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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Community Dependency Syndrome:

The Case of Benton Harbor, MI

presented by

LaTonyia U. Wade

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Dr. George Rowan
Major professor
5-11—01

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Community Dependency Syndrome
The Case of Benton Harbor, Michigan

By

LaTonyia U. Wade

AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

Master of Science

Department of Resource Development
2001

Professor George T. Rowan

ABSTRACT

Community Dependency Syndrome
The Case of Benton Harbor, Michigan

by
LaTonyia U. Wade

Over the past two decades, no community studies have been conducted on local
residents’ perceptions of dependence as focal points of the study. The purpose of this
research was to assess whether govemmental funding produced a dependent relationship
upon legislative aid in Urban Core cities.

Thus, an examination and evaluation of local political and community practices
were researched. Benton Harbor, Michigan was chosen as the case study area because 1)
the city is characteristic of the factors creating dependency, 2) the researcher is familiar
with the geographical and cultural background of the community, and 3) the researcher
had key political and neighborhood contacts that made the study possible.

This study can be used to present Benton Harbor’s local leaders with progressive
alternatives to increase neighborhood initiatives and ownership. It will develop a
methodology for residents of urban core neighborhoods in their fight to reduce the effects

of Community Dependency Syndrome.

Copyright by
LATONYIA U. WADE
200 1

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

My deepest and sincere appreciation to the chair, faculty members and staff of the
Resource Development Department and Urban Affairs Program of Michigan State
University. Your leadership, expertise patience, and guidance have helped me
accomplish something that was only a dream.

I am very grateful and appreciative of my committee chair, Dr. George Rowan for
his continuous support kindness and willingness to be a moral support. I am also greatly
indebted to Professor Ken Verburg without his challenging assistance this research effort
would not be of the quality and depth it is. Dr. Maxie Jackson, I am glad that I
accomplished the research objectives.

I would be remiss if I did not thank several friends that continue with me in my
trials, tribulations, tears, fears and finally victory, Celeste Starks, thanks for encouraging
me every step of the way. Melissa S. Quon Huber I love you for great statistical insight
and wise quantitative advice.

My greatest and sincere thanks are to my son Simeon and my mother Beulah M.
Wade for their love, support, faith and genuine concern for my success. Last but not
least I am most grateful to my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, because when this project -
was completely dead to me, He resurrected my faith and h0pe that I could accomplish the

impossible.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Page
I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................ 1
Problem Statement ......................................................... 3
Purpose of the study ............................................... 6
Organization of the study ........................................ 8
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .......................................... 11
Overview of the Urban Social Movements .................................... 12
Community Attitudes Toward Political Leadership ................. 14
Urban Economic Viability ............................................. 15
Community Knowledge and Education ............................... 19
Building Autonomous Urban Communities ......................... 20
Community Apathy ...................................................... 21
Participation in Urban Communities .................................. 22
Main Causes of Community Dependency Syndrome (CDS) ............... 23
Constructs Defining Communities .................................... 26
Community Economic Development Objectives .................... 29
Political Approaches to Urban Crises ........................ 32
Governmental Regulations and the Community Funding
Process ............................................................ 35
Policies Impeding Urban Rebirth .................... 36
Urban Redevelopment ............................................................ 38

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Page
11. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Urban Dependence on Funding Programs ............................ 40
Community Economic Development Competition. . . . . ....42

Summary .................................................................. 44

III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

Introduction ........................................................................ 46
Benton Harbor, Michigan Case Study Area ................. 46
Research Hypotheses and Assumptions ..................... 47
Description of Variables ....................................... 50
Research Approach .............................................. 55
Questionnaire Development ................................... 56
University Committee on Human Subjects ........ 57
Pilot Questionnaire .............................................. 57
Final Questionnaire ..................................... 58
Research Sample ................................................ 60
Comparing Sample to Census Data ............................................. 60
Selection of Research Sample ................................. 60
Comparison based on age ...................................... 61

Comparison based on household income type.. . . . . . . . ...62
Comparison based on household educational level ........ 63

Characteristics of Sample ..................................... 63

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Page
III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Age/Gender ....................................................... 65
Number of Respondents ........................................ 66
Place of Employment ........................................... 66
Educational Level ............................................... 66
Data Collection .................................................. 66

Statistical Techniques for Quantitative Data Analysis. ....67

IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

Introduction ........................................................................ 69
Hypothesis 1 (participation - apathy) ................................. 69
Hypothesis 2 (economic viability — community attitude) ........... 7O
Hypothesis 3 (community knowledge — autonomy) ................. 71
Hypothesis 4 (individual dependency syndrome) .................... 72
Results of Individual Dependency Syndrome Section .............. 73
Discussion of the Findings .............................................. 73
Post hoc Analysis ......................................................... 74

Marital Status .................................................... 75
Gender ............................................................ 77
Age ................................................................ 80
Income ............................................................ 83

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER
Page
IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
Education ......................................................... 85
Housing Type ..................................................... 88
Housing Payments .............................................. 89
V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary ........................................................................... 93
Conclusions ........................................................................ 96
Researcher’s Conclusions and Future Study .................................. 99
Innovative Technical Assistance .............................................. 100
Implications for Community Resource Development Training ........... 100
Recommendations ............................................................... 100
Future Research Questions to be answered .................................. 101
References ....................................................................... 102
Appendices ....................................................................... 1 O7

viii

CHARTEBJ

1W

Many efforts to change images of our urban regions are lost in an arena of
political rhetoric, sociologically derived acronyms, and complex institutional modeling.
In addition, images of urban America are not transformed through weak and reactive
revitalization programs, quick-fix welfare reform bills, or other reactionary programmatic
solutions. In fear of this research effort becoming full of “acronymic clichés, ”the
author constantly struggles to keep the ideas citizen-focused, and developmentally
practical and yet retain the level of scholarly merit due this endeavor. Therefore, in this
chapter the author will define and establish an introductory framework for the purpose of
this study.

The framework begins with a historical perspective that will lead to a statement of
the problem. The purpose and organization of the study will then be stated.
Historical Perspective

Urban Core is defined those areas in older central cities that experience high
rates of federal and state welfare, high concentrations of minorities, and deteriorating
political networks and community infrastructure. The urban cores have a host of
complex developmental challenges that are beyond the scope of a single research paper.
Thus, the author has narrowed the research focus to analyzing individual perceptions of
dependency brought about through community restoration efforts. The conditions of
urban cores have been population and economic growth and decline, the residue of urban
sprawl and urban flight, and legislative policies accompanied by cumbersome legislative

procedures. These polarities are felt in different ways within particular cities

(Andranovich & Riposa, 1993, p. l). The general consensus is that external factors
threaten urban core revitalization and deter longevity or sustainable communities. These
external politics affecting urban development have perpetuated a cycle of pessimism and
distrust by urban residents, resulting in pessimistic attitudes and apathetic beliefs about
urban restoration and political altruism.

As a result, urban core communities have income disparities far greater than their
suburban counterparts and virtually no opportunity to access the established political,
industrial, or economic arenas. For example, many theorists and community agents
developed projects, objectives, and plans for their own political interests, rather than
identifying needs, goals, and objectives deemed critical to community interests. The
goals and objectives of citizens are lost in projects because of empty political rhetoric,
hidden business ventures, and personal aspirations. The end result is that urban socio-
political challenges are highly diverse and complex and render any single-minded
strategy to be unfeasible or ineffective.

Urban leaders and community action groups based in the urban cores during the
1960’s and 1970’s protested then common practices in order to gain access into the
decision-making process, hoping to develop long-term political and economic
relationships. However, these relationships could only work while the nation’s economy
flourished. Civil and social leaders did not consider, or accept, that capitalism would be
beneficial only during economic upswings, and that they had no real power to stop
elimination of their funding sources and programs during economic downturns.
Academicians and economists, who assisted urban communities in their fight against

structural economic oppression, addressed the issues from a disconnected-leadership

style which excluded their target group. The end result for urban cores was mayhem,
deterioration, and even greater dependence upon federal and state aid.
Problem Statement
Distressed communities demonstrate difficulty extricating themselves from continued
dependence on unreliable federal government and other nongovernmental promises and
support (LaMore, 1988). As an extension of LaMore’s analysis, the author asserts that
urban distressed communities develop a Community Dependency Syndrome.
Community Dependency Syndrome is exhibited when a large portion of the citizens’
survival and livelihood is continually reliant upon federal aid and other support to
maintain the necessities of life, and they perceive that the community has no other viable
alternative. Community Dependency Syndrome (CDS) creates a tenuous relationship
between local urban officials, economic developers, and governmental agents because
disconnected assistance decreases a sense of community autonomy, viability, and basic
human worth. Instead of progressing, the “dependency” on the highly regulated funding
sources increases exponentially. Shaffer (1989) states that national political leaders
create institutional challenges through top-down policies and cumbersome legislative
regulations that focus interests more on corporate allies and granting huge tax benefits
instead of rebuilding community infrastructure” (p. 9). When the only viable alternative
for citizens’ livelihood is dictated through heavy political rhetoric, the individuals of that
community become disenfranchised from outside political influence.
Disenfranchisement spirals into deterioration of churches, schools, businesses,
and other critical and social infrastructure elements linked to citizen growth. Shaffer

(1989) further contends that evasive government management, broken political promises

and commitments, and rigid funding requirements make urban core areas socially and
economically dependent upon these ambiguous aids. Unskilled labor pools then plague
local urban areas with perceptions of high crime, drugs, and other common
generalizations describing life in the urban core areas. Gottdiener (1987) emphasizes that
reduced federal government support for our nation’s cities in the 1980’s limited political
and economic viability for many urban residents and exacerbated tensions.

Business dealings from a capitalistic standpoint separate areas totally from a class
perspective and are most effective when there is a hierarchical power structure. “All of
these opposing features of urban core living arose out of contradictions within industrial
capitalism” (Dawley, 1976, p. 122). These difficulties are manifested when the social
structure is articulated at the economic, political, and ideological levels. According to
Timberlake, these capital operations are adamantly opposed to allowing any
collaboration that may produce another power structure (1985). Timberlake (1985) also
contends the organization of class relations in the dependent societies expresses the form
of social supremacy adopted by class power in the dominant society. Logan & Molotch
(1969) believe urban core residents face a greater challenge when elites differ on
particular strategies for success and use their political strength to eliminate any
alternative vision of the perceived purpose of local constituents or their meaning of
community. Whether national leaders retain this emphasis depends largely on the
courage, vision, and willingness of urban leaders and professional practitioners to fight.
It is much easier to look to government for solutions than to take the hard road of self-
reliance (Phifer, List & Faulkner, 1989). This Goliath has hindered and even stalled the

revitalization of many urban minority population core communities and their economic

independence. Castells (1983) argues that the future of the urban minority population
movement depends on their ability to articulate successfully three basic goals: ( 1)
improved collective consumption, (2) the creation of autonomous community culture,
and (3) political self-management (pp.322-323). To extend Castells’ concept, an urban
core city must: (1) enhance its own internal buying power, (2) develop specialized
programs and services within its community that turn profits, (3) elect urban political
leaders who can strategically bridge the gap between community development and
economic enterprise.

While many studies acknowledge the plight of urban core areas, very little
research has examined the role of the federal welfare legislation as one of the main
catalysts contributing to the development of Community Dependency Syndrome. The
complex funding and burdensome restrictions of federal aid have caused individuals in
many communities to become apathetic and hopeless about the potential positive impacts
of federal aid and consequently the aid is perceived as counterproductive.

A community suffering from Community Dependency Syndrome will be
comprised of residents:

1) who express apathetic beliefs regarding federal and state political leaders and

economic restoration;

2) who have negative attitudes regarding the building of neighborhood

relationships, social, and other institutional sources of help (i.e. churches, schools,

and social institutions);

3) who participate minimally if at all in local political events and community

outreach activities;

4) who have limited knowledge of political programs and services affecting their

communities;

5) who perceive that their community to have low economic viability;

6) who believe that the level of freedom and autonomy at the community level is

low; and

7) who perceive that high level of dependency is inevitable.
Often urban planners are led to believe that without the various forms of federal aid,
economic and social rebirth of the urban core is theoretically and practically an
impossible endeavor.
Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to explore the extent to which residents perceive the
presence of the level of Community Dependency Syndrome (CDS) in Benton Harbor,
Michigan. The urban core community of Benton Harbor is chosen as a case study
because it is a small community and has a history of continued reliance upon state and
federal aid. This study examines the indices and compares the individual perceptions of
federal welfare and its effects upon Benton Harbor’s community development and future
economic survival. The research objectives include:

1) The development of a set of community indices to provide a foundational

groundwork for community dependency mitigation;

2) The empirical analysis to measure dependency and to test assumptions about

participation, knowledge, attitude, apathy, viability and autonomy in relation to

sustainable community building, and

3) To increase awareness at local levels of how welfare programs create

community dependency syndrome and how they affect individual perceptions.

The assumption that public participation in community development has an effect
on urban policy, economic outcomes, and grass-root development provides the research
focus. Benton Harbor’s citizens were chosen as research topic for several reasons. The
historical plight of the city’s economic industry and manufacturing firms and the ongoing
struggle for redevelopment make Benton Harbor a good community in researching this
topic. In addition, many different funding and welfare programs have been administered
in this Southwestern Michigan community. Finally, because of preliminary research on
the theory of CD8, the size and scope of Benton Harbor make possible the research
necessary to reveal more about the phenomenon of CD8. Therefore, it provides an
excellent location for a case study

This research examines a small urban neighborhood of local residents because the
subject is in exploratory nature. CDS, discovered through an in—depth literature review,
is a concept built upon ongoing community principles, grass-roots practices, and creative
neighborhood revitalization strategies. Together they help to frame the theoretical
framework. Quantitative methods will be used to assess the level of CDS. Data were
gathered through a survey instrument.

The primary contribution of this study to community development theory is
building an index of variables beneficial for later analysis of dependency at an aggregate
community level. In addition, it may encourage nonprofit organizations, technical-
assistant agents, urban leaders, and scholars to re-evaluate and revise urban renewal

policies. This study can be used to present Benton Harbor’s local leaders with

progressive alternatives to increase neighborhood initiatives and ownership. Lastly, it
will develop a methodology for residents of urban core neighborhoods in their fight to
reduce the effects of CDS. Ultimately, individual perceptions of dependence, economic
practices, and community autonomy could form an important tool to evaluate the
effectiveness of community development practices.
Organization of the Study

Chapter 2 provides an introduction to the American urban community
development movement; consisting of urban restoration agendas that are not newly
derived concepts from academic scholars, change agents, or national leaders. It is
imperative that local urban leaders establish the missing link between urban core
restoration and business development. “Private decisions and public economic activity
are intimately related and ...this concept should lead local governments and community
based organizations to take a new and different perspective toward planned and
coordinated development” (Blakely, 1991, p.25). However, historically, urban renewal
projects were micro-managed and although many failures have occurred the government
still embraces these archaic practices. The national government has addressed the urban
core’s economic and political woes in an ad hoc and reactive leadership style. Inner city
leaders have not been a part of the initial decision-making equation in urban
redevelopment even though during the Reagan and Bush era many projects, plans, and
funding programs were supposedly developed from a macro-perspective.

The paradigm derived from the urban redevelopment idea is that technical
assistance would solve the socio-economical and educational disparities experienced in

many of our urban areas. Thus, these funding sources were supposed to serve as a

vehicle to elevate and emancipate distressed communities from structural bondage. In
order to support these claims, various literature sources are reviewed. An assessment of
individual levels of community participation, attitudes, and knowledge will act as a
linkage between political processes of economic viability and independence.

Several assumptions support analyzing individual perceptions of community
development in Benton Harbor. They are as follows:

1) Perceptions of dependency in the minds of urban citizens are factors that

impede or augment a city’s social viability.

2) Urban American core communities exhibit disproportionate symptoms of

community dependency.

3) Participation and attitudes are critical components that affect apathetic and

hopeless beliefs.

4) As education, knowledge, and training are implemented from a participative

approach, people will believe that there is an opportunity to be somewhat

autonomous.

5) The community believes that federal welfare is the only viable alternative that

will change its situation.

Chapter 3 describes the methodology and research design used to obtain data for
the Community Dependency Syndrome theory. The data collection method primarily
utilizes surveys to assess residents’ perceptions and beliefs about perceived levels of
CDS. Fairplain Junior High School households, in the city of Benton Harbor constitute
the surveyed group. The F airplain Junior High School has 296 students and the parents of

these children were targeted through direct mail correspondence.

The critical research decisions involved in creating and designing the survey
instrument are discussed. Six variables are used to measure CDS; community apathy,
community attitude, perceived autonomy, economic viability, levels of community
knowledge, and community participation.

Chapter 4 reports on the analysis of the survey results. Descriptive summary
statistics are used to analyze the research questions. Data are assessed through residents’
perceptions of the viability, autonomous capability, and levels of CDS prevalent in their
community. Data are measured through Likert-type scales, open-end questions, short
answer, and an analysis of data through the SPSS statistical program. Analyses of the
community involvement plans, where available, economic development plans and
community participation process at the grass-roots levels are also be included.

Chapter 5 consists of the summary, conclusions, recommendations, and findings
of the research questions as well as a discussion of the limitations and advantages of
methods of data collection and surveying individual citizens as opposed to various
communities. Furthermore, the chapter discusses the development of CDS theory and its
relation to distress urban areas and their attempts to gain autonomous positions and
business networks in an evolving economy. The discussion will summarize the general
concepts about dependency, sustainable economic development strategies, and some
implications for future research and political challenges. Finally, this chapter concludes
with observations and recommendations for community-based initiatives and how they

must develop a solid interdependent community alliance.

CHARIERJI
W

Many of our central cities have become filled with hopeless residents, those
feeling doomed to a life of meager if not inferior existence. Many of the residents have
fallen prey to Community Dependency Syndrome, which the author researches in this
thesis. Community Dependency Syndrome - is when a large portion of residents’ survival
and livelihood is continually reliant upon federal aid and other support to maintain the
necessities of life, and they perceive that the community has no other viable alternative.

Sociologists, economists, as well as politicians have offered a variety of
explanations for the development of which is referred to in this paper as CDS. Some
have argued it results from years of racial discrimination. Others suggest economic
trends have left the central cities and many of their residents to the demands of political
activists and campaign contributors and ignored the casualties of urban decay and
decentralization.

While all of these assertions contain elements of truth and explanation, the
scholarly literature over the last 30 years offers more complex explanation. The Chapter

reviews some of that literature and presents around five themes. These are the following:

Short lived economic prosperity in the community due to reactionary funding
and programs.

0 Differing perceptions of residents and leaders.

0 Constructs defining central city development.

0 CDS and variables affecting views of leaders, residents, and economic

developers.

 

 

0 Lack of objectives for urban areas, absence of sophisticated city planning and

long-term technical assistance.

The researcher chose these five points because of the exploratory nature of the
research topic. The literature consistently supports the theme of economic development
in a collaborative style, long term technical assistance, sustainable economic
development and other concepts critical to the future of urban core areas.

OVERVIEW OF URBAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

“Historically, our urban images in the United States have oscillated between the

positive (cities as innovative, progressive, and modern) suburban and the

negative (cities as alienated, pathological, and decadent) inner cities...urban
images include culture, arts and music, hustle and bustle of commerce as well as
violent crime, rampant drug abuse, harsh contrasts between rich and poor,
crumbling infrastructure, transportation gridlock and pollution” (Andranovich &

Riposa 1993, p.1).

In the past, urban activists focused on traditional economic strategies to solve
urban disputes (i.e. funding, programs, and resources) making noble attempts futile and
weak. Today, if urban residents expect to contend in the market arena, they must begin
to acquire multi-solutional strategies, strategies that not only address external hindrances,
but internal oppositions too. Today, more than ever, urban communities still face
deteriorating local economies, fragile community resources, socially weak infrastructure,
and politically deficient or inefficient representation.

In the mid-19003, central cities were beginning to experience capital flight and
replacement of high paying manufacturing jobs, with low-paying service jobs. This
brought city governments to a period of declining revenues, shrinking economic bases,

and a growing pool of unskilled labor demanding more social services” (Bluestone &

Harrison, 1981; Noyell & Steinbeck, 1983). The urban crises were created through a

confluence of political, economic, and social forces, thus incapacitating our inner urban

 

communities (Andranovich & Riposa, 1993).

Congress has passed several community reformation bills (i.e., War on Poverty
and Self-Sustainable Community Building) since the great Civil Rights marches of the
1960’s. Over the past three decades, personal safety, excellence in education, cutting-
edge technology, solid economic tax-base, and long-term real estate values have been the L
driving force of American entrepreneurs. One of the main problems of social movement

efforts was how to gain external allies without surrendering the autonomy of the inner

 

city groups (Castells, 1983). One method in mitigating co-optation is through an
indirect, bottom-up participation approach because the aim is to address the people’s
greatest demands build confidence and competence in thinking, decision-making, and
problem-solving strategies (Batten, 1978). T ouraine & Castells (1978) offer a kind of
do-it-yourself-movement-building in which, participants jointly struggle to create a new
identity and new vision for the future, rather than being mobilized through leader-
generated, selected, or solidarity incentives. Urban residents do not want programs that
“do” for them, rather they want programs that work “with” them (Biddle, 1968, p. 184).
The bottom-line on whether communities retain an autonomous emphasis
depends largely on the courage, vision, and initiatives of its citizens and professional
practitioners. Although initiatives are worthwhile there are also obstacles to overcome.
Logan & Molotch (1969) contend that urban leaders may have strategies that differ from
elite politicians’ view and their vision of local government and community restoration.
This contention is one of the most challenging obstacles for urban areas and they must

find ways to fight covert omissions. Also, urban regions must gain points of access that

are profitable and beneficial for development. Citizen attitudes toward their political
leadership is one of the key components.
Community Attitudes Toward Political Leadership

Political theories have evolved through complex economic models and have not
always been user friendly by inner city leaders, thus these leaders at times acted on the
residents behalf without knowing future ramifications. Also, as these theories and
ideologies gained increasing recognition, the political struggles, social movements, and
“relative states of autonomy,” become parsimonious tools of historical analysis, and they
leave “politics” in an ambiguous role (Fainstein & Fainstein, 1983; Poulante, 1978;
Castells, 1977; Tabb and Sawer, 1978). The ambiguity in political functions has caused
attitudes of disbelief and confusion in the minds of urban citizens. Constitutionally our
governments were developed to be “of the people”, “for the people”, and “by the people”
in order to be an active and equitable liaison to fight in their true interests. Belief in this
basic premise diminished dramatically because of the major fallacies committed by
political leaders in their proposed dedication to urban people.

Opposing views and aims between local and national leaders have caused
fragmented development, stagnant internal resources in inner cities, and unprecedented
power by industrial corporations. Fitzgerald & Meyer (1986) recognized constraints in
development contracts, which refer to increased control of economic activity. Whether
through ownership, local markets or other processes, some communities were
manipulated, and exploited, while others are promoted and advanced. Hence, citizen
attitudes became those of passive taxpayers, and mere recipients of public services

provided by bureaucratic agencies (Bookchin, 1989, p. 182). “Government had become an

14

insider’s game. Thus, as government programs and machinery grew in complexity, the
regulated industries and their regulators were able to manipulate the results, and residents
with consumer, environmental, but minority concerns were left largely outside” (Cohen,
1973, p.59). In essence residents’ attitudes toward state policies are nothing more than a
statecraft, and politicians are profit manipulators of power, forming stronger private
relationships at the cost of its disadvantaged tax-paying citizens (Cohen, 1973).

McKnight (1989) maintains that the service advocate (funding agencies) should
be required to identify the negative impacts, present evidence of the benefits, and
demonstrate that positive impacts outweigh the negative impacts. Too long, any
community development was viewed positive, however community developers are
engaged in addressing issues of conspiracy, power structures manipulating communities
through collaborative means, and dominating each entity for their own profit (Warren,
1978, p.52). So there is a general air of doubtfulness in the success of government
programs, promises, and concerns for citizens.
Urban Economic Viability

Urban sprawl, high-taxes, depleted natural resources and threatened land values
are some of the structural and institutional challenges to urban economic viability. In
addition, uneven development, disinvestment, poor political leadership, and a host of
other ills create difficulties in generating strategies to mitigate this enigma. Although,
many resources (research, programs, and monies) have been invested in creating viable
community life in our urban areas, many still remain incompetent and distressed.

A distressed urban community is a community suffering from under-developed

physical, social, political, educational and economic structures, human resources, and

15

 

 

citizens lacking control over resources and structures (LaMore, 1992). Expert scholars,
economic developers, and governmental agents assumed that access to jobs for urbanites
would alleviate inner city problems, therefore bypassing obstacles of educational
disparities and preconceived beliefs (Goldsmith & Blakely, 1992). In addition,
disinvestrnent erodes the local tax-base, and contributes to reductions in infrastructure
maintenance. The downward economic spiral fosters a spectrum of social deterioration,
including excessive unemployment, high crime rates, blighted neighborhoods and
downtowns, and a general attitude of despair among residents (LaMore, 1988).

Elazar (1969) states that “one difficulty of understanding the cities’ problems in
America is heightened by the existence of numerous mythical assessments of urban
reality, especially those giving rise to all sorts of mythical models for urban
improvements” (p.69). For example, economists convinced urban leaders that the
“trickle-down’ model would benefit the nation as a whole and their cities in particular.
Another difficulty for the urban core is solving economic challenges exclusively by any
one model because it is an interconnected web of social, political, and economic
attributes (Herson & Bolland, 1990). Singular models made cities technically and
economically stagnant rendering them subject to decisions made without their needs
initially being considered. These social ills are not rare in urban communities. In fact,
their magnitude and intensity have dramatically increased. For past decades urban
America has been plagued by:

1) deteriorating neighborhoods,

2) poorly educated residents, who lack skills and experiences required in today’s

workplace,

 

3) extremely high rates of unemployment and underemployment,

4) rapidly deteriorating family nuclei and social structures,

5) increased isolation from mainstream society, and

6) structural changes in the city political economic institutions (Robinson, 1989).

The myriad of ills of these cities causes them to become desperate and dependent
upon the government for economic growth, viability, and advancement. Huge
corporations reorganized the major factors of production thus decreasing urban land use
and values because today most component parts of finished products, such as autos, are
produced and assembled at the nearest point of consumption (Kantor; 1988, p.508). In
addition, Kantor (1988) implies that state governments witnessing new found growth in
their economies or those experiencing central-city decline is because governments and
industries do not have a stake in protecting the economic viability of their urban centers.

The economic viability of local institutions, such as schools and churches,

collapses when large plants relocate or businesses shutdown on the basis of

decisions made in distant headquarters. The local economy slowly disintegrates;
the result, government incurs the social costs of the market system. The corporate
economy, lacking structures of responsibility, relies on the government to pay for

its destructive impact (Bruyn, 1987).

The world is no longer dominated by Fordism and industrial innovation is no
longer the saving grace of the city’s economically challenging situations. Fordism was
an era of large manufacturing plants that were single modes of operation, which proved
to be incapable of competing with its foreign competitors. Hill (1990) suggests the plight
of the US steel and auto industries in the 1980’s is due not only to the maturity of those
sectors and their markets, but has been compounded by over-investing, broad-based

competition on a world scale, technical backwardness, and failure to invest in new

technological methods rather than high factor costs. The plight of the auto industry was

17

 

 

no surprise to private investors, and in order to maintain profits, auto companies
abandoned their urban plants to save their stockholders’ shares. The auto industry is not
obsolete but urban sectors cannot rely on its former strength nor should they hope for it
to return as a strong economic source in their communities. Now city officials are
looking to its national leaders to aid in overcoming this devastation.

Thus, questions should arise when officials give funds to urban communities
without sufficient education and technical assistance, yet expect to help communities
become viable. Are funding policies nobly given without technical assistance or are they
tactics to maintain an advantage and control over urban leaders? The urban crises will
worsen, and although there is no shortage of rational solutions, nothing much will be
done about the crises unless the majority of America permits a radical change of public
policy and undergoes a miraculous change of attitude towards its cities and their
populations (Gans, 1970).

Mass media disproportionately display minorities as primitive, indolent, lazy,
inferior, and technically backward. These biases cause systemic and structural
breakdowns in the core operations of cities. Logan & Molotch assert that traditional
urban research has had little relevance to the day-to-day activities of the place-based
elites whose priorities affect patterns of land use, public budgets, and urban social life:
while funding urban research through out-of-touch programs, lofty objectives and
complex goals tend to strip urban centers of opportunities for economic and community
growth.

Gurr and King (1988) profoundly articulate that urban policy decisions and

implementations are a function of shifting coalitions of organized economic, political and

social groups; some pursuing general welfare, others seeking to enhance sectoral and
individual interests. These interests cause suburban communities to advance while inner
cities slide further into economic ruin.

Normally, urban cores have inherited leaders and outside investors who are not
connected to the city and who do not have reasons to establish long-term partnerships
within the core. Unless central cities take a holoistic approach to its multifaceted
struggles, urban rebirth will “give-way” to an array of individual political and private
pursuits. Urban leaders must obtain influence and allies so that they can affect critical
political legislative decisions and build some interest by stakeholders in their
communities’ viability.

Community Knowledge and Education

James Madison stated, “A people who mean to be their own governors must arm
themselves with the power which knowledge gives” (Ewens, 1978, p.151). The
weaknesses of formal and informal institutions of learning are factors impeding urban
restoration. Ewens (1978, p. 154) asserts that schools produce and promote dependency
and alienation as they are employed as sorting machines to reproduce and perpetuate the
existing class structure.

He extends this assertion by stating, “57 million Americans are unequipped to
carry out even the most basic reading and writing tasks, which is over 35 % of the entire
adult population (Ewens, p. 152). Urban areas are disproportionately represented in these

’1

figures. F reire (1970) says, schools are submerged in a “culture of silence “they are

programmed for passivity, dependency, fear of freedom, and generally become incapable

l9

of critically evaluating and transcending the logic of the authoritarian system of which
they are such an essential part” (p. l 5).

“Urban public school systems are embedded with many educational deficiencies,
having organizational structures that move them even further away from interaction with
the communities they serve, and teachers refuse to accept responsibility for not educating
anybody successfully in anything” (Katz, 1975, p.151). Katz implies that “historically it
has been easier to develop a battery of excuses that places the blame for educational
failure outside the school and on the home”. Greer (1972, p. 152) cynically believes
urban public schools in particular, are a highly successful enterprise; basically,
successfully producing high academic failure among students. “A critical element is the
failure of most poor children to master the basic knowledge and skills that are necessary
for assimilation into a highly technical and industrialized economy and the gap between
suburban and urban students remain tragically wide” (Deutsch, Katz, and Jensen, p. l ).

The educational disparity result is that attitudes and behaviors such as tolerance,
boredom, learning as memorization, competition, and hostility are learned and reinforced
in the classroom (Greer, 1972). Finally, perhaps the most fundamental domestic problem
of latter 20th century America is the persistence of gross inequalities and opportunities
for youths of varying classes.

Building Autonomous Urban Communities

The main thrust of many community developers is to assist communities in
achieving a state of autonomy through feasible goals, resources, and objectives. Warren
(1978, p.5) defines community development as “a process of helping community people

analyze their problems, to exercise as large measure of autonomy as is possible and

20

 

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feasible, to promote greater identification of the individual citizen and the organization
with the community as a whole”. Community, by definition, should promote autonomous
behavior through technical assistance and training for any class of people without
reservation. “Without autonomy we cannot decide whether what we value is worth
cherishing or pursuing; we cannot plan to become one sort of person rather than another”
(Kupfer, p. 1). Individuals and communities must believe that there is a certain level of
altruism concerning their situations. Autonomy is an action of self-willed determination
and the ability to achieve satisfactory levels of independence.
Community Apathy

How have urban communities responded to increasing outside domination?
“Many of us have merely struggled to adapt our aspirations and dreams to this
bureaucratic system in which we have found ourselves and from which we visualize no
escape (Ewens, 1978). In the past, neighborhoods had institutions (churches, fraternal
organizations, and small business associations) that served as liaisons, fighting for their
rights and protection, thus giving citizens some sense of identity and power about their
situations. Also, as these institutions fought on behalf of depraved communities, people
believed they could acquire a sustainable level of autonomy. However, Reich (1976,
p.320) contends that communities were socialized to rely upon outside controls and were
never responsible for themselves. While longing for freedom, they nevertheless grow to
fear freedom and doubt their own capacity to govern themselves. As F reire (1970, p.32)
emphasizes, the oppressed suffer from a duality that has established itself in their
innermost being, discovering that without freedom they cannot exist authentically.

Values had changed during the last two decades, and as people became more
active and politicized, their disappointment was inevitable because democratic

21

societies cannot work when much of their citizenry is not passive. The result was

a substantial withering away of confidence in government and a generation of

people incapable of realizing that the “arenas where democratic pressures are

appropriate and are limited (Ewens, p.247).

The urban attempt to mitigate increasing social apathetic beliefs, give way
to pressures of discriminatory factors (racial profiling, redlining districts, and high inner
city tax zones). Hence, we have societies, perpetuated by the media’s propaganda,
convincing constituents that our urban regions, are increasingly wild, inhabited by social
deviants, and composed of a dependent and lawless population (Dunier, 1980). Not only
did business investors consider urban areas inferior, they gave impressions to the media
of urban areas’ inferiority; for example reinvestment in urban industrial districts was
considered too costly due to brown soil, crime, property values, perceptions, and
unskilled laborers. Citizen’s initiatives to overcome their apathetic beliefs are more
prevalent than ever.
Participation in Urban Communities

Langton (1978, p.5) says that two kinds of resident participation grew in America;
one through government officials, and the other through citizen-initiators. The church,
political parties, and fraternal organizations were powerful mediators for ordinary
residents. He states that several decades ago the influence of these mediating institutions
declined significantly, and this has led to an erosion in the traditional source of consensus
making. Many times in the citizen-participation movement, politicians were able to

manipulate inexperienced groups in accordance with their plans. Thus, participation

programs became justifiers, improvers, or supporters of critical decisions (Langton, 1978,

p.7).

22

 

Residents and local practitioners are now attempting to regain the emphasis and
intent of citizen participation. It is a fact that participation is the thrust and power of any
social movement, and what is the appropriate level of local citizen participation.
Participation in a democratic relationship should have characteristics of mutuality in
decision-making, enforcement of goals and objectives, and the sharing of relatively equal
power. Thus, no one authority is able to use coercion as a tool to make communities act

against their will.
MAIN CAUSES OF COMMUNITY DEPENDENCY SYNDROME (CDS)

 

Constructs defining community development and what communities are, are
critical links to the development of CDS. In addition, community economic development
objectives along with political approaches to urban crises were also deciding variables in
the future of urban renewal. Finally, governmental regulations and community
development funding processes establishes the tone of the present day urban crises. This

section will examine how these variables create a dependent cycle.

A paradigm is a set of assumptions about the scope, method and purpose of a
particular science, which determines its questions on the nature of its evidence and its
principles of interpretation (Marris, 1982, p.94). Urban leaders and community activists

assumed they were an integral component of the development paradigm. Although this
Paradigm had merit and rationale in theory, urban developers continually failed because
of their assumption as key stakeholders in the development game. Ironically, urban
Political dialogue and purposes have rarely focused on changing the rules of the
ccOnomic (game) process thus always rendering them subject to the rulemakers. In

addition, research and practices suggest that communities engage in the process of

23

discovering their own wealth are better equipped to improve their economic situation

(LaMore, 1989). A city’s political leaders must acquire positions as coaches as opposed

to always being players on the field.

Urban leaders are unaware of the market’s intricate Operations and unwritten rules
comprising strategic positions of stakeholders, and can not avoid immediate exclusion

during economic recessions/depressions during capitalistic breakdown.

Contemporaries of urban rebirth gave little credence to public officials as strong
individual players in the game, pursuing self-identified goals in the molding of cities.
Thus, politicians formed bonds and relationships with corporations (i.e. auto, retail and
manufacturing industries) creating hegemonies mammoth in strength, information and
financial status. In addition, these structural changes occurring within contemporary
urban regions (political and industrial reformation) for the most part, was a process of
change that was beyond local urban control (Freidmann, 1991).

“Unfortunately, unless both the material and human/institutional dimensions are
addressed simultaneously in community economic development, there will never be a
basis for self-sustaining development to break the economic and psychological
dependency that exist in these communities” (LaMore, 1988). There can be no effective

national economy if a people cannot meet their essential needs...this doesn’t preclude
trade but dependence upon trade is detrimental when the sector cannot participate in
determining the terms of trade” (Freidmann, 1977, p.54). Urban communities are
Saturated with many symptoms of dependency through their inability to entice outside

InVestors effectively and assemble their existing internal resources. This is a major and

24

 

ongoing task for urban distressed communities, to maintain basic needs in order to
survive life’s daily activities.

Robinson (1989) states that within both political and policy contexts, there
appears to be some agreement that the urban poverty problem is closely linked to the
economic development process. Historically, certain groups of people have continuously
been excluded from the origin of economic objectives and never considered too
beneficial in the economic rebirth. Inner cities are politically inept and economically
firtile because of structural disadvantages historically derived in our country’s
participation process. Many manufacturers (i.e. auto, steel and computer industry)
completely reorganized their investments and factories in order to control a city’s entire
development operations, services, local political leaders, and stakeholders. It is unlikely,
given the experiences of past efforts, that any quick-fix, inexpensive development
strategies will ultimately be able to overcome the significant financial and social barriers
these communities face (LaMore, 1992).

Traditional solutions answered distressed communities’ problems by focusing on
trickle-down economics, relocation of the poor, redistribution of wealth, and external
community leadership. Castells (1978) states that these new social contradictions fall
within the sphere of collective consumption (housing, education, and health) and
suggests that they are most clearly manifested at the urban level. Neighborhood residents
feel themselves under siege from crime, a rising cost of living, and a seemingly
unresponsive government, and these factors have combined to reduce social interaction

as the basis for neighborhood life (Herson & Bolland, 1990, p. 159). Consequently, these

25

 

dynamics are beyond the local political leaders realm of expertise, and forces them to
seek outside sources of aid.
CONSTRUCTS DEFINING COMMUNITIES

As Christenson stated, the underlying philosophy of CD is to help peOple become
subjects instead of objects, acting on their situation instead of simply reacting to it.

/CD is a process/...in which the people of a community organize themselves for

planning and action; define their common and individual plans to meet their

needs and solve their problems; execute these plans with a maximum of reliance
upon community resources; and supplement these resources when necessary with
services and materials from governmental and nongovernmental agencies outside

the community (Fear and Booth, 1985, p.5).

One sociological definition of community is a social system concentrating on its social
relationships. Social relationships are patterns exhibited by heterogeneous groups and
larger social systems, both internally and externally. How these relationships are
developed is critical to community functions and social entities in society (Shaffer, 1989,
p.4). Warren (1978, p.325) defines community as a “deliberate and sustained attempt to
strengthen the horizontal pattern of a community”.

Ideally, community development is a process of helping community people

analyze their problems, to exercise as large a measure of autonomy as is possible

and feasible, and to promote a greater identification of the individual citizen and

the individual organization (Warren, 1978).

Oberle, et.al. (1974, p.62) define community development as a process in urban
centers where “increasingly more members of a local area are involved in decision
making through participation at the grass-roots level, the results for urban centers will
increase the life chances of some people without diminishing the chances of others”.

Warren (1980) describes a “community” as a collection of subsystems that exist within a

delimited geographic area that exist to enhance the viability of the locale and thus

26

continue to grow economically and develop its citizens’ social infrastructure. Dykeman
(1990) states, “development means social transformation in the direction of more
egalitarian distribution of social goods such as education, health services, housing
participation in political decision making, and other dimensions of people’s life chances”.
Cawley (1984, p. 16) defines community as a “deliberate, democratic, developmental
activity; focusing on an existing social and geographical grouping of people; who
participate in the solution of common problems for the common good.” Dunbar (1972,
p.43) outlines community as a, “series of community improvements that take place over
time as a result of the common efforts of various groups of people each successive
improvement is a discrete unit of community development and it meets a human want or
need.” Voth (1975, p. 148) characterizes community development as a, “situation in
which some groups, usually locally based such as neighborhood or local
community...attempt to improve [their] social and economic situation through [their] own
efforts...using professional assistance and perhaps also financial assistance from the
outside...and involving all sectors of the community or group to a maximum.” Wilkinson
(1979) describes community development as “acts by the pe0ple that open and maintain
channels of communication and cooperation among local groups” (p. 10).

Authentic “community development involves application of a bottom-up process
of problem identification and solving rather than the traditional top-down approach; it is
about self-help, local leadership and initiatives, networking, and local capacity building”
(Dykeman, 1990). Lastly, Christenson, Fendly & Robinson (1989) define community

development as a “group of people in a locality initiating a social action process (i.e.

27

planned intervention) to change their economic, social, cultural and/or environmental
situation” (p.14).

Several other factors make something more or less of a community. It is possible
to be “more” of a community with respect to some factors and “less” with respect to
others” (Effrat, 1974, p.21). Freidmann (1977) contends that a society should not be
called a community unless; (1) there is extensive participation by its members in the
decisions by which its life is generated, (2) the society as a whole takes responsibility for
the members, and (3) the responsibility includes respect for the diverse individuality of
these members (p.173). The quality of community is defined in relation to the individual
rather than a social aggregate, this phenomenon seems to involve identifying with one’s
group and completeness on the part of the individual (Poplin, 1979).

In the United States the term Community Development is used loosely,
ambiguously, and with various meaning and concepts based on the experiences of
practitioners (Dunham, 1972). However, these concepts defining social community
infrastructure are slightly misguided and challenged in political, academic, economic
descriptions, and functions of community, and do not include socio-cultural impacts.
Definitions of community development must not only address the natural needs of a
society, but also evaluate the psychological and sociological impacts on a society. This
should occur whether the impacts are positive or negative, and should conform to
legislative demands and governmental programs. “When you move beyond importing
[jobs]...and start a strategy of creative innovation and adaptation, then [local]
“innovation” becomes an economic, social, and a local [development] preoccupation,

rather than just a technical one” (Williams, 1986, p.32). True, that in our theories of

28

development, any form of development has been viewed positively, however, this
philosophy has caused communities to become mentally crippled and socially weak.
Williams (1989) states that community is unusual among the terms of political
vocabulary. It is a term that national leaders always try to present as a positive endeavor
and one term which has never been used in a negative sense. As a result, inner cities are
the kickback of development, leaving a destructive path and a dependence upon outdated
political tactics.
COMMUNITY ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OBJECTIVES

Analytically, “the public-private dichotomy limits insight into the underlying
causes of problems in the process of development itself. When private initiatives provide
goods, services...attention is focused on private action, rather than strategies that could
move various community-based organizations, into more active roles” (Gun & Gun,
1991, p. 112). The process urban centers need is an interactionary plan. Interaction
theory is defined as interaction between individuals, organizations and the level of local
involvement and how this association influences change. Rubin (1991) states,
“theoretically, professional obligations of economic development practitioners should be
to the overall community, to expand its tax base, or to provide increases in the amount of
employment and other resources, building a solid foundation at the grass-roots level”
(p.246).

Community building and development efforts have had only minimal impacts in
our inner cities, and re-evaluation of development aims are mandatory if urban areas are
to be vibrant centers for businesses and social activities. Theobald (1981) argues that the

social entrepreneurial movement is based on willingness and ability to embrace and

29

manage change, strong local leadership, vision, and an understanding of how to use
knowledge systems for management of change. This idea has an inherent flaw because
whoever enacts policy, how the knowledge is interpreted, and who the directors are of the
developmental change are critical to the shaping of an urban area’s economic, social, and
political longevity. Rarely has any inner city political sector had long-term capital, valid
local authority, or key community positioning, thereby influencing economic
development within its parameters.

Economic development is chiefly concerned with increasing productivity and
efficiency, spreading forms of economic organizations that multiply and distribute
material resources more broadly, and planning exercises to improve the economic
situation of a locality (Christenson, 1989, p.18). Community aims are good, but they
lack the essential personal development experience and process; and these processes
provide, not the answers, but the means by which citizens shall seek the answers (Biddle,
1968, p.184). Freidmann (1991) asserts that “locally based economic development
represents a fundamental shift in the actors as well as the activities associated with
economic development...local governments and/or community-based groups manage
their existing resources and enter into new partnerships arrangements with the private
sector, and or with each other, to create new jobs and stimulate economic activity in a
well-defined economic zone” (p.184). “Economists were firmly in the drivers seat of
development programs; and they defined the problem of underdevelopment largely in
economic terms, and in turn, this perception of the problem as predominately economic
in nature helped to establish and to keep economists in charge” (Rogers, 1976, p.408).

The economic drive, and power of economists changed the funding of community

30

development. Also due to the political atmosphere of the 19805 and Reaganomics the
disenfranchisement of urban inner city cores spiraled exponentially. Community-based
development used the support of private business interest as a “trickle-down” vehicle for
local development, rather than supporting consumer and community interests directly
(Freidmann; 1991, p. 158). The “growth-first-and-let-equality-come-later” mentality
often was justified by the trickle-down theory that leading sectors once advanced, would
then spread their advantage to lagging sectors (Rogers, 1976). Moreover, economists
assumed that all “men” were basically economic, and would respond rationally to
economic incentives, that the profit motives (jobs and dollars) would be sufficient to
motivate the widespread and large-scale behavioral changes required for development to
occur (Rogers, 1978). Yet, today we see cities full of hopeless and anguished people,
who have resigned themselves to cyclical poverty.

Our nation’s leaders embraced economic theories as the thread of strength,
sewing together the patterns of societies. However, these threads were exceptionally
weak and frayed in urban America. Rogers (1976) describes that the “focus on economic
growth and urban regional development carried with it an ‘aggregate bias’ about
development: urban development now had to be planned and executed at the national
level” (p.408). Governments began to enact on behalf of their states and local areas
without any dialogue supporting this rationale through economic theoretical constructs.
These economic theories have caused obvious deterioration in many facets of urban
living and social infrastructure. Many persons have experienced the dangers that
outsiders with funding possess through co-optation of community leaders, and bending

ideas outside of their natural priorities and perceptions (Uphoff, 1989, p.386).

31

Economics are properly guided only when the human side of business ventures and
interests are carefully reviewed, and decisions in the interest of economic development
cannot be made without it. Leonard (1994, p.35) believes “the market is not harmful in
and of itself, but lacking the counterweight of common good, it tends to prey on human
weaknesses for greed and self-interest.” Schramm (1987, p.153) identifies five major
goals of economic development: economic vitality, equity, security, quality, and
empowerment and illustrates major gaps from theory to practice, especially in distressed
areas.

Political Approaches to Urban Crises

This section describes (1) political approaches to the urban crises, (2)
governmental regulations and urban community funding process and, (3) how federal
policies themselves impede urban renaissance.

Dawley (1976, p.98) asserts that historically, political leaders painted an
image in the minds of city residents that revolutionary changes were happening in
development practices - “old things are passing away and all things are becoming
new." However, revolutionary changes which local urban politicians and
community leaders expected to happen from the national leaders toward urban
renewal, never manifested in real needs or practices. Trickle-down economics
“restructured” many communities’ economy.

In order to aid urban areas governments claimed they too, needed greater
revenues. Officials justified their actions the interests of industries, private and
international firms, as necessary to maintain government programs and structure. Once
the state officials obtained this power, economic theory acquired an impetus and
preoccupation of its own agenda, superseding the interests it originally forged with local

urban sectors. These acts of appeasing industries, developers, and international markets,

produced greater competition and higher levels of stratification within oppressed groups

32

and split allegiances in social movements. Now groups that once were unified to fight
against domination are now opponents in the social movement arena. Economic ventures
are always balanced between profits and losses, and political leaders viewed getting jobs
into communities more profitable than evaluating a community’s internal workings and
social infrastructure. “Whether officials choose to stimulate private economic activity,
and how it varies with the prevailing ideological commitments of the state and the social
interest with which it is aligned, depends on the continuum of possibilities ranging from
state direction to almost complete reliance on private entrepreneurial initiatives” (Gurr
and King, 1989, p.75). This alignment of the state with private industries has viewed
community operations as profit/losses and risks/benefits and not people, community
dreams, and social infrastructure.

Evidence shows that urban communities were not effectively redeveloped after
the involvement of private industries, and in some cases totally ignored as an actor or
participant in the development process. Skocpol defines it as the result of the intersection
of state purposes and private pursuits is that only a small portion of people (capital
owner, maintenance managers) are truly accommodated at the inclusion of one
population and the exclusion of another. Disproportionately, certain areas and groups of
people are more commonly omitted throughout history.

Especially in the United States, this opposition has been an assertion of racial
identity and autonomy in the face of a dominant culture which seemed to offer equality,
theoretically in principle, only at the price of expropriation (Bruyn, 1987). Gurr and
King (1969) state that the primary interests of the state include maintaining public order

and authority in urban populations, securing public revenues, and protecting the interests

33

of officials in the pursuit of their programmatic goals with respect to urban welfare. The
facts are not a shock to our national political leaders, these issues are just structurally and
legally avoided in the political arena through dense rhetoric. The urban reform issues are
becoming much too expensive to ignore.

Also, because of the patronizing nature of national approaches and control by
forces outside the community, urban communities do not have the ability or resources to
solve the long-term problems of urban distressed communities (LaMore, 1988).
According to Gurr and King, it can be scarcely overstated, that the primary importance of
the modern state is maintaining legitimate authority and civil order in cities. Basically,
past practices prove that the state is most adamant in maintaining the status quo of its
institutional tactic and rules. Castells argues that urban sprawl is at the heart of political
debate in industrial capitalist societies, because of the contradiction between increasing
socialization of goods and the fact that they are managed in the interest of capital (Elliot,
1980, p.155).

Economic incentives are wasteful because they seldom sway location decisions,
those incentives rely heavily on taxes and spending policies that are “upwardly
redistributive,” thus compounding a problem through further stratification of our inner
cities economy (Hanson, 1993, p. 184). The results of this development relationship are
that low-income taxpayers and unskilled workers bear the costs of development and
private corporations reap the profits. The power has always been vested in private
industries and political elites, thus urban communities must acquire stakeholders with

vested interests in both groups in order to force coalitions and a dialogue. However, in

34

social movement building, how can communities gain allies in developing community re-
vitalization without surrendering their autonomy (Castells, 1983).
Governmental Regulations and the Community Funding Process

Programs that merely dispense assistance or social services to low-income urban
neighborhoods fall short of what is required (LaMore, 1992). One mechanism by which
the federal government can help arrest the deteriorating condition of urban infrastructures
is to eliminate biases in federal programs. If maintenance (defined as activities that allow
the usefiil life of a facility to be reached) could also be classified as “capital” for federal
funding purposes, the anti-maintenance bias in federal programs could be effectively
removed and eventually produce urban environments attractive enough for other private
and industrial projects (Kaplin, 1979). Also, establish a foundation for healthy business
decisions at the local level changing traditional approaches, to federally funded
programs. Batten (1975) stated that agencies using top-down firnding styles, decide what
people need, ought to have, ought to believe for their own good, and sometimes even
how to behave. These decisions become the agency’s betterment goals for people, totally
omitting or ignoring concerns at the local base (Benton Harbor, Michigan Restoration
Project, 1985).

Distressed communities will not experience revitalization until they develop
locally-controlled structures that promote local empowerment and self-reliance (LaMore,
1992). For a long time, in the legislative arena, urban reform and restoration has been
attempted through the distribution of money and top-down directed programs. Our
leaders without taking the time and effort to gather the perceived real needs of their

constituents implemented the national programs. This historical tension between the

35

demand of expanding national states and local resistance has been transformed into
complex institutionalized patterns of cooperation, dependency, and conflict (Gurr and
King, 1989).

Dependency relationships between major and minor cities, and between national
and local political leaders are not totally due to technology because new technology
requires more interrelations and is not necessarily contingent upon a hierarchical
structure. People and institutions develop technology and the ways it will be
implemented. Therefore, technology cannot be treated as some autonomous force
wielding its sword at liberty. Our government would support new technological efforts
in only exclusive areas and our urban inner cores were not a part of the choice.

Policies Impeding Urban Rebirth - The law of uneven development is the
tendency of the system to produce poverty as well as wealth, underdevelopment as well
as development (Hymer, 1978). “The dilemma posed by federal grants is that they are
often accompanied by mandates that rigidly describe how and where the funds will be
used; such provisions may skew local policy agendas and reflect the interest of national
constituencies rather than local interests (Newman & Lovell, 1981,1982). Therefore,
Peterson eta]. (1986) suggest one way to understand federalism and urban politics is to
delineate between development policy (policies to improve the community’s economic
position) and redistributive policy (policies to benefit those in need). Also Uphoff (1988)
believes...

development projects come down to tailoring the design and implementation of

projects to the needs and capabilities of people who are supposed to benefit from

them. No longer should people be identified as “target groups”. Rather, if we

must speak of them abstractly, we should consider them as “intended
beneficiaries”. They to be benefited, rather than “impacted” (p.359).

36

External control of distressed communities through organizations and
bureaucracies is inherently patronizing and promotes low-community esteem. Also,
elected officials are concerned with maintaining repreSentative institutions’ continued
control of the direction of policy and its implementation. If they do not control the state
apparatus and programs of parties, government cannot be effectively pursued (King,
1989). This paradigm has caused political leaders to become more inwardly focused and
not community oriented in their approach. Policies now have a tendency to lean more
toward private view of development as opposed to the citizens’ view of development
through local community building. The power of the federal government proves not to
be “user friendly” by cities, because federal and state governments could allocate
authority and resources to some urban regions, and eradicate economic relationships in
others by blocking growth in one area and encouraging it in another (Kantor, 1988).

Interest of this sort has caused government officials to become more aggressively
self-preserving in funding and legislation bonding with large industrial corporations
causing communities to become economic pawns in development tax abatement games.
The market structure only seeks profit generating revenues and ventures that are
potentially profitable to their stakeholders.

Historically, the democratic regime during the post-industrial era was the only
government able to manage the substantial tension between popular control and the city’s
bargaining position (Kantor, 1988). Kantor also states that businesses were able to
impose severe limitations on policy choices, whereas the. capabilities of a city’s political
entities to generate popular support for the development activities became increasingly

problematic. Political changes increasingly became a detriment to cities because the

37

federal government could alter the organization of the market and popular control
structures; thus, owning various market environments and political constituencies
opposite of its cities (Kantor, 1988).

Another complication is that voters rely heavily on grants for local development,
but federal budget problems are consuming public resources available for development
activities at the local and state level (Ross & Freidmann, 1991). Legislative dollars tend
to have the same theoretical constraints as trickle-down economics, the perception being
that eventually some will trickle to the local areas. This funding process has forced city
governments to manage popular control by avoidance, leaving development decisions to
the whims and preferences of popular opinions (community block grants). Since cities
labor markets are too expensive for private investors, the city’s strategies are not
effective and powerful enough to avoid the deterioration and decline of its social,
economic, and political infrastructure.

URBAN REDEVELOPMENT

Decades later and the great urban renewal project, Housing Urban Development
Act (HUD) and many other urban renewal administrators of the actions still produced
cities with abandoned downtowns, futile community leadership and unmarketable
resources. In return we have seen a generation of unemployment, under-employment,
cyclical welfare, high drug culture, and inexperienced political leaders. The notion to
rebuild our cities has to be more than a benevolent feeling, and a perceived “do-the-right-
thing” project. Urban redevelopment must be approached politically, academically, and
economically through a collaboration of veteran change-agents and urban developers.

Urban core dependence upon government funding should be a temporal source and not

38

the panacea for all of the societal-ills permeating our cities. However, fimding allocated
to our cities must be implemented with the same technical assistance as our suburban
counterparts.

Three major eras of urban development are the result of the liberal-democratic
political economy while each prevailing strategy for promoting urban development and
the political arena for determining policy has differed (Kantor, 1987, p.493). Liberal
democrats, during financially flourishing times, fought for program control and many
quasi-governmental organizations emerged to take advantage of the financial
opportunities (Phifer, 1980, p.46). Constantly, different obstacles inhibited a healthy
dialogue in urban reform and reform was lost and emerged in larger national plans and
goals. Obstacles such job security, long-term partnerships, and technical training and
assistance.

According to Gurr and King (1989) “the state is a manifestation of its power
relationships; its pattern of recruitment, decision-making, and participation embody the
terms of the political elite’s domination over other groups” (p. 122). Urban reform and
restoration was viewed as a burden and hassle to the intent of governmental agencies, and
these agencies were not willing to work cooperatively and responsively with the
recipients. “It is common for planners, administrators, and technicians to view the
people somehow as “the problem” and to regard themselves as embodying the solution”
(Uphoff, 1989, p.388). Many good efforts have been thwarted because of this belief and
the demeanor of developers has caused resistance from local politicians and citizens.
People want to be assisted and guided, not cared for through condescending rhetoric and

ignored through lofty theories.

39

“Development policies are choices, and as such they are determined by forces
internal to state politics, that is by groups whose experience and resources enable them to
exert political influence and extract policy concessions” (Hanson, 1993, p. 184). National
leaders, as a result, justify their private industrial relationships under the umbrella of
development, and they disenfranchise urban areas through the cost of doing business. In
addition, “changes within the federal system can alter the organization of market and
popular control structures (road commission, county boards and business district zones)
at the local level, choosing a different political partner than its cities (Kantor, 1987).
Furthermore, these choices can re-direct authority and resources to mediate economic
coalitions among cities and inhibit growth and collaboration within cities (Kantor, ibid.).

Political leaders across the nation have exacerbated urban reform through policies
of segregation, redlining, district zoning, property assessments, and discriminatory
housing practices this obstructs social and cultural integration.

Urban Dependence on Funding Programs

The efforts of financial, technical, and granting agencies have not encouraged
autonomy, self-reliance, and economically resourceful neighborhoods instead they have
perpetuated distress rising from community incompetence, nonparticipative behavior,
and economic dependency. Batten (1970) describes the irony of the goals of
development agencies’ as the primary aim for people, both individually and collectively,
is to acquire the will and the competencies to manage their own affairs.

McKnight (1989) states, what actually happened is that federal money is “poured”
into programs of human services and we have no knowledge whether the effects of the

ministrations have been iatrogenic or cancerous; industry and government officials

40

B.)

”'1

CO

COT.

nil i

SOCE
no: fr

Oitn

 

assumed that communities would bloom under a “rain of dollars”. An even more
significant problem exists within the capitalist economy; monies are only available
during financial upswings in the economy. The grth upswing only allows a small
portion of those communities targeted and during economic downturns it automatically
purges the programs considered superfluous (i.e., HUD, Adult Education, Urban Aid)
and characteristically have a great impact on urban areas. If there is no reward for
learning, in terms of privileged and anxiety reduction, there is no motive for work, one
ingredient promoting this social apathy is fierce competition between cities (McKee,
1969)

When a city has a dominant market position it faces limited competition from its
counterparts, thus producing economic independence and inducing capital investments
(Kantor, 1988). However, cities that do the opposite with their market power reverse the
relationship among their colleagues. Many urban areas that receive such aid and
governmental programs become counterproductive; as long as the funding or programs
exist the community is operative. Many programs, when out because of funding
constraints, leave the city in a much worse state than previously. One of the reasons for
“white elephants” (i.e., Planned Parenthood) in communities is that governments
implement programs that are politically popular and correct, rather than programs that are
truly important to that community.

The separation of individuals, people, and communities from the economic and
social operations will only produce marginal success in any development plan. One must
not forget that development is not solely technology, profits, losses, and operations; we

Ofien ignore the human side which is full of emotion, thought, and feeling. According, to

41

Batten, McKnight, and LaMore there has to be sensitive balance between the two
elements in order to accomplish what our urban areas desperately need. “Previous
economic theories and program efforts have focused almost exclusively on trying to
remedy perceived “defects” in the poor - inadequate education, weak community
supports, lack of motivations- ignored the very real, potent, barriers in the structure of
opportunities the poor confront on the “demand” side of the labor market equation”
(Bentson, 1982, p.32). When there are demands for skills and capital, businesses and
investors evaluate communities as profitable resources, and urban communities are
considered inferior and risky. Obviously, even when a bureaucracy is set up and
dedicated to industrial planning, education reform, community revitalization and other
urban struggles, the situation of dependence in relation to the dynamic of the system as a
whole precluded any effective realization (Timberlake, 1970). In the past, services,
industries, and assistance have been viewed as “good”. However, it cannot be ignored
that the qualification of a program’s success comes from the groups that implement the
plans. There needs to be a set of evaluation criteria that allows the recipients to express
the “goodness” of the project.

Community Economic Development Competition - Dobbs argues that a defining
feature of “private ownership under capitalism is that some are obliged to [work for those
that own] since [they own] nothing and [have] no access to means of production [and
hence] have no other means of livelihood” (Wallerstein, 1975). Many poor and
disadvantaged minorities are recipients of economic deprivation and coercion, and often
lack capital and resources to combat this syndrome effectively. Moreover, Marshall, like

Marx, stressed that internal division of labor within the factory between those who

42

planned and those who worked, is that this foundation is the main predicament of the
economic vitality in capitalism today. In the past, capitalist world-economics required
groups to act in their own economic interest; through market imperfections which caused
individuals to use deception, manipulations of market activities, coercion on other states,
and economic influences to gain as much power as possible (Hill, 1990). An emerging
factor that urban centers cannot ignore is the complete internationalization of the
economic market; it replaced the industrial and regional complex centered on the auto
industry (Sassen, 1991).

The world market is no longer dominated by Fordism, the auto industry is no
longer the heartbeat of the economic growth and social structuring of America. Socio-
political forms, through which this new economic regime is enacted and constituted,
amount to a new class alignment a new norm of consumption where the provision of
public goods and the welfare state are no longer as they were in the period dominated by
mass manufacturing (Logan & Molotch, 1969). “The plight of the US steel and auto
industries in the 1980’s is not due only to the maturing of those sectors and their markets,
but has been compounded by over investment and excess competition on a world scale”
(Hill, 1990, p.91).

Often the failure of our urban industrial society is that urban core leaders have
little or no authority in managing its technical system (Mahood & Angus, 1969). In order
to stop the internal deterioration communities must ensure their resources are used to
attract capital. Fainstein & F ainstein (1981) state that the ability of state economies to
remain very competitive now is dependent on the economic adaptability of urban

jurisdictions with the state. However, the state’s focus is promoting economic

43

development but the states are unreliable “partners” with any particular locale (p.508).
This kind of behavior undoubtedly discriminates more against the have-not groups while
favoring business candidates especially in city elections (F ainstein & Fainstein, 1974;
Harrigans, 1981). Finally, competition is the “American Way”. So how can we assist
communities and enhance their resources when they have never had an equal opportunity
to lay the foundation of our nation’s economic theories, community plans, and industrial
strategies.
Summary

The misguided efforts of our policies and legislation have caused stratified
growth, uneven development, and empty infrastructure in our urban inner cities. No a
program or funding strategy will quickly turn around the blighted urban zone
predicament. Therefore, urban leaders must openly fight against restrictive funding
policies inhibiting their progress. Economic development strategies employed tax
incentives and other corporate “perks” to manipulate governmental decisions and inner
cities’ political authority. Cities basically tried to “fit in” an arena where they have never
been fully integrated. During the times of market failure, the cities would be subject to
greater allied political and private forces thus pushing them back from the information
and economic loop. Local urban leaders did not know how to fight adequately against
this power and became submerged within its structure. Survival became the drive of
inner city communities and they were unable to obtain strong informed political
representation. “Artificial barriers, inferior governmental bureaucracy, and an absence of
a “good business climate” are in fact, barriers to economic development (Reese, 1992,

p.25).

44

Therefore, many inner city communities in America are filled with many hopeless
residents, feeling doomed to a life of meager if not inferior existence. They are forced to
be dependent upon the leftovers of political and industrial whims, exploitive practices,

and biased tax laws as a goodwill offering.

45

INTRODUCTION

This study seeks to explain the attitudes and knowledge of residents toward
neighborhood dependence on federal assistance and knowledge of economic funding,
both of which fund local neighborhoods. It seeks further to identify these residents’
community individual dependence. This section begins with a description of the
community under study, the hypothesis and operationalization of the variables,
questionnaire development, sample of subjects for this thesis, the data collection
procedure, and method of data analysis. The following variables will be used to
characterize and measure the dependency attitudes: economic viability, knowledge,
autonomy, apathy, individual dependence, and participation.

Benton Harbor, Michigan Case Study Area: Then and Now

Benton Harbor, Michigan was chosen as the case study area because 1) the city is
characteristic of the factors creating dependency, 2) the researcher is familiar with the
geographical and cultural background of the community, and 3) the researcher had key
political and neighborhood contacts that made the study possible.

Berrien County located in the Southwestern Michigan, was known for its
vacation hot spots and agricultural enterprise. Ranked first in Michigan for its abundant
production of fruit during the 1930’s and 1940’s. Benton Harbor the county’s largest city
and was the economic center for the non-citrus fruit industry in the world (Zerler, 1995,
p.30). Benton Harbor thrived also as a manufacturing and industrial community and

became an integral connection between Detroit and Chicago transporting freight and

46

produce along its road and waterways. The influences generated by World War 11 (mass
production, manufacturing industries, and increased employment needs) proved to be
favorable for minorities in Benton Harbor as the city shifted from an agricultural to an
industrial community. The northern states experienced a flood of southemers seeking a
better quality of life and the financial opportunities enticed southemers to migrate North.
The 1940’s in Michigan were fruitful and prosperous; the automobile industry
experienced phenomenal growth due to the shift of supplies produced for war needs.
“World War II was a period of marked expansion for most local industries, and even the
long-dead-wooden-boat building industry was temporarily revived” (Public
Administration Service, 1957, p.4). During the 1960’s and early 1970’s the city’s
population expanded as well as its industries and commerce. However, during the late
1970’s Benton Harbor experienced the beginning of its economic and social demise.
Benton Harbor’s population had grown to 22,900 during the 1960’s and by 1970 the
population declined to 16,481. By 1998 the population had fallen to 12,818. The decline
in population was in concert with the flight of local industries. Now the city is a shell of
its former self. It is marked by abandoned structures, miniscule industries, extreme
poverty, and a welfare-ridden ghost town. Thriving industries that once contributed to
the community as a whole include Clark Equipment, Auto Specialties, V-M (Voice of
Music), Superior Steel, Whirlpool, Aireco and other manufacturing businesses and retail
shops. Once known as a vibrant city of culture, it is now known as a vacuum of despair,
hopelessness, and apathetic residents.

In the Berrien County area, Benton Harbor has the highest rate of unemployment,

teen pregnancy, criminal offenses, and drug trafficking, as well as functional illiteracy.

47

The city of Benton Harbor, now Michigan’s most distressed urban community, was
chosen because of its plethora of social ills. Southeast Commission reported Benton
Harbor’s quality of life condition in 1992 as the lowest in Michigan. Benton Harbor in
1998, had a population of 12,818 people, 92% of whom are African American and 58%
have income below the poverty line (Southeast Commission, 1992). The median
household income in 1989 was $8,866, family income $10,447 and per capita income
$5,622. Benton Harbor like many urban communities in Michigan is the residue of
industrial exodus and residential flight to its neighboring suburbs and townships.

As a result, this economic devastation has spawned high unemployment (33.8%,
Southeast Commission Report, 1992), low rates of homeowners, reduced property values,
inadequate school funding, and low community economic viability. The Southeast
Commission Report identified in the urban core 4,791 housing units, 4,334 are occupied-
l,598 owner-occupied and 2,736 renter properties. About 10 percent (457) are vacant at
any one time. Benton Harbor is not an isolated urban case nor is this city’s situation rare.
Benton Harbors exist in every state in America. “Placed within a larger political-
economy, city governments are captives of many slowly changing forces that shape and
limit community choices...some of these dependency relationships are a result of historic
impact on urban economic development” (Kantor, 1988).

Benton Harbor is a small urban community that possesses many challenges of
urban America and its low population facilitates sampling and survey research efforts.
Therefore, due to the exploratory nature of this research, quantitative methods were used
in this study to gather data. The quantitative portion of this study will be concerned with

reliability and the replicability of the findings (Rist, 1977, p.45).

48

The strategy is to obtain relational linkages of individual perceptions, knowledge
and attitudes toward the Benton Harbor community as a whole. These linkages will be
foundational constructs in developing indicators for Community Dependency Syndrome.

The survey research sought not only a description of individual perceptions, but
also an exploration of the relationships of independent variables: gender, race, residence,
income-status, and other demographic factors.

Research Hypotheses and Assumptions
Hypothesis I An inverse relationship exists between participation and apathy (high
participation = apathy).

The level of an individual’s participation is predicated upon the belief that s/he
has an opportunity to influence and affect his/her situation. If citizens feel hopeless, the
level of participation is low or non-existent. Schwerin (1995, p.7) states, “Empowerment
is a core value in neighborhood restoration, and community mediation is viewed by many
of its advocates as a transformational social movement that has the potential to empower
not only economic developers but also the urban core leaders as well as the community”.
EmpowermEnt aids citizens’ self-esteem and belief that they are stakeholders of change.
Hypothesis II Lower levels of economic viability generate lower individual attitudes
toward the restoration of the community environment (high economic viability = high
attitudes).

All communities must have social infrastructure founded in some common
identity and livelihood to build networking relationships and a stronger resource pool at
the local level. However, “an external restriction on autonomy of will, economic

deprivation can also indirectly produce internal limits, by greatly reducing an

49

individual’s cultural and educational experience, poverty (external constraint) can surface
in restricted intellectual abilities and dispositions”(New York Press, 1990, p. 13). This is
a common factor in communities like Benton Harbor, Michigan.

Hypothesis III A positive correlation exists between community knowledge and
autonomy (low knowledge = low autonomy).

Local officials and their constituents must possess knowledge of the functions and
procedures and developmental factors in order to gain influence and make input on their
behalf. “External constraints typically interfere with the exercise of autonomy, as with
deception on censorship. They either suggest spurious possibilities, which misdirect the
individual’s thinking or keep them ignorant of pertinent information” (New York Press,
1990, p.12). Community advocates and citizens must begin to evaluate and develop
long-term plans that require dedication and realistic goals for community change,
knowledge and autonomy. Autonomy in judgement is “thinking for one’s self”, it is a
matter of forming beliefs on the basis of evidence, reasoning from similar cases, and
anticipating contingencies as well as estimating their likelihood (New York Press, 1990).
Hypothesis IV Assuming the forgoing three hypothetical relationships are validated,
respondents will exhibit high levels of dependency characteristics, and perceive that the
community ’s economic status is permanent. (apathy, low economic viability,
knowledge, and low participation dependency beliefs = CDS).

Description of Variables
Dependent Variables
Six dependent variables were employed in this study:

(1) Attitudes toward community social and public structures,

50

(2) Perceived levels of social viability and networks,

(3) Levels of formal and informal knowledge individuals possess and know about

their community,

(4) Individual perceptions of autonomy of their community,

(5) The general levels of apathy individuals possess, and

(6) Perceived dependence of their city.

The mean of the responses across the seven attitude items (Section I of
questionnaire) created an attitude index score. Similarly, an economic viability, apathy,
autonomy and IDS index score was computed for the mean of the responses across five
belief items (See Sections 11, IV, V, VI). Knowledge and Participation, (Sections 111 and
Section VII respectively) uses a net correct response to ten factual questions.
Independent Variables

Eight independent variables were employed in this study: gender, residence, age,
income-status, home-ownership, occupation, percentage of income earned in the city
limits, and sources of income.

1. Individual Community Attitudes:

Definition: The composite of positions or postures assumed by individuals in
Connection with a set of given actions or events a respondent is knowledgeable of or has
experienced.

Sample question: Does Benton Harbor’s officials provide enough parks and
recreational programs for the city’s youth?

Coding: Community attitudes will be measured through a seven-item scale

constructed by the researcher using a Likert-type response pattern of Excellent (4), Good

51

(3), Fair (2), and Poor (1). Responses were coded from one to four with four assigned as
excellent (a strong positive representing the high end of the scale) and one assigned as
poor (or strong negative at the low end of the scale).

Alpha Score: The seven-item measure exhibited the following alpha value of 0.76
(See Appendix B).

2. Economic Viability

Definition: The individual’s perception of the community’s ability to develop
sufficiently workable and practical solutions to its economic situation that has long-term
financial sustainability.

Sample question: Is job training and placement programs are reducing the need for
welfare in my community?

Coding: Respondents’ perceptions of Benton Harbor’s economic viability was the
second predictor variable. Economic viability levels were measured through a five-item
scale constructed by the researcher using a Likert-type response pattern of (SA), Strongly
Agree (A) Agree, (UD) Undecided, (DA) Disagree, and (SDA) Strongly Disagree.
Responses were coded from one to five, with five assigned to strongly agree
(representing the high end of the scale) and one assigned to strongly disagree (or a strong
negative at the low end) of the scale.

Alpha Score: The five-item measure exhibited the following alpha score 0.47 (See

Appendix B).

52

3. Community Knowledge

Definition: An individual’s range, level of information, formal and informal
knowledge and awareness of the specific state of its community and local political
funding issues.

Sample Question: Do you know of any local political plans that work to encourage
citizen participation?

Coding: Individual levels of community knowledge was the third predictor variable.
Community knowledge was measured through a four-item scale constructed by the
researcher using a Likert-type response scale of (4) great deal of knowledge, (3) some
knowledge, (2) little knowledge, and (1) no knowledge. Responses were coded from one
to four with four assigned to great deal of knowledge (representing the high end of the
scale) and one assigned to knowledge (the low end of the scale).

Alpha Score: The ten-item measure exhibited the following alpha value .85 (See
Appendix B).

4. Community Autonomy

Definition: An individual’s perceptions of the community’s ability to function
independently without continuous welfare and ability to have its government function
reliably without strict external controls.

Sample Question: Can Benton Harbor become independent again with long term
community and job development?

Coding: Individual perceptions of autonomy was the fourth predictor variable.
Community autonomy was measured through a five-item scale constructed by the

researcher using a Likert-type response pattern of (SA) strongly agree, (A) agree, (UD)

53

undecided, (DA) disagree, (SDA) strongly disagree. Responses were coded from one to
five with five assigned to strongly agree (representing the high end of the scale) and one
assigned to autonomy (representing the low end of the scale).

Alpha Score: The four-item measure exhibited the following alpha value 0.63 (See
Appendix B).
5. Social Apathy

Definition: Apathy represents the perception that an issue is general deemed to be
important or a critical event, or situation is not important in relation to his/her current life
circumstances, as s/he perceives it.

Sample Question: Does Benton Harbor has too many problems?

Community apathy was measured through a ten-item scale constructed by the
researcher using a Likert-type response pattern of (SA) strongly agree, (A) agree, (UD)
undecided, (DA) disagree, (SDA) strongly disagree. Responses were coded from one to
five with five assigned as strongly agree (a strong positive representing the high end of
the scale) and one assigned as strongly disagree (at the low end of the scale).

Alpha Score: The ten-item measure exhibited the following alpha value 0.74 (See
Appendix B).
6. Community Dependency Syndrome

Definition: Individual perceptions of a community’s inability to progress toward
sustained levels of autonomy.

Sample Question: Will the city always be dependent on state welfare and other

grants?

54

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156']

Res

 

 

 

Coding: Respondents’ perceptions of Benton Harbor’s individual dependency
syndrome was the sixth predictor variable. Community Dependency Syndrome levels
were measured through a five-item scale constructed by the researcher using a Likert-
type response pattern of (SA), Strongly Agree (A) Agree, (UD) Undecided, (DA)
Disagree, and (SDA) Strongly Disagree. Responses were coded from one to five
assigned to strongly agree (representing the high end of the scale) and one assigned to
strongly disagree (or a strong negative at the low end) of the scale Alpha Score: The
five-item measure exhibited the following alpha score 0.67 (See Appendix B).

7. Participation

Definition: The level of involvement a person or a group of persons devote to
community action, in local political or nonprofit organizations in the neighborhood.

Sample Question: Do you regularly attend any meeting of the local school board,
PTA, City Council or any other public policy body?

Coding: Community participation was measured through an eight-item scale
constructed by the researcher using yes and no responses. Responses were tallied and
summed by assigning 1 = yes and 0 = no, thus giving participants a cumulative score. A
total score of eight indicating high participation and a score of zero indicating no
participation.

Alpha Score: The eight-item measure exhibited the following alpha value 0.66
(See Appendix B).

Research Approach
The choice of methodology for this study was governed by the dictum that the

research must fit the research questions and goals of the study. According to Kantor,

55

Kirby, and Goetz (1981, p.295), decisions on whether to use quantitative or qualitative
methodologies should be based on the goals of the research.

The objectives are the following: 1) Assess whether the six dependent variables
Community (individual) Attitudes, Economic Viability, Community Knowledge,
Community Autonomy, Social Apathy, Individual Dependency Syndrome, Participation
have an effect on the independent variable (Community Dependency Syndrome). 2) Test
the hypotheses and research assumptions. 3) Develop indices that would be useful in
analyzing other urban areas for CDS. 4) Present useful data for future recommendations
and further development of this theory.

The review of the literature in Chapters 11 and III revealed that a variety of factors
can or do affect individual’s perceptions of community autonomy as opposed to
community dependency. However, there is very little research developed that the very
sources of aid to these communities are also the entities causing Community Dependency
Syndrome (CDS).

Questionnaire Development

In order to attain the objectives of this research, it was essential, for reasons of
relevance and validity, to obtain ideas for instrument development from various sources.
Before constructing the survey instrument, an extensive examination of the community
development literature was conducted to identify the most prevalent and/or pressing
community issues affecting urban areas. From the literature review, the main urban
issues and concerns were identified, as well as the most important economic and

governmental issues creating urban dilemma. The author developed questions and scaled

56

community items from previous community surveys and journal articles to develop a
comprehensive survey.

While it is understood that the information collected through a survey may not be
as comprehensive as other methods (observation, participant focus groups, etc.), there is
a limited amount of available studies on Dependent Communities indicating a critical
need for information now. Therefore, this research project intends to satisfy a need for
foundational characteristic building that can be used for aggregate community analysis in
the future.

Because mailed flyers involve the use of human subjects to obtain information,
the researcher first obtained permission from the University Committee on Research
involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) for the intended research. An application,
describing the project safeguards and ensuring the participants anonymity and
confidentiality, was filed with UCRIHS. UCHRIS determined that the rights and welfare
of the subjects appeared to be adequately protected and that the methods used to obtain
informed consent were appropriate. Thus, the survey was allowed to proceed.

A cover letter was enclosed briefly explaining the survey purpose and the
respondents’ role in data collection. It informed them of their rights and by their
attending the survey session expressed their full cooperation. Also, all participants were
notified at the end of each session and the completion of a survey there will be an
opportunity to win a lst, 2nd or 3rd prize monetary award.

Pilot Questionnaire

The pilot study was mainly used to strengthen the W of the

survey instrument proposed to be used in the quantitative phase of the study.

57

Specifically, the data collection effort involved the collection of demographic and
attitudinal factors using a structural questionnaire. A construct represents the hypothesis
that a variety of behaviors will correlate with one another in studies of individual
differences (Nunnally, 1978). Reliability testing strengthens both the-92W
W of the instrument, this kind of testing act as a guide to ensure a
researcher’s questions are focused on the research objectives.

The pilot questionnaire consisted of 8 attitude items, 6 economic viability items,
10 knowledge items, 7 community autonomy items, 10 apathy items, 5 individual
dependency items, 8 participation items, and 13 demographic items. After respondents
completed the questionnaire, they were asked how clear or comfortable they were about
each operationalized statement, and whether the statement was placed and worded
correctly. The pilot study was used to determine whether any questions should be
revised, omitted or added for clarity in order to strengthen the survey instrument. After
the pilot-study, one community attitude item and one economic viability item were found
to be difficult and were consequently rejected. All of the community participation,
apathy, and individual dependency variables were retained, but many of them were
revised in light of the items that presented a problem to the respondents during the pilot
questionnaire.
Final Questionnaire - The final questionnaire consisted of 7 community attitude items, 5
economic viability items, 10 knowledge items, 7 community autonomy items, 10
community apathy items, 5 individual community dependency items, 8 community
participation items and 13 demographic items (see Appendix A). The instrument

reflects the purpose of the research. The completion time for the survey, as determined

58

by pretest respondents was 20 to 30 minutes, short enough to allow participants to
complete in it one sitting. Several survey questions from the Center for Urban Affairs;
North Lansing Community Survey were used. However, the researcher designed the
major portion of the survey instrument. Therefore, primary contributions of this
instrument are from the field Community Resource Development and the development of
Community Dependency Syndrome index of practical indices, and the exploration of the
linkages between the theories and assumptions. Eight types of questionnaire items were
constructed: (1) items that measure individual community attitudes; (2) items that
measure perceived levels of economic viability; (3) items that measure knowledge about
funding and community development policies; (4) items that measure perceptions of
community autonomy; (5) items that measure perceived levels of apathy; (6) items that
measures citizens’ perceived levels individual dependency; (7) items that measure the
level of citizens community participation; and (8) demographic items. The attitude
items were intended to measure how people saw their current local institutions. The
viability items were intended to measure programs and services effectiveness in the
community. The knowledge items were intended to measure the amount of in/formal
knowledge residents had. The autonomy items were intended to measure the community
resourcefulness and ability to be independent. The apathy items were intended to
measure the level of hopelessness of citizens. The dependency items were intended to
measure perceived levels of the community dependency factors. The participation items

were intended to measure citizens’ levels of involvement.

59

Research Sample

There are approximately 4,791 households in the city Benton Harbor, thus the
researcher used purposive sampling to survey research sample. Thus, the exploratory
nature of community dependency theory the researcher is proposing small sample data to
support hypothesis. The author is quite familiar with the case-study area and familiar
with the characteristics of the community thus, providing an excellent case-study because
of the limited scope of researcher’s study area (Singleton, Straits & Straits, 1993). Due
to the high levels of teenage mothers and single-parent households, the author wanted
varied perceptions about Benton Harbor. As previously stated, choosing Benton Harbor
was relatively easy because it has many of the characteristics of the phenomena in
excess. Also, it provided an array of sample that could be studied within the time and
financial constraints of the agenda.
Number of respondents

There were 296 notices mailed to neighborhood parents, of which 72 people
completed surveys or 24% response of mailed surveys, which is 6% of the population of
inner city Benton Harbor. As demonstrated in Table 4.1, the sample population is
somewhat skewed from the population of Benton Harbor, Michigan. The respondents
represent a wide array of backgrounds, and elevated levels of income and educational
status.
COMPARING SAMPLE DATA TO CENSUS DATA
Selecting residents from the boundary area

The boundary area chosen by the researcher for this study was the 49022 zip code

area, referred to as Benton Harbor inner city residents throughout this report. The zip

60

code area focused on the Benton Harbor city residents only. The total number of valid
household addresses was 296. The number of households participating in the survey
session was 72. The response rate for this survey was nearly 25%, which is somewhat
lower than expected based on comparable surveys of this type. Therefore, it is useful to
examine how closely the survey respondents’ match the characteristics of the overall
boundary area in the 1990 Census. It was not necessary for the researcher to do follow-
up calls to increase household participation. This will help readers to determine the
extent to which the results can be generalized to the city of Benton Harbor.
Comparisons based on age

The survey respondents tended to have a higher representation of households with
residents over the age of 30 as shown in Figure 1. This is partially explained by the fact
that many of the younger residents are not homeowners, community participants, and
active in school organizations. Otherwise, the age distribution in the survey generally
reflected the distribution of the Benton Harbor area population. Age was not a relevant

characteristic of this sample because people under 18 years old were not selected.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1
50.0% 1
40.0% ~
"I DSurvey Respondent
o 0
Percent of 300A, Resrdents
Sample 0 IBenton Harbor
20.0/o Residents
10.0%
0.0%

 

 

 

 

49"”

 

 

 

61

Comparisons based on household income type

The survey respondents tended to have higher household incomes than the Benton
Harbor area as shown in Figure 2. This suggests that the figures contained in this
research may be somewhat skewed, and the information could be a factor in research

data.

Figure 2

 

 

 

Cl Percent of Survey
Respondents

[:1 Percent of Benton
Harbor Residents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

62

Comparisons based on education level

The education background of the survey respondents approximated the type of
education levels found in the Benton Harbor area shown below in Figure 3. The survey
under-represented the population of people without high school diplomas and over

represents the technical, associates, and college degree recipients.

Figure 3

 

0.5
0.45
0.4

 

0.35
0.3
0.25
0.2
0.15

DPeroentofSurvey

lPeroentofBentonl-larbor
Residents

 

 

 

0.1
0.05

 

 

 

 

Characteristics of Sample

Demographic information was collected on all subjects who participated in the
survey. One purpose of the collection of this information was to provide an overview of
the population that participated in the case study. Data were also collected to analyze

differences between ages, male and female, employment within city limits, and

63

educational levels of the citizens. Distribution of demographic characteristics is shown

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

in Table 4.1.
TABLE 4.1
Demographic Characteristics — Sample Population
Demographic Level Number Percent
Characteristics
Gender Male 27 37.5
Female 45 62.5
Age Under 20 yrs. 2 2.8
20 - 29 yrs 24 33.3
30 - 39 yrs 16 22.2
40-49yrs 13 18.1
50 - 59 yrs 12 16.7
60 - 69 yrs 1 1.4
70 + yrs 3 4.2
Income Level Less Than $5,000 5 6.9
$5,000 TO $9,999 9 12.5
$10,000 TO $14,999 9 12.5
$15,000 TO $19,999 7 9.7
$20,000 TO $29,999 12 16.7
$30,000 TO $39,999 10 13.9
$40,000 TO $49,999 11 15.3
$50,000 TO $75,000 4 5.6
Over $75,000 3 4.2
Education Level Elementary School 0 0
Junior High School 3 4.2
High School 33 45.8
Trade/Vocational School 7 9.7
Some College 19 26.4
College Graduate 8 11.]
Years in the City 0 - 10 years 6 8.6
10- 20 years 11 15.7
20 - 30 years 23 32.9
30 - 40 years 16 22.9
40 - 50 years 8 11.4
50 - 60 years 3 4.3
60 - 70 years 1 1.4

 

 

 

 

 

Total Sample Size = 72

64

Age/Gender
The respondents’ ages ranged from less than 20 years to over 70 years of age. A
majority of the respondents was between the ages of 20-39 years; 45 or (62.5%) of the

respondents were female. Overall perspective of the sample population from the

community is different.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 4.2
Demographic Characteristics of Benton Harbor - 1990 Census Data
Demographic Level Number Percent
Characteristics
Gender Male 5,799 45.2
Female 7,019 54.8
Age Under 20 yrs 5,821 45.4
' 20 - 29 yrs 1,975 15.4
30- 39 yrs 1,671 13.0
40-49yrs 1,011 7.9
50 - 59 yrs 760 5.9
60 - 69 yrs 800 6.2
70 + yrs 680 5.3
Income Level Less Than $5,000 1,110 8.7
$5,000 TO $9,999 1,254 9.8
$10,000 TO $14,999 592 4.6
$15,000 TO $19,999 351 2.7
$20,000 TO $29,999 521 4.1
$30,000 TO $39,999 248 1.9
$40,000 TO $49,999 160 1.2
$50,000 TO $75,000 115 .90
Over $75,000 24 .20
Educational Level Elementary School 1,270 10.0
Junior High School 1880 14.7
High School 1,450 11.3
TradeNocational School 993 7.7
Some College 197 1.5
College Graduate 197 1.5
Years in the City N/A N/A N/A

 

 

Total Sample Size = 12,818

65

 

 

 

Number of respondents

The researcher mailed 296 surveys to neighborhood parents, of which 72 people
completed surveys or 24% response to mailed surveys, which is .006% of the city of
Benton Harbor. As demonstrated in Table 4.1, the sample population is somewhat
reflective of the city. The respondents represent a wide array of backgrounds, income
and educational status.
Place of Employment

Over thirty-one percent (31.0) of respondents earned 10% or less of their income
within the city limits and only 12.9% of the citizens earn over 75% of their income
outside Benton Harbor city limits. Survey respondents income ranged from less than
$5,000 to over $75,000 annual income.
Educational Level

Twenty-six (26) or 37.1% of respondents indicated that they had attended some
college or trade/vocational school. Eight (8) or 11.4% indicated that they had obtained a
college degree and thirty-three or 47.1% had completed high school. The response group
had an exceptionally high response compared to the population at large educational level.
Data Collection

The questionnaires were administered to the research sample (which consisted of
households of students living in Benton Harbor, Michigan) during May of 1997. Two
hundred and ninety-six (296) were mailed to these households announcing the survey
session. The school’s assistant principal and guidance counselors told of the survey
session during the school announcements, asking to students to remind their parents

and/or legal guardians. Seventy-two surveys were collected, 21 surveys in the morning

66

session, and 51 surveys in the evening. The researcher for the research sample used all of
the surveys collected.

The decision to use a mailed flyer to obtain the sample population for collection
of data about Community Dependency Syndrome was chosen because it offered the most
information-given monetary and time constraints. Campbell & F iske (1959) argued that
more than one method should be used in the validation process to ensure that the variance
reflected that of the trait and not that of the method. For organizational researchers this
would involve the use of multiple methods to examine the same dimensions of a research
problem to improve the accuracy of their judgments by collecting different kinds of data
for the same phenomenon (J ick, 1979).

The researcher administered the survey in room 101 at Fairplain Junior High
School and collected the survey as each citizen completed the form. Only a few questions
about the rating system were asked and the researcher briefly explained the sections.
Basically, it was explained that there were no right or wrong answers, just the residents’
levels of perceptions about their community.

Statistical Techniques for Quantitative Data Analysis

Because the main purpose of this study was to measure the individual perceptions
of community attitudes, economic viability, knowledge, autonomy, dependency, and
participation, suitable test items were developed and selected from other sources within
these broad categories.

The following statistical techniques will be used:

1. Frequencies were used to assess the frequency of responses on each item and

the frequency on gender, age, length of residence, and employment location.

67

2. Analysis of variance (AN OVA) was used to test significance of the
differences in attitudes and perceptions of the Benton Harbor respondents.

3. Correlations were used to investigate the relationships that might exist
between the dependent variables.

4. Regression analysis was used to show the combined effects of a set of
independent variables and the separate effects of each independent variable
while controlling for the others on the attitude and perception index scores.

5. Chi-square was used to check significance of difference of the responses on
the knowledge items.

6. Descriptive statistics (mean and standard deviation) were employed to
show general perceptions of respondents on each category of the
questionnaire.

Results of the data analysis are presented in Chapter IV.

68

CHAPIERJX
W

The purpose of this chapter is to present the analysis of data concerning the
hypotheses, and exploratory findings of the residents’ community attitudes, community
economic viability, levels of community knowledge, individual dependency, community
apathy and community participation. Results are presented by giving a statistical
analysis of the quantitative data and through descriptive statistics. Quantitative data are
reported in an effort to give an objective and detailed description of the research findings.
The research sample responding to the survey consisted of 296 households in Benton
Harbor, Michigan.

The researcher used one or more techniques to achieve the objectives of the study
or to test the research hypothesis. Accordingly, the first section of this chapter provides
an overview of sample characteristics, and the second part is concerned with the
hypothesis.

Quantitative Data Analysis

H1: An inverse relationship exists between
community participation and community apathy.

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship
between participation and apathy. The correlation matrix for this analysis is presented in
Table 4.3. The results illustrate that participation was not statistically significant, and
did support the null hypothesis. However participation is negatively correlated with
apathy (r = -O.555, P >0.05). Thus, the relationship between participation and apathy
shows a negative trend. However it was not statistically significant at the .05 confidence

level.

69

The community participation section of the questionnaire consisted of eight items
(1-8) (See Appendix A). The respondents’ mean score ranged from 0.00 to 8.00 and
standard deviation of 1.59. The reliability of the community participation scale was
estimated using coefficient alpha value .76 (Cronbach). The community apathy section
of the questionnaire consisted of ten items (1-10) (See Appendix A). The respondents’
mean score ranged from 1.00 to 4.30 and standard deviation of 0.71. The reliability of
the community apathy scale was estimated using coefficient alpha value .74 (Cronbach).

H2: Low levels of economic viability produce lower
individual attitudes toward the restoration of their
environment.

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between
economic viability and community attitudes. The correlation matrix for this analysis is
presented in Table 4.3. The results illustrate that economic viability is positively
correlated and statistically significant with community attitudes (r = .4573, P <0.05).
Thus, the relationship between economic viability and community attitudes did support
the research hypothesis and was statistically significant at the 0.05 confidence level.

The economic viability section of the questionnaire consisted of five items (1-5)
(See Appendix A). The respondents mean score ranged from 1.00 to 4.75 and standard
deviation of 0.71. The reliability of the economic viability scale was estimated using
coefficient alpha value .47.

The community attitude section of the questionnaire consisted of items (1-7) (See
Appendix A). The respondents’ mean score ranged from 1.14 to 3.43 and standard

deviation of 0.53. The reliability of community attitude scale was estimated using

coefficient alpha value .74 (Cronbach).

7O

H3: A positive correlation exists between
knowledge and autonomy because deficient levels
of knowledge produce lower levels of autonomy.

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between
knowledge and autonomy. The correlation matrix for this analysis is present in Table
4.3. The results illustrate that knowledge is positively correlated and statistically
significant with autonomy (r = .2100, P<0.05). Thus the findings are consistent with the
hypotheses and is statistically significant at the .05 confidence level.

The knowledge section of the questionnaire consists of ten items (1-10) (See
Appendix A). The respondents’ mean scored ranged from 1.00 to 4.00 and standard
deviation of 0.62. The reliability of the knowledge scale was estimated using coefficient
alpha value .85 (Cronbach).

The autonomy section of the questionnaire consists of 4 items (1-4) (See Appendix
A). The respondents’ mean score ranged from 1.00 to 4.75 and standard deviation of

0.81. The reliability of the community autonomy scale was estimated using coefficient

alpha value .63 (Cronbach).

71

TABLE 4.3
Correlation of Individual Perceptions of Community Processes

 

Var N Mean Std Dev

CORRELATION MATRIX TABLE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

comatt comap know comauto ecovia compart indsyn
1 72 2.11 0.5268 .76
2 71 2.30 0.7120 0.0630 .74
3 72 1.99 0.6228 0.3680 -0.0858 .85
4 72 2.35 0.8131 0.3805 0.1568 0.2030 .63
5 72 2.69 0.7130 0.4573 0.1374 0.4350 0.4555 .47
6 72 1.79 1.5917 0.0774 -0.0555 0.0242 -0.1174 0.0970 .66
7 72 2.26 0.6887 0.1084 0.3753 0.1524 0.2749 0.2563 -0.0105 .67

 

(Reliabilities of all dependent variables are diagonally inserted)
(comatt - community attitudes, comap - community apathy, know — knowledge,

comauto — community autonomy, ecovia — economic viability, compart — community

participation, indsyn — individual syndrome)

used individual perceptions of the level of Individual Dependency Syndrome in their

community. Based on the overall scale of dependency syndrome, the hypothesis is

H4: Assuming the proposed three hypothetical relationships are true,
individuals will exhibit high levels of dependency characteristics, and as a
whole individuals perceive that at the aggregate level their communities

economic status is relatively permanent.

One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to test this hypothesis, which

supported by the data. Survey respondents (1.21) displayed characteristics of IDS and it

is statistically significant F_(6,64) = 2.97, P = 0.0127 at the .05 confidence level.

The individual dependency syndrome section of the questionnaire consists of five
items (1-5) (See Appendix A). The respondents’ mean score ranged from 1.76 to 2.78

and standard deviation of 0.69. The five-item measure exhibited the following alpha

value of .67.

72

 

Beta Regression Significance

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable B T Sig T
Comatt -.0951 -.555 .5808
Ecovia .1067 .778 .5805

Know .1394 .990 .3259

Comauto .1482 1.343 .1839
Comap .3400 3.067 .0032

Compart .0096 . 197 .8448

 

 

Results of Individual Dependency Syndrome Section

The results of the Individual Dependency Syndrome (positive correlation of all
six variables with IDS) are statistically significant at the.05 level and are worthy of
further investigation. However, when the six variables were analyzed individually to test
whether they were significant, community apathy (commap shown above Table 4.4) was
the only variable statistically significant at the .of confidence level. Even though, the
other variables were not statistically significant they show a trend toward being a
predictor of the IDS. Further exploration of the predictor values' impact on individual
citizens’ perceptions is needed.
Discussion of the Findings

Generally, the findings were consistent with research hypothesis. However
Hypothesis I was not statistically significant at the 95% confidence level. Even though,
its reliability value was considerably valid (0.75). Participation did not strongly correlate
or affect Individual Dependency Syndrome. The data did not support the hypothesis,
however given the sample size and the income and educational homogeneity further
research must be employed to determine if participation has an affect upon individual

perceptions of dependency.

73

Hypothesis II and Hypothesis III were statistically significant at the .05 confidence level
and this make future research efforts worthwhile.

The primary purpose of this study was to assess residents’ attitudes, knowledge
and awareness toward community development in their area. The secondary purpose was
to determine whether linkages existed between political processes and general perception
community development. Three objectives served as a basis for this study:

Objective I - The development of a set of community indices and building a
foundational groundwork for community dependency mitigation.

Objective II - To measure dependency and to test assumptions about
participation, knowledge, attitude, apathy, viability and autonomy in relation
to sustainable community building.
OBJECTIVE III - To increase awareness at local levels of how welfare
programs create community dependency syndrome and how it affects
individual perceptions.
Post Hoc Analysis
Demographic variables were analyzed to assess whether they were causal or
spurious factors affecting the dependent variable in this research paper. Further analyses
of these variables are shown in the tables below. An assessment of the demographic
variables will evaluate to measure whether there was significant impact upon the six
dependent variables. In addition, demographic information was collected on all subjects

who participated in the survey. One purpose for the collection of this data was to provide

an overview of the population that was surveyed in the case study.

74

Demographics Table 1A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

What is your Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
marital status
Single
Mean 2.3600 2.0857 2.6400 2.1406 2.0240 2.2680 1.4000
N 25 25 25 25 25 25 25
Std. Dev .6455 .4518 .6336 .6663 .8857 .6203 1.1541
% of Total N 34.7% 34.7% 34.7% 34.7% 34.7% 35.2% 34.7%
Married
Mean 2.1500 2.0938 2.7109 1.8719 2.2250 2.2680 2.3774
N 32 32 32 32 32 31 32
Std. Dev .6284 .611 l .7908 .6103 .6380 .8078 1.7060
% of Total N 44.4% 44.4% 44.4% 44.4% 44.4% 44.4% 44.4%
Divorced
Mean 2.4000 2.1071 2.8125 2.0176 2.3167 2.3000 2.5833
N 12 12 12 12 12 12 12
Std. Dev .9420 .3859 .7161 .5656 .6793 .731 1 1.9752
% of Total N 16.7% 16.7% 16.7% 16.7% 16.7% 16.9% 16.7%
Widowed
Mean 1.7000 2.5000 2.3750 1.5500 3 .4000 1.8000 1.0000
N 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Std. Dev .4243 1.1 112 .8839 .4950 .5657 .0000 1.4142
% ofTotal N 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8%‘
Other
Mean 2.2000 2.2857 2.2500 2.4000 2.0000 2.0000 2.0000
N 1 1 l 1 1 l 1
Std. Dev . . . . . . .
% of Total N 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4%
Total
Mean 2.258 2.1071 2.6875 1.9879 2.2000 2.3042 1.7917
N 72 72 72 72 72 72 72
Std. Dev .6887 .5268 .7130 .6228 .7573 .7120 1.5917
Marital Status

The survey residents responded strongly to economic viability (ecovia) their

sample mean scores were 2.64, 2.71 and 2.81 respectively. The respondents had the

greatest standard deviations in perceptions of community participation (compart) shown

above in Table 1A. The survey residents that were widowed responded greatest to

community autonomy (comauto) and because of the low representation there is not

75

 

sufficient information to report standard deviations. The majority of respondents who

participated in the survey were married approximately 44 percent.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 1B

F Sig.
IDS *what is Between (Combined) .780 .542
your marital Within Groups
status Total
Commatt scale Between (Combined) .310 .870
*what is your Within Groups
marital status Total
Ecovia scale Between (Combined) .306 .873
*what is your Within Groups
marital scale Total
Know scale Between (Combined) 1.018 .405
*what your Within Groups
marital status Total
Commauto Between (Combined) l .763 . 147
scale *what is Within Groups
your marital Total
status
Commap scale Between (Combined) .81 .822
*what is your Within Groups
marital status Total
Commpart Between (Combined) 1 .277 .288
scale *what is Within Groups
your marital Total
status

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between
marital status and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis are shown above in
Table 1B. The results illustrate that marital status was not statistically significant at the
.05 confidence level. The married respondents were tested because they were the largest

participants in the survey research.

76

 

Demographics Table 2A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

What is Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
your
gender
Male
Mean 2.3556 2.1111 2.6667 1.8778 2.0741 2.0167 1.6296
N 27 27 27 27 27 27 27
Std. Dev .7067 .5095 .6163 .5373 .8212 .6276 1.2136
% of Total 37.5% 37.5% 37.5% 37.5% 37.5% 38.0% 37.5%
N
Female
Mean 2.1911 2.1048 2.7000 2.0539 2.2756 2.3667 1.8296
N 45 45 45 45 45 45 45
Std. Dev .6782 .5426 .7717 .6659 .7151 .6276 1.2136
% of Total 62.5% 62.5% 62.5% 62.5% 62.5% 62.5% 62.5%
N
Total
Mean 2.2528 2.1071 2.6875 1.9879 2.2000 2.3042 2.5833
N 71 72 72 72 72 71 72
Std. Dev .6887 .5268 .7130 .6228 .7573 .7120 1.5917
Gender

Male survey respondents had higher mean scores than female respondents in the

following areas: individual dependency syndrome (IDS) 2.36 and 2.19, community

attitude (commatt) 2.11 and 2.10. Female survey respondents had higher mean scores in

the following areas: economic viability (ecovia) 2.70 and 2.67, knowledge (know) 2.05

and 1.88, community autonomy (commauto) 2.28 and 2.07, community apathy (commap)

2.37 and 2.02, community participation (commpart) 1.83 and 1.63. Both male and

female respondents had the greatest standard deviation in the area of community

participation. See above Table 2A for data results.

77

 

 

Demographics Table 2B

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

F Sig.
IDS *what is Between (Combined) .961 .330
your gender Within Groups
Total
Commatt scale Between (Combined) .002 .961
*what is your Within Groups
gender Total
Ecovia scale Between (Combined) .036 .849
*what is your Within Groups
ender Total
Know scale Between (Combined) 1.356 .248
*what your Within Groups
gender Total
Commauto Between (Combined) l . 198 .278
scale *what is Within Groups
your gender Total
Commap scale Between (Combined) .332 .566
*what is your Within Groups
ender Total
Commpart Between (Combined) .444 .507
scale *what is Within Groups
our gender Total

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between

 

gender and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis is shown above in Table
ZB. The results illustrate that gender was not statistically significant at the .05
confidence level. The data shows that gender does not affect individual perceptions of

dependency and is not a factor.

78

Demographics Table 3A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

What is your Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
age range
Under 20yrs
Mean 2.8000 1.7857 2.3750 1.5000 1.8000 1.8000 1.5000
N 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Std. Dev .5657 .1010 .5303 .1414 .0000 .8485 2.1213
% ofTotal N 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8%
20 — 29 yrs
Mean 2.1833 2.0238 2.6354 2.0667 1.8917 2.3000 1.1667
N 24 24 24 24 24 24 24
Std. Dev .7221 .4471 .7517 .6155 .7956 .5816 1.3726
% ofTotal N 33.8% 33.8% 33.8% 33.8% 33.8% 33.8% 33.8%
30 - 39 yrs
Mean 2.3250 1.9911 2.3744 1.7509 2.1875 2.3600 1.7500
N 16 16 16 l6 16 15 16
Std. Dev .7514 .6204 .7498 .5614 .8531 .8270 1.0646
% of Total N 22.5% 22.5% 22.5% 22.5% 22.5% 21.4% 22.5%
40 — 49 yrs
Mean 2.4308 2.2088 2.7885 2.2855 2.5692 2.3923 2.3077
N 13 13 13 13 13 13 13
Std. Dev .7514 .4270 .7349 .6704 .6704 .8836 1.3775
% ofTotal N 18.3% 18.3% 18.3% 18.3% 18.3% 18.3% 18.3%
50 — 59 yrs
Mean 1.9667 2.4286 2.8333 2.1250 2.4000 2.0750 2.8333
N 12 12 12 12 12 12 12
Std. Dev .4418 .6418 .7411 .6107 .5970 .6283 2.2896
% of Total N 16.9% 16.9% 16.9% 16.9% 16.9% 17.1% 16.9%
60 - 69 yrs
Mean 2.0000 2.2857 2.2500 1.5000 2.8000 3.5000 2.0000
N 1 l l 1 1 1 1
Std. Dev . . . . . . .
% of Total N 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4%
70+ yrs
Mean 2.5333 1.9048 2.2500 1.4667 2.6000 2.5000 .3333
N 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
Std. Dev .4619 .4592 .4330 .3786 .3464 .6557 .5774
% of Total N 4.2% 4.2% 4.2% 4.2% 4.2% 4.2% 4.2%
Total
Mean 2.2535 2.1107 2.6901 1.9961 2.2085 2.3029 1.7746
N 72 72 72 72 72 70 71
Std. Dev .6936 .5297 .7177 .6233 .7593 .7171 1.5964

 

79

 

Age

The largest age range category of respondents was 20 — 29 yrs of age. This group

had the highest mean score responding to economic viability at the 2.38 level.

Community participation had the greatest deviation when correlated with age, standard

deviations ranging from 0.58 to 2.29. The data for this analysis are shown above in

Table 3A. Although the hypothesis that participation affected individual perceptions of

dependency was not statistically significant, age when correlated with participation is

statistically significant at the 05. confidence level.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 3B
F Sig.
IDS *what is Between (Combined) .852 .535
your age range Within Groups
Total
Commatt scale Between (Combined) 1289. .275
*what is your Within Groups
age range Total
Ecovia scale Between (Combined) .0446 .845
*what is your Within Groups
age range Total
Know scale Between (Combined) 1.812 .11 1
*what your age Within Groups
range Total
Commauto Between (Combined) 1 .75 l .124
scale *what is Within Groups
your age range Total
Commap scale Between (Combined) .91 1 .493
*what is your Within Groups
age range Total
Commpart Between (Combined) 2.372 .039
scale *what is Within Groups
your age range Total

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between age

and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis is shown above in Table 3B. The

80

 

results illustrate that age was statistically significant at the .05 confidence level with
dependent variable community participation (r=0.039, P>0.05). Thus age has an impact

upon community participation.

81

Demographics Table 4A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Considering all jobs Ids Comatt Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
and other income gross
income range
Less that $5,000
Mean 2.3600 2.1143 2.8500 2.1200 2.0800 2.3500 1.6000
N 5 5 S 5 5 5 5
Std. Dev .4980 .3833 .7416 .4970 .7694 .5000 1.1402
%ofTotalN 7.1% 7.1% 7.1% 7.1% 7.1% 7.1% 7.1%
$5,000 - $9,999
Mean 2.3778 2.0794 2.5833 1.91 l 1 1.9778 2.3667 1.2222
N 9 9 9 9 9 9 9
Std. Dev .6037 .5398 .5728 .9226 .8686 .5477 .8333
% of Total N 12.9% 12.9% 12.9% 12.9% 12.9% 13.0% 12.9%
$10,000 - $ 14,999
Mean 1.7333 1.6984 2.4167 1.9222 1.9333 2.2556 1.1111
N 9 9 9 9 9 9 9
Std. Dev .5099 .4005 .4841 .5608 .4690 .5480 .9280
% ofTotal N 12.9% 12.9% 12.9% 12.9% 13.0% 12.9%
$15,000 - $19,999
Mean 2.2857 1.9388 2.6786 1.9000 1.9714 2.1571 1.7143
N 7 7 7 7 7 7 7
Std. Dev .7559 .4194 .5537 .5033 .5589 .3690 2.1381
% of Total N 10.0% 10.0% 10.0% 10.0% 10.0% 10.0% 10.0%
$20,000 - $29,999
Mean 2.4833 2.4762 3.0417 1.9429 2.4333 2.0667 1.8333
N 12 12 12 12 12 12 12
Std. Dev .8021 .6542 .7600 .7610 .8348 .8261 1.3371
%ofTotalN 17.1% 17.1% 17.1% 17.1% 17.1% 17.4% 17.1%
$30,000 - $39,999
Mean 2.1400 2.1429 2.8000 1.9000 2.3000 2.7100 1.5000
N 10 10 10 10 10 10 10
Std. Dev .5661 .6901 1.0462 .7364 .9854 .7593 2.4152
% of Total N 14.3% 14.3% 14.3% 14.3% 14.3% 14.5% 14.3%
$40,000 - $49,999
Mean 2.3636 2.1688 2.6591 2.1283 2.3091 2.3273 2.8182
N 11 11 ll 11 1 1 11 11
Std. Dev .91 13 .3770 .5839 .5100 .7286 .7734 1.6624
% ofTotal N 15.7% 15.7% 15.7% 15.7% 15.7% 15.7% 15.7%
$50,000 - $75,000
Mean 2.6000 2.1429 2.3125 2.3000 2.2000 2.2500 1.2500
N 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
Std. Dev .4899 .2608 .7181 .1826 .8485 .4933 .5000
% of Total N 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7%
Over $75,000
Mean 1.9333 1.9524 2.2500 1.9667 2.6667 2.1333 3.6667
N 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
Std. Dev .6110 .3595 1.0897 .3215 .6110 1.8771 .5774
% ofTotal N 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7% 5.7%

 

82

 

Income

The greatest representation of respondents’ income range was $20,000 to
$29,000, $40,000 to $49,000, and $30,000 to $39,000. These groups of respondents
mean scores were highest in the categories of economic viability, 3.04, 2.67, and 2.80
respectively. Community autonomy had mean scores of 2.43, 2.31, and 2.30.
Community apathy respondents mean scores were the following 2.07, 2.33, and 2.71.
The standard deviations of these groups ranges from 0.50 to 2.42, had the greatest
variance in the category of community participation. The results are shown above in

Table 4A.

83

Demographics Table 4B

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

F Si .
IDS * Between (Combined) 1.130 .357
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Commatt Between (Combined) 1 .642 . 132
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Ecovia Between (Combined) .087 1 .545
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Know scale Between (Combined) .277 .971
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Commauto Between (Combined) .636 .744
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Commap Between (Combined) .604 .771
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total
income gross
income range
Commpart Between (Combined) 1 .641 . 132
Considering all Within Groups
jobs and other Total

income gross
income range

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between

income range and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis are shown above in

84

 

Table 4B. The results illustrate that considering all jobs and other income was not

statistically significant at the .05 confidence level.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 5A
Highest level of Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
education
Jr. High School
Mean 2.5333 1.9048 2.2500 1.4667 2.6000 2.5000 .3333
N 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
Std. Dev .4619 .4592 .4330 .3786 .3464 .6557 .5774
% of Total N 4.3% 4.3% 4.3% 4.3% 4.3% 4.3 4.3%
High school
Mean 2.2000 2.0996 2.7197 2.0242 2.0970 2.4250 1.4848
N 33 33 33 33 33 33 33
Std. Dev .6124 .5538 .6840 .6567 .7161 .6128 1.5637
% of Total N 47.1% 47. 1% 47. 1% 47. 1% 47. 1% 47. 1% 47. 1%
Trade/vocational
school
Mean 2.3429 2.1837 2.8929 1.6306 2.6000 2.6000 1.8571
N 7 7 7 7 7 7 7
Std. Dev .9778 .4100 1.1624 .5979 1.1 136 .9327 1.3452
%ofTota1N 10.1% 10.1% 10.1% 10.1% 10.1% 10.1% 10.1%
Some college
Mean 2.2105 2.0827 2.6842 2.2211 2.1474 1.9632 1.8421
N 19 19 19 19 19 19 19
Std. Dev .6616 .5539 .6762 .5779 .7770 .4705 1.5371
% ofTotal N 27.1% 27.1% 27.1% 27.1% 27.1% 27.1% 27.1%
College graduate
Mean 2.4250 2.3036 2.8125 1.9514 2.1750 2.1000 3.2500
N 8 8 8 8 8 8 8
Std. Dev .6616 .5477 .2216 .4726 .6964 .9181 1.4880
% of Total N 11.4% 11.4% 11.4% 11.4% 11.4% 11.4% 11.4%
Total
Mean 2.2571 2.1184 2.7179 2.0061 2.1914 2.2812 1.7714
N 70 7O 70 70 70 70 70
Std. Dev .6929 .5295 .6915 .6207 .7648 .6785 1.5896

 

Educational Level

The respondents’ educational level was concentrated in the categories of high

school graduates, the second highest category was trade/vocational school and the least

85

 

high category was some college. Trade/vocational school respondents mean scores were
higher in the categories of economic viability, community autonomy and community
apathy, than any other group. The standard deviations of this group of respondents had
the greatest variance in the categories of community autonomy and community

participation. The data results shown above in Table 5A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 5B

F Si .
IDS * highest Between (Combined) .328 .858
level of Within Groups
education Total
Commatt * Between (Combined) .411 .800
highest level of Within Groups
education Total
Ecovia * Between (Combined) .489 .744
highest level of Within Groups
education Total
Know scale * Between (Combined) 1.892 .122
highest level of Within Groups
education Total
Commauto * Between (Combined) .849 .500
highest level of Within Groups
education Total
Commap * Between (Combined) 2.145 .085
highest level of Within Groups
education Total
Commpart * Between (Combined) 2.919 .028
highest level of Within Groups
education Total

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between

educational level and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis are shown

 

above in Table 5B. The results illustrate that educational level was statistically
significant at the .05 confidence level with the dependent variable community

participation (r=0.028, P>0.05). Thus, educational level appears to be related to

86

community participation. In addition, there is a significant relationship between the

dependent variable community apathy and educational level at the .05 confidence

interval level.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 6A
What is your Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comaut Comap Compart
housing type 0
Apartment/room
Mean 2.0000 1.8367 2.7857 1.8500 2.1429 2.4643 1.7143
N 14 14 14 14 14 14 14
Std. Dev .8038 .5341 .8312 .7978 .8016 .7938 1.6375
% of Total N 19.4% 19.4% 19.4% 19.4% 19.4% 19.4% 19.4%
Mobile home
Mean 1.8000 2.2857 3.2500 2.5000 3.0000 2.2000 1.0000
N 1 l 1 1 1 l 1
Std. Dev . . . . . . .
% of Total N 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4% 1.4%
condominium
Mean 3.1000 2.2143 3.0000 2.5000 2.3000 2.6000
N 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Std. Dev 1.5556 .5051 .3536 .4243 .4243 . 1.4142
% of Total N 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8%
house
Mean 2.2741 2.1640 2.6343 1.9820 2.2185 2.2389 1.8148
N 54 54 54 54 54 54 54
Std. Dev .5985 .5210 .7016 .5750 .7526 .6924 1.6028
% of Total N 75.0% 75.0% 75.0% 75.0% 75.0% 75.0% 75.0%
Total
Mean 2.2528 2.1071 2.6875 1.9879 2.2000 2.3042 1.7917
N 72 72 72 72 72 72 72
Std. Dev .6887 .5268 .7130 .6228 .7573 .7120 1.5917

 

87

 

Housing Type

The greatest representation of respondent in terms of housing type was

single family houses; the second highest group was apartment/room. The means scores

of these respondents were higher in the categories of individual dependency syndrome,

economic viability, and community autonomy and community apathy. The standard

deviation for these groups of respondents was the greatest variance in the categories of

community autonomy and community participation. The data results are shown above in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 6A
Demographics Table 6B
F Sig.

IDS What is Between (Combined) 2.178 .081
your housing Within Groups
type Total
Comat What is Between (Combined) 1.238 .303
your housing Within Groups
type Total
Ecovia What is Between (Combined) .427 .789
your housing Within Groups
type Total
Know scale Between (Combined) 1.007 .410
What is your Within Groups
housing type Total
Comauto What Between (Combined) .940 .446
is your housing Within Groups

e Total
Comap What is Between (Combined) .927 .132
your housing Within Groups
type Total
Compart What Between (Combined) .665 .618
is your housing Within Groups
type Total

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between

housing type and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis are shown above in

88

 

Table 6B. The results illustrate that housing type has a significant relationship to the

dependent variable individual dependency syndrome. Thus, housing type has a

relationship to individual dependency syndrome.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Demographics Table 7A
What kind of Ids Comat Ecovia Know Comauto Comap Compart
payments are
made for the
place you live
Other
Mean 2.1000 2.1429 2.6250 2.4000 1.6000 2.3500 .5000
N 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Std. Dev .9899 .8081 .1768 .4243 .2828 .7778 .7071
% ofTotal N 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8% 2.8%
Rent
Mean 2.1308 1.9615 2.7212 1.9385 2.1923 2.3280 1.6923
N 26 26 26 26 26 26 26
Std. Dev .7796 .4841 .7393 .7055 .8607 .6736 1.4077
% ofTotal N 36.1% 36.1% 36.1% 36.1% 36.1% 36.1% 36.1%
Mortgage
payments 2.2552 2.2069 2.7931 2.0492 2.2345 2.2103 1.7586
Mean 29 29 29 29 29 29 29
N .6695 .5658 .7649 .5914 .6303 .7664 1.4797
Std. Dev 40.3% 40.3% 40.3% 40.3% 40.3% 40.3% 40.3%
% of Total N
Fully owned
Mean 2.4800 2.1619 2.4333 1.9000 2.2000 2.3042 1.7917
N 15 15 15 15 15 15 15
Std. Dev .5171 .4885 .5784 .5669 .8548 .7069 2.1112
% of Total N 20.8% 20.8% 20.8% 20.8% 20.8% 20.8% 20.8%
Total
Mean 2.2528 2.1071 2.6875 1.9879 2.2000 2.3042 1.7142
N 72 72 72 72 72 72 72
Std. Dev .6887 .5268 .7130 .6228 .7573 .7120 1.5917

 

Housing Payments

The greatest representation with respect to type of housing payment was standard

mortgage payments; the second highest category was rental payments. The mean scores

of these respondents in this group were higher in the categories of, economic viability,

89

 

and community autonomy and community apathy. The standard deviations of these
groups of respondents had the greatest variance in the categories of community

participation and community autonomy. The data results are shown above in Table 7A

90

Demographics Table 7B

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

F Sig.
IDS What kind Between (Combined) .843 .475
of payments Within Groups
are made for Total
the place you
live
Comat What Between (Combined) 1.069 .368
kind of Within Groups
payments are Total
made for the
place you live
Ecovia What Between (Combined) .867 .463
kind of Within Groups
payments are Total
made for the
place you live
Know scale Between (Combined) .529 .664
What kind of Within Groups
payments are Total
made for the
place you live
Comauto What Between (Combined) .435 .729
kind of Within Groups
payments are Total
made for the
place you live
Comap What Between (Combined) .352 .788
kind of Within Groups
payments are Total
made for the
place you live
Compart What Between (Combined) .799 .499
kind of Within Groups
payments are Total

made for the
place you live

 

 

 

 

 

The Pearson correlation coefficient was used to test the relationship between

housing payment and the dependent variables. The data for this analysis are shown

91

 

above in Table 7B. The results illustrate that housing payment type was not statistically

significant at the .05 confidence level

92

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Summary

This chapter includes a summary of the purpose, objectives and methodology of
the study. It is followed by conclusions drawn from data analysis. Recommendations are
then made for additional research that relates to the problem.

Chapter One offers a background for this study. The case-study area is Benton
Harbor, Michigan. The focus area consisted of a neighborhood within the city limits.
The research question has to do with inner city residents and their involvement or lack
thereof in community development in their community. The study focuses mainly on
individual citizens’ perceptions of their city’s level of Community Dependency
Syndrome (CDS). It also examines into how government welfare and development
programs are affecting their perceptions of restoration of their community.

Chapter Two reviews the literature relevant to this research project. The literature
review is focused on government interventions in relation to urban residents and to
community development. This chapter illustrates theoretical constructs, definitions of
community, and several misconceptions about the methodologies implemented by the
national and state governments. Finally, this chapter establishes a foundational platform
explaining how governmental aid is a major contributor to the development of
Community Dependency Syndrome.

Chapter Three is the methodology and design section. In achieving the objectives
of this study, responses to the questionnaire were reported and analyzed by one or more

of the following techniques: (1) charts, (2) standard deviations, (3) analysis of variance,

93

 

(4) correlations, (5) regression analysis, (6) descriptive statistics (mean, median, standard
deviation. Most results were presented in table form making them relatively easy to
comprehend and interpret.

Over the past two decades, no community studies have been conducted on local
residents’ perceptions of community dependency syndrome, especially using citizens and
perceptions of dependence as focal points of the study. The purpose of this chapter was
to test whether positive or negative relationships exist between the predictor variables
and Community Dependency Syndrome. It was critical that a set of CDS indices be
established to build a theoretical framework. Thus, an examination and evaluation of our
local political and community efforts in urban areas is needed; Prior studies were
general, and did not examine individual perceptions of community attitudes, economic
viability, knowledge, community autonomy, community apathy, and Individual
Dependency Syndrome in relationship with community development.

Also, this chapter tests whether participation, knowledge, attitudes, apathy,
viability and autonomy are positively correlated with sustainable community building.
The Cronbach reliability analysis presented strong evidence that these predictors and
community development correlated.

Chapter Four discusses the results, the results supports the research hypothesis,
assumptions and objectives. In addition, the Post Hoe Analysis shows further statistical
merit in the research project. The important results from the analysis are:

l. Hypothesis 1 - an inverse relationship exists between participation and apathy (high
participation = low apathy) Community participation and community apathy were

inversely correlated, however the relationship was not statistically significant at the

94

.05 confidence level. In addition, the participation in community events, programs
were statistically significant when correlated with income, age, and marital status.
This data indicate that further research should be done to assess community
participation in relation to Community Dependency Syndrome.

Hypothesis II —- Lower levels of economic viability relate to lower individual
attitudes toward the restoration of the community environment (high economic
viability = high community attitudes) Benton Harbor residents’ perception of
economic viability correlated positively with individual attitudes towards community
restoration and was statistically significant at the .05 confidence interval. The
quantitative results of the attitudinal section of the questionnaire found the Benton
Harbor respondents to possess significantly more negative attitudes about the general
operation of the city’s services and programs. Also, the responses toward economic
viability were generally negative and feelings of hopelessness are prevalent among
the citizens. Survey results showed that citizens perceived that only through
continued welfare programs that Benton Harbor would began to recover
economically.

Hypothesis III — A positive correlation exists between community knowledge and
autonomy (low knowledge = low autonomy). Residents’ perceptions of autonomous
living are predicated upon how knowledgeable they are of the functions and
operations of their community. Even though, the respondents’ overall perceptions of
their community are bleak, many of the residents believe that with long-term

economic development and assistance Benton Harbor could one day thrive again.

95

4. Hypothesis IV - Assuming the forgoing three hypothetical relationships are
statistically supported, respondents will exhibit high levels of dependency
characteristics, and perceive that the community ’s economic status is permanent.
(high apathy, low economic viability, low knowledge, and minimal participation =
CDS). The level of Community Dependency Syndrome is related to the dependent
variables supported by the findings. A multiple regression analysis indicated that the
six predictors were positively correlated and statistically significant at the .05
confidence interval. However, when each variable was looked at independently
community apathy was the only dependent variable statistically significant.

5. Post Hoc Analysis revealed that demographic variables also relate to how residents
perceive the vitality and livelihood of their community. Several demographic
variables have a significant effect upon the dependent variables. Age, level of
education, and housing type were statistically significant at the .05 confidence
interval. The data implicates further research is needed because of the sample size.

Finally, in Chapter Five the researcher presents some conclusions from the study
and offers some recommendations directed at the local political leaders, governmental
developers, urban citizens, and local leaders. Attention to funding policies for
communities needs special focus in order to reverse community dependency syndrome.

CONCLUSIONS

Academicians generally agree that community development practices at the grass-
roots level must clearly define the literature on community development for its objectives
to be effective. Residents consistently suggested that funding programs is always

implemented without considering their concerns and questions. Historically, inner cities

96

have not been stakeholders or decision-makers in the renaissance of their areas. In

addition, central city resources, the literature suggests have been manipulated and

exploited only for short-term projects and quick profit returns. This one of the reasons

this research effort is directed toward inner cities as a research project. Inner cities are

capable of being and are major contributors to the American economy and quality of life.

The present study closes with the following conclusions:

1.

Benton Harbor residents perceive that we need something beyond welfare programs
development. In addition the city has no hope of economic restoration without these
governmental aids over a long period of time. An alternative to alleviate this cycle is
administered technical assistance training, economic development seminars, and city
development programs that would be supplement welfare funds.

Respondents’ attitudes toward government aid are, it does not develop self-help
programs, and welfare is given to urban areas as a political courtesy. Funding
developers are not in touch with the real issues that local leaders face, and mostly
deal with issues through theoretical modes. Aggressive engagement efforts and plans
must be developed by local political leaders and proposed to its funding sources in a
manner that is quantifiable yet qualitative. In fact, the local leaders must encourage
community participation in a fashion that is more than marginal and is manifested in
tangible outcomes.

Local government and political leaders could benefit from technical assistance
training and education, many of the cities’ leaders are novices in the “big” economic
process, and often funding is allocated to these areas without autonomous

development practices. These training sessions will enhance the knowledge and

97

skills of the community local leaders and could have positive benefits in community
restoration.

The respondents expressed high levels of apathy in relation to their current and future
economic status. Self-help programs must be implemented in a manner that are
confidence builders, for example programs must answer immediate needs and
develop some intermediate goal setting.

The survey results support that respondents perceive that local recreational programs,
community activities, and community outreach are virtually non-existent in their
neighborhoods. Institutions such as churches, must began intervention strategies and
commitment to local community programs to began to abate apathetic beliefs of
respondents.

The research results demonstrated that education, age, marital status or income level
were not related the perception of dependency. However, the factors were related to
apathy. One possible alternative is to select organizations that focus on specific
challenges in the community and form allies and collaboration, which eliminates the
duplication of services and yields the highest return on grants and other funds
allocated.

Respondents perceive that local political leadership is not capable of developing
economic programs to enrich their city. Political should be enrolled and required to
engage in seminars for city development, visit cities with similar challenges, acquire
a veteran mentor, and attend formal educational programs that enhance leadership

skills.

98

8. Although many grassroots organizations exist, many respondents were unaware these
programs and did not participate in local community activities. Grassroots
organizations should have an awareness component as a part of its goals and
objectives. Isolated programs can only have a minimal affect, however if programs
are engaged in community awareness planning they must pool resources in order to
be an effective outreach and receive continued funding.

Researcher’s Conclusion and Future Study

The findings in this study show that there is a greater need for quality federal
programs at local urban levels. Several possible explanations are the general distrust of
political leaders and programs implemented. Also, local political leaders are
considerably inexperienced, trained and/or capable of handling the severity of urban
issues. Other possible explanations include the misguided efforts of national welfare in
local urban areas. Also, residents are not concerned enough to participate and challenge
present political programs, services and policies, and believe that their efforts would have

- little or no affect upon their future. Community agents generally are outsiders and do not

have vested interests at the same level of the residents. Lastly, funding must be

implemented through participative means that produce a perception of win-win solution
for all parties involved.

Further research is needed in looking at the indicators affecting community
development, these indicators should be tested in other communities like the case-study

area.

99

Implications for Innovative Technical Assistance

Although respondents did not articulate methods specifically as the practices of
government assistance and technical training it was implied. The current practices of
technical assistance are top-down directed, and a substantial amount of change agents
already know what the community needs. Change-agents and technical assistance
programs most of the time already has a program constructed for their targeted
communities. However, these leadership practices only perpetuate as oppose to mitigate
beliefs of dependency. Community developers must create innovative approaches to
grass-roots development. One possible method could be in-house sessions with key
community leaders and directors before developing a complete plan of action for a
distressed area. Providing educational seminars for local political concerning funding
processes and programs regulations impacting their communities first. Lastly, devise
stronger communication links at the state, local, and community level for urban
restoration.
Implications for Community Resource Development Training

Resource development focus is to integrate diverse cultures through collaborative
practices and solutions. Also, another focus is to develop a potential network of local
communities’ current resources. The aim and objective are to create a market that is
responsive to needs of residents that normally are obtained from outside sources.
RECOMMENDATIONS

The findings of the study suggest need for economic development and urban

restoration policy curriculum at local levels. Additional research is needed to bridge the

100

gap between what we know about distressed communities and individual’s perceptions of

the distress and needs in their community. Recommended are the following:

1.

Emphasize integration of multi-solutional approaches to urban distressed
community issues.

Develop local political skill enhancement seminars that promote understanding of
funding procedures, awareness of community restoration strategies and local city
dynamics.

Incorporate community programs and activities that promote community

ownership.

Future research questions to be answered

The following suggestions for future research questions were formulated during

various stages of this investigation:

1.

Investigate the impacts of community participation and its relationship with
community dependency.

Evaluate and research community dependency theory in various communities
around the United States at the aggregate level.

Research and develop a stronger and expansive set of indices indicating
Community Dependency Syndrome.

Investigate other demographic trends and develop stronger general characteristics
that are germane to dependency.

Research is needed to study the effectiveness of current national urban restoration
policies.

Replicate this study in another area for a comparative analysis.

101

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106

 

Appendix A

The Case of Benton Harbor, Michigan Survey

The sections below contain general questions about Benton Harbor. Rate the overall quality of the various
institutions, agencies and programs in Benton Harbor, please circle only one answer for each of the
statements. The choices are Excellent-4, Good-3, Fair-2, Poor-l.

excannm 1300:) run poor:

1. Religious institutions and churches 4 3 2 1
2. Benton Harbor’s parks and recreational ‘1 3 2 1
programs

3. Schools and educational facilities 4 3 2 1
4. Quality of housing 4 3 2 1
5. Police and law enforcement agencies 4 3 2 1
6. Business potential 4 3 2 1
7. Neighborhood organizations 4 3 2 1

This section contains general statements about how programs, policies, and services are doing in your
community, please circle only one answer for each of the statements. The choices Strongly Agree-5,
Agree-4, Undecided-3, Disagree-2, Strongly Disagree-l.

Strongly Agree undecided Dieagre Strongly

Agree e Disagree
1. Low-interest loans are easier for small 5 4 3 2 1
businesses to get now than 5-10 years ago.
2. Home interest rates are low enough for 5 4 3 2 1
fixing up homes (MISHDA, HUD, FHA,
VA, banks, credit unions etc.).
3. Job training and placement programs are 5 4 3 2 1
reducing the need for welfare in my
community.
4. Economic (jobs, businesses) development 5 ‘ 3 2 1
programs in larger urban areas would work
well in a small community like Benton
Harbor.
5. There is enough recreational programs 5 4 3 2 1

funded for the youth of Benton Harbor.

107

This section will assess the amount of political and social knowledge of Benton Harbor’s community
action groups. Circle the level of awareness you have of the various groups or programs.

can-r pm 80113 LIT-rm: No
or monsoon monsoon KNOWLEDGE
momma:
1. COMMUNITIES FIRST 4 3 2 1
2. NISE - Neighborhood Information Sharing ‘1 3 2 1
Exchange
3. CORD - Christian Outreach Rehabilitation 4 3 2 1
Development
4. SOUP KITCHEN 4 3 2 1
5. 100 CLUB 4 3 2 1
6. 18 MEN’S CLUB 1 3 2 1
7. 50 PLUS 4 3 2 1
8. ABUSED WOMEN SUPPORT GROUP 4 3 2 1
9. ADULT CHILDREN OF ALCOHOLICS ‘1 3 2 1
10. BENTON HARBOR STREET ‘1 3 2 1
MINISTRY

Your perception of the level of Benton Harbor’s resourcefulness and ability to be independent in today’s
society.

Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly
Agree Disagree
1. The jobs in Benton Harbor provide 5 4 3 2 1
enough money for independent living.
2. Benton Harbor has good job 5 4 3 2 1
opportunities.
3. Social services programs help people 5 4 3 2 1
become financially independent.
4. The unemployment and welfare rates are 5 4 3 2 1
high because many people are not willing to
work.
5. Most people depend on welfare because 5 4 3 2 1
of poor jobs.
6. People in Benton Harbor do not have 5 4 3 2 1
enough “say so” in how it functions.
5 4 3 2 1

7. Statewide programs (AFDC, 881 and
etc.) are why unemployment and welfare is
so high in Benton Harbor.

Describe your general level of concerns for Benton Harbor and your community.

108

Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly

A919° Disagree
1. The pressures of earning a living leave 5 4 3 2 1
you little time for volunteering.
2. What happens in this town does not 5 4 3 2 1
matter to me.
3. I do not volunteer because I do not care 5 4 3 2 1
about Benton Harbor.
4. Idon’t care if local government make an 5 4 3 2 1
effort to increase community participation.
5. Community organizations are a waste of 5 4 3 2 1
time in neighborhoods.
6. I am not concerned with Benton 5 4 3 2 1
Harbor’s many problems.
7. What happens in the neighborhood does 5 4 3 2 1
concern me.
8. It does not matter who Benton Harbor’s 5 4 3 2 1
political leaders are.
9. 1 do not care how much funding this city 5 4 3 2 1
gets it won’t change.
10. I would leave Benton Harbor today if I 5 4 3 2 1

could afford to.

This section contains individual perceptions of Benton Harbor’s ability to be a independent city.

Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly
Agree Disagree

1. Given Benton Harbor’s current situation, 5 4 3 2 1
no funding policies can help this city.
2. Benton Harbor can become independent 5 4 3 2 1
again with long-term community and job
development.
3. The city will always be dependent on 5 4 3 2 1
state welfare and other grants.
4. New local outlooks and changes can 5 4 3 2 1
come through political training.
5. One-day Benton Harbor will thrive 5 4 3 2 1

independently again.

Please describe your participation in local political issues and community development plans and goals.

Circle Yes or No indicating your involvement.
Yes No

1. Have you attended or been an active 2
member of a neighborhood association

109

community group?

2. Do you regularly attend any meeting of 2 1
the local school board, PTA, City Council
or any other public policy body regularly?

3. Have you ever been a member of any 2 1
local political organizations or worked in
any interest groups?

4. Are you a registered voter? 2 1

5. Do you participate in any local 2 1
campaigns or community programs?

DEMOGRAPHICS SECTION

1. Of the people living your household, how many are employed Full-time.

2. How many of the employed persons in your household work in Benton Harbor?

3. How many are employed Part-time?

4 Of part-time employees, how many work in Benton Harbor?

5. Besides jobs, did anyone in your household receive income from the sources listed below.

Yes-1 No-0

Dividends from investments
Pension
Social Security

Government assistance
Life insurance

Rent payments
Unemployment benefits

6. Considering all jobs and other income, what is the range of your gross total household income.
Less than $5,000
$5,000 to $9,999
$10,000 to $14,999
$15,000 to $19,999
$20,000 to $29,999
$30,000 to $39,999
$40,000 to $49,999
$50,000 to $75,000
Over $75,000

 

7. Considering all household income, check the percentage is earned in the Benton Harbor city
limits?
0 - 10%
10 - 25%
25 - 50%
50 - 75%
75 and over

5. Circle your highest level of education. “malt”? Junior High Trade/ Some College
School High School Vocational College Graduate

School School

110

10.

ll.

12.

l3.

14.

15.

What type of housing do you live in? (Check One)

Apartment/room
Condominium
Mobile home
House

What kinds of payments are made for the place you live? (Check One)

No payments, fully owned
Rent

Mortgage payments

Other

Where is your landlord or mortgage holder located? (Check One)

Benton Harbor
other place in Twin City limits
outside Benton Harbor city limits

What area of Benton Harbor do you live in? (Check One)

North
South
East
West

 

 

How many years have you lived in your described area?

What is your age range?

15-19 yrs
20-25 yrs
26-30 yrs
31-35 yrs
36-40 yrs
41-45 yrs
45 - 55 yrs
55 yrs +

Are you Male
Female

What is your status?
Single
Married
Divorced
Widowed
Other

 

 

 

 

111

HH

HI llll

 

Coefficients
Commatt

Know

Commauto
Ecovia

 

Appendix B

112

ANSA BRARE

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