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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

COLLECTIVE ACTION, SOCIOPOLITICAL ATTITUDES, AND SOCIAL
HANGE PREFERENCES: A MULTIDIMEHSIONAL MEASURE OF BLACK
ACTIVISM

presented by

Oseela Nadine Thomas

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

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degree in ______

  

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Date £7 0 I

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6/01 cJCIRC/DeteDuepes-sz

 

COLLECTIVE ACTION, SOCIO-POLITICAL ATTITUDES,
AND SOCIAL CHANGE PREFERENCES:
A MULTIDIMENSIONAL MEASURE OF BLACK ACTIVISM
By

Oseela Nadine Thomas

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department Of Psychology

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ABSTRACT

COLLECTIVE ACTION, SOCIO-POLITICAL ATTITUDES, AND SOCIAL CHANGE
PREFERENCES: A MULTIDIMENSIONAL MEASURE OF BLACK ACTIVISM

By

Oseela Nadine Thomas

Black activism has been and continues to be instrumental in breaking down
barriers of overt racism in the United States, as well as being instrumental in bringing
about positive social change in Black communities. However, Black activism remains
empirically understudied, with few measures examining this phenomenon in today’s
context. Therefore, the present study developed a multidimensional measure of Black
activism that consisted of an attitudinal and behavioral components. The attitudinal
component examined sociopolitical attitudes of assimilation and nationalism, as well as
social change preferences for accommodation and structural change. The behavioral
component examined conventional and unconventional intentions to act and Black
activist participatory behaviors. Two hundred and seventy-one Blacks participated in the
study. An exploratory factor analysis and an internal test for consistency were performed
to determine the dimensionality and the reliability of the measures. Next, correlation
tests were performed between the attitudinal and behavioral components. Additionally, a
multivariate analysis of variance was performed as a preliminary step in examining the
independence of the derived scales. The results indicated that the derived scales were
reliable dimensions of the Black activism measure. Furthermore, the results indicated

seven orthogonal scales of the Black activism measure.

Copyright by
Oseela Nadine Thomas
2001

To the Black community,
my fiiends who have supported me throughout this journey,
and most importantly to my family who have been there for me always

 

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The journey toward completing this project has been an enormous learning
experience and it has progressed me further towards achieving my personal, academic,
and professional goals. I owe my sincerest thanks and gratitude to all those who have
helped me throughout this journey. To Dr. Lindsey, my African American History
professor at DePaul University who have inspired my interest in social change within the
Black community. To Bill Davidson, my chairperson, who was always there to support,
guide, and encourage me through out this process. To Richard Thomas, who challenged
and supported my interest in African American history and to Neal Schmitt for his
support and guidance, especially in statistics.

My sincerest thanks and appreciation to Jeanette Gassaway, my “big sister”, who
have provided me with endless guidance, unconditional emotional support and continual
encouragement. Special thanks to Kelly Lewis, my best friend, who provided me with
continual academic and emotional support, and who was always and continues to be there
for me through good times and bad times. A special thank you to Adil who provided me
with his unconditional love, support and encouragement; and who was there by my side
to share my fi'ustrations, excitements, tears, elation and enthusiasm. My sincerest thanks
and gratitude to my family, especially my mom Sheila and my dad Steve, for their
unending love, support, understanding and guidance; and for instilling in me a hard work
ethic. Thanks to both Jonathon (who have read my thesis drafts and provided critical
feedback) and to David Loundsbury for his statistical help. Thanks to Vanessa,

Cidhannia and Sinead for their laughter and support. Thanks to the activists who

 

 

 

part
in [it
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participated in this study, as well as those activists who helped me identify Black activists
in the African American community. Last and most importantly, I will like to thank God,

the Almighty, for giving me the strength and determination to complete my Masters

Thesis.

vi

llST C

 

 

LIST C

CHAP' l
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................. x
LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................. xii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 1
Racism and Its Impact on the Black Community .......................................... 7
Economic Consequences ..................................................................... 8
Social Consequences ............................................................................ 9
Political Consequences ...................................................................... ll
Brief Historical Overview of Black Activism ............................................. 12
Slave Protests and Revolts ................................................................. 13
Continued Black Resistance .............................................................. 14
The Abolitionist Movement ..................................................... 15
The Underground Railroad ...................................................... 16
Protest of Free Blacks .............................................................. 17
The Reconstruction Period ................................................................. 18
Black Self Help and Institution Building ........................................... 21
Activism at the Turn of the Century .................................................. 24
The Niagara Movement ........................................................... 25
The National Association of the
Advancement of Colored People ............................................. 25
The National Urban League ..................................................... 26
Universal Negro Improvement Association ............................. 26
Black Unions ............................................................................ 27
The New deal and The Democratic Party .......................................... 27
The Civil Rights Movement ............................................................... 30
The Montgomery Bus Boycott ................................................. 31
Congress of Racial Equality and
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee ......................... 32
The Black Power Movement ............................................................. 33
Present Day Black Activism .............................................................. 35
Sociopolitical Attitudes of Black Activism:
Black Nationalism and Assimilation ................................................. 37
Assimilation ............................................................................. 38
Black Nationalism .................................................................... 40
Social Change Preferences of Black Activism:
Accommodation and Structural Change ............................................ 44
Behaviors of Black Activism: Conventional
and Unconventional Participation ...................................................... 46
Rationale ............................................................................................ 5 1

vii

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CHAPTER 2

METHODS ............................................................................................................ 5 3
Participants ................................................................................................... 53
Measures ...................................................................................................... 54

Attitudinal Component ....................................................................... 55
Assimilationist Socio-Political
Attitude Dimension .................................................................. 55
Nationalist Socio-Political
Attitude Dimension .................................................................. 57
Social Change Preference Component ............................................... 59
Accommodation Social Change
Preference Dimension .............................................................. 59
Structural Social Change
Preference Dimension .............................................................. 60
Behavior Component ......................................................................... 61
Conventional Intention
to Act Dimension ..................................................................... 61
Unconventional Intention
to Act Dimension ..................................................................... 62
Black Activist Participatory
Behavior Dimension ................................................................ 65
Procedure ..................................................................................................... 68
Recruiting Black Activists in
the Community ................................................................................. 68
Surveys sent by Airmail or E-Mail .................................................... 70
Individual Activists whom
the Researcher Visited ....................................................................... 7O
Activist Organization whom
the Researcher Visited ....................................................................... 71
Recruiting Undergraduates at
Michigan State University ................................................................. 71
Recruiting Students from the Psychology
Human Subject Pool at Michigan State University ........................... 72

CHAPTER 3

RESULTS .............................................................................................................. 73
Research Question 1: What are the Dimensions
of the Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism .................................. 73

Sociopolitical Attitude Items ............................................................. 74
Principal Component Analysis ................................................ 74
Reliability ................................................................................. 75

Social Change Preference Items ........................................................ 76
Principal Component Analysis ................................................ 76
Reliability ................................................................................. 77

Intentions to Act Items ....................................................................... 77
Principal Component Analysis ................................................ 77

viii

 

Clix
DISC

 

Reliability ................................................................................. 78

Black Activist Participatory Behavior Items ..................................... 79
Principal Component Analysis ................................................ 79
Reliability ................................................................................. 79

Research Question 2: What is the relationship between the
Attitudinal and Behavioral Component of the MMBA ............................... 80

Research Question 3: What are the Differences between
Means in terms of Activists and Non-Activists, as well as
Community Activist, Student Activist and Non-Activist

Sub-Groups .................................................................................................. 81
CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................ 84
Major Findings ............................................................................................. 84
The dimensionality of the Multidimensional
Measure of Black Activism ............................................................... 84
Sociopolitical Attitudes of
Assimilation and Nationalism .................................................. 84
Social Change Preferences for
Accommodation and Structural Change .................................. 87
Conventional and Unconventional
Intentions to Act ....................................................................... 89
Black Activist Participatory Behavior ..................................... 91
The Relationship between the Attitudinal and
Behavioral Component of Black Activism ........................................ 93
Differences between Means ............................................................... 94
Limitations and Implication for Future Research ........................................ 95
Conclusion ................................................................................................... 97
APPENDICES
Appendix A: Phone Solicitation Guide to recruit Participants ............................ 100
Appendix B: Letter Explaining purpose of study/Recruitment Letter ................. 102
Appendix C: Black Activism Participant Consent Form ..................................... 104
Appendix D: Black Activism Student Participant Consent Form ....................... 106
Appendix E: Letter Accompanying Survey (if sent through mail) ...................... 108
Appendix F: Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism ............................... 110
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................ 147

ix

 

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Table 2.
Table 3.
Table 4.
Table 5.
Table 6.
Table 7.
Table 8.

Table 9.

Table 10.

Table 1 1.

Table 12.

Table 13.

Table 14.

Table 15.

Table 16.

LIST OF TABLES

Demographic Information of Participant ..................................... 121
Assimilationist Sociopolitical Attitude Items ................................ 56
Nationalist Sociopolitical Attitude Items ....................................... 58
Accommodation Social Change Preference Items ......................... 59
Structural Social Change Preference Items ................................... 60
Conventional Intention to Act Items .............................................. 62
Unconventional Intention to Act Items .......................................... 64
Black Activist Participatory Behavior Items ................................. 68

Sociopolitical Attitude Component: Initial
Results of PCA with Varimax Rotation ...................................... 122

Sociopolitical Attitude: Varimax Rotated
Component Matrix — 2 Components ........................................... 123

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the of the Assimilationist Sociopolitical Attitude Scale ......... 125

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the Nationalist Sociopolitical Attitude Scale .......................... 126

Social Change Preference Component:
Initial Results of PCA with Varimax Rotation ........................... 127

Social Change Preference: Varimax Rotated
Component Matrix — 2 Components ........................................... 128

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the of the Accommodation Social Change
Preference Scale .......................................................................... 129

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the Structural Social Change Preference Scale ....................... 130

 

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Table 17.

Table 18.

Table 19.

Table 20.

Table 21.

Table 22.

Table 23.

Table 24.

Table 25.

Intention to Act Component: Initial Results
of PCA with Varimax Rotation ................................................... 131

Intention to Act: Varimax Rotated
Component Matrix — 2 Components ........................................... 132

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the of the Conventional Intention to Act Scale ....................... 134

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the Unconventional Intention to Act Scale ............................. 135

Black Activist Participatory Behavior:
Initial Results of PCA with Varimax Rotation ........................... 136

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability
of the of the Black Activists Participatory Behavior Scale ......... 137

Intercorrelation of the 7 sub-scales ............................................. 138
Multivariate Analysis of Variance — Activist and

Non-Activist Means and Standard Deviations on

the 7 Scales ................................................................................. 139
Multivariate Analysis of Variance — Community Activist,

Student Activist, and Non-Activist Means and
Standard Deviations on the 7 Scales ........................................... 140

xi

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Figure 1.

Figure 2.

Figure 3.

Figure 4.

Figure 5.

LIST OF FIGURES

General Conceptual Model of the
Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism ............................ 142

Sociopolitical Attitude Component:

Scree Plot of Eigenvalues ............................................................ 143
Social Change Preference Component:

Scree Plot of Eigenvalues ............................................................ 144
Intentions to Act Component: Scree Plot of Eigenvalues ........... 145

Black Activist Participatory Behavior Component:
Scree Plot of Eigenvalues ............................................................ 146

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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Racism remains a fundamental part of US culture that maintains and rationalizes
widespread racial injustices, and perpetuates White domination and superiority (Brooks,
1990; F eagin and Vera, 1995; Jones, 1988). Racist ideology became prominent during
the post-settlement period of White Europeans in America. This ideology became
entrenched in US. society with the systematic intention to oppress, discriminate and
exclude people of color from full participation in the rights, privileges, and benefits of
US. society (Franklin & Moss, 1994). African Americans have been one of the most
victimized peoples of color who have suffered from the severe effects of racism. Within
the Black community, racism has manifested itself into many forms of racial injustices
that include: involuntary slavery, constitutional denial of equal rights, and legal support
of second-class citizenship (Franklin & Moss, 1994; Jones 1988). These racial injustices
have caused the African American community to endure grave psychological, social,
economic and physical exploitation and oppression (Brooks, 1990; Feagin and Vera,
1995; Jennings, 1998; Jones, 1988, State of Black America, 1998). AS evidenced by the
findings of many studies, the experience of racism can be emotionally stressful for Black
people (e.g., Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 2000; Harrell, 2000; Thompson, 1993). Studies
have also found racism to be a contributing factor to certain physical illnesses in Black
people, such as cardiovascular diseases, because of the high stress levels associated with
racism (e.g., Anderson, 1989; Krieger, 1990; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Furthermore,
many reports have purported racism to play a primary role in perpetuating an inferior

educational system, poor living and housing conditions, discriminatory employment

 

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practices, and the continual marginalization of Black people (Jennings, 1998; Munnell, et
a1, 1993; Schulz, 2000; State of Black America, 1998). These effects of racism have
impeded upon the progress of the African American community. However, despite these
grave consequences, Black people have managed to overcome many of these
impediments and progress their communities with the utilization of Black activism.

Black activism has been used to describe the participation in activities to bring
about social, political and/or economic change with the overall goal to end racial
injustices and develop Black communities (Jennings, 1997; Watts, 1997). Participation
in Black activism has brought about considerable changes within the African American
community (Jennings, 1997). Jennings (1997) have indicated that the most notable
changes occurred over the intervening years after the 19605 Civil Rights Movement and
the Black Power Movement of the early 19705. At the time, Black people vigorously
resisted societal power structures (e.g., segregation), demanding an end to racial
exploitation and oppression, and a right to participate equally in all aspects of society
(Christian, 2000; Franklin & Moss, 1994; Jennings, 1998). Also, many activist groups,
organizations, and individuals united and joined in the fight for racial justice of Black
people, as well as other minority groups who experienced discrimination. Numerous
displays of Black activist activities were expressed during this time such as boycotts, sit-
ins, riots, rallies, marches, and picketing. This intensive level of mass participation in
Black activism and the increasing government response Significantly contributed to the
passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (Chong, 1991;
Christian, 2000; Franklin & Moss, 1994).

The passing of these landmark statutes in the 19603, largely as a result of the

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demands by Black people, have eliminated much of the overt segregation, discrimination
and racism that flourished prior to the 19703. For example, discriminatory laws that
prevented Blacks from participating in government have virtually been eliminated. The
once virtual absence of African Americans in government has disappeared and there are
now more Black appointed and elected officials in office today. The doors to more
employment opportunities have also become open to Black people. Moreover,
miscegenation laws, poll taxes, and “Whites only” signs at restaurants and water
fountains that once oppressed Black people have also been eliminated (Joint Center for
Political and Economic Studies, 1997). Essentially, the participation in Black activism
with its goals to end racial injustices and further develop the Black community socially,
economically and politically have increased opportunities for African Americans to
participate in all aspects of society. Additionally, it has contributed to Black people
having more control over resources and enhancing their decision making power. In all,
participating in Black activism has brought about many positive changes to the Black
community.

However, despite the significance of Black activism as a catalyst for social
change in the Black community, a thorough literature review of this construct indicates
that Black activism has been empirically understudied in recent times. Along the same
line, there are few measures that examine Black activism or Black participation.
Moreover, it appears that the few existent measures on Black activism have for the most
part concentrated on examining conventional or mainstream participatory behaviors and
attitudes, such as Black voting patterns and attitudes toward Democratic and Republican

political ideologies, with little attention to unconventional participatory behaviors and

 

 

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attitudes. Hill (1994) and Walton & McCormick (1997) found similar patterns in the
empirical study of Black participation. They too found few articles and measures on
Black participation, and the articles and measures that were on Black participation were
studied from a mainstream political perspective. Hill (1994) and Walton & McCormick
(1997) indicated that because of their focus on mainstream Black participation,
researchers have failed to examine other important elements of Black activism, which
have led to a biased conceptualization of this phenomenon. As discussed earlier, Black
activism has been expressed in many forms and has included activities that are
unconventional or non-mainstream such as riots and revolts. Walton & McCormick
(1997) further concluded that black activism has been studied inadequately and they
suggest a need to study Black participation more comprehensively.

For this reason, the present study developed a multidimensional measure of Black
activism to help address the inadequate study of Black participation and to provide a
means to examine the many angles of Black participatory behaviors and the attitudes that
have helped shaped these behaviors. Specifically, the measure assessed sociopolitical
attitudes of Black assimilation and Black nationalism, as well as social change
preferences of accommodation and structural change. The measure also assessed
conventional and unconventional intentions to act, and Black activist participatory
behaviors. The assinrilationist sociopolitical attitude upholds the viewpoint that Blacks
should define themselves as being similar with the dominant culture. Therefore, they
should strive towards integrating into the dominant culture (Marable, 1995; Seller et a1,
1998). In contrast, the nationalist sociopolitical attitude upholds the viewpoint that

Blacks should define themselves within their own autonomous cultural context. Thus,

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they should strive towards creating and controlling their own social, economic, and
political institutions (Marable, 1995; Sellers et al., 1998). Social change preference for
accommodation supports the view that Blacks should accept societal institutions as they
are and should not seek to change them (Reed, 1995). Whereas social change preference
for structural change upholds the viewpoint that Blacks should seek to transform existing
institutions through legislation or through policies (Reed, 1994; Watts, 1994). In terms of
the behavioral component of the scale, conventional participation is involvement in non-
confrontational, traditional types of activism, such as voting or campaigning for a cause.
Whereas unconventional participation is involvement in more confrontational, non-
traditional forms of activism such as rioting or protesting with the use of possible
violence to achieve a means (Bobo & Gilliam, 1990; Brown, 1996; Jackson, 1971;
Karenga, 1987).

All of these aforementioned components above have either been empirically
understudied or not studied at all, despite their significance to Black activism. There are
also few measures examining assimilation, nationalism, and conventional and
unconventional Black participation in today’s context, with no measures on social change
preferences of accommodation and structural change. The literature indicated that Black
activism has been a multifaceted phenomenon, encompassing multiple dimensions of
participatory behaviors, including conventional and unconventional Black participation
(Bobo & Gilliam, 1990; Brown, 1996; Jackson, 1971; Karenga, 1987). However, there
are few empirical studies and measures on unconventional Black participation today. In
addition, the literature indicated that Black activism has also encompassed varying

degrees of attitudes that have defined and shaped Black participation. The historical

 

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literature indicated that many of these attitudes have pertained to differing strategies for
addressing issues of racism and how to further develop Black communities in America
(Brisbane, 1974; Franklin & Moss, 1994; Meier & Katz, 1971). These strategies have
included assirnilationist and Black nationalist attitudes, as well as accommodationist and
structural social change preference attitudes (Hanes, 1994; Marable, 1995; Meier & Katz,
1971; Watts, 1993). However, there are few empirical studies and measures on
assirrrilationist and nationalist attitudes, and no measures on social change preferences for
accommodation and structural change. Furthermore, there are no measures in the
empirical participation literature that examines what one has participated in terms of
attempts to develop the Black community and/or attempts to alleviate racism.

Therefore, to develop a multidimensional measure of Black activism that
examines the components defined above is a stepping-stone in addressing the inadequate
study of Black participation. Because of the gap in the Black participation literature and
the myopic study of this construct, it is necessary to begin to bridge the gap and assess
other dimensions of Black activism. This cannot begin unless there are measures to
assess other dimensions of activism within the Afiican American community, and
therefore the reason to construct a multidimensional measure on Black activism. A
multidimensional measure on Black activism could allow social scientists to more
accurately examine different dimensions of Black activism. Furthermore, it could allow
one to begin to assess the complexities of Black activism such as the relationship Black
activism has with other pertinent constructs (i.e., consciousness, empowerment, racial
socialization, and political ideology). This measure could also lead to a better

understanding of the process of Black activism and the strategies African Americans

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employ to facilitate further social change in the Black community. Accordingly, a richer
understanding of Black activism could be attained with this instrument. On a more
practical level, a multidimensional measure on Black activism could lead to the
development and implementation of programs to increase Black activism within the
African American community. For example, one could look at what empowers Afiican
Americans to participate in Black activism and design programs around those
empowering factors. This could in turn empower African American youth to activism in
their communities to bring about further social change.

To define the components of the Black activism measure and to place activism
within its historical and theoretical contexts, the following paper will first discuss the
impact of racism on the Black community. This will demonstrate the need for Black
activism and the need to bring about further social change. Then there will be a brief
discussion on the history of Black activism. This discussion will place Black activism in
historical context and shed light on the dynamics and elements that have helped form and
shape Black participation today. It should be noted here that the history of Black
activism is extensive and complex; however, only main historical events of Black
activism are discussed in that section. Next, there is an examination on sociopolitical
attitudes of assimilation and nationalism, and social change preference attitudes of
accommodation and structural change. Finally, an examination on conventional and
unconventional participatory behaviors will be presented.

Racism and Its Impact on the Black Community
Racism remains a pervasive fact in American society (Blauner, 1972; Bowser,

1991; Franklin & Resnik, 1973; McIntosh, 1991; Wilson, 1993). Racism is so pervasive

that it has become institutionalized and has evolved into a cultural norm, ensuring White
supremacy and Black subordination (Jones, 1988; Wright, 1998). This ideology is
perpetuated by the White status quo maintaining the social, political and economic power
through the unequal distribution of coveted resources and minimization of choices,
options and opportunities for Black people, as well as of other underrepresented racial
minority groups (Watts, 1994, 1997). A system created in this manner has had negative
repercussions on the Black community (Bowser, 1991).
Economic Consequences

For one, the endemic nature of racism has created barriers to Black economic
growth, despite the presence of a small Black growing middle class (Feagin & Vera,
1995). Slavery and J irn Crow laws are past racist practices that had set into motion the
poor economic conditions faced by many Black communities today. These laws have
helped to form a stable Black underclass, which constitutes a disproportionate number of
economically disenfranchised Blacks, who live in long-term poverty, experience long-
term unemployment, and remain geographically isolated within the inner cities (Brooks,
1990). Employment discrimination in the hiring process and discriminatory practices that
impair the career progress of Black people once they are hired represents current racist
practices that impede upon Black economic growth. In addition, lender discrimination
against Blacks in granting credit and loans hinders them from starting their own business,
paying off debts, or helping with their financial situation. This also contributes to the
economic plight in Black communities (State of Black America, 1998). Moreover,
continual negation of generated resources firrther exacerbate and maintain the poor

economic condition faced by many Black communities (Brooks, 1990). These racist

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barriers to Black economic development has had further negative economic repercussions
on this community, especially Black children.

According to the 1997 Census Bureau, 26% of Black families in comparison to
9% White families lived below the poverty level. In terms of Afiican American children
who lived in poverty, the percentage is far more overwhelming with 46% who lived
below the poverty level. This percentage is nearly three times the rate of White
American children who lived below the poverty level (17.8%). Black median income is
also far below that of White Americans with the median income for Black households
being $23,482, while it is $38,787 for non-Hispanic White households. In addition, there
is also continued evidence that the median income in Black families has not changed
significantly over the years. For example, the median income in Black households was
$20,521 in 1980, $22,420 in 1990, and $23, 482 in 1996 (Russell, 1998). The Census
Bureau (1997) concluded that Black families were more likely to be poor than the
average American family. Racism has been a great contributor in facilitating that end
(Brooks, 1990; Feagin & Vera, 1995).
Social Consequences

Racism has not only had severe economic consequences on the Black community,
it has also had severe social consequences on this community as well, such as in the areas
of education, housing, and the justice system. According to the Joint Committee for
Policy Studies (1998), a disproportionate number of inner city Black children continue to
receive an education that is inadequate, inferior, and ineffective due to limited resources,
which is caused by institutional racism. The inadequate education that many Black

children receive has resulted in their academic achievement lagging far behind that of

their non-minority peers, which helps to perpetuate the cycle of poverty. Moreover, the
number of Blacks receiving a college degree is extremely low as compared to their White
peers, with only 7.5% Blacks and an astounding 78% Whites obtaining their bachelor’s
degree in 1995. The percentage difference between Blacks and Whites obtaining their
graduate degrees is also great with 6% Blacks and 73.7% Whites obtaining their master’s
degree in 1995, and 3.8% Blacks and 63% Whites obtaining their doctoral degrees in
1995 (Russell, 1998).

Another example of the effects of racism can be found in the area of housing
caused by institutional racism of racial steering, redlining, hostile White attitudes, and
lender discrimination continues to afflict many Black communities socially. For
example, it has been reported that Blacks and Hispanics were denied home mortgage
loans two to three times more often than Whites, after taking into consideration for
employment, creditworthiness, credit histories, and loan to value ratios (The State of
Black America, 1998). Munnell, et a1. (1993) further found that home loan officers were
far more likely to overlook flaws from White applicants - and to arrange creative finances
for them - than they were in the case of Black and Hispanic applicants. These
institutional forms of racism in the area of housing have forced many Blacks to live in
poorer conditioned homes and inferior neighborhoods (The State of Black America,
1998)

The ills of institutional racism in the justice system further afflict the Black
community socially. Black males continue to be disproportionately over-represented in
the criminal justice system, making up 44 percent of the prison population. An increase

in police brutality against Blacks due to racial prejudices and racial profiling has greatly

10

contributed to the over-representation of Black males in prison (Jennings, 1998). The
Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies reported that the lifetime likelihood of
incarceration for Afiican Americans (16.2%) is almost twice that of Hispanics (9.4%) and
more than six times that of Whites (2.5%). They further reported that among men,
African Americans have a 28.5% chance of incarceration over their lifetime, while
Hispanics have a 16.2% chance and Whites have a 4.4 percent chance. It is estimated
that by the year 2005, more than half of all young Black males would have served in
prison or been placed on probation or parole (Jennings, 1998). The continual over-
representation of Black males in prison has negative social implications in the black
community such as the break down of the two-parent family structure because of the
absence of a father living in the household. This could also affect the lack of positive
Black male figures in Black households.
Political Consequences

The political consequence of racism with its social and economic impact has
contributed to the continual marginalization of Black people in the dominant political
system. Today, many Black leaders are in mainstream politics, however, these so-called
Black elected officials have minimum political power. Their lack of political power is
largely due to White racist resistance and bureaucratic obstruction (Jennings, 1997; Reed,
1999; The State of Black America, 1998; Walton, 1991, 1997). As reported in the State
of Black America (1998), Whites continue to have “deeply rooted racial stereotypes” in
their views of Black people, which has caused many White voters to not vote for Black
politicians and candidates. The status quo’s White supremacist practice in their refusal to

accord Blacks the same coalition legitimacy status that Whites accord each other has

11

prevented Black politicians to enhance their political clout in the United States political
system (Jennings, 1997; Reed, 1999; The State of Black America). Furthermore, the
White status quo have failed to adopt effective policies and institutional practices that
encourage the development of Black people largely because their beliefs and practices are
not aligned with those of the oppressed. This makes it difficult for Black politicians to
address the needs and affect meaningful change for the Black community (Jennings,
1997; Reed, 1999; Walton, 1991, 1997).

In summary, racism continues to persevere in US. society, where Blacks continue
to experience the severe effects of racism in a multitude of ways within their everyday
lives (Bowser, 1991; Brooks, 1990; McIntosh, 1991; Wilson, 1993). The severe
economic, social and political effects of racism in the Black community create a need for
social change within that community. Black activism has been and continues to be that
vehicle for social change in the Black community. Following is a historical overview of
the role Black activism has played in the African American community.

Brief Historical Overview of Blac_1g Activism

Throughout African American history, activism has been an essential component
in the lives of African American people. It has historically been used as a mechanism to
confront varying forms and degrees of White racism in the United States, as well as to
uplift the Black community from oppressive conditions. Activism in the Black
community has ebbed and flowed. It has further shifted goals and priorities that are
reflected in the changing social and political status of African Americans. Moreover, the
strategies and activities employed have changed and gyrated throughout time and have

consisted of both conventional and unconventional activities. Nonetheless, regardless of

12

the changing dimensions of Black activism, it is regarded as a multifaceted phenomenon
and remains an important tool in strengthening Black communities (Jennings, 1997).
_S_1ave Proteits_ and Revolts

Activism within the African American community extends back to the first
importation of African slaves and the institutionalization of slavery in the late 163 Os. At
the time, the lives of Black people in America were governed by a well-developed racist
ideology and by a legally protected system of oppression that encompassed all societal
institutions (Franklin & Moss, 1994). White Europeans had established laws that
instituted lifelong slavery and placed severe limitations on basic human rights of Blacks.
Two important rights legally eliminated from slaves were the right to own one’s body and
the right to own one’s child. These laws were followed by others denying Blacks of all
basic political rights, the right to an education, and the right to ownproperty. In addition,
there were laws against the assembly of Black people and laws forbidding Blacks to raise
their hands against Whites even in self-defense. These laws instituted Slavery and the
racist practices whites carried out (Reiss, 1997).

These oppressive conditions forced many African fugitives to engage in
individual acts of resistance. These individual acts of resistance included, for example,
defying neighboring plantations and creating channels by which other Afi'ican slaves
might flee. They also included burning the slave master’s home, or poisoning the
master’s food. Slaves also assassinated the slave masters (Harding, 1981). In addition to
these individual acts of resistance, slaves also formed small-armed groups to rebel against
their oppressors and break free from the captivity of slavery. For instance, the Stone

Rebellion in South Carolina in 1739 was one example of a slave revolt. In this particular

13

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revolt, a group of twenty slaves led by an enslaved African named J immy rebelled
against their White masters. They first successfully raided a store for arms and
ammunition, and executed the two storekeepers. They killed every White person who
came within their reach, burned and sacked houses and barns, and eventually built up a
company of seventy to eighty African slaves. They saw themselves as soldiers of liberty
and crusaders for freedom (Wood, 1974; Piersen, 1996). In all, although these early
forms of activism were characterized by unorganized individual acts of protest and slave
revolts, they were nonetheless the beginning of the fight for racial justice for Black
people in America (Harding 1981).
Continued Black Resistance

At the beginning of the 19th century, the slave population had grown rapidly,
increasing from approximately 1.5 million to more than 2 million in 1830. A “cotton
kingdom” dependent on slave labor had become established in the South and Southwest.
Although slavery was eventually prohibited in the Northern states in 1787, Northern
legislators incorporated several statutes that placed great limitations on the rights of so—
called “free Blacks”. Racial animosity was also prevalent in the North. Thus, slavery
had become institutionalized in the South and South West and racism had become
entrenched within the social fabrics of US. culture (Hine, Brown, & Terborg-Penn,
1993). Consequently, Blacks continued to live under the harsh reality of slavery and
racism; and therefore Black resistance and uprisings continued to emerge to abolish
slavery and fight for freedom. A case in point is the Abolitionist Movement which
catapulted into a major form of resistance after the American Revolution of 1812

(Christian, 1995).

14

Abolitionist Movement. The Abolitionist Movement was generated by the
humanitarian philosophy of the nineteenth century. They questioned the morality of
slavery and pointed out the contradictions in the American Revolution. America was
fighting for freedom and independence from British rule, yet it had a system within its
own Democracy that stifled freedom and independence of another racial group.
Abolitionists had three prevailing arguments against the perpetuation of slavery. The
first argument being that slavery was contrary to the teachings of Christianity. They
pointed out that slavery was contradictory to the cardinal principles of Christianity, which
was the belief that all people were created equally. Second, abolitionists argued that
slavery was contrary to the fundamental principles of American Democracy of freedom
and individual right. Slaves had no freedom in seeking employment, no religious
freedom, no marriage or family rights, no legal protection, and few opportunities to
secure an education. Last, abolitionists argued that slavery was a constant threat to peace
and safety. Whites in the South became an increasingly armed force because they lived
in constant fear of slave uprising. Abolitionists contended that this fear generated
violence and was the cause of bloodshed (Aptheker, 2000).

Ministers, editors, and other leaders of public opinion spoke out against the evils
of the institution of slavery on behalf of the abolitionist movement (Aptheker, 2000).
Black abolitionist leaders included Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglas, Williams Well
Brown, Francis W. Harper, Sarah Parker Remond, Shadd Cary, and David Walker.
Blacks preached the abolitionist doctrine before the American Revolution and thereafter.
During and after the Revolutionary War, Blacks sought the abolition of slavery by

petitioning the state and federal governments to outlaw the slave trade and to embark

15

upon a program of general emancipation. Blacks organized antislavery societies, such as
the Free African Society of Philadelphia that passed resolutions calling for the abolition
of slavery. By 1830, Blacks had fifty groups nationwide advocating for the abolition of
slavery. Blacks were also prominent in the Abolitionist Movement as agents and
speakers for various abolitionist societies at the national and local levels. Black
abolitionists wrote, as well as spoke at abolitionist meetings and conventions for the
emancipation of slavery. Indeed, most of the Black newspapers founded before the Civil
War were abolitionist driven (Alaya & Rensaker, 1999; Aptheker, 2000).

The Underground Railroad; The Underground Railroad was an extension of the
Abolitionist Movement and was one of the most radical forms of protest activity against
slavery in the United States. The Underground Railroad secretly resisted slavery by
abetting runaway slaves to freedom. It arose as a loosely constructed network of escape
routes that originated in the South, intertwined throughout the North, and eventually
ended in Canada (Asante & Mattson, 1998). However, escape routes were not just
restricted to the North, but also extended into western territories, Mexico and the
Caribbean (Christian, 1995). The Underground Railroad confronted slavery without any
direct demands or intended violence. Yet, its efforts played a prominent role in the
destruction of the institution of slavery.

The work of the Underground Railroad was so effective that its action intimidated
slave owners. Most slave owners regarded the abolitionists, who were a part of the
Underground Railroad, as “organized theft” and these slave owners saw them as a threat
to their livelihood (Asante & Mattson, 1998). Nonetheless, from 1830 to 1865, the

Underground Railroad reached its peak as abolitionist activists and sympathizers

l6

condemned slavery and aided large numbers of slaves to freedom. This act of protest
helped to provide a gateway to freedom for slaves and at the same time helped to weaken
the institution of slavery.

Harriet Tubman, an activist and abolitionist, was widely known for her work as a
conductor of the Underground Railroad. She not only escaped from slavery herself but
also conveyed many others to freedom, including her sister, her two children, and her
aged mother and father. She is said to have gone South nineteen times and to have
emancipated more than 300 slaves. Unable to read and write, she nevertheless displayed
remarkable ingenuity in the management of her runaway caravans. She tolerated no
cowardice of slaves who wished to turn back. Although she frequently delivered escaped
Slaves to Philadelphia, New York and Boston, after the passing the Fugitive Slave Law in
1850, she preferred to lead them to Canada, explaining that she could not trust America
with her “people” any longer (Franklin & Moss, 1994; Hine & Thompson, 1998).

Protest of Free Blafi In the North, free Blacks also organized in the fight for
freedom. In 1830, a convention of Blacks with delegates from New York, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia, met in Philadelphia to devise ways and means to end
slavery and better the conditions of Black people. Some delegates believed education
was key to the liberation of Blacks and they suggested funds to establish a college for
Blacks to attend. Others suggested migrating to Canada to escape the oppressive
conditions altogether (Christian, 1995; Franklin & Moss, 2000). Black conventions as
such would continue and became more prominent in the decade preceding the American
Civil War. These conventions served as platforms by which Blacks could present

petitions against oppression, particularly against laws prohibiting “basic liberties”. Many

l7

conventions focused on local and state issues, especially exclusion of Blacks from juries,
militia service, and suffrage. Conventions also protested the widespread oppression of
Black people, particularly those held in slavery (Christain, 1995).

However, not only did Free Blacks hold conventions, they also got involved in
other activist work, mobilizing other Blacks and protesting against slavery and racism.
Some of the leaders of the free Black community included William Brown, Martin
Delany, Henry Garnet, Sojourner Truth, and Harriet Tubman. These men and women
challenged the mistreatment and humiliation to which Blacks were subjected to under
slavery and under a racist society. They refuted the arguments for Black inferiority, and
affirmed the legitimacy of Blacks’ claims to the rights and privileges of citizenship.
These free Blacks served as influential examples to other members of their race
(Christian, 1995; Franklin & Moss, 2000).

The Recon_3truction Period

In the later 18003, the United States Civil War had ended (1865-1877), and the
Reconstruction period began. This period was defined by the social, economic and
political reconstruction of the war-tom South created by the Civil War. For Blacks, this
period was a turning point with the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation, which
abolished the institution of slavery. This marked a new era for African Americans who
were given freedom from over 200 hundred years of slavery. However, soon after
slavery ended, other forms of racial oppression replaced the institution of slavery, such as
the Black codes (Cassity, 1984). The Black codes were legal statutes that curtailed the
rights of African Americans. They limited Black mobility and economic options, and

virtually reinstated the plantation system. These Black codes were instituted by Southern

18

state governments in response to the emancipation of the four million former slaves in the
Southern states during and after the United States Civil War. The codes essentially
defined freed Blacks as legally subordinate to Whites and attempted to manage their
labor in a way that would cause minimal disruption to the labor system instituted under
slavery (Finkleman, 1992). The dominant culture, thus, continued to maintain and
perpetuate racially oppressive conditions for Blacks with these new sets of laws.
Activism, therefore, remained a fundamental mechanism in attempts to alleviate
oppressive conditions against Black people and to bring about further social change to the
Afiican American community.

In 1870, the 15th Amendment was passed which gave Black men the right to vote.
This provided some opportunities for Black men to participate in the U. S. government
for the first time in U. S. history. Many Black men voted and some were elected to
public offices such as the Senate and House of Representative, but had little political
power to affect lasting social change on the Black community due to an inherent racist
system. In 1874, Blanche K. Bruce, was one of the first Blacks to be elected to the
Senate. In the Senate, he introduced a number of Bills to improve the conditions of
Blacks. He also worked to increase aid to education, and was a part of the Labor and
Pension Committee. In addition, as chair of the Freedman’s Bank, he conducted a
thorough investigation of the causes of its failure. The Freedman’s Bank was created by
the Freedman’s Bureau to help Blacks with their finances afier slavery. Bruce’s efforts at
attempting to repair the damage brought about by slavery on the Black community
reflected the efforts made by most Black public officials at the time (Franklin & Moss,

1994)

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Black women were also active in attempts to bring about further social change in
the Black community, despite being barred from participating in the U. 8. political
system. Black women were active in other avenues such as labor, education, and voting
enfranchisement. A case in point was The Colored Women’s Progressive Franchise
Association, which was founded by Mary Ann Shadd Cary in 1880. The chief purpose of
this association was to assert the equal rights of women. To that end, the association
sought to gain the equal rights of women by gaining the right to vote, expanding the
number of occupations available for women, and establishing newspapers under the
control of Black women. The association also tried to improve the situation of the entire
Black community by supporting home missionaries that ran training programs for youth,
and establishing a job bank and labor bureau for the unemployed. They also developed
leadership among the masses, and established a company that would help small
businesses get started (Hine, Brown, Terborg-Penn, 1993).

As the Reconstruction period drew to a close in 1877, Southern Democrats
regained their power. As Whites began to take control of local governments, reinstating
the conditions of the antebellum South, Blacks lost their positions in public office.
Southern Democrats also began to subjugate Blacks more forcefully and nullify their
political strength with Black codes and Jim Crow laws. For example, White Southerners
went to great lengths to stop Blacks from voting. They employed the poll tax, which
poor Blacks were hard-pressed to pay. They implemented the literacy test, which had
trick questions that uneducated Blacks were unable to pass. They implemented the
grandfather clause, which allowed anyone whose father or grandfather had been

registered to vote before the 15th Amendment to vote. This meant the majority of Blacks

20

could not vote. They further employed confusing election procedures, which were not
explained to Blacks. Where these methods failed, Southerners established Whites-only
voting in party primaries or gerrymandered electoral districts, thus diluting the strength of
Black voters (Piven & Cloward, 2000). Nonetheless, activism continued to prevail in the
Black community in spite of barriers for Blacks to participate in US. social and political
system’s equally. Much of the activist work at the time was generally geared to
strengthen the African American community.
Black Self Help & Institution Building

After the Reconstruction period ended in 1877, Black self help and Black
institution building began to take full shape. This form of activism has always been a
part of the Black community since slavery, but became more prevalent and noticeable
during and after the Reconstruction period. At the time, more and more Blacks began to
take their fate into their own hands and solve their own problems. They began to
establish their own organizations and businesses, and use existing agencies to improve
themselves. For instance, many efforts were made in establishing Black schools for
African Americans to attend, since they were barred from attending most White schools.
They believed that placing an emphasis on attaining an education would give Blacks the
opportunity to escape the proscriptions placed upon them. It is during this time, that
many historically Black colleges and universities were established (Afiicana, 2000).

The Black church was another institution that African Americans used as a place
for Black self-help and activism. Before the Reconstruction period and particularly after
its failure, Black churches became the main areas for Black political activities. Excluded

from mainstream electoral processes, Black people voted and chose their leaders in their

21

churches, selecting presidents of conventions, women auxiliaries, and the like. The Black
church further provided a space for African Americans to meet and share information
pertaining to civil rights issues. It also provided a Space to train leaders, and politicians
to become skilled activists. The Black church, in addition, became more of a welfare
agency for the strengthening of Afiican American communities. Some churches worked
in Black neighborhoods, in jails and several established or supported homes for the aged,
and for the orphans. Thus, the church was an institution that contributed to the overall
improvement of conditions in Black communities (Lincoln & Marniya, 1990).

In addition to the Black church, other Black agencies contributed to the further
development of the African American community. For example, in 1895, the National
Association of Colored Women was established as a response to the growing racism in
the late nineteenth century and as a response to the social welfare demands of the African
American community. The organization set up girls’ homes, hospitals, and other social
agencies to serve the needs of the Black community (Hines, Brown, & Terborg-Penn,
1996)

Black businesses also expanded during the Reconstruction period and were a form
of Black self-help. Due to the limited opportunities for Blacks, they expanded their
business activities in three areas of enterprise that included commercial farms, small
shops primarily for Black consumers, and cooperative ventures. However, most
successful Black enterprises during the Reconstruction period were short lived because of
their inability to accumulate wealth to maintain profitable businesses. Black enterprise
during that period existed on the periphery of mainstream business activity, which was

one reason that led to its demise. Intense racist actions of Whites kept Blacks at the

22

 

 

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bottom of the economic level, relegating them to low-paying jobs. Therefore, their
ability to accumulate wealth was oppressed, and many were unable to establish and
sustain their profitable businesses. Nonetheless, the few Blacks, who had disposable
capital for business investments, preferred cooperative real estate investments. One of
the most successful Business ventures by Blacks alter and during the Reconstruction
period were building and loan associations that enabled Blacks to purchase or build
homes. Black business initiatives were a form of self-help and contributed to the
development of African American communities as well (Butler, 1991).

In 1890, Black self-help reached a critical juncture with the founding of the Afro-
American League of the United States. Under the leadership of T. Thomas Fortune, more
than 100 African Americans of that league met in Chicago and pledged themselves to
fight all forms of segregation and discrimination. Seven years later, the American Negro
Academy was established, a national organization made up of some of the most
prominent Black leaders and intellectuals at the time. For thirty-one years, through
meetings, publication of papers on Blacks, and the lobbying for the creation of research
on Africa and the African American community, the academy promoted the exchange of
ideas among Black intellectuals and helped perpetuate the Black protest traditions. They
viewed themselves as leading the crusade for the African American cause and defended
Blacks from those who assaulted them (Christian, 1995; Franklin & Moss, 1994).

At the end of the nineteenth century, Blacks found themselves in a stronger
position in that they had educational institutions and social agencies by which to develop
and improve their status (Franklin & Moss, 1994). Convinced that Whites were not

going to take on the burden of developing the Black community, Blacks took on that

23

responsibility without hesitation to uplift their own communities. Thus, the self-help
initiatives became prominent in the Black community after slavery was abolished.
However, despite their determination to uplift their community and to bring about further
social change, racial tension mounted. The Ku Klux Klan used violence and intimidation
to prevent the Black community from moving forward. There were many instances of
the lynching of Blacks, and Jim Crow laws expanded, which further effected the Black
people (Afiicana, 2000).

Activism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century

Stimulated by the mounting racial tension, combined with an intermittent
agricultural depression in the South and rumors of rich opportunities in Northern cities,
thousands of Blacks began to migrate from the rural South to the urban North to seek out
greater economic, social, and political freedom at the turn of the century (Trotter, 1991).
In the North, Blacks had more freedom to develop their communities, and they had less
exposure to White violence. They also had more freedom to vote in the North. However,
this would all change. The century, which had opened on an optimistic note for Blacks,
soon revealed overtones of despair (Africana, 2000). In this new era within African
American history, activism would change its face again to meet old and new challenges
that confronted Blacks.

The problem of race was not only a Southern phenomenon, but also a US
problem. In the North, discriminatory real estate practices forced Blacks into i11-
maintained and segregated housing, contributing to the rise of the urban Black ghetto.
Many Blacks were exploited in employment and forced into menial, low paying jobs.

Whites routinely excluded Blacks from their labor unions, which made it difficult for

24

Blacks to improve their employment situations. The competition for jobs and housing
between Blacks and Whites intensified, and sparked race riots in dozens of Northern
cities. Thus, racial violence began to surge in Northern communities. Juvenile
delinquency became rampant as slum areas grew steadily worse and Black families
became more disorganized. Because of this sordid picture of African American life in
America, many Blacks believed it was time for drastic action to take place to eradicate
racism and uplift their communities (Trotter, 1991). Thus, activism during this period
became more direct and had more far reaching impact on the African American
community in terms of social change. Many organizations that emerged during this time
took direct action for the development of the African American community and the
eradication of racism.

The Niagara Movement. In 1905, the Niagara Movement was organized by a
group of young African Americans whose goal was to use aggressive actions to secure
full citizenship of the African American community. They reasoned that the day of
temporizing was over; a war was on, and they decided to fight to the finish. This group,
under the leadership of W. E. B. Du Bois, drew up a platform for aggressive action. They
demanded freedom of speech and criticism, the abolition of all distinctions based on race,
the basic principles of human fellowship, and respect for the working person (Franklin &
Moss, 2000).

The National Association of Advancement of Colored People Q‘IAACP). In
1909, The Niagara Movement, combined with White philanthropic support, became a
permanent organization called the National Association of the Advancement of Colored

People. The organization pledged itself to work for the abolition of all forced

25

segregation, equal education for Black and White children, the complete enfranchisement
of African Americans, and the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments
(Africana, 2000). By 1913, the NAACP had established branch offices in several cities
such as Boston, Kansas City, St. Louis, and Detroit. A series of early court battles,
including a victory against a discriminatory Oklahoma law that regulated voting by
means of the grandfather clause (Guinn v. United States, 1910), helped establish the
NAACP’S importance as a legal advocate, a role it would play with overwhelming
success (Christian, 1995).

The National Urban Leagae. In 1911, the National Urban League was established
to address some of the problems faced by African Americans in the new century. The
league was created to open opportunities for African Americans in industry and to assist
newly arrived Blacks in their adjustment to urban centers in the North. Urban League
branches opened in many large cities and assisted Black migrants to jobs and lodgings, in
addition to offering information on how to live in the city. The league also developed a
program for the training of young men and women for social work (Franklin & Moss,
2000)

Universal Negro Improvement Association. Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro
Improvement Association (UN IA) emerged at the same time that the NAACP and the
National Urban League were established (Franklin & Moss, 1994). The UNIA was a
Black organization aimed to liberate African American people from their oppressors.

The ultimate goal of the UNIA was to have Blacks migrate back to Africa and build a
separate nation. On the more practical side, the UNIA strove towards strengthening the

Black community by instilling racial pride in a distraught Black community and

26

providing community services to Black people (Asante, 1998).

Black Unions. In addition to these organizations, African Americans also formed
Black unions to protect themselves from employment hostility and exploitation, and to
gain equal employment opportunity. Black unionization was another form of activism
within the African American community with a concentration on bettering the
employment conditions of Black workers. One example of a Black union at the time was
the Friends of Negro Freedom, which was formed in 1920 to unionize Black migrants,
protect Black tenants, advance Black cooperation, and organize forums through which to
educate the Black masses. The objective of the Friends of Negro Freedom was to fight
racial discrirrrination in employment by the use of boycotts. The Brotherhood of Sleeping
Car (193 8) was another example of a Black union working to protect Black workers who
were employed under oppressive conditions. By 1937, the Brotherhood became the first
Black affiliate of one of the most powerful unions of the era, the American Federation of
Labor (F oner & Lewis, 1989). The brotherhood also had a sister union called the
International Ladies’ Auxiliary, a union for Black women. This union believed that the
American labor movement was not only for men but also for their wives and families.
They fought for equal employment opportunity not only based on race, but gender as well
(Hines & Thompson, 1998).
The New Deal and the Democratic Party.

During the Progressive Era of the 19003 and 19103, reform wings of both the
Republican and Democratic parities began to form. These reformers opposed
conservative attitudes of their party’s establishment. However, they did continue to

accept the pervasive “scientific” racism at the time, which posited that people of African

27

descent were innately inferior to Europeans. During the 19103 and 19203, the Great
Migration of African Americans leaving the South helped encourage major changes in
the Democratic Party. Northern Blacks, who were heavily concentrated in major cities,
often played an essential role in winning elections. The political machines that ran these
cities were largely Democratic, but despite their party’s traditional hostility to Blacks,
they began to reach out to the new Black electorate in order to win elections (Sitkoff,
2000)

Gradually, the Democratic Party in the North became more receptive to African
American interests as they saw their votes becoming more important in the national
elections. President Roosevelt and his Democratic successor Harry S. Truman undertook
several initiatives that were clearly appeals for Black political support. For example,
President Roosevelt’s New Deal benefited many African Americans by providing them
with relief and recovery programs. The New Deal policy also secured the assistance of
African Americans specialists and advisers in various governmental departments. This
group of African American specialists and advisors was the first official “Black Cabinet”.
However, it should be noted here that racism and discrimination continued to occur and
could not escape New Deal programs. For example, local New Deal agencies provided
preferential treatment to Whites in terms of relief grants, salaries, and the like. In
addition, Black advisors were confronted with many racial obstacles to carry through
their duties as governmental officials (Sitkoff, 2000).

However, there were activists and activist organizations who responded to the
racial issues in the execution of New deal’s relief and recovery programs. For example,

Robert C. Weaver and John P. Davis acted to ensure that Black interests were represented

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in New deal policies. In the summer of 1933, these two men set up an office on Capital
Hill, where they fought successfully against racial wage differential in the first New Deal
recovery program. Their efforts led to the establishment of the Joint Committee on
Economic Recovery, a group of more than a dozen Black organizations that included the
National Urban League. The committee lobbied for fair inclusion of Afiican Americans
in govemment-sponsored programs and publicized incidents and patterns of racial
discrimination. The NAACP and the Black Press also successfully pressed for the
appointment of Black government officials to represent Black interest from within the
Roosevelt administration. By 1935, Black advisors were serving in many cabinet offices
and New deal agencies, and had created an informal network known as the Black Cabinet
(Afi'icana, 2000; Christian, 1995; Franklin & Moss, 2000).

During this time of the New Deal era, African Americans also acknowledged the
strength and importance of their votes in parties winning the national elections. They,
therefore, used their votes to register protests. They studied the voting records of
members of Congress and watched policies of presidents to seek out enemies, and spoke
out against those who they considered as not serving the interest of Black people. In
other words, they held these public officials accountable for their actions, and made civil
rights an issue to contend with in national elections. However, although African
Americans in the North were gaining strength in their votes, African Americans in the
South continued to be widely prevented from voting in national and local elections.
Therefore, the late 19303 and early 19403 witnessed the emergence of new organizations
that dedicated their efforts to expand the economic and political participation of Blacks in

the South. For example, the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) was formed to

29

organize Black industrial workers in the South and to provide Southern Black voters
education and leadership training. The NAACP also expanded in the South that led to an
infrastructure for sustained political struggle in the South. In 1944, the US. Supreme
Court ruled that the all-White Democratic primary was unconstitutional. This ruling was
the culmination of the NAACP legal battle against the South’s most effective legal means
of barring Blacks from political participation (Africana, 2000; Christian, 1995; Franklin
& Moss, 2000).

Once the Supreme Court opened the door in 1944, the NAACP, along with other
local and state groups joined to promote voter registration in the South. In addition, more
Southern local groups, such as the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, organized to
fight for racial justice for Black people (Chong, 1991; Mier & Katz, 1971). Thus, as
activism was gaining momentum in the Black community in the South, the momentum of
activism in the North continued to gain more strength. This resulted in Black activist
activities becoming more widespread, which laid the foundation of the Civil Rights
Movement that would come thereafter.

The Civil Rights Movement

The Civil Rights Movement of the 19603 was sparked by multiple factors. One
factor was widespread efforts on a national and local level to end segregation and gain
equal rights for African Americans. Another factor was the government’s increasing
responsiveness to the demands made by activists and civil rights organizations.
Therefore, civil rights leaders capitalized on the governments’ increased responsiveness
and increased their levels of demands. A third factor was the pressure placed upon the

US. government from other countries. They criticized U. S. legitimacy of America’s

~30

democracy and their social policies especially in regards to the state of Black Americans
(Mungazi, 2001).

In 1957, Southern Christian Leadership Conference was formed with Martin
Luther King, Jr. as its leader. The aim of SCLC was to coordinate and assist Southern
organizations working for full citizenship rights, equality, and the integration of Blacks in
all aspects of American life (Meier & Katz, 1971; Morris, 1984; Peake, 1987). SCLC
collaborated with such groups as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and
the Congress of Racial Equality. The collaboration of these groups and organizations
permeated the nation, and sparked the emergence of several local movements that waged
effective combats against segregation and other forms of racial injustices. These local
movements that infiltrated communities across the nation made up the 19603 Civil Rights
Movement (Morris, 1984; Peake, 1987). Mass demonstrations and protests catapulted
into a national awareness as civil rights leaders demanded equality in American society.
Masses of Blacks participated in the fight for their fi'eedom, and leaders increasingly
articulated the needs and frustrations of the masses (Christian, 1995; Harding, 1981;
Meier & Katz, 1971). Very direct, antagonistic forms of activities now characterized
activism.

The Montgomery Bus Boycott. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, which
successfully desegregated the bus system, was one of the many examples of direct
activism during the Civil Rights Movement. The Montgomery Bus Boycott began with
Rosa Park, a secretary for the Montgomery NAACP, refusal to go to the back of the bus.
Because segregation on buses was a municipal law, the bus driver had her arrested. This

act of resistance against the segregated seating on buses precipitated the Montgomery

31

Bus Boycott that lasted 381 days. More than fifty thousand Blacks participated in the
boycott, cutting the profit of the bus company by almost two-thirds. This form of direct
activism within the Black community resonated across the nation (Peake, 1987).
Congress of Racial Equality & Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. The
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), which was founded in 1942, also engaged in direct
forms of activism. As the Civil Rights Movement took hold, CORE focused its energy in
the South. CORE provided guidance for action in the aftermath of the 1960 sit-in by four
college students at a Greensboro, North Carolina, lunch counter. They subsequently
became a nationally recognized civil rights organization. As pioneers of the Sit-in
tactics, the organization offered support in Greensboro and organized sit-ins throughout
the South. Later, CORE organized the Freedom Rides, which were bus trips through out
the South that attempted to desegregate buses and bus stations. The Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee joined CORE in many of the student sit-ins and Freedom Rides.
SNCC emerged out of Ella Baker’s reaction to the student protest activities at the time.
- Baker believed that larger, more cautious civil rights groups such as SCLC rrright have
failed to serve students who were impatient for racial equality. She urged students to
establish a new student group that would harness its energy and frustration to challenge
White racism, as well as the larger and more conventional civil rights groups. In 1960,
SNCC was formed and quickly became engaged in a movement for more fundamental
social change - change that looked beyond the legalistic and legislative goals. In
particular, SNCC sought to empower Black people at the local level (Africana, 2000;
McAdam, 1988).

In summary, the mass following of committed people and the local movements

32

demanding racial justice for all and the government’s increasing responsiveness,
significantly contributed to the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting
Rights Act of 1965. For many, this was a momentous victory. Thereafter, the walls of
segregated facilities were eliminated. Overt legal protection for blatantly racially
segregated institutions ended and most formal barriers to Black political participation
were alleviated. These changes brought a new meaning to Black citizenship (Jennings,
1997). However, in the absence of blatant racism, subtle racism would evolve which
generated a set of new problems in regards to housing discrimination, de facto
neighborhood segregation, job discrimination, high unemployment, and inferior
education (Affigne, 1997; Chong, 199). Therefore, these changes transformed the
dynamics of Black activism to address new manifestations of racism, and to meet the
different needs and demands of the Black population (Jennings, 1997). It was during this
period that the Black Power Movement emerged.
The Black Power Movement

The Black Power Movement began as a reaction against racism that persisted
despite the efforts of Black activists during the early 19603. It was a new political
movement expressing a new racial consciousness among Blacks in the United States, and
it represented a conclusion to the 19603 Civil Rights Movement. Black Power as a
political idea originated with SNCC in the mid-19603 when many workers of SNCC grew
frustrated at Southern Whites’ continual resistance to Black civil rights. They believed
that any future progress in the Black community could only come through independent
Black political power. When that faction took over the SNCC organization in 1966, with

Stockely Carmichael leading the way, Whites were rejected from SNCC membership,

33

and the crusade for Black Power began (Asante, 1998).

However, while the Black Power Movement was in progress, the meaning of
Black Power was debated vigorously. To some, it represented racial dignity and Black
self-reliance, which was usually interpreted as economic and political independence
(Africana, 2000). Malcohn X, in the early 19603, articulated this stance of Black Power
most forcefully. He argued that Blacks should focus on improving their own
communities rather than strive for complete integration. He later had a strong influence
on the emergence of leaders of the Black Power Movement. A case in point are the two
leaders who founded the Black Panther Party, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale.
Influenced by Malcolm X, these two men, advocated for Black self reliance and Black
controlled institutions (Africana, 2000; Asante, 1998; Karenga, 1987)

A second meaning of Black Power emphasized the cultural heritage of Blacks,
especially the African roots of Black identity. This view encouraged study and
celebration of Black history and culture. Cultural critic Harold Cruse and poet Amiri
Baraka, for example, called for cultural-nationalist perspective on literature, art, and
history in the belief that Blacks had separate values and ways of living. It was during this
period that Black Studies was introduced as an intellectual endeavor one could pursue in
college. Still, another meaning of Black Power called for a revolutionary political
struggle to reject racism and imperialism in the US, as well as throughout the world.
This interpretation encouraged the unity of nonwhites, including Hispanics and Asians,
against their perceived oppressors (Africanna, 2000; Asante, 1998; Karenga, 1987).
Nonetheless, today, historians acknowledged all of these meanings as being

representations of Black Power (e.g., Franklin and Moss, 2000; Christians, 1995).

34

P_re&nt Dav BlaLk Activi_3_r_n_

In the mid-19703 the Black Power Movement gradually subsided in the mid-
19703 and Black mainstream participation took precedence (Jennings, 1997). After the
Civil Rights and Black Power Movements, many civil rights leaders went into
mainstream politics. Affigne (1997) suggested that after the elimination of most formal
barriers to Black political participation in mainstream politics, a large number of Black
leaders and activists took advantage of that opportunity and became involved in electoral
politics. A prevalent assumption arose amongst these activists and the Black community
in general that elected politics was key to dismantling racial barriers and improving the
economic, social, and political conditions of Black people. However, several leading
Black scholars are now suggesting otherwise (i.e., Hanes 1997; Jennings, 1997; Reed,
1999). Jennings (1997) noted, for example, that Black elected and appointed officials
lack both political and economic power in mainstream politics. Further, it was difficult
for them to affect meaningful change because they contend with multiple barriers of
racist resistance and bureaucratic obstruction. In addition, they must contend with the
status quo; whose beliefs and practices are not reflective with those of the oppressed. As
a result, Black elected officials were unable to attack the firndarnental character of the
American political and economic order. Moreover, they were unable to adopt effective
policies and institutional practices that encourage the development rather than the
oppression of Black people. Their inability to affect social change has resulted in a
number of scholars reassessing Black electoral politics (Hanes, 1991 , 1997; Jennings,

1997; Reed, 1999).

35

Nonetheless, the struggle towards eradicating racism continues and Black
activism remains a vital mechanism in trying to affect social change in the African
American community. Black activists are attempting to affect public policies to improve
Black mobility, and to allocate and generate resources in African American communities
(Jennings, 1990). Black protest activities and boycotts are taking place (although on a
much smaller scale than in the 19603) to confront issues concerning racism. For
example, the NAACP recently protested against television networks for having no people
of color in lead roles during the fall 1999 line-up of sitcoms (Black Enterprise, 2000).
They also recently boycotted South Carolina Myrtle Beach area due to their reluctance to
take down the Confederate flag (Newsweek, 2000). In addition to these political
activities, community activities are also taking place. Black activists are putting their
efforts in community initiatives to confront pressing issues facing many Black
neighborhoods, such as crime, drugs, housing, education, unemployment, and poor
healthcare services (Jennings, 1997). Black activists are carrying out economic
development programs to address the high unemployment and poverty rates. Black
activists are carrying out community development programs to confront deteriorating
neighborhoods and living conditions (O’Donnell, 1996). Moreover, there are Black
activists developing and implementing charter schools such as Afro-centric schools to
address the issu e with poor education that many Black children continue to receive (Sefa
Dei, 1995; Warfield-Coppock, 1992). These activities continue to play a significant role
in facilitating social change in the Afiican American community.

In summary, Black activism is a multifaceted phenomenon encompassing various

sociopolitical attitudes, social change preferences, and participatory behaviors. For

36

example, as demonstrated in the history section, Black activism has expressed itself
behaviorally in the form conventional and unconventional participation. These activities
for example have included revolts, community development initiatives, as well as
mainstream political participation. Black activism has also expressed itself attitudinally
such as in the case of Malcom X’s Black nationalist sociopolitical attitude of creating a
separate Black community; or Martin Luther King’s assirnilationist sociopolitical attitude
of striving to integrate Black people in the dominant social and political systems.
Moreover, Black activism has been defined and shaped by social change preferences as in
the case of whether to accommodate to existing oppressive institutions or to structurally
change them to better meet the needs of Black people. Altogether, these attitudes and
behaviors, amongst others, have characterized Black activism. Following will be a
theoretical review on each of the attitudinal (assimilation, nationalism, accommodation
and structural social change) and behavioral (conventional and unconventional
participation) components that have helped to characterize Black activism. A discussion
on each component is designed to elucidate their goals and perspectives, and to bring
conceptual clarity on this multifaceted phenomenon called Black activism.
Sociopolitical Attitud_es of Black Activism:
Black Assimilation and Nationalism

Historically, Black activism has encompassed various attitudinal approaches on
how to best confront racial injustices, and improve the social and economic conditions of
Black people (Marable, 1995). Scholars have noted that Black nationalism and
assimilation have been two dominant sociopolitical attitudes that have guided Black

activist’s behaviors in terms of responding to racial oppression and developing the

37

Afiican American community. These two sociopolitical attitudes have been reflected by
the differing strategic visions of leaders, institutions and social protest organizations
throughout African American history (Karenga, 1987; Meier & Katz, 1971; Marable;
1995; Reed, 1995; Walton & McCormick, 1997). A careful review of the goals and
perspectives of assirrrilationist and nationalist sociopolitical attitudes will show that they
have been pivotal factors for African Americans in deciding how they go about
responding to or alleviating racist conditions, in addition to how they go about with
improving their communities.
Assimilation

The assimilationist sociopolitical attitude has been a component of Black activism
since the enslavement of Blacks and was first articulated by the great abolitionist orator
Frederick Douglas. The assimilationist sociopolitical attitudinal approach suggests that
participation in the dominant political and social systems is the optimal strategy to
respond to racial injustices and to further develop African American communities. Along
the same line, this attitudinal approach also suggests the integration of Blacks into White
American society, where racial particularity is eliminated (Marable, 1995; Watts, 1992).
The argument for the elimination of racial particularity is that African Americans have
been discriminated and prevented from full equality due to their race. Therefore, if
society looks beyond race and judges individuals by the content of their character, this
would lead to the elimination of racism. Moreover, this approach would eventually lead
to the elimination of racially driven barriers that have made it difficult for African
Americans to progress and gain equal rights in U. S. society. The strategy taken by

assirnilationists to eliminate racial barriers and to foster social and political development

38

in the African American community has been to form interracial alliances and interact
equally in social, political, economic, and civic arenas.

Thus, with the goal to achieve integration, assimilationist movements,
organizations, and affiliations often times involve large number of African Americans
and are often times multiracial (Marable, 1995). For example, one of the mottos of the
19603 Civil Rights Movement, driven by the assimilationist philosophy, was that anyone,
regardless of race, could participate in the struggle for equality. Blacks, Whites, and
other racial groups worked together to protest racism, segregation, and other forms of
racial injustices. They firrther advocated for equality and integration of African
Americans into the dominant social and political systems. The National Association of
Colored People, also driven by the assimilationist philosophy, had a similar motto. They
had an interracially mixed membership, and they strove to integrate Blacks in American
society by legally challenging racist structures that prevented African Americans from
participating equally. These interracial alliances seeking to integrate Blacks reflected the
fundamental theory of the sociopolitical attitude of assimilation.

However, Marable (1995) posited that because assimilationist Black activists
often times seek out interracial alliances in attempts to attain their end goal, they tend to
rely on White financial and political support. They are also more apt to seek out the
affirmation of the White status quo by engaging in activities that Whites find non-
threatening to their privileged livelihood (Reed, 1995). In addition, assimilationists
activists are also more inclined to work in established institutions due to their belief in an
interracial alliance to end racial injustices. In the assimilationist doctrine, there is a long

held assumption that African Americans who are elevated to positions of “power” will

39

attempt to dismantle practices of racial injustices and the patterns of racial prejudices and
discrimination. Their reasoning is that African Americans will use their ‘position of
power’ to influence the power structures to dispense new policies in favor of the Black
community (Marable, 1995; Karenga, 1987; Reed, 1995).

In summary, the assimilationist ideological orientation to Black activism strives
toward Black integration in the social, political and economic structures of mainstream
society (Reed, 1995). It is often characterized by: (1) an assumption that the American
system is flawed but salvageable; (2) an emphasis on integration; (3) a focus on goal
pursuance through non-confrontational strategies such as litigation, elections, and
lobbying; (4) rejection of violence; and (5) reliance on White political and financial
support (Karenga, 1987). At any rate, the underlying objective of the assimilationist
sociopolitical attitude is to integrate African Americans into the dominant culture and
strive for equality between the races. The antithesis of the assimilationist sociopolitical
attitude would then be the separation of the African American community from the
dominant social and political systems of society. This forms the basis of Black
nationalism.

Black Nationalism

Black nationalism is a set of beliefs or political theory that African Americans
should maintain social, economic, and political institutions separate and distinct from
those of Whites (Africana, 2000). Over the course of the 19’“, 20th and now 21St
centuries, Black nationalists have agreed upon two defining principles: Black pride and
racial separation. Black nationalism, therefore, calls for Black pride and seeks a unity

that is racially based rather then one grounded in a specific African culture or ethnicity.

4o

Thus, the basic outlook of Black nationalism is premised upon Pan-Africanism which is a
political ideology calling for the unification of all people of African descent to unit to a
common cause to eradicate racism and White colonialism. Historian Sterling Stuckey
(1995) argued that this Pan-African perspective emerged as an unintended byproduct of
the institution of slavery. Slaveholders deliberately mixed together slaves of diverse
linguistic and tribal backgrounds in order to minimize their ability to communicate and
make common cause. In response, African slaves were forced to bridge ethnic
differences and to organize themselves into a single group, Black people, to meet the
challenge of a common foe.

In any case, at the heart of Black nationalism is the belief that White America
will never treat African Americans as equal nor live up to its democratic ideals (Marable,
1995). Therefore, Black nationalists believe that African Americans should create and
control their own social, political, and economic institutions, and not assimilate within
White society (Watts, 1992). Nationalists contend that Blacks creating their own
institutions will allow them to focus their efforts on developing their communities, and
not consume their energy on changing a racist system that will not change. Another
aspect of Black nationalism is their belief in Blacks defining themselves within their own
cultural context. Racial solidarity then becomes an essential component of Black
nationalism in that they emphasize that Black people should unite due to their common
heritage, culture, history, and race (Bracey, 1970; Sellers, et al., 1998). In fact, in its
simplest expression, Black nationalism constitutes the belief that African Americans
should organize themselves based on their common race and experiences with

oppression, and take action to develop their own communities (Bracey et a1, 1970).

41

The historical roots of the Black nationalist perspective can be traced to the
maroon impulse of runaway slaves, who created all-Black towns that were self-sufficient
and maintained much of their African culture (Marable, 1995). In the early twentieth
century, Black nationalism was best expressed by Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro
Improvement Association. Garvey aimed to liberate both Africans and African
Americans from their oppressors. His utopian means of accomplishing both goals was by
the wholesale rrrigration of African Americans to Africa. On a more practical level, he
urged African Americans to support Black businesses and services. Garvey contended
that the majority culture would never fully accept Black people into their society and he
insisted that Blacks must therefore create their own separate community. His
inspirational speeches and activism generated many followers, and motivated many
Blacks to take action (Bracey, et al., 1970; Brisbane, 1981).

Malcolm X symbolized the nationalist revival of the 19603, first as an articulate
and charismatic spokesman for the Nation of Islam, and then as a revolutionary
nationalist. Leading the short-lived Organization of Afro-American Unity, Malcolm X
kept the doctrines of nationalism - self-determination, self-defense, and separatism -
before the American public as alternatives to racial integration and nonviolence. He
stressed the need for a positive concept of Blackness, of identifying with the African
continent psychologically, and that Black people should run and control their own
organizations. Moreover, Malcolm X professed on how Black people should unite and
create a separate Black community (Christian, 1995; Bracey, et al., 1970; Meier & Katz,
1971). He stated:

We must have our own land! Why do we want some land of our own? Because
land is essential to freedom. . ..For over 400 years we have been very faithful to

42

our American slave masters. Now God is warning them through Mr.
Muhammad that they should be nice enough to give us some land so we can
separate ourselves from them and get started for ourselves. . ..We want some
land where we can create unity, harmony and brotherhood and live together in
peace (Bracey, et al., 1970:419-420)
Today, the ideology of Black nationalism is reflected by such leaders as the Reverend
Louis Farrakhan, Maulana Karenga, Amiri Baraka, and by such organizations as the All
Afiican People’s Revolutionary Party, Council for Independent Black Institutions, and
Institute of Positive Education (Karenga, 1987; Marable, 1995).

In summary, Black nationalism is based upon the premise that White America
will never be a true democracy and include the interest of African Americans on the
national forefront due to its inherent racists system. As a response to the failure of this
society to address the needs of Black people, Black nationalism strives towards
developing autonomous Black institutions apart from White America. Black nationalism
is often characterized by: (1) an alienation or “low integration” into the established
American political system; (2) a struggle for fundamental change in the economic and
political structure of society; (3) a preference for confrontational and mass action
politics; (4) a focus on the Black mass as the ultimate power with simultaneous stress on
the role of a Black vanguard to organize, educate and lead them; (5) an emphasis on self-
development and self-determination; and (6) an emphasis on Black history and heritage
(Karenga, 1987).

In all, the duality of assimilationist and nationalist sociopolitical attitudes has
remained a dominant theme in present-day Black activism. Despite their differences in

ideologies and strategies, both positions seek to instigate social, political, and economic

change within the Black community and eradicate racial injustices. Therefore, because

43

the duality between nationalism and assimilation remains a significant theme in Black
activism, both were included as sub-scales in the construction of the multidimensional
measure of Black activism.
Social Change Preferences of Black Activism:
Accommodation and Structural Chaagg

Social change preferences of accommodation and structural change have also
been pertinent themes within Black participation. Reed (1995) has noted that the tensions
between the two perspectives of accommodation and structural change has been a
recurring issue in Black politics. Accommodation is generally characterized by accepting
the structure and performance of political and economic institutions as given, or
presuming that Black representation is an adequate basis for correcting what might be
unsatisfactory about them. The essence of this perspective was distilled in two pithy
formulations in the late 19603: the slogan demanding “black faces in previously all-White
places” and the proposition that as an ideal, Black people should represent 12% of all
entities within society.

In contrast, structural change is generally characterized by tying political actions
to insurgent programs that seek either to transform existing institutions or to reject them
altogether in favor of Black nationalist or social revolutionary alternatives (Reed, 1995).
Reed’s concepts of accommodation and structural change are similar to what Watts
(1994) calls system replacement and alternative system in his “Action” model in Human
Diversity. Watts (1994) defined system replacement as completely restructuring
institutions, disabling or destroying systems, or revolution. He further defined alternative

systems as creating new institutions and power bases, or withdrawing from mainstream

44

society.

Altogether, Reed (1994) suggested that the tension between accommodationist
and those who opted for structural social change was most prominent during the 19603
Civil Rights Movement, where their were Blacks who wanted to change racist institutions
through legislation, and those who wanted to leave the institutions as they are and
accommodate. He further noted that this tension continues to exist in present day
activism within the African American community. However, despite their significance to
activism within the Black community, the empirical literature on Black politics and
participation suggested that there are no empirical studies on attitudes of accommodation
and structural social change preferences. Therefore, because of their significance and
that there has been no research or measurement on structural change and accommodation,
these two factors were included in the social change preference component of the Black
activism scale. This will allow researchers to assess this dimension within Black
participation.

In addition to the attitudinal component of assimilation and nationalism, and
social change preferences of accommodation and structural change, a behavioral
component is also important to consider in the dimension of Black activism. The
behavioral component in the present study consisted of intentions to act as well as types
and degrees of Black activist activities. Specifically, types of activities included
conventional and unconventional community and political participatory behaviors.
Following is a summary of the literature on participation of Black activism and a general

overview on how social scientists have measured Black participation.

45

Behaviors of Black Activigm: Convention_zL and Unconventional Participation

In terms of community participation, Black activism has been generally
characterized by social initiatives to develop and strengthen a commrmity or
neighborhood. They usually address social problems facing a community or
neighborhood such as crime, housing deterioration, poor health care services, and
unemployment. Many activists who work in the community generally work with a
community organization, group, or with a community project such as an economic
development project. Political participation, on the other hand, has been generally
characterized by initiatives that attempt to guide or influence government or
governmental policies. The behaviors of political participation include such activities as
boycotts, voting, or lobbying for laws. Many activists who use political methods to
achieve their ends work in public office, community organizations, or with a group.
Often times, activists are involved in both community and political participation. Thus,
community and political participation are frequently integrated within the works of
activists.

Black activism also consists of participatory behaviors in attempts to facilitate
further social change in the African American community. A primary goal of Black
activism is to develop and strengthen Black communities, alleviate racial oppression and
ultimately move the African American community towards “Black liberation”. Black
activism has consisted of both conventional and unconventional community and political
participation. Conventional participation has been comprised of mainstream, non-
confi‘ontational activist activities such as lobbying or campaigning. Unconventional

participation has consisted of non-traditional, confrontational participation such as riots

46

or protest with the use of violence. Unconventional activities are more assertive and
antagonistic in their demands for social change, whereas conventional activities take the
more ‘formal’ route to influence social change (Karenga, 1987).

Within the Black participation literature, social scientists have measured both
conventional and unconventional community and political participatory behaviors.
However, it should be noted here that most of the studies on unconventional Black
participatory behaviors took place during the 19603 and 19703. Ellison and London
(1992) assessed the political and community participation of Afiican Americans. They
measured political participation by assessing presidential voting, state, and local voting,
and campaign activity. For community participation, they measured this variable on two
indicators - neighborhood associations and national organizational ties. Specifically, the
neighborhood association indicator asked respondents if they were members of any
groups in their neighborhood such as block clubs, community associations, social clubs,
and helping groups.

Bobo and Gilliam (1990) also assessed Black community and political
participation similar to Ellison and London 1992). In their study on race, community-
political participation and Black empowerment, Bobo and Gilliam (1990) used a broad
measurement of community-political participation to understand the general patterns of
participation in the African American community. Their political participation
component consisted of voting (local voting, 1980 national election, 1984 national
election) and campaigning (persuade others, donate money, attend meeting, member
political club). Whereas their community participation component included community

activities such as starting a local group, contacting local and non-local officials, getting

47

involved in a community, and engaging in group problem solving.

In brief, both Ellison and London (1992), and Bobo and Gilliam assessed
conventional Black political participation by looking at electoral politics. However, their
community participation scales were too broad to determine whether it was conventional
or unconventional. Also the questions in their scales did not ask respondents on their
involvement in the Black community in terms of attempts to alleviate racism, as well as
their involvement in helping to further develop the Black community. Black
participation does not only involve participation in electoral politics, but it also involves
what one has done in terms of bringing about further social change in the Black
community.

Zimmerman et al.’s (1992) participation scale is a more comprehensive scale.
However, the items in the scale were general and did not specifically assess conventional
or unconventional participation. Their participation scale consisted of four measures of
participation to capture the different levels of participation of White and Black
participants. The first measure assessed the total number of organizations that an
individual was a member. This measure was examined by averaging the number of
organizations in which the respondent participated. The second measure assessed
leadership. Respondents were asked whether they were non-participants, participants
who held no leadership role, or participants who held organizational leadership role. The
third measure examined the amount of active involvement over the last 12 months in the
respondent’s most important organization. Finally, the fourth measurement examined the
number of community activities in which respondents participated. Using a 10-item

checklist, respondents were asked if they ever participated in activities such as attending

48

a public meeting, writing to a public official, discussing politics with a family member,
contributing money, and taking some action to do something about a community issue.
Respondents were not given an opportunity to include activities that did not appear in the
checklist.

Although Zimmerman et al.’s (1992) scale was more comprehensive, their
participation scale does not address the question of what one has done in strengthening
the Black community or bringing about racial justice. The scale also does not ask
respondents with their involvement in unconventional participation. Although it is
acknowledged that the intentions of the authors might not have been to develop a scale
that address those issues, it does demonstrate the type of scales mainly used that examine
the participation of Black people.

Jackson (1971) did measure both conventional and unconventional activist
activities in his study on political behaviors of Black students. However, his assessment
of conventional and unconventional activism took place in the 19703 where the social and
political climate in the Black community and the larger society were different. Jackson
(1971) specifically assessed the degree to which Black college students were involved in
conventional and unconventional political participation. He defined conventional
participation as political behaviors that are traditional and unconventional participation as
political behaviors that are non-traditional such as picketing. In the conventional
component of his participation scale, his items included giving money to a party or
candidate; joining a political organization; working for a party or candidate; and
attending a political meeting. In the unconventional component of his participation scale,

his items included leading or organizing Black protest activities; participating in sit-ins;

49

participating in a riot; picketing; joining or attending meetings of an Afro-American
group; donating money to one of the Black causes; and taking part in mass
demonstrations.

The Secret et al. (1990) study on the impact of religiosity on Black political
participation further used a scale to measure conventional and unconventional Black
participation as well, however they used four pooled samples collected prior to 1990 to
assess this variable. Specifically, they used four pooled samples from 1972-1983, 1973-
1974, 1977-1978, and 1982-1984 to assess conventional and unconventional political
participation. Thus, they did not empirically exarrrine how conventional and
unconventional participatory behaviors hold up in present-day context, 1990 to the
present. Brown (1996) similarly assessed both conventional and unconventional
participation, but he also used a pooled sample and data prior to 1990. They used the
1984 National Black Election Study to obtain their data and sample. The scales used and
the results that were found may not up-hold in present-day contexts.

In summary, both conventional and unconventional community and political
participation are important themes within Black activism. They are all instrumental in
strengthening and bringing about further social change in the Black community. The
Black participation literature indicates that researchers study Black conventional
participation more frequently than unconventional activities. Empirical studies and
measures on unconventional Black participation remain sparse. Although Jackson
empirically examined unconventional and conventional Black participation, this study is
now three decades old. Furthermore, these studies and measures done on Black

participation do not address the issue of what one has done for the development of the

50

Black community. Given the substantial changes that have occurred in the sociopolitical
context of today’s society, new measures on both conventional and unconventional
participation needs to be developed to examine present day participation. There also
needs to be measures that examine what one has done in terms of attempts to alleviate
racism and in attempts to develop the Black community.
M

In summary, attitudes and behaviors have both characterized Black activism.
Sociopolitical attitudes of assimilation and nationalism, as well as social change
preferences of accommodation and structural change have been significant attitudinal
dimensions of Black activism (Marable, 1995; Reed, 1995; Sellers et al., 1998; Watts,
1997). Conventional and unconventional participation have also been significant
behavioral dimensions of Black activism (BoBo & Gilliam, 1990; Brown, 1996; Jackson,
1971; Karenga, 1987). However, despite their significance to Black activism, these
dimensions have been empirically understudied. Furthermore, there are few measures
assessing assimilationist and nationalist sociopolitical attitudes, and there are no
measures assessing accommodation and structural social change preferences. There are
also few measures assessing unconventional Black participation. Therefore, the purpose
of the present study was to develop a multidimensional measure on Black activism to
help address the inadequate study of Black participation and to provide a tool to examine
more comprehensively Black activist behaviors and the attitudes that have helped shaped
those behaviors. Developing a multidimensional measure of Black activism could allow
social scientists to examine different dimensions of Black activism more accurately. It

could allow one to begin assessing the complexities of Black activism such as the

51

relationship Black activism has with other pertinent constructs (e. g., consciousness,
empowerment, racial socialization, and political ideology). This measure could also lead
to a better understanding of the process of Black activism and the strategies African
Americans employ to facilitate further social change in the African American
community. A richer understanding of Black activism could be attained with this
instrument. On the more practical level, a multidimensional measure of Black activism
could lead to the development and implementation of programs to increase Black
activism within the African American community. For example, one could look at what
empowers African Americans to get involved in Black activism and design programs
around those empowering factors. This could in turn empower Afiican American youth
to activism in their communities to bring about further social change.

To examine whether sociopolitical attitudes of assimilation and nationalism,
social change preferences of accommodation and structural change, as well as
conventional and unconventional intentions to act, and Black activist participatory
behaviors were indeed reliable dimensions of Black activism, the following questions
were examined:

1. What is the dimensionality of Black Activism?

2. What is the relationship between the attitudinal and behavioral components of the
Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism?

3. Do the resulting scales differentiate between Activist and Non-Activist sub-groups, as

well as Community Activist, Student Activist, and Non-Activist sub-groups?

52

CHAPTER 2
METHODS
The current study consisted of two phases. The first phase involved having key-
inforrnants review the items of the Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism
(MMBA). The items were derived by examining the conceptual meaning of each
dimension within the MBA, in addition to considering how other authors have
measured those dimensions (i.e., Sellers et al., 1997, 1998; Watts, 1992; Zimmerman, et
al., 1992). The second phase involved testing the measure on 271 participants. In the
first phase, there were six key-informants who were Black activists 18 years of age or
older. Two of the key informants were female and four were male. These key-
inforrnants were selected based on the definition of Black activism. Black activism is
defined as participation in activities to bring about firrther social, political, and economic
change with the overall goal to develop black communities, and/or to overcome racial
oppression. The key-informants reviewed the items prior to administration to the larger
sample. The resulting feedback from the key-informants indicated no conceptual
changes. The major changes suggested by the key-informants were grammatical and
sentence structure. The researcher considered all suggestions and made corrections
accordingly. The researcher then tested the final activism scale on 271 participants in the
second phase of the study.
Participants
Two hundred and seventy one persons participated in the second phase of the
present study. The activist participants were purposively recruited due to their work as

activists within the Black community. These participants were recruited based on the

53

definition of Black activism as stated above. The college student participants were
recruited to obtain non-activists participants within the sample. This sample was
recruited for convenience. Amongst the 271 participants, 96 % (n=260) identified
themselves as Black/African American and 4% (n=11) identified themselves as
Black/Biracial. Sixty five percent (n=177) of the participants were female and 35%
(n=94) were male. Forty one percent (n=110) of the participants self-identified
themselves as Black activists and 59% (n=161) self-identified themselves as non-
activists. All participants were recruited from urban or semi-urban locations. Sixty eight
percent (n=l78) of the participants were recruited fi'om Michigan State University’s
(MSU) undergraduate population and 34% (n=93) were recruited from various urban and
semi-urban locations through out the United States. In terms of the college students at
Michigan State University, 34% (n=92) were recruited from the Human Subject Pool of
the Department of Psychology at MSU and 32% (n=86) were recruited at various
locations on MSU campus (e.g., cafeteria, dormitory). The age of the participants ranged
from 18 to 69, with the mean age being 27. See Table 1 for complete demographic
information.
Measures

The original 97-item Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism (MMBA)
consisted of two main components that included attitude and behavior (See Appendix F).
The attitudinal component of the MMBA consisted of items aimed at measuring four
dimensions: Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude, Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude,
Accommodation Social Change Preference, and Structural Social Change Preference.

The behavioral component of the MMBA consisted of items aimed at measuring three

54

dimensions: Conventional Intention to Act, Unconventional Intention to Act, and Black
Activist Participatory Behavior. See Figure 1 for a graphical depiction of the Black
activism measure.
Attitudinal Component

Assimil_ationist Socio-Political Attitude Dimension. The assimilationist socio-
political attitude dimension consisted of 14 items that assessed the extent to which an
individual upholds Black assimilationist attitudes. Participants were asked to rate the
extent to which they agree or disagree with each assimilationist item on a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 to 5, with 1 being Strongly Agree and 5 being Strongly Disagree.
The item distributions were examined by assessing the item means and item standard
deviations. There were no items discarded based on these distributions. See Table 2 for

item means and item standard deviations.

55

Table 2

Assimilationist Socio—Political Attitude Item_s_

 

 

 

Item Item Item
Means SD

56. A sign of progress for Black Americans is that they are more 2.50 1.21
integrated in American mainstream society.

57. Raising Black children in a multicultural neighborhood would 2.06 1.13
better prepare them to function in American society.

58. Affirmative action has made it possible for Blacks to become 3.1 1 1.39
equal with Whites.

61. It is imperative for Blacks to strive to integrate in American 2.30 .62
society as much as possible.

63. Blacks who believe in Black separatism are just as racist as 2.71 1.34
Whites believing in White separatism.

67. Black children raised in predominately White communities 3.83 1.03
will function more effectively in society.

69. Blacks should vote for White politicians who say they are 2.77 1.11
supportive of changing racist practices.

70. It is OK. for Blacks to marry individuals of a different race. 2.27 1.15

72. Being American is more important than being Black. 3.74 1.13

73. It is important for Blacks and Whites to work together to try 1.68 1.06
and solve racial injustices.

75. Like any other White American, a Black person can get ahead 2.42 1.31
in this society if he or she tries hard enough.

77. Blacks should attend predominately White schools to get as much 3.78 1.04
experience interacting with Whites.

78. It is important for Whites and Blacks to get along. 1.75 1.01

81. A Black child is better off attending a racially integrated school 3.00 1.25

than an equally qualified predominately Black school.

 

56

Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude Dimen_sion. In regards to the nationalist
socio-political attitude, this dimension consisted of 14 items that assessed the extent to
which an individual upholds Black nationalist attitudes. Participants were asked to rate
the extent to which they agree or disagree with each nationalist item on a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 to 5, with 1 being Strongly Agree and 5 being Strongly Disagree.
The item distributions were examined by assessing the item means and item standard
deviations. There were no items discarded based on these distributions. See Table 3 for

item means and item standard deviations.

57

Table 3

Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD

54. Blacks should form their own political organization. 2.12 1.01

55. It is imperative for Blacks to have autonomous Black cultural 1.83 .92
institutions to strengthen the group’s racial identity.

59. It is important to have web sites only marketed towards Black 2.36 1.16
people.

60. It is important for Black youth to develop a strong Black identity 1.34 .56
and Black pride.

62. Blacks should strive to establish Black owned businesses in 1.35 .67
Black neighborhoods.

64. It is important for Black people to buy Black owned products 1.79 .93
whenever possible.

65. Black politics should consist of a race first or race consciousness 2.77 1.08
philosophy/orientation.

66. Blacks would be better off if they work within their own race to 3.17 1.25
try and solve racism.

68. It is important for Blacks to attend churches where the congregation 3.27 1.23
is all Black.

71. It is best for Black community organizations to only rely on funding 3.49 1.17
fi'om Black owned businesses.

74. Blacks should send their children to schools where African/Black 2.02 .94
and culture are emphasized.

76. Blackness is a strong basis to form group solidarity amongst Black 2.39 1.00
people.

79. It is important for Blacks to participate in organizations with only 2.72 1.28
Black leadership and membership.

80. Blacks should only marry individuals of their own race. 3.57 1.21

 

58

Social Change Preference Commnent

Accommodation Social flange Preference Dirnen_sion. The accommodation
social change preference consisted of eight items that assessed the extent to which an
individual preferenced an accommodationist social change strategy. Participants were
asked to rate the extent to which they agree or disagree with each accommodation item
on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 to 5, with 1 being Strongly Agree and 5 being
Strongly Disagree. The item distributions were examined by assessing the item means
and item standard deviations. There were no items discarded based on these
distributions. See Table 4 for item means and item standard deviations.

Table 4

Accommodation Social Change Preference Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD
82. Black activists writing to the U. S. government is an effective 2.21 1.01

strategy to help to bring about further social change in the
Black community.

84. Blacks should strive towards placing a significant number of 1.70 .75
Blacks in position of political power in America.

86. Blacks should advocate for more civil rights policies aimed at 2.06 1.07
integrating Blacks into American society.

90. The best way for Blacks to confront racism in this country is 2.41 1.13
to work within the system.

91. Having more civil rights laws will help to improve race relations. 2.87 1.08

93. Blacks would be better off conforming to the ways the social and 3.57 1.25
political institutions are set up in this country.

94. Having Black elected officials in position of power allows the 2.20 1.03
Black community to attain political clout in this country.
96. Having a Black president of the United States who accommodates 2.79 1.08

to the U. S. practices of Democracy is needed.

 

59

Structural Social Change Preference Dimension. The structural social change
preference dimension consisted of eight items that assessed the extent to which an
individual prefers a structural change attitude towards social change. Participants were
asked to rate the extent to which they agree or disagree with each structural change item
on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 to 5, with 1 being Strongly Agree and 5 being
Strongly Disagree. The item distributions were examined by assessing the item means
and item standard deviations. There were no items discarded based on these
distributions. See Table 5 for item means and item standard deviations.

Table 5

Sguictural Social Chgge Preference Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD

83. Black activists should aim to work more on reconstructing the 1.95 .82
social and political order of this country.

85. Blacks should participate in political groups aimed at transforming 1.69 .75
the social and class structure within society.

87. Having a Black president who tries to reconstruct America’s 2.41 1.02
political and economic order is needed.

88. The best way to confront racism is to change the 2.50 1.07
fundamental order of this Democracy.

89. It is best to “rock the boat” and challenge how the economic 2.27 1.02
and political institutions are set up.

92. Another Civil Rights Movement aimed at changing the power 2.44 .96
structures of this society is needed.

95. A Revolution aimed at restructuring the social, political and 2.55 1.16
economic institutions in the US. needed.

97. Blacks should challenge the power structures within society. 1.82 .83

 

60

Mm Component

Conventional Intention to Act Dimension. The conventional intention to act
dimension consisted of 11 items that assessed participants’ intentions to participate in
conventional Black activist activities. Participants were asked to rate the extent to which
they would be likely to participate in a particular activity on a 4-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 to 4, with 1 being Very Likely and 4 being Not at All. The item
distributions were examined by assessing the item means and item standard deviations.
There were no items discarded based on these distributions. See Table 6 for item means

and item standard deviations.

61

Table 6

Conventional Intention to Act Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD

12. I would write editorials in the local newspaper in regards to issues 1.19 .83
affecting Black people.

13. I would vote for a Black public official. 1.28 .45

15. I would write letters to government officials concerning issues of 1.78 .80
discriminatory practices towards Blacks.

18. I would talk to people to influence their vote on a Black political 1.68 .72
candidate.

19. I would attend a congressional hearing to advocate for a civil rights 1.69 .70
policy for the benefit of Black people.

24. I would participate in a political campaign to put a Black 1.68 .73
congressional candidate on the ballot.

25. I would lobby for legislation that favors issues pertaining to 1.76 .73
African American causes.

29. I would financially support a Black mayoral campaign. 1.75 .75

30. I would participate in a group that uses conservative, 1.65 .72

non-confrontational tactics to bring about further social
change in the Black community.

33. I would contact a public official about the economic needs of a 1.75 .74
Black neighborhood.
34. I would participate in a discussion or problem solving session with 1.70 .82

White people to help solve racism.

 

62

Unconventiopal Intention to Act Dimension. The unconventional intention to act
dimension consisted of 13 items that assessed participants’ intentions to participate in
unconventional Black activist activities. Participants were asked to rate the extent to
which they would be likely to participate in a particular activity on a 4-point Likert scale
ranging from 1 to 4, with 1 being Very Likely and 4 being Not at All. The item
distributions were examined by assessing the item means and item standard deviations.
There were no items discarded based on these distributions. See Table 7 for item means

and item standard deviation.

63

Table 7

Unconventional Intention to Act Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD

14. I would participate in a group that uses militant, confrontational 2.68 .94
tactics to bring about further social change in the Black
community.

16. I would participate in a sit-in to protest police brutality against 1.86 .83
Blacks.

17. I would participate in a Black protest activity to end wide spread 1.63 .72
racial injustices in this country.

20. If I had the money, I would financially support a Black revolt. 2.44 1.02

21. I would boycott a restaurant if they discriminated against Blacks. 1.34 .58

22. I would circulate a petition demanding an improvement in public 1.72 .82
policies pertinent to Black people.

23. I would participate in a march to place pressure on US. 1.82 .85
government to reconcile past discriminatory practices.

26. If warranted, I would participate in rioting during periods of 2.99 1.04
racial unrest.

27. I would boycott a corporation if they engage in practices that 1.45 .71
are discriminatory towards Black people.

28. If deemed necessary, I would use violence as a political 3.18 .99
means to further advance the Black community.

31. I would participate in a civil rights rally to make people aware of 1.52 .62
important issues facing the Black community.

32. I would participate in a march that provoked aggressive actions. 2.66 1.04

35. I would participate in a Black revolution to bring about further 2.08 .94

social and economic change for the Black people.

 

64

Blac_k Activist Participatory Behavior Dimension. The Black activist
participatory behavior dimension consisted of 36 items that assessed actual participation
in activist activities. Participants were asked to rate the extent to which they have
participated in a particular activity within the past year and within the past 5 years on a 4-
point Likert scale ranging from 1 to 4, with 1 being Frequently and 4 being Never. Table
8 depicts the means and standard deviations of each item for the Black activist
participatory behavior dimension. However, it should be noted that due to the high
intercorrelation in how the participants responded to each item within “the past 1 year”
and within “the past 5 years”, “past 1 year” was omitted from further analysis in the
Black activist participatory behavior dimension. The item distributions were examined

by assessing the item means and item standard deviation. See Table 8 for item means and

item standard deviations.

65

Table 8

Black Activist Participatory Behavior Items

 

 

Items Item Item
Means SD

A=Past 5 Years

B=Past 1 Year

36A. Involved in a program, project, group, and/or organization 2.06 1.06

geared towards helping or uplifting the Black community.
36B. Involved in a program, project, group, and/or organization 2.13 1.19
geared towards helping or uplifting the Black community.

37A. Attended a meeting where the discussion were on issues 1.89 .92
conceming Black people.

37B. Attended a meeting where the discussion were on issues 1.88 1.04
concerning Black people.

38A. Participated in a demonstration/rally for a Black cause. 2.79 1.18

38B. Participated in a demonstration/rally for a Black cause. 2.76 1.23

39A. Registered voters for a Black politician. 3.27 1.11

39B. Registered voters for a Black politician. 3.10 1.28

40A. Contacted public officials to address an issue that 3.13 1.16
you felt was pertinent to the Black community.

40B. Contacted public officials to address an issue that 3.16 1.20
you felt was pertinent to the Black community.

41A. Raised awareness or educated others on issues that 2.16 1.19
you felt were pertinent to the Black community.

41B. Raised awareness or educated others on issues that 2.10 1.22
you felt were pertinent to the Black community.

42A. Contributed money to a Black cause. 2.48 1.20

42B. Contributed money to a Black cause. 2.38 1.24

43A. Raised money for a Black cause. 2.63 1.22

43B. Raised money for a Black cause. 2.64 1.26

44A. Mobilize Black people to take action on a particular issue. 2.77 1.23

44B. Mobilize Black people to take action on a particular issue. 2.76 1.28

45A. Picketed for a Black cause. 3.40 .99

45B. Picketed for a Black cause. 3.44 1.02

46A. Participated in a boycott for a Black cause. 3.00 1.13

468. Participated in a boycott for a Black cause. 2.99 1.22

47A. Participated in a protest for a Black cause. 3.10 1.16

47B. Participated in a protest for a Black cause. 3.07 1.23

48A. Advocated for a Black cause. 2.55 1.28

48B. Advocated for a Black cause. 2.57 1.32

66

Table 8 (cont)

49A.
49B.
50A.
50B.
51A.
51B.
52A.
52B.
53A.

53B.

Participated in a political campaign for a Black candidate.
Participated in a political campaign for a Black candidate.

Participated in a Black/Afiican American social,
civic, or professional organization.

Participated in a Black/African American social,
civic, or professional organization.

Participated in an activity to help end racism, or other
forms of racial injustices.

Participated in an activity to help end racism, or other
forms of racial injustices.

Published an article or newsletter on issues that you
felt were pertinent to Black people.

Published an article or newsletter on issues that you
felt were pertinent to Black people.

Disseminated or passed out information on issues
that you felt were pertinent to the Black community.
Disseminated or passed out information on issues
that you felt were pertinent to the Black community.

3.08
3.06
2.19
2.20
2.54
2.53
3.40
3.46
2.77

2.77

1.20
1.27
1.23
1.27
1.24
1.30
1.05
1.04
1.27

1.34

 

67

Procedure

The researcher recruited participants in the current study from three locations: (1)
Black activists from urban and semi-urban communities in the United States; (2) Students
fiom various sites on Michigan State University campus (e. g. cafeteria, dormitory); and
(3) students from the Human Subject Pool of the Department of Psychology at Michigan
State University. Below is a discussion on the procedures taken to recruit participants
from these three locations.

Recruiting Black Activists in Communities (n=93 ). In terms of recruiting Black
activists in communities, the primary researcher used the snowball sampling technique.
Snowball sampling is the process of chain referral when members of the target population
under study are located, and asked to provide names, addresses, phone numbers, and
e-mail addresses of other members of the targeted population. These members are then
contacted and asked to name others, and so on. A basic assumption of snowball sampling
is that members of the target population under study often know each other (Singleton, et.
aL,1993)

The researcher, first, generated a list of twenty potential Black activists and Black
activist organizations to contact to begin the snowballing sampling technique. The
researcher was referred to these activists and organizations by colleagues at Michigan
State University, as well as leaders at community organizations (e.g., The Greater
Lansing Urban League). The researcher then contacted each person and organization on
the list. She presented a brief overview of the purpose and goal of the study, and asked
each contact person to provide names, phone numbers and/or e-mail addresses of Black

activists and Black activist organizations that might be interested in participating in the

68

study. A person or an organization was considered a Black activist or a Black activist
organization based on the following definition of Black activism: participation in
activities to facilitate social, political, and economic change with the overall goal to
further develop black communities, and/or to overcome racial oppression (Watts, 1997).
Amongst those activists the researcher was able to contact, they referred her to other
activists that she could contact and recruit. From this list, she generated a list of
approximately 30 Black activists and activist organizations. Thus, this began the
snowball sampling technique.

After receiving the names, phone numbers, and/or e-mail addresses of Black
activists, the researcher contacted each activist to request their permission to participate
in the study. See Appendix A for the phone solicitation guide used in the recruitment of
participants. In regards to activist organizations, the researcher contacted leaders of these
activist organizations to ask their permission to recruit activist members to participate in
the study. Again, activists were recruited based on the definition of Black activism stated
above. If an individual activist or a leader of an organization could not be contacted by
phone, the researcher sent a letter via e-mail to the prospective participant, explaining the
purpose of the study and requesting their permission to participate in the study (See
Appendix B). For those participants who were contacted by phone and requested to see
the Black activism survey and a letter explaining the purpose of the study before agreeing
to participate, the researcher faxed that information to those participants.

Once individual activists agreed to participate in the study, the researcher either
(1) scheduled a date, time, and place to meet with the participant so he or she could

complete the survey; or (2) the researcher sent the survey through e-mail or airmail. The

69

researcher followed a similar procedure for leaders of activist organizations who agreed
that members of their organization could be recruited to participate in the study. The
researcher either (1) scheduled a date and a time to go to the organization to recruit
members; (2) sent the requested amount of survey to the organization through air or e-
mail; or (3) faxed the survey to the organization.

Surveys Sent by Airmail or E-Mail_. Surveys sent by airmail or e-mail were
accompanied with a letter explaining the purpose of the study (See appendix E), as well
as a consent form explaining elements of anonymity, confidentiality and voluntary
participation (See Appendix C). In the letter accompanying the survey, participants were
informed to read and sign the consent form before filling out the survey. After
completing the survey, participants were asked to air or e-mail the completed survey
along with the signed consent form to the researcher of the study. In all, approximately
25 surveys were sent by e-mail and of those twenty-five, 20 completed surveys were
returned. In terms of airmail, approximately 10 were sent by airmail and of those 10,
four completed surveys were returned.

Individual Activists whom the Researcher Visited. In regards to individual
activists whom the researcher visited, the researcher verbally explained the purpose and
goals of the study. In addition, the researcher verbally explained elements of anonymity,
confidentiality, and voluntary participation. After discussing those factors, the researcher
asked participants to read and Sign the consent form once they understood the purposes
and procedures of the study and the elements described in the consent form.
Administration of the survey did not commence until participants signed the consent

form. The researcher visited eight individual activists and all completed the survey.

70

Activist Organizations whom ths Researcher Visited. In regards to activist
organizations that the researcher visited, the researcher would attend a general assembly
meeting of the organization and verbally explain the purpose and goals of the study. In
addition, the researcher defined Black activism and asked for members who were
involved in Black activist activities to meet with her after their meeting to fill out the
survey. The surveys were group administered. The researcher explained elements of
anonymity, confidentiality, and voluntary participation to the participants. After
discussing those factors, the researcher asked participants to read and sign the consent
form once they understood the purposes and procedures of the study and the elements
described in the consent form. Administration of the survey did not commence until
participants signed the consent form. Sixty-one activist participants were recruited and
all completed the survey from the various activist organizations the researcher visited.

After participants completed the Black activism survey, the researcher asked each
participant if they could identify other Black activists or Black activist organizations that
might have been interested in participating in the study. This facilitated the continuation
of the snowball sampling technique.

RecruitingUndergraAuate Students_at Michigan State Universitv (n=92). To
recruit Black undergraduate college students on Michigan State University campus, the
researcher approached approximately 100 Black students at various sites on MSU
campus (e. g., dormitories, cafeterias, Black student political events) to request their
permission to participate in the study. Ninety-two of those students agreed to participate.
The researcher verbally explained the purpose and goals of the study to these students.

She then explained elements of anonymity, confidentiality, and voluntary participation.

71

After discussing those factors, the researcher asked students to read and sign the consent
form once they understood the purposes and procedures of the study and the elements
described in the consent form. Survey administration did not commence until
participants signed the consent form. The surveys were administered individually or in a
group. A1192 students completed the survey.

Recruiting Students from the Psychologv Human Subject Pool 2a Michigan State
University (n=86). Students recruited through the Human Subject Pool of the
Department of Psychology at Michigan State University were invited to attend a group
administration session to complete the Black activism survey. At the beginning of each
administration session, the researcher verbally explained the purpose and goals of the
study, and explained elements of anonymity, confidentiality, and voluntary participation.
The researcher then asked each student to read and Sign the consent form (See Appendix
D) once they understood the purposes and procedures of the study and the elements
described in the consent form. Administration of the survey did not commence until
students signed the consent form. The surveys were group administered. After
completing the survey, participants were given one extra credit toward their final grade in
their psychology course. In all, 114 students signed up to participate in the study through

the Psychology Human Subject Pool. However, 86 completed the survey.

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CHAPTER 3
RESULTS
The results are presented according to the research question and the method
through which these questions were answered. Thereby, there will first be a discussion of
the results yielding the dimensions of the Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism
(MMBA). Following, there will be a discussion of the results indicating the relationship
between the dimensions of the attitudinal and behavioral components of the MMBA.
Last, there will be a discussion of the results indicating differences between means in
regards to how participants identified themselves as community activist, student activist,
and non-activist.

Research Question 1: What is the dimensionality of BlaLk Activism_?

 

Two steps were taken to construct the dimensionality of the MMBA. The first
step involved exploring the component structure of the items within the MBA. The
second step involved calculating the reliability of the scales that were derived from the
factor analysis.

In terms of an exploratory analysis, a principal component analysis with
orthogonal varimax rotations was performed. This analysis was used to assess the
loading of each item on a component and to assess if any conceptually meaningful
components emerged from this analysis. The criterion for determining the number of
component to be extracted was based on the eigenvalues greater than 1.00 (Guttrnan,
1954) accounting for 3% or more of the explained variance. As Kachigan (1991)
explained, the idea is to retain factors to the point where an additional factor would

account for less variance than a typical variable (that is less than 1.00). In addition, the

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scree plot of the eigenvalues was examined to see where the asymptote was located on
the plot. The asymptote indicated where the variance began to significantly decline
(Cattell, 1996)

In determining which item was a part of a factor structure, items with component
loadings of .50 or above were deemed as belonging to that particular factor component.
If an item had a component loading of .50 or above on more than one dimension, than the
highest loading was used to determine which component the item loaded on most
strongly. Thus, an item was considered as contributing only to the component it loaded
on the highest, even if it loaded higher than .50 on more than one factor. Brynt and
Yamold (1995) suggested that researchers consider items with component loading
coefficients of at least .30 in absolute value as “loading on the respective factor” and
worthy of consideration in the interpretation of the meaning of that component. In
addition to component loadings of .5 O or above as belonging to the component, the
conceptual meaningfulness of the factors was also considered. In other words, a number
of different component solutions were examined with respect to the meanings of the
variables loading on the respective components in order to determine which component
solutions made the most sense in light of what is already known about each scale within
the MMBA (Kachigan, 1991). Below will be a discussion on the results that emerged
from the principal component analysis on each component of the MMBA, as well as on
the results yielded from the derived sub-scales of the MMBA.

Sociopolitifl Attitude Iteprs
Principal Commnent Analysis. A principal component analysis was first

performed on the sociopolitical attitude items. A seven-component solution emerged

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from the analysis according to Kaiser’s criteria (See Table 9). When the scree plot was
examined, the asymptote occurred at four components, indicating a four-component
solution (see Figure 2). Because of this finding, a varimax rotation was performed on
four components. For the four-component solution, component three consisted of three
items, which were item 69, item 70, and item 73. The conceptual meaning of these items
was more consistent with the conceptual meaning of the second component that appeared
to be a measure of assimilationist attitudes. Component four consisted of three items,
which were item 60, item, 62, and item 64. Items, 60, 62, and 64 were similar
conceptually to component one, which appeared to be a measure of nationalist attitudes.
Therefore, these specific items in components three and four were conceptually more
appropriate to components one and two accordingly, which indicated a two component
structure. Thus, a two-component solution was examined.

For the two-component solution, the component loadings ranged from 0.50 to
0.75 for the first component and 0.53 to 0.65 for the second component (See Table 10).
The first component accounted for 23.78% of the explained variance and appeared to be a
measure of assimilationist socio-political attitude. The second component accounted for
11.55% of the explained variance and appeared to be a measure of nationalist socio-
political attitude. Items 62, 69, and 71 were omitted due to their factor loadings being
below the 0.50 cut-off point. In addition, for item 71, the conceptual meaning was vague.
Thus, the first component consisted 13 items and the second component consisted of 12
items.

Reliabilig. A reliability analysis on the final two scales was performed. The

alpha coefficient for the first component, the Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude

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scale, was .85. The corrected item-total correlations for this scale ranged from .44 to .66
(See Table 11). The alpha coefficient for the second component, the Nationalist Socio-
Political Attitude scale, was .83. The corrected item-total correlations for this scale
ranged from .49 to .53 (See Table 12). The correlation between two scales was
significantly negative (r = -.37, p < .01).

Social Change Preference Items

Principal Component Analysis. In regards to the social change preference items,
the initial results from the PCA with a varimax orthogonal rotation yielded a three-
component solution according to Kaiser’s criteria (See table 13). The asymptote of the
scree plot also indicated a three component solution (See Figure 3). As a result of this
finding, a varimax rotation was performed using a three component solution. For the
three component rotation, the third component only had two items, which included items
93 and 96. The conceptual meaningfulness of these two items in the third component
was more consistent with the conceptual meaning of the second component, which
appeared to be a measure of accommodation. Therefore, due to the third component only
having two items and the conceptual meaningfulness of the two items being more
consistent with the conceptual meaning of the second component, a two-component
solution was rotated.

For the two-component rotation, the loadings ranged from 0.58 to 0.71 for the
first component and 0.61 to 0.74 for the second component (See Table 14). The first
component accounted for 27.72% of the explained variance and appeared to be a measure
of social change preference of structural change. The second component accounted for

16.12% of the explained variance and appeared to be a measure of social change

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preference of accommodation. Items 84 and 93 were deleted from the component
structure because their loadings were below the 0.50 cut-off point. In addition, Item 84
loaded equally on the first and second components, which indicated that the item was not
discriminating well between the two factors. This could be due to the conceptual
vagueness of this particular item. Item 93 was also omitted due to its component loading
being below .50 and the conceptual vagueness of the item. In all, items 84 and 93 were
omitted, leaving the first component defined by 8 items and the second component
consisting of 6 items.

Reliability. A reliability analysis on the final two scales was performed. The
alpha coefficient for the second component, the Accommodation Social Change
Preference scale, was .77. The corrected item-total correlations for the Accommodation
Social Change Preference scale ranged from .46 to .59 (See Table 15). The alpha
coefficient for the first component, the Structural Social Change Preference scale, was
.81. The corrected item-total correlations for this scale ranged from .51 to .57 (See Table
16). The correlation between the scales was significantly positively correlated (r = .23,

p < .01)
Intentions to Act Items

Principal Comppnent Analysis. In terms of intentions to act items, the initial
results fi'om the PCA with a varimax rotation resulted in a five-component solution using
Kaiser’s criteria (See Table 17). The asymptote of the scree plot indicated a three-
component solution (See Figure 4). Because of this finding, a varimax rotation was
performed on a three-component solution. For the three-component rotation, the third

component consisted of three items with loadings above 0.50. These items included 17,

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21, and 27. However, one of the three items, item 17, double loaded on two components,
specifically on the first and third components. Thus, that item was deleted which left two
items, items 17 and 21, on the third component. However, despite the two items loading
on the third component, their conceptual meaningfulness was more suitable with the
conceptual meaning of the first component. Therefore, due to the third factor only having
two items and that the conceptual meaningfulness of the two items was more consistent
with conceptual meaning of the first component, a two-component rotation was
performed.

For the two-component rotation, the loadings ranged from 0.51 to 0.77 for the
first component and 0.57 to 0.76 for the second component (See Table 18). The first
component accounted for 32.67% of the explained variance and appeared to be a measure
of conventional intentions to act. The second component accounted for 11.80% of the
explained variance and appeared to be a measure of unconventional intentions to act.
Item 13 was deleted due to its loading being below the 0.50 cut-off point. Furthermore,
item 13 was deleted because there was little variance on how the participants responded
to this item. For example, for item 13 all participants were either “likely” or “very
likely” to vote for a Black public official. None of the participants responded “not likely”
or “not at all” to this item. Therefore, item 13 was deleted. After item 13 was deleted,
the first factor contained 17 items and the second factor was defined by 6 items.

Reliabilig. A reliability analysis on the final two scales was performed. The
alpha coefficient for the first component, the Conventional Intention to Act scale, was
.91. The item-total correlations for this scale ranged from .38 to .72. (See Table 19).

The alpha coefficient for the second component, the Unconventional Intention to Act

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scale, was .80. The item-total correlations for this scale ranged from .47 to .61 (See
Table 20). The correlation between the Conventional and Unconventional Intentions to
Act scales was significantly positively correlated (r = .30, p < .01).

BlaLkActivist Participatory Behavior Items

Mpg Component Apalysis. For the final dimension, Black activist
participatory behavior, the initial results from the PCA with a varimax [orthogonal]
rotation yielded a two-component solution using Kaiser’s criteria (See Table 21). The
asymptote of the scree plot also indicated a two-component solution as well (See figure
5). As a result of this finding, a varimax rotation was performed on a two-component
solution. However, after examining the loadings of each item on their respective
component, no conceptually meaningful component could be derived other than the items
appeared to be a measure of actual activist behavior. The two components could not be
discriminated. This result is consistent with the finding that the first component
explained 53.51% of the explained variance, while component two only explained 6.81%
of the explained variance. These findings indicate a single dimension for these items.
All 18 items were retained as measures of this dimension.

Reliabilig. A reliability analysis was performed on the Black Activist
Participatory Behavior scale. The alpha coefficient was .95 for this scale. The item-total
correlations ranged from .56 to .80 for the Black Activist Participatory Behavior scale
(See Table 22).

In summary, the results above indicated that the Multidimensional Measure of
Black Activism has seven reliable dimensions which assess sociopolitical attitudes of: (1)

Assimilation and (2) Nationalism; social change preferences of (3) Accommodation and

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(4) Structural Change; behaviors of (5) Conventional and (6) Unconventional Intentions
to Act, and (7) actual Black Activist Participatory Behavior. Table 23 depicts the
correlations corrected for attenuation due to unreliability for the seven scales.
Research Question 2: What is the Relationship between tha
Attitudinal and Behavioral Components of the MBA?

Next, correlation tests were performed between the attitudinal and behavioral
components of the Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism. In terms of the
relationships between the dimensions of the attitudinal and behavioral components of the
MMBA (See Table 23), there were significant findings. The Assinrilationist Socio-
Political Attitude dimension significantly correlated in a negative direction with the
Black Activist Participatory Behavior (r = -.42, p < .01), the Conventional Intention to
Act (r = -.13, p < .05), and the Unconventional Intention to Act (r = -.34, p < .01)
dimensions. Thus, indicating that the more a participant endorsed an assimilationist
attitude, the less likely that participant was involved in actual activist behavior and the
less likely that participant had intentions to engage in conventional and unconventional
activism.

However, unlike the Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude dimension, the
Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude dimension correlated positively and significantly with
Black Activist Participatory Behavior (r=.41, p < .01), Conventional Intention to Act (r =
.39, p < .01), and Unconventional Intention to Act (r = .50, p < .01) dimensions. Thus,
indicating that the more a participant endorsed a nationalist attitude, the more likely that
participant was involved in actual activist behavior and the more likely that participant

had intentions to engage in conventional and unconventional activism.

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In regards to the Accommodation Social Change Preference Attitude, this
dimension correlated negatively and significantly with Unconventional Intention to Act
(r = -.13, p < .05) and Black Activist Participatory Behavior (r = -.18, p < .01). This
result indicated that the more a participant upheld social change preference attitude for
accommodation, the less likely this participant was involved in activist behavior and the
less likely they had intentions to participate in unconventional activism. For Structural
Social Change Preference Attitude, this dimension significantly correlated positively with
Black Activist Participatory Behavior (r = .29, p < .01), and Conventional Intention to
Act (r = .30, p < .01) and Unconventional Intention to Act (r = .43, p < .01). Thus,
indicating that the more a participant upheld a structural change social change preference
attitude, the more likely that participant was involved in actual activist behavior and the
more likely they had intentions to get involved in conventional and unconventional
activism.

In all, these correlation findings indicate that there is a relationship between the
attitudinal and behavioral components of the MBA. Furthermore, the results indicate
preliminary findings to validity of the sub-scales.

Research estion 3: Do the Resultin Scales Differentiate between
Activist anyd Non-Activist Sub-Groups,a_s well as Communig Activist,
Student Activistaand Non-ActivigSub-Groups?

A multivariate analysis of variance (MAN OVA) was conducted to detect if there
were any significant differences in the way in which activist and non-activist sub-groups,
as well as community activist, student activist, and non-activist sub-groups responded to

the scales within the MBA. The purpose of conducting a MANOVA analysis was to

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test the discriminate ability of the seven sub-scales. An activist was defined as a person
who participated in activities that facilitated social, political and/or economic change with
the overall goal to develop Black communities and/or to overcome racial oppression. In
terms of community activists, these were participants who identified themselves as
activists, but whom the researcher recruited from the general urban and semi-urban
communities. Student activists, on the other hand, were those participants who identified
themselves as activists, but whom the researcher recruited from Michigan State
University campus. A non-activist was defined as a person who did not identify himself
or herself as a Black activist.

A multivariate analysis of variance was performed to further explore the
relationship between the measures of the Black activism scale. The results indicated
significant differences in the way in which activist and non-activist subgroups responded
to the items of the MBA measure. The results also indicated significant differences in
the way in which community activist, MSU student activist, and non-activist sub-groups
responded to the items in the MMBA.

In terms of the activist and non-activist subgroups, they significantly differed in
how they responded on all the seven sub-scales, but they more prominently differed on
the Black Activist Participatory Behavior scale, F (1 , 269) = 313.79, p<.00 (Activists’ M
= 35.72; Non-Activists’ M = 58.48), and the Conventional Intentions to Act scale F (1 ,
269) = 65.45, p < .00 (Activists’ M = 21.05; Non-Activists’ M = 27.54). The lower a
participant scored on the scales, the more positively they responded to the items of the
scales. Therefore, the activist subgroup scored more positively to the items of the scales,

but more prominently on the Black Activists Participatory Behavior and the Conventional

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Intentions to Act scale. See Table 24 for means and standard deviations of the activist
and non-activist sub-groups on the seven scales.

Comparisons of community activists, MSU student activist, and non-activists also
indicate they significantly differed on how they responded on the items within the sub-
scales. The most prominent significant difference was again on the Black Activist
Participatory Behavior scale F (2, 269) = 200.96, p < .0001 (Community Activists’ M =
33.18; MSU Student Activists’ M = 49.59; Non-Activists’ M = 58.48) (F =200, p <
.0001), and on the Conventional Intention to Act scale F(2, 269) = 32.66, p < .0001
(Community Activists’ M = 221.13; MSU Student Activists’ M = 20.59; Non-Activists’
M = 27.54). The community activists yielded the lowest mean score, whereas the non-
activist sub-group yielded the highest mean score. The MSU student activist sub-group
yielded a mean score that was mid-way between the community activist and non-activist
sub-groups. Again, the lower a participant scored on the scales, the more positively they
responded to the items on the scales. See Table 25 for means and standard deviations of
the community activist, student activist, and non-activist sub-groups on the seven scales.

In summary, the results of the MAN OVA test indicate that the scales do
differentiate between activist and non-activist sub-groups, as well as differentiate
between community activist, MSU student activist, and non-activist sub-groups.
Therefore, these preliminary results offer supporting findings that the seven sub-scales do

indeed discriminate.

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CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION
The current research sought to develop a multidimensional measure of Black
activism. There are only few scales on nationalism and assimilation in today’s context,
specifically between 1990 and 2000. Sellers et al. (1998) is one of the few scholars who
have developed a scale that assesses nationalist and assimilationist sociopolitical attitudes
for today’s context. There are no scales on social change preference attitudes of
accommodation or structural change. There are no scales on conventional and
unconventional intentions to act, nor are their scales on Black activist participatory
behaviors that Specifically ask questions on one’s intentions or actual activities to bring
about further social change within the Black community. Hence, the goal of the present
study was to develop reliable scales on the aforementioned dimensions of Black activism.
The results of the study do provide evidence that the seven dimensions are reliable scales
of the Black activism measure. The following sections will highlight the major findings
found in the present study. Next, there will be a discussion on the limitations and
implications for future research.
Major Findings
The Dimensionality of the Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism
Sociomlitical Attitudes of Assimilation and Nationalism. In regards to the
sociopolitical attitude component of the Black activism measure, the result of the
exploratory factor analysis with a two component rotated solution yielded two
components that appeared to be a measure of assimilation and nationalism. Moreover, the

intereorrelation between the two scales further supports the result that the assimilationist

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and nationalist scales appear to be two separate constructs. By examining the
intereorrelation of the two constructs, the results indicated they were not highly
correlated with one another and that they had different patterns of correlation with other
variables or other scales in the study. Therefore, the scales are orthogonal.

The assimilationist and nationalist scales were also reliable sub-scales of the
Black activism measure. However, there were three items deleted from the nationalist
scale and one item deleted from the assimilationist scale. Items 62, 69, and 71 were
deleted from the Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude scale because their component
loadings were below .50. In addition, the corrected item-total correlation also indicated
that these two items correlated the least with the other items that appeared to be a
measure of nationalism. Furthermore, after examining the conceptual meaning of these
two items, the researcher determined that items 62 and 71were not conceptually clear.
The items were poorly written, which could confused some participants.

For example, item 62 stated “Blacks should strive to establish Black owned
businesses in Black neighborhoods”. Some participants might have questioned as to why
Blacks could not establish Black businesses in other neighborhoods or in international
settings. It should be noted that the nationalist perspective is more concerned in
establishing Black owned businesses in African American communities for the purpose
of Black economic stability. However, they also believe that Black owned businesses
should expand globally and in other interracial settings to increase revenues (Marable,
1995)

In regards to item 71, this item was poorly written as well, which might have led

some participants to misinterpret the meaning of the statement. The statement of item 71

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stated, “It is best for Black community organizations to only rely on funding from Black
owned businesses”. Edwards (1957) indicated that when writing survey/attitudinal items,
avoid using words such as “always”, “never”, and “only” because such words often times
introduce ambiguity. The statement of item 71 stated “Black cormnunity organization
‘only’ relying on funding from Black owned businesses”. This statement is indicating
that funding should ‘only’ come from Black businesses and not from other sources that
could be Black owned, such as the Black church or from individual Black philanthropists.
Thus, the word ‘only’ in the statement of item 71 might have been ambiguous, which
might explain why this item did not load highly on the component that appeared to be a
measure of nationalism. Moreover, item 71 correlated the least with the other items that
appeared to be a measure of nationalism.

For the Assirrrilationist Socio-Political Attitude scale, item 69 was the only item
deleted. Although its component loading value was near .50, after examining the
conceptual clarity of this item, it appeared to be an unclear statement and it may be
perceived as a trick statement. Item 69 stated that “Blacks should vote for White
politicians who say they are supportive of changing racist practices”. Edward (1957)
suggested that when writing survey/ attitudinal statements to use statements that have only
one complete thought. This particular statement in item 69 could be interpreted as two
complete thoughts, one being “voting for White politicians” and the other being “voting
for White politicians who say they are supportive of changing racist practices”. Again,
this statement could have misled some participants to interpret item 69 as two complete

thoughts, which might have confused them. This also might explain why item 69

correlated the least with the other items that appeared to be a measure of assimilation.

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In brief, items 62, 69, and 71 were deleted from their respective scales.
Therefore, the revised Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude scale was left with 13
items and the revised Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude scale was left with 12 items.
The revised Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude scale yielded an alpha coefficient of
.85, which indicated that the scale was internally reliable and that the items were
measuring the same construct, assimilationist sociopolitical attitude, consistently. The
revised Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude scale yielded an alpha coefficient of .83,
which indicated that the nationalism scale was also internally reliable, and that the items
were measuring the nationalist sociopolitical attitude component consistently.
Altogether, the results indicate that both the assimilationist and the nationalist scales
appear to be orthogonal and that they are reliable measures of the sociopolitical attitudes
of Black activism. This upholds the theoretical literature that indicates Black nationalism
and assimilation being important themes within the construct of Black activism (Hill,
1994; Marable, 1995; Reed, 1995; Watts, 1997).

Social Change Preferences for Accommodation and Structural Change. The
attitudinal component of the Black activism measure also yielded two orthogonal scales
of accommodation and structural social change. An exploratory factor analysis, rotating
a two- component solution, yielded two components that appeared to be a measure of
accommodation and structural change, respectively. The intereorrelation also indicated
that these two scales were separate constructs in that they did not correlate strongly with
each other. Furthermore, as with the sociopolitical attitudes of assimilation and
nationalism, accommodation and structural social change did not have the same patterns

of correlation with other external variables. This indicated that the two scales appear to

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be separate orthogonal constructs.

There were two items deleted from the social change preference component. Item
84 was deleted because it double loaded on the component that appeared to be a measure
of accommodation and on the component that appeared to be a measure of structural
change. This result indicated that some of the participants were possibly interpreting this
item as an accommodationist item and others were possibly interpreting it as a structural
change item. The item stated “Blacks should strive towards placing a significant number
of Blacks in position of political power in America.” This statement could be interpreted
as an accommodationist item because increasing the number of Blacks in position of
political power is not necessarily changing the system or practice of a system; it is simply
changing the racial make-up. African Americans could be in position of political power,
yet employ the same practices as the White status quo. Nonetheless, this item could also
be interpreted as structural change to US. political institutions in that placing Blacks in
those positions will give them the power to structurally change oppressive institutions in
this society. There is an underlying assumption that if Blacks are in position of political
power this would lead to the abolishment of oppressive practices (Reed, 1995 ).
Nonetheless, item 84 double loaded on two components. Therefore, this item is a “bad”
item because it does not discriminate as a result of its double loading on the two
components.

Item 93 was the second item deleted because its component loading was below
.50 and it lacked conceptual clarity. Item 93 stated that “Blacks would be better off
conforming to the ways the social and political institutions are set up in this country”.

This statement is unclear in that the word “ways” is not clearly defined and it makes the

88

sentence vague. Thus, due to the vagueness of this statement and its component loadings
being below .50, this item was also deleted.

After items 84 and 93 were deleted, the result indicated that the Accommodation
Social Change Preference scale yielded an alpha coefficient of .77 and the Structural
Social Change Preference scale yielded an alpha coefficient of .81. These results
indicated that the two scales were internally reliable and that the items in each respective
scale were measuring the two constructs accordingly. This suggests that the
accommodation and structural social change scales are also are measures of the
attitudinal component of Black activism. The result upholds the theoretical literature that
accommodation and structural social change preferences have been important themes
within the history of Black activism, as well as in contemporary times. Reed (1995) has
indicated that because of their marginalized status, African Americans have had to
contend with whether to structurally change oppressive institutions or to accommodate
those institutions. This debate continues to exist today on how Blacks should confront
racism and bring about further social change in their communities (Reed, 1995; Watts,
1992).

Conventional and Unconventional Intentions to Act. For the intentions to act
component, two separate reliable scales emerged. An exploratory factor analysis rotating
two components resulted in two components that appeared to be a measure of
conventional and unconventional intentions to act. The intereorrelation of the two
constructs was not high, which gives further evidence they are separate constructs.
However, it should be noted that some of the original items within the unconventional

component loaded higher on the conventional component when the exploratory factor

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analysis was performed. Specifically those items that were coded as unconventional but
load higher on the conventional component were Items 16, 17, 21, 23, 27, and 31. These
statements described activities of protest, boycotts, picketing, sit-in, march, and rally.
These activities could be perceived as conventional, because those types of activities
have always been the traditional way to advocate for a cause or to bring about social
change in this society. It is when those actions become violent that they are transformed
to more unconventional participatory behaviors. Activism through violent action is
unconventional because, it is not the traditional route most people take to bring about
social change, and therefore, such actions are considered unconventional. This leads to
the conceptual meaning of the second component, which appeared to be a measure of
unconventional intentions to act. All the items that loaded on this particular component
had those statements that used such words as “violence”, “riot”, and “aggressive actions”.
The meaning of words or actions could change with the changing context of society.
During the 19603 Civil Rights Movement, protest activities such as boycotting and
picketing were considered unconventional at the time (Jackson, 1971); however, these
same actions might have evolved over time into conventional activities.

Nonetheless, one item was deleted from this two-component solution of
conventional and unconventional intentions to act. Item 13 was deleted because its
loading was below the 0.50 cut-off point. More importantly, item 13 was deleted because
there was little variance on how the participants responded to this item. The item stated,
“I would vote for a Black public official”. The participants either responded “likely” or
“very likely” to that particular item. None of the participants responded “not likely” or

“not at all” to this item. Edwards (1957) suggested avoid using statements that are likely

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to be endorsed by almost everyone or by almost no one. Therefore, the researcher
deleted item 13.

After item 13 was deleted, the result indicated that the Conventional Intention to
Act scale yielded an alpha coefficient of .90. The Unconventional Intention to Act scale
yielded an alpha coefficient of .80. These results indicate that the two scales are
internally reliable and that the items in each respective scale are measuring the two
constructs accordingly. This suggests that conventional and unconventional scales are
measure of the intentions to act component of Black activism.

As indicated by the literature (Bobo & Gillliam, 1990; Ellison & London, 1992;
Jackson, 1971;Secret et al., 1990), conventional and unconventional participatory
behaviors have characterized Black activism. African Americans have engaged in both
behaviors as a response to oppressive racist conditions. However, the empirical literature
on Black participation indicated that it is predominately studied from a mainstream
sociopolitical perspective. This has resulted in a dearth of empirical studies on
conventional Black participation and very little on unconventional Black participation.
Furthermore, there are no conventional and unconventional scales specifically asking
intentions to act for the development or for the facilitation of social change within the
Black community. The conventional and unconventional intentions to act scales capture
the essence of that particular question — what are your intentions regarding activism in the
Black community.

Black Activist Participatory Behavior. The Black activist participatory behavior
component yielded a reliable scale with an alpha coefficient of .95. This indicates that

the items within that particular scale are consistently measuring the construct of Black

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activist behavior. There were no items deleted from this particular scale. The Black
Activist Participatory Behavior scale captures the behavioral aspect of Black Activism. It
examines the actual involvement in activities for the development of the Black
community. Although there are scales that assess what activities Blacks engage in, none
have asked what Blacks have done in terms of activism for the Black community. The
literature indicates that African Americans have historically engaged in activism to bring
about further social change in their communities and to uplift barriers of racial
oppression. Moreover, they continue to engage in those activities today in light of
continued racial injustices (Jennings, 1998). It is, therefore, a critical to ask what one has
done in terms of activism for the Black community to assess the behaviors of social
change within that community. '

In summary, the results indicate that the Assimilationist Socio-Political Attitude,
Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude, Accommodation Social Change Preference, and
Structural Social Change Preference scales are reliable measures of Black activism. In
addition, the Conventional and Unconventional Intentions to Act, as well as the Black
Activist Participatory Behavior scales are also reliable measures of Black activism. The
theoretical literature indicated that assimilation and nationalism have been important
themes within the Black community in how they have responded to racism and other
forms of racial injustices. Due to oppressive conditions, Black people in the United
Stated have been confronted with the question of whether to assimilate into the dominant
culture or create their own separate communities (Franklin & Moss, 1994; Marable,
1995; 1992; Seller et al., 1998; Watts, 1992). Similarly, Afiican Americans have had to

contend with whether to accommodate or structurally change these oppressive institutions

92

in society (Reed, 1995; Watts, 1992). In regards to the behavioral component of
activism, the literature has also indicated that Afiican Americans have historically been
involved in conventional, as well as unconventional activism to confront racism and to
facilitate social change in thier communities (Brown, 1996; Christian, 1995; Franklin &
Moss, 1994, 2000; Hine & Thompson, 1998; Secret et a1, 1990).

The Relationship between the Attitudinal_ and Behavioral Component of Black Activis_m_

There were significant relationships found between the attitudinal and behavioral
dimensions of Black activism. Assimilation correlated negatively and significantly with
Black Activist Participatory Behavior, and Conventional and Unconventional Intentions
to Act. In contrast, nationalism correlated positively and significantly with Black
Activist Participatory Behavior, and Conventional and Unconventional Intentions to Act.
This indicates that the more one upholds assimilationist sociopolitical attitudes, the less
likely that individual will have intentions to participate in conventional and
unconventional activism. This individual will also be less likely engaged in actual
activism. In contrast, the more one upholds nationalist sociopolitical attitudes, the more
likely that individual will have intentions to participate in conventional and
unconventional activism. In addition, the more likely that individual will be engaged in
actual activism.

Accommodation was correlated negatively and significantly with Unconventional
Intentions to Act and Black Activist Participatory Behavior, whereas, social change
preferences for Structural Change were correlated positively and significantly on those
dimensions. These findings indicate that those who uphold accommodationist attitudes

are less inclined to engage social change activities because they prefer to leave the way

93

the structures are set up in society. On the other hand, those who uphold structural
change are more inclined to engage in social change activities to transform oppressive
institutions in society. This finding makes conceptual sense in that those who want to
accommodate would be less inclined to engage in social change activities. Whereas those
who preferences structural social change would be more inclined to engage in those
activities to bring about that change.
Differencegetween Meaps

A multivariate analysis was performed to detect if they were any differences in
the way in which community activist, MSU student activist, and non-activist participants
responded to the items on the measures of the Black activism scale. The purpose of
performing a MANOVA analysis was test the discriminate ability of the seven sub-
scales. The result of this analysis indicated that when comparing activists with non-
activists, and when comparing community activists, MSU student activists, non-activists,
there were significant differences in the way in which each of those sub-groups
responded to the items on the measures of the Black activism scale. An activist was
defined as a person who participated in activities that facilitated social, political and/or
economic change with the overall goal to develop Black communities and/or to overcome
racial oppression. In terms of community activists, these were participants who identified
themselves as activists, but whom the researcher recruited from the general urban and
semi-urban communities. Student activists, on the other hand, were those participants
who identified themselves as activists, but whom the researcher recruited from Michigan
State University campus. A non-activist was defined as a person who did not identify

himself or herself as a Black activist.

94

The difference in the way the sub-groups responded to the items is more
pronounced on the Conventional Intention to Act Scale and the Black Activist
Participatory Behaviors. When comparing community activist, MSU student activist, and
non-activist participants, the community activist sub-group significantly scored the
lowest, with MSU non-activist student scoring the highest on all the scales in the MBA.
MSU student activists scored in the middle between of those two sub-groups. The lower
a participant scored on the scales, the more positively they responded to the items of the
scales. In terms of comparing activists with non-activists, there were also significant
differences in the way in which they responded to the items as well, with the activist sub-
group scoring the lowest on all measures of the Black activism scale. Again, the lower a
participant scored on the scales, the more positively they responded to the items of the
scales.

These findings of the MANOVA indicate that the Black activism scale is
significantly discriminating between activists, MSU student activists, and MSU non-
activists. The Black scale was developed with the intention to detect Black activists
within the African American community and examine their sociopolitical attitudes, social
change preferences, and what activities they are engaged in for the benefit of Black
people. According to the MAN OVA, the Black activism scale can significantly
differentiate between activists, from MSU student activists, and non-activists. The results
provide preliminary findings that seven sub-scales can discriminate.

Limitations and Implicflon for Future Researah
Although there were significant findings, there were some limitations within the

present study. The first limitation of the present study was that the researcher did not test

95

the Black activism measure on the general Black population. It was tested specifically on
Black activists within the community and Michigan State University’s students.
Therefore, one should be cautious when generalizing the findings found in this study to
the general Black population. A future study could employ the measure on the general
Black population to examine if the results yield reliable sub-scales of the Black activism
measure.

A second limitation of the study is that the Black activism measure is not a
complete assessment of this phenomenon and is deficient of other dimensions of Black
activism. There are other significant constructs of Black activism such as Afrocentric
sociopolitical ideology, Black working class activism (the union), and Black feminist
activism that could have been incorporated into the Black activism measure. Therefore,
it should be pointed out that the Black activism measure did not cover all aspects on the
phenomenon of Black activism; only certain elements of this construct were assessed.
The goal of the present study was not to develop a Black activism measure that assessed
all areas of this construct, but to begin the process of constructing a reliable scale, and
thereafter adding other significant dimensions to this measure.

Although the Black activism measure yielded reliable sub-scales, further tests
needs to be conducted to validate the sub-scales of the Black activism measure, which
brings us to the third limitation of the study. The reliability indicates that the items are
measuring a particular construct consistently. However, there is no absolute certainty
that they are measuring their intended construct. Therefore, the sub-scales need to be
validated to examine the extent to which the operational definition of each dimension of

the Black activism measure matches the concept it is purported to measure. In other

96

words, we need to find out if the sub-scales are measuring what they intend to measure

with their operational definition. Therefore, correlation tests with external variables

needs to be conducted on the Black activism measure to bring validity to this measure.
mama;

In conclusion, the current study was an attempt to construct a multidimensional
measure on Black activism. Reliable measures on Black activism were yielded that
assessed sociopolitical attitudes of Black nationalism and assimilation, as well as social
change preferences for accommodation and structural change. In addition, reliable
measures were yielded that examined conventional and unconventional intentions to act,
and Black activist participatory behaviors. All the items written in the Black activism
measure were placed within the context of the African American community. However,
the measure can be used as an example for developing similar scales for other oppressed
groups.

The development of a reliable measure on Black activism can help to address the
inadequate study of this phenomenon within empirical literatures. The measure can be
used to examine other significant dimensions of Black activism to gain a richer
understanding of this construct. Moreover and more importantly, it can be used to
explore what empowers Black people to participate in activist activities, and design and
implement programs around those empowering elements to increase the overall level of

activism within the Black community.

97

APPENDICES

98

APPENDIX A

99

Appendix A

Phone Solicitation Guide to Recruit Participants

Hello, my name is Oseela Thomas and I am a graduate student at Michigan State
University in Community Psychology and Urban Affairs and I am currently working on
my masters thesis on Black activism where I am attempting to develop a survey on Black
activism that assesses sociopolitical ideology (i.e., Black nationalism, Black
assimilation), social change preferences (i.e., accommodation, structural change), and
Black activist behaviors (i.e., type, degree). I am now in the process of looking for Black
activist organizations or Black activist persons who may be interested in filling out the
Black activism survey, and I was referred to you by , who said that you (or your
organization) will be a good person (organization) to speak to in regards to filling out the
survey. Will you be interested in filling out the survey?

It should take you no longer than 20 minutes to fill out. All information you provide in
the survey is kept confidential and will only be available to me. Your name will be kept
anonymous and nothing you say will be directly attributed you. All responses are

aggregated.

100

APPENDIX B

101

Appendix B

Letter Explaining Purpose of Study/Recruitment Letter
[Sample]

Hello [Name],

my name is Oseela Thomas and I am a graduate student at Michigan State University in
Community Psychology and Urban Affairs. I am working on my masters thesis on Black
activism where I am attempting to construct a survey on Black activism that assess what
activists are participating in within the Black community, in addition to assessing
sociopolitical ideologies of Black nationalism and assimilation, and social change
preferences for structural change and accommodation to U. S. oppressive institutions.

I am currently looking for Black activists to fill out the Black activism survey. These
activist must be engaged in activist activities to facilitate social, political, and/or
economic change with the overall goal to develop Black communities, and/or overcome
racism and other forms of racial oppression.

All information that each activist provide in the survey will be kept strictly confidential
and will only be available to me, as well as my research assistant who will enter the data
into the computer. I ask that each activist sign a confidentially form to protect their
confidentiality rights at the maximum extent allowable by law. Activists will not place
their names on any part of the survey to ensure anonymity. Nothing the activists say will
be directly attributed to them. Their response on the survey will be averaged with that of
other Black activists.

[N arne], from the information given above, is there a possibility for me to ask members
of your church to fill out my Black activism survey? Please call me at [researcher phone
number] if you need any further information or to inform me of your decision. Thank
you.

Sincerely yours,

Oseela Thomas

102

APPENDIX C

103

Appendix C

Black Activism
Participant Consent Form

The purpose of the current project is to develop a survey on Black activism to assess the
sociopolitical attitudes and activist activities of Black activists. This project is being
conducted in conjunction with the graduate program in Psychology at Michigan State
University. The survey will take approximately 10-12 minutes. You will be asked a
series of questions to respond to and a series of statements to rate. Please respond as
honestly as possible. There are no right or wrong answers/responses to any of the
questions/statements. Please do not place your name on any part of the survey.

All information that you provide in the survey will be kept strictly CONFIDENTIAL
and will only be available to Oseela Thomas and her research assistant, who will enter the
data into the computer for statistical analysis. Nothing you say in the survey will be
directly attributed to you. Your scores on the survey will be aggregated with that of
other participants. Your privacy will be protected to the maximtun extent allowable by
law.

Your participation in this study is voluntary. You may elect to skip any items that you do
not wish to answer or respond to. You may discontinue your involvement at any time.

If you have any questions or concerns, please contact Oseela N. Thomas at 517-393-1042
(or Q) or Dr, Bill Davidson at 517-353-5015.

If you have any questions regarding your rights as a human subject in this study, please
contact the chair, Dr. David E. Wright, of Michigan State University Committee on
Research Involving Human Subjects at 517-355-2180.

By signing your signature below indicate that you have read the above and understand the
purposes and procedures of this study, and agree to voluntarily participate in the study.

Signature

 

Print Full Name

 

Date

 

104

APPENDIX D

105

Appendix D

Black Activism
Student Participant Consent Form

The purpose of the current project is to develop a survey on black activism to assess
participation and sociopolitical attitudes. This project is being conducted in conjunction
with the graduate program in Psychology at Michigan State University. The survey will
take approximately 10-12 minutes. You will be asked a series of questions to respond to
and a series of statements to rate. Please respond as honestly as possible. There are no
right or wrong answers/responses to any of the questions/statements. Please do not place
your name on any part of the survey. By completing the survey, you will earn 1 extra
credit towards your final grade in your psychology course.

All information that you provide in the survey will be kept strictly CONFIDENTIAL
and will only be available to Oseela Thomas and her research assistant, who will enter the
data into the computer for statistical analysis. Nothing you say in the survey will be
directly attributed to you. Your scores on the survey will be aggregated with that of
other participants. Your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by
law.

Your participation in this study is voluntary. You may elect to skip any items that you do
not wish to answer or respond to. You may discontinue your involvement at any time.

If you have any questions or concerns, please contact Oseela N. Thomas at [researcher
phone number] or [researcher e-mail account] Dr. Bill Davidson at [phone number].

If you have any questions regarding your rights as a human subject in this study, please
contact the chair, Dr. David E. Wright, of Michigan State University Committee on
Research Involving Human Subjects at 517-355-2180.

By signing your signature below indicate that you have read the above and understand the
purposes and procedures of this study, and agree to voluntarily participate in the study.

Signature

 

Print Full Name

Date

106

APPENDIX E

107

Appendix E

Letter Accompanying Survey
[If sent through mail]

[Date]

[Participant’s Name]
[Address]
[City, State, Zip Code]

Dear [PARTICIPANT],

Thank you for taking part in this project. Again the purpose of the study is to develop a
Black activism survey to assess what Black activists are doing and what sociopolitical
ideology they are espousing to. Enclosed is a consent form and the Black activism
survey to fill out. Please read and sign the consent form before filling out the survey.
The survey should take no longer than 20 minutes to complete. There are no right or
wrong answer. The best answer is your most honest one. If you have any further
questions or comments, please feel free to call me at [Phone Number] or [E-mail
Address].

108

APPENDIX F

109

1. Your present age:

2.

A.

B

3.

5" 99:59.5)?"

P‘MPP’PI‘

Appendix F

Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism

 

What is your gender:

Male
Female

What is your racial or ethnic background?

Indicate the highest level of education you received.

8th Grade or Less

Some High School

High School Graduate

Some CollegeNocational Training
College Graduate

Graduate School

Which of the following best describes your current annual income?

Less than $14,000
3 14,000 - $24,999
$25,000 - $34,999
$35,000 - $44,999
$45,000 - $54,999
$55,000 and Higher

Do you consider yourself an activist? Yes or No.
If N0, please skip questions 7-11 and flip to the next page to begin survey.
Overall, how long have you been an activist? Please indicate in years, months, or

weeks.

Approximately how many HOURS PER WEEK do you Spend engaging or
participating in activist activities?

110

9. Are you involved in any organization, group, and/or program with the overall goal to
uplift the Black

Community or towards improving the situation of Black people? If yes, how many
are you involved with?

10. Please explain briefly some of the primary work that you do as an activist?

11. Have you had any leadership experience as an activist?

lll

 

 

Instructions: The following is a list of activities that some people engage in. Please
indicate THE EXTENT TO WHICH YOU WOULD BE LIKELY TO
PARTICIPATE in each activity by using the scale below.

 

1 2 3 4
Very Likely Not Not at All
Likely Likely
12. I would write editorials in the local newspaper in regards to issues affecting
Black people.
13. I would vote for a Black public official.
14. I would participate in a group that uses militant, confrontational tactics to

bring about further social change in the Black community.

15. I would write letters to government officials concerning issues of
discriminatory practices towards Blacks.

16. I would participate in a sit-in to protest police brutality against Blacks.

17. I would participate in a Black protest activity to end wide spread racial
injustices in this country.

18. I would talk to people to influence their vote on a Black political candidate.

19. I would attend a congressional hearing to advocate for a civil rights policy
for the benefit of Black people.

20. If I had the money, I would financially support a Black revolt.
21. I would boycott a restaurant if they discriminated against Blacks.
22. I would circulate a petition demanding an improvement in public policies

pertinent to Black people.

23. I would participate in a march to place pressure on the US. government to
reconcile past discriminatory practices.

24. I would participate in a political campaign to put a Black congressional
candidate on the ballot.
25. I would lobby for legislation that favors issues pertaining to African

American causes.

112

 

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

If warranted, I would participate in rioting during periods of racial unrest.

I would boycott a corporation if they engage in practices that are
discriminatory towards Black people.

If deemed necessary, I would use violence as a political means to further
advance the Black community.

I would financially support a Black mayoral campaign.

I would participate in a group that uses conservative, non-confrontational
tactics to bring about further social change in the Black community .

I would participate in a civil rights rally to make people aware of important
issues facing the Black community.

I would participate in a march that provoked aggressive actions.

1 would contact a public official about the economic needs of a Black
neighborhood.

I would participate in a discussion or problem solving session with White
people to help solve racism.

1 would participate in a Black revolution to bring about further social and
economic change for Black people.

113

 

 

Instructions: The following is a list of activities that some people engage in.
Please indicate the extent to which you have Participated in each activity

WITHIN THE PAST 5 YEARS and WITHIN THE PAST 1 YEAR using
the scale below.

1 2 3 4
Frequently Occasionally Once in a while Never

 

In The Past In The Past
5 Years 1 year

36. Involved in a program, project, group,
and/or organization geared towards helping or
uplifting the Black community.

37. Attended a meeting where the discussion
were on issues concerning Black people.

38. Participated in a demonstration/rally for
a Black cause.

39. Registered voters for a Black politician.

40. Contacted public officials to address an issue
that you felt was pertinent to the Black
community.

41. Raised awareness or educated others on
issues that you felt were pertinent to the
Black community.

42. Contributed money to a Black cause.

43. Raised money for a Black cause.

44. Mobilize Black people to take action on a
particular issue.

45. Picketed for a Black cause.
46. Participated in a boycott for a Black cause.

47. Participated in a protest for a Black cause.

114

 

48. Advocated for a Black cause.

49. Participated in a political campaign for a
Black candidate.

50. Participated in a Black/African American
social, civic, or professional organization.

51. Participated in an activity to help end racism,
or other forms of racial injustices.

52. Published an article or newsletter on issues
that you felt were pertinent to Black people.

53. Disseminated or passed out information

on issues that you felt were pertinent to
the Black community.

115

 

Instructions: The following statements reflect some beliefs, opinions and attitude of
Black people. Please read each statement carefully and indicate the extent to which
you agree by using the scale below. There are no right or wrong answer. Your
response should reflect your present feelings on the statement. Please respond to all
statements.

 

 

 

l 2 3 4 5
Strongly Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly
. __Ag;ee Disagree ,
54. Blacks should form their own political organization.
55. It is imperative for Blacks to have autonomous/independent cultural

institutions to strengthen the group’s racial identity.

56. A sign of progress for Black Americans is that they are more integrated in
American mainstream society.

57. Raising Black children in a multicultural neighborhood would better
prepare them to function in American society.

58. Affirmative action has made it possible for Blacks to become equal with
Whites.

59. It is important to have web sites only marketed towards Black people.

60. It is important for Black youth to develop a strong Black identity and Black
pride.

61. It is imperative for Blacks to strive to integrate in American society as

much as possible.

62. Blacks should strive to establish Black owned businesses in Black
neighborhoods.
63. Blacks who believe in Black separatism are just as racist as Whites

believing in White separatism.

64. It is important for Black people to buy Black owned products whenever
possible.

65. . Black politics should consist of a race first or race consciousness
philosophy/orientation.

116

66.

67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

74.

75.

76.

77.

78.

79.

80.

81.

Blacks would be better off if they work within their own race to try and
solve racism.

Black children raised in predominately White communities will function
more effectively in society.

It is important for Blacks to attend churches where the congregation is all
Black.

Blacks should vote for White politicians who say they are supportive of
changing racist practices.

It is OK. for Blacks to marry individuals of a different race.

It is best for Black community organizations to only rely on funding from
Black owned businesses.

Being American is more important than being Black.

It is important for Blacks and Whites to work together to try and solve
racial injustices.

Blacks should send their children to schools where African/Black heritage
and culture are emphasized.

Like any other White American, a Black person can get ahead in this
society if he or she tries hard enough.

Blackness is a strong basis to form group solidarity amongst Black people.

Blacks should attend predominately White schools to get as much
experience interacting with Whites.

It is important for Whites and Blacks to get along.

It is important for Blacks to participate in organizations with only Black
leadership and membership.

Blacks should only marry individuals of their own race.

A Black child is better off attending a racially integrated school than an
equally qualified predominately Black school.

117

 

 

l
Strongly

 

82.

83.

84.

85.

86.

87.

88.

89.

90.

91.

92.

93.

Instructions: The following statements reflect some beliefs, opinions and
attitude. Please read each statement carefully and indicate the extent to which
you agree by using the scale below. There are no right or wrong answer. Your
response on the statement should reflect your present feelings on the statement.
Please respond to all statements.

Agree Disagree

2 3 4 5
Agree Not Sure Disagree Strongly

 

Black activists writing to the U. S. government is an effective strategy to
help to bring about further social change in the Black community.

Black activists should aim to work more on reconstructing the social and

political order of this country.

Blacks should strive towards placing a significant number of Blacks in

position of political power in America.

Blacks should participate in political groups aimed at transforming the
social and class structure within society.

Blacks should advocate for more civil rights policies aimed at integrating

Blacks into American society.

Having a Black president who tries to reconstruct America’s political and
economic order is needed.

The best way to confront racism is to change the fundamental order of this
Democracy.

It is best to “rock the boat” and challenge how the economic and political
institutions are set up.

The best way for Blacks to confront racism in this country is to work

within the system.

Having more civil rights laws will help to improve race relations.

Another Civil Rights Movement aimed at changing the power structures
of this society is needed.

Blacks would be better off conforming to the ways the social and political
institutions are set up in this country.

118

94. Having Black elected officials in position of power allows the Black
community to attain political clout in this country.

95. A Revolution aimed at restructuring the social, political and economic
institutions in the US. needed.

96. Having a Black president of the United States who accommodates to the
U. S. practices of Democracy is needed.

97. Blacks should challenge the power structures within society.

”9

TABLES

120

Table 1

Demographic Information of Participants

 

 

Number Percentage
Mean Age 27
Gender
Male 94 35%
Female 177 65%
Race
Black 260 96%
Bi-Racial/Black 11 4%
Level of Education
High-School Graduate 5 1 19%
Some College 144 53%
College Graduate 34 12%
Graduate School 42 16%
Income
Less than $14,000 154 57%
$14,000 — $24,999 32 12%
$25,000 - $34,999 18 7%
$35,000 - $44,999 22 8%
$45,000 - $54,999 15 6%
$55,000 and Higher 30 10%
Activists
Activists l 10 41%
Non-Activist 161 59%
Recruitment Location
MSU Campus 92 34%
Human Subject Pool 86 32%

Community 93 34%

 

121

Table 9

Socio-Political Attitude Component: Initial Results of PCA with Varim_ax RotaLtion

 

 

Component Eigenvalue % of Variance Cumulative %
1 6.659 23.784 23.784
2 3.232 11.545 35.328
3 2.174 7.765 43.094
4 1.304 4.655 47.749
5 1.127 4.025 51.774
6 1.058 3.779 55.553
7 1.013 3.617 59.170

122

Table 10

Socio-Politggl Attitude: Varimax Rotated Commnent Matrix - 2 Comp_onents

 

 

 

Scale Items C1 C2
N54. Blacks should form their own political organization -.00 .63
N55. It is imperative for Blacks to have autonomous/independent -. 13 .54
cultural institution to strengthen the group's racial identity
A56. A sign of progress for Black Americans is that they are .75 .00
more integrated in American mainstream society
A57. Raising Black children in a multicultural neighborhood .73 .00
would better prepare them to function in American society
A58. Affirmative action has made it possible for Blacks to .52 .00
become equal to Whites
N59. It is important to have web sites only marketed towards .00 .57
Black people
N60. It is important for Black youth to develop a strong Black .00 .55
identity and Black pride
A61. It is imperative for Blacks to strive to integrate in .72 .00
American society as much as possible
N62. Blacks should strive to establish Black owned businesses -.13 .37
in Black neighborhoods
A63. Blacks who believe in Black separatism are just as racist .58 -.19
as Whites believing in White separatism
N64. It is important for Black people to buy Black owned .00 .60
products whenever possible
N65. Black politics should consist of a race first or race .00 .62
consciousness philosophy/orientation
N66. Blacks would be better off if they work withing their -. 15 .53
own race to try to solve racism
A67. Black children raised in predominately White .52 .00
communities will function more effectively in society
N68. It is important for Blacks to attend churches where the .00 .60
congregation is all Black
A69. Blacks should vote for White politicians who say they .48 .00
are supportive of changing racist practices
A70. It is OK. for Black to marry individuals of a different race .52 -.42
N71. It is best for Black community organization to only rely .00 .38
on funding from Black owned businesses
A72. Being American is more important than being Black .50 -. 16
A73. It is important for Blacks and Whites to work together .58 -.23
to try and solve racial injustices
N74. Blacks should send their children to schools where -.16 .57

African/Black heritage and culture are emphasized

123

Table 10 (cont.)

A75.

N76.

A77.

A78.
N79.

N80.
A81.

Like any other White American, a Black person can

get ahead in this society if he or she tires hard enough
Blackness is a strong basis to form group solidarity
amonst Black people

Blacks should attend predominately White schools

to get as much experience interacting with Whites

It is important for Whites and Blacks to get along

It is important for Blacks to participate in organizations
with only Black leadership and membership

Blacks should only marry individuals of their own race
A Black child is better off attenting a racially integrated
school than an equally qualified predominately Black school

.50

.00

.54

.62
.00

-.36
.53

.00

.61

.00

-.25
.65

.58
-.18

 

124

Table 11

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability of the Assimilation Socio-Political

 

 

Attitude Scale

Scale Corrected

Items Item Total

Correlation

56. A sign of progress for Black Americans is that .66
they are more integrated in American mainstream
society.

57. Raising Black children in a multicultural .63
neighborhood would better prepare them to
function in American society.

58. Affirmative action has made it possible for .42
Blacks to become equal with Whites.

61 . It is imperative for Blacks to strive to integrate .63
in American society as much as possible.

63. Blacks who believe in Black separatism are just .53
as racist as Whites believing in White separatism.

67. Black children raised in predominately White .44
communities will function more effectively in society.

70. It is OK. for Blacks to many individuals of a .50
different race.

72. Being American is more important than being Black. .45

73. It is important for Blacks and Whites to workl. .51
together to try and solve racial injustices.

75. Like any other White American, a Black person can .44
get ahead in this society if he or she tries hard enough.

77. Blacks should attend predominately White schools .44
to get as much experience interacting with Whites.

78. It is important for Whites and Blacks to get along. .57

81. A Black child is better off attending a racially .48

integrated school than an equally qualified
predominately Black school.

Alpha = .85 (13 Items)

 

125

Table 12

Corrected Item Total Correfition and Reliabilitv of the Natmalist Socio-Political

 

 

Attitude Scale

Scale Corrected

Items Item Total

Correlation

54. Blacks should form their own political organization. .52

55. It is imperative for Blacks to have autonomous Black cultural .47
institutions to strengthen the group’s racial identity.

59. It is important to have web sites only marketed towards Black .48
people.

60. It is important for Black youth to develop a strong Black identity .45
and Black pride.

64. It is important for Black people to buy Black owned products .49
whenever possible.

65. Black politics should consist of a race first or race consciousness .53
philosophy/orientation.

66. Blacks would be better off if they work within their own race to .47

try and solve racism.

68. It is important for Blacks to attend churches where the congregation .51
is all Black.

74. Blacks should send their children to schools where African/Black .50

and culture are emphasized.

76. Blackness is a strong basis to form group solidarity amongst Black .49
pe0ple.

79. It is important for Blacks to participate in organizations with only .57
Black leadership and membership.

80. Blacks should only marry individuals of their own race. .53

Alpha = 0.95 (12 Items)

 

126

Table 13

Social Change Preference Commnent: Initial Results of PCA with Varimax Rotation

 

 

Component Eigenvalue % of Variance Cumulative %
i 4.435 27.716 27.716
2 2.578 16.115 43.831
3 1.347 8.417 52.248

127

Table 14

Social Change Preference: Varimax Rotated Component Matrix — 2Components

 

 

Items C1 C2
A82. Black activists writing to the U. S. government is an .15 .61
effective strategy to help to bring about further social
change in the Black community.
S83. Black activists should aim to work more on reconstructing .63 .24
the social and political order of this country.
A84. Blacks should strive towards placing a significant number .47 .46
of Blacks in position of political power in America.
S85. Blacks should participate in political groups aimed at .71 .12
transforming the social and class structure within society.
A86. Blacks should advocate for more civil rights policies aimed .12 .74
at integrating Blacks into American society.
S87. Having a Black president who tries to reconstruct America’s .58 .29
political and economic order is needed.
S88. The best way to confront racism is to change the fundamental .62 -.00
order of this Democracy.
S89. It is best to “rock the boat” and challenge how the economic .71 -.00
and political institutions are set up.
A90. The best way for Blacks to confront racism in this country is -.00 .70
to work within the system.
A91. Having more civil rights laws will help to improve race .05 .65
relations.
S92. Another Civil Rights Movement aimed at changing the .64 .18
power structures of this society is needed.
A93. Blacks would be better off conforming to the ways the -. 12 .42
social and political institutions are set up in this country.
A94. Having Black elected officials in position of power allows .28 .61
the Black community to attain political clout in this country.
S95. A Revolution aimed at restructuring the social, political .65 -.19
and economic institutions in the US. needed.
A96. Having a Black president of the United States who -00 .63
accommodates to the U. S. practices of Democracy is needed.
S97. Blacks should challenge the power structures within society. .71 -.00

 

128

Table 15

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability of the Accommodation Social Change

 

Preference Scafi

 

 

Scale Corrected
Items Item Total
Correlation
82. Black activists writing to the U. S. government is an effective .47
strategy to help to bring about further social change in the
Black community.
86. Blacks should advocate for more civil rights policies aimed at .59
integrating Blacks into American society.
90. The best way for Blacks to confront racism in this country is .53
to work within the system.
91. Having more civil rights laws will help to improve race relations. .49
94. Having Black elected officials in position of power allows the .50

Black community to attain political clout in this country.
96. Having a Black president of the United States who accommodates .46
to the U. S. practices of Democracy is needed.

Alpha = 0.77 (6 Items)

 

129

Table 16

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability of the StructtLral Social Change

Preference Sca_le

 

 

Scale Corrected
Items Item Total

Correlation
83. Black activists should aim to work more on reconstructing the .51

social and political order of this country.
85. Blacks should participate in political groups aimed at transforming .57
the social and class structure within society.

87. Having a Black president who tries to reconstruct America’s .51
political and economic order is needed.

88. The best way to confront racism is to change the .52
fundamental order of this Democracy.

89. It is best to “rock the boat” and challenge how the economic .57
and political institutions are set up.

92. Another Civil Rights Movement aimed at changing the power .56
structures of this society is needed.

95. A Revolution aimed at restructuring the social, political and .51
economic institutions in the US. needed.

97. Blacks should challenge the power structures within society. .55

Alpha = .81 (8 Items)

 

I30

Table 17

Intention to Act Commnent: Initial Result; of PCA with Varimax Rotation

 

 

Component Eigenvalue % of Variance Cumulative %
1 7.838 32.660 32.660
2 2.832 11.801 44.462
3 1 .249 5.204 49.666
4 1.184 4.932 54.597
5 1.006 4.190 58.788

131

Table 18

Intention to Act: Varimax Rotated Comp_onent Matrix - 2 Components

 

 

Items C1 C2
C12. I would write editorials in the local newspaper in regards to .43 .26
issues affecting Black people.
U13. I would vote for a Black public official. .38 .16
U14. I would participate in a group that uses militant, confrontational .15 .69
tactics to bring about fiirther social change in the Black
community.
C15. 1 would write letters to government officials concerning issues .63 .00
of discriminatory practices towards Blacks.
U16. 1 would participate in a sit-in to protest police brutality against .46 .38
Blacks.
U17. 1 would participate in a Black protest activity to end wide .66 .28
spread racial injustices in this country.
C18. I would talk to people to influence their vote on a Black political .65 .23
candidate.
C19. I would attend a congressional hearing to advocate for a civil .75 .10
rights policy for the benefit Black people.
U20. If I had the money, I would financially support a Black revolt. .17 .57
U21. 1 would boycott a restaurant if they discriminated against Blacks. .54 .14
C22. I would circulate a petition demanding an improvement in public .75 .14
policies pertinent to Black people.
U23. I would participate in a march to place pressure on the US. .62 .28
government to reconcile past discriminatory practices.
C24. I would participate in a political campaign to put a Black .77 .14
congressional candidate on the ballot.
C25. I would lobby for legislation that favors issues pertaining .75 .12
to African American causes.
U26. If warranted, I would participate in rioting during periods of .00 .75
racial unrest.
U27. I would boycott a corporation if they engage in practices that .51 .00
are discriminatory towards Black people.
U28. If deemed necessary, I would use violence as a political means -.00 .76
to further advance the Black community.
C29. I would financially support a Black mayoral campaign. .59 .14
C30. I would participate in a group that uses conservative, .52 -.29
non-confrontational tactics to bring about further social
change in the Black community .
U31. I would participate in a civil rights rally to make people aware .74 .00
of important issues facing the Black community.
U32. I would participate in a march that provoked aggressive actions. .21 .65

132

Table 18 (cont.)

C33. 1 would contact a public official about the economic .74 .12
needs of a Black neighborhood.
C34 would participate in a discussion or problem solving session .51 -.32

with White people to help solve racism.
U35. I would participate in a Black revolution to bring about further .21 .65
social and economic change for the Black people.

 

133

Table 19

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability of the Conventional Intention to Act

 

 

Scale

Scale Corrected

Items Item Total

Correlation

12. I would write editorials in the local newspaper in regards to issues .42
affecting Black people.

15. I would write letters to government officials concerning issues of .57
discriminatory practices towards Blacks.

16. I would participate in a sit-in to protest police brutality against .48
Blacks.

17. I would participate in a Black protest activity to end wide spread .66
racial injustices in this country.

18. I would talk to people to influence their vote on a Black political .61
candidate.

19. I would attend a congressional hearing to advocate for a civil rights .70
policy for the benefit of Black people.

21. I would boycott a restaurant if they discriminated against Blacks. .50
22. I would circulate a petition demanding an improvement in public .70
policies pertinent to Black people.
23. I would participate in a march to place pressure on US. .60
government to reconcile past discriminatory practices.
24. I would participate in a political campaign to put a Black .72
congressional candidate on the ballot.
25. I would lobby for legislation that favors issues pertaining to .70
African American causes.
27. I would boycott a corporation if they engage in practices that .46
are discriminatory towards Black people.
29. I would financially support a Black mayoral campaign. .53
30. I would participate in a group that uses conservative .39
non-confrontational tactics to bring about further social
change in the Black community.
31. I would participate in a civil rights rally to make people aware of .70
important issues facing the Black community.
33. I would contact a public official about the economic needs of a .69
Black neighborhood.
34. I would participate in a discussion or problem solving session with .38

White people to help solve racism.

Alpha = 0.90 (17 Items)

 

134

Table 20
Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliabilig of the Unconventional

Intention to Act Scala

 

 

Scale Corrected
Items Item Total
Correlation

14. I would participate in a group that uses militant, confrontational .55
tactics to bring about further social change in the Black
community.

20. If I had the money, I would financially support a Black revolt. .47

26. If warranted, I would participate in rioting during periods of .61
racial unrest.

28. If deemed necessary, 1 would use violence as a political .59
means to further advance the Black community.

32. I would participate in a march that provoked aggressive actions. .55

35. I would participate in a Black revolution to bring about further .56

social and economic change for the Black people.

Alpha =0.80 (6 Items)

 

135

Table 21

Black Activist Participatory Behavior: Initial Resulta of PCA with Varimax RotaLion

 

 

Component Eigenvalue % of Variance Cumulative %
1 9.632 53.508 53.508
2 1.225 6.805 60.313

136

Table 22

Corrected Item Total Correlation and Reliability of the B1acl_< Activist Lanicipatorv

 

 

Behavior Scale

Scale Corrected

Items Item Total

Correlation

36. Involved in a program, project, group, and/or organization geared .72
towards helping or uplifting the Black community.

37. Attended a meeting where the discussion were on issues concerning .65
Black people.

38. Participated in a demonstration/rally for a Black cause. .74

39. Registered voters for a Black politician. .56

40. Contacted public officials to address an issue that you felt was pertinent .71
to the Black community.

41 . Raised awareness or educated others on issues that you felt were .70
pertinent to the Black community.

42. Contributed money to a Black cause. .64

43. Raised money for a Black cause. .68

44. Mobilize Black people to take action on a particular issue. .76

45. Picketed for a Black cause. .57

46. Participated in a boycott for a Black cause. .67

47. Participated in a protest for a Black cause. .75

48. Advocated for a Black cause. .80

47. Participated in a political campaign for a Black candidate. .69

50. Participated in a Black/African American social, civic, or professional .69
organization.

51. Participated in an activity to help end racism, or other forms of racial .76
injustices.

51. Published an article or newsletter on issues that you felt were pertinent .56
to Black people.

52. Disseminated or passed out information on issues that you felt were pertinent .78
to the Black community.

Alpha =0.95 (18 Items)

 

137

Table 23

Intercorrelations, Alpha Coefficients. and Correlations Corrected for Attenaation due to

 

 

 

Unreliabilitv of tlle 7 Scalaa
ASPA NSPA ASCPA SCPA CIA UCLA BAPB

ASPA 0.85 -0.44** 0.68" -0.24** -0.15* -0.41** -0.47**
NSPA -0.37** 0.83 0.11 0.71" 0.45" 0.62" 0.47"
ASCPA 0.55" 0.09 0.77 0.29" 0.12 -0.17* -0.21**
SCPA -0.20** 0.58" 0.23" 0.81 0.35” 0.54" 0.33"
CIA -0.13* 0.39“ 0.10 0.30" 0.91 0.35" 0.57M
UCIA -0.34** 0.50" -0.13* 0.43" 0.30" 0.80 0.35M
BAPB -0.42** 0.41 " -0.18** 0.29" 0.52" 0.30" 0.95

 

Note. Correlations corrected for attenuation due to unreliability appear above the
diagonal; observed correlations appear below the diagonal; alpha coefficients appear on
the diagonal.

ASPA = Assimilation Socio-Political Attitude

NSPA = Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude

ASCPA = Accommodation Social Change Preference Attitude
SCPA = Structural Change Preference Attitude

CIA = Conventional Intention to Act

UCIA = Unconventional Intention to Act

BAPB = Black Activist Participatory Behavior

** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

138

Table 24

Multivariate Analysis of Va_riance — Activist and Non-Actixist Means and Standard
Deviations on the 7 Scales

 

 

Activist Sub-Group Non-Activist Sub-Group

Mean SD Mean SD
ASPA 39.00 1 1.20 32.47 6.45
NSPA 26.30 7.78 31.40 6.79
ASCPA 15.55 5.06 13.85 3.64
SCPA 16.31 4.92 18.52 5.00
CIA 21.05 5.20 27.54 7.24
UCIA 14.97 4.66 16.75 3.73
BAPB 35.72 1 1.40 49.24 15.26

 

 

ASPA = Assimilation Socio-Political Attitude

NSPA = Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude

ASCPA = Accommodation Social Change Preference Attitude
SCPA = Structural Change Preference Attitude

CIA = Conventional Intention to Act

UCIA = Unconventional Intention to Act

BAPB = Black Activist Participatory Behavior

139

Table 25

Multivariate Analysis of Variance — Community Activist. Student Activis_t, and Non-
Activist Means and Standard Deviations on the 7 Scales

 

 

Community Activist Student Activist Non-Activist

Sub-Group Sub-Group Sub-group

Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD
ASPA 40.23 1 1.21 32.29 8.62 32.47 6.45
NSPA 26.16 7.65 27.06 8.66 31.40 6.79
ASCPA 16.18 5.12 12.06 3.10 13.85 3.64
SCPA 16.39 4.77 15.89 5.77 18.52 5.00
CIA 21.13 5.20 20.59 5.36 27.54 7.24
UCIA 15.08 4.85 14.35 3.53 16.75 3.73
BAPB 33.18 9.66 49.59 10.40 49.24 15.26

 

 

 

ASPA = Assimilation Socio-Political Attitude

NSPA = Nationalist Socio-Political Attitude

ASCPA = Accommodation Social Change Preference Attitude
SCPA = Structural Change Preference Attitude

CIA = Conventional Intention to Act

UCIA = Unconventional Intention to Act

BAPB = Black Activist Participatory Behavior

140

FIGURES

141

 

Black
Activism

 

 

 

 

Attitudes

 

 

 

 

 

Behaviors

 

 

 

Socio-
Political
Attitudes

 

 

 

 

 

Preference“

Social
Change

Attitudes

 

 

 

 

Intention
to Act

 

 

 

Assimilation

 

 

 

Nationalism

 

 

 

Accommodation

 

 

 

Structural Change

 

 

 

Conventional

 

 

 

Unconventional

 

 

 

Actual
Participatory
Behavior

 

 

Figure 1. General Conceptual Model of the Black activism measure

142

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2. Socio-Political Attitude Component: Scree Plot of Eigenvalues

 

Scree Plot

 

 

 

Eigenvalue

 

15579111315171'921232357

 

Component Number

143

Figure 3. Social Change Preference Component: Scree Plot of Eigenvalues

 

Scree Plot

 

3|

 

Eigenvalue

 

 

15543575516111'21'31'41'516

Component Number

144

Figure 4. Intention to Act Component: Scree Plot of Eigenvalues

 

Scree Plot
1 0

 

 

 

Eigenvalue

 

 

Component Number

145

Figure 5. Black Activist Participatory Behavior: Scree Plot of Eigenvalues

 

Scree Plot

 

12

6|

 

 

Eigenvalue

 

1534367351611131514131'61318

Component Number

146

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