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University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF TSETSE FLY CONTROL: THE CASE OF THE LAMBWE VALLEY, KENYA presented by Charles Gichana Manyara has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Geography FEW/””111; / / WWI Date 3/\3/0i I / MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MAR 2 ’5 gang j i- LL if; 4 Mfig [)2 3 IO 6/01 cJCIFiC/DateDuepGS-p. 1 5 ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF TSETSE FLY CONTROL: THE CASE OF THE LAMBWE VALLEY, KENYA By Charles Gichana Manyara A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Depaitment of Geography 2001 ABSTRACT ASSESSING THE IMPLICATIONS OF TSETSE FLY CONTROL: LAMBWE VALLEY, KENYA By Charles Gichana Manyara Tsetse-transmitted trypanosomiasis of humans and livestock is widely prevalent in Africa south of the Sahara. The disease constrains and in some cases excludes livestock keeping and severely limits crop production and human settlement. Though the principal objective in tsetse fly control and disease suppression is to improve animal health and productivity, studies on the implications of tsetse fly control have reached different conclusions with regard to human response to tsetse fly control and disease suppression. This dissertation is a case study on the implications of tsetse fly control in the Lambwe Valley, one of the only two areas in Kenya where trypanosomiasis is endemic. To address the research problem, the study adopted the Regional Political Ecology (RPE) perspective to demonstrate how social, economic, and political process affect the way natural resources are utilized and how people respond to the changing social and physical environment around them. Secondary and field data through a questionnaire were used to assess the case of Lambwe Valley. The findings indicated that the socio-economic responses to tsetse fly control and trypanosomiasis suppression was a function of many intervening variables than just the control campaign itself. As a result the emerging land use patterns in the Lambwe Valley Show an emphasis on crop farming depended on fewer and healthier draft animals. Copyright by Charles Gichana Manyara 2001 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT It was a longjourney getting to this point in my academic life. I have benefited immensely from the support of many people, groups and organizations from Miruka to Lansing and places in between, in preparing this dissertation. Some, unknown to me and most of whom, I will never reimburse. To all I am deeply grateful. Even with all the support, I take responsibility for contents I bring forth in this dissertation. I will like to give special thanks to the Rockefeller Foundation for the grant to conduct the study in Kenya. The wonderful staff at the Foundation was always professional and courteous. Both the New York and Nairobi offices were very encouraging in ensuring that I was doing the right thing at the right time. Thank you. I want to extend my sincere gratitude to the International Center for Insect Physiology and Ecology (ICIPE) for accepting me during the field attachment. In particular Drs. Joseph Ssennyonga and Maitima Mworia of the Mbita Point Field Station for providing guidance on the logistics in the field. The Mbita Point technicians Omollo, Were, Margaret and Susan who provided invaluable assistance in handling the day—to-day encounters in the field. My friend from Magunga market Gordon 0. Seko, who did most of the photography. My enumerators Bernard Otieno, Paul Arunga, James Nyakwana, Richard Ogege, David Omollo, John Mang’ira, Raymond O. Okoyo, Charles A. Braya, Andrew Ayungo, and Peter Onyango for being there whenever I needed them. I am also grateful to the Chiefs and Sub chiefs of Gwasi area who graciously allowed me to traverse their area and attend their Barazas. To the numerous persons that I worked with and interviewed especially the KISABE Tsetse Control Group and their officials Mr. Martin A. Chera (Chairman), Mr. Samuel 0. Ndiro (Secretary) and My. Oyaya, I will always cherish the commitment you placed in your positions. iv At Michigan State I was lucky to work with my advisor and dissertation chair, Prof. David J. Campbell, who persevered my challenging and often bumpy road. Thank you. I owe many thanks to my committee member Prof. Richard Bernsten who was instrumental in the Rockefeller Foundation Grant proposal writing. Special acknowledgement to my committee members David Lusch, and Assefa Mehretu who gave valuable intellectual advice in shaping this dissertation. I always counted on the support of the staff and faculty of the Department of Geography especially Michael Lipsey, Marilyn Bria, Judy Slate, Sharon Ruggles, and Drs. Judy Olson, Jack Williams and Gary Mason. Elsewhere, my former teachers Dr. Celia Nyamweru, Dr. Jim Lein, Dr. Bob Walter, Dr. Nancy Bain and Dr. Hugh Bloamer kept in touch with me and were always interested in my career. Thank you. I would like to express my sincere thanks to my family. My mother Sabina Oinga Manyara whose priceless love and care counts for my being. My wife Margaret, daughter Elizabeth Kwamboka “Tutu", and my sons, Walter Okora “Boi”, Henry Monari “Babu” and Isaac Ateka “Tata” for being so patient while I was away either in the USA or Kenya for long periods and sometimes for long hours in the office or our basement. To my brother, Francis N yamboga and my father-in—law Andrew Borura for shouldering the family responsibilities. I love you. I dedicate this dissertation to four people who always wished me success but never lived to see me graduate. My father Augustine Manyara, my brother Wilfred N gota, my mother in—law Sabina Matinde, and my teacher and mentor Prof. Isaac Sindiga. May your souls rest in eternal peace. I miss you. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Approach to the problem B. Statement of Problem C. An Overview of the Dissertation CHAPTER H STUDY AREA A. Introduction B. Physical Environment C. Settlement and Land Use D. Disease Etiology E. Trypanosomiasis and coping mechanisms CHAPTER III LITERATURE ....................................................................... 17 A. Introduction 17 B. The Disease and the Pathogen (Trypanosoma) 17 1.The disease vector (Glossina) 18 2. Disease Occurrence and Transmission 20 C. The emergence of Trypanosomiasis: A historical perspective .................. 22 D. Human—Environment Interactions: 24 1.Theoretical Background 24 2.Political Ecology 28 E. Tsetse Control and Land Use 30 F. Tsetse Control and the Environment 32 G. The Conceptual Framework 36 H. Research Questions 40 CHAPTER IV 42 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS 42 A. Introduction 42 B. Research Design 42 1.Historical Documents 43 2.Secondary Data 44 3.Field Interviews at Gwasi 44 C. Sample Design 45 D. Sample Size 46 E- 47 Informal Group Interviews vi CHAPTER V ..................................................................................................................... 50 HISTORICAL PROCESSES OF TSETSE FLY CONTROL ....................................... 50 A. Introduction ............................................................................................... 50 B. Tsetse and Trypanosomiasis Suppression ................................................. 50 1.Suppression in East Africa: A Historical profile ................................. 50 2.Trypanosomiasis Suppression in Kenya ............................................. 52 3.Tsetse Fly Control: Lambwe Valley ................................................... 53 C. Tsetse Fly Control Methods ...................................................................... 55 1 .Introduction ......................................................................................... 5 5 2.1nsecticide Spraying ............................................................................ 56 D. The Endemic Trypanosomiasis ................................................................. 56 1.Tsetse Fly Suppression of the 19803 ................................................... 58 2.Tsetse Fly Control in the 19905 ........................................................... 66 3.Community Tsetse Fly Control of the 903. ......................................... 67 4.Summary ............................................................................................. 68 E. Olambwe Settlement Scheme .................................................................... 69 F. Population and Human Migration ............................................................. 73 G. The Ruma National Park ........................................................................... 74 1.The Park and the Community .............................................................. 77 H. The Lambwe Afforestation Program ......................................................... 78 1. Summary and Conclusions ........................................................................ 80 CHAPTER VI ................................................................................................................... 88 FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS .......................................................................................... 88 A. Introduction ............................................................................................... 88 B. Human Population Change ........................................................................ 88 C. Emerging Social Responses ...................................................................... 91 D. Population Characteristics ......................................................................... 92 E. Human Migration ...................................................................................... 94 F. Land Ownership ........................................................................................ 96 1.Land Acquisition ................................................................................. 97 G. The Farming Systems ................................................................................ 99 H. Livestock keeping ................................................................................... 100 1.Herd Size ........................................................................................... 101 2.Grazing grounds ................................................................................ 103 I. Carrying Capacity .................................................................................. 104 J. Crop Farming .......................................................................................... 105 K. Change and management of the physical Environment .......................... 109 1.Land management Practices .............................................................. 112 2.Location of homestead ...................................................................... 114 L. The Tsetse and Trypanosomiasis ............................................................ 116 M. Summary ................................................................................................. 120 vii 126 CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH 126 A. Introduction 126 B. Human Population Movement 127 1.The Lambwe Natives 127 2.The New immigrants’ 128 C. Land Ownership 129 D. Homestead Locations 130 E. Farrnin g Systems 130 1.Pre—existing land use sy term 130 2.After and during tsetse fly control campaign .................................... 131 2.1.Agricultural expansion 131 2.2.Livestock 133 F. Environmental Implications 134 1. Land Degradation 134 G. Summary 135 H. The Relevance of the Research 137 1.The Cultural practices 137 2.Socia1 Dimensions and Political Influences ...................................... 138 3.The environment 139 4.Government Policy 140 1. Suggestions for Future Research 143 1.Questions on tsetse fly control 143 2.The Implications of Tsetse Fly Control 144 APPENDICES. 144 I I. Rainfal Figures 145 i 11. Field Survey Questionnaire 146— 154 I III. Tsetse Fly Control Campaign 155—158 I IV. A sample of Walter Reed treatment sheet 159 i I BIBLIOGRAPHY 160_ 168 f viii 1. . Where animals graze LIST OF TABLES 97 Reasons for immigration 97 . Number of plots 98 , Mode of land acquisition Types of domestic animals kept Number of cattle kept Farm use of draft animals. Use of farm animals Cause of agricultural expansion Reasons for vegetation clearance . Farm management practices . Location of homeqte .(Iq Other diseases in the Lambwe Valley 101 101 106 107 108 111 113 114 115 119 LIST OF FIGURES 1. Study Area ............................................................................................................... 6 2. Average Rainfall ..................................................................................................... 7 3. Distribution of tsetse flies in Africa ...................................................................... 19 4. Life Cycle of Trypanosomiasis ............................................................................. 21 5. Schematic diagram of Driving forces in Tsetse Control ....................................... 37 6. The Kite Framework ............................................................................................. 39 7. Study Area - field survey blocks ........................................................................... 46 8. Hospital records of cases of sleeping sickness ...................................................... 84 LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS (Images in this dissertation are presented in color) 1. Tsetse Fly ................................................. i .............................................................. 4 2. Gwasi Hills ............................................................................................................ 14 3. Lambwe Valley ..................................................................................................... 14 4. Kanyamwa escarpment .......................................................................................... 15 5. Ruma National Park .............................................................................................. 15 6. Livestock ............................................................................................................... 16 7. Millet ..................................................................................................................... 16 8. Nyaboro thicket ..................................................................................................... 85 9. Water collecting .................................................................................................... 85 10. Park fence .............................................................................................................. 86 11. The NGU trap ........................................................................................................ 86 12. KISABE ................................................................................................................. 87 13. Cattle herd ........................................................................................................... 122 14. Residue livestock feed ............................................ 123 15. Draft power .......................................................................................................... 123 16. Sunflower ............................................................................................................ 124 17. Livestock Market .......................................................................................... _ ....... 124 18. Weeding ............................................................................................................... 125 19. Crop Cultivation .................................................................................................. 125 xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Approach to the problem Trypanosomiasis of humans (sleeping sickness) and animals (nagana) is a tropical disease transmitted, mainly, by the tsetse fly ', (Diptera: Glossinadae), of the genus Glossina (herein referred to as tsetse flies). Tsetse flies are widely prevalent in a number of African countries where an estimated 10 million sq. km of land is tsetse-infested2 (Rogers, 1991). Throughout their distribution, tsetse flies restrict livestock keeping3 and severely limit cr0p production and human settlement (Ford, 1971; Jordan, 1986; Rogers, 1991; Turner, 1984; Wellde et a]. 1989). Nearly 25,000 cases of sleeping sickness are diagnosed every year with some 50 million people and 60-90 million domestic animals at risk4 (WHO, 1990). B. Statement of Problem In rural Africa where 60-85% of the population is directly involved in crop and animal husbandry, trypanosomiasis is a serious land use problem. The disease is a particularly important factor in fanning communities where livestock provide farm ' The term "Atsetse” comes from the Schuana language spoken by some people of Bechuanaland (Glasgow 1963). It is not clear whether the term refers to the genus Glosssina, but in Lambwe Valley the name that is applied to Glossina, “Mango”, refers to the blood sucking fly that transmits “Tho Nindo” or sleeping sickness. 2 The human disease is increasingly restricted to small isolated pockets (de Raadt and Seed, 1977) While nagana is wide spread. 3 There are many effects of animal trypanosomiasis but, over all, it is believed that it reduces the density of cattle by 37 percent in the sub-humid zone and 70 percent in the humid zone. The WHO (UN Agency) says that the incidence of trypanosomiasis reduces cattle off-take by 5.30%, milk off-take by 10-40 percent and the work performance of oxen by 33 percent. 4 The major problem with the treatment of trypanosomiasis is that there is neither a vaccine nor recommended drug available to prevent African trypanosomiasis. Besides, there is no immunity deveIOped after infection, hence re-infection can occur. manure and draught power in cultivation, and transportation of farm commodities. In these communities livestock and livestock products are an important source of household income and subsistence food (milk, meat and blood). To boost rural production in tsetse—infested areas, many African countries including Kenya, have tsetse fly control campaigns (Cathleen er al, 1996; Rogers, 1991; Kiros er al., 1993; Rogers and Randolph, 1988; Harrison, 1987; Jordan, 1986). However, implications of tsetse fly control campaigns are held in contention among scholars and researchers. The contention is founded on three general propositions: (1) that once the tsetse flies are controlled, people move in and occupy the otherwise tsetse-free land (2) that once the tsetse flies are controlled and trypanosomiasis is suppressed, livestock population and production will increase (Ormerod. 1978, 1986, 1990) (3) and, that a combination of (1) and (2) may result in social and economic gains but they ultimately accelerate environmental degradation (Swynnerton, 1936; Ormerod, 1978, 1986, 1990; Jordan, 1992). Using the case of the Lambwe Valley in western Kenya, the study was designed to test the validity of these propositions through: 1. A review of the historical and current tsetse flies suppression efforts in the Lambwe Valley. 2. An assessment of the emerging socio-economic responses to control of tsetse fly and suppression trypanosomiasis. 3. An analysis of the socio-economic and biophysical evidence to assess the I\) postulated environmental impact from changing human and animal populations. By reviewing the historical records of tsetse and trypanosomiasis campaigns in the Lambwe Valley it was possible to reconstruct a profile of the implications of these efforts. In particular the profiles documented the land use changes over time and space. These changes in effect were manifestations of social responses to the tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis suppression process. However since the societal decision process goes beyond the implications of trypanosomiasis in human health and that of the livestock, an analysis of the socio-economic factors, government policy, and biophysical information was critical in understanding these implications. The data were gathered through a field survey and archival data. C. An Overview of the Dissertation This dissertation is organized into seven chapters that address the tsetse fly suppression literature and society-environment theory and develop a conceptual framework for the study. Chapter II introduces the study area. It provides the background to the physical characteristics, the people and the settlement setting in the valley. Chapter III reviews the ecology of the tsetse flies (their distribution, typology and nature of infestation) and the epizootic characteristics of trypanosomes and the nature of infection. The theoretical overview of society—environment relationships is studied within the context of geography and related social sciences. The conceptual framework and research questions at the end of the chapter emerge from the reviewed literature. Chapter IV presents the methodology adopted to collect and analyze data to answer the research questions. Chapter V presents a historical profile of the events in Lambwe Valley with an emphasis on the tsetse control campaign. Chapter VI provides findings mainly from the field survey Chapter VH discusses the results and relevance of the research findings, potential modification of the general propositions, and directions for future research. Photo 1. Tsetse Fly. CHAPTER 11 STUDY AREA A. Introduction This chapter introduces the study area. It gives the background to the physical characteristics, the people and the settlement setting in the Lambwe Valley. The chapter also presents the traditional people's perceptions on disease and disease etiology. Within this perspective is their perception of trypanosomiasis. This information is important in understanding the decision process of the people of Lambwe Valley and their mechanisms for coping with the problem of trypanosomiasis. B. Physical Environment The Lambwe Valley in the Suba District is a continuation of the Kavirondo fault- trough, extending from Winam Basin'(Figure 1). At an average altitude of 1,200 m, the valley lies between the Kanyamwa escarpment -- which rises to about a 1,500 m on the east and the Gwasi Hills in the west. West of the valley has a number of dormant volcanic complexes including Ruri Hills, Usengere peak (of the Gwasi Hills at 2,270 m), Gembe (1,898 m) and Sumba (1,838 m) The Lambwe Valley in the Suba District is a continuation of the Kavirondo fault-trough, extending from Winam Basin. At an average altitude of 1,200 1n, the valley lies between the Kanyamwa escarpment -- which rises to about a 1,500 m on the east and the Gwasi Hills in the west. The west of the valley has a number of dormant volcanic complexes including Ruri. In the north the Lambwe Valley dips into the Ruri Bay of Winam Gulf. At the south end it is interrupted by the Seka Hills as it disappears into Lake Victoria (Photos 2-4). The entire valley covers an estimated 400 km2 about half of which is Ruma National Park. The valley floor has been a focus for extensive Pleistocene to recent sediment accumulation. w Rusinga Island 150 km Kigo to f on! a?” Nyaboro / 1 kilometers 3:.°r5’c l . Figure 1. Study Area ' The Winam Basin is an elongated depression that ends at the equator to form the Western shoulder of the Gregory Rift (The Great Rift Valley). “Nam” is ‘lake’ in Dhuluo, the local dialect in the northern littorals of Lake Victoria. ‘Winam Basin’ is therefore 'Lake Basin’. (Maitima—Mworia, 1995). Alluvial gravel and superficial deposits occur in the whole of Lambwe Valley and Gwasi Hills. The soils in the valley floor are predominantly water logged, sodic and partially saline making them of low fertility for most crops found in the valley. On the areas surrounding the valley, the foothills and the slopes, the soils are shallow, well drained sandy clay and have variable fertility. However further up the steep slopes they are shallower with a poorly developed soil profile. Though well drained, these slopes are unsuitable for cultivation and extremely vulnerable to degradation. The Lambwe Valley records high temperatures in January and February and lower temperatures in June and July. The mean annual temperature is 220 C, with a mean daily maximum at 29”C and minimum of 17"C. These local climatic conditions are influenced by the monsoon winds at the regional scale, modified by the relief and its Mean Monthly Rainfall (mm) 200 150 100 50 O J FMAMJJ ASOND Month Figure 2. Average Rainfall. proximity to Lake Victoria. The area experiences two rain seasons separated by two dry spells (Figure 2). The long rains are from March to June while the short rains occurred between September and November (Appendix 1 ). The end of the short rains marks the start of the long dry season in December before the long rains return in March. The average rainfall in the basin floor is 1080 mm per year. The climate of he valley floor can be described as typically hot and moderately humid. At the valley bottom along the Olambwe River is an evergreen thicket. Broadly, the vegetation changes progressively to open grassland spotted by acacia and fades to grass on the slopes. Within the valley bottom are also found isolated but expansive acacia thickets. In the northern part of the park is the Ruma Thicket. This thicket expands to join the Masamgala Thicket in the southwest. Further south is the Otuok Thicket adjoining the Riamakanga Thicket. This thicket stretches beyond the park boundary. At the far south end of the valley is the Nyaboro thicket. This thicket is a, regeneration of the previously cleared thicket. In the north the Lambwe Valley dips into the Ruri Bay of Winam Gulf. At the south end it is interrupted by the Seka Hills as it disappears into Lake Victoria. The Lambwe Valley thickets are composed of moderate-size species of Eup/rorbia candelabrum, Grcwia similis, and Rhus natalensis. Other vegetation includes Acacia dreparzolobium, Acacia penata, Scutia myrtina, and Euclea divz'noru. Dense vegetation along gullies on the slopes facing the valley, sometimes extending to the hilltops on the Gwasi Massif and the Kanyamwa Escarpment. On the escarpment is also found a white pine forest planted by the government in 1964. The entire valley covers an estimated 400 kmz, about half of which is Ruma National Park (Photo 5). C. Settlement and Land Use The valley residents are sedentary cultivators. They also keep a variety of other domestic animals including goats (mainly the small East African), sheep (Red Maasai and Tanganyika F at-tailed), poultry (both local and exotic), and donkeys (Photo 6). There are also dogs and cats in almost every home. The main grazing grounds are the fallow fields after the harvesting and before the planting season while the main valley bottom provides grazing throughout the year. The main crops in the Lambwe Valley include com, sorghum, millet, sesame, finger millet, banana, sunflower and various legumes. All the agricultural activities in Lambwe Valley are rain-fed. A staple food in the valley is Kuon (millet meal). Because of their proximity to the lake (Nam), the people2 of the Lambwe Valley have adopted fish eating as a supplement to Kuon. Other foods include, meat, chicken, milk and a variety of local vegetables such as boo, susa, apoch, dek, and ambiro. In the past millet3 (Bulrush millet) was so important that its presence symbolized plenty (Photo 7). Finger millet was also grown mainly for porridge. Today, besides Kuon, maize and beans are important in preparing nyoyo, a common delicacy. Broadly, there are two agro-ecological zones in the valley and the adjacent hill slopes (Jaetzold and Schmidt, 1982). One, LM4, is found in parts of the valley floor stretching to immediate slopes. It is described as a Marginal Cotton Zone with a weak medium to short cropping season, intermediate rains, and a weak very short season. Given that the zone within the park is not really available except in a strip along the boundary, this zone is most used in the southern end, in Kigoto, Nyaboro, Gendo, Sanjweru, and parts of Seka and the northern end around the Ruri Bay area. The Lower Midland Livestock-Millet Zone, LMS, has a weak short to medium cropping season and intermediate rains. However it has a good yield potential for 3 Details on the fishing industry among the Luo can be found in Paul Mboya‘s book, LL10 Kitgi gi Timbegi (1967). sorghum, millet, beans, chickpeas, Soya beans, and sunflower. Other crops with fair potential are pigeon peas, groundnuts, sweet potatoes, tomatoes, onions, and cassava. The common varieties are the early maturing maize and millet grown in both the long and short rains. It is apparent that the risk for maize is too high, because the first rains allow a weak short growing period. The national government environmental policy prohibits the use of hill slopes to minimize the risks of erosion and to reserve the hilltops as rain catchment areas. Otherwise, the maize potential could best be realized on the high slopes on the Gwasi Hills where evapo-transpiration is low. Before Kasuku4 introduced the plough into the Lambwe Valley in the midl9405, the area was isolated from the outside world in terms of agricultural land use. Even when cash cropping was introduced in other parts of Kenya, no known cash crop was introduced in the Lambwe Valley. In part because of the low population density and the close association of the people here to the fishing culture at Nam. One field source (personal communication) had it that the way of life of the Luo and Luo Abasuba. was content with pastoralism, the fishing, and basic subsistence cropping of millet and sorghum. It was not until the 19705 that a variety of non-traditional crops were introduced and diffused quickly across in the Lambwe Valley. For instance, by 1975 sunflower was a new crop in the valley. Its production increased froml79.5 ha to 460 ha by 1976 (District Development Report, 1978). Reports also indicate that the period, 1976-80 saw an increase in livestock numbers in the valley and its environs. It was during this same period that a number of schools and market centers were started. According to the 3 The traditional millet grains were Athayo and Ochuti. Later Andi we was introduced from Tanzania 4 Kasuku Matunga was Chief of Gwasi between 1932 and 1940. residents even those markets with no butcheries started having meat sales. Luanda, Sindo and Mbita markets are among those that had remarkable expansion. By 1982 there were eight markets where cattle could be slaughtered within Mbita Division alone (District Annual Report, '1 982). Despite lack of markets, communications, better farming technology, capital, and the uneconomical land distribution and diseases (District Annual Report, 1980) in the area, these were remarkably positive changes in the Lambwe Valley. D. Disease Etiology Health conditions in the Lambwe Valley are generally poor and life expectancy at birth is 49 years compared to the national average of 63 years (Kenya Annual Report, 1989). This is a significant improvement from an estimated 34.6 years in 1969 (Sindiga, 1985). The crude death rate is 19 per 1000 with the major causes of mortality according to hospital data being: anemia which accounts for 37 0/0 of the total; malaria, 19 0/o; diarrhea (die/J), 15 %; intestinal diseases, 9% percent; and measles, 7% percent (Odada and Otieno, 1990). While malaria is endemic, other common causes of morbidity are schistosomiasis, skin diseases and sleeping sickness. From group interviews and existing empirical work, the Luo/Abasuba believe that disease and illness may result from at least five causes; diseases of the air, water and food; diseases caused by humans; diseases of the “living death”; diseases of inheritance; and diseases resulting from breaching taboos or customs. Diseases of air, water and food may result from changes in seasons, drinking dirty water or eating contaminated food. Evil people within a community induce diseases to harm their enemies or adversaries. The relationship between society and the ‘1i.ving death’ or spirits needs to be maintained and perpetuated through sacrifices and rituals to 11 provide the intercession between society and the supernatural, God, through the spirits, which are believed to be vertically closer to God by virtue of their physical departure from earth. Yet diseases such as epilepsy (ndulue or ndulume) are believed to be genetic. There is a belief system among the people that breaching taboos or customs results in illness such as chira - a disease that wastes the body leading to death. E. Trypanosomiasis and coping mechanisms There was never any effective traditional coping mechanism against trypanosomiasis. In fact trypanosomiasis, relapsing fever, smallpox, and malaria were some of the diseases least understood by the Luo and Abusuba. Interviewees in Lambwe Valley reckon that even in Alego (Siaya District), where the disease. particularly human trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness), came from, people thought it was human-induced. They did not know anything about trypanosomiasis in animals. For instance in the period between 1935-40 people were moving from place to place trying to avoid the trypanosomiasis. They did not know the disease was transmitted. by the tsetse fly. During the early outbreaks in Alego, suspicion of neighbors was so rampant that people had to practice witchcraft to protect themselves and their loved ones. It was said that even young people had to learn the crafts. Alego was consequently a feared region by those from far places. In Siaya the disease was first referred to as “Komboga”, after one fisherman, Omboga in Alego who frequented fishing in the Uganda side contracted the sleeping sickness and later more people along the lake were ailing from it. Because of their proximity and close association with the fish as a main diet, the people of Siaya. thought some type of fish calledfam’ brought the sleeping sickness. F am‘ was caught at the banks of the lake. Fishermen who went to trap the fish sat at the shore for long hours. Because they tended to be the victims of sleeping sickness, their sickness was associated with the fish,f&mi. For a long time the fish was avoided as the source of sleeping sickness. This chapter has raised a number of issues. The medium altitude, warm temperature and rains at certain times of the year and the availability of wildlife make the location and physical characteristics of the Lambwe Valley an ideal environment for tsetse flies. However the history ofthe area indicates that the flies and the disease are relatively new in the valley. It had taken the natives a while to learn to deal with the disease in particular. As a consequence their actions included suspicion of one another and that of the environment. For a while the people's best defense mechanism was flight whenever there was an outbreak of the disease. This understanding is important in analyzing the human movement into and out of the Lambwe Valley. In the next chapter I will explore the literature on trypanosomiasis in general and the nature of the disease and its distribution in Africa in particular. The chapter will also provide a theoretical setting for the people—environment tradition in geography and the emergence and development of Regional Political Ecology (RPE) as a perspective in understanding the society—environment relationship. The Kite Framework is introduced as the conceptual framework (Campbell and Olson, 1991) for relating the RPE to the Lambwe Valley. The chapter closes with pertinent research questions arising from the literature review. i . . . . . . . . . ' A herbalist 1n Sanjweiu did not have trypanosomrasrs on his list ofcurable diseases! Photo 2. Gwasi Hills, as seen from the valley. Photo 3. Lambwe Valley Picture taken from Gendo near the park fence. In the valley floor Seka hill floor and N yaboro thicket can be seen. 14 Photo 4. Kan yamwa escarpment seen from Ki goto in the valley floor On the slopes tha park fence separates the cleared settled area from the green park on the left. .i . ' Photo 5. Wildlife in the park. In the background is Kanyamwa escarpment. Photo 6. Livestock. Different animals are kept in the Lambwe Valley. Photo 7. Millet. A common crop in the valley. 16 CHAPTER HI LITERATURE REVIEW A. Introduction This review of the literature on the implications of tsetse control on land use presents highlights on the nature of trypanosorrriasis and some key characteristics of the disease, its agents and vectors. It also explores the people-environment literature with an overview of the theoretical grounding. Towards the end, the conceptual framework for this study is presented followed by research questions arising from the review of the literature. B. The Disease and the Pathogen (Trypanosoma) African trypanosomiasis is a disease of the central nervous system and other tissues (Jordan, 1986). The initial period of infection occurs in the blood, followed by invasion of the cerebrospinal fluid of the brain. There are two distinct stages in the evolution of sleeping sickness. In the first stage trypanosomes are present in the blood causing blood and circulatory system disorders. Symptoms include fever, intense headaches, and anemia. During the second stage the neurological system is affected. Victims suffer disturbed sleep patterns, are extremely lethargic, and eventually slip into a coma and die. The name “sleeping sickness”, which is the common reference to human trypanosomiasis, is descriptive of the later stages of the disease - a display of typical sleeping symptoms, fatigue and drooping eyelids and a tendency to lapse into sleep. These characteristics are also visible in 'sleeping sickness' of livestock, nagana. The disease is caused by the flagellate protozoan of various species (and sub- genera) of the genus Trypanosoma (Ford 1971; Allsopp, 1972; Kauffmann, 1973). Five sub-genera of trypanosomes are of epidemiological and epizootiological significance in humans and animals. They are Trypanozoon ( e. g. Trypanosoma brucei), Nannomonas 17 (e. g. T. congolense), Dutzonella (e. g. T.vivax), Pycnomonas (e.g. T. suis), and Megatrypanum (e. g. T. ingens). The sub-genera Trypanozoon, Nannomonas, and Durtonella are salvarianl trypanosomes transmitted by species of Glossina as a result of the bite of infected flies. Common species of trypanosomes in tsetse-infested areas of Africa are the Trypanosome vivax, T. congolense and T. brucei. Other species of lesser frequency include T. simiae, T. uniformc, and T. suit. In total there are eight identified trypanosoma speciesz' 1. The disease vector (Glossina) There are three groups of tsetse flies broadly associated with their preferred habitats: forests (fasca), riverine (palpates) and savanna (morsirans) species. The fusca which has twelve sub-species are probably of least epidemiological or epizootiological significance and economic importance. Of the twelve, only G. brevipalpalis, G. longipennis, and G. fitscipleurisr' can transmit animal trypanosomiasis within their range. The second species, palpates, are found along river and stream systems and can also extend to both humid and dry savanna. The main sub-species of this group are G. palpates found in West Africa and G. fuscipes of East Africa (Figure 3). Both of these transmit human and animal trypanosomiasis. A third sub-species, G. tachninoides is important as it infests vegetation near watering points. l Trypanosomes of mammals that are important to society can be subdivided into two groups: The Salvarian and the Stercoraria. The details of these sections can be summarized as based on the mode of development in their insect vectors and vertebrate hosts and into subgenera and species on the basis of morphological differences. However most of the pathogenic trypanosomes belong to the Salvaria, characterized by symptom—less infection and long-lasting parasitaemia. 18 % G. longipallis m G. pallidipes Figure 3.The distribution of Tsetse Flies in Africa The third group of the Glossina, the morsitans or the savanna flies, is found mainly in wooded grassland. Given that much of Africa south of the Sahara is savanna, this group is the most expansive and probably most important as they occupy vast areas suitable for livestock keeping. Its important species are the G. longipallis --common in West Africa —— and G. pallidipes, the main vector of human and animal trypanosomiasis in most of East and Southern Africa. Both species tend to occupy thickets and forest edge vegetation, but can adapt to a wide range of vegetation and climatic conditions. A third species, G. austeni, is found in secondary scrub especially in the East African coast 2 It has always been a major source of confusion that trypanosomes with very different biological characteristics are morphologically indiStinguishable. More recently there are new advances in the area of trypanosome taxonomy and epidemiology. More on this can be found in relevant taxonomical and epidemiological journals such as Parasitology, Advanced Parasitology, Acta Tropica, Bulletin de la Société de Pathologie Exotique, and Annals of Tropical Medicine & Hygiene. -— rarely exceeding 250 km inland or an altitude of 200 m. Together there are about thirty identified species and sub—species of tsetse flies in Africa (Hoppe, 1995)3 2. Disease Occurrence and Transmission Trypanosomes become important when humans or livestock come into contact with tsetse flies4 (Ford, 1971). For a fly to be effective in transmitting trypanosomes it is particularly important that it obtain its first blood meal quickly after emerging from its pupae stage and before its limited quantity of fat is exhausted (Jordan, 1986). If this first meal is from an infected wildlife or domestic animal, then the transmission cycle is maintained and carried on for all subsequent bites of humans or livestock (Figure 4). However, infections from tsetse fly bites vary with particular groups and species of tsetse flies and their capacity to transmit the trypanosomes. The availability of hosts (preferably, wildlifes) is a key factor in the maintenance of a viable population of tsetse flies. A study by Potts and Jackson (1952) reported a complete disappearance of Glossina following an experiment of controlled game- destruction in Shinyanga, Tanzania. Ford (1971) made similar observations from 3 An article in a 1997 Panafrican News Agency, distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org), stated that there were 21 species of Glossina, which existed exclusively in Africa. 4 Note that there are reported cases from South America where other agents spread trypanosomiasis. However, other than game animals, humans or domesticated animals (such as cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and dogs) and wild-rodents can act as reservoirs for keeping the cycle of trypanosomiasis (Allsop, 1972; Buxton, 1955). Jordan (1976) and Molyneux and Ashford (1983) have reviewed a number of factors that influence the rate of infection with Trypanosoma spp. in Glossina spp. Their findings indicate that there are variations with species and localities. Earlier studies by Buxton (1955) and by Jordan (1974) had established that overall infection rates are lower in the fusca and palpalis groups than in the morsitans group. 5 Though wild animals such as warthogs (Phacochoerus), bush pigs (Potamocoerus), and buffalo (Syncerus) are frequently infected and serve as reservoir hosts from which the parasites are transmitted to domestic animals and humans by tsetse flies, they are not clinically affected by the trypanosomes. Note that some wild life do not carry the trypanosomes. 2O Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). These results indicate that favorable climatic and vegetation conditions and presence of wildlife are essential for the existence and spread of tsetse fly and trypanosomes. The parasite reproduces Fly injects metacyclic asexually in the fly's gut, trypomastlgotes when " migrates to the fly's salivary 't feeds on bl°°d' glands, and transforms into m etacyclic trypomastigotes. Metacyclic trypomastigotes transform into trvpomastigotes , Fly ingests trypomastigotes and reproduce asexually when it feeds on blood. in the blood stream. Figure 4. Life Cycle of Trypanosomiasis spp. The tsetse flies are distributed over the area approximately 15° N and 28° S6 on the mainland of Africa and other outlying islands (Rogers, 1990;Glasgow, 1963). The flies are generally absent in highland areas with altitude exceeding 1,800 m. and from grasslands without bushes. In some cases they have been observed outside the general limits where vegetation cover of 4.5 ft or more in height harbor one or more species. For instance there are unconfirmed records of Glossina tachninoides in Southern Yemen 6 There is a 40-million-year-old Florissant deposit of the Oligocene era in Colorado, USA (Rogers, 1990; Ford, 1971). However, no fossil tsetse has been found in Africa (Ford, 1971). 21 (KETRI, 1991) while tsetse flies are believed to be absent in Madagascar (Glasgow, 1963). Tsetse flies have a very specialized life cycle. Each mature female produces a fully-grown larva approximately every ten days7. The larva is deposited in shady places emerging after three or more weeks. A female fly needs to mate only once in her lifetime to continue reproducing as long as the environmental conditions are favorableg. Females must live for some 36 days to produce at least two flies if the species is to exist and can survive to up to six months (Jordan, 1986,1989). The average life span for males is about nine days. These characteristics and the fact that the trypanosome ’s incubation period within a fly is relatively short make tsetse flies potentially good vectors. However, this potential is rarely realized in infections because adult flies are not susceptible to infection themselves — except for newly emerged flies, the “tenerals”. But, once a fly is infected it is likely to be able to transmit the trypanosomes for the remainder of its life. C. The emergence of Trypanosomiasis: A historical perspective There is an ideological and chronological debate regarding the emergence of African trypanosomiasis. Some studies indicate that trypanosomiasis was in West Africa as early as 1373 (Swynnerton, 1936; Glasgow, 1947; Thompson, 1992), a school of thought referred to as pro-Pox Britannica. However there are those like Ford (1971) who oppose pro-Pax Britannica by arguing that trypanosomiasis was actually introduced to communities across the African continent with the coming of the Europeans, mid 19th C. 7 The female needs mate once in its lifetime. Since the sexes emerge in approximately equal numbers it is likely that males also mate once (Glasgow, 1963). 8 Temperatures beyond 250 C are limiting. In some places and times of the year when it is dry and hot females do not survive long enough to reproduce, which can then lead to a decline of the fly population. But even under Optimal conditions rarely do females produce more than twelve larvae. 22 The Fox Britannica theory was founded on the belief that colonial powers across Africa “pacified” the different ethnic groups from “tribal” wars, and slavery and, established law and order, enabling people free movement (Richards, 1978). As a consequence, people carried with them the infecting trypanosomes. The pacifying theory was used to explain why in the first forty years of the 20thcentury thousands of people died of sleeping sickness. Ford (1971) argues that what the colonial events did was to destroy the ecological balance between essentially peaceful people and their environment. In the early stages of the spatial diffusion of trypanosomiasis, long before the disease was associated with the tsetse flies and wildlife (Ford, 1971), many African communities interpreted it as either a curse from God or the work of witches (Ayot, Ford 1971; Ogot, 1967; Richards, 1987). There was a remarkable awareness among many communities though that pristine wilderness, void of humans, was never associated with trypanosomiasis (or the potential thereof). These were safe havens for migratory pastoralists. An apparent exception to this were the fly belts of the species G. morsitans group which had always a profound influence on the routes followed by pastoralists (Jordan, 1993). As more sedentary communities understood the behavior and cyclic movements of the fly and avoided points of contact, the risk was considerably reduced (Putt et al, 1980). Two issues are raised in this section that touch on human-environmental relationships. First is the question on the origin and spread the disease vector and pathogen. The second is how or why affected communities responded to the problem posed by trypanosomiasis. Both issues lend themselves to interpretation through perspectives developed within the political ecology tradition. This tradition has evolved 23 to encompass a number of theoretical backgrounds in addressing problems that are geographic in nature. D. Human-Environment Interactions: 1. Theoretical Background Theoretical linkages of society—environmental interactions trace back to the early philosophy of environmental determinism originally presented by Carl Ritter (1779-1859). This philosophy was rooted in Charles Darwin’s seminal book, On the Origin of Species (1859)9. It drew especially from the ideas of natural selection and adaptation - the physical environment as the control and human behavior as the response (Stoddart, 1966)). Ritter argued that the environment was capable of determining societal development. He believed that success in development was based on revealing the resource potential of an area. This school of thought advanced by other early environmental deterrninists including the geographer, Friedrich Ratzel (1844 - 1904), Ellen C. Semple (1863—1932) and Griffith Taylor (1880 - 1963) among others. In the 19th century when geography was becoming accepted as a scientific discipline Friedrich Ratzel became a dominant personality in the development of geography in Germany. His interest in the human—environment relationship was most noticeable in his volume entitled Anthropo-geographie (1882). He argued that the main task in assessing the human-environment relationship was to describe core areas of human settlement, ‘regions of the ecumene’, the distribution of humans, human migration and human dependency on land, and to analyze the effects of environment on humans both 24 individually and as social groups. Though he never explicitly addressed the idea of environmental determinism, as we know it, his approach to the society-environment relationship provided an intellectual arena for further debate among his followers and critics. Semple was a student of Ratzel (Livingstone, 1993) who probably introduced the philosophy to North America. Semple wrote a book, Influences of Geographic Environment (1911), whose subtitle was 012 the basis of Ratzel ’5 systems of Anthropo- geography. According to Semple the natural environment underlies all human conduct. Temperament, culture, religion, economic practices and social life are all derived from environmental influences. Semple justified her claim by presenting Europeans as having such positive virtues as being energetic, provident, serious, thoughtful, and the tropical inhabitants as easy-going, improvident, emotional, etc. Some of these sentiments were carried to the 19303 and 19403 by the likes of Ellsworth Huntington (1925; 1945) and Griffith Taylor10 Though Ellsworth Huntington joined the ranks a little later, he advanced the concept of civilization being strongly influenced by climate and climatic change. He emphasized the role of climate change in human history and the human consequences of 9 Darwin’s work did not only influence human geographers. The American geographer William Morris Davis’ famous circle-of-erosion model of landform development is based on the notion of evolution through stages. Even the Davisian Cycle of erosion lost credibility because it ignored local variations in lithology, structure, and climate. 10 Taylor (1937) argued that those who advocated Possibilism had a background in temperate regions and not the tropics where choices for humans were limited. He emphasized that environmental conditions indicated which directions a country's development should go. Humans can accelerate, slow, or stop the progress of development along a particular path but not change the path. In fact his analogy is often referred to as 'stOp-and- go determinism' 25 different habitats. Huntington 11(1945) also embraced the concept of Human Ecology”, first coined by JP. Goode in 1907. It was apparent in the 19203 and on to 19303 that the whole movement of environmentalism in geography was failing because of the reigning philosophy of the day, environmental determinism. It was becoming unpopular among scholars because of its association of nature/environment with race/culture. By the 19403 environmental determinism was completely rejected based on how it was incorporated in research methodology. Sauer (1956) argued that as a scientific field the approach relied on causality to explain relationships without use of original data and therefore was parasitic in nature. He advocated what has come to be known as cultural-historical ecologyl3 that emphasized ‘the application of scientific mode of thinking concerning the process implied in a sequence of events’. (lVIikesell 1961, cited in Zimmerer (1996). At about the same time human ecology — which was inter-disciplinary — was also losing favor because it failed to recognize socio—economic factors in, the context of broader social circumstances that individuals are found in (Zimmerer, 1991). In its place was a proposition that the environment offers sets of possibilities but that human beings determined the choice between them. That environment acts to constrain or encourage mankind but cannot be regarded as the principle initiating force of human activity (Tatharn, 1951). In this proposition, widely known as environmental possibilism, humans were seen ‘1 He is considered the first American Geographer 13 The subject matter of human ecological geography was treated as a relationship between society and the natural environment through economic and political organization and land use in particular. In contrast, human ecology was then defined as “. . .the geographic conditions of human culture” (Zimmerer, 1996) 13 Sauer’s cultural-historical ecology has been criticized by Brookfield for failing to incorporate social organization, the inner working of culture and for lack of detailed field study in local communities (Brookfield, 1964). 26 as active rather than passive. The French historian Lucien Febvre (1878 - 1956) was the strongest proponent of this view. Febvre’s logic was that “people perceive the range of alternatives and choose the one that best fits their cultural disposition”. Though the philosophy of Possibilism was counter to determinism and the two at extremes, they both persisted to the 19603. In 1957 Spate had proposed a middle ground “probabilism”, a concept that was grounded on statistical chances. As the debate abated, geography was coming to a new age of awakening. Like all disciplines, there were geographic responses to the period after the Second World War. Among these were societal concerns about new technology, political re-alignment, and continued imperialism (Johnson, 1995). These events (of the 1950 and 1960314) did not leave geography unaltered. Indeed the debate was taking a Marxist tendency and came to be known as political economy15 in some quarters (Harvey 1973; Escobar, 1996; Watts and Feet, 1996;). From the 19703 onwards the widespread scientific and policy concerns with environmental issues led to increased attention to the relationship between the political economy of society and environmental processes. For example Blaikie’s "The Political Economy of Soil Erosion in Developing Countries" (1985) assessed the land local resource use and its impact on the environment. His analysis focuses on land managers resembles the framework developed by Vayda ( 1983), an anthropologist. Before Blaike’s work '4 Some scholars put it that political economy was struggling to investigate how social problems were manifested in space. They started their own journal the Antipode. 15 In its broad sense Political Economy is understood as a social economy or way of life founded in production. Political economy addresses three main questions in society. First is the spatial unevenness of development on world scale. Second, the historically changing circuits of capital accumulation and, third is the character of dependent development in the periphery. 27 Grossman (1984) had set the pace in applying Political Economy in geography. Since Political Economy came to be in active use, a number of perspectives that address the society—environment relations have emerged. Among these is the perspective of Regional Political Ecologym. 2. Political Ecology Political Ecology has its origin in anthropology17 (Stonich, 1996), notably in Clifford Geertz ‘3 Agricultural Involution (1963), Eric Wolf’s seminal paper Dynamics of Ownership in the Circum—Alpine Area (1972) and John Cole and Eric Wolf’s Hidden Frontier (1974). In all of them, there was an appreciation of the importance of political dynamism within communities, as fundamental to differential access to resources within the aggregate, and between local people and the wider world. Though Wolf never elaborated on the usage of the term “Political Ecology” as a concept, a theoretical perspective or as a methodological approach, it was he who argued that ecological explanation of current land uses ought to consider the interaction of local peoples with larger-scale political and economic forces. This was fundamentally a new perspective from the cultural ecology of Julian Steward (1955), system ecology of Roy Rappaport (1967), and cultural materialism of Marvin Harris (1979), all of which had focused on population 16 Political Ecology emerges from a field of ecologies that include, landscape ecology, human ecology, cultural ecology, deep ecology and political ecology. Collectively they have been are referred to as “New Ecologies” (Zimmerer, 1991), “Radical Ecologies“ (Johnson, 1991), and “Liberation Ecologies " (Watts and Feet, 1991). All “ecologies” address the human/societal-environment relationship. Zimmerer (1993) identifies five ecological concepts that human geography has tended to incorporate. They all differ based on their ideological origin. Political Ecology is the most recent. 17 Anthropology like other related social sciences interested in environmental issues is increasingly dissatisfied with paradigms and principles that were developed in the 19703 and earlier. Most of those neglected the political dimension of the human-environment interaction. They treated human communities as fairly homogenous, autonomous isolates, adapting — or sometimes failing to adapt — to a given exogenous environment (Durham, 1995). 28 adjustment to the natural environment. The term political ecology also appeared in both Ensenberger ( 1974) and Ridgeway (1979) but a truly “Political Ecology” did not emerge until 19803 (Durham, 1995). In geography, Peet and Watts (1993) define political ecology as “. .. reflect(ing) a confluence between ecologically-rooted social science and principles of political economy”. While Blaike and Brookfield (1987) described it as “. .. the concerns of ecology and a broadly defined political economy together encompassing the constantly shifting dialectic between society and land-based resources, and also within classes and groups within society itself ’. The ‘shifting dialectic’ articulates the changing perception in society—resource use dynamics. Dialectic analysis, as a tool to describe land resource use change, posits the notion that land use is characterized by a set of environmental conditions, social values, and technological levels. Because these sets of characteristics are dynamic they lead to change in human activity. The emerging change eventually creates a new sense of reality and social arrangements. This dissertation examines some of the changes and implications thereof related to tsetse control. It investigates what the changes are and whether they reflected a better resource management and improved (rather than diminishing) returns. It is within this context that I approach the impact of trypanosomiasis and tsetse fly control on land use. 29 E. Tsetse Control and Land Use There have been relatively few studies on the impact of tsetse control/suppression on land use”. The results of these demonstrate that tsetse control/suppression does not necessarily result in higher livestock numbers or increased use of draught power for cultivation. Some studies do conclude that tsetse control/suppression have resulted in improved conditions for livestock. In Nigeria Putt et a1. (1991) made a comparative study that focused on the economic implications of tsetse fly control in two districts Sokwa and Burra with recurring sleeping sickness epidemics. Sokwa had a high population pressure while Burra had no evidence of population pressure. It was observed that at Sokwa there were benefits accruing to both arable and livestock sectors. At Burra, because of the hilly landscape and the isolated nature of the area coupled with low population density, benefits related to increase in livestock production were negligible before and after the anti-tsetse campaign. Whether or not tsetse flies control attracted human migrants is contentious. For instance Govereh and Swallow (1998) found it to be the case in northwestern Zimbabwe but not in southwestern Burkina Faso (CIRDES/ITC/ILRI, 1997). J ahnke (1976) studied a tsetse fly infested area in Uganda meant to provide for ranching once the tsetse flies were controlled. An economic assessment of the emerging ranching activity in the area showed that it was considered dismally poor. However it was difficult to explain the tsetse control implications since the area did not have a potential reservoir of people (and livestock) to settle in the newly tsetse fly—free land. Similar results were found at 30 Mkwaja Ranch in Tanzania (Kjekshus, 1977). In the case of Mkwaja the drawback in effective use of the tsetse-free area was undue delay in introducing cattle. In contrast other studies have concluded that there is little direct relationship between tsetse control/suppression and land use practices. For example studies conducted in Zimbabwe found that the rate of land use change fluctuated over time but could not be attributed to tsetse fly control (Mills, 1996; Pender et al. 1997). These studies concluded that there was little relationship between land-use change and tsetse control operations. Other studies have addressed implications of tsetse control/suppression on both the land use and livestock. For example Boum (1983) conducted a study in Lafia, district where he compared human populations, cattle populations and land-use in areas with and without tsetse over time. His findings did not show significant changes in the extent of cropping over time in either area. The findings match the case of Somalia where tsetse eradication had no apparent effect on the use of draught power by farmers (Hanks and Hogg, 1992). Further, in both cases, areas with tsetse flies showed a greater increase in cattle populations over time than the area without tsetse flies. In Ethiopia studies have shown strong connections between increased incidences of trypanosomiasis resulting to high losses in cattle populations, reduced acreage of cultivated fields and milk production (Kiiesel and Lemma (1989); Reid et al., 1997; Slingenburgh, 1992; Swallow et al., 1998). A study in Burkina Faso found that with or without tsetse fly control there was an increase in livestock. However, the increase in the tsetse fly control areas was triple that in tsetse '8 In a review of bibliographies, Thompson (1992) analyzed trypanosomiasis research in Africa between 1900 and 1985. Though his findings indicated that African trypanosomiasis research was still an active field, which had not peaked or declined in interest, it was apparent that the main study areas were entomology, parasitology, immunology, biochemistry, therapy, epidemiology, physiology, and pathology. Veterinary and livestock, came a distant eighth and land use was unlisted. 31 infested area over the same period (Kamuanga et al., 1998). This observation is also consistent in Gambia where farmers hold more herd cattle in areas with low to moderate risk of trypanosomiasis when compared to hi gh—risk areas (Mugalla et al., 1997). In Cote d’Ivoire Erdelen et al., (1994) and Nagel (1994) found that tsetse fly control was not as important as human population growth and economic factors in influencing change in land use. Their conclusions also indicated that land use change, initiated partly by tsetse fly control, was affecting natural resources significantly, especially when forests were Cleared for cultivation and livestock overused pastures. Buyckx’s study in Rwanda (1965, cited in Kjekshus, 1977) observed that following the tsetse flies (G. morsitans) suppression campaign in Bugesera region, the flies failed to reappear due to crop intensification. However in his report Buyckx expressed concern that there was over—use of land and environmental degradation. His conclusions are similar to those of Jordan (1979, 1986, and 1992) who argues that while trypanosomiasis is an important constraint on land use in Africa, human population pressure may be more important in the conversion of land to agriculture. F. Tsetse Control and the Environment In retrospect, concern over livestock numbers and/or over use of land was widespread during the colonial era because large herds were perceived as undermining environmental conservation. In his classic work Ford (1971) illustrated the documentation of early colonial explorers’ concern about tsetse flies and conservation of environment. In one of his many citations he notes that Swynneiton 19( 1936) appreciated that the tsetse flies were potent preservers of the natural flora and fauna, “...dri ve out the 32 tsetse and the whole landscape changes as pastoralists move in and their livestock denude the ground of grass’. Though Swynnerton advocated reclamation of land from Glossina he only did so with the conviction that humans should only reclaim the land when they are ‘wise enough’. Some scholars share this notion from the 1930’s. For instance Ormerod (1990) has stated that “...the main reason for tsetse eradication, in the past, has been to remove ‘ the restraint of disease on cattle production.” He adds ‘...the major restraint is not disease but poor land made worse by grazing”. Earlier on Ormerod (1976) had postulated that the eradication of tsetse flies in west Africa did not only result in soil deterioration and desert encroachment but had a subtle effect on the climate in the region. Ormerod's argument was that beef production in previously tsetse-infested areas was done at the cost of ecological degradation and that the rate at which degradation was taking place was being accelerated by disease control measures (use of insecticide) and other forms of development. He recommended postponement of tsetse control until such a time that the impact of tsetse eradication on soils and the ecology could be better understood and weighted against the economic development accompanying eradication programs. Despite Ormerod’s findings and advice, Nigerian authorities defended the philosophy and went ahead with their tsetse eradication program (Jordan, 1986). While the consequences of potential overgrazing were of concern to some, others debated the effectiveness and environmental implications of chemical control of tsetse. Since Rachel Carson (1961) Silent Spring the detriments of excessive insecticide use for ’9 Swynnerton later (1954) wrote a report that was basically a plan (‘The Swynnerton Plan”) on land use for The footnote continues on the next page tsetse fly control is challenged in two fronts: the rationale of choosing insecticide as a method of choice to eradicate the vector and the implications of the side-effects on non- target organism and natural food chains. Wellde et al. (1989) gives a historical review of the effectiveness of the use of Dichloro Diphenyl Trichloroethane (DDT) and Dieldrin20 in Kenya. He makes it clear that the apparent eradication of G. fuscipes is greatly attributed to the spraying of 5% DDT (and sometimes Dieldrin diluted to 1.8%). In Zambia’s Luano/Luangwa basins the major control method was the spraying of DDT/Dieldrin mixture that reduced tsetse fly infestation considerably. The flies are now confined to about 55,000 km2 along the southern shores of Lake Kariba and the Zambezi Valley. Zimbabwe continued to use DDT as late as 198421. The Nigerian federal government set up a Pest Control Service department, which ' emphasized the use of spraying to eradicate the tsetse and the trypanosomiasis (Bourne 1983). In Tanzania the three large-scale tsetse control projects at Sangwe Scheme, Kilwa/Mtango cattle Introduction Scheme and the Maisha Control Project all used mainly ground spraying. Results indicated that the most serious consequences in Tanzania were high bird, mammal, and fish mortality (Kjekshus, 1977). It is estimated that 21,000 square km. were successively eradicated of G. morsitans and G. pallidipes. Elsewhere aerial spray of non-persistent insecticide was extensively used in Okavan go Delta, Botswana (Douthwaite et al., 1981). Studies found no effects on the East Africa. 20 Both DDT and Dieldrin are highly persistent compounds and continue to accumulation in food chains affecting lives. 2’ It is estimated that the project cost the government US $ llO/km 2 covering 8000 km annually using 4% DDT. 34 dominant groups of fish22 and arthropods in this vast area. However, the largest project ever to eradicate tsetse fly was in Zululand (Du Toit, 1954) where 18,000 km2 of land was rid of tsetse flies. The land is used for livestock development and yet has wildlife. Insecticide use has always been an alternative that served well where vegetation clearance or wildlife eradication could be considered environmentally harsh control methods. The method targeted the vector. From some of the case studies insecticide spray was effective. However in many cases it has been challenged as being environmentally destructive especially to low level life systems and its residual effect on high animals and humans through the food chain. So long as there is no vaccine for trypanosomiasis, there are only two approaches to trypanosomiasis control. One is the attack on the tsetse fly, which is now limited mainly to trapping and by destroying the fly habitat. The second is to eradicated the wildlife. The latter is effective considering that tsetse flies are haematophagous insects. The absence of wildlife will starve them and hence eradicate them. However, the latter is infeasible in many countries including Kenya. Tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis control is therefore limited now to trapping and habitat clearance where permissible. Chapter five will present a full review of insecticide use in the Lambwe Valley for tsetse fly control and its implications. The conclusion is that the impact of tsetse control/suppression appears to vary depending upon local factors including study design and objectives and the environmental and cultural and socio-economic circumstances of the region. In this indicates that in studying the Lambwe Valley it is important to assess both the external context for tsetse 22 The reasons given were that fish, especially, has the ability to detoxify and excrete endosulfan so long as The footnote continues on the next page 35 control and land use and the local conditions that influence the success of control and pattern of land use. G. The Conceptual Framework Tsetse control/suppression in the Lambwe Valley has been a policy objective since the early 19503. In 1952 human and animal trypanosomiasis was seen as a major impediment to productive land use in the area. The incidence of illness recorded at the local health center, Magunga, and reports of animal mortality confirm that trypanosomiasis was a significant problem. By the 19903 the situation had changed. Human health had improved, and, while many livestock still suffered, more effective trapping and livestock management strategies had reduced the impact of the disease on domestic livestock. This dissertation seeks to explain the reduced threat of trypanosomiasis through identification of the key driving forces that contributed to the improved situation (Figure 5). Driving forces are both external and local, they have altered in significance over time, and rather than acting independently they are seen as interacting over time and space to create conditions in which trypanosomiasis has become a less serious problem in the Lambwe valley. External driving forces include government policy towards tsetse control and to settlement; scientific approaches to tsetse control and suppression, national rural the amount does not exceed 1.5mg g-l. EXTERNAL DRIVING FORCES LOCAL Tsetse Flies nya Wildlife Markets & Roads ICIPE ALDEV Ly, KETRI Targets NGU traps Settlement Scheme Monitoring b Resurgence Spraying of Habitats Tsetse Chemical Targets —p~ Control 5 Lambwe Tsetse Control Bush Clearance / Population Increase j ICIPEIKETRI Livestock National Park M Cultivation expands Population Livestock declining KISABE Crop Farming \ K Barriers Facilitate Cultivation p. Park fence limits tsetse reservoir within park 1950 1960 19705 19805 19905 2000 Time 5* ‘1 Figure 5. Schematic Diagram illustrating the Driving Forces in Tsetse Control 37 development policy that resulted in road building and greater market access and economic policy that fostered cash cropping. Locally important driving forces include population growth, a more settled rather than migratory system of livestock production and increased cultivation that ultimately led to farming becoming the dominant livelihood system replacing livestock production. Addressing these questions with in RPE leads to a consideration of the driving forces of tsetse control/suppression and of land use change. Understanding of the interactions between the local and external factors over time provides a basis for explaining the reduction in the impact of trypanosomiasis on land use in the Lambwe Valley. This study adopts the Kite Framework (Campbell and Olson 1991)(Figure 6) designed within Regional Political Ecology. The objective of the Kite Framework is to reveal and explain the complexity of the interrelationships, ’chain of explanations’, (Blaikie, 994) of the categorical variables vis-a-vis political/policy, economic, social-cultural, and environmental variables. The structure addresses the interactions in society- environmental dynamics over space and time as brought about by factors -— referred to as the points of the Kite Framework. The interactions occur at different local, regional, national and global scales. In particular the framework recognizes that decisions about land resource use and related societal actions depend on the power structure, social relations and cultural belief system within the household, community, region and national hierarchies and their interactions over space and time. Depending on the scale of assessment of the implications, tsetse fly control may in itself be viewed as presenting new waves of 38 Political ‘ Social/ GLOBAL ‘ Cultural (‘ I I | l l t I l , , Environmental ‘ ~ \ ,’ I I ‘ ‘ I \ l l \ l l \ , I \ I l I\’ l I \ \ , ’ \ x , ’ \ ‘ \ I ’ \ \ ‘ \ " ‘ r r t 1 5°93” Economic : Cultural I l I I I I ' I Envrronmental - ~ g [I t I \ x ’ I \ I / \ I I \ l \ I I \ z I l x I \ I r ’ ‘ \ Poona! ’ , , l ‘ - - ' l d I l l Socmb‘ 4 LOCAL ‘_ ' . I I / Envrronmental , ’ over tune Figure 6. The Kite Framework (Campbell and Olson, 1991) 39 constraints and possibilities in land use. Among these constraints and possibilities are increased human movement, expanded agriculture, and environmental degradation. These constraints and possibilities underlay the objective of the study H. Research Questions After reviewing the literature on the nature of the society-environment relationship and the findings in various case studies, it is increasingly clear that there are gaps in the understanding of the implications of tsetse fly control. Of interest is that results from a number of case studies differ depending on circumstances surrounding the trypanosomiasis suppression and the study design and objectives. From the literature on tsetse fly control there is no consensus on distinctive factors explaining migration, changes in agricultural activities and other human responses. Further, while agricultural expansion describes both crop and animal husbandry, it is not essentially clear which farming system benefits most from the tsetse control. However in most literature on tsetse fly control campaigns are geared towards making the tsetse fly infested areas more conducive for livestock keeping. Therefore, it can be argued, tsetse fly suppression is seen as a way to increase livestock population and productivity. Two sets of specific research questions arise from the review of the literature: 1) The impact of trypanosomiasis: How is tsetse fly control linked to human movement, farming systems and land resource management? 1.1. On human movement: i) What are the pull and push factors besides the decline of trypanosomiasis threat? 4O constraints and possibilities in land use. Among these constraints and possibilities are increased human movement, expanded agriculture, and environmental degradation. These constraints and possibilities underlay the objective of the study H. Research Questions After reviewing the literature on the nature of the society-environment relationship and the findings in various case studies, it is increasingly clear that there are gaps in the understanding of the implications of tsetse fly control. Of interest is that results from a number of case studies differ depending on circumstances surrounding the trypanosomiasis suppression and the study design and objectives. From the literature on tsetse fly control there is no consensus on distinctive factors explaining migration, changes in agricultural activities and other human responses. Further, while agricultural expansion describes both crop and animal husbandry, it is not essentially clear which farming system benefits most from the tsetse control. However in most literature on tsetse fly control campaigns are geared towards making the tsetse fly infested areas more conducive for livestock keeping. Therefore, it can be argued, tsetse fly suppression is seen as a way to increase livestock population and productivity. Two sets of specific research questions arise from the review of the literature: 1) The impact of trypanosomiasis: How is tsetse fly control linked to human movement, farming systems and land resource management? 1.1. On human movement: i) What are the pull and push factors besides the decline of trypanosomiasis threat? 4O ii) What role is human settlement playing in the tsetse fly control and trypanosomiasis suppression? Or, can human settlement and trypanosomiasis suppression be divorced from each other? 1.2. On farming systems: i) How has tsetse fly control been a factor in influencing the livestock population and] or production? ii) How has crop farming changed because of the anticipated or realized changes in the threat of trypanosomiasis? iii) Besides trypanosomiasis, what other factors account for changes in (i) and/or (ii) above? 1.3. On the physical environmental: i) How much is tsetse fly control a factor in the changes in the physical landscape? Or, how does human and animal population account for (iii) above? 2) The political ecology of land use change: How is the national policy and balance of power at the household level influencing land use and land use activities at the regional and household level? This discussion details the most salient elements influencing change in chapter five and six. At this point it is important to outline the overall patterns of interaction as a backdrop to the more detailed discussion that follows. The focus of the discussion is upon the processes that have led to a decline in tsetse—related disruptions to people and production in the Lambwe Valley. The dissertation concludes that both external and local factors and processes have contributed to the reduced disruptions by trypanosomiasis 41 CHAPTER IV RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS A. Introduction In this chapter the research methodology is presented. This methodology was adopted in collecting and analyzing data to answer the research questions. To recap, the focus is on 1) human population change, 2) change in farming practices, and 3) the environmental impact emerging from 1) and 2) in relation to tsetse control. The data collection and analysis was guided by concepts addressed by regional political ecology with a focus on the relationships between the environment, patterns of resource use, and social—cultural and political-economic factors (Figure 5). B. Research Design In order to assess the implications of tsetse fly control and the factors thereof, the study design aimed collect data relevant to the research questions. The first set of questions was on the local factors explaining human movement, changes in farming systems and land resource management. The second was the set of questions that address the external factors including national government policies. In responding to these questions the study was designed therefore to explore the history and control of trypanosomiasis in the Lambwe Valley from1961 tol997. To achieve this, it was important to obtain data from historical archives and documents and collect primary data through a field survey. 42 1. Historical Documents Archival data, past research materials, government documents, maps and population censuses were used to build a historical profile of the study area. This category of data tracing the history or multiple histories of the tsetse fly impact and related socio-economic and environmental consequences was collected to help reconstruct the past and relate it to the present. These documents were obtained from District Officers (DO’s) in the veterinary and extension services, schools, health facilities, and other government offices. Sindo Tsetse Control Unit in Suba District had documents spanning the period 1970 - 1994 on the tsetse control campaigns in the Lambwe Valley. These documents provided valuable documentation of the tsetse control in the area at the time when local, national and international events directly impacted the tsetse fly control campaign. At the local scene land demarcation and adjudication was going on and, there were a series of droughts and trypanosomiasis outbreaks. At the national level, Ruma Game Reserve had been elevated to national park status and fenced. At the same time there were efforts to protect catchment areas through afforestation programs. These two events followed the 1950’s decision to designate part of the valley as a settlement scheme. At the international scale, Ujamaa had collapsed in Tanzania. As a result natives of Lambwe Valley residing in Tanzania started to return to their homeland. The archives of Kenya Census Bureau provided demographic data used to profile demographic characteristics of the Lambwe Valley. This data was useful in documenting and analyzing population change. 43 2. Secondary Data ICIPE scientists, especially those at the Mbita Point Field Station, had conducted a number of sample surveys of the pOpulation since 1984. These included baseline studies that covered a range of topics such as residents’ socio-economic characteristics, their income and expenditure levels, tsetse population, nagana prevalence, herd demographics, and land use activities in the Lambwe Valley. With permission from the Social Science Unit, ICIPE some were incorporated in the analysis. 3. Field Interviews at Gwasi This study adOpted the homestead as the basic unit of analysis. In the Lambwe Valley the household was not an appropriate unit of analysis though it could be considered a basic production unit. The choice of a homestead rather than a household was based on Ssennyonga and Mungai’s (1992) field experience in the area and my reconnaissance survey. In a previous study Ssennyonga (1994) had pointed out that polygamy was found in 41% of the homes. In such polygamous families each wife ran her own house as an independent unit. However, the man (head of the homestead, Wuon dala) was overall in- charge of the resources: land, livestock, and the people of his homestead. While women (wives) influenced a lot on what went on in the household, it is the men (husbands) who allocated land and livestock especially cattle to their wives. They were key decision- makers. On this account it was necessary to use the homestead rather than a household as the unit of analysis and the men as the target respondents. The field-survey was conducted in the locations of Gwasi Division of Suba District that lay in the Lambwe Valley. With the homestead as the unit of analysis, the 44 head of the homestead, husband/father was the targeted respondent. In the absence of the head, through death or otherwise, the wife or first wife was considered the head. Occasionally the first son was interviewed where the latter were not available. C. Sample Design Selecting a. valid sample was complicated by the lack of a reliable sample frame. Like most of rural Africa, there are no records of the village settings, household characteristics, or peasant lists. It was important to recOgnize that the basic decision- making unit in the area is the household, often a homestead in a polygamous entity. In the context of the Luo and Abasuba culture a homestead is described as a kin group of about ten members who are headed by a male elder, usually married to two or more wives. Each wife lives and eats in a separate house with her children. In most cases one, two or more sons some of whom are married and have children also live in the compound but in separate houses. A homestead is spatially marked off by a circular fence (usually of Euphorbia hedge) with a common gate (rangach) which faces directly the house of the only or senior wife of the homestead head (Wuon dala)” The sampling frame for this study was developed using the records of KISABE Farmers Tsetse Control Organization, in Gwasi area, south and southwest of the Ruma National Park. The KISABE group was divided into fifteen smaller village-level sub- groups or blocks, namely Olando, Ugoro, Wi ga, Ki goto, Nyamadede, Nyaboro, Gendo, Nyasoti, Oma, Magunga, Sanjweru, Seka, Lwala, Sangla, and Pundo' (Figure 7). The management of KISABE was implemented through an elected office of Chairman, Secretary, Vice-Chair, Treasurer, and Auditor. Similar officers existed at the block level. While not every one in the fifteen villages (blocks) of Gwasi belonged to 45 KISABE, blocks were of representative sizes1 and block secretaries knew every homestead head in their block. Through the block secretaries it was possible to compile block lists of all homestead heads in the area. A sampling frame was constructed from these lists. Olando The block boundaries are relative: They define some form of regions which can‘loooely be referee! to as ‘vllluges’ Figure 7. Study Area Sampling Blocks D. Sample Size The population size from the fifteen villages was 1800 heads of homesteads. However time, resources and a difficult physical environment limited my sample size. First it was only possible to collect data within a three—month period in the field. Second there was a major periodic market day at a local center, Magunga, on Mondays and l The largest was about 210 households while the smallest was about 63 homesteads. Fridays. Interview appointments were difficult on these days. Most people were Christians who rested on Saturdays or Sundays. The weekends were also the times for the local residents to travel and visit with relatives and friends. Ideally, the working days were Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday and in some cases Saturday (most people rested on Sunday). This meant that there were four days available in a week for about twelve weeks. This translated to a total working time of about 48 — 50 field days. Based on pre—tested surveys it was possible to do between three and five questionnaires in a day; amounting to about 120 — 250 questionnaires (appendix H). From the time and resource limitations it was feasible to cover at least 10% of the sample population. A random number table was used to draw names from the sampling frame. To avoid any in-built biases on type of farmer, or gender of the head of homestead, age of the respondent, or their participation in the KISABE, and to limit any spatial bias, 10% of the names were randomly selected from each block. A total of 192 homestead heads were selected as the working sample population. E. Informal Group Interviews A number of informal interviews with elders from some of the blocks, officers from health services, local market, primary schools, and community tsetse control committees were conducted. These interviews were designed to cover important historical and cultural aspects of the people. While some information was certainly similar to the structured formal interviews, informal group conversations were also a way to get advice on the research process in the area. This included assistance with interpretation of the responses from the formal interviews. In informal groups the 47 interviewees had a chance to collectively reconstruct histories that often deviate with individual recall. This was particularly so from the elders. There were five group meetings with elders in Olando, Ugoro, Ki goto, Nyaboro and Sanjweru. There were also additional conversations with individual elders from Kigoto, Olando, and Nyaboro. Except in Sanjweru where two women joined a group of five elderly most attendees were men. Every interview involved some native speakers of Dholuo who also spoke English. On some occasions the elders spoke in Swahili. The local government officers like the agricultural extension worker were useful sources of information on what goes on in the valley. They provided explanations of the government policy with regard to tsetse control land use activities and environmental protection initiatives. Because of their day-to-day interaction with the residents they were well informed of the dynamics of the local and national decision process as related to tsetse fly control. The officers also keep records related to the type of work they do. For instance the veterinary officer at Magunga had records of reported cases of trypanosomiasis and other diseases that afflict livestock in his area of jurisdiction. The most interviewed group was the KISABE Tsetse Fly Control group whose office was at Ki goto. The KISABE group members met every Tuesdays and/or Thursdays to service the traps. Trap servicing involved replacing or adding urine/acetate baits at the trap site, replacing worn out trap material, replacing stolen or otherwise old traps or making new traps for new sites. Servicing traps was systematically done from block to block2 along the park perimeter. Members were well informed on the tsetse characteristics, feeding habits and reproduction, and habitat preference. This knowledge was important in deciding where to place traps. KISABE members were probably the 48 most informed group when it came to current tsetse related problems and issues in the area. This chapter has presented the research methodology adopted in data collection and analysis. The chapter has explored the available data sources and the research design including the sample frame and sample size. The study was designed to use Gwasi area for field data collection. This area was important because it was one of the regions of the valley that had had a number of experimental and actual tsetse control efforts. In terms of settlement and continued tsetse control campaigns, the area is ideal for this kind of study because past and present activities are very well documented. Gwasi area is therefore representative of the Lambwe Valley. In the next chapter a historical profile of the events in Lambwe Valley with an emphasis on the tsetse control campaign will be provided. This profile will start with the broader tsetse and trypanosomiasis suppression in the East African region, the case of Kenya and that of Lambwe Valley. The chapter also explores a number of issues to do with government land policy. These issues are the resettlement scheme, the national park and the afforestation program in the Lambwe Valley. There is a close examination of the human movement in the Lambwe Valley alluded to in chapter two. The historical profile presented in this chapter provides the foundation for the understanding of the implications of tsetse fly control. The chapter will not only set the foundation for chapter six but present historical findings too. 2 From the southern end the blocks involved were Nyaboro, Gendo, Kigoto, Wiga, Ugoro and Olando. 49 CHAPTER V HISTORICAL PROCESSES OF TSET SE FLY CONTROL A. Introduction In this chapter, and in Chapter VI, I discuss in detail important factors contributing to the complex interactions that have led to the reduction in the threat of tsetse in the Lambwe Valley. In this chapter I focus on externally induced processes including tsetse suppression campaign, resettlement programs, park development and catchment protection. The chapter will outline the contribution of these components to suppression of the dangers of trypanosomiasis. B. Tsetse and Trypanosomiasis Suppression This section presents a historical profile of the events in Lambwe Valley with an emphasis on the tsetse control campaign. The profile will start with the broader tsetse and trypanosomiasis suppression in the East African region, the case of Kenya and that of Lambwe Valley. The chapter also explores a number of issues to do with government land policy in the Lambwe Valley. These issues are the Resettlement Scheme, the National Park and the Afforestation Program. The human movement in and out of the Lambwe Valley is examined. This chapter therefore provides the foundation for the understanding of the implications of tsetse fly control. 1. Suppression in East Africa: A Historical profile Trypanosomiasis is believed to have originated in West Africa (Glasgow, 1947', Swynnerton, 1936) from where it gradually spread eastwards reaching Congo towards the end of the 19th Century and eventually getting into East Africa and down to Southern 50 Africa at the turn of the century. In 1954 Chorley was writing on how tsetse flies had rapidly spread in parts of Zimbabwe between 1908 and 1918. The spread to the shores of Lake Victoria is blamed on Henry Morton Stanley who traveled from the Congo basin with his group in 18891. The spread of the trypanosomiasis in Uganda and Kenya climaxed in the epidemics of mid 1930 to 19403. Active survey and research work in East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania) on tsetse flies started at the turn of the 20th century (KETRI, 1980). It is documented that the first laboratory to conduct research on tsetse—transmitted diseases was set up in Entebbe, Uganda and functioned until 1926 (Nation, 1997). Mr. C.F.M Swynnerton set up a second laboratory at Shinyanga, Tanganyikaz. The Shinyanga laboratory was concerned more with tsetse. The third regional laboratory for trypanosomiasis was setup at Tinde, Tanzania and the fourth one in Nairobi, Kenya. The Shinyanga, Tinde and Nairobi laboratories formed the East African Tsetse and Trypanosomiasis Research and Reclamation Organization (EATTRRO) on an interim arrangement. Later EATTRRO was to be abandoned and the laboratories closed on the recommendations of two reports, Trypanosomiasis in East Africa, 19473, and Animal Trypanosomiasis in Eastern Africa, [9494. In its place a multidisciplinary institute was set up at T ororo, Uganda in 1956. The new organization was named East African Trypanosomiasis Research Organization (EATRO). The main objective for EATRO was ' While there are other hypotheses, the spread of the diseases is best explained by the general increase in social, commercial, and military mobility that developed throughout Africa in the late 19th Century and earlier 20th Century. 2 Swynnerton was the first colonial agricultural officer in charge of the three East African countries of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika (present Tanzania). 3 This report was compiled by Professor Buxton of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine on the request of the Colonial government. “. . .to undertake research which would lead to the control and treatment of trypanosomiasis in man and animals and to practical reclamation of tsetse infested lands”. EATRO continued to function up to 1977 when the East African CommunityS broke up. 2. Trypanosomiasis Suppression in Kenya Following the breakdown of the EATRO, the Kenya government formed the Kenya Trypanosomiasis Research Institute (KETRI)6 under Ken ya Agricultural Research Institute (KARI). KETRI was mandated "...to carry out research into all aspects that would eventually lead to effective control of human and animal trypanosomiasis, and to effective reclamation of tsetse-infested lands". Essentially KETRI was designed to carry out what EATRO was doing. In addition, KETRI was mandated to Operate the only national human sleeping sickness hospital at Alupe, Busia District. Under EATTRO, EATRO, and KETRI a number of tsetse and trypanosomiasis control schemes were implemented in Kenya utilizing a variety of control methods7 most of them devoted to sleeping sickness. However no formal or coordinated control or eradication strategy for the country was ever formulated by KETRI (Davis, 1990). With fewer cases of human sleeping sickness, the major concern for KETRI shifted to the use of 4 A report put together by Dr. HE. Hornby as a follow-up to Prof. Buxton’s findings and recommendations. 5 The East African Community comprised of three countries of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. Their objective was to collaborate in matters pertaining to regional trade, scientific research and economic development. 6 Besides KETRI, other governmental institutions involved in tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis control included the Tsetse Survey and Control Division (Department of Veterinary Services (DVS), Ministry of Agriculture and. Livestock Development (MALD)), the Division of Vector-Borne Diseases (Ministry of Health) which carried out surveys and case-finding of human trypanosomiasis. Other institutions included ILRAD, ILCA, the National Universities and ICIPE. 7 Methods for the control of trypanosomiasis include those designed to remove or suppress the vector, entomological control, and those with prophylactic properties directed at the pathogen. Entomological control included bush clearing, insecticide spraying, trapping, and sterilization of male flies. 52 chemotherapy and chemoprophylaxis for nagana especially in N yanza and Western Provincess. Apart from N yanza and Western Provinces, vector control was ad hoc and small scale in other provinces9 for a number of reasons. First, human settlement resulted in habitat destruction in most areas previously infested with tsetse flies. Although some tsetse flies became peri~domestic and adapted to living in cultivated areas (Davis, 1995), they did not transmit trypanosomes. Second, other areas were gazetted as National Parks and Game Reserves minimizing the human-tsetse-wildlife contact. However some of these wildlife sanctuaries are reservoirs of infection and the farming systems on their 0 peripheries are constantly under the threat of trypanosomiasis] . 3. Tsetse fly Control: Lambwe Valley Folk tales suggest that the presence of tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis in the Lambwe Valley dates back to the turn of the 20th century. The tsetse flies are believed to have come from Siaya (Uyoma and Asembo) probably brought to the Lambwe Valley by traders and fishermen. Government records indicate that ‘ . . .the concern for the outbreak of trypanosomiasis was imminent that in 1935 a field overseer from Mr. Swynnerton’s staff was seconded to take charge of the work of tsetse control’ in the Lambwe Valley. 8 Nyanza and Western Provinces had more than the country’s average cases of sleeping sickness. The most affected areas were the Lake Victoria Basin especially Yimbo and Uyoma in Siaya district, the Lambwe Valley of Suba district, the Kuja river in Migori district and the Malaba—Malakisi river-system of Busia district. These areas continued to receive the services of Veterinary Department of the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development and from KETRI. ICIPE also worked closely with these two especially in Suba district. 9 It was estimated that out of the 575,000 km2 of Kenya’s surface area, about 138,000 km2 was tsetse fly infested. Tsetse infested areas of Kenya occur mainly in areas not suitable or only marginally suitable for arable production so that the main scope for development is likely to be linked to the livestock industry (Davis, 1995). 10 . . . . N guruman 13 a good example of such an area rn the nerghborhood of Maasai Mara. 53 By 1936 the Division of the Veterinary Research (DVR), Kabete had confirmed that the most important and widely spread species of tsetse in the valley was G. pallidipes (Lewis, 1936). However, because of the scarcity of knowledge on both the fly and the disease, early control efforts were geared more towards understanding the fly entomology and ecology. Because many cases of sleeping sickness were first diagnosed among fishermen, at one point some the fish, fani, was avoided for fear of being infectious. At the time nobody seemed to associate the fly at the lakeshore with such a deadly disease. Because of the anonymity of the disease, it was nicknamed Nyalolwe, a term derived from ‘Lolwe’ meaning ‘of the water/lake’. Clearly the nicknames and suspicions indicate that people of the Lambwe Valley were dealing with a new problem they did not understand. It was not until the late 1930's that it was established with certainty that the fishermen were falling sick from T. gambiense infections transmitted by the G. fuscipes found at the lakeshore (Allsop, 1972). It was not until 1961 when T. rhodesiense was for first time detected and determined in the Lambwe Valley (Turner 1984; Wellde et al., 1989). The persons affected appeared to have been mainly in contact with G. pallidipes. By 1962 it was clear that a majority (40/50) of the notified cases had lived in or adjoining areas to the Lambwe Valley (ibid.). Almost half of the cases (21/45) were recorded from Kasigunga location and a majority (13/21) came from Ponge and two adjacent villages. It was also confirmed that these areas were the sources of infection with a high occurrence of G. pallidipes —— the only significant vector that could be associated with T. rhodesiense 54 sleeping sickness. The attack was nicknamed Nyangona, (slimming): victims lost appetite and wasted away (Ford, 1971). Following the confirmation of the tsetse presence, the DVR under Lewis recommended a protective clearance in the southern end of the valley, around N yaboro thicket, and proposed that regulated cultivation be practiced in the cleared areas (Photo 8). Different trap designs were also tried along cleared corridors to catch the flies. At the same time the DVR encouraged the construction of water dams to facilitate habitable settlement“(Photo 9). These represented the first government involvement and encouragement of bush clearing as an effective method to remove the tsetse habitats”. The Kenya Land Commission in facilitating the creation of Olambwe Valley Settlement Scheme of the 19503 took up the recommendation from DVR, Kabete. C. Tsetse fly Control Methods 1. Introduction While a number of tsetse control methods were used in the Lambwe Valley, some long service workers at Tsetse Fly Control Camp13 maintain bush clearing was the best way to deal with the flies. One such worker at Sindo recommends settlement as the ultimate solution to tsetse eradication. For instance, in the 19703 Roo area in Kaksingiri 6‘ appeared utterly inhabitable ...they (flies) could follow a person like bees”(Mr. Oyugi, H The tsetse infestation and water shortage were key problems among the people of Lambwe Valley. 12 The practice was discouraged in the Olambwe Valley (now Ruma National Park) except in the periphery — i.e. areas neighboring settled parts of the valley. ‘3 Mr. Oyugi spoke on behalf of the old workers at the Tsetse Control at Sindo. He himself had served the camp for 32 years. 55 personal communication). Roo Valley has since been settled reducing the fly population and wildlife to almost nil. 2. Insecticide Spraying Records (Appendix IV) show that for two decades (19503 to 19703) insecticide spraying in the Lambwe Valley was considered useful for killing adult flies that were the immediate concern. Though the approach did not achieve much, the government and concerned NGOs spend millions of shillings on the spraying campaign”. It has since been accepted that the most effective way to control tsetse flies is through an integrated approach whereby a combination of spraying, burning, elimination of wildlife and general vegetation clearance for cultivation are used. This approach had proven effective in Kuja/Migori area (in the periodl957-6l), along the Awach River (in 1979), the N yando River and the immediate Sugar Belt (in 1954) (Development Plan Proposal, 1984/88). To a greater extent, all these areas and other areas surrounding Lambwe Valley were eradicated of the tsetse flies between 1952 and 1980 by using ground spraying, bush clearing and land utilization. D. The Endemic Trypanosomiasis Frequent trypanosomiasis outbreaks, especially among livestock, characterize the Lambwe Valley. The endemic nature of the disease in the valley can best be explained by the presence of the wildlife, particularly the protected Ruma National Park. The further one moves from the valley (and the Park) the less trypanosomiasis is mentioned as a human or animal disease problem (Wellde et al., 1989; Mohammed, 1994). This was 56 confirmed by the group interviews. This distance decay is realized vertically, on the Gwasi Hills and horizontally away from Ruma National Park. Altitudinal change is due to the unfavorable environmental conditions and absence of wildlife. The horizontal change is attributed to the fact that tsetse flies have no trypanosomes unless they are in contact with wildlife. As there are fewer and fewer wild animals away from the Park, G. pallidipes, which rely heavily on wild animals for its blood meals, become non-carriers even where they exist (Rogers, 1991). Between1972 and1979 cases of human sleeping sickness were on the decline (Wellde et al, 1989). However infection among livestock remained steady. From field interviews the observed change was attributable to two factors. One, as the human population in the area was growing, livestock grazed further into the heavily infested thickets. At the same time there was a false impression that trypanosomiasis was under control because of the increased campaign from EATRO and the Walter Reed Foundation15 project for the treatment of trypanosomiasis at Magunga. Second, the human infection cycle is broken as soon as the victim is bed ridden and therefore disconnected from the fly-human contact. Besides, with the increasing human population in the 19703’, fly habitats near homes were in most cases cleared further keeping the fly at bay. In the 19703 there were scanty reports on disease outbreaks from the tsetse control camps and the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development in general. Because of the presence of the Ruma National Park and the thickets and wildlife outside the park the valley continues to supports a large number of Glossina pallidipes ’4 During the fifth epidemic of 1969/70 aerial spray for instance, the exercise, was conducted at the cost of KSh. 10M, was later considered a big failure. A repeat of the same was the 1981 spending of KSh. 2.8M. '5 This project was coordinated by the Walter Reed Center, Washington DC., a USA army research group. 57 austen and infections of trypanosome brucei (Allsop, Baldry and Rodriguez, 1972; Otieno and Darji 1985; Turner 1986; Wellde 1989). This led to extensive studies of the ecology of the valley with regard to the persistence of trypanosomiasis (Turner, 1986; Wellde et a1 1989). 1. Tsetse fly Suppression of the 19803 In 1980 there was a sleeping sickness epidemic in the valley and the adjacent areas. The epidemic reached its peak in September prompting ground spraying. About 68 cases of sleeping sickness were diagnosed and treated. There were 89 cases16 of nagana of which 45 were T. vivax, 14 were T. congelense and the rest were other trypanosoma spp. No fatality was reported among the new cases. The district MLD Report recommended clearing and thorough spraying. Rogers (1991) has described this outbreak as . .small. . .that was the subject of epidemiological study by Wellde and his team (1989)”. The following year, 1981, was generally a dry year countrywide. The year recorded a large number of livestock in the Lambwe Valley. This is livestock that moved in from Kadem, and Ndhiwa areas to escape drought conditions (Sindo Camp Tsetse Control Report, 1981). Despite the low rains, there was an unusually high population of tsetse flies in the Lambwe Valley. About 108 cases of nagana were reported and twelve cases of sleeping sickness confirmed (Annual Report, 1981). The 1980~81 human and livestock trypanosomiasis outbreak prompted a joint effort of the Veterinary Department; Kenya Trypanosomiasis Research Institute ‘6 A breakdown of the trypanocidal drugs used was: Ethidium bromide tabs 25851; Novidium tabs 35006; Serenil 1587 packets. 58 (KETRIH; Lake Basin Development Authority (LABDA’S); International Center of Insect Physiology and Ecology (ICIPE19); Desert Locust Control (D.L.C20); Forest Department and Game Department in an integrated G. pallidipes ‘eradication’ program”. The operation did not last very long as it was realized that a fixed wing aircraft was not suitable for spraying the steep gullies of Kanyamwa escarpment and the Gwasi hills which were heavily infested by G. pallidipes. The terrain at Kanyamwa was also too rough for ground spraying necessitating selective bush clearing as an alternative. Starting in March22 ground spraying was carried along Gwasi hills. After a six spray-cycles using endosulphan (thiodan) —— the tsetse flies were not decreasing. It was realized that the effect was minimal in the exotic forest where the insecticide did not reach the ground. Ground spraying with diedrin was more effective. Spraying especially along Kanyamwa was supplemented by bush clearing. Laboratory experiments showed that some animals still suffered from trypanosomiasis even after the spraying. In the December 1981 Report, the zoologist at Sindo describes the trypanosomiasis incidence as . .very much troublesome around Lambwe Valley”. Tsetse flies were reported to have increased tremendously since a previous spray. Cases of sleeping sickness started rising during the months of October and November with 11 l 7 Kenya Trypanosomiasis Research Institute ‘8 Lake Basin Development Authority ’9 International Center Of Insect Physiology and Ecology 2° Desert locust Control 21 According to a letter from the Tsetse Control Camp, Sindo to the Deputy Director of Livestock Development dated Feb. 25th, 1981, various institutions had agreed to perform the following tasks. The Veterinary Department to carry out the day to day tsetse control campaign. The LBDA to purchase insecticide and coordinate its application. The KETRI and ICIPE to do the biological monitoring in the field and the DL.CO to supply the aircraft and did the aerial spraying. The spraying operation using a fixed wing aircraft started in February of 1982. 59 confirmed cases. By December five new more and one old one were reported. A total of 55 cases were reported (in the District Veterinary Annual Report, 1982) and it is believed that most of these were in Lambwe Valley. There were reports of cattle deaths and livestock were generally in very poor health. This situation prompted a resolution among the Provincial Game Warden, Homa Bay Game Warden, Lambwe Game Wardens and the Kisumu23 zoologist to start hand bush clearing in N yaboro thicket. On November 11, 1982 a team of tsetse control experts including zoologists from Kisumu visited the Lambwe Valley to survey the vegetation in preparation for ground spraying. The survey team found most areas around God J ope, Gwasi Hills, N yakiya Valley, Olando, and Ramoya cleared. In preparing the 1983 annual report the zoologist at Sindo described the G. pallidipes in the Lambwe Valley as ‘...of great national concern’. This was yet an indication of the failure to contain the tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis. The experimental biological monitoring at Ruma Forest continued using three biconical challier traps. The 1983 Sindo Camp’s Annual Report, reported 26 cases of sleeping sickness most of them from Gwasi area. In the first three months alone 18 cases had been reported of which 15 were new. This number was less compared to 55 in 1981 and 68 in 1980. About 720 acres of bush was cleared at N yaboro as a barrier between the game reserve and the settlement. The Homa Bay camp did spray pyrethroid24 for five months (June - October) at the instigation of the LBDA (The MLD did not recommend the use of the 22 This timing is significant because rains start at about this time. Rains have a negative impact of the spraying efforts. 23 Kisumu was the Provincial Headquarters. 24 There was both ground and aerial spraying done 60 insecticide due to its high oxidation and photo—degradation). Results of the spraying were found to be ineffective and the project was abandoned. The number of flies caught had risen from 352 that25 in August to 461 f/t/d in December 1983. The three biconical traps in Ruma Forest caught a total of 4215 flies in two days. It was decided that biological monitoring, spraying, and bush clearing continue in all the three tsetse control camps (Karungu, Homa Bay, and Sindo) in the former South Nyanza district. The project had spent over a million Kenya shillings, an amount that had surpassed the estimated spending limits for the 1983/ 84 Fiscal year. In a letter written on J an 31, 1984, the Provincial Zoologist directed that due to shortage of funds the biological monitoring be done biweekly. On May 9, 1984 the Zoologist directed camps to start spraying the Lambwe Valley immediately. The spraying was to cover the periphery of the thickets in the National Park26 and the valleys near and around the park to contain the flies temporarily from spreading to neighboring homesteads. On Jan 15, 1985 the provincial Zoologist asked the district Zoologists at Homa Bay, Karungu, and Sindo to submit a summary report about Lambwe Valley. In their reply the Sindo team indicated that they had applied dieldrin three times each application taking twenty days (total of sixty days). Though ground spraying —using cypermethrin— the, by August the number of flies had gone up with the rains. It had started in May 14 was apparent that between 1983 and 1985 -- since the start of the biological monitoring in Ruma National Park -- the fly population had generally continued to rise. It was 25 . Flies per Trap per Day. . 26 The thickets within the Park are Opuch, Riamakanga, Otwok, Ruma and Masangala. 61 necessary to apply peripheral spraying — that the zoologist had described as ‘First Aid’. This reduced the fly catch from 400 f/t/d to 43 f/t/d. Continued trapping reduced the fly population catch to almost zero in 1985. Following the 1985 spraying efforts a series of meetings were held by the Tsetse Control team, the wild life personnel, and the South N yanza District Development Committee. It was resolved to eradicate tsetse flies and maintain the game park. The only way to achieve this was to start clearing the bushes in and around the park. By the end of the year the three South N yanza Tsetse Control camps had divided the valley into three operational areas amongst themselves. They started by jointly creating path-cut using casual workers and bulldozers to make wider paths for vehicle spraying. A total of 59 paths were opened in Ruma Park. In the meantime the use of biconical traps continued to catch flies in the park with pyrethroid spraying in the peripherals. The Provincial Zoologist visited the three camps from May 15-18, 1986, to inspect progress in periphery spraying. The spraying was intended to reduce the tsetse— human contact and thereby reduce the incidence of sleeping sickness and nagana”. However in a confidential report to the Deputy Director of Veterinary Services, Kabete, the Provincial Zoologist observed that the spraying exercise had two serious shortcomings namely late starting and poor supervision. He observed that effective spraying should start at 7 am. otherwise late start results in most spray drifting away. The organizational shortfalls notwithstanding, it could appear that control measures were carried on simultaneously. 27 The trypanocides commonly used were Berenil, Ethidium, and Novidium. 62 Assessment of the tsetse fly control operations showed that if the methods were effectively applied the cost could decline with time. It was estimated that for each subsequent year the cost could be reduced by 30% of the previous year and maintained from the third year to the fifth year. In 1987 alone over 2,322 novidium tablets were used for prophylaxis and curative purposes. Though no report reached the head office from Sindo camp it was noted that spraying of Glossina was in progress. Cattle quarantine was issued in the region in this year. In 1988 the Sindo Camp cited breakdowns of the only available vehicle and irregular supply of fuel as the reason for lack of effective tsetse control in the Lambwe Valley. They resorted to concentrate on the lakeshore where the control team could reach by boat. Therefore the Target Project28 by KETRI” in collaboration with the Sindo Camp did not start in time and the fly population continued to soar. There were reported cases of dead livestock in all areas around the park. Surveys in the villages indicated that most homesteads had lost up to 25% of their livestock by mid-year. Nyatoto area north of the park recorded 23% loss by June while Kamato area north east of the park recorded 33.6% 1033 by July. However, around the same time increasing human activities outside the Ruma National Park had greatly decreased the Yongo and J ope thickets of the Lambwe Valley. In 1988 the fly population was reported to have reached very high numbers. KETRI launched a target project in July of 1988. The targets were mainly placed in the 28 A target is a trap designed to attract flies to it or its vicinity and catch or kill them. Most targets use objects that attract by visual and/or olfactory stimuli. Blue cloth and animal urine as such attractants. 29 The Karungu camp also did some work in parts of Lambwe Valley. It was observed that the Glossina Pallidipes population was markedly reduced in Lambwe Valley and contiguous river valleys. Tsetse Fly control was using deltamethrin impregnated odor baited targets. 63 park and managed by the KETRI field staff as a pilot project. The targets, which were placed 200 meters apart along the fence, led, to a decline in the number of infected livestock. The fly population also declined. A progress report from the Sindo camp indicated that the Lambwe Target Project was completed in September with 252 targets in place. By Decemberl988 infection rates had declined from 18.4% to about 10%. The dominant trypanosome was T. Vivax and T. Brucei with 12.2% and 1.7% respective occurrence at the start of the project. However, up to 50 targets were already destroyed by fires30. At least 10 had been stolen and most urine and acetone bottles were missing in most targets along Nyatoto- Magunga road. More that 5% of all targets needed replacement as they were torn. In general the target project was starting to fail. It was estimated that the targets had realized a tsetse population reduction of 86%31 by this time. There was also a recorded reduction in infection rates in flies. In fact the PCV32 readings for the cattle plunged from 35.5 to 25.4 between August and September. The monitoring of trypanosomiasis in a sentinel of 35 heads of cattle was performed weekly until mid October. On average four animals were getting infections every week since mid August when the first cases showed up. By the end of October the number of infection cases had dropped to one per week. 30 Fires are normally set by the Game Dept. before the rains to clear the old underground for new and fresh foliage for wildlife. Fires may destroy traps if there is no coordination between the people who place the traps and the Game Wardens who set the fires. Otherwise traps cloth can be stolen particularly when new clothe material is used. 31 This figure may be misleading as it is only one out of the three traps in the block which actually recorded an increase in catches 32 PCV, or PCV%, is the abbreviation for Packed Cell Volume or pack red cell volume. In various studies it is accepted that a PCV at or below 24% in cattle represent a critical level of anemia in trypanosome for infected cattle and hence the impact of tsetse challenge on livestock (ICIPE, 1995). It is a crude indicator of infection. 64 Going by the 1989 surveys, no more than 517 cases of trypanosomiasis were reported against 2100 cases of 1988. The 1989 MALD Annual Report said in part ". .. We can almost say with confidence that trypanosomiasis is not a menace in the district any more due to the efforts of the Tsetse Control staff in the control of flies, bush clearing and, application of insecticides". However it was apparent there was heavy tsetse infestation in some pockets of the valley. In particular the area around Kwabwai recorded a high population of G. pallidipes. There was also continued flow of trypanocides tablets used for prophylaxis and chemotherapy in some of these pockets. The events of 1980s demonstrated a lack of effective control of tsetse fly populations. While several methods were applied including insecticide spraying, bush clearing and targets, they all did not reduce the rate of recurrence of trypanosomiasis. In fact, by indication, the reason that in 1984 targets were placed along the fence was because most bushes outside the fence were cleared and so the concern was the park thickets and the fact that the wildlife was more confined into the park (Photo 10). It is not surprising therefore that the MALD report of 1989 indicated that the 'menace' (referring to the frequent trypanosomiasis outbreaks) was over attributing it to the 'Tsetse Control staff in the control of flies, bush clearing and, application of insecticides'. In effect the report read like the control of tsetse flies was separate from bush clearing and insecticide spraying. The main contributor however was not the insecticide but the clearing accompanying settlement and expanding agriculture. 65 2. Tsetse Fly Control in the 1990s To further integrate tsetse control, more impregnated targets were set up. At the same time the N guruman traps often referred to as the N GU trap, by ICIPE and the biconical traps (by the Veterinary Department.) were introduced (Photo 11). The targets proved very successful as the number of flies caught reduced drastically. The District Annual Reports of 1990,1991, and 1992 did not indicate serious control campaigns. It could appear that the veterinary department and therefore direct government participation was starting to wane as ICIPE and KETRI took a keen concern on the target and trapping experiments. Some monitoring work also continued in and around the Ruma National Park. ICIPE research and study reports indicate that the tsetse population was maintained and the number of livestock was seen to increase in the area (Ssennyonga and 01100, 1994). However the 1993 Report from Homa Bay Tsetse Control camp reported an increase in fly population in and around Opuch and N yakiya thickets. This was confirmed by ICIPE’s 1994 Report in which field scientists reported a ‘consistent increase in number of tsetse flies’ from April to October of 1993. The increase in tsetse flies was paralleled with increase in trypanosome infection especially of vivax group (>80%), congolense (>15%) and brucei (<0.5%)(ICIPE, 1995). However, the tsetse population declined towards the end of the year due to the drought and intensified deployment of targets in Ruma National Park. It was necessary, at this point that ICIPE Scientists to provide NGU traps to farmers through a formalized community based local group, KIS ABE33 (Photo 12). 3'3 KISABE is an acronym for Kigoto and Samba blocks. This group was initially formed around Nyaboro and Riamakanga thickets. Today it encompasses fifteen blocks. 66 3. Community Tsetse Fly Control of the 90s. Inv‘early November, 1994, extension staff and selected farmers went to Mbita Point Field Station, ICIPE, for a seminar on tsetse trap technology, the objective was to involve the community in tsetse control by adopting the trap as a means of tsetse control. The ICIPE project on community based tsetse control involved seven groups in the Lambwe Valley. The groups were to be involved in awareness exercise, training, management, and making of traps and targets. The ICIPE project was the first ever that directly involved the local community. During this same period KETRI gave some Nyadenda women groups34 targets for the area. These targets were given three applications of deltamethrin (10%), with full attractants of acetone, octanol and cow urine. The community-based tsetse control involving the use of N GU traps and baited impregnated targets was aimed at protecting the community and livestock particularly along the Park and the N yaboro Thicket. The full effect of the targets could not be assessed because of the combined impact of drought on pastures, livestock and consequently milk yields. ICIPE reported that by January 1994 field data showed that there were about 400 flies [km2 in N yaboro. The 1994 Sindo Camp Annual Report expressed concern over the continued threat of human and livestock trypanosomiasis in the Lambwe Valley. Though the biconical traps did not reveal any flies, farmers reported cattle deaths in Agolo Muok/Otati areas. Despite the incidence of nagana (1048 cases) in 1994, no human sleeping sickness was reported. Surveys using hand nets, biconical traps and pyramidal 34 Seven women were involved in awareness exercise training and trap and target -making. Elsewhere, outside the Lambwe Valley there were five from Kodera Forest and eight from the Homa Hills. 67 traps showed that Glossina pallidipes was still in large numbers in Ruma National Park and adjoining thickets in the valley. The population of Glossina pallidipes in the exotic forests along Kanyamwa escarpment was also increasing prompting KETRI to deploy targets in the area. Residents also realized that community—based Tsetse Control was the only alternative when government support was seen to wane. Further, elaborate campaign strategies including the use of insecticide spraying, mechanical bush clearing, and burning did not seem to eliminate the problem so long as wildlife and favorable tsetse habitats existed in the park. 4. Summary A number of observations can be made about the 19803 to the 1990s. The tsetse control had a number of relapses and crisis-response type of campaign. There lacked a systematic management of the tsetse control with regard to personnel and equipment. The choice of a control method was also unclear and often experimental. While trapping and spraying methods were used there was an apparent emphasis placed on spraying though this method did not prove effective. It was therefore occasionally integrated with bush clearing and peripheral ground spraying. The latter was used more as “First Aid” meant to reduce the human-tsetse contact than actually eradicate the tsetse flies. However, over time it was clear that the number of sleeping sickness gradually declined despite the high numbers of nagana cases. For a long time the people of Lambwe were passive and often opting for flight rather that adapt in dealing with the tsetse fly menace. People did not have full access to the habitats of the fly particularly in the park. This lack of free access to the park 68 continued to haunt the success of the campaign. The introduction of community-based tsetse-fly control by both ICIPE and KETRI helped to intensify the campaign at the local level. However because the government had not learned to work with the local people a number of initiatives could not effectively materi alize. For instance the fires by the wardens easily destroyed traps set out by the women groups or the KISABE group because the Game Dept. KETRI and the community did not work as a team. Theft of the traps/clothes was another indication of lack of collective responsibility among community members. Further the government withdrawal of the use of insecticide was a setback in the cumulative multiple attack on the tsetse fly. There was another problem. ICIPE and KETRI never worked together. The reason behind their differences may have been purely institutional but the impression they created at the ground was different. The people of Lambwe were never made to understand why both ICIPE and KETRI concerned of their blight never shared their strategies. A number of Lambwe residents believed the scientists had a job to keep. All that Lambwe provided was a field laboratory rather than a problem to solve. While KETRI was trusted in the northern part of the valley ICIPE was trusted in the south their performance was always held in contention. The big challenge however remained to be that of the presence of the National Park in a neighborhood surrounded by peasant farmers. E. Olambwe Settlement Scheme Lewis’ concern in South Nyanza in the late 1930’s coincided with the Kenya Land Commission’s impression that the government needed to recognize the importance of over- population and land tenure problems in parts of the country (Odingo, 1977). There was a suggestion to redistribute people to sparsely populated areas within the “African Reseses”, in a resettlement program. However, in some cases the Kenya Land Development Board used land of high or medium potential that was either returned (or exchanged) to natives by the “white settlers” or land that was sparsely populated and/or tsetse infested. The inception of Settlement Schemes in Kenya can be found in land laws that were put to work at the turn of the century. By the time the Land Commission was making the request for population redistribution the Crown Land Ordinance of 1902 which declared all “waste and unoccupied land” in the Kenya Protectorate “Crown Land” was in effect. The concept of ”Crown Land" was redefined and by the 1915 Crown Lands Ordinance was to include land in actual occupation by the “natives”. Indeed it was the same Ordinance that was amended to become the Government Lands Act at independence (Ogolla and Mugabe, 1996). A number of resettlement schemes were started in the period 1948-51. It was soon realized that some of the areas that were designated as resettlement schemes were difficult to settle. Between 1953 and 1960 the government had to set aside money to rehabilitate some of them by constructing boreholes and dams and in some cases take anti-erosion measures (Ominde, 1967; Bernard 1978; English, 1991). The resettlement program came to be known as a method of rural development, hence the African Land Development (ALDEV) program. Olambwe Valley Settlement Scheme was part of the ALDEV program. The original Olambwe Settlement Scheme was estimated at 124 sq. miles. The object of the scheme was to open up the valley for resettlement by families of the Luo community from overcrowded locations in the then South Nyanza and Central Nyanza (now Kisumu and Siaya) Districts. Though the Olambwe Valley had ideal soils and rainfall for agriculture, it was sparsely populated due to the presence of wildlife, tsetse flies and the occasional droughts. The government plan for the scheme was to provide roads, water, and first plowing, while the settlers would clear the bush on their own farms. The fly habitats, especially on land unsuitable for agriculture, were to be cleared by EATTRRO (Ministry of Agriculture, 1956). The government engaged the people and it was decided that blocks of 2,000 - 4000 acres, known locally as “anyuala”, would be demarcated, each with its own water supply, for subdivision between 40—80 families who would come in single-parties, under their own headman, from common localities within Nyanza Province. The government later realized that there was nowhere in Luo-Nyanza with sufficient pressure on the land to raise such large parties from a single area. From then on, settlement proceeded on an individual basis. Farms size was initially set at 50 acres but was reduced to 25 acres when it was found that it was beyond the capacity of a single family to cope with the bush, let alone with other farm management such as hedging. It was also noted that settlement was at first slow, as there was no real pressure on the land. Besides, many potential settlers were discouraged by the government ban on cattle in the settlement scheme. In 1951 there were 75 families of new settlers in Olambwe with 25 on the waiting list (Min. of Agri., 1956). Through 1952 several of the 75 families did not stay the course, and by the end of the first quarter the number had fallen to 57. However by the end of 1952 the number had reached 101, not counting 30 families from Gwasi at the southern end who had settled on an old fly—barrier. From 1952 onwards, particularly after the reduction of the tsetse fly population, and government admittance of cattle, the settlement continued to grow. 71 In 1954 there was a government proposal to consider non-Luo, especially the Maragoli-Banyore of North Kavirindo (the present Western Province), who were densely populated, to come and settle. This was against the wishes of the local people from Olambwe and the local African District Council in South Nyanza. As a result of this conflict of interest, it was decided that the non-Luo be settled in the Gwasi area in the far south and that they would help destroy the fly-bush. About seven hundred applications were listed and it is possible that the Ruma thicket down the center of the valley could have been gradually eliminated without great expense. The project failed as it was decided that the Gwasi locations, in about the present N yaboro and Kigoto blocks, were under—populated and the valley should have first been consolidated in the north and then advance southward. Settlement in the valley therefore started from the north at Samunyu valley, passing Nyamaji hill, along the lakeshore, and returning to Ruri hills. This was Block I to IV, reaching Rua thicket, covering a total of 29,000 acres for settlement with a further 6,000 acres of hillside and drainage ways. By the end of 1955, there were 635 families. Of these 141 were squatter who had illegally settled on the outskirts of the valley but had since been brought into conformity with the requirements of the settlement scheme. There was room for another 1600 families south of the Ruma Thicket. It was projected that when settlement was finished 2,760 farming families35 could have settled. However, their number had dropped from 677 to 451 between June 1956 and 1957. In the ALDEV report of 1958, it was noted that more settlers left the scheme than were taken on. Once again the decline was attributed to government restrictions when there was still 35. The ALDEV report of 1959 put this figure at 3,000 to 4,000 families. 72 uninhabited land in other parts of the district and the neighboring Tanzania where migrants settled without restriction. In Kenya today Olambwe Settlement Scheme in not listed among the 302 settlement schemes with some 2,182,360 acres of land in Kenya (Ogolla and Mugabe, 1996). With the slow growth into a full—blown settlement scheme, as was the case in other parts of the country, the scheme was subsumed into one of the rural settlements. However, because of the high number of absentee landlords, there is silent land buying and selling going on in the valley. This is bringing in new settlers from within and without the Lambwe Valley. F. Population and Human Migration The idea behind the Olambwe Settlement Scheme was to create a population concentration as part of a national strategy to fight trypanosomiasis. In contrast, the traditional response to the threat of trypanosomiasis was the physical movement of the people from tsetse—infested areas. By the 19403 to the 19505 this movement came to be characterized by two mainstream flows, one to Tanzania and the other, a cyclic movement to and from the lake region (Nam). While post—independence migration to Tanzania continued to the early 19703 out— migration to other parts of the country were limited in the late 1960s, when the Land Adjudication and Registration exercise was initiated countrywide. However, the 19703 was a period of increased in-migration into the Lambwe Valley. With the dissolution of the East Africa Community in 1978, immigration from Tanzania peaked. The return of male descendants with their families to the Lambwe Valley has continued. This cyclic migration has it roots in the communal land tenure system that the 73 Luo/Abasuba practiced. In his report to the Entebbe EATTRO conference, Lewis (1936) impressed upon the attendees that natives of the Lambwe Valley who had evacuated the area due to tsetse flies had a “. . .strong desire ...to return to the area.” This historical fact explains in part the apparent continued vegetation clearance for settlement, crop farming and livestock keeping. However, it is not enough to assess the critical balance between the push factors and the pull factors and the role of tsetse suppression process as a lure for population inflow. G. The Ruma National Park The protection of natural areas as wildlife sanctuaries is a historically recent phenomenon originating in North America and Europe in 19th century (Dixon and Sherman, 1990). The concept was brought to East Africa in the early 20th century by the colonial governments. There are fifty-six protected areas in Kenya covering some 7% of the total land. The African Center for Technology Studies (ACTS) argument about the colonial legacy in Kenya’s environmental legislation is that the . .colonial resource policy was primarily based on the need to exclusively exploit the natural resources. Conservation measures were later introduced where it was felt that the exploitation could endanger future development prospect”. As ijang (1992) states, the extent to which law can serve as a tool of conservation is in the first place a question of policy - the determinant of options to be fulfilled, through law-makin g, administration and judicial responsibility. But policy must start with an understanding of the facts and the attendance circumstances, an assessment of the gravity of the matter in terms of national development priorities. For most cases the creation of these areas had very little to do with the social, 74 economic, or environmental situations of the people in the vicinity (NCCK, 1992). David Western (former Director, Kenya Wildlife Society) was once quoted The great wildlife debate in Kenya is about resolving the conflict between people and wildlife. Unless we do so soon, there will be no place for wildlife in a world of more people, less space and. an ailing environment. (Nation, 1995). Often the move to sanction a protected area is done as a national priority with little regard to the local level. Unfortunately there do not seem to exist appr0priate analytical tools to evaluate the costs and benefits of protected areas to the people who live in the vicinity. Further the economic analytical approaches now used. date only to the last decade or so (Scott, 1973; Krutilla, 1967', Scott, 1955', 2nd ed. 1973; Ciriacy-Wantrup, 1963). These approaches are based on neo-classical econorm'c methods. They do not assess the African way of resource use that incorporates ethical, social and cultural values with the economic value36 as a backdrOp. These values are either non-market values and or non-consumptive, which make them difficult to value in the market economy. It is particularly difficult to evaluate disease effects - pain, loss of life, delayed responsibilities, cost to community etc. Emerging conflict in some places is not so much over the protected area but the fact that the wildlife sanctuary has allowed vegetation to flourish and animals to proliferate creating ideal conditions for the spread of tsetse (Stock, 1995). A number of countries have found it necessary to view protected areas within a broad ecological and human framework, rather than as biological islands (Western, 1982) 36 Recently communities in the vicinity of protected areas have emerged as an important focus of analysis and planning for protected areas (Dixon and Sherman, 1990; Krutilla and Fischer, 1975; Munasinghe, 1993). In fact some economic valuation methods such as Contingent Valuation (CV) and Willingness to Pay (WTP) are used for analysis. 75 since they have a mutual relationship (Garratt, 1982) with land and the people in the vicinity (Brandon and Wells, 1992; Barbier, 1992). In responding-to the crisis some countries introduced park fencing with the intention of keeping domestic livestock out of game reverses hence reducing contact with the fly in those tsetse infested areas. These efforts are reported in Kenya and Malawi and around large game parks/commercial ranches in Botswana and Namibia (Hudson, 1992). However situations have not improved in the park neighborhoods as anticipated. Though there are some small and isolated wildlife sanctuaries in N yanza Province, the Ruma National Park (RNP) in Suba District is the only Wildlife Park. The park, formerly known as Lambwe Valley National Game Reserve (LVNGR), was gazetted in 1966. The Park offers tourism potential in scenery viewing and game watching, but a number of factors hinder the realization of its potential. Among the problems is its relative isolation from the mainstream tourism circuit, lack of capital infusion in necessary infrastructure and the tsetse-fly menace (Mbita Division Provincial Administration Annual Report, 1980; District Development Plan, 1984). Because of its slow pace of development, RNP was until recently a rarely visited park in the Western Kenya Tourism Circuit. During the 1979/83 four-year Development Plan it was anticipated that the 45 km all-weather road within the park could be surfaced and the Park airstrip be improved to all-weather standard. Only part of roads was done. Instead of the Park airstrip, Homa Bay Airstrip was bitumenized (Development Plan, 1984). Up to date the Park roads are not motorable during the rainy season. Even the approaching roads, especially from Migori 76 and Ogongo, are just tracks. The plans to improve Park services have continuously been outlined in the District Development Plans over the years with little or no action at all. One other proposed development was the improvement of the self—service cottages in the park. Instead they were converted into residential houses for Game Rangers from the Wildlife Conservation and Management Dept. of the Ministry of Tourism and Wildlife (Development Plan, 1984). During the same development period Homa Bay Tourist Hotel was build and managed by the Kenya Tourism Development Authority (KTDA). The hotel continued to operate below capacity such that by the time Suba District was established (1996) the KTDA had sold it to private investors. 1. The Park and the Community Before the park was fenced, wildlife roamed freely in the settled areas. The scene has changed since the 1994 chain fencing. According to the residents of the valley there has been marked reduction in the number of cases of trypanosomiasis since the fencing, but the disease challenge to the livestock continues. Wellde et al. (1989) have argued that the establishment of the Game Reserve in the Lambwe Valley in the mid-19603 thwarted the successful completion of the region’s suppression program, which was already underway”. The perimeter fencing used to isolate the park from rapidly developing human population in the area may have prevented livestock from entering the Game Reserve but tsetse flies are still a major threat in the Lambwe Valley. 37 There was already resettlement scheme and the tsetse fly suppression campaign through bush clearing and insecticide spraying. 77 With the decline in the number of wildlife outside the park, the cases of sickness (animal and human) are confined to those that interact with the thicket areas, the park and the exotic forests started under the Lambwe Valley Afforestation program. In these areas tsetse flies are often in abundance and their numbers correlate to the incidences of infection within their neighborhood. H. The Lambwe Afforestation Program The government objective to start the Lambwe Afforestation was to plant softwoods along the easterly wall of the valley, Kanyamwa Escarpment. The basis of the project was contained in the Swynnerton Plan of the 1950s, designed to rehabilitate and protect erosion—prone areas in the country. The planting program started with 75 acres in 1955, though 200 acres was the target with annual addition of 500 acres in 1956 and 1957, 60 acres in 1958 and 700 in 1959. The total area set aside was 7,500 acres. Due to unreliable rainfall, the porous lava soil, the grass fires and termites, the afforestation project in the Lambwe Valley was not considered a success. Owing to the failure in finding a reliable technique to establishing trees, the scheme was abandoned in 1959. Instead of continuing with the large-scale planting program it was, however, decided to continue intensive tree-planting experiments designed to overcome the difficulties of large-scale afforestation. This was to remain so until the 19803. With the initiation of the National Commission for Soil Conservation Services, Lambwe Valley was one of the two forest stations38 started in South Nyanza in the mid- 19803. The Lambwe Valley Station was also the first to have Hilltop Afforestation programs whose initial target were 19647 ha. By 1983 4051 ha was afforested. By 1994 there were three tree nurseries39 started in South N yanza one of which was in Lambwe Valley (Ministry of Natural Resources, 1994). The initial afforestation program was a national project. At the district level the 1994—96 Development Plan included new project proposals for Gwasi, Rangwe, Kodera, Mbita, Kasipul and Kabondo offices and staff houses construction of foresters houses category ’F’ tree nursery store; forest guards houses and three foresters’ offices to be funded by the Government of Kenya. The Hilltop Afforestation Program also included three stations at Lambwe Valley, three in Gembe, and two in Gwasi. Seedling production was encouraged in private, community involvement and government nurseries. The government nurseries were started at Mbita, Lambwe (Magunga) and Gwasi stations. Partly the intention was to promote community-based afforestation program to make the communities appreciate the importance of forests and enhance their planting. The idea of hilltop afforestation was effected by the government policy to ensure the protection of watersheds. The drawback in the Lambwe Valley was that these forests were not fully supported by the locals as they were viewed as a further effort by the government to take away their land. It became apparent that it was necessary to establish forest guard posts to reduce the incidence of encroachment on government forests. One other problem with the forests was that in some parts such as the Kanyamwa escarpment the presence of Glossina pallidipes in these exotic forests was increasingly of much 3 . . . . . 8 The second station was that at Wire in the present Karachuonyo Dlstrlct. 39 The other two were at Awach and Homa Bay. concern. The number of flies caught in the 19805 by three biconical traps in Ruma Forest for instance was totaling 4215 in two days (See Dl. Tsetse fly Suppression of the 19803). 1. Summary and Conclusions The foregoing profile of events in the Lambwe Valley builds a foundation on which the study starts to answer the research questions. Relevant to the study is the role of tsetse control campaigns in the unfolding events in the Lambwe Valley. Existing records have shown that while tsetse control continued through the 1990s, the campaign was fairly patchy and inconsistent. In the 19503 the Lambwe Valley was sparsely population. It was also considered a time when tsetse flies heavily influenced the settlement pattern in the valley. In this same period the government introduced the settlement scheme which, while well intended, was not acceptable to the local residents and not well organized to rid of the tsetse flies according to plan. Ultimately the scheme is infused in the rural settlement. This same period witnessed a cyclic migration to and from the Lambwe Valley, some of which had little to do with tsetse flies or tsetse fly control. This trend continued to the 19703 and was still visible though at a smaller scale in the 1990s. The whole process seemed to be controlled by the residents’ cultural attachment to their land than by the environmental risk of the trypanosonomiasis. In the 1960s the government got heavily involved in the tsetse fly control efforts especially in the insecticide spraying campaign. This did not work as well as planned and was occasionally integrated with other methods especially bush clearing. Two other government policies came into existence. One, the government changed the status of the game reserve to that of a national park. As a result residents had to learn to live with new 80 rules: restricted mobility across the valley, the limited traditional utilitarian ties of community to the wilderness and a permanent reservoir of tsetse flies. Two, the government instituted the policy to cut off some of the high elevation areas for the catchment program and consequent afforestation projects. The combined effect was a restricted area for the residents and the inherent risk of trypanosomiasis. However during this same time there were continued albeit ad hoc tsetse fly control in the Lambwe Valley. From the district reports it could appear that there were more nagana cases throughout the period and fewer and fewer sleeping sickness cases. Indeed the Homa Bay district hOSpital records show a steady drop of cases of sleeping sickness treated at the hospital (Figure 8). Though the records do not give a break down of the origins of the cases, it may be assumed that there was a general decline in the incidences of the disease within the district“. Looking at the control campaign and the reported trypanosomiasis cases activities of the 1980s and 1990s, there seem to be little correlation between these two. And even the present efforts by ICIPE and KETRI are aimed at control rather than eradication of tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis. The problem in the Lambwe Valley has continued to be the debate on what the best plan of action should be. Besides external pressure to preserve the environment, the wildlife department did not want the wild animals interfered with while the forestry department people wanted the environment intact — free of fires, bush clearing, and insecticide spraying. The local community wanted it to be an environment free of tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis. It therefore becomes intricate to satisfy all the opposing interest groups. Hence trypanosomiasis outbreaks continue in the Lambwe Valley. From the trend in land use activity in the valley the way to eradication was only by reducing the tsetse habitat, cut the cycle between the tsetse fly, people and wild life. The most memorable epidemics in most peOples minds were the: 1. 1967/68 epidemic in which the UN/WHO had to intervene to control. The Tsetse Survey and Control centers jointly started to work as a team in the valley. 2. The 1981 epidemic, which was coupled with an outbreak of cholera. 3. The 1989/90 nagana outbreak was serious and spread as far as Oyugis, Kendu—Bay, and Nyakach. It could appear that every ten or so years there is a major outbreak in this area. This has made the Lambwe Valley the only place where nagana is endemic and one of only two sites in the country where sleeping sickness occurs (W ellde, 1989) making it one of the few places“ in Africa with persistent endemic foci of trypanosomiasis (Jordan, 1986). While the problem of trypanosomiasis was very much a local problem, tsetse control continued to be handled through the national machinery using government agencies. This was a typical regional political ecology scenario where external processes are linked to local conditions but ineffective at solving the problem. First the campaigns were crisis-driven. Second they relied on methods that achieved little. Third they were cluttered by bureaucratic red tape that stalled effective administration provisions such as vehicles, monies and equipment in general. The community-participation through 4° The former district was Homa Bay, however the records do not break down change by local divisions to reflect the situation in Gwasi during the same period. Women Groups in Nyadenda area and KISABE group in Gwasi area was a late start but a necessary step. Because the people understood better their plight the management of the suppression campaign was more likely to be effective. However they needed the cooperation of the Kenya Wildlife Society that managed the Park. With the continued clearance of thickets in the settled areas, the Park was the ultimate and potential reservoir of the tsetse flies and wildlife and therefore the source of trypanosomiasis. The lesson learned from this historical profile is that there was never a time that can be referred to as the time after tsetse control. In stead there was a time after more people and more activities could be associated with the Lambwe Valley. The profile starts to diffuse the concept of "tsetse fly control" as a systematic suppression of tsetse flies that could otherwise give way to increase human and livestock populations and expanded agriculture. The next chapter will explore further the local conditions through a field survey instrument. The chapter will focus on those local conditions that can highlight on the human movement land use activities and implications thereof. The questionnaire as a field survey instrument will probe key issues that can link the social and environmental changes to the tsetse control campaigns discussed so far. 41 Others are the Okovango Delta (Botswana), Luanga Valley (Zambia), Kagera (Rwanda), Mozambique, Malawi, and western Tanzania (Jordan, 1986). 83 tNClD-ENCE OF HUMAN sreeetno SICKNESS 110* ...i i l 80" a \ S - m 70 a n x oo~ Kg; 9 m X k 50—- \ 0 e: g 40., H I 7 51 a..- I \ \ «0.. f \‘ / \ 10~ / &\J i h\\ i if \ A Ol‘T—IfifilfqrtT—TIiIIiTTTV-Irj—IlilTIl‘FYT‘O‘TZ—“FI 3959 1969 1 979 1989 1993 YEAR Incidence of human sleeping sickness in Homa Bay District, South Nyanza, Kenya from 1959 to 1993. Source official record from Roma Bay Distict Hospital. Figure 8. Cases of Sleeping Sickness recorded in Homa Bay District Hospital. x '\ _ H i . ‘ 7777'“ i V 1“,» £51375? 4‘17. ' g ,_ - "3 . 74¢ P. 3;- Photo 8. Nyaboro thicket. The thicket is gradually diminishing as more land owners come back to settled on the valley floor. Photo 9. Women, girls and young boys que for water at Magunga. The water is piped and flows by gravity from a stream on the Gwasi hills. 85 \ x 9 . t; . . L. . "'l‘ ' . ‘ 7' ' 1 ‘ . , . _ -...,...I..... r- ‘xfigzzfir-flmwfirlrut ~‘ . - ,. , - [..4A ‘ mv ' ..r ‘ . — ~fi “ .‘J I“, Photo 10. Park fence. In most cases cultivation has expanded to the fence itself. Here a maize plot borders the fence. Photo 11. The NGU tsetse trap. 86 MSABE FARMERS' OHGANSAHON 0F TSEggECONTROL Photo 12. KISABE. The local farmers organization, a tsetse control project initiated by ICIPE based at Ki goto center in Gwasi, Lambwe Valley. CHAPTER VI FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS A. Introduction The previous chapter provided the background and historical profiles on human settlement and the advent and consequent suppression of trypanosomiasis through tsetse control in the Lambwe Valley. This chapter presents findings and data analysis from the field survey. The findings are organized around three themes intended to address the research questions. These are human population change, the farming systems, and management of the physical environmental management. B. Human Population Change The basic objective of tsetse fly control is its anticipated human response, immigration into areas of reduced trypanosomiasis risk and increased levels of settlement. To understand the p0pulation dynamics in the Lambwe Valley, I start by developing a historical profile of population change. 1. Population Change: A historical profile: The fundamental concern in assessing population change is to establish when and why people have moved into a previously known tsetse-infested area, Lambwe Valley. Therefore the pull and push factors which may or may not include a decline of trypanosomiasis threat had to be determined. An overriding priority was the role of tsetse fly control and human occupancy in the Lambwe Valley. As far back as 1948 a report on tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis described the Lambwe Valley as “. . .uninhabited except for a few villages in the small valleys at the foot of the Gwasi hills. There are no cattle in the main valley and very few sheep and goats.” (Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, 1948). The small valleys described refer to those of Gembe, Gwasi, Kaksingri and Lambwe Locations of the former Mbita Division that join and cover the southern end of the Lambwe Valley. Through the 1950s and 1960s the introduction of the Olambwe Settlement Scheme and the spontaneous immigration to other parts of the valley further accelerated population growth in the valley. Villages such as Ponge, Si gana, Ratanga, Ochol, Rapora, N yabera, and N yadenda sprung up in previously uninhabited areas on the floor of the valley near the Olambwe River. By 1963 a house-to-house survey in the lower Lambwe Valley (Glasgow, 1963), around Ruri Bay, indicated a dramatic increases in population density increase from 21 to 45 people per square mile. This period was marked by continued and gradual re-occupation of the valley, from the mouth towards the source of the Olambwe River. With the increased settler population, the new settlements were set in close proximity to thickets supporting G. pallidipes. In and around the Gwasi area population profiles for the period between 1948 and 1989 show varying rates of growth (Table 1-60). Although there was a steady increase in population in the Lambwe Valley, Gwasi and Lambwe locations, predominantly in the Lambwe Valley, had remarkable increases especially between 1969 and 1979. In these locations population density increased from 59 /km2 to 92/km2 and from 29/km2 to 43/km2 respectively. Within the sub—locations in Gwasi location (Figure 9), population changes were noticeable especially between 1969 and 1979. The annual population increase was 6.8% in Uregi, 3.4% in West Kubia, 4.1% in Kamwenda, and 4.8% East Kubia. Kamwenda and East Kubia occupy the valley floor. Uregi sub-location falls on the Gwasi Hills. Except for the lower slopes of the hills, Uregi is predominantly tsetse free. The rapid growth of population in Uregi is explained by the spontaneous immigration of cultivators flocking in from neighboring districts — especially Kisii District -- to take up government protected watershed/catchment land (J uma, 1979). In general Gwasi Location experienced a higher pOpulation increase than the projected natural increase for the same period. There was an apparent slowdown in both locations after 1979. The period between 1979 and 1989 coincides with the perimeter fencing of the park. In part this left little or no Open land for human pOpulation expansion. It could appear that there was a drastic reduction in migration during this period in view of the fact that birth rate in South Nyanza remained generally high and steady during this same period (Kenya, 1989). The dynamics witnessed in the valley over this period therefore represents multiple factors. Some neighboring districts especially Kisii and were experiencing land shortages. For such districts the Lambwe Valley provided a safety valve. There was also the perceived reduction of the risk of trypanosomiasis infection that enabled people to move into the valley despite the risk of trypanosomiasis. However these factors can only explain the rapid growth in some sub-locations especially those at the valley floor bordering the Park. Where growth was slow may be explained by, among others, the perimeter fencing that limited further expansion of settlement and/or cultivation. At the time of my survey (1996-97) the population distribution was evening out in most parts of the valley and especially the Gwasi area. In the Nyaboro area a number of previously absentee landowners were coming back to settle or cultivate their plots. This involved vegetation clearance. Going by the amount of newly cleared sites in the area, it was apparent that settlement and cultivation were on the increase. In Gendo, Ki goto, Ugoro and Olando there were many new homes up-slope on the hills and near the Park fence. Several factors may have favored this: 1) a general decline of tsetse population especially outside the Park; 2) socio-economic pressure to accept the risk of trypanosomiasis; 3) general population increase; and 4) knowledge of the tsetse behavior allowing human adjustment to the behavior/movement patterns. These factors were then probed further during the field survey. C. Emerging Social Responses The purpose of the household survey was to understand the socio-cultural and socio-economic processes at the local level. The implications of tsetse control for the people in the area are best felt at the individual household level. Through interpretation of the constraints and possibilities their environment offers they make decisions about the kind of activities they will be involved in. These decisions are influenced by such factors as the amount of land, family size, stock size, demand for money and food etc. The survey questionnaire targeted the heads of the homesteads. In the context of the study area, the head of the homestead was the man/husband/father in a home to whom major family decisions were referred or with whom other family members consulted. In the absence of the head the first wife or first son was interviewed on behalf of the head or as the head —— depending on the circumstances. A total of 170 respondents were interviewed: 120 men and 50 women. 91 D. Population Characteristics The mean age of the interviewees was 50 years (skewness = 0.49, a slight younger majority). The mean age was higher for men (52 years) and lower for women (42 years) but about same age range (men, min. = 27, max. 91', women rrrin. = 25 max. = 85)]. Based on the survey census, homesteads had a mean family size of 12 people. In general, polygamous families“ particularly those headed by men, tended to be larger than families headed by women. Overall, the valley natives tended to have larger families than immigrant families. This difference could be explained in 80% of the cases (sig.=20%, r =. 8) implying it was highly a significant difference. However, with the average stay in the valley being 22 years for immigrants (Figure 10) the difference between the means was expected to be small as most of these families had only the first and second- generation imrni grants. Most of the respondents were literate. About 63% of men and 46% of the women had some formal primary education. A cross-tabulation for Gender vs. Education gave Pearson’s 829.365 (at d.f=3, p=0.025) indicating that men were more educated than women. (X1105 2= 7.8147). There was also an apparent dichotomy between genders in their economic activities outside farming. About 44% of the men did something (fishing, teaching, and community leadership) besides farming, with the common activity being ' Lako and Ngugi (1994) had found similar age ranges for heads of households in the Lambwe Valley; 57 years for men and 54 for women 2 Polygamy was prevalent in the Lambwe Valley. The average number of wives was two but ranged to as many as six wives . A study by Ssennyonga (1994) also found the number of wives to be 2 with a range of 8. A feeling among those interviewed was that the institution was declining due to a declining resource base; land and livestock. Ssennyonga argues that introduction of animal draft power is raising male participation in agriculture thereby undermining the economic basis of marrying several wives. Further, the high costs of raising children especially the cost of schooling are devaluating large progeny. 92 trade (30%) of agricultural commodities. Agricultural commodity trading is also common among women (24%). The diversity of activities among men and women was a good indicator on the evolving sources of income to families. Men for instance were increasingly involved in activities that took them away from home most of the time. An activity like trading in agricultural commodities pre-occupied some family members two or three days in a week. Men who were fishermen down at the lake were involved in fishing up to five days a week. Therefore, the commitment to agriculture per se was considered to be changing. The gender differences in economic activities re—affirm the power balance in homesteads. Culturally men have always been the decision-makers when it comes to resource allocations and other family matters. They continue to wield this power as is evident from their more years of schooling and being involved in activities beyond the homestead. Further, the examination shows that there is a progressive socio-economic reorganization in terms of what else, besides farming (crop and livestock keeping) that the valley residents are engaged in. This section has also revealed a pattern in demographic characteristics that clearly separate the natives of the valley and the recent immigrants. Large families were associated with natives and in homesteads with male heads. The significance lies with the fact that families are large and will certainly contribution to a rapid population growth. E. Human Migration Most (61%) heads of families in the Gwasi Division are natives. The rest (39%) were born somewhere in the district or had come from other districts. Because of the relatively high numbers of the outsiders, 63% of the native respondents (38% of the population) said that they had an immigrant neighbor3. An assessment of the origin of immigrants indicated that about 10% of the respondents come from somewhere within the Lambwe Valley region. The rest 29% of the residents are non-natives (or descendants), who were not born in the Lambwe Valley but have recently come back to settle on their ancestral land. Only 18% (about one in five) of the respondents have ever migrated to'live in any part of the valley or outside the valley. Of these people, the older group (64+ age bracket, born 1933 or earlier) was more likely to have moved out of the valley at one point of their lives than were the younger (S 30 years bracket) people by a ratio of 1:2 (20% to 9.5%). However, this difference was a function of both the longevity and change of behavior. The older respondents represented a generation that themselves migrated or migrated in the company of their parents. With time the cyclic migration especially that between Nam and the valley ceased and so for most part the younger heads of family had lived in the valley all their life. The distinction can also be made about immigrants who once in the valley settled to stay. 3 An immigrant neighbor described a head of a homestead who was not born in the neighborhood of the respondent, had no direct blood relation with the respondent, and therefore by definition not a native of the area The duration of stay as a variable also showed that 80% of the residents have lived at their present homesteads for over ten years with most (42%) of them. having lived here for a period of 21-30 years. There are two explanations for this stay period. Given that the average age composition is about 51 years, a twenty to thirty year period fits the expected time span of a person in his twenties starting a family. Further, with the immigration peaking in the 1967-70 period, the 21—30 years fits this same time. Several factors influenced in- and out-migration from the valley. Most peOple interviewed mentioned water shortage (drought) as an important factor. Water was key because it was water and pasture that dictated where these previously pastoralist communities lived. It is also true that in the past there were Options in terms of space. People moved more freely to open land especially along the lake. Because the tsetse fly is a recent phenomenon in the valley, it never was an issue until its presence in the 1930 to the present. In particular, with the campaign to suppress the tsetse fly, the tsetse fly became a factor in decision-making in the 1950’s to 1960s. The reduced risk of trypanosomiasis may have influenced the particularly high inflow witnessed in the 1960- 70 period. The community in the Lambwe Valley was a highly mobile society in the past than it is today. It is evident that the frequency with which people left the area in the past was much higher. Human movements have increasingly diminished as communal land ownership is eroded. On average, the annual rainfall in fluctuations in amount and reliability has remained the same throughout the years. Therefore rainfall cannot be considered as a major factor. However, with time reduced risk of trypanosomiasis infection became an important factor in influencing decisions on where and when to move. Though there were never coping mechanisms, people adjusted to deal with disease outbreak rather than move out of the area. The immigrants choice to stay may be due to the their preparedness to cope with the environment. More important however is that most immigrants did not have as many options as the natives who only needed a day’s walk to Nam. Besides, natives had land and family connections fairly close in the event of a drought and or trypanosorrriasis outbreak. When asked why the immigrants came to the Lambwe Valley the reasons given reveal further that land was an important consideration. In over 70% of the cases the reason for moving was the search for land (see Table 1). It is therefore necessary to assess the issue of land ownership as landowners and users increased with time. F. Land Ownership From the field survey it was established that land fragmentation was common in the Lambwe Valley. The average number of parcels4 per household was three (64% of the cases). While some peOple had as many as 16 pieces (some they leased), 95% of the cases had seven or fewer pieces of land (s.d = 1.82). Lambwe Valley natives tended to have more plots than people born elsewhere did. Natives also had a higher standard deviation than immigrant did. 4 . . . . . . Number of parcels was used as a surrogate srnce it was difficult to measure the acreage of rndrvrdual farmers who themselves did not know how much land they had. By parcel is meant isolated, non- contiguous land pieces that one had the usufructural rights to. 96 Reason for Moving into Lambwe Valley Percent Response Land shortage 50.1 Ancestral land 20.3 Harsh Environment 20.3 Social Pressure 7.6 Political pressure 1.3 Table 1: Reasons for leaving home area to move to Lambwe Valley. The range in the number of parcels owned differed, native owned 1—10 pieces of land while non-natives had 1-8. The mean number of parcels was higher among natives. An analysis of variance for the two groups indicated that within group’s variance (423.7) was higher compared with between groups’s (7.8). The implication was that there was consistency and a clear difference between the groups of people. These findings show that the natives have a relatively higher access to land resource than did non—natives and that the group means was a significant indicator of the variance. Overall at a 95 % confidence, natives own more land than immigrants did. Birth place Mean N Std. Deviation Lambwe Valley 3.42 99 1.92 Elsewhere 3 .01 67 1.64 Total 3.26 166 1.82 Table 2: Number of Plots 1. Land Acquisition For most (79%) people, at least part of the land they owned was inherited. The two important means of land acquisition for both Lambwe Natives and the immigrants was inheritance and self-acquired (which included land bought). There were proportionally more natives on inherited land than were immigrants. In contrast while in 97 absolute numbers more natives acquired or bought land on which they lived, it was only 18% of the total native population as compared to 29% of the immigrant population. (Table 3). Mode of Acquisition Total Lambwe Natives Immigrants N % N % N % Inherited 134 79.2 93 77.5 41 59.4 Self-Acquired 42 24.8 22 18.3 20 29 .0 Given as a gift 10 6 3.3 6 8.7 Bought by Sons 3 1.8 1 0.8 2 2.8 Table 3. Mode of Land Acquisition There were two categories of immigrants; those related to the natives through ancestral lineage, born in Lambwe or recently immigrated, and those who had no ancestral lineage in the area. This meant that imrrrigrants who had no lineage connection to made 15% of the population (N=169). Given that the mean age of the respondents was 50 years, implications are that the rest of the land (parcels) was either self-bought (22%) or given as a gift (5%). Very few (<2%) people had land that their own offspring had bought in the valley. A cross—tabulation of methods of land acquisition and place of birth indicated that about 98% of the natives actually inherited land and 25% of them had only one piece of land. About 25 % had other land parcels they had bought while 4% have land they received as gifts from relatives or friends. Approximately 71% of those born outside the valley had inherited their ancestral land while about 37% of them have bought land in the valley. About 10% of the immigrants had received land as a gift. Overall, a majority of the people in the Lambwe Valley lived on inherited land (69% (all respondents) and 87% (male respondents). Two other observations can be made from the Table 3. First, overall there were a negligible number of people who claimed to have acquired open land that could otherwise be classified as previously ’no man’s land’. Over time some people have bought isolated plots from those who chose not to make their home in the valley. This was very common especially where individual plots were not sufficient to settle on and carry on farm activities. From the foregoing and previous sections a number of facts were established. From the 1950s to the 19703 there was accelerated immigration into the Lambwe Valley. The main push factor was land shortage (or the availability of land). Respondents did not indicate that the suppression of tsetse flies was a pull factor in their decision to migrate. Besides, for those who had moved into the Lambwe Valley through the settlement scheme plan, tsetse fly problems had not been tackled and in fact at the time the settlers were part of the plan to eradicate the flies through habitat destruction. The crucial point therefore was whether in their farming systems there was any indication of a tsetse free environment dictating the kind of farming system they practiced once in the Lambwe Valley. In particular one of the key research questions was whether livestock numbers had increased as an outcome of tsetse fly suppression. However, the balance of crops to the livestock raised was important in telling where the emphasis was among the natives and the immigrants in land use activities. G. The Farming Systems The second research question states that once the tsetse flies were controlled and trypanosorrriasis was suppressed, livestock numbers and cr0p farming increased. To address this question, the study proceeded in two stages; an assessment of livestock keeping activities and crop farming (cultivation). On the former, the study sought to find out if people kept more animals than they did five to ten years before. If in deed new immigrants came to Lambwe Valley in search of land for their livestock, and then immigrants could be expected to own relatively larger herds. If their problem in the past was nagana then their stock should be improved in health and have increased in number. If the motive were to acquire land for cultivation then they would be doing more crop farming and have less emphasize on animal husbandry. H. Livestock keeping The field survey established that cattle, goats, sheep, donkeys, dogs, cats, and fowls were the main domestic animals in the Lambwe Valley. Most them were either indigenous breeds or crossbreeds of some sort. It was necessary to examine any change in livestock keeping reflecting the control efforts in maintaining the tradition of livestock keeping rather than the emerging subsidence of trypanosomiasis. Cattle were the most important of the domestic animals (Photo 13). Cattle were kept as a food security (especially milk, less meat), as savings (as evident from response to sales for school fees and other domestic usage), as a ceremonial herd and some were kept as a security for the rest of herd against disease. From the survey sample each homestead had an average of 11 heads of cattle. This number was nine when the extreme outliers were removed. Only 3% of the homes did not keep any cattle at all. Ownership of other animals averaged five goats, 2—3 sheep, and one donkey. The number of pigs kept in the Gwasi area was negligible. Domestic Animal Mode Percent Lacking Pigs < Below 2 97 Dogs 2 22 Goats 2 58 Sheep 3 60 Cattle 8 3 Table 4. Types of Domestic Animals Kept 1. Herd Size An analysis to correlate herd size and place of birth (Natives and immigrants) required an analysis of the difference between means. Immigrants in the valley tended to keep more cattle than did the natives (Table ). However the variation was higher among immigrants than was for natives at a 73% confidence level. Birth place Mean N Std. Deviation Lambwe Valley 9.40 89 7.68 Elsewher 11.03 65 9.84 Total 10.09 154 8.67 Table 5. Number of cattle kept The correlation between present and past stock sizes was insignificant. In part this can be attributed to poor memory recall. A number of respondents were not able to say with certainty how large the herds were when they were growing up. But more important was the fact that immigrants did not have a historical experience of cattle keeping, 'as some of them were the first generation immigrants. An important issue related to tsetse fly control was, therefore, whether there had been more recent increase in livestock numbers across the Lambwe Valley. Farmers were divided on whether individual herds had increased. While there was no clear overall pattern in terms of livestock numbers, at the block5 level significant differences were observed. In Nyaboro (100%), Wiga (80%), Nyasoti (72%), Ki goto (62%), and Sangla (62%) respondents were of the opinion that the number of cattle in the area had declined. On the other hard in Olando (93%), Gendo (89%), Oma (83%), Ugoro (75%), and Seka (60%) the consensus was that there were more animals in the area. In Pundo and Sanjweru respondents thought the number of livestock was the same as it was five to ten years before. N yaboro, Wiga, Nyasoti, Kigoto and Sangla are all contiguous blocks. The blocks are experiencing rapid increase in crop farming as opposed to livestock keeping. However they graze their livestock in N yaboro thicket. The people of Gwasi and the ICIPE scientists had described the N yaboro thicket as the hi gh—challenge tsetse fly area. N yaboro as described elsewhere was experiencing rapid clearance and the absentee landowners have come back to cultivate or settle implying that communal grazing grounds are declining rapidly. Olando, Gendo, Oma, Ugoro, and Seka are located away from N yaboro Thicket. Further these blocks extend to the hilltops where they offer alternative grazing grounds. This may in part explain why they had an apparent continued increase in livestock numbers. Elsewhere, Pundo and Sanjweru are located far from the park and the N yaboro thicket. In Pundo for instance only 22% of the respondents said they worry about the tsetse fly at all. 5 According to KISABE Tsetse Control Group, a block was a village or a contiguous section of the locality cutting across villages with commonness in either separation by a road, stream, side of the valley sharing a common well or spring or some loose but noticeable association. 102 These findings so far show that aggregatin g the impact of tsetse fly control may conceal the micro—scale variations. At the local level each block had a different experience. Previously tsetse infested areas did not have as many animals as before according to the people who live there. On the other hand those blocks away from tsetse fly infested thickets and the Park experienced an increase in livestock. However it is those that had extra grazing grounds on the hilltops that realized increases in stock sizes. From policy documents and papers expectations were that if the suppression was to influence livestock keeping, the impact could have been more obvious in the high challenge areas such as Nyaboro. On the contrary what was established was that the livestock sizes had declined in the formerly high challenge areas. This could suggest an inverse relationship between improved environment and the number of animals kept. However this is not conclusive because those areas that had alternative grazing grounds had increased herd sizes. This assessment shows local spatial variation in the herd size across the area, that presents multiple explanations rather than a plain one-to-one cause and effect relationship. Indeed ten years before this study Mwendwa er al (1985) had found that the livestock population was in a general decline in most parts of the former Homa Bay district which Gwasi was part. His criterion to arrive that that conclusion was that of diminishing grazing grounds in the district. 2. Grazing grounds In this survey a majority of the people (91%) believed that the area of grazing grounds had decreased over a period of 5-10 years prior to the survey. In fact 50% of \ those who thought there were fewer cattle in the area attributed it to the shortage of pasture. The other 50% gave other reasons as the cause. However farmers’ opinion on an estimated number of cattle individual homestead pastures can support showed a mode of 10 animals and a mean of 10.99. This number was the same as the average cattle stock size per homestead and, incidentally the same as what Mwendwa et al (1985) had found earlier for Homa Bay district. I. Carrying capacity If the Mwendwa’s model was strictly followed it could not work in the Lambwe Valley because the high population density that had cut into the previously open communal grazing grounds. The crude population density in Gwasi was 45 persons per square kilometer. According to the model such a density could not warrant ten heads of cattle per homestead. A number of factors may explain the larger than expected stock size. First, an element of communal grazing continued to be in practice. Therefore those who did not have sufficient natural pasture could still take their animals for grazing anywhere where fields were Open. Second after harvest, there was plenty of land and crop residue on which animals fed (Photo 14). Residue grazing may change as more absentee landlords resettle in the valley. The real challenge was that the acreage available varied from time to time depending on the frequency of double cropping. While agro-forestry was being introduced an alternative means Of feeding livestock, its future impact on the grazing- pattem was not clear. Third, there were many grazing grounds available in the form of government watershed areas on the hilltops. Fourth, there are variations on the amount of pasture available from block to block. These local variations may explain the cumulative effect seen in the aggregate numbers of livestock support in the Gwasi and the valley in general . J. Crop Farming The study examined whether crop farming was changing because of the anticipated or realized changes in the threat of trypanosomiasis. These changes were assumed to be those, which directly emanated from reduced risk of trypanosomiasis. However, it could also be those that were indirectly resulting from other consequences of tsetse control only that that could not be established in this case. The field questionnaire therefore probed to identify any other factors that could account for changes in crop farming. About 75% of the farmers had increased the amount of land under crOps over the previous years. However 15% had not and 10% said they cultivated less than before. There were an overwhelming 85% of the peasants who kept livestock in part for draft power (Photo 15). Among them, 45% had their draught animals occasionally hired by those with or without. It was also found that 58% of the respondents did hire labor of one form or another for farm work. In most cases labor was meant for cultivation related chores such as weeding (33%) and slashing (17%) and other miscellaneous work as planting, fencing, etc. that accounted for another 38%. This use of labor was indicative of the increasing significance of cultivation in the valley. From. the informal interviews there was indication that farmers had increased the importance they attached to crop cultivation rather than animal keeping. This meant that tsetse control was likely to affect cultivation by allowing the use of animal traction. Lako and N gugi’s (1994) survey6 on crop production and other land use systems had found a significant increase in the use of ox—plough in the valley. Their findings compared different land use activities in two different times almost twenty years apart. The results indicated a significant increase in the use of animal traction. Increasingly, therefore, livestock keeping was taking on a new meaning different from the traditional role of food security, property (saving) ceremonial purposes or security against catastrophes that may befall the stock itself. Farm use 1972-73 1992-93 Land Preparation 76.1% 93.8% Plantigg 49.4% 79.0% Weeding 1.1% 8.0% Table 6. Farm use of draft animals. Evidence of the changing role for livestock and particularly cattle was provided when respondents were asked to list the reasons for keeping animals. Use of animals on the farm was a key priority (Table 6). This category of animal use gave importance to cattle and donkeys. The diminishing significance of ceremonial animals was evident in the low numbers of small animals. Almost unanimously the residents Of Gwasi were no longer keeping livestock as a prestige stock. The number of animals raised was likely to decrease. Besides, use of animals for farm manure was very low. However with small stock sizes the amount of manure available was also insignificant to adequately provide for the crop fields. 1 The survey relied on recall between the periods 1972-73 and 1992-93. 106 Use of Farm Animals Percent Resmmse Draught Power 87.5 Food 89.2 Security 33.1 Income (Saving) Both are savings 23.6 36.4 as a Fees with emphasis on 12.8 combines % fee Ceremonies (small animals, 7.4 sheep/ goats) Manure 1.4 Prestig 0.7 Table 7. Use of Farm Animals As farm mechanization improved over the last ten to fifteen year period, farmers had a general feeling that land fertility was declining. Lako and N gugi (1994) had found that according to the farmers maize yields had declined from 7.56 bags /ha. to 6.2 bags/ha. (p = 0.01). In actual response 72.7% said the yield was better in 1972 and worse in 1992/93 (74.1%). In part loss of fertility was attributed to a reduced fallow period and less manure application. There are a number of reasons for increased cropping in the area as given by the respondents (Table 3). Among these is the commercialization of crops. There is an increased interest in sunflower (Photo 16) and the growing of maize both as a food crop and a surplus market crop. Food for sale was an important change in the land use dynamics in Gwasi area. Many of the interviewees emphasized the importance of school fees, medication for the family etc. They argued that it was more convenient to sell crop produce than animal or animal products to meet some of their sociO-economic demands. Further the livestock market (Photo 17) was seasonal while the crop produce market was always available. They also observed that the turnover from their farm produce was quicker than it was for livestock. In the Gwasi area the production dynamics are therefore changing from cattle, 107 goats, and sheep to maize, millet, potatoes, and sunflower but with draught animals remaining important. The expansion of crop farming may also explain the apparent reduction in grazing grounds. About 98% of the respondents (margin of error = 7.5%) observed a diminishing amount of grazing grounds. About 68% said the decline was due to increased crop farming. Only 9% said their cropped land was much less than it was in the previous year(s). Cause for Increased Changg Response (%) Commercialization of crog 32.8 Availability of Labor 22.7 Imlrroved F armfirg Methods 18.5 Increased family size 16.0 Use of draught power 5.9 Good weather 3.4 Application of farm manure .8 Table 8. Cause of agricultural expansion. There was no mention of tsetse fly control as cause for expanded crop farming. However draft animals7 were in demand and their increasing numbers appeared to imply a reduced risk to the animals. The trypanosomiasis suppression was considered indirectly responsible for the expansion of crop farming. As a result of reduced infection rate, animal health improved. Consequently more and more healthier animals were available for draft power on the farms. Many Gwasi residents were quick to acknowledge for instance that the number Of donkeys had increased tremendously. There was also acceptance that more and more people used oxen and in some cases cows or donkeys in weeding. The health of these animals was therefore very important in a good crop harvest. Though there were a number Of people whose crops went to waste because Of lack of resources to weed the fields in time or to weed at all (Photo 18), keeping trypanosomiasis under check was a first step to successive crop farming. Keeping tsetse fly under control by whatever means had resulted in a better environment for livestock keeping despite the occasional disease outbreaks. Farmers could raise healthy traction animals to use on their crop fields. Therefore the tsetse suppression had in effect resulted in an expansion Of cultivation as a dominant economic activity in the Lambwe Valley. As a feedback, cultivation expansion led to more habitat destruction. While livestock health was perceived to have improved, the herd did not increase. K. Change and management of the physical Environment The third research question was on the implications of tsetse fly control on the physical environmental. The premise of this question was that if people moved in and or livestock numbers increased and or farming activities intensified, land degradation would follow. The basis for this notion was that past studies have tended to associate high population densities and stock sizes to environmental degradation. The research objective was to establish whether there were changes and if they were, whether they had indeed anything to do with tsetse fly control through human and livestock population increase. To determine any changes was also to account for certain observable changes. One of the objectives of this study was to find out why farmers were clearing their land of vegetation especially trees and whether this had anything to do with tsetse control. The main reasons were enumerated as building material, charcoal burning, cultivation, firewood, grazing and tsetse flies. While most peOple cleared for cultivation, 7 . These are mainly oxen and donkeys. it was the immigrants (85%) who did more clearing (Table 9) than natives. The reason for their action was to get rid tsetse flies. However when asked of their involvement in the KISABE Tsetse Fly Control Community-based project they were less involved. From the sample population it was only in Seka, Nyaboro, and Wiga blocks that the reason for clearance was predominantly to clear tsetse habitats. (> 50 %). Vegetation clearance for cultivation and building material combined accounted for 58.4%. This was further confirmation that settlement and crop cultivation were priorities in the human activities in the Lambwe Valley. Farmers observed that the amount of woodland on farms had decreased in the last 5-10 years (71.2%). It was also clear that tsetse flies were no longer the number one reason for clearing vegetation. Evidently, the diminishing importance Of livestock keeping shows that it was not a priority in pasture provision through vegetation clearance. For instance only 14% of the farmers said they cleared the environment to prepare for grazing as compared to 67% who did it solely for cultivation. In both cases there are more immigrants who clear for each of these (16% for grazing, 85 % for cultivation)8. This tendency could be explained by the fact that natives were relatively more comfortable with the amount Of grazing space they had than did the immigrants and that they had more land on average. As already noted the average stock size is about ten head of cattle. The farmers certainly were concerned about tsetse fly eradication. In part this is why some of them had joined the KISABE group. The priority they gave to crop cultivation was very much an economic decision. This did not make the presence of tsetse flies any less important 2 In both cases the sampling error was 0.0. as far as their livestock was concern. Indeed a number of farmers who kept draught animals were very sensitive to the well being Of their livestock. This section confirms that there was rapid land cover change in the valley. The natural vegetation was giving way to settlement and cultivation. In effect even in pockets of the valley that had serious tsetse fly, the response to reduce the fly population was through more habitat destruction through vegetation clearance. Where clearance was not possible especially along the park perimeter people had resorted to trapping along the fence. Cause Percentage Cultivation 35.9 Building 22.5 Tsetse 15.6 Firewood 12. 1 Grazing 7.3 Charcoal 4.8 Other 1 .8 TOTAL 100 Table 9. Reasons for vegetation clearance In most informal discussions with the Gwasi residents the impression was that by definition clearance for tsetse control per se was not practiced any more. Vegetation clearance ‘for tsetse flies’ was in actual sense clearance ‘for cultivation’. For instance in Seka and Nyaboro people leased their land to other people who would work it, clear the bushes and uprooted stumps. After one to two years the owners could reclaim the land for their own use. Because often these bushes harbor tsetse flies, farmers could argue that they are clearing for tsetse flies. A second observation from this section is how dependent the people were on the use of their environment for the many domestic chores and in particular the use of wood as a source of fuel (17%) and building material. However these are activities that are 111 characteristics of most rural areas. They are not unique to Gwasi or Lambwe Valley in particular. At the broader scale the land cover pattern was changing. The major change was from the natural vegetation cover to cultivated fields. What was next was to find out what was going on in those fields in terms of farm management practices. These practices in the land use activities held the key to the quality of the land in the long term. 1. Land management Practices The study focused on those farm management practices related to control of soil erosion and the replenishment of the soil fertility (Table 10). The percentage of farmers practicing each one of them varied from as high as 93% to as low as 10%. About six out of ten farmers (63%) who acknowledged having signs of erosion on their farms try to practice terracing. There was an apparent danger of land degradation especially in the absence of active manuring and mulching practices. Though only 37% Of the farmers use manure and mulch to improve their soil fertility, it was apparent that farmers did not differentiate between crop residue and mulching the fields as separate practices. Soil fertility was maintained by post-harvest grazing of animals on crop residue in situ and through inter-cropping9 and mixed cropping. However, while these practices kept the soil nutrients balanced and erosion reduced, they were applied as a means to improve total crop output and variety. Further, most farmers cultivated the fields at the 3 Maitima (1996) had indicated that Inter—cropping is declining since 1970s when 60% of the people practiced it and in the 19903 when 56% practice it. However he does not give the margin of error in this figures. I-‘ii" foothills; rarely did they cultivate the shallow soils on the hill slopes. Hence the general low practices of terracing especially in some blocks such as N yaboro and Sanjweru. However Nyasoti and Nyamadede were both on the steep SIOpes were terracing could seem necessary. Farm Management Practice % Practicing Tree Planting 93 Crop rotation 88 Inter-croppin g 76 Mixed cropping 72 Terracigg 57 Mulching 39 Tree SellingL 31 Manure 24 Charcoal burning 17 Pesticide/insecticide 10 Table 10. Farm Management Practices In all these farm activities, there was no significant difference between the Lambwe Valley natives and the immigrants, any differences may well be due to sampling errors (random chance, s.e = .4—.6). It can be concluded that farmers tended to emphasis maximization on total output per cultivated field through crop rotation, inter-cropping, and mixed cropping rather than on ensuring soil fertility through manuring and mulching or the long term preservation of soil quality such as terracing. The two activities that went on unabated were tree cutting and charcoal burning. Charcoal burning in most cases was a secondary activity to the many vegetation clearance activities going on, rather than a common stand—alone practice. Hence the continued clearance for cultivation and repeated cultivation of the land especially on the slopes of Gwasi is a concern that was echoed in a number of KISABE meetings. 2. Location of homestead The use of foothills as sites for settlement and farming was characteristics of the area. Most peOple lived on the foothill and lower slopes (62.9%) rather than on hilltops (12.9%) or valley bottom (24.1%). It therefore did not arise from the reduced risk of trypanosorrriasis. Luo and Luo-Abasuba have always lived at the low-lying areas. The government restricts the people from upland areas protected as catchment areas and these areas are intact for most part except for immigrants from outside the districts especially from the Kisii, Gucha, N yamira districts. These people have continued to settle in contravention of government policy in part because of poor policy implementation procedures. By the time of the field study it eminent they were going to be ordered to leave. Frequency Percent Valid % Cumulative % Foothill 107 62.9 62.9 62.9 Valley floor 41 24.1 24.1 87.0 Hill top 22 12.9 12.9 100.0 Total 170 100.0 100.0 Table 11. Location of Homesteads The average duration of stay at any of these three homestead sites is fairly similar, the foothills lslope 24 years, hill tops 22 years and the valley floor, with the more recent locations Of homesteads 21 years. The average duration of stay in the valley floor also has a much smaller standard deviation implying that the dates of arrival are not widely Spread. A discriminant analysis to measure the relationship between duration of stay and location of home gave a eigen-value of 0.009 and a canonical correlation of 0.096. The Wilks’ Lambda Chi—square was 1.499 (d.f=2, sign. 0.473). The classification results showed that 44.8% (47% when only men were included) of original grouped. cases were correctly classified. While this was not a very strong indicator of the encroachment on vulnerable slopes, it nevertheless showed that pace of up-slope migration of residence was slow as compared to movement down the valley. The relationship between homes and grazing grounds revealed that valley floor residents use the valley for grazing 50% of the time and their compounds 20% of the time (Table 12). The hill top residents used the home compound least (16.7% of the time). They were proportionally the least users of the valley floor (42% Of the time). The foothill residents were evenly split as to where they grazed. However it was evident that most people were grazing their animals up the foothills closer to where they live rather than the traditional valley areas because of reduced communal grazing grounds. With zero grazing still poorly developed that it was used by 4.3% of the respondents. The hilltops provided the alternative grazing grounds particularly on the protected government land designated as catchment area. Count Count % Cases Valley 70 37.6 47 .6 Hilltop 77 41.4 52.4 Homestead 31 16.7 21.1 Alternative (Other) 8 4.3 5.4 TOTAL 186 100 126.6 Table 12. Where Animals graze The grazing pattern discussed so far shows the extent to which natural open grazing grounds are diminishing with the extensive cultivation on previously communal grazing grounds. This relationship is important in appreciating the dynamics of livestock keeping and constraints imposed by the changing socio-economic character of society. Again this emphasizes the finding that agriculture is dominating livestock raising in the Lambwe Valley. The next section will examine grazing patterns and the peOple’s knowledge of tsetse fly mobility. L. The Tsetse and Trypanosonriasis In chapter five an extensive assessment Of the nature of tsetse control in the Lambwe Valley was done. The field observation was designed to evaluate the local people’s understanding of the tsetse fly the disease in general. The field survey also gauged the commitment of the people towards the control or eradication of trypanosomiasis through the KISABE Tsetse Control Community-based project. Though in historical terms the tsetse 'fly is new to the Lambwe Valley, the residents have over time understood the nature and pattern of movement of the fly. They seemed to understand that the fly was active between 9am and 11am and between 4pm and 5pm which gave a window between noon and three o’clock during which they grazed and watered their animals”). This time was also ideal for any activity that required going to the wilderness. For instance water collection from the streams or springs was best done early in the morning and at mid-day. Otherwise children and adults in general were discouraged from unnecessary roaming into the thickets. 10 . . . . In some homes goats are in their pens as late as 1 pm. While tsetse fires are part of the reason goats are not taken out early to graze/browse, it is also considered economical and time saving to take them out late. 116 Informal interviews with the residents of the Gwasi area indicated that trypanosomiasis was the major livestock disease in the area. From the field survey 84% of the people cited the disease as the number one problem. This continued threat from trypanosomiasis dictated the grazing pattern in space and time. The grazing pattern Of the animals was controlled by the seasonal presence of the tsetse. Past observations by Omolo et al (1994) indicated that cattle movement during the long rains of March-May was significantly different from the movement in the dry season. While the movement was dictated by the availability of grass and water, animals that grazed in or around Nyaboro thicket in the dry season were moved elsewhere in the wet season. Similar patterns were observed for animals that normally grazed along the Park or Luwa thicket. Omollo’s study categorized the grazing patterns into four groups: i. The Gendo—Olando—Ugoro blocks; Livestock movement remained almost unchanged year—round. People from these blocks grazed mainly on the hills. In this study N yamadede and N yasoti residents also grazed their livestock on the hills. The latter were essentially located on the hills and the only time they came down into the valley the major destination was N yaboro. ii. Kigoto, Sangla and Sanjweru blocks; the residents of these blocks traditionally grazed and watered their livestock in N yaboro during the dry season. During the rains they all moved their livestock to the hills. Occasionally this group was joined herds from the Nyasoti block. This group was probably more at risk than any other outside Nyaboro. iii. Nyaboro block; Livestock in this block were the most exposed of all. They permanently grazed and watered in the valley. iv. Magunga and Pundo; While the current study did not cover Magunga, Omollo had found that this group never visited Nyaboro. The livestock in these blocks grazed and watered at Luwa thicket area - another source of tsetse during the long rains. This study found that 70% of the respondents avoided grazing their animals at least some place(s) in the course of the year. A breakdown of the places they avoid include near the National Park fence (32%), riverbanks (26.2%), bushes (24.3%), Nyaboro Thicket (22.5%), on the hills (1.9%) and Riamakanga Thicket (1%). The importance of these figures is that the Park is now one of their concerns as the source of tsetse flies. Although people still do graze and cultivate close to the Park fence, the fear of the potential tsetse bites along the fence is real. While the presence Of tsetse flies dictated the grazing pattern of the livestock, the valley residents were wary of other diseases too. According to them and the district reports other important diseases included: Tick—bome diseases (E.C.F, Red water, and Heart water), Helmenthiasis (worms), Black leg and Anthrax, Rabies, Foot and Mouth disease, New Castle, and Fowl Typhoid (Development Plan PrOposal, 1984/88)”. A ” From development reviews in the former Homa Bay District, There are indications that in the whole of Homa Bay district there were 26 Public Dips and two private dips. In the early 19903 only four dips were operational in the whole district; the two private dips and two public dips. Seventeen of the 26 clips did not 118 1993 District Veterinary Report (Table 13) shows the number of reported cases to the veterinary support staff. Many cases are said to go unreported (personal communication with Veterinary Office Magunga, 1997). DISEASE 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 E.C.F 1043 1031 743 632 474 Anaglasmosis 1279 1123 1080 987 660 Heart water 193 396 275 236 241 Babesiosis 57 52 110 116 86 TOTAL 2572 2582 2208 1971 1461 Table 13. Diseases other than trypanosomiasis (Source: DVOs Report, Leaders Conference 1993) Other diseases in order of importance were Anthrax and Foot and Mouth disease (Dholuo: ’agobadi’). Tick—borne diseases were probably the commonest in Gwasi area. However, when compared to trypanosomiasis, tick-borne diseases were much easier to control. Further, tick—borne diseases were considered low morbidity disease as animals could adapt to them. This section has presented a number of findings that addresses the research questions, in particular the question of availability of grazing grounds and the fear of the risk of trypanosomiasis over space and over seasons. These factors affect human activity and animal mobility in the area. Further, the findings reinforce the previous discussion about the emerging trend in sociO-economic organization of the people. They show that their numbers and their preferences Of economic activities direct development and also diffuse the focus on the implications of the tsetse fly control efforts. With intensified have bank accounts, only nine had. Besides the clipping rate was very low. In 1992 only 7269 were dipped (this number may have included multiple dipping for some animals). A very low rate of utilization. settlement and the diminishing fly habitat, farmers’ Opinion on the fly population is shifting. Almost 93% of them said the tsetse fly population was declining. This in effect boosted their confidence on free livestock mobility although they were still cautious of some places in the area. M. Summary This chapter has outlined findings relating to the principal research questions. In some aspects there was need to probe some issues in detail. The research questions were based on the implications of tsetse fly control in the Lambwe Valley. They were addressed as a set of emerging social, economic, and cultural response to the changing environment. The changing environment was herein presumed to be that of declining significance Of tsetse flies and trypanosomiasis in light of the suppression campaign over the years. The results show that families in the Lambwe Valley are big, at 12 people per homestead. There are clear indications that while population increase through immigration was recorded in the 19505 and 19605, the flow of immigrants slowed greatly in the early 19705. The immigrants comprised of descendants of Lambwe Valley natives and some people from other parts of the country. The findings show that both groups of immigrants have had a share of land just as the natives; several plots fragmented in various parts of the area had medium herds of animals per household, which, by the standards of the valleys, are considered to smaller, that were previously. Though they may be perceived as larger than the carrying capacity of the area, they still survive because of some level of communal grazing that is practiced in this area. Part of the reasons for the decreasing stock sizes was the expanding agricultural land for crops. It was established that while tsetse fly control is intended to make the environment habitable for livestock, consequently increasing the number of animals, in the Lambwe Valley results indicated that as the environment got better for livestock, their number was decreasing. In contrast, crOp farming expanded, which in turn diminished the amount of grazing grounds in the area (Photo 19). However as crOp farming expanded there was a parallel increase in the use of draft animals. The use of animal drawn plough instead of the hoe had led to more land under crops and few but healthier animals raised per homestead. There are a number of farm management practices in the Gwasi area. While the purpose for some was to enhance production in the short term, clearly some served to maintain a high soil fertility and minimum environmental degradation. It can be said therefore that the increase in population and expanded agriculture had, not shown any indications of any environment that is under stress. However, the fact that some respondents indicted that they had erosion surfaces 0 their farms, it can be argued that the levels Of degradation have not reached any advanced stage to blame it on people and their activities. This was also confirmed by personal visits to farms in Gwasi. Photo 13. Cattle. 122 Photo 15. Draft Power. Draft power is increasingly popular in tilling the land and weeding the crops. 123 Photo 17. Livestock market, Magunga. 124 Photo 18. A maize plot affected by insufficient fann labor. While the whole maize field was planted at the same time it was not weeded timely and the impact is realized on stunted maize plants on the left. Photo 19. Crop cultivation. Crop cultivation had expanded in the valley. 125 CHAPTER VH CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE OF THE RESEARCH A. Introduction This chapter presents the conclusions and the relevance of the research findings and directions for future research. To recap this study was designed to answer specific research questions on the implications of tsetse fly control on human population, land ownership, farming systems and implications of these on the environment. This dissertation was seeking to explain the reduced threat Of trypanosomiasis and implications thereof through identification Of the key driving forces that contributed to the improved situation (Figure 5). The external and local forces were considered significance in altering people’s response to the changing physical and social environment over time. However their role was interacting rather than acting independently over space and time to create conditions in which trypanosomiasis had become a less serious problem in the Lambwe valley. External driving forces included government policy towards tsetse control and to settlement; scientific approaches to tsetse control and suppression, national rural development policy that resulted in road—building and greater market access and economic policy that fostered cash cropping. Locally important driving forces included population growth, a more settled rather than migratory system of livestock production and increased cultivation that ultimately led to farming becoming the dominant livelihood system replacing livestock production. From the findings the following conclusions can be drawn. 126 B. Human Population Movement The study sought to identify the connection between the human population change and tsetse fly control in the Lambwe Valley. The field survey focused on the patterns of human migration and land ownership as indicators of implication Of tsetse fly control. Both immigration and emigration were assessed in relation to the changing conditions in the valley. Other measures included duration of stay, and whether or not immigrants had any other reason to be in the Lambwe Valley. There were two groups of immigrants namely the returning natives and/or their descendants and the ’new’ immigrants. 1. The Lambwe Natives While trypanosomiasis was described as a new disease in the Lambwe Valley, its impact was enormous. Historical profiles have shown that there was frequent emigration from the valley to Nam and some times to places far beyond. Two key Observations about natives can be made. First, there seemed to be two eras characterizing their movement. The first era ended in the early 19605. During this era most people were involved in a cyclic movement to and from the valley. This movement was probably more pronounced between the valley and Nam. The migration was dictated by a combination Of factors including tsetse flies and water. While most migrants and/or their descendants came back into the valley, they only settled permanently if no further trypanosomiasis epidemic and drought or general lack of water for livestock and domestic usage threatened their existence in the valley. The perception of a threat however, seemed to vary among the returning natives. Although the return peaked in the 1960’s to early 1970s, it was still 127 underway especially in the N yaboro area of Gwasi. 2. The ’New’ immigrants This group comprised of new settlers and descendants of people who previously left the valley. Most moved into the Lambwe Valley due to the push factors in areas of origin rather than a believe that trypanosomiasis in Lambwe Valley was suppressed through tsetse control campaigns. However the initial major contingency of the immigrants were the new settlers introduced here through the Olambwe Valley Settlement Scheme in the 19505 to early 19605. The introduction of a settlement scheme as part of the ALDEV was based on the fact that this was, to a large extent ’empty land’, with very few permanent residents. The area could be used to ease population pressure in some densely populated areas of Nyanza and Western Provinces. However it is noteworthy that by the time of the scheme it was already established that there were tsetse flies in the Lambwe Valley (Lewis, 1936). According to the Land Commission, the objective for the scheme was twofold. First, introduce new settlement. Second, to use the settlement scheme as a means to eradicate tsetse flies through habitat destruction and later insecticide spraying. In the 19605 to 1970s following the settlement scheme, new settlers continued to come on their own. These people bought land from the natives and/or from earlier settlers of the Olambwe Scheme. Their reason for coming was in search of land and not that were motivated by the reduced risk of trypanosomiasis. In fact the peak of their immigration coincided with periods Of serious trypanosomiasis outbreaks. Records from Homa Bay District Hospital indicated that most human sleeping sickness cases were in deed high during the 19605 to 19705. At the same time government records, as documented in chapter five, show patchy ad hoc responses to trypanosomiasis epidemics through 128 occasional bush clearance or insecticide Spraying (Appendix III). It can be argued that the presence of a tsetse control campaign may have been more important than its actual results in people’s minds. The immigration and subsequent expansion of cultivation had the indirect effect of suppressing tsetse through habitat destruction. Ironically reduced tsetse habitat may have been more the outcome of indirect suppression than direct effects of tsetse control measures. However, people’s perception Of the effectiveness of control measures encouraged permanent settlement that ultimately resulted in the outcome desired by both the tsetse control organizations and local people. In the 19805 to the 19905, it appeared as though the number of cases of human sleeping sickness drOpped considerably. N agana cases were relatively fewer too. This could imply a suppression of the disease and/or that of the tsetse fly population. It can be concluded that with human population increased the presence of tsetse flies notwithstanding. C. Land Ownership One immediate impact of the demographic shifts was evident on land ownership. Because of the increasing population immigrations and continued partitioning of land parcels, land fragmentation became a common characteristic in the Lambwe Valley. The findings have indicated that the average number of plots per homestead was three. The modes of acquisition show that most people had inherited their ancestral land. However there were also those that had acquired some of these plots through buying and/or self- acquisition on uncontested land. Though the natives tended to have more land parcels, the immigrants had substantial amounts too. The pattern of land ownership may appear to reinforce the fact that there was an abundance of land in the valley. But it is also true 129 that land in the valley was not adjudicated and the number of land parcels only points to land fragmentation rather than large amounts of land. As more and more people moved into the valley, and the valley population itself continued to grow, settlement distribution within the valley started to change and in some cases this did make land fragmentation WOISB. D. Homestead Locations From the findings it was observed that most homesteads were traditionally located at the foothills. The study has shown that going by the duration of stay at given locations within the valley, there was increasing thrust of new homesteads progressively towards the valley floor, which was previously known and feared for tsetse flies. To some extent this may be attributed to the reduced risk from trypanosomiasis, especially to humans, that led to more settlement in previously tsetse-infested areas and in some cases very close to the park. E. Farming Systems Farming systems were assessed against the background of tsetse fly control. Therefore there was need to understand the pre-existin g farming systems to compare that with what was current. 1. Pre-existing land use systems Prior to tsetse fly control campaigns, the farming systems in the Lambwe Valley could be described as predominantly subsistence farming with an emphasis on livestock keeping. The variety of crops and animals raised remained more or less the same; there were a few additions especially among crops grown. 130 Although livestock played a key role in social, cultural and economic lifestyles of the people, it continued to suffer from periodic infections. Natives took precautions against infection by avoiding heavily tsetse fly infested thickets especially during the rainy season when the tsetse fly population increased. A5 a security measure, natives kept large herds. Crop farming was mainly that of subsistence varieties such as millet and vegetables. The farming technology was limited to the crude hand hoe. There was therefore a greater reliance on livestock than on crop cultivation. 2. After and during tsetse fly control campaign Overall, two things happened over the period of the tsetse fly control campaign: Tsetse control accelerated cultivation and that resulted in a decline in the number of animals. 2.1 Agricultural expansion Several factors explain why crop farmin g was expanding. First there were more crops introduced in the valley such as maize and sunflower. Maize particularly important as it was adopted as a staple food crop and a commercial crop. Sunflower was primarily a commercial crop. Second there was seen to be an increase in the use of draft animals. Draft animals became a new taming technology in the Lambwe Valley when it was introduced by Chief Kasuku but became even more effective as animal health was improving. The use Of draft animals helped expand cultivation as the draft animals effectively did most ploughing and weeding. For most farmers this improved their ability to plant, weed and harvest more than they could previously with the hand hoe. This helped expand the acreage under crops. Third with improved livestock health was the opportunity to keep animals such as the donkey]. The donkey had a special niche in the local political economy. The increase in the number of donkeys alleviated transportation of farm products to the market place. The decline in trypanosomiasis coincided with the rapid expansion of markets in the 19705. The markets provided profitable outlets for farm produce, allowing farmers to invest in animal traction and the donkeys as beasts of burden. This period witnessed an increase in the number of donkeys. On average there was a donkey in every homestead. Agricultural expansion in the Lambwe Valley had also benefited from a number of other factors that were considered in the field survey. These factors included the availability of land on which cultivation could be expanded. Though it was difficult to get the exact acreage of land farmers owned, it was apparent they owned land, some of which was still fallow, unused wilderness. This land was a frontier for new agricultural expansion. Most farmers who did not own draft animals rented some while some farmers hired labor for their farm work. In effect, they were able to expand their cultivation so long as they could afford to hire labor and the services of draft animals. For most farmers this was met by the crop commercialization. It is therefore relevant to conclude that while tsetse fly control facilitated the expansion of cultivation other socio-economic factors helped effect the change in farming system. Gwasi residents argued that trypanosomiasis was the most important constraint particularly on livestock raising. In almost a unanimous response they thought that what was needed in Lambwe Valley was development and fOr most farmers development was l Donkeys are traditionally very susceptible to tsetse fly bites. The increasing number of donkeys is yet another indication of the declining infection rates in the Lambwe Valley 132 synonymous with agricultural expansion. Its control would most likely lead to strong agricultural expansion. 2.2 Livestock Findings indicate that there were more animals in the Lambwe Valley in the past than in the post tsetse controlled times. Contrary to the notion that tsetse fly control was meant to make the environment habitable for livestock, the control campaign in the Lambwe Valley led to a decline in livestock population. The actual individual responses indicated that there were few animals raised per homestead in the valley at the time of the survey than before the tsetse control program. Residents believed the total number of animals in the area was higher than it was five to ten years ago. While this was difficult to establish without records, there were two possible explanations to their response. There were more homesteads in the valley than before, hence a presumed higher number of herds. Second, there was a perceived sense of reduced trypanosomiasis, and a higher survival rate. However, within each homestead there was clearly an indication that the number of animals was getting smaller but healthier2- In summary the accelerated cultivation is fundamentally induced by two key factors. First, the increased demand for cash and the desire for quick return to labor from cultivation. Therefore the increasing need for commercialization of farm produce and products was in itself an economic incentive that has been made possible by the circumstances surrounding the tsetse fly control campaign. Second, fewer people were motivated to raise livestock because of limited grazing grounds despite fewer incidences of trypanosomiasis. It can therefore be argued that tsetse fly control had facilitated significant change in farming systems. F. Environmental Implications The second set of research questions addressed the implications of tsetse fly control on the physical environment. These included changes in land cover types and the farm management systems that could signal anticipated improved/worsened quality of the environment. In particular, the assessment on the extent to which the natural environment had been modified and whether the existing land use practices were safeguarding the quality of the environment particularly the soils and the vegetation. 1. Land Degradation The research general proposition was that that increased human and livestock populations could stress the physical environment leading to soil and vegetation degradation. While findings from the field survey show that human population continued to grow, cattle population was on the decline. However crop cultivation was on the rise. Respondents from this study and findings from previous studies by ICIPE scientists agree that the quality of land was diminishing with time as evidenced from the declining crop yields. Though land availability was not constraining yet, farm practices such as double cropping, inter—cropping, and mixed cropping were becoming popular with many residents. The popularity of these practices is explained by two factors. First was the maximization Of land utilization and output. Second they signaled that expansion 2 Government records on livestock census may not necessarily be accurate either. Mwenda (1985), Peden (1984) and Ecosystems (KREMU) (1983), all found that government livestock census (Kenya, Ministry of Finance and Planning Development Plans) always gave higher estimates of livestock numbers than the actual field counts. 134 of land for cultivation was not indefinite. There was so much land at the disposal of the farmers. For some this limit was being realized resulting to soil exhaustion. In some blocks the vegetation clearance did not correlate with the population density. For instance Gendo and Nyaboro were previously sparsely settled but they were experiencing the highest rate of vegetation clearance. However similar findings have been noted in other studies. Bourne and Wilson (1997) and 0100 (1997) showed strong changes in land cover on Galana Ranch and Nguruman, between the 1950’s and 1980’s, but these changes appeared to be caused by changes in other factors, not by trypanosomiasis control. And in both cases agriculture and human populations had expanded in a few years despite continued presence of tsetse. The conclusion from this assessment is that as people settle and more land come under cultivation, inevitably the natural vegetation will diminish. It can be said is that the vegetation had been destroyed. In a sense it is safe to say that the current changes portray environmental alteration. What cannot be said with certainty is whether this is tantamount to environmental degradation. G. Summary From the conclusions reached, an important finding in this study was that tsetse fly control did not lead to an increased livestock population. In many studies the focus tends to be on what happens to the livestock since they epitomize the seriousness of the effect of tsetse fly presence in an area. That in this case the implications are a reverse of the presumed norm stands out in contrast to the hypothesis that tsetse fly control will lead to more livestock. The findings of this study have shown that tsetse fly control was the result of the resettlement process itself rather than a systematic application of insecticide, tsetse fly trapping, or wildlife elimination. It was the destruction of the tsetse fly habitat through settlement and clearance for cultivation that had contributed to the reduced incidence of trypanosorrriasis. What happened was in essence a simultaneous settlement and vegetation clearance (habitat destruction). It can therefore be described as a spontaneous cause—and-effect rather than a sequential chain of events. There were a number of factors that either strengthen or weaken the link between tsetse fly control and agricultural expansion through cultivation and livestock keeping. These factors were in operation in different degrees in different locations. Even at a very local scale, as was at the block level in Gwasi, implications varied over space. My conclusions in this case study illustrate the reason why many case studies have had contradicting results. It may therefore be important to redefine the concept of tsetse fly control and what its implications. The events surrounding the management of the wildlife cannot be understated. For the Lambwe Valley the fencing of the park separated the rest of the environment on which people and their livestock interacted from that of the high concentration Of tsetse flies and wildlife, the park. This benefited farmers in that it minimized the contacts between the fly and humans and domestic animal. Ultimately that reduced the human sleeping sickness to almost zero. The ultimate control of trypanosomiasis will be the elimination of the tsetse flies and/or the wildlife (the park). As long as the park is in the proximity of the community trypanosomiasis will remain an endemic disease in the Lambwe Valley. H. The relevance of the research This study challenged the notion that once tsetse flies were controlled people and their livestock flock to the new tsetse free environment and that this can be so spontaneous that it can ultimately degrade the environment. The postulate was challenged through the adoption of the Regional Political Ecology (RPE) perspective. RPE recognizes that specific local environmental problems are best examined based on possibilities and constraints as presented by the social, cultural, political, economic and environmental factors (Campbell and Olson, 1991). What the findings and conclusions of this study have presented is a critical assessment of events in the Lambwe Valley. These findings and conclusions can be related to other areas of similar physical and socio-economic settings at the local or regional level. The following lessons can therefore be drawn from the findings in a RPE perspective. 1. The Cultural practices In many tsetse fly infested areas, cultural practices determine the extent to which peOple will use livestock or expand their cropping enterprises. In the Lambwe Valley the residents were traditionally agro—pastoralists who did not have a strong tradition of crop farming. With the changing challenges on the economic and social fronts such as a need for children’s school fees and the desire for smaller families, the dynamics of livelihood systems changed and had an impact on the environment through new land uses which included expanded agriculture. Although the disease declined, herd sizes decreased too. At the same time the need for smaller animals such as sheep and goats important in ceremonies were losing their cultural value in society. This was contrary to the guiding thesis that tsetse fly control is meant to improve the raising of livestock through improved health and productivity. Another dimension Of the culture—political interaction is that of the natives’ cyclic migration between the Lambwe Valley and Nam (or beyond). For them reasons to leave were not simply related to tsetse infestation or its control. The overriding reason was the need to return to their ancestral land. That their ancestral land was set aside and recognized by those at the valley during those periods of their absence, showed a clear cultural power balance in the ownership or right and access to land by members Of the community. Because of a tenure system that recognized and respected absentee landowners, the Lambwe valley was not going to experience unnecessary or artificial land pressure. It has been established that in deed besides the introduction of the Olambwe Settlement Scheme, which was a national policy issue, social, cultural and economic dynamics regulated the flow of imrrrigrants in the Lambwe Valley. This is what is portrayed in figure 5. 2. Social Dimensions and Political Influences What the study has established is a connection between the pOpulation and tsetse fly control. The actual tsetse fly control campaign as documented in chapter five clearly shows a system of control that was ad hoc, with no consistency and no measurable results. It was rather a ’first aid’ response to a crisis or epidemic. Therefore, while there was population increase in the valley in general there was no outright connection between the increased population and decreasing tsetse fly threat from any formally, organized control campaign. The principal reasons for population increase were the natural increase, the returning natives and or their descendants, and the introduction of a settlement scheme initiated by the government. The lesson from this experience is how interwoven these processes can be, almost overshadowing the actual implication of the sum effect rather than a mono dimensional explanation of why people moved into the valley. The findings show that population increases was noticeable as early as the 19403. The population census of 1948 to the 19603 indicated a fast and steady population increase amid reports of tsetse and trypanosorrriasis increase. In 1963 there were indications of a dramatic population increase from the previous year in previously uninhabited areas on the floor of the valley near the Olambwe River. For instance figures show that Gwasi location had the highest population increase throughout the period up tO 1979. With population increase was a decrease in trypanosomiasis. What this study therefore presents is that besides trypanosomiasis other factors equally or overly influence human movement, settlement and land use activities. These factors included population pressure in other regions; change of land holding policies such as land adjudication, cultural attachment to ancestral land, and economic pressure necessitating expanded crop cultivation in previously tsetse-infested areas. In different combinations they played a role in explaining why people continued to flow into the Lambwe Valley even from early times of reported serious trypanosomiasis epidemics. 3. The Environment The sheer increase in human population would cause intensification of land use. In fact the double cropping, mixed cropping and other forms Of farm practices in the Lambwe Valley are all forms of intensification in land use. However, there are studies that have proved that degradation can occur during periods of population decline too (Olson, 1994) or land quality even get better with more people (English and Moltmore, 1994). Ehrlich and Ehrlich (1971) have argued about the notion of pOpulation and that overpopulation is signaled by land degradation. The problem of overpopulation may not 139 necessarily arise because by holding it implies that there is a carrying capacity — or a threshold —- to determine this. Carrying Capacity in a way also implies that the land fails to produce to satisfy people, that people undergo malnutrition, resulting to mortality or some Malthusian check. But technology has advanced since Malthus. In the Lambwe Valley there are alternative farming technologies with the changing sociO-economic conditions under which its residents live. The introduction of the plough had two impacts: the keeping fewer but healthier animals and expanding agricultural production. It is therefore too general to assume that more people and or land use intensification was signal land degradation in the Lambwe Valley. 4. Government Policy The other aspect of human migration is the fact that as early as 1954 it was clear to the government that while there were tsetse flies in the area the land was not "free" or 'empty’. It belonged to natives of the area. This was yet another of those cultural and political conflicts of interest. The government clearly understood the fact that the Lambwe Valley had its rightful residents long before the park and the settlement scheme. Accounts like that of Lewis (1936) in the Entebbe EATTRO conference, where he stressed that natives of the Lambwe had a “...strong desire ...to return to the area” are testimonial. This was further proven when the government met with resistance on the proposal to consider non-Luos/Abasuba, especially the Maragoli-Banyore of North Kavirondo, as settlers. People's way of life continued to signal to the government on the policy-culture clashes. When the settlement scheme was set up, some settlers were reluctant to move in. In some incidences those who moved in left for reasons other than tsetse flies. First there was no real pressure on land from where they came from. They left Olambwe Scheme to 140 go back to their home areas to which they felt attached to, socially and culturally. For potential immigrants who cherished livestock keeping the government restriction on the ownership of livestock in the Lambwe Valley discouraged them from staying. Restriction on livestock on the part of government was against the will of the people. In the late 19605 the government, in efforts to preserve the environment, delineated hilltops and some of the steep slopes along the valley and labeled them catchment areas. What these programs did was to diminish further the available land to the community of the Lambwe Valley residents. In a sense it created an artificial pressure on land. These land policy issues will potentially have lasting impressions on land in the periphery of the park. When a rural community or any community objecting to a government policy is not necessarily mean the community is right and the government is wrong. Their rightful standard can only be seen in the context of gains and loses. The long—term benefit should be weighed. A number of issues go against some of the policies in place. First, an assessment of the implications of tsetse control should address the regional factors rather than the national interests that often leave the local people to learn to adjust to the new settings imposed by the government. For instance the concept of a watershed protection was good for the future, the local people felt for most part as an effort by the government to take away their land. The exotic forests on Kanyamwa escarpment became new habitats for Glossina pallidipe as evident in the Districts Reports of the 19805. The local people therefore were rightfully dissatisfied with these national projects that ultimately were perceived to harm rather than help them. 141 Tsetse flies continue to thrive in the park. Indeed continued campaigns especially in 19805 were indicative of the magnitude of the problem. Though the government got involved, the effort was nonedirectional and the problem was not resolved. Tsetse flies may have had a reduced habitat but their numbers did not subside given the presence of the park and the wildlife. Other external influences in suppressing trypanosomiasis included the involvement of Walter Reed Foundation3 project for the treatment of trypanosomiasis at Magunga. This project, in the eyes of the local people, was the solution to the human sleeping sickness. However from field surveys it was much later after the project wound up that residents learned that it was a learning institute by the USA Army. The treatment they offered was limited and most of the cases re-occurred, as there was no vaccine4. (Appendix IV). The critical lessons are that these findings can apply anywhere in Africa where conditions are similar as those of the Lambwe Valley. A number of points have been raised in this section. The critical point to observation are that culture is important and that it dictates a number Of factors surrounding what is regarded as the implications of tsetse fly control. Land use activities can change with time adapting to new cultural needs of society. Politics and policies have a limit on directing land use, human settlement, and even tsetse fly control campaigns. Whenever the local people are not involved in the decision making process, any conclusions about the implications of a control campaign should be re-evaluated. 3 This project was coordinated by the Walter Leed Center, Washington DC, a USA army research group. 4 . . . . . . There rs Still no vaccrne for trypanosomrasrs 1n the world. 142 I. Suggestions for Future Research The findings of this study suggest several potential areas for future research that extend both into questions of tsetse fly control and questions of the implications thereof. 1. Questions on tsetse fly control To a greater extent tsetse fly control in the Lambwe Valley was the result of the resettlement of the valley, hence the destruction of the tsetse habitat. Given that in a few years most of the bushes and thickets outside the park will be cleared to give way to the expanding agriculture, the park will be the prime source of the flies. This was established from the fact that there was a distance-decay from park with regard to the number of trypanosomiasis incidences. While some people (Jordan, 1984) have argued about flies becoming pen—domestic in agricultural areas, evidence from Oyugis and Kucha show that trypanosomiasis is not enderrric since fly habitats and wildlife were cleared. The park is going to remain the big challenge for the community in the vicinity of the park. This reality is surfacing at the time that government involvement in tsetse fly control had reduced to almost nil. What people have tried to do is re—organize themselves into tsetse fly control groups such as the KISABE of Gwasi and the Women Groups in Nyadenda. As of now a buffer zone along the park perimeter may be necessary to keep flies from crossing over to residential and cultivated areas. This will also make it easy for the tsetse control groups to place traps and targets without necessarily getting into the thicket(s) in the park. An interesting research area will be the Community—based tsetse fly control group and the feasibility of their success in stemming the frequent trypanosomiasis epidemics. A Cost—Benefit Analysis for such groups will help point out whether the new community-based tsetse fly control is worthwhile. As was the case during this study, the community did not have rights to enter the park. In a way, this also resulted in a poor relationship between the people and the government through the Kenya Wildlife Services. One other research area is the feasibility of a community—based park management as is the case in Zambia and the CAMPFIRE in Zimbabwe, What this will do is to bring the people and the park closer, not only in tackling the tsetse fly problem but the protection and prosperity of the park. This will also greatly improve the tsetse fly control efforts. 2. The Implications of Tsetse Fly Control The implications of tsetse fly control have been redefined in this study. A research question that can be followed further is to have a scenario where documented histories can closely assess the change in agricultural productivity. However, such a study will best be done with a control study site. In this study that was not possible and so mine was a longitudinal study. Change in productivity will not only illuminate on the significance of control but whether the cost to control is worth the returns to investment on control in the long run. The only shortfall to the approach in the Lambwe Valley is that trypanosomiasis may remain endemic. And so it will be assessing the benefits of continued treatment for trypanosomiasis verses the gains made by keeping livestock in this environment. 144 Appendix I. Mean and Annual Rainfall for Lambwe Valley YEAR JAN FEB MAR APR MAY JUN JUL AUG SEPT OCT NOV DEC TOTAL 1970 175 50 170 215 244 43 43 198 67 94 64 118 1481 1971 74 4 68 307 66 82 117 148 157 73 117 121 1334 1972 57 87 95 142 243 146 14 67 99 114 258 66 1388 1973 79 42 23 215 158 3 3 122 100 104 155 17 1021 1974 6 31 175 214 233 73 160 61 79 108 85 97 1322 1975 28 53 198 202 171 112 135 65 194 116 46 52 1372 1976 43 77 40 219 181 81 54 97 113 58 105 45 1113 1977 61 63 108 279 115 123 41 73 66 119 220 55 1323 1978 209 103 189 149 123 33 33 102 74 15 58 84 1172 1979 76 120 76 171 134 54 21 121 65 63 103 188 1192 1980 32 35 49 179 283 8 10 129 62 106 106 100 1099 1981 32 43 141 133 105 58 96 49 118 155 115 35 1080 1982 82 39 91 177 228 394 44 17 47 240 173 40 1572 1983 7 13 90 180 168 70 48 41 180 104 128 51 1080 1984 38 65 53 274 100 44 43 132 64 116 125 34 1088 1985 94 38 296 294 204 80 103 93 85 12 37 66 1402 1986 47 19 168 232 99 109 — 50 82 143 85 133 493 1987 97 78 152 16 15 78 10 76 94 198 20 42 876 1988 105 39 190 426 440 25 138 105 136 202 114 94 2014 1989 16 115 156 238 157 32 42 87 174 151 195 137 1500 1990 37 107 242 358 135 21 18 69 81 115 70 98 1351 1991 80 3O 84 24 283 27 52 89 47 147 71 19 953 1992 56 49 69 150 230 84 80 59 134 160 70 147 1288 1993 122 103 38 134 161 69 - 157 121 69 97 83 527 1994 19 54 211 232 160 56 121 — — - - - 853 145 Appendix H. Survey Questionnaire HOMESTEAD SURVEY ON TSETSE AND LAND USE LAMBWE VALLEY Enumerator # Questionnaire # Date Start End Location Sub—location Village Block (Block: 01 Senjweru 02 Gendo O3 Ugoro 04 Olando 05 Pundo 06 Kigoto 07Sang1a 08Nyamadede 09Rwala lOSeka llNyasoti 12Nyaboro 130ma 14Wiga 15Magunga) 1. PERSONAL INFORMATION A. Head of the homestead: 1. Age years (When were you born? ) 2. Sex: 01. Male 02. Female 3. If the answer to question 2 is 01 (male): State number of wives: 4. If the answer to question 2 is 02 (female): 15 husband alive? 01 —Yes 02—No 03 Never married 5. Education level: 01.None 02.Primary 03.Secondary 04.Post Secondary 6. Main occupation: 01 Farmer 02 Fisherman 03 Trader 04 Craft-man/woman 05 Other (specify) B. Other members: 7. For each category below indicate the number of people ( _E_XC_1fl§ married daughters) 146 Wives/co-wives Sons Daughters/daughters in- Grandchildren law # Age # Age # Age # Age 8. How many married sons live in this homestead? II. SETTLEMENT A. SETTLEMENT, TENURE, AND MIGRATION 9. Note the location of the homestead: 01 Down the Valley 02 On the slope 03 Up the hill 10. When did you start to live at this site? 19 _ __ (Indicate number ofyears ifthat is easy) . 11. Were you born here in Lambwe Valley or did you migrate from elsewhere“? 01 Born here 02 Migrated here from in 19__ 12. If the answer to #12 is 02, what were the reason(s) to leave your previous home area? (Do not direct the respondent, only Circle the one(s) he/she tells you ) 13. During your stay here, have you ever moved out with your entire family? 01 Yes 02 No. 14. If the answer to #13 is Yes, what were the reason(s)? 15. If there are more than one reason for question 14, which of the reasons was the most important one(s)? l. 2. ood in recent years? 16. Do you know of any new immigrant family in your immediate neighborh 01 Yes 02 No 147 17. If the answer to # 18 is Yes, where did the family come from? 01 Within Lambwe Valley 02 From outside Lambwe Valley 03 I do not know B. FARM AND LAND TENURE 18. How many land holdings or land parcels do you have? 19. If more than one, how did you acquire them? 01 Inherited 02 Bought by self 03 Bought by son(s) 04 Gift 05 Other 20. What is the total size of your land? acres/hectares. (Use the intervals below ONLY IF 21. 23. respondent cannot tell accurately) 01 <5 02 5-10 03 10-15 04>20 acres DO you own any land in Nyaboro thicket? 01 Yes 02 No 22. If Yes, what do you plan to use it for in the near future? Explanation. .. Do you consider the amount of land you presently own sufficient for your crop farming and llvestock keeping? 01 Yes 02 No ' 9 24. If the answer to # 25 is No, what do you plan to do about it. . . 01 Buy more land 02 Practice intensive farming 03 Subderde the land 04 Cultivate more land 05 Lease land . . 06lSeek erlngloyment 07 Decrease herd size 08 Other - (specrfy) (Circle all tzat app y 111. LAND USE A. LIVESTOCK Let me ask you a few questions on land use. We’ll start with llvestock. 27. Do you keep some livestock including cattle ? 01 YES 02 NO 148 28. If No, have you had some in the past? 01 YES 02 NO (IF the answers to questions 26 and 27 are NO, then SKIP the section, otherwise proceed) 2 . \0 Where are your main grazing grounds? 01 Down the valley 02 On the hill(s) 03 Within the homestead 04 Other 30. Are there places you avoid grazing your animals some times of the day or year because of tsetse files? 01 Yes 02 No 31. If Yes, please explain. 3 1° How many animals can you presently keep on your own pasture/land? 33. Do you have more or less land for you animals now than you had 10—15 years ago? 01 Less 02 More 03 The same 34. Do you plan to increase or decrease the amount of land for animal grazing? 01 Decrease 02 Increase 03 Keep the same In your opinion are there more or less animals in this area than was the case 10-15 years ago? 01 More 02 Less 03 About the same number 3 .U‘ . . . . . 9 36. In your own opinion, do you think the communal grazrng grounds are shrinking or remaining the same. 01 Shrinking 02 Increasing 03 The same 37. If they are shrinking (01), what can you attribute this change to? Explanation... 38. DO you have more or fewer animals now than you had 10-15 years ago? 01 More 02 Fewer 39. Explain the reason(s) for the change in animal numbers - 9 40. Do you plan to further Increase or decrease your stock. 02 Decrease 03 Keep the same 01 Increase (Note the explanation for any answer given) 41. Indicate the numbers of each of the animals listed below: 149 Cows for Oxen for Milk cow Ask the next two questions if the respondent indicated lie/she has draught and or milk cows 42. Do you consume or sell your milk? 01 Consume 02 Sell to neighbors 03 Sell at the market 04 All apply 43. Are your draught animals sometimes hired to work on someone’s plot? 01 Yes 02 No 44. What can you attribute the change in numbers to #41 B. CROP PRODUCTION Lets now talk about crop production 45. Which crops did you grow last year? List them: 46. Do you plan to have the same, more, or less land under crop this year? 01 More 02 Less 03 Same amount 47. Do you practice the following on you farm? (Indicate with Y/N ) rotation Mixed Fallo Pesticide/herbicides T . M 1 Using animal droppings to crop farming 150 48. If you practice fallowing , has the amount of land area under fallow changed in the recent years? 01 Decreased 02 Increased 03 Remained the same 04 Does not apply 49. On average, is it fair to say that there is an increase in crop production in this homestead over the last ten years? 01 Yes 02 No 50. If Yes, what are the important reasons, for increased crop production? 51. If No, why have you not increased crop production? Explanation... 52. Which crops have you added to your crop farming in the last 15 years? List... 53. Name any crops you have ceased growing to date. List... 54. For how long have you used animals for weeding, if at all? years. ( lfnot CROSS) 55. Do you hire labor for your farm? 01 Yes 02 No 56. If Yes, for what? 01 Land preparation 02 Weeding 03 Harvesting 04 For grazing 05 All (circle appropriately) IV. ALTERNATIVES TO AGRICULTURE Besides farming, I want to ask you on other sources of income for the homestead. . V ' ‘ I7 57. Have you or any member of this homestead ever worked to earn an income outsrde farming. 01 Yes 02 No 58. If Yes, check appropriately: 151 59. 60. 62. 63. 64. Activity Head Wife (wives) Son Daughter Work in town Duka/Kiosk Sell food Sell firewood (Sell charcoal) Sell fish Work on someone’s farm (hired labor) Sell handicrafts Other (specify) Where is non-farm income most useful? Explanation... V. VEGETATION Has the amount of woodland on your farm changed in the last 10-15 years? 01 Yes 02 No 61. If yes, what has caused this? 01 Clearing for cultivation 04 Wood needed for charcoal 02 Clearing for tsetse flies 05 Wood for firewood 03 Clearing for grazing 06 Wood for building 07 Other (specify)___ Please indicate whether you do the following: YES NO Plant trees Burn Charcoal Buy trees Sell trees ' - 9 Are there some open erosron surfaces on your fat m. 01 Yes 02 No VI. TSETSE FLIES ou questions specifically related to tsetse flies and trypanosomrasrs. I will now ask y problem in this homestead? 03 Both 04 None Which is the most common tsetse-related 01 Nagana 02 Sleeping Sickness 152 65. If 01, how do you protect or treat your animals against tsetse flies? Explanation. . . 66. If 02, explain the seriousness of the disease in this homestead. 67. If 04, have you had tsetse fly-related problems in the past? 01 Yes 02 No 68. If Yes, explain... 69. What are the traditional coping methods against tsetse flies in this area? [Either list the methods or write down the explanation:] 70. Do you in any way participate in tsetse control 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 01 Yes — I am a member of the block committee 02 Yes -- A member of this homestead belongs to the block committee 03 Yes - we make personal traps 04 No 05 Other (specify) In your own view, what do you consider as successes and failures of the historical tsetse control campaigns in Lambwe Valley? Success ----- Failures---- Do you think the tsetse population is declining, increasing or remaining the same in this area? 01 Declining 02 Increasing 03 Remaining the same 04 Can’t tell How many sleeping sickness epidemics have you Witnessed in your stay in this area. . ' ' I) When was the last time a member of your household suffered from sleeping Sickness. 19 ‘ What could you do differently if the fear of the tsetse and or trypanosomiasis was eradicated from this area? . ,. ' " ities? In what ways have past and present tsetse control campaigns affected you farming 30“" Comments. . . 153 7 7 8 8 . \1 9° 0. ,_. N . What do you consider as a likely future of the tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis control/eradication in this area? In your opinion, is tsetse fly the most pressing problem among pests and diseases? 01 Yes 02 No. 79. If No, which one(s) are they? List. . .. What factors do you consider as more or equally important in development in this area? Factors. . . . If the current spending (energy, money and time) on tsetse fly was diverted to something else, what could you suggest in terms of improving the environment? Explanation. IF the respondent is a MALE, ask this last question. Otherwise go to the end and thank your respondent. Finally, if you can still remember, about how many heads of cattle did your father own? 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C.‘.&Mf““mt&. '''''''''' o-oooouoovuooovo ....... .oo. . r .o' .............. o. 0.... co... ooooooooooooooooo o ooooooooooooooooooooooooo ............. oooooooolaa00900.00...060......OIIUDO‘DonoouolbsootOQIQOOQ . ooooooooooooooooooooooo O ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo Investigations Bonanm. Mmealm 'ng PCifEIfl ..NQ....LM6VQ/$.. ..fieW ..... .; 5L.L£$\:S..Q3Q¥g{1..f§§43....ngfgvgfiz..‘5gee.n:+w........ ......... ::: Provisional Diagnoeis: Trypanosdmiasis...q ...... .. ....... . ................ Refiered To: Alupe Human African Trypanosomiasis Treatment Center DeSiEEation: ........... ‘ ...... O Q O O O 3 O 0000000000000 159 Bibliographic References: Anderson, D. 1984. Depression, Dust Bowl, Demography, and Drought: The Colonial State and Soil Conservation in East Africa during the 19303. African Affairs 83 (332): 321-343. Anderson, D., and R. Grove, eds. 1987. Conservation in Africa: People, Policies, and Practice. 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