also extended to Dr. Manuel Ramirez III and Fr.
Frank Sierra, for your mentoring and friendship. Thank you Luis A. Garcia and Rodney

Patterson. Your encouragement and advocacy while at MSU will always be appreciated.

vi

I am indebted to the mujeres who participated in my study. My warmest
appreciation is extended to all of you. Also acknowledged are the many angels who have
opened their hearts and extended their helping hands.

Most importantly, I thank my creator for an abundance of blessings. Thank you
seems so inadequate. This journey has not been easy, but your eternal love has always

sustained me.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF TABLES .................................................. xii
CHAPTER 1 ......................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ............................................ 2
Research Questions ................................................ 7
Purpose of the Study ................................................ 8
Theoretical Perspective .............................................. 8
Signiﬁcance of the Study to the Practice of Counseling Psychology ......... 13
Deﬁnition of Terms ................................................ 14
CHAPTER 2 ........................................................ 16
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ....................................... 16
The Impact of Anglo Women's Paid Employment ....................... 16
Coping Strategies Among Women ................................... 18
Self-Esteem Among Women ........................................ 23
Latinas and Paid Employment ....................................... 25
Latinas and Family Stressors ........................................ 28
Acculturation & Gender Role Attitudes ............................... 31
Coping Strategies of Latina Professionals .............................. 32
Summary and Conclusions .......................................... 37

viii

Research Hypotheses ............................................. 39

CHAPTER 3 ........................................................ 41
METHOD .......................................................... 41
Research Design ................................................. 41
Participants ...................................................... 41
Procedure ....................................................... 42
Instruments ..................................................... 43
Demographic Questionnaire ................................ 43
Hispanic Stress Inventory .................................. 44
Brief COPE ............................................. 45
Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ............................... 47
Attitudes Towards Women Scale ............................ 48
Short Acculturation Scale .................................. 49
CHAPTER 4 ......................................................... 51
RESULTS .......................................................... 51
Description of the Sample .......................................... 51
Individual Characteristics .......................................... 52
Work-Related Variables ........................................... 55
Other Measured Variables .......................................... 59
Results of Reliability Studies ....................................... 63
Correlations Among Predictor Variables ...................... 65
Correlations Among Criterion & Predictor Variables ............ 67

ix

Data Analysis of Research Hypotheses ................................ 70

Narrative Findings ................................................ 80
Coping Strategies ......................................... 83
Health Problems/Concems due to Stress ....................... 88
Self-Perceived Discrimination ............................... 90
Self-Perceived Occupational Barriers ......................... 95

Stress Management Recommendations for Latina Professionals . . . . 99

Summary of Narrative Findings ..................................... 106
CHAPTER 5 ........................................................ 108
DISCUSSION ....................................................... 108
Stress ........................................................... 109
Differences Across Latino Subgroups ................................. 109
Total Stress ............................................ 109

Marital Stress ........................................... 111
Occupational/Economic Stress .............................. 112

Parental Stress .......................................... 114

F amily/Cultural Conﬂict ................................... 115

Summary of Stress Findings ......................................... 117
Coping .......................................................... 118
Emotion-Focused Coping ................................... 118
Problem-Focused Coping ................................... 121

Summary of Findings on Coping Strategies .............................. 121

Narrative Data ...................................................... 122

Coping Strategies .......................................... 123
Health Problems/Concems due to Stress ........................ 125
Self-Perceived Discrimination ................................ 126
Self-Perceived Barriers ..................................... 127
Stress Management Recommendations for Latina Professionals ..... 128
Summary of Narrative Findings ........................................ 130
Limitations of the Study .............................................. 130
Implications for Counseling Psychology ................................. 132
Future Research Recommendations .................................... 135
Appendices
A. Cover Letter ........................................... 139
B. Hispanic Stress Inventory ................................ 141
C. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale ............................. 147
D. Short Acculturation Scale ................................ 149
E. Brief COPE ........................................... 152
F. Attitudes Towards Women Scale .......................... 156
G. Demographic Questionnaire .............................. 160
H. Recruitment Letter ..................................... 163
References ........................................................ 165

xi

Table

10.

11.

12.

13.

LIST OF TABLES

Page
Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Selected Individual
Variables ..................................................... 53
Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Selected Individual
Variables (Cont'd) .............................................. 54
Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Selected Individual
Variables (Cont'd) .............................................. 56
Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Selected Work-
Related Variables .............................................. 57
Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Selected Work-
Related Variables (Cont'd) ........................................ 58
Comparison of Means and Standard Deviation of the Hispanic
Stress Inventory ................................................ 60
Means and Standard Deviations of the Brief COPE .................... 62
Linear Correlations Among Predictor Variables ....................... 66
Linear Correlations Among Criterion and Predictor Variables ............ 68
Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Total Stress .................................................... 73
Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Marital Stress .................................................. 74
Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Occupational/Economic Stress ..................................... 76
Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Parental Stress ................................................. 77

xii

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Family Cultural/Conﬂict ......................................... 78

Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Emotion-Focused Coping Strategies ................................ 81

Summary of Simultaneous Multiple Regression Analysis for
Problem-Focused Coping Strategies ................................ 82

Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Self-Reported
Coping Strategies .............................................. 84

Comparison of the Brief COPE and Self-Reported Coping
Strategies ..................................................... 87

Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Self-Reported
Health-Related Problems/Concems due to Stress ...................... 89

Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Self-Perceived
Discrimination ................................................. 91

Frequency Distribution and Percentage of Self-Perceived
Occupational Barriers ............................................ 96

Frequency Distributions and Percentage for a Stress Management
Program for Latina Professionals .................................. 100

xiii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Latinas are women from a complex culture deriving from a mixture of African,
Indian, Asian, and European ancestry (Arbona, 1990). There is tremendous diversity
among Latinas, due to their level of acculturation, socioeconomic class, Spanish use,
sexual orientation, generational status, and sociopolitical histories. Within the speciﬁc
Latino subgroups in the United States, those of Mexican descent (61%) are the largest
group, followed by those of Puerto Rican descent (12%). Other Latinos also include
persons of Central American (6%), Cuban (5%), South American (5%), and Caribbean
(2%) descent (Castaneda, 1995). Latinas are currently members of a rapidly growing
ethnic minority group in the United States, comprising 9.6 million in 1996 (US.
Department of Labor - Women's Bureau, 1997). Consequently, Latinas are becoming a
"highly visible force" (Arredondo, 1991, p. 143).

The current body of research on Latinas has also increased within the last two
decades. However, this body of research primarily focuses on Mexican American women
since they are the largest Latino subgroup (Castaneda, 1995). This research extensively
focuses on their traditional roles, particularly their role as wife and mother (Amaro,
Russo, & Johnson, 1987). Consequently, the limited emphasis on the employment and
career experiences of Latinas produces an incomplete picture of their lives (Amaro et al.,
1987). Recent studies identify factors that facilitate the success of Latinas in college

(Cardoza, 1991; Gomez & Fassinger, 1994; Lango, 1995), yet little is known about the

experiences of Latinas once they enter professional careers (Amaro et al., 1987; Gomez &
Fassinger, 1995).

According to the US. Department of Labor (1997), 4.6 million Latinas were
employed in 1996. Census predictions suggest their labor force participation will
increase from 4.9 million in 1994 to 6.9 million by the year 2005 (U .S. Department of
Labor - Women's Bureau, 1997). This 43 percent increase is the largest among all other
groups of men or women, with the exception of Asian and Paciﬁc Islander women (US.
Department of Labor - Women's Bureau, 1997). Occupational distributions indicate
Latinas are primarily employed in technical, sales, and administrative (39%), and service
(26%) occupations (US. Department of Labor - Women's Bureau, 1997). Only a small
group of Latinas are employed in professional occupations (16%), and relatively little is
known about their professional experiences.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The relationship between family and work roles and its inﬂuence on physical and
mental well-being has been a topic of research interest due to the increased labor force
participation of women. In general, the psychology of women and work is studied from
the perspective that wage work forms an added dimension to women's fundamental roles
in the family. Research has therefore focused on the stress experienced by women in
their multiple roles and the factors that facilitate or hinder these roles (Baruch, Beiner, &
Barnett, 1987). The majority of psychological studies on women and work have
operationalized emotional or psychological well-being on the basis of stress indicators

(Flores-Ortiz, 1993), and exclusively relied on professional middle-class White samples

(Baruch et al., 1987; Jackson & Sears, 1992).

Despite the substantial literature on White professional women, the research base
on professional women of color is quite small (Morrison & Von-Glinow, 1990). Few
researchers have attempted to integrate theoretical concepts of stress with concepts of
ethnicity and culture (Smith, 1985; Slavin, Rainer, McCreary, & Gowda, 1991; Vega,
1994). Consequently, researchers have failed to examine the speciﬁc issues of stress and
psychological well-being as they relate to women of color. As a result, little is known
about the level of stress experienced by ethnic minority women in professional ﬁelds.

There has been an increased interest in the coping and stress process of employed
women (Baruch et al., 1987; Greenglass, 1995). Existing research on coping is diverse in
terms of its deﬁnition and measurement (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993).

However, most agree that it is composed of cognitive and behavioral efforts an individual
makes to manage demands that tax or exceed his or her personal resources (Lazarus,
1993). Feminist scholars have noted the bias and limitations of current stress research
(Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993; Baruch et al., 1987; Greenglass, 1995). The
growing interest in the stressors experienced by women led researchers to conceptualize
sex as a biological trait when examining gender differences (Greenglass, 1995). This
body of research also depicted women less favorably than men, due to the exclusive focus
of sex or biological differences. Gender is oversimpliﬁed and regarded as a unitary
biological trait rather than a social construction that interacts with the environment (Hare-
Mustin & Marecek, 1990).

Another critical limitation of this body of literature is the failure to examine

complex interactions between gender, ethnicity, and class variables. This neglect is
pervasive and negates the experiences of diverse women. For instance, most
investigations primarily include Anglo-middle class women (Amatea & F ong, 1991;
Kirchmeyer, 1993; Reifman, Biemat, & Lang, 1991; Schneer & Reitman, 1995;
Wolfgang, 1995) and recently, Canadian middle-class women (Beatty, 1996; Korabik &
Van-Kampen, 1995; Long, Kahn, & Schutz, 1992; Trocki & Orioli, 1994). Only a small
body of research speciﬁcally examines coping strategies of ethnic minority women
(Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993), and an even smaller body of literature speciﬁcally
examines those employed in professional ﬁelds (Amaro et al., 1987; Grijalva & Coombs,
1997; Zambrana & Frith, 1988).

Feminist critiques of current coping theories call for the examination of the coping
strengths of diverse groups of women and their social contexts (Banyard &
Graham-Bermann, 1993). Banyard and Graham-Bennann (1993) noted that current
theories of coping should not assume that gender differences are the most important
variable of inquiry, but should address how coping occurs in a context shaped by social
forces based on gender, race, class, age, and sexual orientation. According to Greenglass
(1995), social forces are a powerful inﬂuence on how a stressful situation is appraised and
how judgments are made.

Only three studies (Amaro et al., 1987; Grijalva & Coombs, 1997; Valtierra,
1989) speciﬁcally and systematically examine Latina professionals' mental health
indicators of stress. For example, Valtierra (1989) examined acculturation, stress, and

social support among 52 Latina physicians. Her ﬁndings indicated high levels of stress,

particularly related to role fragmentation or role strain (the experience of having two or
more conﬂicting claims on time and energy). For these women, however, social support,
particularly the support offered by family, served to alleviate the stress inherent in the
medical profession and the stress of role fragmentation. Interestingly, these Latinas
adhered to traditional cultural values of familism, but postponed certain roles to achieve
their educational aspirations.

Also examining Latina physicians, Grijalva and Coombs (1997), explored the
stressors, coping skills, and strengths of 20 Latina physicians and medical students.
Participants reported stressors associated with organizational stress, sexism, ﬁnancial
pressures, ethnic prejudice, and a pervasive assumption of academic inferiority. Findings
also indicated that Latina physicians experienced considerable stress due to cultural
expectations and the separation from their close-knit families and communities. They
received troubling criticism from family members and friends for deviating from the
traditional gender roles. Findings also suggested that participants utilized a number of
effective coping skills in dealing with their stressors, such as positive thinking and
assertive skills, social support, and directing their energy towards the service of others.

Amaro and associates (1987) examined the relative contributions of family and
work predictors on the psychological well-being among 303 Latina professionals.
Findings indicated that although married women reported more life satisfaction, having
children under the age of six and/or having a non-supportive spouse were related to
higher psychological distress symptoms. Furthermore, Latinas with a Latino spouse

experienced greater work-family conﬂict than Latinas with non-Latino spouses. Amaro

(1987) speculated that Latino partners possibly espoused traditional Latino values and
norms regarding women's roles. Consequently, these Latinas possibly experienced
increased stress in balancing these roles and reported increased psychological distress
symptoms. Findings also indicated that Latino couples were economically disadvantaged
when compared to non-Latino couples. Despite similar educational backgrounds, Latino
spouses reported signiﬁcantly lower incomes than their counterparts.

Studies by Amaro et a1. (1987), Grijalva and Coombs (1997), and Valtierra
(1989) are long-awaited empirical investigations examining stress among Latina
professionals. Although these studies are exemplary, several limitations also prevail.
Methodological constraints point to the critical need for research involving separate
analyses for Latino subgroups, so that similarities and differences in their life
circumstances may be fully explored, identiﬁed, and understood. Secondly, despite the
examination of factors that mitigate or impede negative mental health outcomes, it is
unclear as to which speciﬁc coping strategies these women employ in their variety of
home and working contexts. As previously mentioned, more sophisticated empirical
measures of stress and coping are needed to identify possible psychiatric symptomatology
and to explore how Latinas balance their multiple roles and stressors.

The aforementioned studies point to the importance of future research on family
dynamics among Latino families, as well as the inclusion of variables such as
acculturation, self-esteem, and gender role attitudes, to fully explore the interplay of
gender, ethnicity, and culture in the lives of Latina professionals. Based on the

psychological and physical implications of women's employment, a professional group of

Latina women was of interest due to the following points: (a) There is a tremendous gap
in the general psychological literature with regard to Latina professional women; (b)
Despite these recent inquiries, many questions remain unaddressed. For example, it is not
clear if Latina professionals utilize other coping strategies other than social support to
deal with their multiple roles and stressors; and (c) Given the various Latino subgroups, it
is unclear if Latinas from speciﬁc subgroups are advantaged over others.

Based on the limitations of the empirical research and unaddressed questions that
shape the experiences of Latina professionals, the following research questions emerged:
1. Are there signiﬁcant differences across Latino subgroups of Latina professionals (i.e.
Mexican American, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central American) in demographic variables,
reported stress (i.e. marital, occupational/economic, parental, family/cultural), use of
coping strategies (emotion-focused, problem-focused), acculturation, self-esteem, and
gender role attitudes?

2. How do demographic variables (age, income, ethnicity of spouse/partner, marital
status), self-esteem, coping (emotion-focused, problem-focused), acculturation, and
gender role attitudes contribute to the variability in Latina professionals' self-reported
stress (marital, occupational/economic, parental, family/cultural)?

3. How do demographic variables, self-esteem, stress, acculturation, and gender role
attitudes contribute to the variability in Latina professionals' self-reported coping
strategies (emotion-focused, problem-focused)?

4. What are the stressors, coping strategies, barriers, physical concerns, and areas of

interest for a stress management program for Latina professionals?

EurpcsuLfIhLLtudx

As Latinas continue to acquire professional careers, they will encounter a series of
conﬂicts as they attempt to reconcile the complicated interplay between psychological,
social, economic, and cultural inﬂuences in their daily lives. Although they have
demonstrated great strength and stamina, they also develop vulnerability to psychological
and physical outcomes due to these social inﬂuences. However, despite these
circumstances, relatively little is known about the career experiences of Latinas employed
in professional occupations and the coping strategies they employ to deal with work and
family stressors.

The purpose of this study was to obtain a clearer understanding of the relationship
between stress and coping in a diverse group of Latina professionals. This research was
important because it allowed for inquiry into the relationships among demographic
variables, acculturation, gender role attitudes, self-esteem, stress, and coping strategies of
Latina professionals.

WW

As a discipline, counseling psychology has been interested in the individual and
their interactions with their environment. The importance of research into the stress
process has been made clear by increasing evidence about the negative effects of
psychological and social stressors on physical and mental health (Baruch et al., 1987).
For the purpose of this study, a transactional model of stress (Folkman & Lazarus, 1985;
Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) was selected. A transactional model of stress is suitable for

examining stress among Latinas, since it allows for the impact of the environment and

consideration of cultural aspects of coping.

A transactional model of stress emphasizes cognitive interpretations of
environmental events, and includes ﬁve major components: (a) the occurrence of a
potentially stressful event, (b) primary cognitive appraisal of the event, (c) secondary
cognitive appraisal of the event, (d) the implementation of a coping strategy, and (d)
physical and mental health outcomes.

In the primary appraisal phase, a stressﬁrl encounter is evaluated by the individual
in order to determine whether or not it presents a threat. More speciﬁcally, an individual
asks "Am I in trouble?" The stressful encounter is appraised as (a) irrelevant, (b)
benign/positive, or (c) stressful (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).

In the secondary appraisal phase, an individual evaluates his or her resources and
potential options to handle the stressful encounter. More speciﬁcally, an individual asks
"What can be done about it?" Depending on the availability of the coping resources, the
stressful encounter is further appraised as (a) involving harm or loss, (b) presenting a
threat, or (c) presenting a challenge. In this model, the encounter is only regarded as
stressful when the demands are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the
individual (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).

In the coping phase, coping is conceptualized as a transactional process between a
person and the environment, with an emphasis on process rather than on personality traits
(Folkman & Lazarus, 1985; Lazarus, 1993; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Coping is
deﬁned as "ongoing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage speciﬁc external and/or

internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person"

(Lazarus, 1993, p. 237). As a process, coping emphasizes temporal and contextual
inﬂuences. It is highly speciﬁc both to the individual and the context, varying among
individuals rather than remaining constant. The transactional model posits that there are
at least two major functions of coping, problem-focused and emotion-focused.
Problem-focused coping include attempts to modify or eliminate the stressor through
one's own behaviors, such as problem solving or direct action. Emotion-focused coping
include attempts to change one's emotional responses to the stressor, and include
behavioral or cognitive responses, such as eliciting social support or tension reduction.
The use of emotion-or problem-focused strategies depends on an individual's appraisal of
the situation.

Finally, outcomes of stress can have short-term or long-term consequences. These
outcomes can be classiﬁed into three areas: (a) social functioning, (b) morale, and (c)
somatic illness. This model is also cyclical, indicating stressful encounters can tax a
individual's coping resources, and cause poor health outcomes. These difﬁculties in turn,
may erode an individual's coping resources and increase their vulnerability to further
stressful events.

Although the distinction between problem-focused and emotion-focused coping is
an important distinction, recent research has found it has not captured the multivariate
aspects of coping (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989; Greenglass, 1995). Similarly,
other researchers argue that coping is associated with personality, suggesting that
situational factors do not explain all of the variation in coping (Suls, David, & Harvey,

1996). For example, Parkes (1986) found that personality, environmental characteristics,

10

and situational factors predicted a wide range of cognitive and behavioral strategies,
whereas personality and situational factors predicted direct attempts to change stressful
circumstances. Recent studies have also included a taxonomic scheme of personality, the
so called Big Five (neuroticism, extroversion, openness to experience, agreeableness, and
conscientiousness). Researchers posit that the development of higher order dimensions
allows for a more comprehensive approach to investigating the role of personality in a
variety of domains, including coping (Suls et al., 1996).

Despite the numerous years of theory, research, and the development of various
self-report coping instruments, researchers still lack a comprehensive understanding of
the structure of coping (Suls et al., 1996), due to the inconsistencies in the literature.
Many issues remain unresolved and a greater understanding of the impact of social forces
and their inﬂuence on social- psychological factors is needed (Greenglass, 1995). Given
the impact of sociocultural inﬂuences on the stress and coping process (Aldwin, 1994), a
multiracial feminist framework (Baca-Zinn & Dill, 1997) was also employed to
understand the interplay of these factors.

According to Baca—Zinn and Dill (1997), multiracial feminist theory focuses on
the experiences and structures produced by intersecting forms of race and gender. Six
basic tenets of multiracial feminist theory distinguishes it from other feminist or
multicultural theories. First, multiracial feminism contends that people of the same race
experience race differently depending upon class, gender, and sexuality social structures.
Similarly, simultaneous systems that shape women's experiences and identity, and are not

reducible to individual attributes to explain social outcomes. Second, multiracial

11

feminism emphasizes the intersectional nature of hierarchies at all levels of social life.
For instance, class, race, gender, and sexuality are components of both social structure
and social interaction. Women and men are differently embedded in positions created by
these cross-cutting hierarchies. As a result, women and men throughout the social order
experience different forms of privilege and subordination, depending on their race, class,
gender, and sexual orientation. As a consequence of this social order, both oppression
and opportunity are produced. Structures of race, class, and gender create disadvantages
for women of color, and simultaneously provide unacknowledged beneﬁts for those who
are at the top of these hierarchies, such as White upper-class men. Therefore, multiracial
feminism applies not only to culturally diverse women, but to women and men of all
races, classes, and genders. Third, multiracial feminism highlights the relational nature of
dominance and subordination. Power is the cornerstone of women's differences, and
these differences are connected in systematic ways. Fourth, multiracial feminism
explores the interplay of social structures and women's agency. Within the constraints of
race, class, and gender oppression, women create viable lives for themselves, their
families, and communities. Fiﬁh, multiracial feminism encompasses wide ranging
methodological approaches, and relies on various theoretical tools. Sixth, multiracial
feminism brings together understandings drawn from the lived experiences of diverse and
continuously changing groups of women. Among women of color, there are many
different national cultural and ethnic groups. Each group is engaged in the process of

testing, reﬁning, and reshaping these broader categories in their own image.

12

'f h t t ra ic o s lin

The importance of research on the stress process has been made clear by
increasing evidence about the negative effects of psychological and social stressors on
physical and mental health (Baruch et al., 1987). The importance of being sensitive to the
inﬂuence of cultural, environmental, social, political, and economic factors when
addressing the entire stress-mediation process of Latinas in clinical settings cannot be
overemphasized. For example, the demanding natures of their careers, numerous
challenges in majority work settings, and separations from traditional female roles,
subject Latinas to multiple sources of stress at home and in the workplace. These factors
may also increase their vulnerability to physical and mental health problems. The
professional status of Latinas may increase their vulnerability to psychological disorders,
such as depression, anxiety, addictive behaviors, and other stress-related disorders
(Comas-Diaz, 1997). In addition, exposure to stress also increases the vulnerability of
Latinas to psychophysiological conditions, such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes,
gastrointestinal problems, and borderline hypertension (Argueta-Bemal, 1991).

However, despite the prominent areas of concern regarding the psychological
consequences of stress, the ﬁeld of psychology has paid relatively little attention to this
growing area of research and practice (Keita & Jones, 1990). As a sub-specialty,
counseling psychology can advance the ﬁeld by increased attention and wider application
of their knowledge of occupational health and stress. For example, clinical and
counseling psychologists provide clinical interventions to workers experiencing stress and

other psychological problems. This need becomes ampliﬁed when working with ethnic

13

minority clients, who are faced with additional stressors due to the interplay of their race,
ethnicity, gender, age, sexual orientation, and language. Keita and Jones (1990) critically
noted that although psychologists are uniquely qualiﬁed to address many aspects of
mental health issues relative to occupational stress, "their present training does not
speciﬁcally prepare them to address these problems" (p. 1139).

In addition, our present body of research does not examine the interactions
between class, race, or gender reactions to stress, coping strategies, health behaviors, and
mental health interventions (Keita & Jones, 1990). Present ﬁndings provided insight into
the factors contributing to stress in Latina professionals. More speciﬁcally, this study
provided descriptive information about a highly select population of diverse Latina
professionals and how they handle their challenging stressors. Much can be learned ﬁ'om
the examination of their coping strategies under the variety of home and work contexts
they experience. This study was developed to assist employers, researchers, and
practitioners who are currently at a loss with respect to addressing speciﬁc work and
family related issues with Latina professionals. Most important, ﬁndings will enable
practitioners to obtain a full and realistic picture of Latinas employed in diverse
professional occupations and potential sources of stress, and areas of strength.

Deﬁnition of Terms

1. Latina/o: According to Lee and Richardson (1991) Latino is a generic term that
identiﬁes a culture shared by several ethnic groups in the US. such as individuals of
Mexican, Puerto Rican, Central and South American descent. Latino culture is fused by

Spanish, American Indian, African, South American, and Caribbean cultures.

14

Commonalities are found in the usage of Spanish, Roman Catholic traditions, gender role
socialization, and strong kinship between family members and friends. Great diversity
exists due to their levels of acculturation, socioeconomic status, language use, and
generation in the United States (p. 41).

2. Professional Occupation: According to Kemp (1994), professional occupations are
those with speciﬁc advanced educational requirements, which are speciﬁcally
characterized by a systematic body of theoretical knowledge; a service orientation;
autonomy in selecting recruits; a code of ethics; self-regulation of members; authority
over clients; an identifiable occupational culture maintained by associations, values,
norms and symbols; and community and legal recognition that it is a profession (p. 218).
3. Stress: The dynamic relationship between individuals and the environment in which
stress occurs when the environment is appraised as taxing or exceeding their resources
and thus endangering their well-being. External, internal, and cognitive demands are
appraised based on the strength of the demand as well as the coping strategies available
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).

4. Coping: "ongoing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage speciﬁc external and/or
internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of the person"

(Lazarus, 1993, p. 237).

15

CHAPTER 11

REVIEW OF THE LITERATAURE

For the purpose of providing as broad as informational literature due to the
multidimensional factors impinging on Latina professionals, seven speciﬁc areas will be
evaluated. First, this literature review will examine related stress literature pertaining to
the affect of Anglo women's paid employment. Second, women's coping strategies will
be examined. Third, current literature related to self-esteem and women will be
reviewed. Fourth, literature on Latinas and employment will be reviewed. Fifth,
literature speciﬁcally related to Latinas and stress will be examined. Sixth, acculturation
and gender role attitudes of Latinas will also be examined. Finally, coping strategies of
professional Latinas will be reviewed.

W n' i E l t

The relationship between family and work roles and its inﬂuence on physical and
mental well-being has been a topic of research interest due to the increase in women's
labor force participation. Recently, researchers have attempted to clarify the
circumstances under which women's work level and family role pressures affect their
physical and mental well-being. Examinations of the association between work and
well—being among women suggested that work has been beneﬁcial. Most of the research
regarding the beneﬁcial nature of work focuses on both paid employment and multiple
role occupancy (Baruch et al., 1987; Beatty, 1996; Clearly, 1987; Kessler & McRae,

1982; Warr & Parry, 1982). Several correlational studies demonstrated signiﬁcant

16

relationships between women's employment and physical and mental well-being. These
ﬁndings suggested that employed women were comparatively healthier than
nonemployed women (Baruch etal., 1987; Beatty, 1996; Clearly, 1987; Kessler &
McRae, 1982; Warr & Parry, 1982). Research also suggested that paid employment
provided the opportunity for challenge, control, structure, ﬁnancial rewards, social
support, and self-esteem (Baruch et al., 1987; Rodin & Ickovics, 1990).

Green and Russo (1993) postulated that whether or not a combination of
employment, marriage, and motherhood results in mental health costs or beneﬁts
depends on a variety of factors, including personality characteristics, family variables, and
job variables. Women's roles as wife and worker, mother and caretaker, contribute to
stress as well as to well-being. Resources, stimulation, and social validation from one
type of role may offset the strains of others (Green & Russo, 1993). However,
inconsistent ﬁndings are prevalent in this area of inquiry. Some studies suggested
relative differences in role satisfaction by type and number of roles. For instance Johnson
and Johnson (1980) and others (Bailyn, 1978, as cited in Beatty, 1996) found that the
management of multiple roles was detrimental to the health and well being of women
due to role overload and strain. Conversely, others documented beneﬁcial effects of
multiple roles for women's physical and mental health (Amatea & Fong, 1991;
Aneshensel, 1986; Thoits, 1986; Verbrugge, 1987). For example, Thoits (1986) reported
that regardless of gender, occupancy of up to seven roles is positively associated with
better mental health. Higher levels of self-esteem were also found among women who

occupied the three roles of wife, mother, and employee than among women with fewer

17

roles (Barnett & Baruch, 1985).

Several authors have sought to identify factors that facilitate the combining of
work and family roles. These include number and ages of children (Reifrnan et al.,
1991), availability of social support (Amatea & F ong, 1991), role satisfaction (Barnett &
Baruch, 1985; Baruch & Barnett, 1986), and the relationship between employment,
health, and mental well-being (Barnett & Baruch, 1985; Cleary & Mechanic, 1983;
Lewis & Cooper, 1987).
Coping Strategies Among Women

There is an increased interest in the coping strategies of employed women (Baruch
et al., 1987; Greenglass, 1995). Existing research addressing coping is diverse in terms of
its deﬁnitions and measurement (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993). However, most
researchers agree that coping is comprised of actions taken to deal with stress (Billings &
Moos, 1981; Lazarus & F olkman, 1984; Perlin & Schooler, 1978), including both the
appraisal of the situation and judgments about one's resources for dealing with the
stressor. According to Banyard and Graham-Bermann (1993), gender is invisible in a
large segment of the stress and coping research. Coping is treated as an abstract concept
that is untouched by individual characteristics such as gender, race, or class. Prior studies
exclusively examined men and assumed that individuals possess numerous resources such
as power, money, and support, to aide in the coping process. Coping was often attributed
to personality characteristics rather than access to resources. Gender-neutral theories
were regarded as universal explanations of behavior although they were based on the

experiences of those in more privileged strata of society. When models were applied to

18

other groups such as impoverished women, their behaviors were found to be deﬁcient
(Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993; Flores- Ortiz, 1998; Greenglass, 1995).

Social causal explanations have not successﬁrl in accounting for gender
differences in psychological distress. Investigators reported men were more likely to aim
their coping efforts at directly altering stressful problem by utilizing problem-focused
coping strategies. Conversely, women were more likely to direct coping efforts at
managing their emotional responses to stress, by utilizing emotion-focused coping
strategies, or avoidance (Billings & Moos, 1981). Consequently, researchers further
suggested that emotion-focused coping were less effective and associated with
psychological distress. These differences have been cited as one reason why women
seem more likely to be depressed than men (Hobfoll, Dunahoo, Ben-Porah, & Monnier,
1994)

Consequently, these studies depicted women less favorably, due to the exclusive
focus of sex or biological differences (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993; Greenglass,
1995). Gender was regarded as a unitary biological trait rather than a social construct that
interacts with the environment (Hare-Mustin & Marecek, 1990). For example, Folkman
and Lazarus (1980) examined 100 White men and women and found very few gender
differences when participants were asked to describe a recent stressful event and to
complete a coping strategies checklist. However, despite the lack of differences and
outcome measures, the authors implied that men coped better. In addition, F olkman and

Lazarus described women in an unfavorable light, as indicated in the following:

19

The most puzzling gender difference was the ﬁnding that men used more
problem-focused coping than women in situations that had to be accepted.
Perhaps men persevere in problem—focused coping longer than women before
deciding that nothing can be done; and even when nothing can be done, men may
be disposed to think about the problem more than women. (Folkman & Lazarus,
1980,p.235)

Feminist critiques argued that coping is highly speciﬁc to the individual and the
context (Lazarus & F olkman, 1984). Coping occurs in a context shaped by social forces
based on gender, race, class, age, and sexual orientation. Harding (1991) asserted that
researchers must go beyond simply adding women to theories developed on men. New
perspectives must begin from the viewpoints of many women, and discuss gender as a
process that cannot be seen as independent from the wider social context.

Moreover, current research indicated that when education, occupation were
controlled, few gender differences in problem-focused coping are found (Billings &
Moos, 1981; Greenglass, 1995; Lazarus & Folkman, 1990). Other studies suggested that
men and women differed in their approaches to coping but not in a way that depicts men
as problem solvers and women as emotionally volatile. Rather, women appeared to be
more assertive and prosocial, whereas men appeared more aggressive and antisocial
(Hobfoll, et al., 1994).

There is a new body of literature that suggests that men and women are exposed to
different stressors (Trocki & Orioli, 1994; Matuszek, Nelson, & Quick, 1995). For

example, Jick and Mitz's (1985) literature review on gender differences in work stress

20

indicated that women reported higher rates of psychological distress and men reported
more severe physical illness. Matuszek et a1. (1995) indicated that factors such as
organizational politics, legitimate power deﬁcits, total workloads, role overload, and
socioeconomic status created increased stress for women.

With respect to professional women, many studies examined coping strategies in
terms of social support (Amatea & F ong, 1991; Amatea & F ong-Beyette, 1987; Korabik
& Van-Kampen, 1995; Long, 1988; Reifman et al., 1991; Wolfgang, 1995), while others
investigated recreation (Decker & Borgen, 1993), self-care (Decker & Borgen, 1993;
McLaughlin, Cormier, & Cormier, 1988), and time management (McLaughlin et al.,
1988). Other researchers have also examined the use of problem-focused among
professional women (Amatea & Fong, 1991; Bhagat, Allie, & Ford, 1991; Long, 1988).
These ﬁndings suggested that professional women effectively coped with their family and
work related stressors, and utilized more problem-focused coping strategies, such as
problem-solving, role redeﬁnition, and planful role behavior.

Although these studies extended our understanding of the coping process among
women, a critical limitation of this body of literature was the failure to examine complex
interactions between gender, ethnicity, and class variables. In a majority of these
investigations, participants were Anglo-middle class women (Amatea & F ong, 1991;
Bhagat et a1, 1991; Kirchmeyer, 1993; Reifman et al., 1991) and more recently, Canadian
middle-class women (Beatty, 1996; Korabik & Van-Kampen, 1995; Long et al., 1992;
Trocki & Orioli, 1994). Only a small body of research speciﬁcally examined coping

strategies of ethnic minority women (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993).

21

This literature offered some insight regarding the social context of the coping
strategies of Aﬁ‘ican American women. Illustrating the need to study race as well as
gender, Lykes (1983) examined the coping strategies utilized by 71 successful Aﬁ'ican
American women when dealing with discrimination. Most importantly, Lykes did not
seek to ﬁnd the correct or best way to cope, but instead examined environmental forces
and the active choices these women used. Using oral histories, her ﬁndings suggested the
organizational environment in which women worked had a direct effect on the selection
of their coping strategies. More speciﬁcally, the context in which the experience of
discrimination took place was an important variable mediating their choice of coping
strategy. Participants were able to use a variety of strategies due to the characteristics of
the institution. Findings also suggested that African American women in predominantly
White institutions who perceived the outcome to be under their personal control tended to
use a high degree of ﬂexibility and selectively ignored the incident. Conversely, women
who worked in predominately Black institutions relied more on directly confronting the
perpetrator of the discrimination. These ﬁndings extended our understanding of power,
and highlighted how these women used emotion-focused coping strategies or avoidant
strategies in a purposeful way. Participants coped creatively and effectively by choosing
not to deal with the stress of discrimination but rather focusing on something else to keep
their jobs and protect their families.

Examining the process of coping through the lives of diverse women further
highlights the ways that the environment can constrain one's choice of coping strategy.

This complex dynamic is missed when researchers exclusively examine populations of

22

people who do not confront chronic stressors, such as racism, which are not immediately
amenable to direct behavioral actions (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993). The work
of Dill, F eld, Martin, Beukema, and Belle (1980) with low-income women also revealed a
shiﬁ from the standard views of coping. Findings indicated that the environment
constrained their choice of coping strategy and had powerful implications on their
self-esteem.

1 -E t n W m n

Documenting the strengths of women of color in the face of oppression is critical
in understanding the multiple determinants of discrimination which can be exhausting
and diminishing of their self-esteem. According to Rosenberg (1989), self-esteem is
deﬁned as a person's overall evaluation of his or her worthiness as a human being. It
captures the essence of how individuals think and feel about themselves as totalities. As
a totality, self-esteem is "global" rather than "speciﬁc" and limited to a single dimension
of the self. Global self-esteem is also associated with psychological well-being
(Rosenberg, Schooler, Schoenbach, & Rosenberg, 1995).

Research has indicated high levels of self-esteem function as an important
resource in reducing the magnitude of stress (Abel, 1996; Pearlin & Schooler, 1978;
Whisman & Kwon, 1993; Zuckerman, 1989). Self-esteem appears to protect individuals
by affording less vulnerability and more resilience to stressful events (Abel, 1996). High
self-esteem may also result in more active and effective coping in response to stress
(Pearlin & Schooler, 1978; Zuckerman, 1989). However, ﬁndings regarding the

moderating role of self-esteem are not in full agreement. For example, Grandey and

23

Cropanzano (1999) found that self-esteem did not moderate work-family stress among a
university professors. Conversely, Rector and Roger (1996) found that self-esteem
moderated the stress-illness relationship directly as well as indirectly, via coping styles
and emotion-control strategies.

Other researchers have also challenged the current constructs of self-esteem. For
instance, Chatham-Carpenter and DeFrancisco (1998) argued that self-esteem is socially
constructed and should not be dichotomized as either high or low. As a complex
phenomenon, self-esteem is constantly changing and context-speciﬁc. In their qualitative
study exploring self-esteem from the perspectives of diverse adult women,
Chatham-Carpenter and DeFrancisco (1998) found similar deﬁnitions of self-esteem but
differing connotative views and experiences. In particular, participant's views of
self-esteem were socially constructed in dialogue with their culture, other persons, and
themselves. For example, there were also clear differences in how African American
women and Caucasian women developed self-esteem. For the African American women,
self-esteem was often encouraged by their families and churches as a means to protect
them from the deleterious effects of racism. Conversely, for the Caucasian women, many
reported early struggles with dependency, the need for approval from others, and
perfectionism. Similar ﬁndings were reported by other researchers (Allen & Britt, 1983).
Allen and Britt (1983) found that African American women reported positive
self-concepts and displayed various strategies for survival in the face of oppression.
Similarly, Evans (1997) reported that African American counselors utilized their

self-esteem to cope against racism.

24

Although the aforementioned ﬁndings extended our understanding of the role of
self-esteem, research investigating self-esteem among Latinas is markedly absent. A
study conducted by Long and Martinez (1994) is currently one of the few studies that
examined self-esteem among Latina professionals. Long and Martinez (1994) examined
masculinity, femininity, self-esteem, and self-acceptance among Latinas and professional
Anglo women and students. Findings indicated that Latinas reported slightly lower
femininity scores and highly elevated masculinity scores compared with all groups of
women. Self-esteem scores of Latinas did not signiﬁcantly vary from other professional
women or students. However, their self-acceptance scores were signiﬁcantly lower than
professional women or students. Given the association between self-esteem and
psychological well-being, increased studies are needed to examine self-esteem among
diverse women, particularly Latinas.

Latinasaniﬁmnlcxmsm

As pioneering women, Latinas enter the professional ranks, break class, ethnic,
and gender barriers (Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994). Despite these accomplishments,
Latina professionals also encounter various stressors and barriers in the workplace
(Comas-Diaz, 1997). Consequently, the fatigue created by coping with a signiﬁcant
amount of ethnocultural occupational stress tends to increase their vulnerability to health
and mental health problems. Comas-Diaz (1997) identiﬁed speciﬁc occupational
stressors that compromise the occupational performance of Latinos: (1) tokenism; (2) lack
of understanding and support for Latinos' ethnocultural occupational conﬂicts; (3)

absence of role models and mentoring; (4) deﬁcient communication and/or

25

information-sharing channels; (5) lack of institutional buffers and appropriate responses
against group or individual ethnic and gender discrimination; (6) blaming the victim
dynamics; (7) unclear evaluation and feedback about performance, including mixed
messages about success; and (8) glass ceiling limitations.

A recent body of literature relative to professional ethnic minorities, is noted in
perceived discrimination in the workplace due to racial features or cultural factors. In our
polarized society, phenotype continues to impact the world of work. Light-skinned
Latinas may encounter less racism in the workplace than darker skinned Latinas.
Comas-Diaz (1994) denoted the term "LatiNegras" to identify African Latinas who are
perceived as Black by both North American and Latino communities. Many LatiNegras
employed in professional occupations encounter increased stress due to their phenotype
and racial features.

Segura (1992) also noted the impact of phenotype and increased stress of 152
professional and clerical Latinas employed in a public university. One third of the 152
women experienced sexual harassment, whereas 44% encountered discrimination due to
their ethnicity and gender. Several participants reported examples of "subtle
discrimination" based on comments devaluing their culture or gender. In addition,
participants reported that phenotype, accents, language skills, and cultural mannerisms
also shaped their occupational experience. Interestingly, many of the participants who did

not personally experience discrimination attributed it to their fair, or light complexions.

26

One participant commented:

Maybe I haven't felt as much discrimination because I'm not- I'm kind of fair

complected. So, a lot of people don't know, or don't even assume that I'm

Mexican. They're real surprised when I say, 'yeah, I'm Mexican' (Segura, 1992, p.

174).

Recognizing the impact of the environment on employees, Gutierres, Saenz, and
Green (1994) examined job stress and health outcomes of Latino and Anglo employees.
As anticipated, higher levels of job-related stress were associated with more numerous
health problems for both groups. However, it is noteworthy that unexpected ﬁndings
were found for Anglo workers. Being a numerical minority resulted in higher levels of
stress and numerous health problems for Anglo employees. Conversely, Latino
employees did not show pronounced levels of stress and health problems when their
in-group was a numerical minority. Findings suggested that Anglo employees reported
heightened stress when the level of perceived discrimination against minorities in their
work unit was high. However, Anglo employees reported lower number of health
problems as a function of perceived discrimination unlike their Latino counterparts.

In a study of perceptions of discrimination among Latina managers (Yaffe, 1995),
74.4% of the respondents reported ﬁrsthand knowledge of ethnic and gender
discrimination against Latinas. Sixty-six percent believed that Latinas were discriminated
against in personnel practices despite their individual qualifications and experience.
Latinas also regarded their employee and management organizations as ineffective for

reducing discrimination, providing advocacy, and improving changes for achieving a

27

reasonable representation by the year 2000.

Barcena (1993) explored the experiences of 14 professional Latinas employed in a
Anglo organization. Qualitative ﬁndings suggested that discrimination due to their gender
and ethnicity was the most salient barrier. Sanchez and Brock (1996) examined
discrimination and work stressors among Latinos residing in Dade County, Florida.
Findings indicated that Latinos who grew up in the United States, who were members of
the most numerous ethnic subgroup in this part of the country (Cuban), and who had high
pay and job experience appeared the least affected by perceived discrimination.
Examining the relationship of race and gender, Landau (1993) explored the ratings of
promotion potential of managerial and professional employees. Results indicated that
both race and gender were signiﬁcantly related to promotion potential ratings. Being both
female and Black or Asian negatively inﬂuenced ratings of promotion potential. Hence,
Black and Asian women faced a double liability and were penalized due to their ethnicity
and gender. Black and Asian men were also less likely to be rated higher than their White
counterparts. Although Latinos were also subjected to stereotypical beliefs, they were not
rated as critically as their Black and Asian counterparts since they were regarded as
Mexican nationals.
I . 1 E '1 S

It is suggested that Latina professionals face the challenge of ﬁnding a balance
between middle class culture that stresses individual achievement outside the home and
Latino culture that traditionally places great emphasis on the family and home (Ross,

Mirowsky, & Ulbrich, 1983). In a qualitative study, Pesquera (1993) examined the

28

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relationship between work and family roles of 24 professional, clerical, and blue-collar
Chicanas (women of Mexican descent who reside in the US). Her ﬁndings indicated
that professional Chicanas experienced the most role conﬂict. Chicana professionals also
reported the highest levels of work identity and the most demanding jobs.

Segura (1992) concluded that the professional Chicanas in her study attempted to
downplay the "competing urgencies of family and work" (p. 176) although their
discussions suggested considerable tension and stress in their spillover between work and
family. Most women reported performing a majority of the housework and child-care.
One participant reported considerable pressure to comply to the "superwoman" prototype
(p. 176). Herrera and Del Campo (1995) investigated the compliance to the
"superwoman syndrome" of working-class Mexican American women. Findings
suggested that women held nontraditional gender roles and perceived themselves a
co-provider with equal decision making authority. Work satisfaction and sharing of
household tasks were associated with lower levels of role strain for women. Findings
also suggested that working-class Mexican American women did not subscribe to the
superwoman myth. Instead, these women desired for their husbands to modify their roles
and increase their participation in housework and child-care tasks.

Also examining dual-eamer Mexican American families, Holtzman and Gilbert
(1987) investigated social support networks and psychological well-being. Findings
indicated that network effectiveness was related to life satisfaction of both wives and
husbands. Spousal support for women was also associated with positive affect toward

family and work and associated negatively with role conﬂict. Hence, these ﬁndings

29

suggested that spousal and family life accommodations to the wife's employment were
crucial to the well-being of wives in dual-eamer families. For wives, spousal support was
the only network measure that correlated with all four indices of well-being.

Krause and Markides (1985) investigated the relationship between employment
and psychological well-being of Mexican American women. Mexican American women
who worked outside the home overall reported less psychological distress. In addition,
divorced or married women who also had young children described their multiple role
responsibilities as extremely stressful.

Zambrana and F rith (1988) examined the relationship between life role status and
the level of personal and professional satisfaction among 170 professional Mexican
American women. Their ﬁndings suggested that single respondents were more likely to
report higher work related stress, a higher priority on work career goals and personal
development. A surprising ﬁnding was the high personal satisfaction among women with
partners only. This group was characterized by a high priority in work-career and family
life, and high levels of personal satisfaction.

In a similar study, Amaro, Russo and Johnson (1987) studied the relative
contributions of family and work predictors on the psychological well-being among 303
Latina professionals. Although married women reported more life satisfaction, having
children under the age of six and/or having a non-supportive spouse were related to
higher psychological distress symptoms. Furthermore, Latinas with a Latino spouse
experienced greater work-family conﬂict than Latinas with non-Latino spouses. In

examining acculturation, stress, and social support among 49 Latina physicians, Valtierra

3O

(1989) found that high levels of stress, were related to role fragmentation or role strain
(the experience of having two or more conﬂicting claims on time and energy). For these
women, however, social support, particularly the support offered by family, served to
alleviate the stress inherent in the medical profession and the stress of role
fragmentation.

Grijalva and Coombs (1997), explored the stressors, coping skills, and strengths
of Latina physicians and medical students. Their ﬁndings indicated that Latina physicians
experienced considerable stress due to the separation from their close-knit families and
communities. They received troubling criticism from family members and friends for
deviating from traditional gender roles.

W

The aforementioned studies point to the importance of future research on family
dynamics among Latino families, as well as the inclusion of variables such as
acculturation and gender roles, to fully explore the interplay of gender, ethnicity, and
culture in the lives of Latina professionals. Gonzalez (1988) noted that a strong sense of
ethnic identification, coupled with a preference to marry within one's ethnic group,
presented "double bind" for high achieving Chicanas. Tension was created as the gender
role attitudes of Chicanas increased at higher rates than their counterparts. Other research
examining gender roles among Latinas has suggested that acculturation is accompanied
by the acquisition of more liberal attitudes towards women (Kranau, Green, &
Valencia-Weber, 1982). These ﬁndings suggested that women who were less

acculturated found it more stressful to balance professional and family responsibilities.

31

Others suggest that acculturation inﬂuences liberal gender role attitudes and preferences
for egalitarian partnerships (F lores- Ortiz, 1993).
i L ti Pr f s' n ls

Only three studies (Amaro et al., 1987; Grijalva & Coombs, 1997; Valtierra,
1989) have speciﬁcally and systematically examined Latina professionals' mental health
indicators of stress. Valtierra (1989) examined acculturation, stress, and social support
among 52 Latina physicians. Of the ﬁfty-two physicians in the study, twenty-nine were
married, three divorced, and eighteen never married. Findings indicated high levels of
stress, particularly related to role fragmentation or role strain (the experience of having
two or more conﬂicting claims on time and energy). For these women, however, social
support, particularly the support offered by family, served to alleviate the stress inherent
in the medical profession and the stress of role fragmentation. Interestingly, these Latina
physicians adhered to traditional cultural values of familism, but postponed certain roles
to achieve their educational aspirations.

Although this study is an important contribution to the literature on Latinas
because of its focus on Latina physicians and stress, it is limited by its methodology. As
Arbona (1990) and Rogler, Cortes, and Malgady (1991) noted that although Latinos share
common cultural and linguistic characteristics, each group is distinct in terms of its
historical, political, economic, and racial differences. As suggested, studies on Latinos
need to include the diverse experiences of various Latino subgroups, such as Mexican
Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and Central and South Americans.

Secondly, this study is limited by the lack of sophisticated measures of mental health

32

outcomes and the lack of empirical measures of speciﬁc coping strategies.

Also examining Latina physicians, Grijalva and Coombs (1997), explored the
stressors, coping skills, and strengths of 20 Latina physicians and medical students
residing in the Los Angeles and Boston areas. Many described stressors associated with
work stressors such as sexism, ﬁnancial pressures, ethnic prejudice, and a pervasive
assumption of academic inferiority. Findings also indicated that Latina physicians
experienced considerable stress due to cultural expectations from their families and
physical separation from their close-knit families and communities. They received
troubling criticism from family members and friends for deviating from traditional gender
roles. These women utilized a number of effective coping skills in dealing with their
stressors such as positive thinking skills, assertive skills, social support, and directing
their energy towards the service of others.

Although this study provides considerable insight regarding work and family
related stressors and strengths of Latina physicians, several limitations prevail. First, the
lack of demographic variables including marital status, ethnicity of spouse/partner,
number of children, acculturation, gender roles, and ethnic subgroup, limits the ability to
provide a proﬁle of these Latina physicians and to make comparisons among these
factors. In the absence of attention to these variables, the complex dynamics between
Latinas and their partners due to variances in cultural expectations and norms that may
exacerbate tension or stress was not examined. Secondly, this study is limited by its
small sample size. The use of a larger sample allows for a more in-depth investigation of

the nature of stress and coping among a successful population of women. The use of

33

empirical measures can also aide in identifying and examining factors that produce or
mitigate negative mental health outcomes for professional Latinas.

Amaro and associates (1987) studied the relative contributions of family and work
predictors on the psychological well-being among 303 Latina professionals. Findings
indicated that although married women reported more life satisfaction, having children
under the age of six and/or having a non-supportive spouse were related to higher
psychological distress symptoms. Furthermore, Latinas with a Latino spouse experienced
greater work-family conﬂict than Latinas with non-Latino spouses. Amaro et a1. (1987)
speculated that Latino partners possibly espoused traditional Latino values and norms
regarding women's roles. Consequently, these Latinas experienced increased stress in
balancing these roles and reported increased psychological distress symptoms. Findings
also indicated that Latino couples were economically disadvantaged when compared to
non-Latino couples. Despite similar educational backgrounds, Latino husbands had
signiﬁcantly lower incomes than their counterparts. These economic discrepancies may
have also contributed to higher psychological distress symptoms and stress of balancing
roles among women with Latino spouses.

Amaro's et a1. (1987) study is a long-awaited empirical investigation of the
relationships among work and family characteristics and indicators of psychological
well-being for a highly select group of Latina professionals. Although this study is
exemplary in identifying sources of strength and stress for employed Latina professionals,
several limitations also prevail. Despite the examination of factors that mitigate or

impede negative mental health outcomes, it is unclear as to which speciﬁc coping

34

strategies these women employed in their variety of home and work contexts. As
previously mentioned, more sophisticated empirical measures of stress and coping are
needed to identify how Latinas balance their multiple roles and stressors.

The examination of social, political, and economic variables also warrant
exploration in the examination of family and work-related stressors for Latinas. For
example, Kaufman (1989) critically noted that professional women of color do not enjoy
the same advantages of their White female counterparts, such as prestige, autonomy, or
high incomes. In surveying job satisfaction and other characteristics of Latino human
service workers in four geographically distinct areas, including Sacramento, CA.,
Colorado Springs, CO., Miami Florida, and Flint, MI, McNeely's (1989) ﬁndings
supported this discrepancy. His ﬁndings indicated income discrepancies between Latino
professionals and their Anglo counterparts, even when controlling for education, length of
employment, and occupational status.

Professional Latinas may confront situations in which few or no women of color
precede them. As pioneering women, Latinas enter the professional ranks, and dismantle
class, ethnic, and gender barriers. They also embody a collective representation of their
Latino communities. This responsibility entails enormous stress (Pesquera, 1993). In
examining the work commitment and work identity of working class and professional
Chicanas, Pesquera (1993) found that for Chicana professionals, political and personal
dimensions fuse work identity, causing tremendous pressure. A high ranking

administrator discussed the following:

35

Well, the ﬁrst thing is that you are working in a nontraditional environment. You

are a pioneer. People expect a lot out of you since you are the one and only. There

is a lot riding on you from your family, from other Chicanas and Chicanos, other

minorities. Whether it is real or not, you feel it. It's the fact that you are a

woman. If you are a minority, it complicates it further (Pesquera, 1990, p. l 10).
Latinas may also ﬁnd themselves in organizational environments where subtle forms of
discriminatory practices tax and deplete their energy. As major socializing agents,
institutions erect barriers that women of color and Latinas must confront. Zambrana
(1988) designated the term" cultural assault" to denote the psychological consequences
due to assault or injury to one's sense of identity and self-esteem. As such, the continuous
experience of those assaults leads to stress for Latinas, leading to marginalization or
constructive anger.

In examining Chicana academics, Segura and Pesquera (1990, as cited in Segura,
1992) revealed the predicament of Chicana academics in traditionally male institutions:

I'm ﬁghting a battle by myself. I am alone, I am the only Chicana (Hispanic for

that matter) in a University department of _. I am alone in an ocean of

racial prejudice and sexual oppression. I cope (p. 12).

Other researchers also documented the use of constructive anger as a coping
strategy, in which an individual becomes an educator, advocate, and role model (Grijalva
& Coombs, 1997; Segura, 1992; Zambrana, 1988). Although this anger may mobilize all
of their resources to succeed, the costs associated with this coping strategy warrants

further examination. Comas-Diaz and Greene (1994) also posited that professional

36

women of color may also link professional aspirations with community needs, become
the conscience of their organizations, exaggerate their need to prove their competence,
and express their anger in a productive manner. However, while these behaviors may
function as coping skills, these behaviors are met with opposition and misunderstanding.
Some women may ﬁnd themselves marginalized, pigeonholed, and have their
contributions minimized. Similarly, other complications arise when women of color
express their anger towards social injustices. For example, if a woman of color publicly
expresses her anger, she risks being stereotyped as an aggressive or violent person, while
conversely, the same behavior for a White woman may be regarded as assertive
(Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994).

As Latinas and other women of color continue to acquire professional careers,
they will encounter a series of conﬂicts as they attempt to reconcile the complicated
interplay between psychological, social, economic, and cultural inﬂuences in their daily
lives. Although they have demonstrated great strength and stamina, they also develop
vulnerability to mental health and physical problems due to these social inﬂuences.

Summary and Conclusion

While psychological studies of women and work have examined the affect of
stress, few studies have empirically examined its affect on culturally diverse samples.
This body of literature is methodologically ﬂawed and biased. Few researchers have
emphasized the speciﬁc issues of stress as they relate to women of color, particularly
Latinas. In addition, few researchers have attempted to integrate theoretical concepts of

stress with concepts of ethnicity and culture (Jackson & Sears, 1992). As Latinas and

37

other ethnic minority women continue to enter professional ﬁelds, the need for systematic
research that examines their experiences in the work force has never been greater.

Although there is a growing body of literature examining professional women of
color, additional research is needed to examine factors which contribute to job stress and
the various coping strategies they employ in their various contexts. Research including
more sophisticated measures of work and family variables, and culturally appropriate
mental health outcomes are also needed. In addition, research is needed to explore the
psychological, social, economic, and cultural inﬂuences that produce or mitigate negative
mental health outcomes for Latina professionals. Given this limited attention, counseling
psychology can advance the ﬁeld by increased attention and wider application of their
knowledge of occupational health and stress. This need becomes ampliﬁed when
working with ethnic minority clients, who are faced with additional stressors due to the
interplay of their race, class, gender, age, and sexual orientation. Although psychologists
are uniquely qualiﬁed to address many aspects of mental health issues relative to
occupational stress, their training does not adequately prepare them in addressing these
complex issues with Latinas. They are frequently at a loss with respect to addressing the
interplay between personal and environmental factors.

As clients often seek counseling psychologists to help them reduce stress and
improve their well-being, it is imperative that they possess cultural competencies. It is
also critical for psychologists be able to identify sources of strength and stress for Latinas
employed in professional ﬁelds, while understanding the complexity of the inﬂuences of

cultural, political, social, and economic variables.

38

Researchﬂxmﬂm

Given the previously reviewed literature, the current study was designed to
address the stress and coping strategies of professional Latinas, while simultaneously
attending to many of the previously cited limitations. First, in the study of Latina stress, a
multidimensional approach was taken, such as the examination of marital, occupational,
parental, and family stress.

Second, the relationship between all sets of key variables that have been
associated with working professional Latinas were examined in this study (i.e. stress,
coping strategies, acculturation, self-esteem, and gender role attitudes). The relationship
between these variables and demographic information was also examined.

Third, given that the literature suggests levels of stress and coping strategies may
be uniquely associated with setting characteristics (i.e. racial/ethnic composition), and
that such strategies may not result in positive feelings about self; this study addressed
stress, psychological well-being, and self-esteem as separate and unique experiences.

Based on the limitations of the empirical research and unaddressed questions that
shape these women’s experiences, the speciﬁc hypotheses for this study were as follows:
1. There will be signiﬁcant relationships found across Latino subgroup (Mexican
American, Puerto Rican, Cuban, and Central American) of Latina professionals among
the following variables: demographic variables (age, income, level of education, number
of children, and years in current position), reported stress (parental, marital,
occupational/economic, family/cultural), coping strategies (emotion-focused, problem-

focused), self-esteem, acculturation, and gender role attitudes.

39

2. Demographic variables (age, income, marital status, ethnicity of spouse/partner),
coping strategies (emotion-focused, problem-focused), acculturation, gender role
attitudes, and self—esteem will signiﬁcantly contribute to the variance in professional
Latinas' self-reported stress (parental, marital, occupational/economic, family/cultural).

3. Demographic variables (age, income, marital status, ethnicity of spouse/partner), stress,
acculturation, gender role attitudes, and self-esteem will signiﬁcantly contribute to the
variance in professional Latinas' self-reported coping strategies (emotion-focused,

problem-focused).

40

CHAPTER III

METHOD

R es'

A descriptive correlational research design was used for this investigation. The
purpose of this design was to describe relationships among variables than to establish a
cause-and-and effect relationship. According to Woods and Catanzaro (1988),
descriptive correlational surveys are appropriate for exploring relationships as part of
theory-generating research. A more complete understanding of the relationship among
stress, coping, and demographic variables among Latina professionals is warranted.

P . .

Participants included a sample of convenience. Participants were recruited by
word of mouth and professional Latina intemet listserves. With nine predictor variables
in a simultaneous multiple regression design, a sample of 152 was required for an alpha
level of .01 , and moderate effect size (Cohen, 1992). However, current sample size
included 361 participants. Although a nonprobability sampling method limited the
generalizability of the study, nonprobability sampling facilitated data collection,
particularly since research participants resided in various geographical regions and distant
travel would be required.

To be considered for the study, eligibility requirements included: (a) self-

identiﬁcation as a Latina, (b) employment in a professional occupation, and (c) residency

in the United States for at least ten years. Recent immigrants were not included in the

41

study to control for the confounding affects of acculturative stress. Five hundred surveys
were mailed to individuals who personally volunteered to participate in the present study,
by contacting the present investigator. Of the 500 questionnaires that were mailed, a total
of 376 participants returned completed questionnaires, with a return rate of 75%.
However, 15 questionnaires were not considered in the data analysis since the participants
did not meet the criteria for the present study. A total of 361 participants were included
in the present study, suggesting an overall return rate of 72.2%.
mm

Formal contact was made with contact persons of professional Latina
organizations to introduce the study and recruit potential participants. Formal inquiries
for official mailing lists were requested but these requests were denied. All contact
persons indicated mailing lists were not available to the general public to ensure the
privacy of its members. A personal request (Appendix H) brieﬂy describing the present
study and highlighting health-related implications of stress was posted to two professional
Latina intemet listserves. This request was also forwarded throughout the United States,
and over 800 women personally contacted the present investigator to inquire about the
current study. Questionnaires were mailed to the ﬁrst 500 women who volunteered to
participate in the present study. Participants were not compensated for their time but
participation in the study entitled them to enter a cash drawing. Two (100.00) cash prizes
and two subscriptions to Latina Magazine were awarded as incentives to participate in the
study. Research packets were mailed to the participants, and completion of the

questionnaire took approximately one half hour. Research packets contained the

42

 

following items: (a) a personal cover letter requesting assistance, description of the
study, and elements of consent; (b) demographic questionnaire; (c) the Hispanic Stress
Inventory (HSI) (Cervantes, Padilla, & Salgado de Snyder, 1989); (d) the Brief COPE
(Carver, 1997); (d) the Short Acculturation Scale (SAS) (Marin, Sabogal, VanOss Marin,
Otero-Sabogal, & Perez-Stable, 1987); (e) the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RES)
(Rosenberg, 1965); (f) Attitudes Toward Women Scale (AWS) (Spence, Helmreich, &
Stapp 1973); (g) a prepaid return envelope; and (h) a postcard for the cash drawing. To
ensure conﬁdentiality and candid responses, participants were asked not to write their
names on the questionnaire. Questionnaires were identiﬁed through numbers that could
not be traced to the participants. '
Instnrments

r ' s i it .

Demographic information was gathered through an adapted questionnaire
previously utilized by Amaro, Russo, and Johnson (1987) in their investigation of
psychological well-being among Latina professionals. The demographic questionnaire
(Appendix G) contained three broad categories; personal characteristics, work
characteristics, and family characteristics. The personal characteristics section gathered
information regarding Latino subgroup, age, state of residence, place of birth, income,
education, and sexual orientation. The family characteristics section gathered
information regarding marital status, number of children, ages of children, ethnicity of
spouse/partner, income of spouse/partner, educational level of spouse/partner, and

responsibility for household work. The work characteristics section gathered information

43

 

regarding occupation, years in current occupation, hours worked per week, and rank
ordering of ﬁrst priority.

i 1 r 35 Invento H l' ervantes Padilla and a1 ad de n der
£1532)-

The HSI is a self-report measure (Appendix B), designed to assess level of stress
in US. born and immigrant Hispanics. There are two versions of the HSI; Immigrant and
Non-Immigrant. The Non-Immigrant version was employed in this study, and consists of
59 items and four sub-scales. The four sub-scales include: (1) Marital Stress; (2)
Occupational/Economic Stress; (3) Parental Stress; and (4) Family/Cultural Conﬂict.
Individual items assess whether a particular stressor has occurred within the last three
months. If experienced, the stressor is rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (Not
at all stressful) to 5 (extremely stressful).

Each sub-scale contains a Stress frequency score and Stress Appraisal score. A
stress frequency score is calculated by tallying all "yes" responses within each sub-scale.
A stress appraisal score is calculated by tallying the Likert scores for each sub-scale. Raw
scores of each stress appraisal score are transformed into a T-score equivalent to
determine high or low stress. Finally, a HSI Total Stress score is computed by adding
together all four sub-scales. (Cervantes, Padilla & Salgado De Snyder, 1991).

Four distinct research phases were conducted to develop the HSI and establish
reliabilities. The HSI was normed on a total of 305 recent Mexican and Central American
immigrants and 188 U.S.-bom Mexican Americans. Criterion validity of the H81

involved computation of Pearson correlations for the HSl sub-scales with the Anxiety,

44

Depression and Somatization sub-scales of the Symptom Checklist 90-revised, Rosenberg
Self-Esteem Inventory, Campbell Personal Competency Inventory, and the Center for
Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. Most of the HSI sub-scales for both the
immigrant and US. versions were found to signiﬁcantly correlate at the p<.01 level, with
each of the criterion measures (Cervantes et al., 1989,1991 ). Signiﬁcant correlations
between HSI immigrant versions and criterion measures ranged from .20 to .45.
Similarly, signiﬁcant positive correlations ranged from .29 to .40 between the H81 U.S.-
born version and criterion measures (Cervantes et al., 1991).

Internal consistency for each of the HSI sub-scales was computed using Cronbach
alpha coefﬁcients. Both versions were found to have acceptable levels of internal
consistency, ranging from .77 to .91. A small sample (n=35) of older immigrant adults
were administered the HSI on two separate occasions with a two-week time interval.
Test-retest coefﬁcients were also found to have an acceptable level of reliability ranging
from .61 to .86.

Psychometric properties of the H81 were established in the course of this study.
Internal consistency and split-half reliability estimates were computed using the entire
sample data (M = 361). Cronbach alpha coefﬁcients for the scales were as follows: Total
Stress = .74, Occupational/Economic Stress = .87, Parental Stress = .89, Family/Cultural
Conﬂict = .89, and Marital Stress = .85. Split-half reliability for the entire scale was .73.

' f E- arv 1 7 .
The Brief COPE (Carver, 1997) is a self-report instrument measure designed to

assess coping responses of adults (Appendix E). This measure was originally published

45

as the COPE Inventory by (Carver, Scheier, and Weintraub, 1989). The COPE is
theoretically based on the transactional model of stress (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) and a
model of behavioral regulation (Carver et al., 1989). The Brief COPE is comprised of 28
items and 14 scales, with two items in each scale. Individual items are scored on a 4-
point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (I haven't been doing this at all) to 4 (I've been doing
this a lot).

Individual scores are given for each of the 14 scales, with a possible score range
from 2 to 8, with higher scores designating a tendency to use that type of individual
coping style. Based on the theoretical model of stress, coping styles were also delineated
with two dimensions: problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping. Problem-
focused coping are regarded as attempts to modify or eliminate a stressful encounter, and
consist of the following sub-scales: (1) Active Coping; (2) Planning; (3) Using Social
Support for Instrumental Reasons; and (4) Behavioral Disengagement. The second
dimension, emotion-focused coping are regarded as attempts to manage one's emotional
responses to a stressful encounter, and consist of the following sub-scales: (1) Using
Social Support for Emotional Reasons; (2) Positive Reframing; (3) Acceptance; (4)
Religion; (5) Venting; (6) Humor; (7) Self-Distraction; (8) Denial; (9) Substance Use;
and ( 10) Self-Blame.

Reliability for the Brief COPE included 168 adults from a community in Florida
recovering from Hurricane Andrew. The sample was largely female (approximately
66%), and Anglo (40%), but included African Americans (34%), Latinos (17%), and

Asian Americans (5%) participants. Three assessment periods (3, 6, 12 months post-

46

 

hurricane) were utilized to determine its psychometric properties.

Factor analysis yielded nine factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0, which
together accounted for 72.4% of the variance. Subscales were found to have acceptable
levels of internal consistency, ranging from .50 (Venting) to .90 (Substance Abuse).
Other psychometric properties for the Brief COPE were not reported. However, the
original COPE correlated well with the various personality measures (Carver et al., 1989),
such as the Life Orientation Test (Scheier & Carver, 1985), Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale
(Rosenberg, 1965), Personal Views Survey (Hardiness Institute, 1985), Jenkins Activity
Survey (Krantz, Glass, & Snyder, 1974), and the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory
(Spielberger, Gorsuch, & Lushene, 1970).

Psychometric properties of the Brief COPE were also established for the present
study. Alpha coefﬁcients were computed for the scales using the entire sample (N=361),
and were as follows: Active Coping = .71, Planning = .72, Positive Reframing = .73,
Acceptance = .60, Humor = .75, Religion = .85, Using Emotional Support = .70, Using
Instrumental Support = .82, Self-Distraction = .51, Denial = .50, Venting = .57, Substance
Abuse = .83, Behavioral Disengagement = .41, Self-Blame = .76, and all items = .86.
Split-half reliability for the entire scale was .76. Due to the low alpha coefﬁcients,
Behavioral Disengagement (.41), Self-Distraction (.51), Denial (.50), and Venting (.57)
sub-scales were not included in the data analyses.

The RSE is a self-report measure designed to assess a unidimensional measure of

global self-esteem (Appendix C). The lO-item measure assesses general feelings of self-

47

37—. E V

 

worth, and items are arranged in a 4-point Likert scale. After reversing the negatively
worded items of the RSE, response scores range from 10 to 40, with higher scores
designating higher self-esteem. Reliability estimates for the RSE ranged from Cronbach's
alpha coefﬁcients of .77 to .88. Test-retest reliabilities have been reported between .85
(after a two-week interval) to .82 (after a one-week interval). Thus, the confidence were
reported as .65 and between the RSE and popularity as .39. The RSE correlated well with
the Lerner Self-Esteem Scale (.72) and with the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory
(.55). Scores on the RSE also have a negative relationship with anxiety (-.64), depression
(-.54), and anomie (-.43). Therefore, the RSE has demonstrated adequate convergent
validity. Reports of the discriminant validity of the RSE did not demonstrate signiﬁcant
correlations with achievement scores or with gender, age, work experience, or marital
status.

Am’tooos IQEQIQS Women Soalo (AWS; Soonco, Helmreich & Stapp, 1273).

The AWS was created to measure the attitudes of females and males towards the
roles and of women in the following areas: (a) dating behavior and etiquette; (b) sexual
behavior and etiquette; (c) sexual behavior; and (d) marital relationships (Appendix F).
This self-report measure was originally published with 55 items by Spench and
Helmreich (1972) and later adapted to a 25-item short form (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp,
1973). The AWS short version is comprised of 25 items scored on a 4-point Likert Scale,
with 0 representing the most traditional and 3 the most liberal or contemporary response.
After reverse scoring negatively worded items, the range of possible scores extends from

0 (extremely conservative) to 75 (extremely liberal). The AWS has demonstrated

48

 

acceptable internal consistency reliability for a sample of 278 American adults
(Cronbach's alpha = .84) (Nelson, 1988) and British women (Cronbach's alpha = .77 and
.85) (Parry, 1983).

Construct validity of the AWS has been demonstrated in studies which
discrimination among various subgroups of the general population. Studies have shown
that women were found to have more liberal sex role attitudes than men (Haworth,
Povery, & Clift, 1986; Nelson, 1988; Spence et a1. 1973), younger people have more
liberal attitudes than older people, and those of higher social status have more liberal al
attitudes than those of lower status (Nelson, 1988). Others have also demonstrated the
AWS's ability to signiﬁcantly discriminate between women in the working class and
those in the upper middle class (Parry, 1983).

WWJSASW

r - l P r z- 1 l
The SAS is a self-report measure (Appendix D) designed to assess the
acculturation process of diverse Hispanic groups. The SAS is available in English and
Spanish, and comprises 12 items. Individual items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale
1(Only Spanish) to 5(Only English). Possible total scores range from 5 to 60, indicating
low and high acculturation.

The SAS was normed on a sample of 363 Hispanic and 228 Anglo adults residing
in California, Florida, and Wisconsin. Factor analyses indicated that 67.6% of the total
variance was explained by language use/ethnic loyalty, media, and ethnic social relations.

Reliability alpha coefﬁcient for the total scale was .92. All sub-scale coefficients were

49

found to have acceptable levels of internal consistency, ranging from .78 (Social
Relations) to .90 (Language). Validity of the SAS involved the computation of validity
coefﬁcients by correlating the sub-scales with criteria previously used by researchers in
the development of their acculturation scales. More speciﬁcally, total scale scores were
signiﬁcantly correlated with the following validation criteria: participants' generation,
proportion of time spent living in the United States, participant's self-evaluation of
acculturation level, acculturative index, and age of arrival in the United States.
Additional analysis also demonstrated discriminant validity between Anglo and Hispanics
on all sub-scales and total scale scores.

Psychometric properties of the SAS were also established for the present study.
Alpha coefﬁcients were computed for the scales using the entire sample (N = 361), and
were as follows: Language Use = .83, Media Scale = .75, Social Relations = .81, and
Total Scale = .75. Split-half reliability for the entire scale was .77.

Although the SAS tends to have adequate psychometric properties, and lends
itself to use with various Latino subgroups, further studies are needed to investigate and

establish other areas of validity in both clinical and non-clinical samples.

50

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

In this chapter, the results from the analysis of the data are presented in four
sections. The ﬁrst section of the chapter describes the demographic characteristics of the
sample including individual characteristics, work-related characteristics, and other
measured variables. The second section examines the quantitative data, including the
reliabilities of the scales, correlations among predictor variables, and correlations among
predictor and criterion variables. The third section focuses on the tests of the research
hypotheses. The fourth section presents narrative data regarding coping strategies, health
problems/concerns due to stress, self-perceived discrimination, self-perceived barriers,
and recommendations for a stress management program for Latina professionals.

The variables examined in this study's research questions included the following:
demographic variables (age, income, partner/spouse ethnicity, marital status), stress,
coping skills, gender role attitudes, self-esteem, and acculturation. The conceptual
framework used for this study included an integration of a Transactional Model of Stress
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) and Multiracial Feminist Theory (Baca-Zinn & Dill, 1997).

Description of the Sample
This section describes the demographic data from the 361 participants in the
study. The individual characteristics of the sample are summarized in Tables 1 to 3.
Individual characteristics included age, place of birth, ethnic subgroup, marital status,

sexual orientation, spouse/partner's ethnic background, number of children, ages of

51

children, desire for children in the future, and person responsible for household work,
educational level, and spouse/partner's educational level.

Work-related characteristics included job title, number of years in current
position, number of hours worked weekly, income, spouse/partner's income. Related
characteristics included ﬁrst priority ranking of work/career goals, marriage, personal
development, social life, and other priorities. The frequency distribution of work-related
variables are summarized in Tables 4 and 5.

I ivi 1 c eris i s

In this sample, the age of the participants ranged from 23 to 60 (Table l). The
mean age of the sample was 35.96 years. Participants resided in thirty states throughout
the United States, with 48.5% (n=l 75) residing in California. Seventy-four percent
(n=269) were born in the United States. In the sample, 70.1% (n=253) of the participants
self-identiﬁed as Mexican American or Chicana, 9.1% (n=33) Puerto Rican, 2.5% (n=9)
Cuban, 9.1% (n=33) South American, 4.4% (n=16) Central American, 2.8% (n=10)
Dominican, and 1.7% (n=6) self-identiﬁed as Other. Participants were primarily (93.3%,
n=3 36) heterosexual; lesbian (2.5%, n=9) and bisexual (3.6%, n=13) women were
modestly represented. Forty-eight percent (n=173) of the participants were married and
29.2% (n=105) were single. Of the 173 married women 48% (n=83) were married to
Latinos whereas 28.9% (n=50) were married to Anglos. Approximately 58% (n=20) of
the participants did not have children (Table 2) but 70% (n=146) indicated they desired
children in the future. The mean number of children was .79 (SD = 1.08). Twenty-nine

percent of the children (n=45) were under six years old, and 37.4% (n=57) were 18 years

52

Table 1

 

 

‘93; 0... 0,10 , 0. 'erce .w‘of ‘1‘ “c. ivd , V ,o-
Variable Category N Percent
Age Group 20 - 30 131 36.3%

31 - 40 116 32.1%
41 - 50 88 24.4%
51 + 26 7.2%
Place of Birth US. 269 74.5%
Non-US. 92 25.5%
Ethnic Subgroup Mexican American 253 70.1%
Puerto Rican 33 9.1%
Cuban 9 2.5%
South American 33 9.1%
Central American 16 4.4%
Dominican 10 2.8%
Other 6 1.7%
Missing 1 .3%
Sexual Orientation Heterosexual 336 93.3%
Lesbian 9 2.5%
Bisexual 13 3.6%
Marital Status Single 105 29.2%
Married 173 47.9%
Divorced 3 8 10.5%
Widowed 1 .3%
Living with partner 43 11.9%
Spouse/Partner's Ethnicity Latino 83 48.0%
Anglo 50 28.9%
Aﬁican American 10 5.8%
Asian American 4 2.3%
American Indian 1 .6%
European 23 13.3%
Other 2 1.2%

53

Table 2

 

 

F‘Q.‘_l D. so ' , c “r my 0 ‘1‘ ‘ql onoiviu 1,01: oont'.
Variable Category N Percent
Number of Children No Children 207 57.3%
1 Child 65 18.0%
2 Children 53 14.7%
3 Children 30 8.3%
4 Children 6 1.7%
Ages of Children < than 6 yrs old 45 29.0%
6-12 years old 26 16.8%
13-17 years old 26 16.8%
18 yrs and older 57 37.4%
Desire children in the future Yes 146 70.5%
No 24 12.0%
Uncertain 33 16.0%
Missing 4 1.5%
Person Responsible for
Household Work Self 138 38.2%
Domestic Help 14 3.9%
Shared b/w self
and partner 157 43.5%
Shared b/w self
and family 21 5.8%
Partner 7 1.9%
Other 8 2.2%
Missing 16 4.4%
Participant Educational High School 11 3.0%
Level AA Degree 24 6.6%
Bachelors 1 18 32.7%
Masters 123 34.1%
J .D. 13 3.6%
Doctorate 67 1 8.6%
MD. 5 1.4%

54

and older. Approximately 44% (n=157) shared housework with their spouse/partner. A
variety of educational levels were represented. Ninety percent of participants obtained at
least a college degree. More speciﬁcally, 32.7% (n=118) reported a Bachelors degree,
34.1% (n=123) Masters degree, 3.6% (n=13) J .D. degree, 18.6% (n=67) Doctoral degree,
and 1.4% (n=5) reported a MD. degree. With respect to spouse/partner educational level,
31.2% (n=54) earned Bachelors degrees, and 39% (n=71) earned post-graduate degrees
(Table 3).

Work-Rolatod Vﬂablos

Work-related variables included job title, number of years in current position,
number of hours worked weekly, income, partner/spouse's income, and rank order of
priorities (work/career, marriage, personal development, social life, and other).
Descriptive statistics of selected work-related variables are summarized in Tables 4
and 5.

In this sample, participants were employed in diverse ﬁelds. Seventeen
occupational categories were represented in the sample, including University Professors
(12.7%), Program Coordinators (12.2%), Counselors (9.7%), Analyst/Specialists (9.1%),
and various occupational areas (e. g., attorneys, engineers, executives, administrators)
(Table 4). The mean number of years employed in current position was 4.7 years, and
ranged from 1 to 40. The mean number of hours worked was 44.43 hours per week, with
a range of 23 to 50 (Table 5). Yearly mean income was $47,115 (range $4,000 to
$300,000). Yearly mean income for partner/spouse was $48,221 (range $0 to $380,000).

A variety of rank-ordered ﬁrst priorities were represented (more than one category could

55

Table 3

 

 

0 1 U u. u -1! 198‘ 0 ‘1 IV. “a. Va1-.- ‘ 0 t'd .
Variable Category N Percent
Spouse/Partner's
Educational Level High School 28 16.2%

AA Degree 16 9.2%
Bachelors 54 3 1 .2%
Masters 45 26.0%
JD. 4 2.3%
Doctorate 19 1 1 .0%
MD. 3 1.7%
Other 4 2.3%

56

Table 4

 

 

r131 Di tri i . . P cen..-e f e1 t-c Wr -"1. eVL,..o.1-
Variable Category N Percent
Job Title Manager 24 6.6%
Director/Executive 27 7.5%
Researcher 2 l 5 .8%
Business 8 2.2%
Other Professional 49 13.6%
Law Enforcement 6 1.7%
Government Ofﬁcial 7 1.9%
Attorney 8 2.2%
Physician 5 1.4%
University Professor 46 12.7%
Teacher 22 6.1%
Counselor 35 9.7%
Administrator 16 4.4%
Owner 2 .6%
Coordinator 44 12.2%
Analyst/Specialist 33 9.1%
Engineer 6 1.7%
Missing 2 .6%
Income $0 - 40,000 157 45.1%
$41 - 60,000 137 39.4%
$61 - 80,000 33 9.5%
$81 - 100,000 12 3.4%
$101,000 + 9 2.6%
Missing 12 3.3%
Number of Years 1 - 5 253 70.1%
in Current Position 6 - 10 59 16.3%
11 - 15 25 6.9%
16 - 20 7 1.9%
21 + 17 4.8%

57

Table 5

Eregnonoy Distn'ontion and Peroenggo of Selocted Work-Related Variables (Cont'd).

 

 

Variable Category N Percent
Number of Hours < 20 3 .8%
Worked Weekly 21 - 40 179 49.6%
41 - 50 118 32.7%
51 - 60 50 13.9%
61+ 4 1.1%
Missing 7 1.9%
Spouse/Partner's $0 - 40,000 103 45.17%
Income $41 - 60,000 60 21.42%
$61 - 80,000 33 14.47%
$81- 100,000 10 4.3%
$101,000+ 10 1.8%
Missing 18 7.9%
First Priority Work/Career
Rank Order Goals 55 15.2%
Marriage 111 30.7%
Personal
Development 98 27. 1%
Social Life 2 1.0%
Other 106 29.3%

58

be ranked as their ﬁrst priority), 30.7% (n=111) ranked marriage, 27.1% (n=98) ranked
personal development, 15.2% (n=55) ranked work/career goals, 1% (n=2) ranked social
life, and 29.3% (n=106) ranked other priorities.

her M ure V ' l 5

Other measured variables included gender role attitudes, acculturation, self-
esteem, stress (family/cultural, marital, occupational/economic, parental), and coping
strategies (problem-focused and emotion-focused). The means and standard deviations
for other measured variables are shown in Tables 6 and 7.

In this sample, the mean score for self-esteem was 34.39 (S) = 5.05), indicating
high self-esteem. The mean score for acculturation was 40.65 (SD = 7.02), indicating
high acculturation. Finally, the gender role attitude mean score was 63.71 (_S_D = 7.27),
indicating liberal gender role attitudes.

With respect to stress mean scores on the Hispanic Stress Inventory, differences
were observed between the normative population and the present sample (Table 6). Mean
scores on all sub-scales were typically higher for the present sample. For example, the
total stress mean score for the present sample was 134.46 (SD = 19.24), versus 96.22
(SQ = 28.19) for the normative population. The parental stress mean score for the present
sample was 18.81 (SD = 2.80), versus 11.77 (SD = 4.48) for the normative population.
The marital stress mean score for the present sample was 30.42 (SD = 4.63), versus 19.06
(SD = 9.93) for the normative population. The occupational/economic
mean score for the present sample was 33.20 (SD = 6.91) versus 21.42 (SD = 8.21) for

the normative sample. Lastly, the mean score for family/cultural conﬂict sub-scale for

59

Table 6

111-«.10 O__ ‘11..

. ccar Dev' in fth 111-11 tress I ve t

 

Normative Sample

Present Sample

 

Sub-scale Mean SD Mean SD

Total Stress 96.22 28.19 134.46 19.24

Marital Stress 19.06 6.93 30.42 4.63

Occupational/Economic 21 .42 8.21 33.20 6.91
Stress

Parental Stress 11.77 5.38 18.81 2.80

Family/Cultural Conﬂict 43.97 14.59 51.93 9.33

 

60

the present sample was 51.93 (SD = 9.33), versus 43.97 (SD = 14.59) for the normative

sample.

In comparison to the normative population, the sample in this study was found to
have higher scores in all areas of stress. Independent T-tests indicated these differences
were also statistically signiﬁcant on total stress (t = 37.03, p<.001), family/cultural
conﬂict (t = 15.91, n<.001), marital stress, (t = 46.50, n<.001), occupational/economic
stress (t = 32.35, p<.001), and parental stress (t = 47.74, p<.001).

These differences may be reﬂective of the demographic differences between both
samples. For example, the normative population was smaller (11 = 118), and also included
men (n = 78). Similarly, other differences included age (M_= 21.6), educational level
(M = 12.9 yrs), monthly income (M = $448.56), and marital status (81.2% single).
Conversely, the present sample solely consisted of Latinas employed in professional
ﬁelds, who are older (M; 35.96), highly educated (90% college graduates), earn higher
incomes (M = $ 47,115), and primarily married (29%).

In regards to coping strategies, diverse coping strategies were represented, ranging
from the most frequent (Planning), to the least represented (Substance Abuse). The mean
scores for the 10 scales of the Brief COPE are reported on Table 7. Mean scores
indicated that as a coping strategy, Planning (M = 6.01 ,SD = 1.61) was reported most
oﬁen, whereas Substance Abuse was reported least often (M = 2.59, SD = 1.16).

Remaining scores are found on Table 7. Comparison of mean scores between the

61

Table 7

 

 

vi ' E

Sub-scale Mean SD

Planning 6.01 1.61
Active Coping 5.80 1.69
Using Emotional Support 5.57 1.67
Positive Reinterpretation & Growth 5.37 1.71
Acceptance 5.35 1 .64
Using Instrumental Support 5.18 1.79
Religion 4.83 2.1 l
Self-Blame 4.10 1.73
Humor 4.03 1.70
Substance Abuse 2.59 1.16

62

normative population and the present sample are not possible since the Brief COPE
(Carver, 1997) was modiﬁed by the ﬁrst author from the COPE Inventory (Carver et al.,
1989), to contain fewer items. In addition, the author did not provide mean scores for the
Brief COPE normative sample.
Data Examination and Correlations among Variables

This section will present the ﬁndings from an examination of the quantitative
data. The results of Cronbach's alpha reliability of each scale or sub-scale and
correlations among variables will be presented. Pearson product-moment correlations
were computed for interval level variables to determine any patterns of association among
variables. Probability levels for signiﬁcance testing were set at .05 for analyses of the
research questions.

e u ts R Ii 11' ie

Cronbach alpha reliabilities were determined for each scale or sub-scale used in
this study. Results indicated that the Behavioral Disengagement, Self-Distraction,
Denial, and Venting sub-scales of the Brief COPE demonstrated poor reliabilities.
Cronbach alpha reliability coefﬁcient for the scales used to measure acculturation, gender
role attitudes, and self-esteem for this study were as follows: (a) Short Acculturation
Scale for Hispanics, .75 ; (b) Brief Cope, .86; (c) Brief Cope---Emotion-Focused and
Problem-Focused Dimensions, .83; ((1) Hispanic Stress Inventory---Total Score, .74; (e)
Hispanic Stress Inventory- --Sub-scales, .80; (f) Attitudes Towards Women Scale, .72;

and (g) Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, .74.

63

gonolations

Pearson product-moment correlations ( r) were computed for criterion and
predictor variables to determine any patterns of association. Scatterplots were used to
examine the assumption of linearity for signiﬁcant correlations among predictor and
criterion variables. No evidence of non-linear relationships was found when examining
the scatterplots of these correlations.

First, correlations among predictor variables were examined for signiﬁcant
relationships. Predictor variables included acculturation, age, gender role attitudes, self-
esteem, income, marital status, ethnicity of spouse/partner, emotion-focused coping, and
problem-focused coping. Categorical data were dummy coded in the following manner:
(a) marital status: married=1, non-married=0, and (b) ethnicity of spouse/partner:
Latino=1, non-Latino=0. Linear correlations among predictor variables are shown on
Table 8

Correlations were examined between all predictor variables and criterion variables
to determine whether or not the scales were operating in the manner expected. Due to the
low alpha coefﬁcients of Behavioral Disengagement, Self-Distraction, Denial and
Venting, these subs-scales were not included as coping scales. The criterion variables
were Total Stress, Marital Stress, Parental Stress, Occupational/Economic Stress,

F amily/Cultural Stress, Emotion-Focused Coping, and Problem-Focused Coping. Table 9

illustrates the linear correlations among criterion and predictor variables.

64

t' n r i r V ' 1

In examining the correlations among predictor variables, several associations were
found (Table 8). Though there were signiﬁcant correlations among predictor variables,
the relationships were not strong enough to suggest multicollinearity. Correlations
indicated that participants' age was signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with higher
self-esteem scores (I = .13, p<.05), income (r_ = .23, p<.001) and marital status (1; = .21,
o<.001), suggesting older and married participants reported higher self-esteem and
income. Gender role attitude scores were signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with
higher self-esteem scores (r = .13, p<.05) and negatively associated with non-Latino
spouse/partner (r = -. l4, o<.05), suggesting participants with liberal gender role attitudes
reported high self-esteem and had spouses/partners who were not Latinos. Acculturation
scores were signiﬁcantly and negatively correlated with non-Latino spouse/partner
(r = -.29, p<.001), suggesting highly acculturated participants had spouses/partners who
were not Latinos. Participants' income was signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with
marital status (1; = .11, p<.05) and emotion-focused coping (r = .15, p <.01), suggesting
participants with higher incomes were married and used more emotion-focused coping
strategies. Higher self-esteem scores were significantly and negatively correlated with
emotion-focused coping strategies (r = -.l8, p<.001), suggesting participants with higher
self-esteem reported less use of emotion-focused coping strategies. Finally, emotion-
focused coping strategies were signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with problem-

focused c0ping (r = .65, p <.001).

65

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66

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Pearson product correlations were used to examine relationships between all
predictor variables and criterion variables to determine whether or not the scales were
operating in the manner expected. Predictor variables included acculturation, age, gender
role attitudes, self-esteem, income, marital status, ethnicity of spouse/partner, and coping
strategies. The criterion variables were total stress, marital stress sub-scale, parental
stress sub-scale, occupational/economic stress sub-scale, family/cultural conﬂict sub-
scale, emotion-focused coping, and problem-focused coping (Table 9).

The expected associations among the variables were based on the literature, and a
one-tailed level of signiﬁcance was used for testing. Among the predictor and criterion
variables, it was expected that greater income and age would be associated with lower
stress scores. It was also expected that lower acculturation and self-esteem scores would
be associated with higher stress scores.

In examining the correlations among criterion and predictor variables, several
associations were found (Table 9). Though there were signiﬁcant correlations among
predictor variables, the relationships were not strong enough to suggest multicollinearity.
Correlations indicated that age was signiﬁcantly and negatively correlated with
family/cultural conﬂict (r = -.15, p<.01) and positively correlated with parental stress
(1' =24, p<.001), and emotion-focused coping strategies (r = .09, o<.05). Correlations
suggested that older participants reported less family/cultural but more parental stress and
emotion-focused coping strategies. Acculturation scores were signiﬁcantly and

negatively correlated with total stress scores (1' = -.1 l, p<.05), marital stress

67

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68

and occupational/economic stress (r = -.10, p<.05). Correlations suggested that highly
acculturated participants reported less total stress, marital stress, and
occupational/economic stress. Higher self-esteem scores were signiﬁcantly and
negatively correlated with total stress (_r_ = -.35, p<.001), family/cultural conﬂict

(r = -.35, p<.001), marital stress (r = -.23, p<.001), occupational/economic stress

(_r_ = -.35, p<.001), emotion-focused coping (r = -.18, p<.01). Correlations indicated that
participants with higher self-esteem reported less total stress, marital stress,
occupational/economic stress, and emotion-focused coping strategies. Participants'
income was signiﬁcantly and negatively correlated with total stress (1 = -.13, p<.05),
family/cultural conﬂict (1 = -.13, p<.05), occupational/economic stress (r = -.09, p<.05).
and positively correlated with emotion-focused coping strategies (r = .15, p<.01), and
positively correlated with problem-focused coping strategies (r = .10, p<.05).
Correlations suggested that participants with higher incomes reported less
occupational/economic stress, family/cultural conﬂict, total stress, and more emotion-
focused and problem-focused coping strategies. Emotion-focused coping strategies were
signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with marital status (r_ = .17, o <.001), marital stress
(r = .17, p<.001), occupational/economic stress (1 = .25, p<.001), family/cultural conﬂict
(1' = .31, p<.001), total stress (r = .30, p<.001), and problem-focused coping (I = .67,
p<.001). Correlations suggested that participants who used emotion-focused coping
strategies were married and reported more occupational/economic stress, family/cultural
conﬂict, total stress, and used more problem-focused coping strategies. Finally, the use

of problem-focused coping strategies was signiﬁcantly and positively correlated with

69

liberal gender role attitudes (r = .10, p <.05), marital stress (1 = .11, p<.05),
occupational/economic stress (r = .17, p<.001), family/cultural conﬂict (r = .17, p<.05),
and total stress (r = .15, p<.01). Correlations suggested that participants who used
problem-focused coping strategies reported more liberal gender role attitudes, marital
stress, occupational/economic stress, family/cultural conﬂict, and total stress.

Data Analysis of Research Hypotheses

Statistical data addressing the research hypotheses will be presented and discussed
in this section. Simultaneous regression procedures were used to answer research
questions. Scatterplots of the residuals were examined to conﬁrm that the assumptions of
normality, homoscedasticity, and linearity were met (Hamilton, 1992). Correlations
among predictor and criterion variables were determined. These correlations did not
demonstrate multicollinearity among the predictor variables. Also, computer-generated
tolerance ﬁgures for each predictor variable were performed. Tolerance values range
from 0.00 (multicollinearity) to 1.00 (no multicollinearity). Tolerance values for
predictor variables in the regression equations did not indicate multicollinearity.

A simultaneous procedure was utilized to determine signiﬁcant predictor variables
to build a model. Due to the multiple comparisons of criterion variables, Bonferonni tests
were used to adjust for the observed signiﬁcance level of .01 (.05/5). For analysis of the
research hypotheses, the probability level for signiﬁcance testing was set at p<.01. To be
included in the model, a predictor variable had to meet the probability level of p<.01 and

a statistically signiﬁcant change in R2.

70

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Demographic data indicated that the sample was primarily Mexican
American/Chicana (70.1%), and other Latino subgroups (Puerto Rican, Cuban, South
American, Central American, Dominican) were modestly represented. Due to the small

representation of these groups, this research question was not addressed.

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Simultaneous regressions were conducted in all analyses to examine the
contributions of the predictor variables. Each model contained the same predictor
variables to maintain consistency across all models, and to measure their potential
signiﬁcance across diverse areas of stress. As such, all models contained the following
nine predictor variables to measure diverse areas of stress: (a) acculturation; (b) age; (c)
gender role attitudes; (d) ethnicity of spouse/partner; (e) income; (f) marital status; (g)
self-esteem; (h) emotion-focused coping; and (i) problem-focused coping.
Problem-focused coping strategies were deﬁned as attempts to modify or eliminate the

stressor through one's own behaviors, such as problem solving or direct action. Whereas

71

ll

 

emotion-focused coping strategies were deﬁned as behavioral or cognitive responses to
manage one's emotional responses, such as eliciting social support or tension reduction.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in total stress that could be accounted for by the nine predictor variables
(Table 10 ). Entered together, the predictor variables were signiﬁcant predictors of total
stress scores, E(9,164) = 5.45, p<.001, with R? = .23. In this model, the results indicated
that self-esteem and emotion-focused coping strategies were the most signiﬁcant
predictors, accounting for 23% of the variance in total stress scores. Increased levels of
self-esteem scores predicted decreased total stress scores; and increased levels of
emotion-focused coping strategies predicted increased total stress scores. The data
indicated Latinas with high levels of self-esteem reported less stress. Conversely, Latinas
who used more emotion-focused coping strategies reported increased stress.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the marital stress sub-scale that could be accounted for by the nine
predictor variables (Table 11). Entered together, the predictor variables were signiﬁcant
predictors of marital stress scores, E(9,169) = 2.86, p<.01, with R’ = .13. In this model,
the results indicated that acculturation and self-esteem were the most signiﬁcant
predictors, accounting for 13% of the variance in marital stress. Increased levels of
acculturation and self-esteem predicted decreased levels of marital stress scores. The data

indicated that Latinas with high levels

72

Table 10

 

 

.H." at 9 .1! - LOCO. .0 1015.1: ,0 T0 -l
Variable B Q __S_E_1_3_ t
Self-Esteem -l .24 -.31 .29 4.3 7**
Acculturation -.45 -. 1 7 .00 -2.40
Age -.12 -.05 .17 -.74
Gender Role Attitudes 4.44 .02 .20 .21
Emotion-Focused Coping .90 .30 .28 3.24"
Income -1.07 -. l 7 4.00 -2.47
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -3.30 -.09 2.82 -1.16
Marital Status 1.10 .03 3.15 .35
Problem-Focused Coping -.29 -.06 .41 -.70

 

Note. n=361
* p<.01. ** p<.OOl.

73

Table 1 1

i l u ltil

sion Anal sis f r Marital Stress

 

 

Variable B 12 3.53 I
Self-Esteem -.29 -.21 .1 1 -2.79*
Acculturation -.20 -.22 .07 -2.78*
Age -5.53 -.70 .06 -.89
Gender Role Attitudes 1.32 .01 .06 -. 1 7
Emotion-Focused Coping .18 .16 .10 1.72
Income -3 .41 -. 16 .00 -2. 12
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -1.37 .10 1.03 .32
Marital Status .90 .06 1 . 15 .78
Problem-Focused Coping .13 -.08 .15 -.85

 

Note. n=361
* p<.01. ** p<.001.

74

of acculturation and self-esteem reported less marital stress.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the occupational/economic stress sub-scale that could be accounted for
by the nine predictor variables (Table 12). Entered together, the nine predictor variables
were signiﬁcant predictors of occupational/economic stress scores, E(9,l69) = 4.05,
p<.001, with 112 = .18. In this model, the results indicated that acculturation and
self-esteem were the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 18% of the variance in
occupational/economic scores. Increased levels of acculturation and self-esteem
predicted lower levels of occupational/economic stress scores. The data indicated Latinas
with high levels of acculturation and self-esteem reported less occupational/economic
stress.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of the
variance in the parental stress sub-scale that could be accounted for by the nine predictor
variables (Table 13). Entered together, the predictor variables were signiﬁcant predictors
of parental stress scores, £(9,169) = 4.93, p<.001, R} = .21. In this model, the results
indicated that age was the most signiﬁcant predictor, accounting for 21% of the variance
in parental stress scores. Older age predicted higher parental stress scores, indicating that
older Latinas reported more parental stress.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the family/cultural conﬂict sub-scale that could be accounted for by the

nine predictor variables (Table 14). Entered together, the predictor variables were

75

Table 12

.u-11-l‘ "‘4‘

_l.li_,¢. i O .

' 1 {IL 019111

 

 

1.11-1121 o u. . --.1‘ o .9.
51:11:55
Variable B 11 5.23 I
Self-Esteem -.52 -.27 .14 -3.74* *
Acculturation -.27 -.22 .09 -2.93*
Age 1.78 .02 .08 .22
Gender Role Attitudes -2.07 -.02 .10 -.20
Emotion-Focused Coping .27 .18 .14 1.98
Income -4.86 -.16 .00 -2.25
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -1.89 -.10 1.38 -1.37
Marital Status .54 .03 1.54 . 35
Problem-Focused Coping 6.71 .03 .20 .33

 

l\_lo_t_e. n=361
* p<.01. ** p<.001.

76

Table 13

in 1.1 o '11 neou M ltio eR esoi L1 i _orP - t1 ess

 

 

 

Variable B I; SE 1
Self-Esteem - 6.98 -.08 .07 -1.08
Acculturation - 2.38 -.04 .04 -.56
Age .21 .43 .04 5.72
Gender Role Attitudes 2.88 .05 .05 .63
Emotion-Focused Coping 4.98 .07 .06 .79
Income -1.03 -.08 .00 -1.04
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity .60 .07 .63 .95
Marital Status -5.48 .00 .71 -.01
Problem-Focused Coping -. 16 -.15 .09 -1.68
Mots. n=361

* p<.01. ** p<.001.

77

Table 14

 

 

 

--u_u.-.10fS'r la ‘0 1'01‘ '1" ‘ S1 A . isfor i /C - an 0 . 'Ct
Variable B 11 SE8 1
Self-Esteem -.84 -.33 .18 - 4.82“
Acculturation -.21 -. l 3 .12 -1.85
Age -.22 -.15 .10 -2.09
Gender Role Attitudes 3.22 .02 .13 .26
Emotion-Focused Coping .71 .36 .17 4.13**
Income -5.83 -.15 .00 -2.18
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -1.93 -.08 1.73 -1.1 1
Marital Status -.21 -.01 1.94 -.11
Problem-Focused Coping -.20 -.07 .25 -.76
Moto. n=361

* p<.01. ** p<.001.

78

signiﬁcant predictors of family/cultural conﬂict scores, E(9,164) = 7.66, p<.001, with

32 = .30. In this model, the results indicated that self—esteem and emotion focused coping
strategies were the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 30% of the variance in
family/cultural conﬂict scores. Higher levels of self-esteem predicted decreased levels of
family/cultural conﬂict scores; and higher levels of emotion-focused coping strategies
predicted higher levels of family/cultural conﬂict. The data indicated that Latinas with
high levels of self-esteem reported less family/cultural conﬂict. Conversely, Latinas who

used more emotion-focused coping strategies reported increased family/cultural conﬂict.

.2-.. ‘1-110 "$2101.31 -D‘ 09101 .'..s at‘ ' 01‘11o.1-«_.
-11- ‘11; o- mu e/n-g1‘, , 1 11'” “10‘- 1‘ 11.1-1‘ .10.

‘ .1 ' -11. :1 0 110-1‘ 9 1‘Va1111 ‘10.,0-‘ 1.1.1.21..-" - ‘mr‘d
c i i

Simultaneous regressions were conducted in both analyses to examine the
contributions of the predictor variables. Both models also contained the same predictor
eight variables to maintain consistency in both models, and to measure their potential
signiﬁcance in coping strategies. As such, all models contained the following eight
predictor variables to measure diverse areas of coping strategies: (a) acculturation; (b)
age; (c) gender role attitudes; (d) ethnicity of spouse/partner; (6) income; (f) marital
status; (g) self-esteem; and (h) stress.

As previously indicated, problem-focused coping strategies were deﬁned as
attempts to modify or eliminate the stressor through one's own behaviors, such as

problem solving or direct action. Whereas emotion-focused coping strategies were

79

deﬁned as behavioral or cognitive responses to manage one's emotional responses, such
as eliciting social support or tension reduction.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
variance in emotion-focused coping strategies that could be accounted for by the eight
predictor variables (Table 15). Entered together, the predictor variables were signiﬁcant
predictors of emotion-focused coping scores, E(8, 165) = 3.44, p<.01, with R” = .14. In
this model, the results indicated that income and stress were the most signiﬁcant
predictors, accounting for 14% of the variance in emotion-focused coping strategies.

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in problem-focused coping sub-scales that could be accounted for by the
eight predictor variables (Table 16). Entered together, the predictor variables were not
signiﬁcant predictors of problem-focused coping scores, E(8,170) = 2.56, o>n.s.

'1... an... i o R ‘. O ‘ 1o1 4-Wht1r‘ h sre sor oo11__°1‘t-‘!" or i l
o oC‘ .. o .. a of'n rst for . trs m 19‘ n m 91m io ‘n iﬁ o o tina
r ' l ?
Narrative Findings

This section will describe ﬁndings of exploratory and narrative data used to
answer the research question. The intent of the question was to conduct a preliminary
exploration to explore how cultural, psychological, and social forces impact stress and
coping processes of Latina professionals. Through anecdotal comments, participants
were provided with the opportunity to express themselves in their own words. Five open-

ended questions were developed to explore various aspects of coping,

80

Table 15

 

 

 

“1111...; o -11-_-.-1‘o __u..o_‘_i".‘ 0151a. o. __ "on. o - ‘1 H19
Strategies

Variable B 11 SEE. I
Self-Esteem -5.30 -.04 .10 -.52
Acculturation 1 .95 .02 .07 .30
Age 3.64 .05 .06 .65
Gender Role Attitudes 7.07 .08 .07 1.04
Income 4.39 .22 .00 2.99*
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -.64 -.05 .96 -.67
Marital Status -1.38 -.10 1.07 -1.30
Stress 9.11 .28 .03 3.57"
Mote. n=36l

* p<.01. ** p<.001.

81

Table 16

 

 

 

111.1111 o- '1. . «.160 - M lio‘l R‘a ‘sionA l is for 'ro‘olm- o u ed oon:
We:
Variable B I: SEE. I
Self-Esteem 1 .61 .02 .07 .23
Acculturation 8.93 .02 .05 .20
Age -6.37 -.13 .04 -1.65
Gender Role Attitudes .12 .19 .05 2.53
Income 2.05 .15 .00 2.01
Spouse/Partner Ethnicity -.51 -.06 .66 -.77
Marital Status -.39 -.04 .74 -.53
Stress 3.16 .14 .02 1.80
N215}. n=361

* p<.01. ** p<.001.

82

stress, self-perceived discrimination, self-perceived barriers, and recommendations for a
stress management program. Due to the exploratory nature of the research question,
responses were recorded using the actual wording of the participants whenever possible.
Using frequency counts, themes were grouped into categories.

in S i

Of the 361 participants included in this study, 90% (n = 326) provided written
comments regarding their coping strategies. These comments were brief but ranged from
a few sentences to a paragraph. Participants frequently indicated multiple coping
strategies, yielding 985 total responses that were delineated into ten categories (Table 17).
The use of multiple coping strategies is indicated in the following:

I focus on the cause of the stress, look at the 'big' picture. Then I determine whether
or not to take action in confronting the stress or let it dissipate, plan on time off to
rejuvenate. When I come home, I seek refuge in my room, have a glass of wine, and
meditate. I also call on friends to cheer me up. My husband is a wonderful care-
giver. I also like to go for long walks in natural surroundings. I work out at the
ﬁtness center 3x's a week.

In addition to multiple responses, bicultural and multidimensional approaches to
coping were also suggested. For example, one participant described a holistic and
multicultural approach to coping, "I listen to music, exercise, meet with my counselor,
call family members, speak with my husband, seek acupuncture, and talk to a curandera.”
Cultural aspects also appear to prescribe coping behaviors and the availability of

resources. More speciﬁcally, the availability of extended family relationships and

83

Table 17

F1"o._‘1 D' -o.to 11o."

‘ ._-e_ioo1‘o ,ooll‘

11‘

ie

 

 

Area N Percentage
Social Support 197 60.4%
Sports & Physical Exercise 164 50.3%
Artistic & Literary Activities 91 27.9%
Alternative Therapies 75 23.0%
Direct Action/Problem Solving 71 21.7%
Spirituality or Religion 54 16.5%
Recreational Activities 41 1 2.5%
Rest or Relax 40 12.2%
Moderate use of alcohol or 26 7.9%
cigarettes

Other Coping Skills 223 68.4%
Total Coping Skills 985

 

Noto. Multiple coping skills possible; percentages based on n=326

84

collective approaches to coping.

Approximately 61% (n=197) indicated seeking social support from family,
ﬁiends, spouses, partners, or co—workers for both emotional and instrumental reasons.
Several indicated "I have a wonderful friend/support group" or "I talk about the stressful
event with my partner." For many, families were regarded as "very supportive" and
participants regarded themselves as having "strong family values." F iffy-one percent
(n=1 64) also indicated the use of sports and physical exercise (n=164), ranging from
weight training, aerobics, walking, running, and swimming.

Approximately 28% (n=91) indicated the use of artistic and literary activities,
such as drawing, music, dancing, reading, writing, and other forms of artistic expression.
Twenty-three percent (n=75) indicated the use of alternative therapies, such as Tae Chi,
massage, yoga, candles, folk healers, teas/herbs, and candles. Although the use of
alternative therapies was reported, the use of traditional psychotherapy was only modestly
reported. Only thirteen participants indicated the use of psychotherapy.

Twenty-two percent (n=74) noted the use of direct or problem solving coping
strategies. There was great diversity in regards to speciﬁc behaviors, such as "If I know a
stressful event is forthcoming, I imagine possible scenarios and role play with my
spouse." Another indicated "1 try to solve the problem become involved in some
activity to solve it or alleviate the stress." Seventeen percent (n=54) of the participants
reported the use of spirituality or religion, consisting of both eastern and western religious
practices. For example, participants regarded the practice of meditation as helpful.

Others regarded their spirituality as an integrated part of their lives. For example one

85

participant indicated: "First, I pray about it. I present any stressful situations before God. I
tell Him about it and ask Him for guidance in dealing with it. I ﬁnd relief from these
situations through my personal relationship with God."

Other strategies included (a) recreational activities (12.5%, n=41), such as visiting
the beach, outdoor activities, gardening, traveling, and hobbies; (c) rest and relaxation
(12.2%, n=46), and ((1) moderate use of alcohol or cigarettes (7.9%, n=26). Participants
also reported 223 different coping strategies that could not be categorized due to the small
frequencies within the categories. There was great diversity in these strategies, including
playing with pets, positive thinking, mentally disengaging, eating chocolate, community
work, and acquiring new skills.

When comparing coping strategies among the narrative and quantitative data,
differences and similarities emerged (Table 18). Narrative ﬁndings suggested cultural
and diverse coping strategies, such as extended families, yoga, religion, folk healers, and
artistic activities. Traditional coping strategies such as exercise, social support, direct
action, and problem solving were substantiated. The large number of total coping
strategies (n=985) also suggested that multiple coping strategies were employed.

When comparing the Brief COPE with the narrative data, the ﬁndings suggested
differences in the frequencies of speciﬁc coping strategies. For example, the means of the
Brief COPE indicated frequent use of the following scales: planning, active coping, social
support for emotional reasons, positive reinterpretation, and acceptance. However, with
the exception of social support, narrative ﬁndings indicated frequent use of divergent

coping strategies, including sports/exercise, artistic/literary activities, and alternative

86

Table 18

 

 

 

Brief COPE Mean Self-Reported Freq.
Sub-scales Coping Skills
Planning 6.01 Social Support 197
Active Coping 5.80 Sports/Exercise 164
Using Emotional 5.57 Artistic/Literary 91
Support Activities
Positive Reinterpretation 5.37 Alternative Therapies 75
Acceptance 5.35 Direct Action/Problem
Solving 71
Using Instrumental 5.18 Spirituality/Religion 54
Support
Religion 4.83 Recreational Activities 41
Self-Blame 4.10 Rest or Relax 40
Humor 4.03 Moderate use of alcohol 26
and cigarettes
Substance Abuse 2.54

87

therapies. These ﬁndings suggest that traditional coping scales do not capture all aspects
of coping strategies, and do not measure the use of cultural or non-mainstream coping
strategies. The high volume of total responses also suggests that multiple strategies are
employed, and c0ping instruments are limited to solely measuring the speciﬁc areas of
inquiry. Findings also indicated that emotion-focused coping strategies appeared to
function differently for Latinas, and did not appear to be maladaptive, as suggested by
prior research on Anglo populations (Bhagat et al., 1991; Long, 1988).
HelthPr lm/ nms ts

Fifty-percent (n=180) of the participants reported experiencing health problems or
concerns due to stress. Participants frequently indicated multiple health concerns,
yielding 314 total health problems/concerns, and ten broad categories (Table 19). The
number of health concerns dramatized the enormous impact of high demands and
multiple stressors. These demands also appeared to have both a physical and
psychological impact, as suggested by the following statement: "I usually keep pushing
myself until I crash and burn. Usually, I internalize it and end up with a stomach ulcer."

Written responses suggested the most frequent health problems/concerns included
headaches (25.6%, n=46), muscle tension (20%, n=3 6), and gastrointestinal problems
(18.8%, n=34). Psychological aspects of stress were also reported, such as anxiety
(10%, n=18) and depression (9.4%, n=17). One participant stated, "I eat too much. I
sometimes cry and also become nervous and agitated. At times, I'll even lash out and
regret it later." Another noted the psychologically debilitating effects of stress in the

following: "I was clinically depressed in 95-96 due to overwhelming family stress and

88

Table 19

 

 

P r n f f-R ed Health-R lated

lem / c rns u o r 5
Category N Percent
Headaches 46 25.6%
Muscle Tension 36 20.0%
Gastrointestinal 34 1 8.8%
Sleep Disturbance 24 13.3%
Weight Gain 23 12.8%
Anxiety 18 10.0%
High Blood Pressure 18 10.0%
Depression 1 7 9.4%
Rashes 13 7.2%
Ulcers 11 6.1%
Other Health Concerns 74 41.1%
Total reported health
problems/concerns 3 l4

 

Mot; Multiple responses possible; percentages based on n=1 80.

89

unfair expectations of myself - I call it 'perfection paralysis'. After that awful time, I
minimize my stress and its effects on me in every way possible."

Related symptoms also included sleep disturbance (13.3%, =24), weight gain
(12.8%, n=23), high blood pressure (10%, n=18), rashes (7.2%, n=13), ulcers (6.1%,
n=11), and other health concerns (41.1%, n=74), such as low immune systems, chest
pains, fatigue, or irregular menstrual periods.

Self-Perceived Discrimination

Approximately 56% (n=204) reported experiencing discrimination at work, and
provided written comments regarding their experiences. The remaining 44% of the
sample appeared to have other perceptions. Perhaps these differences were attributed to
differences in world views or other factors. Participants frequently indicated
discrimination in multiple forms, yielding 316 total responses delineated into seven
categories (Table 20).

Inkenisrn

The most frequent area of self-perceived discrimination was tokenism
(61.7%, n = 126), including: being regarded as inferior by colleagues, isolation,
pejorative remarks, and limited decision making power. For example, a physician stated,
"Co-workers and other medical staff on occasion have been surprised to ﬁnd out I'm
Mexican 'because I've made it so far and I'm good at what I do!"' Similarly, another
indicated, "1 was introduced to my co-workers as the 'afﬁrrnative action hire' - I am now
two ranks higher than the supervisor who introduced me that way. I'll never treat anyone

that way." Also questioned regarding her qualiﬁcations, another participant stated,

90

Table 20

 

 

 

F

Category N Percent
Tokenism l 26 61 .7%
Sexism 76 34.3%
Career Immobility 70 37.2%
Ageism 1 6 7.8%
Racism 1 5 7.3%
Other Areas 13 6.3%
Total 3 16

 

Note. Multiple responses possible; percentages based on n=204

91

"Despite my record of achievement, there have been some people who prejudge me as
inferior - so I have had to be twice or three times better, just to be considered equal."
Despite their unjust treatment, several participants were also proactive in confronting
these situations, such as ﬁling grievances and complaints. A proactive position is
indicated by the following:
At my ﬁrst teaching position, a mostly White male faculty gave me horrible
evaluations and attempted to remove rne. Subsequently, I arranged for an
outside evaluation and the evaluation concluded that my department had been
discriminatory in their actions. I then moved on to another university, where
I have received tenure and was promoted to department chair this year.
Another faculty member commented, "years ago, a male colleague was promoted over
me, even when I had more qualiﬁcations and seniority. After that, I've had to file
discrimination complaints and salary inequity complaints four times."
Se_x_i§m
The second area of self-perceived discrimination sexism, (3 7.2%, n = 38),
including: exclusion from informal male networks, limited decision making, sexual
harassment, and salary inequity. Commenting on subordination from male
administrators, the following was expressed:
I have been subordinated by older male administrators who try to control my energy
by obfuscating the facts and focusing on my rank. I've heard from equals who are
young males that they are encouraged to speak out and ask hard questions. I

represent a threat that must be controlled for some reasons.

92

Also discussing differential treatment, another noted: "my male colleagues expect me to
perform secretarial tasks although I hold an equal position." Commenting on salary
inequity, one participant stated, "My supervisor told me my male co-worker needed to
make more money because he is married and has a family (3 children) to support."
C r e 'l'

The third area of self-perceived discrimination was career immobility (34.3%,
n = 70), including: a glass ceiling, salary inequity, lack of mentors, disparity of work, and
lack of promotions or job interviews. Aware of her career immobility, a participant
indicated:

Absolutely. I've been ignored of job promotions or reclassiﬁcation over and

over again. My job responsibilities continue to grow every year but it's a

battle to get reclassiﬁed. I have earned my master's degree, continuously

pushing professional development, and sit on many important committees to

improve the service we provide to students-~and it feels like it just doesn't

matter what I do--I'm not going anywhere!
Ageism

The fourth area of self-perceived discrimination was ageism (7.8%, n = 16).
Participants frequently indicated their discrimination was based on their younger age. A
32-year old Chicana expressed:

As a woman and Latina (and a young professional), I have been overlooked as a key

player in an organization. My saving grace however, has been my degree from an Ivy

League institution. It still hasn't helped my credibility 100%.

93

Another 28 year-old Mexican American participant expressed concern about how her age
and ethnicity intersect:

Because of my relatively young age, I've experienced a degree of ageism, not

from colleagues, but from the constituencies that we serve. This may, at

times, be confounded by the fact that I'm not only young, but also a young

woman of color.
Racial

The ﬁfth area of self-perceived discrimination was racism (7.3%, n = 15),
including overt and covert acts. For example, one participant commented on multiple
forms of racism, "1 was called the 'chimichanga' at work, asked if my parents and I did the
Mexican hat dance after dinner, paid at a lower rate than Anglo counterparts." Another
commented on the impact of her phenotype, "I am a Black Latina. The form of
discrimination I have felt is more an isolation because there are not very many other
Latinas and they do not known what to expect of me."
mm

The sixth area of self-perceived discrimination was "other related areas"
(6.3%, n = 13), such as language or homophobia. Commenting on her language, a
participant stated, "People think that because I have an accent I don't understand what
they are telling me. They also are very aware of the fact that I talk 'funny' and they

remind me of it constantly!"

94

f- r eive t'o l arriers

Approximately 75% (n = 270) reported experiencing occupational barriers, and
provided written comments regarding their experiences. Participants frequently indicated
multiple occupational barriers, yielding 349 total responses delineated within ﬁve
categories (Table 21). The parallels between self-perceived discrimination and
occupational barriers was an unexpected ﬁnding. Although the categories of tokenism
and career immobility may appear redundant, they were retained to underscore perceptual
differences between self-perceived discrimination and self-perceived barriers.
I r i end r l e

The ﬁrst occupational barrier included the intersection of gender, culture, and age
(41.4%, n = 112). This intersection was typically suggested by the following comment:
"On some occasions people have made assumptions about me as a person and my
performance based on my race and ethnicity. I have also experienced sexual harassment
from friendly coworkers." Pondering upon the interplay between gender, cultural, and
age, the following was stated:

Reward and recognition by the White male director of my work. Seems surprised

that I can do tasks so thoroughly and efﬁciently. I wonder if this is because I'm

young, a woman, or Latina? Perhaps all three? Other co-workers recognize work I

do, but hardly ever hear praise by the director. This creates stress in me.

95

Table 21

 

 

reo ‘ I '|110-..1' P c 12‘ o e_"‘f-rcivd O c o. ionl t. 'rs
Category N Percent
Intersection of Gender 1 12 41.4%
Culture, and Age
Tokenism 93 34.4%
Career Immobility 85 31.4%
Other Areas 59 21.8%
Total 349

 

Noto. Multiple responses possible; percentages based on n=270.

96

Also cognizant of the tension created with her others, a participant expressed:
I feel insecure and that people don't take me seriously. I feel tension even with my
fellow administrators who are White women. In the past, I have felt the teachers I
supervise, question my directives and thoughts because I look young, am a
woman, and a person of color.
Competing cultural and organizational values were also indicated in the following:
The greatest barriers have always been the very competitive attitude of the work
environment that prohibits the time needed to collaborate and work more
cooperatively with others. People are so caught up in acquiring positions and
power, they show little value for language and cultural differences.
Tokenism
The second occupational barrier was tokenism (26.6%, n = 93), including areas of
being regarded as inferior, incompetent, disrespected, and the need to prove oneself. One
participant indicated she was not valued, and stated, "lack of respect, being condescended
to, and not being treated as equal. Not being felt like a contributor to the success of an
organization." In their attempts to prove themselves as competent, participants stated they
felt pressured to work harder than their counterparts to "prove" themselves. For example,
one participant indicated, "I feel like I have to perform highly and fulﬁll all expectations.
Otherwise, I put a lot of pressure on myself. Mom used to say I had to preform at a
higher level to om myself, since I was Latina." Similarly, another participant
commented, "Allowing people to see my greatest potential. At times I strive so hard to

prove myself to others and when it is not recognized I become a bit discouraged."

97

Qareenlmrnnbilitx

The third occupational barrier was career immobility (31.4%, n = 85), consisting
of limited promotions or salary increases, lack of entry into informal networks, and
insufﬁcient education. For example, the following participant commented on her lack of
promotions: "Never 'enough' experience. Reasons for not being promoted are ever
changing depending on the circumstances while Anglo men and women seem to be more
readily promoted and accepted in their new roles." Another observed how mobility was
not based on merit or experience, stated, "I've seen men with less experience, younger,
and less time in the company get ahead quicker and make more money. I feel I have to
prove myself on a daily basis."

The lack of access to informal networks also appeared to limit career mobility, as
indicated, "Overcoming discrimination and not being allowed to enter the 'inforrnal
network' of power sharing that occurs mostly among men, but also among White
women." Similarly, another participant commented, "Administration and higher
management is predominately Anglo. Consequently, the inﬂuence power is controlled by
this dominant group. My perception of this environment is that it limits input from those
of us who have new and different value systems." Also commenting on informal
networks, "'The Male Club' I believe most men think women don't belong in the
workplace. Even the male management don't involve females (Hispanic, Black, Asian, or

White) in most meetings or functions."

98

t B ' r
The fourth occupational barrier consisted of other barriers (21.8%, n = 59). These
barriers were very diversiﬁed, but included barriers such as lack of child care facilities,
overextending oneself, and homophobia.
tM ent d'fLine'l
Seventy-seven percent (11 = 277) of the participants provided recommendations for
a stress management program for Latina professionals. Participants frequently provided
multiple recommendations yielding 492 individual responses and eight categories
(Table 22). Participants frequently commented on the importance of integrating cultural
elements in a stress management program, such as the following:
I think any stress management program for Latinas must obviously be culturally
sensitive to our cultural traits. It should be taken into consideration the role that
our families play in our lives, our language, our views as far as what being a
woman means, our spirituality, etc. The program should exist in the context of
how we deﬁne what being a Latina is.
Also commenting on the importance of cultural issues and Latina facilitators, another
participant suggested:
I think the program should deﬁnitely be run by a fellow Latina, because it would help
the participants if someone who is culturally aware of some of the barriers which are
speciﬁc to Latinas. I think a majority of our stress comes from the constant struggle

to be there for 'la familia’ and at the same time be successful according to American

standards.

99

Table 22

 

 

_r‘o. ‘ D'1o-'o_ 1-1-oPr“1oz‘o.i‘ oLo‘ ogon 1,, _ ‘__ u_-.,1,o..°‘11‘n
Program for Profossionnl Latinas

Recommended Element N Percent
Work, Family, and Cultural Dimensions 86 31.0%
Support Groups and Mentoring 80 28.9%
Personal Care and Self-Esteem 69 24.9%
Interpersonal Skills 55 19.9%
Alternative Therapies & Spirituality 53 19.1%
Health and Exercise 36 13.0%
Stress Management Techniques 31 11.1%
Other Recommendations 82 29.6%
Total 492

 

Noto. Multiple responses possible; percentages based on n=277

100

Similarly, others also emphasized the diversity among Latinas, "Any thing that is holistic.
That it does not try to make us 'white.’ Exercise techniques that builds on our varied
backgrounds, that acknowledges there isn't a 'one size ﬁts all.'"
mmmmnmmnmm
The ﬁrst recommendation (31%, n = 86) for a stress management program
included work, family, and cultural dimensions. Participants expressed an interest in
learning how to reconcile competing work, family, and cultural issues, as indicated by the
following:
More and more we are faced with learning how to balance our desire for careers
and economic security with desires for a fulﬁlling intimate relationship. I think
we've bought into the myth of the 'modem woman' without having been prepared
to deal with the real conﬂicts and choices the myth brings.
Others also stressed the importance of maintaining balance in their lives:
As Latinas we share the burden of being very strong women, capable of doing
anything, and working three times as hard at it. Figuring out how to balance what
our fathers have taught us to be, what our partners want us to be, and what we
want to be.
Another participant also expressed, "Something that would include discussion and
strategies on how to deal with family obligations and balancing school or work with these

additional responsibilities (i.e. taking care of children and elderly parents)"

101

Single women sought to address issues relative to being partnered, as illustrated by the
following statement:

I do not have children yet, but as I contemplate my future with children, I can see
how conﬂicts may arise in regards to my professional and family life. My ideas
are to stay home with my children (because it's cultural and a duty as a mother),
but I also would like to pursue my career goals.

Also attempting to reconcile cultural issues, a single Latina, indicated:

It seems difﬁcult to convince your family that it's okay to be a Latina and
successful without being married yet. I focus on my career but not at the expense
of my family. Beginning my own family is important to me, but I want to make
sure I ﬁnd the right person, because I don't want to be stuck in an
unhappy/unhealthy relationship for religious or cultural reasons.

Participants also desired to learn how to deal with other areas of family conﬂict due to
their professional orientations, as noted in the following: "How to deal with the stress
produced when one is trying to move on with one's own life while leaving the rest of the
family." Similarly, "Being as how Latina women generally come from 'traditional'
families, it can be challenging, trying to convince parents that being career oriented is not
a bad thing and that it will not take away from family."

0 s n

The second recommendation (28.9%, n = 80) for a stress management program

included support groups and mentoring. Participants expressed an interest in support

groups to informally come together. For example, a participant commented, "I would

102

make a bee line to any group meeting with Latina professionals-J absolutely crave that
sense of community." Another also stated her interest in, "Support groups that meet once
or more a month. Develop a place that is a 'safe heaven' where we can go and feel good
about ourselves."

Participants also expressed an interest in mentoring. More speciﬁcally,
"Information on mentors and role models. People who do the same load and work at the
same level. I have always felt this to be very important and somewhat lacking in our
culture." Similarly, another sought an exchange of information, stating "As a young/new
professional Latina, I would like to know how educated Latinas with children manage
their lives in terms of being a wife, mother, professional, etc."

P l f- e m

The third element (24.9%, n = 69 ) for a stress management program included
personal care and self-esteem, such as time alone, self-care, assertiveness training, and
increasing self-esteem. Participants frequently indicated, "1 think it would be useful to
include some self-esteem programs to help Latinas feel positive about ourselves and our
culture." Similarly, another requested "Techniques/information to build self-esteem."

Participants expressed an interest in learning how to take care of themselves, as
indicated in the following:

How to balance life, family, friends, and a job; how to put space between you and

your job (i.e. don't take the job home with you); take time out for yourself. The

ability to think of yourself ﬁrst and your best interests, and put those interests

before your job.

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Also emphasizing self-care, a participant expressed:

As Latinas we have been taught to be modest, deal with what we're given, and

work with what we've got. We're not usually taught to complaint, vent, or be

angry. We need to learn, how to deal with stress verbally without being made to

feel guilty for whining.
Intemersnnalﬁkilis

The fourth recommendation (19.9%, n = 55) for a stress management program
included interpersonal skills, such as leadership skills, communication skills, goal setting,
and conﬂict resolution skills. Expressing an interest in communication skills, a
participant sought to learn, "How to deal with male directors with different cultural
expectations in relation to: communication, social and professional relationships, and
work styles. Also, how to deal with the stressors of being the only person of color on
staff." Similarly, another desired to learn, "How to deal with ﬁ'ustration, anger, that
ensues from tokenism in the work place. My battery often runs low and I feel I'm the
only one ﬁghting these battles."

The ﬁfth recommendation (19.1%, n = 53) for a stress management program
included alternative therapies, such as yoga, meditation, music, folk healing and
spirituality. Participants expressed interest regarding, "Something to do with spirituality

that each individual can use in their own way to release stress."

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Similarly, another participant noted, "More intellectually, spiritually based tools to deal
with this type of prejudice. Also helpful would be concrete information on this topic, so
we can be better informed and thus better prepared to deal with situations."
e 1t 11 Ex r is
The sixth recommendation (7.3%, n = 36) for a stress management program
included health and exercise. A frequent interest included understanding and preventing
stress-related illness. Other areas included understanding the impact on one's mental
health. In particular, one participant stated:
It is important for Latinas to indulge in taking care of their personal health ﬁrst. The
focus should be on how to better themselves, and not on how to make the world treat
them better. When you treat yourself well, others will treat you with more respect.
Don't focus so much on injustices, but on how you can make stand by example. Find
a creative outlet, physical challenge, and quite time to express yourself.
tr n T i
The seventh recommendation (7.3%, n = 31 ) for a stress management program
included stress management techniques. For example, participants sought to learn,
"Categories of stress management - physical, psychological, etc. How to deal with stress
at work at home, in relationships, etc." Another indicated, "Techniques of relaxation,
quiet time, meditation, and exercise are all good methods of holistic care of self." Another
also desired, "Relaxation, ways to focus, meditate. Common ways that others deal with

stress."

105

Relative to cultural differences, a participant commented, "If there are cultural differences
that affect the way we choose or decline certain stress reducers, it would be useful to
identify these."
0 ti n

The eighth recommendation (29.6%, n = 82) for a stress management program
included other recommendations, such as ﬁnancial planning, sexual harassment, limited
resources, and the intemet. In designing stress management programs for Latina
professionals, the following is a consideration:

Latinas face a great number of challenges in seeking a higher education and higher

career goals. Some are family related, others are brought on by environmental

pressures. Counseling and motivational programs are needed to empower Latinas

and assist in better overcoming all these obstacles.

Summary of Narrative Findings

The results of the narrative ﬁndings highlighted the various aspects of social and
cultural forces. Findings suggest that Latina professionals utilized numerous coping
strategies, with the most frequent being social support, physical exercise, and
artistic/literary activities. With the exception of social support, these ﬁndings were not
fully supported by the Brief COPE. Half of the participants reported experiencing health
problems or concerns due to stress. The most frequently reported concerns included
headaches, muscle tension, gastrointestinal problems, sleep disturbances and weight gain.
Psychological concerns also included anxiety and depression. However, only 13

participants reported seeking mental health services.

106

Numerous barriers and discriminatory practices were reported. Approximately
65% of the participants indicated they felt pressure to compete with others. Findings also
suggested that 57% also experienced multiple forms of discrimination, based on a
combination of their ethnicity, gender, age, and other factors. Similarities were also
reported among occupational barriers, including tokenism, career immobility, and
intersections among age, gender, and culture. Finally, ﬁndings indicated that participants
(9%, n=32) desired stress management programs that are culturally sensitive and provide
them with the ability to address competing and multiple roles. Of particular interest was
their desire for mentoring and social support, which are not typical elements of

mainstream Stress management programs.

107

CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION

This chapter is presented in three sections. The ﬁrst section presents a discussion
and interpretation of the ﬁndings in relation to the research questions. The second section
presents methodological considerations and conclusions. The third section presents
implications and recommendations for counseling psychology.

The purpose of this study was to obtain a clearer understanding of the relationship
between stress and coping in a diverse sample of Latina professionals. More speciﬁcally,
the differences among Latino subgroup, acculturation, gender role attitudes, self-esteem,
stress, and coping strategies of Latina professionals. This study was guided by a
transactional model of stress (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984), emphasizing cognitive
interpretations of environmental events. A transactional model of stress (Lazarus &
Folkman, 1984) deﬁnes stress as an unfavorable person-environment relationship.
Coping efforts are determined by one's appraisal of the event. Problem-focused coping
strategies include attempts to modify or eliminate the stressor through one's own
behaviors, such as problem solving or direct action. Whereas emotion-focused coping
include behavioral or cognitive responses to manage one's emotional responses, such as
eliciting social support or tension reduction. Multiracial feminist theory (Baca-Zinn &
Dill, 1997) was also integrated to examine social structures and the social context of

Latina professionals.

108

Stress

Diff ren e Across tin r0 5

Due to the large representation of Mexican American participants, and modest
representation of other Latino subgroups, the area of within group differences was not
examined. Given the large heterogeneity between Latino subgroups, and research
ﬁndings indicating within group differences with respect to psychological well-being,
ﬁrrther research is needed in this area (Amaro et al., 1987; Rivera Torres, and Carre,
1995)
T 1 re

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in total stress that could be accounted for by acculturation, age, gender role
attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital status, self-esteem,
emotion-focused coping strategies, and problem—focused coping strategies. In this
analysis, the results indicated that self-esteem and emotion-focused coping strategies
were the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 23% of the variance in total stress
scores. Self-esteem signiﬁcantly predicted decreased total stress scores. Conversely,
emotion-focused coping strategies signiﬁcantly predicted increased total stress scores.
The data indicated Latinas with high levels of self-esteem reported less stress.
Conversely, Latinas who used more emotion-focused coping strategies reported increased
stress.

High levels of self-esteem appeared to function as an important resource in

reducing the magnitude of perceived stress. Perhaps high levels of self-esteem enabled

109

Latinas to cope with perceived stress due to their self-conﬁdence in dealing with
adversity. High levels of self-esteem possibly provided Latinas with the ability to employ
more adaptive coping strategies. These ﬁndings were also consistent with prior studies
observing a negative relationship between self-esteem and stress (Abel, 1996; Pearlin &
Schooler, 1978; Zuckerman, 1989). Similar ﬁndings were found by Rector and Roger
(1996) in their examination of stress, self-esteem, and coping among college freshmen.
Findings suggested that self-esteem reduced the magnitude of perceived stress.

A high reliance on emotion-focused modes of coping might make it difﬁcult to
effectively deal with the demands of one's stress. The positive relationship between
emotion-focused coping strategies and stress substantiated prior studies (Billings &
Moos, 1981; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Vega (1994) also found that emotion-focused
coping was associated with increased psychological distress in female Puerto Rican
college students. However, with the exception of Vega (1994), these studies primarily
involved Anglo or Canadian populations, and excluded the impact of cultural inﬂuence.
To a large extent, the coping strategies of Anglo and Canadian professional women are
based on Western or cultural norms and expectations. As current stress and coping
theories continue to reﬂect Western conceptions of emotional control and suppression of
emotions, diverse cultural patterns of expression are regarded as deﬁcient or deviant. In
addition, the consideration of the social context elucidates how racially stressful
situations restrict available coping options and deplete Latinas of their psychological
resources. Clearly, a greater understanding of the use of emotion-focused coping

strategies among Latinas warrants further investigation.

110

M ' S r

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the marital stress sub-scale that could be accounted for by acculturation,
age, gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital status, self-esteem,
emotion-focused coping strategies, and problem-focused coping strategies. In this
analysis, the results indicated that acculturation and self-esteem were the most signiﬁcant
predictors, accounting for 13% of the variance in marital stress scores. Acculturation and
self-esteem signiﬁcantly predicted decreased marital stress scores. The data indicated
that Latinas with high levels of acculturation and self-esteem reported less marital stress.

Findings indicated that Latinas with high levels of acculturation reported less
marital stress. Although acculturation of spouse or partner was not measured, it is
plausible that participants selected spouses or partners that espoused similar values or
attitudes. These similarities possibly contributed to increased martial satisfaction and
decreased marital stress. Current ﬁndings did not support previous literature examining
the association between acculturation and marital stress (Flores-Ortiz, 1993; Negy &
Snyder, 1997). For example, Negy and Snyder (1997) reported that Latino couples with
higher levels of acculturation reported increased marital stress, due to the stressors
inherent in redeﬁning marital roles. Flores-Ortiz (1993), observed that among
professional and working-class Chicanas, women who described traditional marriages
experienced greater marital harmony and cohesion. Conversely, women with more
egalitarian gender roles and decision-making patterns experienced greater marital

difﬁculty.

111

High levels of self-esteem appeared to function as an important resource in
reducing the magnitude of marital stress. Perhaps high levels of self-esteem enabled
Latinas to cope with marital conﬂict without feeling threatened or insecure. Perhaps they
also felt more conﬁdent in dealing with adversity, and employed more adaptive coping
strategies. The inverse relationship between self-esteem and marital stress collaborated
previous ﬁndings among Anglo couples (Katz, Beach, & Anderson, 1996) and Mexican
American couples (Vega, Kolody, & Valle, 1988). Katz and associates (1996), suggested
that higher levels of self-esteem were related to higher levels of marital quality for both
Anglo men and women. Vega and associates (1988) observed that among 550 Mexican
American women, less acculturated women experienced higher levels of marital strain
based on non-reciprocity of spouse. Decreased self-esteem was also reported due to
negative self-evaluations and decreased use of negotiation skills.
Qcmnatich/Ecnnonngﬁress

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the occupational/economic stress sub-scale that could be accounted for
by acculturation, age, gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital
status, self-esteem, emotion-focused coping strategies, and problem-focused coping
strategies. In this analysis, the results indicated that acculturation and self-esteem were
the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 18% of the variance in
occupational/economic scores. Acculturation and self-esteem signiﬁcantly predicted
decreased occupational/economic stress scores. The data indicated Latinas with high

levels of acculturation and self-esteem reported less occupational/economic stress.

112

The inverse association between acculturation and occupational stress supported
prior studies. As previously indicated acculturation into US. society, as reﬂected by the
ability to communicate in English (Rivera et al., 1997), and higher levels of education
(Negy & Woods, 1992) appeared to provide professional Latinas with greater access to
resources that are typically not available to their counterparts with lower acculturation or
educational levels (Rivera et al., 1997). Additional resources in decreasing occupational
stress may include social support by co-workers. For example, Rojas and Metoyer (1995)
found that working-class Mexican American women who made acculturative shifts,
incorporated mainstream values, and increased their English speaking-skills reported a
greater perception of social support at work. Amaro et a1. (1987) also found that
perceived support and lack of discrimination were signiﬁcant predictors of mental health
distress symptoms for Latina professionals.

High levels of self-esteem appeared to provide Latinas with the ability to employ
adaptive coping measures to deal with occupational stressors. Grandey and Cropanzano
(1999) recently found similar results, indicating that high self-esteem was associated with
decreased occupational stress among White female university professors. Although
previous studies on Latina professionals did not examine the relationship between
self-esteem and occupational stress, current ﬁndings supported Long and Martinez'
(1994) ﬁndings, indicating Latina professionals have high self-esteem. As a cognitive
trait, self-esteem appears to function as a resource that provides Latinas with the ability to
cope with organizational stressors. Perhaps the combination of high self-esteem and

acculturation was also attributed to biculturalism, or the ability to successfully navigate

113

between two opposing worlds. For example, Gandara (1982) found that Mexican
American women from lower socioeconomic status obtained professional or advanced
degrees (J .D., M.D., Ph.D.) because they were able to successfully maneuver between
American mainstream culture and their culture of origin. Gomez and Fassinger's (1994)
investigation of high achieving Latinas, indicated that bicultural women demonstrated a
wider repertoire of achievement behaviors and ﬂexibility in adapting to their
environments.
Barentalitress

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of the
variance in the parental stress sub-scale that could be accounted for by acculturation, age,
gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital status, self-esteem,
emotion-focused coping strategies, and problem-focused coping strategies. In this
analysis, the results indicated that age was the only statistically signiﬁcant predictor,
accounting for 21% of the variance in parental stress scores. Older age signiﬁcantly
predicted higher parental stress scores, indicating that older Latinas reported increased
parental stress.

This association between older age and increased parental stress collaborates a
recent trend among Latina professionals, such as delaying motherhood (Pesquera, 1993;
Valtierra, 1987; Zambrana & F rith, 1988). The high frequency of childless (58%) and
single (52%) women in the present study collaborated previous ﬁndings suggesting Latina
professionals exhibit divergent childbearing trends (Pesquera, 1993; Valtierra, 1987;

Zambrana & Frith, 1988). For example, Valtierra (1987) indicated that although the

114

Latina physicians in her study adhered to traditional cultural values of familism, they
postponed certain roles to achieve their educational aspirations. Similarly, Pesquera
(1993) reported that the majority of professional Latinas in her study delayed marriage
and childbearing until after completing educational goals and establishing their careers. It
is plausible that Latinas in this study also delayed marriage and childbearing until
completing their educational goals or establishing their careers. Although they possess
resources such as self-esteem, income, and liberal gender attitudes, as older parents their
parental stress may be attributed to physical exhaustion. Similar to other employed
women, the demands of their jobs and other responsibilities may tax them of their
physical and emotional energy. Perhaps this fatigue may also create increased parental
stress, particularly during childhood adolescence.
F 'l / r l

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in the family/cultural conﬂict sub-scale that could be accounted for by
acculturation, age, gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital
status, self-esteem, emotion-focused coping strategies, and problem-focused coping
strategies. In this analysis, the results indicated that self-esteem and emotion-focused
coping strategies were the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 33% of the variance
in family/cultural conﬂict scores. Self-esteem signiﬁcantly predicted decreased
family/cultural conﬂict scores. Emotion-focused coping strategies signiﬁcantly predicted
increased family/cultural conﬂict scores. The data indicated that Latinas with high

self-esteem reported less family/cultural conﬂict. Conversely, Latinas who used more

115

emotion-focused coping strategies reported increased family/cultural conﬂict.

High levels of self-esteem appeared to ﬁrnction as an important resource in
reducing the magnitude of family/cultural conﬂict. Perhaps the combination of
employment in a professional career interacts with high self-esteem to increase the
bargaining power and decision making among Latinas. For example, Herrera and
DelCampo (1995) found that working-class Mexican American women from dual-earner
families perceived themselves as co-providers, with equal decision making authority as
their husbands. These women also expected their husbands to participate in housework
and child-care tasks. Increased sharing of household tasks was associated with work
satisfaction and lower levels of role strain. In another study, Schwartzberg & Dytell
(1996) investigated family stress, work-stress, and self-esteem among 48 dual-eamer
Anglo families. Findings suggested that while men and women reported equivalent levels
of stress and well-being, self-esteem and depression were affected by both job and family
stress.

With respect to the positive association between emotion-focused coping
strategies and family/cultural conﬂict, previous researchers found that the use of avoidant
coping was positively associated with stress among women (Spangenberg & Theron,
1999). Perhaps present ﬁndings suggested that increased family stress was related to
managing conﬂicting social messages between US. mainstream and Latino cultures, and
not simply the use of avoidant coping. For example, participants endorsed items
indicating their professional and family goals were in conﬂict with one another. Similar

ﬁndings were also found for professional and working-class Latinas in other studies. For

116

example, Pesquera (1993), observed that while all Mexican American women in her
study expressed a degree of difﬁculty reconciling the competing urgencies of work and
family, professional Mexican American women expressed the highest level of anxiety,
conﬂict, ambivalence, and guilt. Professional Mexican American women were also
uncertain of their ability to adequately perform both sets of expectations and expressed
concern in their tendencies to bring their work home, causing role overlap. Segura (1992)
concluded that professional Chicanas in her study attempted to downplay the "competing
urgencies of family and work" (p. 176) although their discussions suggested considerable
tension and stress in their spillover between work and family.

Summary of Stress Findings

Present ﬁndings suggested that overall, self-esteem was the most signiﬁcant
predictor in four of the ﬁve models examined. Acculturation, age, and emotion-focused
coping were also signiﬁcant predictors in the present models. Current ﬁndings
demonstrated that income, gender role attitudes, marital status, and ethnicity of
spouse/partner were not signiﬁcant predictors of various types of stress.

The lack of statistical signiﬁcance for these variables was unexpected. Despite
the lack of statistical signiﬁcance of spouse/partner ethnicity, present ﬁndings did not
support ﬁndings by Amaro et a1. (1987), suggesting that Latino spouses or partners were
associated with increased stress. Although marital status was not a signiﬁcant predictor
variable of stress, the realities of single parenthood, particularly among Puerto Rican
women warrants further investigation to elucidate present ﬁndings. Finally, the lack of

statistical signiﬁcance of gender role attitudes was also surprising given the large

117

emphasis in the literature on employed Latinas (Amaro et al., 1987; F lores-Ortiz, 1993).
Overall, present ﬁndings appear to indicate that the Latino family is currently in ﬂux and
various forces appear to shape the lives of Latina professionals.

Coping
E t' - in

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
variance in emotion-focused coping strategies that could be accounted for by
acculturation, age, gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner, income, marital
status, self-esteem, and stress. In this analysis, the results indicated that income and
stress were the most signiﬁcant predictors, accounting for 14% of the variance in
emotion-focused coping strategies. Income and stress predicted increased emotion-
focused coping scores. The data indicated that Latinas with high levels of income and
stress reported more emotion-focused coping strategies.

Present ﬁndings indicated emotion-focused coping (attempts to regulate one's
emotional reactions, such as tension reduction or emotional support) was signiﬁcantly
associated with increased stress. The positive relationship between emotion-focused
coping and stress was collaborated by research on professional women. Among
professional women with high incomes, emotion-focused coping was associated with
increased stress. Long's (1988) qualitative examination among professional Canadian
professional women suggested that increased stress was reported among women who
used emotion-focused strategies, such as resigned acceptance. Bhagat and associates

(1991) also observed that the use of emotion-focused coping was related to higher levels

118

of organizational stress among predominately married Anglo female teachers.

While a positive relationship between emotion-focused coping and increased
stress was supported, these studies primarily involved Anglo or Canadian populations,
and excluded the impact of cultural inﬂuence. To a large extent, the coping strategies of
Anglo and Canadian professional women are based on Western or cultural norms and
expectations. As current stress and coping theories continue to reﬂect Western
conceptions of emotional control and suppression of emotions, diverse cultural patterns
of expression are regarded as deﬁcient or deviant.

Another consideration is the use of the Brief COPE to measure coping strategies.
As a dimension of coping, emotion-focused coping strategies appeared to ﬁrnction
differently for the Latinas in this study. This may be due in part, to the unequal
distribution of emotion-focused (7) and problem-focused (3) scales. It is possible that the
disproportionate amount of emotion-focused scales may have confounded the current
results. Further studies are needed to elucidate these ﬁndings.

The small body of cross-cultural empirical studies examining stress and coping
strategies of Puerto Ricans (Vega, 1994), Cubans (Casares, 1999) and African Americans
(Plummer and Slane, 1996) supported the increased use emotion-focused coping
strategies. Perhaps the positive relationship between emotion—focused coping and stress
is attributed to differences in world views, and differences in cognitive appraisals. As
suggested by Coyne and Gottlieb (1996), personal characteristics, history, and
circumstances determine the incidents perceived as stressful and the options that are

available to deal with these events. For example, Vega (1994) observed that Puerto Rican

119

college students used emotion-focused coping strategies when they perceived that the
stressful event was more harmful to them or their families. Plummer and Slane (1996)
also found that racially stressful situations restricted available coping options for African
Americans. Consequently, African Americans used signiﬁcantly more emotion-focused
coping strategies to deal with racially stressful events.

Although a high reliance on emotion-focused modes of coping might make it
difﬁcult to effectively deal with chronic stressors, future investigations need to consider
the impact of the social context in which Latinas or other culturally diverse individuals
are forced to suppress their emotions for the protection of their families or overall well-
being. Failure to attend to the insidious effects of discriminatory or offensive practices
may limit our understanding of the coping process, particularly regarding the use of
emotion-focused coping strategies. The consideration of possible psychological and
physical outcomes due to constant exposure to social stressors, also warrant further
investigation.

A greater understanding and appreciation of the inﬂuence of social and cultural
factors deriving from the social context is needed. What is less understood is the coping
process through which the sociocultural context affects the stress and coping process
(Aldwin, 1994). The integration of these variables in the study of stress and coping
provides researchers with the opportunity for greater insight and accurate understanding
of the psychological processes involved, particularly for culturally diverse individuals

(Vega, 1994).

120

l - se 'n

A simultaneous regression analysis was calculated to determine the amount of
total variance in problem-focused coping (attempts to take direct action) that could be
accounted for by acculturation, age, gender role attitudes, ethnicity of spouse/partner,
income, marital status, self-esteem, and stress. In this analysis, the results indicated that
this model was not statistically signiﬁcant.

In addition to the eight predictor variables utilized in the model, the lack of
statistical signiﬁcance of problem-focused coping strategies may be attributed to
psychometric properties of the Brief COPE. More speciﬁcally, due to the availability of
only 6 items that comprise problem-focused coping, this ﬁnding should be interpreted
with caution. Moreover, as previously noted with respect to emotion-focused coping
strategies, a greater understanding and appreciation of the inﬂuence of social and cultural
factors deriving from the social context is needed. As present ﬁndings suggest, coping
among Latinas is complex, and the integration of culture and the greater social context is
needed. Also, as problem-focused coping continues to be venerated by mainstream
society, future research is warranted.

Summary of Findings on Coping Strategies

The participants in the present study appeared to demonstrate a combination of
problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies. However, coping strategies
appeared more complex than initially postulated, and present ﬁndings supported only
partially supported previous coping literature with respect to professional women. The

predominate focus on Anglo or Canadian professional women provides a limited

121

understanding of the dynamic and complex nature of the coping process, particularly
among diverse professional women.

The newly emerging cross-cultural literature examining coping strategies among
culturally diverse populations suggest that patterns of coping vary from one stressful
encounter to another, and are contextually based. Contradictory ﬁndings within the
coping literature are in part, due to lack of attention to the social context. Different
coping strategies can have different outcomes in different situations since the meaning,
function, and effectiveness of speciﬁc coping strategies dramatically vary across persons
and situations.

Outcomes may have both psychological and physical affects. For instance,
racially stressful events can lead to increased stress and vulnerability, such as high blood
pressure, hypertension, stroke, and cardiovascular disease (Utsey et al., 2000). Such
events may also predispose Latinas to psychological outcomes, such as depression,
anxiety, psychosomatic disorders, or addictive behaviors (Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994).
Clearly, a greater understanding and appreciation of the inﬂuence of social and cultural
factors deriving from the social context is needed.

Narrative Data

Exploratory and narrative data was used with the intent of exploring how cultural,
psychological, and social forces impacted the stress and coping processes of Latina
professionals. Through anecdotal comments, participants were provided with the
opportunity to express themselves in their own words. Five open-ended questions were

developed to explore various aspects of coping, stress, self-perceived discrimination,

122

self-perceived barriers, and recommendations for a stress management program. Due to
the exploratory nature of these open-ended questions, responses were recorded using the
actual wording of the participants whenever possible. Using frequency counts, themes
were also grouped into categories.

Co ' t i

Ninety-percent (n=326) of the participants provided written comments regarding
their coping strategies. These comments were brief but ranged from a few sentences to a
paragraph. Participants frequently indicated multiple coping strategies, yielding 985 total
responses delineated into ten categories. In addition to multiple responses, bicultural and
multidimensional approaches to coping were also suggested. More speciﬁcally, 60%
(n=197) reported social support, 50% (n=164) sports and physical exercise, 28% (n=91)
artistic and literary activities, 23% (n=75) alternative therapies, 22%’(n=71) direct action
or problem solving, 17% (n=54) spirituality or religion, 13% (n=41) recreational
activities, 12% (n=40) relaxation, 8% (n=26) moderate use of alcohol or cigarettes, and
68% (n=223) indicated other coping strategies.

When comparing coping strategies among the narrative and quantitative data,
differences and similarities emerged. Narrative ﬁndings suggested cultural and diverse
coping strategies, such as extended families, yoga, religion, folk healers, and artistic
activities. Previously identiﬁed coping strategies for professional men and women were
collaborated, such as exercise, social support, direct action, and problem solving (Trocki
& Orioli, 1994). However, the use of artistic/literary activities, has not been identiﬁed as

a coping strategy.

123

Comparisons between the Brief COPE and open-ended questions revealed
differences in the frequencies of speciﬁc coping strategies. For example, the means of the
Brief COPE indicated frequent use of the following scales: planning, active coping, social
support for emotional reasons, positive reinterpretation, and acceptance. However, with
the exception of social support, narrative ﬁndings indicated frequent use of divergent
coping strategies, including sports/exercise, artistic/literary activities, and alternative
therapies. These ﬁndings contributed to our understanding of the coping process and
suggested that traditional coping scales did not capture all aspects of coping strategies.
With the exception of religion, traditional coping scales do not measure the use of
cultural coping strategies. These cultural aspects are important, considering Latinas
cultural aspects often affect the coping process. The high volume of total responses also
suggested that multiple strategies were employed, and coping instruments are limited to
solely measuring the speciﬁc areas of inquiry.

While current narrative and quantitative ﬁndings collaborated previous studies
suggesting that women (Carver et al., 1989; Trocki & Orioli; Vega, 1994) and Latinos
(Vega, 1994) utilized both problem-focused and emotion-focused coping, present
ﬁndings also extended our understanding of the coping process of Latina professionals.
The large emphasis regarding problem-focused coping strategies, and the devaluing of
emotion-focused coping appears biased due to the limited attention of social forces, such
as discriminatory practices and unequal social power. More speciﬁcally, present ﬁndings
challenged previous portrayals of Latinos as avoidant, due to their use of emotion-focused

coping strategies (Vega, 1994). Similarly, present ﬁndings also challenged previous

124

portrayals of women as ineffective copers, due to their reliance on emotion-focused
coping strategies and social support (Banyard & Graham-Bermann, 1993). As the use of
emotion-focused coping strategies is regarded by researchers as ineffective, explanations
relevant to the stress process of Latinas are grounded on a deﬁcit perspective. Present
ﬁndings indicated that Latinas utilized a diverse repertoire of coping strategies, that
included a combination of emotion and problem-focused coping strategies. Most
importantly, the use of emotion-focused coping did not appear to be maladaptive.
H l r l / nc rn u res

Fifty-percent (n=180) of the participants reported experiencing health
problems/concerns due to stress. Participants frequently indicated multiple health
concerns, yielding 314 total health problems/concerns, and 11 categories. The number of
health concerns dramatized the enormous impact of high demands and multiple stressors.
These demands also appeared to have both a physical and psychological impact. More
speciﬁcally, 60% (n=197) reported headaches, 20% (n=36) muscle tension, 19% (n=34)
gastrointestinal problems, 13% (n=24) sleep disturbance, 13% (n=23) weight gain, 10%
(n=18) anxiety, 10% (n=18) high blood pressure, 9% (n=17) depression, 7% (n=13)
rashes, 6% (n=11) ulcers, and 41% (n=74) other health concerns, such as low immune
systems, chest pains, fatigue, or irregular menstrual periods.

Although an empirical measure was not utilized to measure somatic complaints,
current ﬁndings collaborated anecdotal data by Argueta—Bernal (1991) and Comas-Diaz
(1997), suggesting that constant exposure to stress results in increased risk for illness.

Professional status may also increase their vulnerability to depression, anxiety,

125

psychosomatic disorders or addictive behaviors (Comas-Diaz, 1997; Comas-Diaz &
Greene, 1994). Consequently, future studies on Latina professionals should consider
health outcomes of stress and employment.

f- r iv '5 ri in i

Fifty percent (n=204) of the participants reported experiencing discrimination at
work. Participants frequently indicated discrimination in multiple forms, yielding 316
total responses and six categories. More speciﬁcally, 62% (n=12) reported tokenism,
37% (n=76) sexism, 34% (n=70) career immobility, 8% (n=16) ageism, 7% (n=15)
racism, and 6% (n=13) reported other areas of perceived discrimination. These ﬁndings
supported studies suggesting Latina professionals experienced both individual
discrimination (Amaro et al., 1987; Grijalva & Coombs, 1997; Segura, 1992) and
organizational discrimination (Yaffe, 1994; Gutierres et al., 1994).

Latinas encountered similar barriers as their Anglo counterparts, such as sexual
harassment, salary inequity, glass ceilings, and sexism (Comas-Diaz & Greene, 1994).
However, as ethnic women, they also appeared to encounter additional stressors, due to
status-related social roles associated with gender, race, ethnicity, social class, sexual
orientation, religion, and disability. Findings also highlighted the hierarchies of
domination that exist in occupational settings and power relationships within these
organizations. Latinas were perceived by their colleagues as inferior, subjected to
scrutiny, and felt judged by harsher standards. For example, participants frequently
reported the need "to prove" themselves. This ﬁnding was also substantiated by

quantitative ﬁndings, indicating that among the 361 participants in the present study, 65%

126

reported pressure to compete with others to get ahead in their jobs. Sexist practices also
disadvantaged Latinas with respect to informal social networks and decision making
opportunities. Discriminatory practices also contributed to salary inequities, occupational
immobility, and pejorative statements. However, ﬁndings suggested that participants also
resisted oppression and devaluation, and were proactive in confronting these situations by
ﬁling grievances and complaints. Grijalva and Coombs (1997), also observed similar
ﬁndings in their qualitative investigation of Latina physicians. They observed that
Latinas were disadvantaged by overwhelming working demands, sexism and a pervasive
assumption of inferiority. Determined to succeed, Latina physicians also challenged
racial or ethnic stereotypes, and joined committees to deal with social inequities.
S - 'v d ' n B ' r

Seventy-ﬁve percent (n=270) of the participants reported experiencing
occupational barriers. Participants indicated multiple occupational barriers, yielding 349
total responses and ﬁve categories. More speciﬁcally, 34% (n=93) reported tokenism,
31% (n=85) career immobility, 23% (n=62) intersections of gender/culture/age, 19%
(n=50) lack of support, and 22% (n=59) other barriers. The parallels between
self-perceived discrimination and occupational barriers was an unexpected ﬁnding. The
high rates of self-perceived discrimination (50%) and self-perceived barriers (75%),
suggested that social environments adversely impact Latinas. Perhaps some women
regarded these situations as barriers, while others regard them as forms of discrimination.

Although the categories of tokenism, career immobility may have appeared

redundant to the reader, they underscored perceptual differences. Similarly, they

127

underscored the subtleties of discriminatory practices that may not have been regarded as
discriminatory, but perceived as organizational barriers. This subtlety was also
recognized by Landau (1993), suggesting "Today, the sources of these barriers is rarely
bigotry, but rather more subtle and indirect forms of discrimination that might not even be
recognized by its perpetrators" (p. 391).

An important ﬁnding was the lack of ﬁt between the organizational culture and
Latino culture. According to Bell (1990) organizational cultures are often characterized
as male dominated and create bicultural stress. The need to effectively manage their lives
as Latinas in a White male culture also creates paradoxes. These environments frequently
require competitive and aggressive behaviors for occupational survival and occupational
advancement. Consequently, these values and orientations may be in direct opposition to
the social and collective traditions of Latinas. Discriminatory practices or organizational
neglect may also force Latinas to engage in corporate garnesmanship (Comas-Diaz,
1997). For example, Garza and Santos (1991) reported that when Latinos found
themselves in the minority, they engaged in intense competition for power.
Stress Management Reeommendations for Latina Professionals

Seventy-seven percent (n=277) of the participants provided recommendations for
a stress management program for Latina professionals. Participants frequently provided
multiple recommendations yielding 492 individual responses and eight categories.
Participants also commented on the importance of integrating cultural elements in a stress
_ management program. More speciﬁcally, 31% (n=86) reported work/family/cultural

dimensions (n=86, 31%), 28.9% (n=80) support groups and mentoring, 24.9% (n=69)

128

personal care/self-esteem, 19.9% (n=55) interpersonal skills, 19.1% (n=53) alternative
therapies and spirituality, 9.3% (n=36) health and exercise, 11.1% (n=31) stress
management techniques, and 29.6% (n=82) reported other recommendations.

Present ﬁndings highlighted the importance of integrating cultural elements into a
stress management program for Latina professionals. As suggested by previous studies
(Flores-Ortiz, 1993; Pesquera, 1993; Segura, 1992), Latinas experienced competing
urgencies between their work and family lives. Findings suggested that Latinas sought
how to reconcile competing work, family, and cultural issues. Similarly, Latinas were
also faced with the challenges of ill or elderly parents. Current ﬁndings suggested that
tension was also created between Latinas and other individuals when they selected to
remain single or childless. Grijalva and Coombs (1997) also observed that cultural
expectations of marriage and motherhood created tension between Latina physicians and
their families. Participants also reported reservations in selecting Latinos as potential
mates, due to gender-biased expectations and conﬂict.

An unexpected ﬁnding was the desire for mentoring and social support in a stress
management program. Participants expressed an interest to informally come together for
social support and mentoring. The desire for social support and mentoring may be
attributed to the lack of guidance and support in their professional careers, and a
collective orientation, heightening their feelings of alienation and isolation. F erdman and
Cortes (1992) observed Latino managers endorsed an orientation to people combined
with a strong belief in respect for oneself and others. In a related study, Denton (1990)

found that bonding and supportive relationships among professional Aﬁican American

129

women were restorative and self-enhancing, thus enabling them to cope with their
multifaceted stressors associated with being professional women.
Summary of Narrative Findings

Narrative ﬁndings highlighted the various aspects of social and cultural forces.
Findings suggested that Latina professionals utilized numerous coping strategies, with the
most frequent being social support, physical exercise, and artistic/literary activities. With
the exception of social support, these ﬁndings were not fully supported by the Brief
COPE. Half of the participants reported experiencing health problems or concerns due to
stress. However, only 13 (3.6%) participants reported seeking mental health services.

Findings suggested that 57% (n=204) of the participants experienced multiple

forms of discrimination, based on a combination of their ethnicity, gender, age, and other
factors. Similarities were also reported among occupational barriers and self-perceived
discrimination, including tokenism, career immobility, and intersections among
age/gender/culture. Finally, ﬁndings indicated that participants desired culturally
sensitive stress management programs to provide them with the ability to address
competing and multiple roles. Of particular interest was their desire for mentoring and
social support, which are not typical elements of mainstream stress management
programs.
L' . . E 1 S 1

Several limitations of this research should be kept in mind when interpreting the
present ﬁndings. This study was limited by a non-randomized sampling procedure.

Therefore, the ﬁndings of the present study cannot be generalized to the entire population

130

of Latina professionals residing in the United States. Participants volunteered to
participate in the study, and may reﬂect a homogenous sample. It is possible that women
who regarded stress and coping as important issues were also more likely to participate in
the present study.

A descriptive correlational design with the use of multiple regression analyses was
used in this investigation. Therefore, inferences about causality cannot be made. Self-
report measures were also utilized and are limited to the information reported by the
present participants. Similarly, self-report measures are also limited to the scope of
inquiry. This study was also limited by the variables of inquiry. Multiple regressions
indicated that the largest proportion of variance explained in the current models was only
30%. Consequently, 70% of the variance remained unexplained by the nine predictors in
the models. Future studies examining stress among Latinas should consider other
variables for predictions, such as ages of children, number of hours worked, geographical
region, and professional occupation.

Other limitations may also pertain to the instruments utilized in the present study,
more speciﬁcally the Hispanic Stress Inventory and the Brief COPE. Although the HSI
was normed on Latinos and demonstrated sound psychometric. properties, it does not
appear as an appropriate instrument for individuals employed in professional occupations,
or single or childless persons. Administration errors are also possible if participants do
not carefully follow the instructions for responding.

Similarly, the Brief COPE warrants further revisions and does not appear to be an

appropriate coping instrument for Latinas. This may be due in part, to the unequal

131

distribution of emotion-focused (7) and problem-focused (3) scales. Due to the low alpha
coefﬁcients Behavioral Disengagement, Venting, Denial, and Self-Distraction, these sub-
scales were not included in the analyses. Problem-focused and emotion-focused
dimensions appear to function differently with Latinas. Consequently, ﬁndings based on
the Brief COPE should be interpreted with caution. These factors should also be
considered in future studies utilizing emotion-focused and problem-focused dimensions
with culturally diverse individuals.

Within-group heterogeneity, characterized by different ethnicities or Latino
subgroups, was not analyzed in this study due to sampling procedures. As indicated by
Amaro et a1. (1987) and Rojas et a1. (1997), women from diverse Latino subgroups
appear to fare better than others. However, due to limited representation of diverse
Latino subgroups, the current study was unable to ascertain these differences. Similarly,
this study was limited by its predominately heterosexual sample, and the examination of
heterosexual relationships.

I l' ' f e in c 1

Findings indicated that only 13 (4%) women reported the use of psychological
services. Given the small utilization rate for mental health services, the need for
culturally competent psychologists has never been greater. As Latinas seek counseling
psychologists to help them reduce their stress and improve their well-being, it is
imperative that psychologists possess cultural competencies. Although Latinas share
common cultural and linguistic characteristics, each group is distinct in terms of its

historical, political, economic, and racial differences. Counseling psychologists working

132

with Latinas should be sensitive to these differences as this sensitivity will help
professionals provide more comprehensive and effective services. Additionally,
psychologists must embrace the challenge of understanding the nature of multiple
identities and multiple oppression, thus calling for multiple perspectives.

It is also critical for psychologists to be able to identify sources of strength among
Latinas, as demonstrated by their resiliency, creativity,rand human agency. Culturally
sensitive interventions should take into account the cultural context in which Latinas are
located. Psychologists must also understand the complexity of cultural, political, social,
and economic variables. Race, culture, and gender all simultaneously operate in every
social situation. They also operate as social constructs that provide power and
simultaneous oppression. For example, a counselor working with a LatiNegra
(Comas-Diaz, 1994) should take into account how her experiences differ from lighter
Latinas. Similarly, when working with lesbian or bisexual Latinas, professionals should
also be sensitive to discriminatory practices based on sexism, homophobia, and racism.

When working with contemporary Latino families, clinicians should consider that
in situations of social injustice the family becomes a buffer and a source of support. As
such, Latino families function as systems that evolve despite a hostile'context. Inherent
power differentials between men and women further promotes imbalanced relationships.
The uniqueness and diversity of the family also needs to be understood through a
sensitive assessment. Critical examinations of the support a family offers, as well as the
ways in which family life oppresses and victimizes women (F lores-Ortiz, 1993; 1998)

should also be regarded with sensitivity.

133

Professionals who work with issues relative to biculturalism should also consider
the paradoxes afforded by biculturalism. For example, although biculturalism provides a
wider range of achieving styles and ﬂexibility to adopt to both Latino or US. mainstream
culture (Gomez & Fassinger, 1994), bicultural stress can also be created for professional
women of color (Bell, 1990). Therefore, professionals must be sensitive that this process
requires constant adaptation and negotiation, and bicultural stress can be created when
paradoxical and opposing circumstances are created. As noted by Garcia-Preto (1998),
"the process of Latinas adapting to mainstream culture is always in ﬂux...it is a process of
selective adaptation, becoming American only to the extent that it feels safe" (pp.
330-331).

Counseling psychologists must also consider power and opportunity in the social
context of Latinas. As previously noted, Latinas experience multiple oppression that
exacerbate their stress. When examining coping strategies, professionals should not
employ a deﬁcit model to Latinas when emotion-focused coping strategies or alternative
coping strategies prevail. Professionals should be sensitive to the noxious effects of
racism or disenfranchisement. Racially stressful events can lead to increased stress and
vulnerability, such as high blood pressure, hypertension, stroke, and cardiovascular
disease (U tsey et al., 2000). Vulnerability to possible psychological outcomes, such as
depression, anxiety, psychosomatic disorders, or addictive behaviors should also be
considered (Comas-Diaz, 1997).

Finally, the current ﬁndings suggest that a stress management program for Latinas

should entail culturally sensitive aspects. Such a program should be facilitated by a

134

Latina and resources should be available both in English and Spanish. A stress
management program for Latinas should not be limited to a brief workshop, but rather
weekly sessions to cover a broad scope of concerns. Although traditional elements such
as stress or time management, nutrition, and exercise may be integrated, careful attention
should also be given to the complex cultural issues that both support and fatigue Latinas.
Other areas of cultural sensitivity should also include opportunities for bonding, social
support, and networking.

F ar e a i 11

Given the limitations of the present study, future studies of Latinas should
consider their heterogeneity characterized by different ethnicities and Latino subgroups.
Given that Latinas are comprised of diverse subgroups, it is important to understand
similarities and differences between them. In addition, it is important to ascertain how
these differences impact their well-being. A multidimensional analysis of the identity
development of Latinas is also needed, and must be viewed through the lens of gender,
ethnicity, and sexual orientation (Flores-Ortiz, 1998).

Present ﬁndings suggested that traditional coping scales do not measure cultural
aspects of coping, and the multidimensional nature of the coping process. In particular,
the Brief COPE did not appear to demonstrate adequate statistical properties for
examining the coping process among Latinas. Therefore, the Brief COPE warrants future
modiﬁcations.

Future research on stress and Latinas should incorporate cultural elements to

allow researchers to move away from the abstract and superﬁcial manner in which culture

135

has been previously regarded. The ﬁndings of the present study suggested that the use of
emotion-focused coping strategies is both cultural and adaptive. Most importantly,
coping strategies should not be dichotomized into "good" versus "bad" strategies. The
works of Lykes (1983) increases our understanding of the coping process of African
American women with regards to dealing with discrimination. Findings indicated that the
context in which the experience of discrimination took place was important variable that
mediated the women's choice of coping strategy.

A follow-up study would advance our understanding of the dynamic stress and
coping process. In particular, the use of qualitative approaches will enhance our
understanding of the holistic experiences of Latinas. In addition, qualitative approaches
will increase our understanding of their multiple oppression and the institutions that
oppress Latinas.

The ﬁndings of this study also suggest that the Latino family is currently in ﬂux.
Various conﬁgurations presently exist within married and partnered couples. Further
research of family stress among Latinos should also include couples from diverse sexual
orientations. Family conﬁgurations should also include single or divorced heads of
households. In addition, future studies should also examine single and childless women,
and the factors associated with delaying marriage or childbirth. Although present
ﬁndings did not reveal that a Latino spouse or partner was associated with increased
stress, one cannot erroneously assume that tension does not exist between Latino partners
or spouses. Future studies should further examine areas of conﬂict and cohesion among

diverse Latino families.

136

Finally, future studies would beneﬁt from exploring the role of biculturalism in
the stress and coping process. According to the work of Ramirez (1983), exposure to two
cultures allows the individual to develop a bicultural orientation to life. Such exposure
also provides extensive socialization and life experiences in both cultures. Most
importantly, a bicultural person possesses the ability to achieve ﬂexibility using aspects

of both cultures to suit a particular situation.

137

APPENDIX A

Cover Letter

December 1999

Dear Colleague:

My name is Leticia M. Arellano and I am a doctoral candidate in Counseling
Psychology at Michigan State University. I am writing you to seek your assistance with
my dissertation I am currently conducting my dissertation on stress and well being
among Latina professionals, under the direction of Dr. Robbie Steward. Little is known
about these prominent women who have overcome tremendous obstacles and have
demanding lives. However, recent studies suggest that chronic stress increases their
vulnerability to cardiovascular disease, diabetes, gastrointestinal problems, depression,
anxiety, and addictive behaviors. Given these ﬁndings, I seek to understand how they
manage their demanding careers and family responsibilities.

This study is one of its kind, and will require the input of many Latinas on a
national basis. I am writing you to ask for your assistance in completing the enclosed
research packet and self-addressed envelope. Completion of this research packet is
approximately 30 minutes. Your participation is entirely voluntary, and you may refuse
to answer any question(s) without penalty. Completion and return of these questionnaires
indicates your voluntary agreement. All responses will be treated with strict conﬁdence
and safely secured. By also returning the completed survey materials, and completing the
entry card, you will automatically be entered into a drawing for $100.00 or a year
subscription to Latina Magazine. The chance that you could win the drawing will be
approximately 1 in 60.

I greatly appreciate your time and consideration with this most important aspect of
my study. If you have any questions or would like to speak with me about the study,
please do not hesitate to call me at (512) 385-4362 or contact through electronic mail at
arellanolm@mail.utexas.edu. You may also contact the Human Subjects Review Board at
(517) 355-2180 regarding your rights as a participant in this project.

Cordially,
Leticia M. Arellano, M.C. Robbie Steward, Ph.D.
Doctoral Candidate Dissertation Chair

139

APPENDIX B

Hispanic Stress Inventory

The following questionnaire examines various situations that may cause stress for
Latinas. If the following situation occurred to you duringjnelasLLrnonth, mark the

"yes" box, and indicate how worried or tense the situation made you feel. If the situation
did not occur to you during the past 3 months, mark the "no" box, and proceed to the
next question.

1= Not at all worried/tense 2: A little worried/tense

3= Moderately worried/tense 4= Very worried/tense

5= Extremely worried/tense

1. I have seen that traditional religious customs are ignored.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

2. I have not been able to forget about the war related deaths which happened to my
friends or family members.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

3. My spouse/partner and I have disagreed on the importance of religion within our
family.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

4. It has been difﬁcult for me to understand why my spouse/partner wishes to be
more Americanized.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

5. The need for members of my family to achieve economically has caused my
family to drift apart.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

6. I have had difﬁculty ﬁnding legal services.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

7. My children have not been given the same opportunities in school that other
children have.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

8. Because of the lack of family unity, I have felt lonely and isolated.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

9. I have seen my son/daughter behave delinquently.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

141

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

l7.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

My children have talked about leaving home.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My children have not respected my authority the way they should.

Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

My children have received bad school reports (or bad grades).

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have had to watch the quality of my work so others do not think I’m lazy.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have been around too much violence.

Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have had serious arguments with family members.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My personal goals have been in conﬂict with family goals.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner has not been adapting to American life.

Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have felt as though I would never see some family members again.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner and I have disagreed on how to bring up our children.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner has been drinking too much alcohol.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Members of my family have considered divorce as a solution to their marital
problems.

Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

People that are close to me have been less concerned about morals.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Because I am Latina, I have felt isolated at work.
Yes[ ] No[ ] 1 2 3 4 5

142

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

I have felt guilty about leaving my family and friends in my home country.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My income has not been sufﬁcient to support my family or myself.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have thought that my children have used illegal drugs.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

The pressure to achieve economic success have made me stop going to church.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

There have been cultural conﬂicts in my marriage or relationship.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have put pressure on myself to provide more things for my family.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have been forced to accept low paying jobs.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have felt that my children’s ideas about sexuality are too liberal.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

There has been conﬂict among members of my family.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have felt that due to work, the rhythm of my life has changed.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have been criticized about my work.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have felt that family relations are becoming less important for people that I am
close to.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Both my spouse/partner and I have had to work.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner and I have had disagreements about who should control the
household money.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

143

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

My spouse/partner and I have disagreed on which language is spoken by our

children at home.
Yes[ ] No[ ] 1 2 3 4 5

It has been difﬁcult for my spouse/partner and I to combine Latino and American

culture.
Yes[ ] No[ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My boss has thought of me as being too passive.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

Some members of my family have become too individualistic.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Because of the importance of getting ahead in my job, I had to compete with
others.

Yes[]No[] 1 2 3 4 5

I have questioned the idea that “marriage is forever.”
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I did not get the job I wanted because I did not have the proper skills.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My children have been drinking alcohol.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner has not helped with household chores.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

Others have been too worried about the amount and quality of the work I do.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Because I am Latina, it has been hard to get promotions or salary raises.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My spouse/partner has expected me to be more traditional in our relationship.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

I have seen ﬁiends treated badly because they are Latinos.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

144

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

59.

I have missed close relationships with others.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have felt that my spouse/partner and I have not been able to communicate.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My children have been inﬂuenced by bad friends.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

There has been physical violence among the members of my family.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

Because I am a Latina, I have been expected to work harder.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I could not decide on how liberal I should be in my family sexual conduct.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

My doctor did not spend enough time with me to understand my illness.
Yes [ ] No [ ] l 2 3 4 5

Because I am Latina, l have been paid less than others.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

I have felt that members of my family are losing their religion.
Yes [ ] No [ ] 1 2 3 4 5

145

APPENDIX C

Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale

The statements listed below describe attitudes towards one's self-esteem. There are no
right or wrong answers, only opinions. Please circle the answer that best applies.

1= Strongly Agree 2= Agree

3= Disagree 4: Strongly Disagree

10.

I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an equal basis with others.
1 2 3 4

I feel that I have a number of good qualities
1 2 3 4

All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure.
1 2 3 4

I am able to do things as well as most other people.
1 2 3 4

I feel that 1 do not have much to be proud of.
1 2 3 4

I take a positive attitude toward myself.
1 2 3 4

On the whole, I am satisﬁed with myself.
1 2 3 4

I wish I could have more respect for myself.
1 2 3 4

I certainly feel useless at times.
1 2 3 4

At times I think I am no good at all.
1 2 3 4

147

APPENDIX D

Short Acculturation Scale

The statements listed below pertain to your language use and other preferences. Please
circle the answer that best applies.

1.

In general, what language(s) do you read and speak?

(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

What language(s) did you speak as a child?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

What language(s) do you usually speak at home?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

In which language(s) do you usually think?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

What language(s) do you usually speak with your friends?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

What language(s) are the T.V. programs that you usually watch?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

What language(s) are the radio programs that you usually listen to?
(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally
(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

In general, what language(s) are the movies, T.V., and radio programs that you
prefer to watch and listen to?

(1) Only Spanish (2) More Spanish than English (3) Both Equally

(4) More English than Spanish (5) Only English

In general, your close friends are:
(1)All Latinos (2) More Latinos than Anglos (3) Both Equally
(4) More Anglos than Latinos (5) All Anglos

149

10.

11.

12.

You prefer going to social gatherings/parties in which the people are:
(1) All Latinos (2) More Latinos than Anglos (3) Both Equally
(4) More Anglos than Latinos (5) All Anglos

The persons you visit or who visit you are:
(1) All Latinos (2) More Latinos than Anglos (3) Both Equally
(4) More Anglos than Latinos (5) All Anglos

If you could choose your children's friends, you would want them to be:

(1) All Latinos (2) More Latinos than Anglos (3) Both Equally
(4) More Anglos than Latinos (5) All Anglos

150

APPENDIX E

Brief COPE

The following questionnaire asks you to indicate what you generally do and feel when
you experience stressful events. Please try to respond to each item separately and circle
the answer that best applies.

1= I haven’t been doing this at all 2 = I’ve been doing this a little bit
3= I’ve been doing this a medium amount 4 = I’ve been doing this a lot
1. I’ve been turning to work or other activities to take my mind off things.

1 2 3 4

2. I’ve been concentrating my efforts on doing something about the situation I’m in.
1 2 3 4

3. I’ve been saying to myself “this isn’t real.”
1 2 3 4

4. I’ve been using alcohol or other drugs to make myself feel better.
1 2 3 4

5. I’ve been getting emotional support from others.
1 2 3 4

6. I’ve been giving up trying to deal with it.
1 2 3 4

7. I’ve been taking action to try to make the situation better.
1 2 3 4

8. I’ve been refusing to believe that it has happened.
1 2 3 4

9. I’ve been saying things to let my unpleasant feelings escape.
1 2 3 4

10. I’ve been getting help and advice from other people.
1 2 3 4

11. I’ve been using alcohol or other drugs to help me get through it.
1 2 3 4

12. I’ve been trying to see it in a different light, to make it seem more positive.
1 2 3 4

152

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

I’ve been criticizing myself.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been trying to come up with a strategy about what to do.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been getting comfort and understanding from someone.
I 2 3 4

I’ve been giving up the attempt to cope.
l 2 3 4

I’ve been looking for something good in what is happening.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been making jokes about it.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been doing something to think about it less, such as going to movies,
watching TV, reading, daydreaming, sleeping, or shopping.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been accepting the reality of the fact that it has happened.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been expressing my negative feelings.
I 2 3 4

I’ve been trying to ﬁnd comfort in my religion or spiritual beliefs.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been trying to get advice or help from other people about what to do.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been learning to live with it.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been thinking hard about what steps to take.
1 2 3 4

I’ve been blaming myself for things that happened.
1 2 3 4

153

27. I’ve been praying or meditating.
1 2 3 4

28. I’ve been making fun of the situation.
1 2 3 4

154

APPENDIX F

Attitudes Towards Women Scale

The statements listed below describe diverse attitudes towards the role of women in
society. There are no right or wrong answers, only opinions. Please circle the answer that

best applies.
1 = Agree Strongly 2 = Agree Mildly
3 = Disagree Mildly 4 = Disagree Strongly

1.

10.

Swearing and obscenity are more repulsive in the speech of a woman than of a

man.
1 2 3 4

Women should take increasing responsibility for leadership in solving
the intellectual and social problems of the day.
1 2 3 4

Both husband and wife should be allowed the same grounds for divorce.
1 2 3 4

Telling dirty jokes should be mostly a masculine prerogative.
1 2 3 4

Intoxication among women is worse than intoxication among men.
1 2 3 4

Under present economic conditions, men should share in household tasks.
1 2 3 4

It is insulting for women to have the “obey” clause in the marriage service.
1 2 3 4

There should be a strict merit system in job appointment and promotion

without regard to gender.
1 2 3 4

A woman should be as free as a man to propose marriage.
1 2 3 4

Women should worry less about their rights and more about becoming good wives

and mothers.
1 2 3 4

156

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

Women who earn as much as their dates should equally share expenses when they

go out together.
1 2 3 4

Women should assume their rightful place in business and all the professions

along with men.
1 2 3 4

Women should not expect to go to exactly the same places or to have quite the

same freedom as men.
1 2 3 4

Sons should be given more encouragement to go to college than daughters.
1 2 3 4

It is ridiculous for a woman to run a locomotive and for a man to mend socks.
1 2 3 4

In general, the father should have greater authority than the mother in the rearing
of children.
1 2 3 4

Women should be encouraged not to become sexually intimate before marriage,
even their ﬁancé.
1 2 3 4

The husband should not be favored by the law over the wife in the disposal of
family property or income.
1 2 3 4

Women should be concerned with their duties of childbearing and the home,

rather than their desires for professional and business careers.
1 2 3 4

The intellectual leadership of a community should be largely in the hands of men.
1 2 3 4

Economic and sexual freedom is worth far more to women than acceptance of the
idea of femininity.
1 2 3 4

157

On the average, women should be regarded as less capable of contributing
economically than men.
1 2 3 4

There are many jobs in which men should be given preference over women in
being hired or promoted.
1 2 3 4

Women should be given equal opportunity with men for apprenticeship in the
various trades.

1 2 3 4

Today's females are entitled to the same freedom as males.
1 2 3 4

158

APPENDIX G

Demographic Form

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

Age

 

State of Residence

Place of Birth

a. US.

b. Non-U.S. (please specify) How long have you lived in the
US?

Marital Status

 

Sexual Orientation

 

 

a. Heterosexual b. Lesbian c. Bisexual

Number of Children

Ages of Children

If no children, do you want children in the future?

a. Yes b. No c. Uncertain

Ethnic Background

a. Mexican American/Chicana b. Puerto Rican c. Cuban

d. South American e. Central American f. Dominican
g. Other

 

Spouse/Partner's Ethnic Background

 

Your Educational Level

 

 

Spouse/Partner's Educational Level

Person responsible for household work

 

Your Job Title

 

Number of years in your current position
Number of hours worked weekly

Your Present Yearly Income

 

Spouse/Partner's Income

 

160

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

Rank Order of Priorities (rank 1-5 in order of importance)
a. Work/Career Goals
b. Marriage

0. Personal Development

(1. Social Life

e. Other

 

In general, how do you deal with stress?

Do you have health problems due to stress?
a. No
b. Yes

Have you ever experienced discrimination at work?
a. No
b. Yes - Please explain the space provided below

If any, what has been your greatest barrier at work?

What speciﬁc information/techniques would you ﬁnd useful in a stress
management program for Latinas?

Please feel free to comment on anything you feel is relevant to this study.

Please complete the entry card and return it with your completed survey.
Thank you for your participation!

161

APPENDIX H

Recruitment Letter

Dear Colleagues:

My name is Leticia Arellano, and I am currently a doctoral candidate in the Counseling
Psychology program at Michigan State University. I am currently conducting my
dissertation on Latina professionals and stress.

Given the association between stress and symptoms of heart disease, depression, anxiety,
and gastrointestinal problems, and diabetes, 1 am seeking to survey how they deal with
their professional and personal stressors.

I hope to enlist your invaluable assistance with my dissertation. My survey takes
approximately 30 minutes to complete and a self-addressed stamped envelope is included
for your convenience. Completion of my survey also entitles you to enter two drawings
for $100.00 or a year subscription to Latina Magazine.

The ﬁrst drawing will be held in early January and the second in early April. If you know
of any potential participants or would like to participate yourself, please e-mail me at
arellanolm@mail.utexas.edu or call me at (512) 475-6942. Please feel free to forward
this request to any interested parties.

Thank you very much for your help and support!

Leticia M. Arellano

163

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