.. c .. mi, {3%} f :7 {21‘s.} :( 1:3“? 1 , z. » : a . was...» as... a...» .i 3v; uflafldzxt. . , Z » , '51...‘I.n‘.r u. J2. httfiwfluu . .lv 34%? .7 vlv‘aéiv ‘.v \911 v1. - rim 5”,... ,1 $5. | , . . .xi ([1 ‘ ll i:l: «afginhmvn :1 ....,, ...:\rn‘ 'Zi’lfluns: I- . 0.".n13u1vwdav 'HESlS Lona; LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled JUST US: A CASE STUDY OF A BLACK EDUCATOR’S INTRARACIAL EXPERIENCE IN TEACHING AN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS UNIT presented by Pamela Louise Ross has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. , Teacher Education degree in Major professor Datelq'ugb‘sf 2&1 2‘00] MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE I DATE DUE DATE DUE p.10 9‘05 6/01 cJCIRCIDateDuapGS—p. 15 JUST; US: A CASE STUDY OF A BLACK EDUCATOR’S INTRARACIAL EXPERIENCE IN TEACHING AN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS UNIT By Pamela Louise Ross A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of . DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Teacher Education 2001 ABSTRACT JUST US: A CASE STUDY OF A BLACK EDUCATOR’S INTRARACIAL EXPERIENCE IN TEACHING AN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS UNIT By Pamela Louise Ross There has long been a rich legacy of the oral tradition in the African American community. Slavery and Jim Crow segregation forced African Americans to be discrete about how to prepare their children for the harsh realities of racism while at the same time instilling a sense of self-dignity and hope. just Us was used in the title of this dissertation to capture the essence of communal privacy, which is crucial for African Americans when trying to prepare Black youth for the harsh realities of modern day racism. This dissertation takes the form of a self-study. It takes a micro-look at the pedagogical practices and learning outcomes of an African American educator who taught a Civil Rights unit to African American middle school students. While the students were certainly an important part of the study, they are not the primary focus of the research. The focus of the study was the African American teacher who experienced a personal transformation as a result of navigating through the various stages of racial identity development (Cross, 1991). This journey of self-discovery is important in that the teacher served as a guide for students who exhibited behaviors that are characteristic of the early stages of racial identity development. The study chronicles the challenges that were faced when attempting to teach Black History as a means to empower Black students. By looking at the teacher as reflective practitioner and learner, valuable insights are revealed about how racial identity shapes the decision making process, teaching strategies, and curriculum development in an intraracial learning environment. The study drew upon ethnographic research methods such as journaling, personal accounts, and narrative genres. Data collection included interviews, focused group discussion notes, audio recordings, teacher reflection journal, dialogic (student/teacher) journals, lesson plans, student assignments, and other documents that illustrate teacher thinking, decision making, and classroom practices. The major findings of the study reveal that shared culture and background/racial identity between African-American teachers and students often affect teacher beliefs and practices. These effects are most salient in areas of communication styles, disciplinary methods, views on cultural heritage, and practical applications of historical content to everyday life. Furthermore, this study illuminates ways in which an intraracial learning setting fosters the development of culturally relevant teaching strategies (Ladson-Billings, 1992). The case study approach allows this dissertation to serve as a window into the mind of a Black educator who is engaged in the process of making Black history relevant to African American students. Copyright by PAMELA LOUISE ROSS 2001 DEDICATION I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my sister Sharon Ross-Blackmon for her unwavering support and inspiration. When I thought, “I can’t,” she assured, “You will.” She said, “Together we are genius.” Thank you for having faith in my ability to complete this project. I am...because We are... ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Dr. Douglas R. Campbell, my dissertation chairperson, for making time in his busy schedule to counsel me and guide my research. I am most grateful for his close reading and editing of the dissertation drafts. His insightful guidance and kind spirit made a most difficult process bearable. Most importantly, he believed in the merit of my scholarship and my ability to complete this study. I would like to acknowledge the support of Dr. Susan Melnick, my graduate committee advisor, who took an interest in me early in my doctoral studies and always encouraged me. She inspired me to hold my head high and believe that earning my doctorate degree was more than a dream. She carried me over the hurdle of the dissertation proposal even when her schedule was extremely demanding. Nonetheless, she forced me to push my scholarship to a higher level. I appreciate her sense of humor, candid honesty, and powerful teacher presence. I would like to thank Dr. Lee June and Dr. Geneva Smitherman for serving on my dissertation committee in spite of their busy schedules and tremendous obligations. Each of them offered thoughtful questioning, which forced me to refine my research questions and narrow the scope of my research. They stepped forward in my time of need to offer their scholarly support and wisdom. vi I would like to give special thanks to both Dr. G.W. McDiarmid and Dr. Lauren Young, who offered their encouragement and guidance throughout my course work. Each of them was a source of inspiration during my many times of need. I am indebted to Dr. Carol S. Wolfe for believing in my scholarly potential and creating the opportunity for me to have the headspace that I needed to complete the dissertation. She afforded me the chance to gain invaluable experience teaching at the university level. She has been a guardian angel, mentor, colleague, and friend. I would like to express my indebtedness to my parents, who are my greatest role models. My mother, Maggie L. Ross, has selflessly given her time, wisdom, and mother’s wit throughout my life. I have also been blessed with a wonderful father, John H. Ross, who has always given me his unconditional love and confidence. I would also like to thank my brothers Kenneth and Michael for teaching me to strive for excellence. I would also like to acknowledge extended/church family members for continuously affirming me and bestowing upon me the honorary title of “Dr. Pam” in anticipation of my successful completion of the doctorate degree. Finally, I would like to thank my soul-mate, and future husband, Nathaniel B. McClain, who gives me the autonomy to be my own person in order that I might pursue my dreams. I love him for being secure enough to allow me to blossom, knowing that we will each continue to grow together. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES .................................................... xi LIST OF FIGURES ................................................... xii INTRODUCTION THE RACE PERSON? .................................................. 1 CHAPTER 1 THE JOURNEY BEGINS WITHIN ........................................ 4 Purpose of the Study: Exploring Intraracial Intellectual Discourse in the Absence of “Others” ..................................................... 4 Statement of the Problem: Liberatory Education and Black Consciousness ........ 7 Significance and Implications of the Study: In Search of Exemplary Black Teachers of Black Students .............................................. 11 Historical Background: Integrating the Ivory Tower ....................... 16 Terminology ..................................................... 20 Limitations of the Study: A Case of One - The Question of Objectivity ......... 24 Research Questions and Unresearchable Questions ........................ 27 Conceptual Framework: Making Meaning .............................. 28 CHAPTER 2 REVIEWING THE LITERATURE: JOINING THE CONVERSATION ............ 34 The Black Studies Movement: Proponents and Opponents .................. 34 Multicultural Education ............................................ 43 Racial Identity Development ......................................... 5 4 Afrocentricity and Culturally Relevant Pedagogy .......................... 59 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY: THE WHO, WHAT, WHEN, WHERE, AND HOW .......... 67 Genre of the Research .............................................. 67 Data Collection ................................................... 73 Sources of Data ................................................... 74 Data Analysis: Delving Below the Surface ............................... 77 Participants ...................................................... 8 1 Coding Data . .................................................... 81 Setting ......................................................... 82 Consent Procedures ............................................... 83 viii CHAPTER 4 THE RESEARCH NARRATIVE: UNPACKING THE MEANING ................ 85 Beginning with Self ................................................ 85 Racial Identity and Pedagogical Practices ................................ 92 Framing the Study ................................................. 94 Pre-Planning ..................................................... 96 The Story Begins: Introducing the Class ............................... 101 Bridging the Gap Between Home and School ........................... 107 Teaching the Civil Rights Unit ...................................... 114 ATimetoKillorBeKilled.................; ....................... 115 The Battle Continues ............................................. 121 Righting Civil Wrongs ............................................ 128 Martin and Malcolm: Two Sides of the Same Coin ....................... 136 A Time for Healing ............................................... 142 Finding My Voice ................................................ 145 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION: TELLING THE TRUTH, KEEPING IT REAL ................. 148 My Learning as a Result of the Study ................................. 149 Knowledge of the Content ...................................... 150 Knowledge of Pedagogical Practices ............................... 151 Knowledge of Students ......................................... 152 Seeing the BIG Picture ............................................ 156 Setting High Expectations ...................................... 158 Building a Healthy Classroom Culture in an Intraracial Setting ........... 15 8 Valuing Student Voice ......................................... 159 Honoring Home Culture/Code-Switching .......................... 160 Fostering Relevancy and Ownership through Sharing Life Experiences ..... 162 Practicing Cooperative Learning .................................. 163 Cultivating Positive Self-Concept/Countering Internalized Stereotypes ..... 164 Speaking the Truth ............................................ 165 Talking Candidly About Issues of Race and Racism ................... 166 Teaching Coping Strategies ..................................... 168 Drawing Upon Community Resources and Primary Sources/Seek Parental Involvement ............................................. 169 Mentoring and Motivating Proactivism ............................ 170 Knowledge of Myself: The Race Person Revisited ........................ 170 APPENDIX A ...................................................... 176 APPENDIX B ...................................................... 180 APPENDIX C ...................................................... 182 APPENDIX D ...................................................... 214 APPENDIX E ...................................................... 215 APPENDIX F ...................................................... 223 APPENDIX G ...................................................... 224 APPENDIX H ...................................................... 226 APPENDIX I ....................................................... 228 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................... 229 LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1: Levels of Multicultural Education ................................ 50 Table 2.2: Racial/Cultural Identity Development ............................. 57 Table 3.1: Single-group Studies .......................................... 71 Table 3.2: Research Questions and Data Sources ............................. 74 Table 5.1: Typology of Adolescent Responses to Black Studies Curriculum ........ 15 6 xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: Afrocentric Teacher as Decision-Maker Model ...................... 29 Figure 1.2: Wilson, Shulman, 8C Richert’s Pedagogical Reasoning Model (1987) ...... 32 Figure 2: Interactive Roles in Enculturation Processes ......................... 64 Figure 4.]: Gilbert Young’s He Ain’t Heavy ................................ 109 Figure 4.2: Martin Luther King Campaign Poster ............................ 137 Figure 4.3: Malcolm X Campaign Poster .................................. 138 Figure 4.4: Martin Luther King and Malcolm X Unity Poster ................... 140 Figure 5: Pedagogical Puzzle for Promoting Relevancy ........................ 157 xii INTRODUCTION THE RACE PERSON? America’s sorry racial state of affairs is like a deep and abiding wound. If left untreated, it will continue to ooze and fester...We have run away from race for far too long. We are so afraid of inflaming the wound that we fail to deal with what remains America’s central social problem. We will never achieve racial healing if we do not confront each other, take risks, make ourselves vulnerable, put pride aside, say all the things we are not supposed to say in mixed company. (Dalton, 1995, pp. 3-4) A very distinguished professor once gave me the heartfelt advice - “Don’t let them turn you into the race person.” This statement has echoed in my consciousness for years and I regret that I did not question him about his foreboding words. I might have asked him, “Who is the ‘them’ of whom I should beware?” I could have further inquired, “How do I know if I’ve become the “race person?” Better yet, I might have even asked - “What is the race person?” All of my instincts tell me that my professor’s advice was well intentioned. While I may never know his responses to my unasked questions, I can only surmise that he was trying to tell me not to allow others to cast me as their token spokesperson for Black America while belittling my expertise on issues that do not concern race or racism. After several years of teaching experience in predominately Black educational settings, I am afraid that I have become a race person. I would like to think, however, that I am not the “race person” that my professor’s mysterious “them” would have exploited. I am not concerned with promoting “White tolerance.” I prefer teaching Black tolerance and empowerment so that Black youth might overcome the pervasiveness of oppression which continues to limit equal access to opportunities for future success. I am of the belief that there will always be inequality in the world, and unlike Rodney King, I do not hold the illusion that we can “all” get along. I believe that issues of race, class, and gender, among others, will always be factors that determine the extent to which people have access to power. I maintain that once disempowered groups collectively understand the interconnectedness of racism, classism, sexism, and other forms of subordi- nation which limit access to “the culture of power,” there is hope for liberation (Delpit, 1995,p.24) There is a saying, “The more things change, the more they stay the same.” I recognize that as persons of African descent, Black youth face many of the same challenges as their ancestors. It can be said, however, that the struggle for racial parity has generated new subversive warfare strategies aimed at the present generation because today’s youth must contend with covert racism. In the past, the glass ceiling was made visible by the clearly posted sign, “For Whites Only.” Today, the sign has been removed but the ceiling remains barely cracked and the outcomes often remain the same. Having had the opportunity to study the Black experience, both formally through undergraduate and graduate studies and informally through the stories entrusted in me by family members and community elders, I have become a “race person” of sorts. Despite the warnings of my most respected professor, I do not dread my charge. In fact, I welcome it because it is one of the most revered honors that can be bestowed upon a member of the African American community. The teacher, griot, storyteller, historian, has often served as the caretaker of the collective wisdom which each generation has preserved in order to leave a road map from the past and beacon for the future. I am committed to helping African American people to remember not to forget. CHAPTER 1 THE JOURNEY BEGINS WI IHIN The scholar is the clock-watcher of history and the keeper of the compass that must be used to locate his or her people on the map of human geography: where they have been and what they have been, where they are and what they are. Most important, the scholar should be able to prophesy where his people still must go and what they still must be...The scholar should be able to find the special clock that tells his people their historical, cultural, and political time of day. Part of our tragedy is that we have been, figuratively speaking, telling time by our oppressor’s clock. (Clarke in Turner, 1984, p. 33) PURPOSE OF THE STUDY: EXPLORING INTRARACIAL INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE IN THE ABSENCE OF “OTHERS” John Henrik Clarke challenges Black scholars to become caretakers of Black history and leaders of their people. Unfortunately, there has been a dramatic decline in the number of Black college students Who are opting to pursue a career in the teaching profession. “According to the 1990 Census, Black teachers represented 8% of all teachers. Their numbers are declining at the same time that Black students comprise the majority in many public school districts” (Foster, 1997, p. xlix). Knowing this, it becomes increasingly important to have examples of successful African American teachers, who may be emulated by teachers of Black students (Ladson-Billings, 1994a). The inspiration for this study occurred long before I formally proposed research on my own teaching as a dissertation topic. My master’s thesis, Black Students, Black Studies: Education for Liberation (Ross, 1991), looked at the development of Black Studies in predominately White institutions of higher learning, using Cornell University as a case study. During my review of the literature, which chronicled the debate over Black Studies, I was struck by the fact that prospective teachers of Black Studies courses were being accused of promoting subversive agendas. Allegations were made suggesting these teachers wanted to militarize their students by exposing them to an emotionally charged and racially sensitive curriculum. Even though Black Studies programs have been established for quite some time, there have been few research-based attempts to address early accusations of Black Studies programs as a form of planned political dissidence. This research is in some ways a response to the allegation of intended academic misconduct. The study was limited by design to one instance of an African American teacher’s journey in teaching a Civil Rights unit in an intraracial setting. It examines my experiences as a teacher of Black history at a community center where I instruct African American middle school students. Teaching the Black history class is like embarking upon an adventure with my students. While I serve as the guide, I recognize that, together, we construct the travel itinerary. My charge, as a proactive Afrocentric educator, is to prepare Black youth to be productive citizens in a multicultural world. I maintain, however, that it is difficult to appreciate multiculturalism without self-knowledge. Even the Bible says, “You shall love your neighbor as yourself” (Leviticus 19:18). This would imply that the ability to love others is somewhat contingent upon the ability to love one’s self. Consequently, before I take my students abroad to teach them how to love others, I propose that they must first journey within (Nieto, 2000). To this end, it stands to reason that the teaching of Black Studies is an appropriate point of departure for me as an African American educator who teaches Black youth in an urban community center setting. There was a time when I believed that all that Black youth needed in order to become more engaged in their schooling was a color-coated curriculum. However, I am no longer under the false impression that an Afrocentric curriculum, in and of itself, is the “silver bullet” for school systems which appear to be failing miserably at meeting the academic needs of African American youth. In my four years of teaching Black history to African American students, I have noted that students have often resisted the curriculum, finding it depressing and embarrassing. There were many instances where it was obvious that the students had internalized stereotypical beliefs about African Americans and the Black experience. They often had difficulty relating to the curriculum, which expected them to feel empathy for Blacks who were victims of slavery, beatings, lynchings, and Jim Crow segregation. Perhaps their detachment from the curriculum was in fact a defense mechanism? One cannot assume that racial and ethnic minority students will automatically connect with and see the relevance of a curriculum simply by virtue of the fact that the content focuses on people who share their skin color. To presume that Black youth will embrace Black history because they are Black is just as stereotypical as assuming that all Black peOple are skilled dancers and basketball players. Experience has taught me that Black history is no more relevant to African American 'youth than any other history. In an article “A Deafening Silence: History Textbooks and the Students Who Read Them,” Richard J. Paxton surmises, Perhaps the jagged world of popular, adult history is not appropriate for the developing minds of our children. However, would those who assert that personal interpretation should play no role in historical writing also maintain that readers abandon their agency while reading history? In other words, should we teach our K-12 students to read uncritically, without keeping variables like authorship, bias, context, or trustworthiness firmly in mind? ...The singular world of history textbookese must be considered an important contributing factor to the growing body of research that shows our high school history students (even our best high school history students) approach to reading history in an uncritical and unrefined manner. (Paxton, 1999, pp. 332-333) Without the guidance and support of a knowledgeable teacher who is committed to helping Black youth become critical historical analysts, they are unlikely to discover the connections between the past and present, or how Black history is relevant to their everyday lives. The purpose of this study was to explore my teaching practices as I improvised to make information about the experiences of Blacks in the United States accessible to African American adolescents. This study focused on my teaching about the African American experience during the American Civil Rights era. All of my students were Black and I believe that they would gain much from learning recent Black history. Initially, I had some apprehensions about including racially charged or emotionally sensitive information in my course; I subsequently decided that this content provides an important exposure for Black students. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM: LIBERATORY EDUCATION AND BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS Black students must deve10p a deep understanding of the political, racial, economic, scientific, and technological realities that confront the very survival of African people locally, nationally and interna- tionally...It is our responsibility as African American parents, educators, and citizens to develop educational settings - formal and informal - where cultural understandings are not transmitted accidentally, but by design. (Madhubuti in Shujaa, 1994, pp. 5-6) What should persons of African descent teach their children about how to cope with modern day racism? Clearly, there is no one correct answer. Ironically, much of the academic discourse which addresses issues of race and racism is directed at how to improve relations between the races. In the meantime, the age-old problem of racism continues to persist. This problem is not a new phenomenon. Even the slaves, who could possess nothing, owned the responsibility of rearing their children in a way that would allow them to survive in a racist society. Despite the fact that they were denied the privilege of learning to read and write, slaves developed an intricate system to record their family history and generational wisdom. In Oral Tradition: Legacy of Faith for the Black Church, Mitchell states, The oral tradition continued to transmit African American culture even after emancipation. The enforced intimacy of slavery did not change dramatically under sharecropping or even urban living for the freedmen. There was a new emphasis on the formal education. However, reading, writing, did not take the place of the oral tradition in the deeper matters of how to cope with oppression and in the development of an adequate belief system. In fact, formal education itself was often fused or blended with oral traditional forms of instruction in many creative ways. (Mitchell, 1986, p. 105) Like Mitchell, I recognize that African Americans established an inter-generational link, which allowed them to teach their children how to cope with racism. These coping strategies formed a “hidden curriculum” which teaches Black youth how to deal with the White superiority complex, as well as with denigrating views of Blacks (Kincheloe, SIattery, and Steinberg, 2000). Unlike Mitchell, I believe that over the years, the intergenerational link, which has traditionally been sustained by the oral tradition, has eroded because many parents and community members have failed to tell their children about their struggles to overcome discrimination (Tatum, 1997). Consequently, it can be said that many of today’s youth are growing up with little or no knowledge of both their family history and the modern day record of American racism and classism. I believe that the study of Black history can serve as a wake up call for Black youth (Ladson-Billings, 1992, 1994). Through it, they can better situate their lives within a historical context that will allow them to make a more informed analysis of their present status in American society. I want my students to gain an awareness of the amazing resiliency of African Americans. I want them to understand and take ownership of Black history in such a way that it can fortify them against modern day racism and inspire them to excel despite its persistence. I hope to show them that in the process of developing one’s racial identity, we must transform bitterness into motivation and productively channel anger into self-empowerment (Seltzer, 1995 , p. 127). Ironically, much of what my students learn about Black history is either completely new information to them or is in conflict with what they think they already know about American history. Although my Black history class is voluntary, I have discovered that many of my students harbor an apathetic disposition toward learning Black history. They have little or no prior knowledge of Black history. They lack an awareness of the larger power structure from which they are likely to be barred, if they are not awakened to the reality of its existence. Interestingly, they are much like the British working class youth of Paul Willis’ Learning to Labor in that they contribute to the reproduction of their impoverished socioeconomic statuses by exhibiting self-denigrating and counter-productive behaviors toward schooling (Willis, 1977). The heart of this study emerged from the dialogue that occurs between my students and me as we try to make sense of Black history and connect with it in meaningful ways. Likewise, I believe that there is something to be gained from the openness that occurs within the privacy of intraracial discourse on issues of race and racism. I concur with the sentiments of a teacher, Leonard Collins, who is featured in Michelle Foster’s Black Teachers on Teaching (1997), when he states, I want Black students to learn about themselves from a Black perspective. Usually what we learn is from a deficit point of view. We learn that we were slaves, that we picked cotton, and that we didn’t contribute anything to the world...l want my students to learn to love themselves and I want them to love each other. We don’t understand each other because we don’t know ourselves. The lack of knowledge is the cause of most of the problems among Black people. Much of the conflict that we see in the community starts in school because we don’t learn about ourselves or see our selves in the curriculum. (Foster, 1997, pp. 178-180) Like Mr. Collins, I am concerned about the schooling that African American youth receive. I truly believe that there something unique that occurs in an intracultural setting that affirms and validates Black youth. Now that we are amidst the age where multiculturalism is more prevalent, schools have the opportunity to promote the importance of cultural diversity. Unlike the archaic approaches to the social sciences where there was one “correct” vision of the collective human experience (usually male-dominated and Eurocentric), multicultural education forces us to honor the multiplicity of our nation and world. At first glance, this honoring, celebrating, embracing, valuing, and/or tolerating diversity appears to be less complex than it is in reality. When planted within the context of a real school setting, many dilemmas arise for a conscientious educator. As a novice teacher, I struggle to awaken a Black consciousness within my students. They seldom have to think about their race because they live in predominately Black 10 communities. I am convinced that teaching students to recognize their connectedness to a people, culture, and history is an important first step toward preparing them for full participation in mainstream society. I believe that Black students will be in a better position to participate in the “culture of power” while maintaining a healthy racial identity when they know about and feel pride in what they bring to the table of American diversity (Delpit, 1995, p. 24). SIGNIFICANCE AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY: IN SEARCH or EXEMPLARY BLACK TEACHERS OF BLACK STUDENTS This study explored the role of the African American teacher as a cultural representative. Michelle Foster asserts that scholarly portrayals of Black teachers are often negative. She suggests, Black teachers’ unique historical experiences are either completely overlooked or amalgamated with those of White teachers. In those few instances where Black teachers are visible, their cultural representations are biased by society’s overarching racism. For the most part these cultural represen-tations continue to render Black teachers invisible as teachers of their own or of other ethnic backgrounds... (Foster, 1997, p. xlix) Foster goes on to say that few scholars have adequately considered sociocultural context when studying African American educators. Foster’s assertion is evidenced by the works of Pat Conroy, Ray Rist, and Dec Ann Spencer. Conroy used first-person teacher accounts in The Water is Wide. He explained how he came to teach in Yamacraw, an island off he mainland of South Carolina. He described the island, saying, “It is populated with Black people who depend on the sea and their small [arms for a living. Many White families live on the island in a paternalistic, but in many 11 ways symbiotic relationship with their neighbors” (Conroy, 1972, p. 3). He went on to say that life on the island is reminiscent of the pre-Emancipation Proclamation era. Conroy chronicled his journey of going from a youth who was entertained by a game called “nigger knocking,” to a teacher in a predominately White school who became ostracized because he elected to teach Black history. This experience leds him to his position as a teacher on Yamacraw Island where he taught Black students in lieu of joining the Peace Corps or the military. Conroy explained how he came to work in Yamacraw, after meeting with the Superintendent and expressing his desire to teach. At first introduction to Conroy, a young White male, the Superintendent, with no knowledge of his credentials, decided immediately that he was a “godsend,” the perfect candidate to teach the “poor colored children” (Conroy, 1972, p. 1). It seems that Conroy easily joined the paternalistic class, which he criticized prior to joining their ranks. Conroy came to Yamacraw to replace a Black teacher, Iris Glover, who is described as the local “witch doctor” who was being forced into retirement. She had taught for thirty- nine years on this island but was not represented as being a good teacher because it was said that “she should have been fired” forty years prior. The other Black teacher, Mrs. Brown, prided herself on the fact that she was not a native islander and described herself saying, “I am a missionary over here helping these poor people. Only Jesus and I know how much they need help” (Conroy, 172, p. 22). Mrs. Brown came equipped with a leather strap which she brandished on her desk to assist her in her missionary efforts. Conroy’s book is one in which he is cast as the hero of needy Black youth. He described a scene in which his students were attempting to play football at recess, 12 expressing, “I’d never seen anything so brutal, so dangerous, and so insane in my whole life.” He went on to say, “I decided to teach them rules, fair play, and sportsmanship: the essence of this noble game, the prOper manner in which gentlemen and athletes conduct themselves in a field of honor” (Conroy, 1972, p. 112). Despite his efforts, he failed to displace old habits and the youth reverted to “barbarism.” Like many other well-meaning Whites, Conroy cast himself as the civilized “savior of the savages.” He criticized Mrs. Brown, his Black co-worker, using her own words as weapons against her. He explained that he attempted to expand his students’ horizons by planning a trip off the island. In stark contrast, Mrs. Brown attempted to block his efforts to plan the trip, which may be seen as her effort to limit the youth and proliferate their sub-standard education as a means to protect her position and stature. Conroy expressed that his primary goal from the first day he arrived on Yamacraw Island did not change. His goal was to “prepare the children for the day when they could leave the island for the other side” (Conroy, 1972, p. 248). Conroy failed to recognize that his goal would surely lead to the ultimate demise of the island. If all the youth eventually left, who would remain to forward the survival of the island and its culture? As was consistent throughout his book, Conroy failed to acknowledge the extent to which Blacks can adequately educate their own children. Dee Ann Spencer interviewed fifty female teachers, focusing on eight primary interviewees. One of these teachers is an African American female, Valerie, who grew up in a poor family who viewed education as a means of upward mobility. Although Valerie holds an advanced degree in education, she was very discontent with current profession. Valerie is described as teacher who presented “programmed lessons,” which required no 13 lesson plans. She is further described as a very strict disciplinarian of both her students and her own biological children. Her students were instructed to address her as “ma’am” and were admonished if they did not comply. Valerie taught at a predominately Black school and had a low regard for the community, although it is much like the one where she grew up. According to Spencer, Despite Valerie’s own poor background, she always blamed parents for children’s problems and had little sympathy for the poor. She was concerned that people on welfare did not really use the money for needed items and that said that a friend of hers who owned a grocery store said the only time you see Cadillacs was on the day welfare checks can in. Valerie’s animosity toward the poor reflected her own frustration at having to teach not far from where she grew up - the same cultural milieu. (Spencer, 1986, p. 136) g If a White teacher had made the same comments that Valerie made to Spencer, they would have been viewed as denigrating to the Black community and perhaps even racist. This leads me to wonder why, of the fifty teachers interviewed, Spencer chose Valerie, a disgruntled Black teacher who opted to leave the teaching profession. Spencer’s depiction of Valerie challenges my theory that teachers who share the ethnic and/or socioeconomic background of Black students might be well equipped to address the needs of these students. I do not doubt the fact that Black teachers like Valerie indeed exist. However, I am concerned that this negative portrayal may be over generalized and used to allege the incompetence of the vast majority of African American educators. Ray Rist’s article, “Student Social Class and Teacher Expectationsz-The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy in Ghetto Education,” is based on an ethnographic study conducted in urban classrooms. Rist’s study examined the effects of the social economic status of Black students and differential access to equality of educational opportunity. Rist’s study included the portrayal of two African American teachers whose middle class status left 14 them ill-equipped to identify with or relate to their poor Black students. Consequently, these teachers became major players in promoting prejudicial instructional practices, which perpetuates a vicious cycle of social reproduction. Although there may be some credibility in the characterizations of the Black teachers described by Conroy, Spencer, and Rist, it stands to reason that in the absence of positive representation of Black teachers, these authors have sent a powerful message. In the characterizations presented by these authors, Black teachers are seen stereotyping children, expecting them to fail, perpetuating educational inequality, and reproducing the status quo. These three negative portrayals do not take into account the subtle cultural nuances that occur between Black teachers and their students, and they are often over-generalized, becoming the stereotypical trademark depiction of all African American teachers. Perhaps the greatest challenge that exists for all teachers is for them to recognize that they bring their culturally rooted values, beliefs, and viewpoints to the classroom. Many “majority” teachers do not realize that they in fact have a culture. They believe that they evaluate all of their students in the same manner, when in actuality they are making judgments about their students using white middle-class students as a model. Likewise, as an African American educator, I recognize that shared ethnicity does not necessarily mean shared values. I must use introspection as a means to uncover my own biases, values, and culturally rooted judgments. There used to be a time when teachers could argue that they lacked the resources necessary to provide their students with multicultural instruction. Today we have a wealth of knowledge on racial and ethnic minorities which can easily be infused in the content areas. We are lacking, however, concrete examples of secondary public school teachers 15 who are engaged in the process of teaching multicultural education while being engaged in a formalized process of self-study which includes elements of both reflection and introspection (Shujaa, 1994). This study focused on my teaching of an American Civil Rights unit. Studying this era often includes racially sensitive topics and elicits discussions, which often involve sharing views that are primarily subjective. My self-study provided a perspective which may have been lost had I opted to focus primarily on the students, or to study other teachers of Black history in practice. It is only through introspection and reflection that I can unravel the many strands of multiple purposes that are woven together to make up my teaching. My study focused primarily on my role as teacher, decision-maker, and cultural representative. I examined the instructional and curriculum decisions that I made while teaching an American Civil Rights unit. I was particularly interested in learning more about the academic and experiential information that I share with my students, either formally through lessons or informally through casual discourse about African American culture and issues of race and racism. This study took the form of a case study, drawing upon ethnographic research methods that include elements of action research, personal accounts, and narrative genres. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: INTEGRATING THE IVORY TOWER It is important to understand the historical context that gave birth to the Black Studies movement. The Sixties were a time of massive social unrest and social change. African Americans and allies took to the streets and ushered in a new decade of vigorous civil rights protests. As the American Civil Rights Movement progressed, however, it became 16 clear that the desegregation of the busses, restrooms, schools, and lunch counters would not resolve the nation’s mounting racial tensions. It is one thing to modify the laws that dictate people’s actions. It is another thing to change the mindsets that govern peOple’s lives. Indeed, segregation was just one of the many symptoms of a nation diseased with racism. As Black youth became involved in the American Civil Rights Movement, it seemed only natural for them to challenge the public school system, which was one of the most significant socializing forces in their lives. The demand and subsequent development of Black Studies can be seen as one of the greatest legacies of the Black student movement. Black Studies sprouted from the desire of Black students to use their education as a means of self—determination and social change. These students had a desire to maintain a strong link with their home communities and culture. These cultural ties, however, were often undermined or weakened by the American educational process. According to Harry Edwards, The dominant group--the group that has power in a society--establishes an educational institution to meet its needs. This is to say that in American society whites have established educational institutions to meet societal needs as they are viewed and defined by white society... Subsequently, white supremacy is achieved in several ways. First, whites maintain dominant control of almost all American institutions. Second, they must instill the righteousness of a Eurocentric belief system. Third, they assimilate other culture and value systems into a common civilization only insofar as they are able to maintain the dominant position of power. This strategy of dominance cannot be achieved without discrediting the worthiness of contrary cultures and ways of life. (Gordon, 1979, p. 36) Dr. James Turner furthered this point by suggesting, “White students are educated to be rulers and makers in their society. Blacks are taught to synthesize the experiences and 17 memorize conclusions of other people” (Turner, 1971, p. 13). Turner further proposed that Black students need to be exposed to an educational program that is specifically designed to counteract the Eurocentric belief system. He believes traditional American education indoctrinates and debilitates Black youth, leaving them of little use to the Black community. This type of liberatory education, as proposed by Edwards, Turner, and others poses many challenges to the American public education system. Black students took on what seemed to be an insurmountable task in trying to argue the case for Black Studies. They took a major step in shaping their educations and futures. These students were rejecting the traditional educational process. They no longer were satisfied with merely having access to an “integrated” education, which deemed itself integrated by virtue of the bussing of a small cadre of Black students. Black students wanted an institution that was integrated in the sense that Integration [should be] a sharing of mutually reaffirming educational experiences by students of varied ethnic, religious, social and economic backgrounds including curriculum modifications, changes in school structure, redistribution of decision-making roles, abolition of track systems. Attention [is given] to enabling students to acquire skills to participate in solving problems in society. Here, both Black and white exercise leadership. (Wilcox, 1969, p. 4) With this in mind, it seems reasonable to assert that minority students could potentially serve as the vehicle for transformation within an educational system which had historically been grounded in Eurocentric/male dominated paradigm. Black students wanted an educational experience that would be equitable both in culturally relevant curriculum resource materials and in academic rigor. They sought to insure that the American educational system would be reflective of a diverse and pluralistic society. They believed that they had the power to bring about a change. In so doing, they were challenging the 18 Eurocentric value system, the status quo, historical inaccuracies, and the entire American educational system (Sleeter, 1995, p. 83). Black students were victorious in the sense that several universities and school districts adopted plans for Black Studies programs or course offerings (Giles, 1974). In most cases, the disciplinary backgrounds and scholarly interests of the faculty shaped the Black Studies programs that were developed. Institutions of higher learning have taken various approaches on how to situate Black Studies within their universities. Some have developed separate programs or departments, while others simply have course offerings within several different departments through the university. Most often in the K-12 public school system, Black Studies is seen in the form of a history class, literature class, or perhaps during a special unit most likely to be taught during Black History Month. While the demand for Black Studies seemed to be met in a rather expedient manner, one can argue that it is only recently that we have begun to see the fruits of the seeds planted by Black student activists. These seeds sprouted into Women’s Studies, Latino Studies, Native American Studies, Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Studies, and a variety of other programs which focus on under-represented populations. When Black students brought forth the demand for Black Studies, they created needs that had largely not been seen prior to their demand. It became apparent that educational institutions (at all levels) would have to evolve to meet the growing needs of diverse student populations. Simply put, this means that, if America is to draw upon the strength of E Plurihus Umum, it must nurture the uniqueness and support the autonomy of under- represented racial/ethnic, religious, and social groups. Consequently, opening the doors of academia to Black Studies would also mean fundamental institutional change. The most 19 urgent of these needs would be a supply of qualified educators who had expertise in Black Studies and could develop and implement a Black Studies program. According to Harold Cruse, Professor Emeritus of History and Afro-American Studies at the University of Michigan, “It will take many generations of students and teachers to develop Afro- American Studies to the academic level of a traditional discipline. Afro-American Studies is going to demand a high order of intellectual creativity. It cannot fit into the functional educational mold at all” (Gordon, 1979, p. 23). It should be noted, however, that like any other educational reform, it is much easier to prepose change than it is to implement the change. Change does not spring forth from the idealistic visions of student activists or the well—intentioned promises of policy makers. Meaningful educational reform occurs at a gradual and sometimes painstakingly slow pace. It is ushered in by the concerted efforts of teachers who are committed to seeing the reforms actualized. TERMINOLOGY Many terms used throughout this dissertation are worthy of definition. I relied on a variety of sources; however, two are worth mentioning since I relied more heavily on them. Many of the terms are taken from Racism: An American Cauldron, written by Christopher Doob (1996). This book has an excellent glossary, which contains many terms which are relevant to this study. Gloria Ladson-Billings book, The Dream/zeepers: Successful Teachers of African American Children (1994), is also referenced. Although her book does not include a glossary section, Ladson-Billings does include several definitions which are relevant to my research. 20 In defining the following terms, I attempted to clarify their intended meaning and usage in this research. African American/Black: Black and African American are used interchangeably throughout this paper. In general, I prefer the term Black as a way to categorize my racial identity. Black is my term of preference because it is reminiscent of the Black Power Movement, a time during which African Americans sought to redefine blackness by transforming it into something that should be seen as beautiful and powerful. Black is capitalized because it used as a proper noun. I use the term in formal reference to persons of African descent who reside in the United States. Likewise, I like the term African American because it is a liberatory term, which encourages me to embrace my African ancestry and retain a connection to Africans throughout the Diaspora. Afrocentricity: This theory is relevant to my research because I like to think that I espouse an Afrocentric philosophy, one which consciously affirms African American culture. Critical to Afrocentricity is the reclaiming and embracing of what Asante terms the “African Cultural System.” He sees Afrocentricity as “a transforming agent in which all things that were old become new and a transformation of attitudes, beliefs, values and behavior results” (Asante, 1988). For me, Afrocentricity means analyzing the world through the lens of the Black experience. Black consciousness: Knowledge of the implications of membership in the Black race. An awareness of one’s racial identity and the stigma and power associated with it. Black pride: A healthy self-image which is rooted in knowledge of cultural heritage and history. Code-switching: The ability to shift between standard English and Black English Vernacular or some other ethnic dialect based upon social context (Doss and Gross, 1994). Cultural congruence: “Signifies the way in which teachers alter their speech patterns, communication styles, and participation structures to resemble more closely those of the students’ own culture” (Ladson- Billings, 1994, p. 16). It means aligning instruction-a] style with the culturally rooted learning styles of students. 21 Culturalrelevance: “Uses student culture in order to maintain it and to transcend the negative effects of the dominant culture. The negative effects are brought about, for example, by not seeing one’s history, culture, or background represented in the textbook or curriculum or by seeing that history, culture, or background distorted... The primary aim of culturally relevant teaching is to assist in the development of a “relevant black personality” that allows Black students to choose academic excellence yet still identify with African and African American culture” (Ladson-Billings, 1994, p. 17). Discrimination: The behavior by which one group prevents or restricts a minority group’s access to scarce resources. Empowerment: Self-determination. A sense of personal competence; belief in one’s own ability to control one’s life outcomes (Callender, 1997). Hidden curriculum: Implicit lessons that are learned from the experience of schooling. Home culture: The cultural norms which are established at home. Intraracial: Social interaction that occurs amidst members of the same cultural group. Prejudice: “A highly negative judgment toward a minority group, focusing on one or more characteristics that are supposedly uniformly shared by all group members” (Doob, 1996, p. 248). Race: A socially constructed classification of people into categories falsely claimed to be based in a distinct set of biological traits (Doob, 1996,p.248) Racial identity: A self-concept identity that emerges from one’s racial/ethnic categorization (Allen, M., et. al., 1995). Racism: “The belief contending that actual or alleged difference between different racial groups assert the superiority of one racial group” (Doob, 1996, p. 248). Stereotype: “Exaggerated, oversimplified image, maintained by prejudiced people, of the characteristics of the group members against whom they are prejudiced” (Doob, 1996, p. 248). 22 Vicious cycle of poverty: “A pattern in which parents’ minimal income significantly limits children’s educational and occupational pursuits, thereby keeping them locked into the same low economic status” (Doob, 1996,p.249) White supremacy: The belief that Whites are superior to other racial ethnic groups. My desire to define terms which are relevant to my research was punctuated by the difficulties I have experienced when trying to facilitate discussions with my White university level students. I cannot recall the countless number of conversations in which I have participated which have digressed into semantic debates because my students did not have words to critique issues of race and racism. My students often did not know how to refer to Black people. They said that they felt confused by the many name changes that had occurred in the Black community, including labels such as Negro, Colored, Black, Afro-American, African American, and so forth. They also used words such as discrimination, prejudice, and racism interchangeably. They failed to see the power dynamic involved in fully understanding these words. These discussions with my students have taught me that words are powerful. It is difficult to discuss the topics of race and racism without some consensus on terminology. Gloria Yamato wrote in “Race Something About the Subject Makes It Hard to Name” that even when the definitions are agreed upon, it is difficult to talk about racism (Y amato, 1995). This topic is often avoided because most people would rather remain anonymous in silence than to risk being vocal and viewed as a racist. It is as if a creed of silence has become the “politically correct stance” for those who want to avoid being offensive to others.” Ironically, the once bold and boisterous representations of racism have been replaced with a covert form of silent cynicism. 23 LINIITATIONS OF THE STUDY: A CASE OF ONE - THE QUESTION OF OBJECTIVITY Traditionally, the legitimacy of academic research rests on an objectivity that distances the researcher from the “researched,” out of fear that the results might be contaminated by the researcher’s bias or predispositions. Most academic research casts the researcher as an omnipresent, non-intrusive on-looker who reports findings in a distant, impersonal manner, most likely delivered in a third person, past tense, passive voice. This dissertation is written in the first person. The use of “I” is found throughout the study. In some instances “I” is used to describe past experiences while other times it is used in the present tense. Yet other times, “I” is used to express my new understanding as a result of reflecting on the past. I attempted to clarify the temporal context at various intervals throughout the research. In general, the past tense is used to report the research findings. David Hobson writes about the sterile nature of academic writing, saying, Researchers have been accustomed to distancing themselves from their work as if such separation would somehow render the work more plausible, credible, and perhaps even more “scientific.” We teachers often possess narrow notions about doing research from our university experiences where use of the word “I” was forbidden and we were taught such expressions as “the researcher noted ...” and “the investigator found...” were more appropriate. (Hobson, 1996,p. 1) Because I have chosen to study my own teaching, I was not able to distance myself from the research. This research did not attempt to camouflage the presence of the researcher. I understand that this will raise questions about the generalizability of my research. This does not mean that this research cannot serve as an impetus for other teacher-generated research, which can further expand what is known about teacher learning and Afrocentric education. 24 This research was based on a case study model which used reflection, introspection, journaling, interviewing, and focus group discussion. This study was limited by design to one case. While the study illuminates one instance of an African American educator’s journey in teaching an American Civil Rights unit to Black students, there is no attempt to generalize the findings to all teachers of Black history. This does not mean however, that there is nothing to be learned from this research. Since the study is informed by a conceptual framework, analytical generalizations can be made. This study is situated in the growing genre of teacher research. It poses problems in the sense that traditional ethnographic methodologies discount the capability of cultural participants to sustain the detached impartiality which has long been considered the cornerstone of valid research (Hubbard and Power, 1999). As an insider immersed within the setting of my study, it was difficult for me to defamiliarize myself to satisfy the norms of classical ethnography. I would like to think my familiarity was a strength instead of a weakness because, as James Clifford (1986) argued, “Insiders studying their own culture offer new angles of vision and depths of understanding. Their accounts are empowered and restricted in unique ways” (Clifford, 198 6, p. 9). Although my research is what might be characterized as an unconventional study, I believe I have an important story to tell and no one can tell it in the same way. The intent of this study was to document the decision-making and instructional practices of an African American teacher who is committed to teaching Black history to Black students. Increased self-esteem, a greater sense of community, and heightened social responsibility are often cited as potential outcomes of an increased cultural awareness which results from an intraracial exchange. I attempted to build a profile of the challenges 25 that an Afrocentric educator faces which might be usable in teacher preparation and professional development. This study relied heavily on classroom dialogue rather than pre- and post-tests which can be easily duplicated. “Dialogue implies talk between two subjects not the speech of a subject to an object. It is a humanizing speech, one that challenges and resists domination” (Hooks, 1989, p. 131). Recording and analyzing the dialogue that occurred in the context of a Black setting allowed me to learn much about how African Americans perceive the Black experience in American history. Since this is a self-study, the matter of objectivity is likely to be questioned. This research departed from the traditional modes of educational inquiry where objectivity is the primary concern. Instead, this research was concerned with capturing the authentic voice and multiple realities of a Black educator’s teaching experience. This is particularly important when we lack substantive examples of Black educators in practice (Ladson- Billings, 1994), and Black educators are often silenced when they attempt to join mainstream discourse on the state of African American education (Delpit, 1995 ). These impediments add to the difficulties I faced in conducting this research. Some might assert that I had a personal stake in painting myself in a favorable light. Others might argue that I was too close to the topic of my research. I agree with David Hobson, who asserted that Sometimes we are so close to a subject or an activity we can scarcely see it. One of the fundamental benefits of doing teacher research is the opportunity it affords for perceiving our world a little more freshly. One of the purposes of the research process is render the familiar a little strange. We want both things at once, to be close to the matter at hand, but also to develop the perspective that comes from a degree of distance. This is especially problematic in the world of classroom teacher where what one does is so close to who one is. (Hobson, 2001, p. 8) 26 This study provided an optimal opportunity for me to explore who I am, as an Afrocentric educator, and how my cultural identity shapes what I do in my classroom. RESEARCH QUESTIONS AND UNRESEARCHABLE QUESTIONS Teaching is such an intimate enterprise that it is difficult to demarcate where the teaching and learning intersect. Consequently, it is hard to talk about teachers without some mention of the students. The intent of this study was to focus on the teacher with the students in the backdrop. This study attempted to understand the decision-making process that occurs in a Black history class. The primary questions guiding the research were: ° How does a self-proclaimed Afrocentric educator’s racial identity/self-concept shape instructional practice when teaching a Black history class to African American adolescents? ° What curriculum decisions does an African American teacher make about how to plan an American Civil Rights unit? 0 How are discussions about the sensitive issues of race and racism facilitated? ° How does an African American teacher of Black history promote relevancy and bridge the gaps among school culture, the student’s home culture, and the culture of power? These guiding questions hinge on the premise that the teacher is a decision-maker. Teaching is not a random act. It involves ends and means. It involves knowing variables at work in planning and implementation. It involves assessment, evaluation, and alternatives. The research question for this study holds much promise in shedding light on how conscious educators might encourage Black adolescents to make connections between Black history and contemporary America. 27 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: MAKING MEANING Teaching is not an art to be perfected. While perfection may well be an admirable goal, it forever eludes us because of the constant need to adapt and tailor the artistry of teaching to address to ever changing needs of students. Grossman’s (1990) model was useful to this study because it Speaks to the various domains of knowledge that converge to inform teacher decision and instructional practices. In order to conceptualize fully the decision-making process that occurred in this research, it is important to understand the various domains which inform the teacher’s knowledge base. According to Pamela L. Grossman, “While researchers differ in their definitions of various components, four general areas of teacher knowledge can be seen as the cornerstones of the emerging work on professional knowledge for teaching: general pedagogical knowledge; subject matter knowledge; pedagogical content knowledge; and knowledge of context” (Grossman, 1990, p. 5). Teachers draw upon each of these components when making decisions about their instructional practices. Figure 1.1 is an adaptation of Grossman’s (1990) work which served as a conceptual model that represents the four domains that overlap and influence an Afrocentric educator’s decision-making process regarding instructional practices and selection of Afrocentric content in an intraracial setting. This model differs from Grossman’s (1990) work in that it considers self-knowledge, Afrocentric philosophy, racial identity, and cultural congruence. It characterizes the various domains which overlap to form the basis for instructional decisions and practices. These domains include Afrocentric Philosophy and Racial Identity, Pedagogical Content Knowledge and Afrocentric Pedagogy, Knowledge of Learners and Community, and Subject Matter Knowledge. As reflected in 28 the Afrocentric Teacher Decision-Maker Model, the decision-making process occurs within the context of an intraracial setting, which is conducive to introspection. \“LTOSPGC t 1' V6 Afrocentric PhilOSOphy & Racial Identity Instructional Decisions Er Practices Pedagogical Content Knowledge Afrocentric Pedagogy Knowledge of Learners, Culture, Et Community Subject Matter Knowledge / .Q at {\ I"'i'C‘iJlturai 5e." Figure 1.1: Afrocentric Teacher as Decision-Maker Model For the purposes of this research, each domain of the Afrocentric Teacher As Decision-Maker Model is defined as: Afrocentric Philosophy and Racial Identity: For the Afrocentric educator, the Afrocentric philosophy is one that is based on the “African Cultural System.” It places the culture of persons of African descent at the center of one’s worldview and teaching. It seeks to negate the 29 negative imagery which surrounds the African experience. This philosophy is tied to the teacher’s racial identity. Racial identity refers to the teacher’s self-concept, which is based on their racial or ethnic heritage (Cross, 1991). Pedagogical Content Knowledge and Afrocentric Pedagogy: Pedagogical content knowledge addresses the teacher’s ability to combine the content knowledge of an Afrocentric curriculum with instructional practices which are adapted to the learning styles of African American students. Pedagogical content knowledge, according to Wilson, Shulman, and Richert, “goes beyond knowledge of the subject matter per se to the dimension of subject matter knowledge for teaching... Pedagogical content knowledge also includes a knowledge of what makes the content difficult; the conceptions and preconceptions that students of different ages and backgrounds bring with them” (Wilson, Shulman, and Richert, 1987, p. 8). Afrocentric pedagogy is defined as “a pedagogy that empowers student intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impact knowledge skills and attitudes” (Ladson-Billings, 1994, p. 17). Knowledge of Learners and Community: It is important for the teachers to have knowledge of their students and the communities that they represent. According to Peter Murrell, “Good teachers are trusted and respected by the community. They share the parent and students’ common cultural assumptions and experiential background” (Murrell in Perry and Fraser, 1993, p. 241). A shared cultural background is ideal; however, a knowledge and respect of the learners experience, culture and community values is sufficient. Subject Matter Knowledge: It is important for the teachers to have expert knowledge discipline and related disciplines. This allows them to plan developmentally appropriate lessons which may be interdisciplinary and thereby taught more comprehensively. Together, these domains shed light on how an Afrocentric educator approaches the difficult topic of teaching about issues of race and racism. As a scholar of Black Studies whose interests lie both in teaching the rich curriculum and in empowering my students, I believe that much can be learned from the teaching of Black history from the teacher’s perspective. It would be quite difficult to embrace such a program without a personal 30 investment and openness to experiencing an internal transformation (Nieto, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1992). I adapted Grossman’s (1990) model because I feel strongly that teachers do not arbitrarily make decisions about what happens in their classrooms. While Grossman (1990) provided valuable insights into teacher knowledge, I believe that knowledge is rooted in culture and philosophy and, therefore, I modified her model to address my Afrocentric philOSOphy and racial identity. I coupled Grossman’s (1990) model with Wilson, Shulman, and Richert’s Pedagogical Reasoning Model (1987) in order to understand better how teachers operationalize decisions and learn from those decisions. Wilson, Shulman, and Richert’s Pedagogical Reasoning Model (198 7) informed this study as it offers a framework to analyze the decision-making process that I experienced in teaching the American Civil Right Movement to African American adolescents. The Pedagogical Reasoning Model occurs in six stages - comprehension, transformation, instruction, evaluation, reflection, and new comprehension. The following figure is a diagram of the model as presented by Wilson, Shulman, and Richert in 150 Different Ways of Knowing (1987): 31 fire/mm . critical interpretation . representation . adaptation . tailoring Comprehension Instruction Pedagogical Reasoning Model New Comprehension Evaluation Reflection Figure 1.2: Wilson, Shulman, 8C Richert’s Pedagogical Reasoning Model (198 7) According to this model, comprehension occurs first, which calls for the teacher having a good grasp on the subject matter being taught. Second comes transformation, which means teachers must decide on how they can best present the subject matter to students in such a way as to promote comprehension of the content being taught. During the transformation phase, the teacher must take into account what they know about their students as learners and tailor instruction to meet their specific learning needs. After thoroughly planning for teaching, instruction occurs, after which the teacher evaluates the students’ understanding. The cycle nears a close, with the teacher reflecting on instructional practices and 32 everything that occurred during the lesson. Finally, the lesson ends with the teacher’s new comprehension, which informs future lessons. The Pedagogical Reasoning Model (Wilson, Shulman, SC Richert, 1987) helped me better to examine my instruction practices and decision-making, as well as map my learning as a result of teaching the Civil Rights unit. This report chronicles my story as I attempted to guide my students through the rough terrain of racism in order that they might be inspired to excel despite its existence. No one benefits from teaching hate; however, due to the emotionally charged nature of Black history, it stands to reason that an exploration of this curriculum will inevitably unearth feelings of frustration and hostility. I contend that most responsible educators do not want to lead their students to a place of discomfort and leave them there. To that end it is important for teachers to have a framework for understanding how one might responsibly impart emotionally charged and potentially volatile information to African American adolescents. 33 CHAPTER 2 REVIEWING THE LITERATURE: JOINING THE CONVERSATION This study is informed by four bodies of literature that address different yet related aspects of the challenges embedded in teaching Black Studies. First, it is important to understand the historical context which fostered the development of the field of Black Studies, as well as how it has evolved over the span of four decades. Second, one should consider the Multicultural Education Movement, which can be seen as a one of the legacies of the Black Studies Movement. Third, one can examine the literature on nigresence to understand how racial identity might impact the pedagogical practices and decisions made by an African American educator who teaches Black Studies in an intraracial class setting. Finally, this study draws upon a fourth body of literature which addresses Afrocentricity and culturally relevant teaching strategies and the impact that this teaching/learning experience has on both the teacher and the student. THE BLACK STUDIES MOVEMENT: PROPONENTS AND OPPONENTS In reviewing the literature that surrounds the development of Black Studies, one will find that when Black students mobilized themselves and demanded Black Studies, they were met with a great deal of opposition. It is typical with the development of any new field that many issues will need to be resolved. Due to the controversial nature of Black 34 Studies which challenged much of the traditional curriculum, it comes as no surprise that it was met with a great deal of opposition. It is apparent that the acceptance of Black Studies would expose the omissions of a purely Eurocentric perspective, which has been held up as the “entire” truth for centuries. Scholars have debated nearly all facets of Black Studies, including its structure, content, aim, definition, scope, and relevance. Despite variations in how different institutions define Black Studies, in general Black Studies programs have similar objectives. As stated by Stephen J. Wright, the specific objectives for Black Studies should include: Acquainting the students with the history, literature, art, and music, of Black men, African and American. Providing young Black Americans with valid and reliable information concerning the social, economic, educational, and political problems confronting Black people in the United States as a basis for leadership responsibilities in and for the Black community. Providing young white Americans with essential the same type of information indicated in No. 2 above as a demythologizing experience and as a basis for the understanding they need to live responsibly in a multi-racial society. Examining the extent, causes, nature of, and possible remedies for racism in America. Developing teachers and stimulating scholars in the field of Black Studies. Stimulating research in the field of Black Studies. (Wright, 1970,,p. 365) One can glean from these expansive objectives that when Black students indicted the American educational system and demanded Black Studies, their demands raised questions of academic legitimacy, philosophy, theoretical framework, and intellectual ideology. These issues had to be addressed and resolved in order to facilitate the development of an 35 acceptable Black Studies program. Due to the fact that most educational institutions had not addressed the importance of the Black experience, critical questions became both how to develop Black Studies and who was qualified to resolve issues regarding the structure and focus of a Black Studies curriculum. Although the critics of Black Studies varied, most tended to be very conservative. They insisted that if Black Studies programs were to be created, they must not be developed too hastily. They feared that altering the traditional school curriculum too much too quickly would be detrimental to their institutions. They criticized Black Studies, arguing that it lacked intellectual substance. E. Vontress, Associate Professor of Education at George Washington University, stated that “As an academic discipline Black Studies is a lot of mumbo jumbo. The objectives are elusive, the content weak, the methods questionable, the materials pitifully inadequate, and the assessment procedures totally inappropriate They [Black Studies programs] are in danger of becoming revival meetings which may have some therapeutic value but little intellectual substance” (Vontress, 1970, p. 200). One can see from these types of statements why Black Studies was so controversial. Professor Vontress dismissed Black Studies as “mumbo jumbo” without fully exploring its potential as an interdisciplinary field that could open the doors of inclusion for Blacks and many other underrepresented groups in American academia. Like Vontress, other critics further argued that Black Studies lacked academic substance and was often too community oriented. Some of these opponents of Black Studies went so far as to say that the strong community orientation encouraged Black students to become agitators in mainstream society. 36 In listing some of the major objections to Black Studies, Donald Henderson remarked in an interview that “Black Studies programs are the core efforts in the training of militant revolutionary agents to do battle with the white university community on a local level and the larger white community on a wider level” (Richards, 1971, p. 11). It should be noted that while Black students were widely criticized for their militant tactics, few of these critics fully grasped the injustice being done to Black students as they received an education that had no direct relevance to their lives. Black students were often forced to sit in classrooms that either ignored or misrepresented the Black experience. They wanted an education that would prepare them to become proactive leaders in their communities. Dr. James Turner asserted, “Black education must make students consistently conscious of struggle and commitment... Black Studies programs must develop youth with a revolutionary sense of identity. Therefore, any Black Studies program which purports to be educating Black students for fuller participation in the American mainstream is counter productive to Black peoples’ needs for development and self-control. Moreover, it is essential to our liberation that Black youth are motivated to resist-not accept-the mainstream of the system that oppresses and destroys our people” (Turner, 1971, p. 15). As one can surmise from Dr. Turner’s comments, he contended that Black students who are solely educated with mainstream philosophies cannot adequately address the needs of Black community. While this may not be generalized to “all” Black. students, the fact remains that Black students unearthed a deficiency that had not been addressed in predominately white institutions. While one would think that educational institutions would have encouraged students to try to make meaningful and positive changes in their communities, when Black students 37 attempted to use their education as a means of social change they were accused of “politicizing” education. Professor Sidney Hooks maintained this position, saying, “Black Studies has been politicized, partly by threats and partly by actual coercion. In various places where Black Studies are controlled and taught by Black students, we find only one point of view expressed” (Hooks, 1969, p. 40). While Hooks saw the danger of expressing only one point of view through Black Studies, he failed to acknowledge that the traditional school curriculum has been expressing only one point of view for centuries. This point of view is that of the dominant culture, and it has seldom made room for alternative vieWpoints. Hooks (1969) further warned against the danger of politicizing universities. He failed to acknowledge that universities were already very much tied into politics. James Turner challenged Hooks’ (1969) assertion, saying, The university, in America, like other cooperative bodies is a political microcosm of the society at large. Black educators and students should understand that in situations of oppression education is fundamentally political. Through interpretation of the past, and evaluation of the present, education has great influence on the consciousness of the people. (Turner, 1971, p. 15) Since one can see that institutions of higher learning are already tied into the political process, one is left to believe that the opponents of Black Studies feared that it might introduce the “wrong” type of political agenda in schools. Unlike the most staunch and outspoken opponents of the inclusion of Black Studies who refused to concede that Black Studies should be included in the curriculum, there were those who believed that the call for Black Studies was legitimate as long as it was instituted properly. These people feared that asking for a separate Black Studies program would segregate the curriculum. Furthermore, they maintained that the fact that these 38 programs would be separate would allow them to fail without having an impact on the reputation of the university. Critics such as Kenneth Clark and Bayard Rustin further argued that by asking for a separate Black Studies program, Black students were reversing the gains of the American Civil Rights Movement. They contended that Black students naively gave white administrators the opportunity hastily to design inferior courses and programs that were doomed to fail. Rustin and others maintained that Blacks must receive the same education as Whites in order to be able to compete in American society. In agreement with Wilkins, Clark, and Rustin, Clemmont E. Vontress contended, There is something unfortunate about Black Studies. Instead of mollifying racism in this country, Black Studies appears to be schismatizing further the races. This is done by emphasizing racial differences; it is done by endorsing and instituting campus separatism. Instead of taking the leadership in bringing about a more racially harmonious society, colleges and universities are inadvertently contributing to two separate and unequal societies. (Vontress, 1970, p.200) Vontress fails to take into account that racial autonomy does not necessarily translate into racial inferiority. Embedded in his statement is the underlying assumption that separate (in the case of Black and Whites) will inevitably mean unequal. He seems to suggest that anything created by and for Blacks is likely to be inferior to something that is designed by and generated for Whites. Nathan Hare addressed the criticisms of the integrationist. He expressed a resentment to their accusations and commented, Appalling is the only word I know that begins to describe the sneaky way in which critics like Roy Wilkins accuse us of separatism. Our cries for more Black professors and Black students [as well as Black courses] have padded white colleges with more Blacks in two years than decades of whimpering for integration ever did. (Hare, 1969, p. 56) 39 The integrationist scholars refused to acknowledge the merits of autonomous Black Studies programs or accept the notion that these courses were not being proposed to merely be “rap sessions” for Black students. Black Studies courses could potentially be a powerful vehicle for helping Black students to understand the many dynamics of the unique oppression that Blacks have experienced in this country. The integrationists seemingly did not take into account that many Black students would not leave their universities like their White counterparts to enter white middle class lifestyles. Likewise, Black students were likely to experience racial prejudice that made it necessary for them to have the same education as White students, as well as a supplemental education. This point is argued by Ewart Gunier, who in 1969 organized the first Afro- American Studies program at Harvard University, saying, “It is in Black Studies that our Black youth, especially those on white campuses, have been learning the great lessons needed to survive in a hostile environment: how to combine the training of the mind with struggles for justice, equality and above all else for some measure of control over one’s destiny” (Gunier, 1975, p. 19). It is interesting to note how critics of Black Studies often distorted its objective. Rather than concede that Black Studies programs were a needed corrective for an otherwise inadequate and biased education, they sought to diminish the legitimacy of Black Studies. Despite strong objections, it has become apparent that in order for American history to be complete, it must offer a holistic presentation of the experiences of all American people. Critics of Black Studies must acknowledge that their Eurocentric perspective fails to convey the entire story. James Turner best emphasizes this fact by saying, 40 White studies is a system, which defines the activities and experiences of white Western people as the universal yardstick of human existence. Black Studies challenges this assumption and asserts that white is not now, nor has it ever been intrinsically right or complete. (Turner, 1971, p. 13). Black Studies might best serve as an impetus for further studies of other marginalized groups. Much of the development in the field of Black Studies has occurred in higher education. It seems that a parallel movement in the K-12 system has not been prevalent. Knowing the history of this developmental process is useful in setting goals for today’s Black Studies classes at all levels. One can see that the objectives established by university scholars are not always easily transferable to the K-12 educational system. The higher education objectives are likely to be developmentally inappropriate for a secondary educator. It appears that in most instances, Black Studies efforts have been folded into multicultural or Ethnic Studies programs, which originally sprang forth from the adamant demands of Black students for inclusion. There are, however, vestiges of the Black Studies movement in the public school system, churches, and community centers. These remains may exist in the form of a Black literature or history course, Black history programs and celebrations, and on a larger scale, African-centered schools. One can argue that in order to insure its forward progression, Black Studies must strive to empower Black students. This means that Black Studies courses must consider the needs, interests, concern, and input of Black students. This is in keeping with many constructivist efforts, which seek to acknowledge that the acquisition of knowledge is an active and interactive process. Students are no longer expected to swallow the conclusions 41 of others and regurgitate prepackaged vieWpoints. Today’s students should be empowered to construct meaning by integrating that which they already know with that which they want to learn. Consequently, decisions have to be made about age appropriate subject matter and behavioral objectives which are developmentally appropriate for adolescents. If one looks at the literature surrounding the development of Black Studies as a field, it becomes apparent that the call for Black Studies was met with many apprehensions. Arguments that Black Studies lacked intellectual substance and could potentially have the affect of militarizing students were actually statements that were aimed at unnamed teachers of Black Studies (Asante, 1991a, 1991b). In light of the controversy which surrounded the development of Black Studies in its early stages, it stands to reason that teachers of Black Studies are a rich source of data. This is likely because it is these teachers who are the visionaries and enactors of the Black Studies curriculum. Likewise, the racial identity and philosophical belief of the teacher who implements the Black Studies curriculum is apt to have a great impact on the contour of the given courses. This study seeks to shed light on how a Black educator might approach the teaching of Black history to adolescents in an intraracial setting. Black Studies programs are in need of investigation as they are a potentially rich source of data on what is being done to address the cultural needs of African American students. 42 MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION A retrospective analysis of the development of Black Studies reveals an interesting relationship between Black Studies and multicultural education (Banks, 1992, 1993). It is difficult to look at Black Studies as merely one aspect of multicultural education. This would fail to acknowledge the extent to which the development of Black Studies led to the subsequent development of other ethnic and gender studies, which have combined to provide a more holistic view of the human experience. The multicultural literature informed this study because multiculturalists have done a more extensive job of rethinking objectives within the field to be more inclusive, age appropriate, and implemental in the K- 12 system. Today, it is more common to hear discussions about the inclusion of diverse populations in the K-12 educational system than demands for Black Studies. There is also a wealth of multicultural curriculum resources to enhance classroom instruction. Some might even go so far as to say that most public school educators are receptive to the notion that affirming diversity is important even if they feel ill equipped to do so. Despite these advances, there is still a great deal to be learned about how multicultural education, in its many forms, is enacted in the classroom. According to Banks (1995), the birth and evolution of multicultural education is directly linked to the early Black history movement. Banks (1993), Gay (1990), and Grant (1994) have each played significant roles in the formulation of multicultural education in the United States. Banks analyzed the historical development of multicultural education and discerned that from 1970 to the present, the field has gone through four phases: Phase 1: The first phase of multicultural education emerged when educators who had interests and specializations in the history and 43 culture of ethnic minority groups initiated individual and institutional actions to incorporate the concepts, information, and theories from ethnic studies into the school and teacher-education curricula. Consequently, the first phase of multicultural education was ethnic studies. Phase 2: A second phase of multicultural education emerged when educators interested in ethnic studies began realizing that inserting ethnic studies content into the school and teacher-education curricula was necessary but not sufficient to bring about school reform that would respond to the unique needs of ethnic minority students and help all students to develop more democratic racial and ethnic attitudes. Multiethnic education was the second phase of multicultural education. Its aim was to bring about structural and systematic changes in the total school that were designed to increase educational equality. Phase 3: A third phase of multicultural education emerged when other groups who viewed themselves as victims of the society and the school, such as woman and people with disabilities, demanded the incorporation of their histories, cultures, and voices into the curricula and structure of the schools, colleges, and universities. Phase 4: The forth and current phase of multicultural education consists of the development of theory, research, and practice that interrelate variables connected to race, class, and gender. (Banks 86 Banks, 1993, p. 11) It should be noted that educational institutions across this country define their programs differently. Despite Banks’ aforementioned framework, there is no universal definition for multicultural education. The definitions provided in the next section are from the experts in the field. According to the experts, the definition of multicultural education has changed with the evolution of the American society. Covert and Gorski (1997) stated that multicultural education is a formative movement in education that produces critically thinking, socially active members of society. It is not simply a change of curriculum or the addition of an activity. It is a movement which elicits new attitudes, new approaches, and a new dedication to laying the foundation for the transformation of society. 44 Ideally, multiculturalists maintain multicultural education promotes learning for “all” students (Banks, 1996). They believe it produces socially conscious, critically thinking members of society. It honors diversity while teaching all children to become effective and participating members of a democracy. It represents individuality while promoting respect for others. It emphasizes the contributions of the various groups (e.g., ethnic, gender, religious, sexual orientation, etc.) that make up the population of the world. It focuses on how to learn rather than on learning specific information (Perry and Fraser, 1993). Tesconi (1995) provided analyses of multicultural education that has been shaped by several assumptions. Among the most noteworthy are: 1. The term multiculturalism, as typically used in educational literature, speaks to the reality of group diversity, cultural and otherwise; 2. Advocates of multicultural education are in pursuit of a generally valued, but ambitious ideal; 3. The theoretical/social philosophical foundations of multi-cultural education are derived from the ideology of cultural pluralism; 4. Any assessment of the multicultural education movement and proposed educational policies and practices favoring multiculturalism must begin with an analysis of cultural pluralism ideology; cultural pluralism ideology emphasizes ethnic group diversity, while multicultural education addresses diversity in virtually all its forms, ethnic and otherwise; 5. Multicultural education is more broadly based than education for cultural pluralism; 6. Cultural diversity and equal opportunity could be eroded, given the rush to practice multi-cultural education in the face of ambiguities and unknowns. Tesconi (1995 ) also stated that individuals all know, or should know, that homogeneity has not and does nOt characterize American society. He further elaborated, saying that 45 they know how great a myth the “melting pot” turned out to be. Nevertheless, everyone should also be aware of how much assimilation actually occurred. According to Gollnick and Chinn (1983a, 1983b), before educators are given the responsibility of a classroom, they need the knowledge and the skill for working effectively in our culturally diverse society. An education concept that addresses cultural diversity and the provision of equal educational opportunity in schools is multicultural education. This concept is based on the following fundamental beliefs and assumptions: The U.S. culture has been fashioned by the contributions of many diverse cultural groups into an interrelated whole. Cultural diversity and the interaction among different groups strengthen the fiber of U.S. society. Social justice and equal opportunity for all people are inalienable rights of all citizens. The distribution of power should be distributed equitably among members of all ethnic groups. The education system provides the critical function of molding attitudes and values necessary for continuation of a democratic society. (Gollnick 8C Chinn, 1983b, p. 29) According to Katz (1995 ), multicultural education has been developed as one methodology to counter racism and enhance interracial attitudes, but a decade has passed and rhetoric rather than reality prevails. Katz continues that multicultural education, as a concept and form of curriculum, raises skepticism on the part of many educators. Often people infer a bias when the issue of teaching from a multicultural perspective is raised. Beyond simply defining multicultural education, it is important to understand the philosophical underpinnings upon which the field rests. Multicultural education is based on the belief that all people should be given respect for their social, ethnic, religious or 46 cultural background. Cultural pluralism in American society is the foundation of multicultural education. The concept of cultural pluralism is based on the promise that individuals and groups should maintain their pride, dignity, and identity in their own cultural heritage. Therefore, a primary focus of multicultural education is to help students develop a pOsitive self-concept and self-image. The process of multicultural education should provide a setting for diverse groups to learn about different cultural heritages while feeling pride in their own culture. Likewise, multicultural education aims to reduce racism and discrimination, through planning classroom educational experiences, which include information about the customs, heritage, and contributions of various ethnic groups to society (Banks, 1991). The development of interpersonal skills, which will assist the growth of increased understanding and acceptance, should be a part of the multicultural classroom experience. These teaching strategies are based on multicultural principles, which should encourage positive interaction and human behavior between individuals of different ethnic or racial groups. Equally important to this basic tenet of multicultural education is the nature of teacher/pupil interaction, the quality of teacher attitudes, and expectations toward diverse students. The concern for positive interaction, attitudes, and expectations relates to another major goal of the multicultural program, that all students reach their highest academic potential and mastery. of basic skills in order to succeed in life (Nieto, 2000). What then are the goals of multicultural education? According to the Michigan Department of Education (1998), the following recommendations of goals on multicultural education were developed in order to provide educators with a framework for planning instruction that reflects the vast diversity that exists in public schools: 47 A positive self-image in understanding one’s owns culture and an appreciation for culture of others; A clear understanding of one’s value systems, cultures, customs, and histories as well as those of others different from oneself; An appreciation of the individuals and cultural differences; A sound preparation for a productive participation in one or more cultures; A desire to contribute to and thrive in a culturally diverse nation and world; A respect for the freedom and dignity of all individuals, an acceptance of the responsibilities of sustaining and enlarging the institutions of all people in a complex, multicultural, independent society, which will contribute to greater freedom; and A wide spectrum of choices for careers and of culturally evolved lifestyles choices, which are based on each student’s desires, aspiration, and capabilities. I cannot speak to the extent that the Michigan Department of Education’s aforementioned framework impacts what goes on in schools in the State of Michigan around the issue of diversity. However, in my many years of public school teaching I was never introduced to this framework. One can argue that nationally, school curriculums have undergone much revision but there is need for more. There have been attempts to reform the public school curriculum in order to make it more representative of all of America’s racial and ethnic groups (Mattai, 1992). Most reform has been implemented through additives, which include content about racial/ethnic minorities, women, and physically challenged persons. Often we see the celebration of heritage months take the place of innovative curriculum reform, which might be seen as the first step toward multicultural education reform. 48 Sonia Nieto urges the public to be leery of multicultural education packages which promise a quick fix. She believes that multicultural education must be responsive to the needs and readiness of the community. Consequently, multicultural education should be evolving alongside our society. She warns that pre-packaging multicultural education would underscore the extent to which multicultural education must be tailored for specific communities. Nieto’s Model of Multicultural Education contrasts a monocultural perspective with a range of four levels of a multicultural education that include tolerance; acceptance; respect; and affirmation, solidarity and critique. The first level, tolerance, is the lowest level of acceptance, which basically rests on the premise that individuals have the right to be different and exist without harassment. Tolerance is often directly linked to political climate and contemporary social ethos. The second level, acceptance, acknowledges and in some ways embraces differences. An attempt is made to recognize culture as manifested through language, learning styles, family dynamics, etc. The third level, respect, means that culture differences are honored and seen as an asset. Finally, the fourth level, affirmation, solidarity, and critique, is based on the premise that cultures may clash but, nonetheless, we cannot avoid conflicts. We should accept them as a natural part of the learning process. Nieto’s “Levels of Multicultural Education” framework (2000) is worthy of examination when trying .to operationalize a multicultural education program. Nieto expressed reluctance to present a model out of fear that it may be misconstrued and “it will be viewed as static and arbitrary, rather than as messy, complex, and contradictory...” (Nieto, 2000, p. 354). 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ES new 33% En mowmzwcfl wan new web—«EEOEUoQ .comumuawo ~85 how £2518 .moucotumxu .95 .umc can €27.me .2338“ 36833... ":23 infirm 2: mm .8535 .032me mafia. 2: cognac 668m 8 vow—5858 a E 8202: 3a came—m6 .855 8: a mar—Emu; 8m 9 Emma 9.388 mm 523m .wctmucmoEou Eur—28“ new $5635 "canon“: 93 35:55 3233“ can 8:33am wan macuwam mm cotmuzwm >mowavum 133.5 255.0 can .bmumvzom Samoa uucfimouut. vocab—ch. comaausvm Rug—30:32 .comumEuE< - GOMHNUSfim —Nuflu-DUC—32 .«O wUCmT—UHUFZNSU Amvmévm in .ocom .9026 cotnuavm Fug—augaz mo £264 "~.N 03E 53 Although Nieto acknowledged the limitations of her model, it provides an important framework for understanding multicultural education at its many stages. Changing demographics makes it increasingly more important for public schools to adopt a framework for action which will help to expose educators and students to issues of cultural diversity. Even in those rare instances where we find viable examples of multicultural education in the K-12 educational system, there are few examples of case studies of teachers. There is definitely a need for studies of teachers who are grappling with the practical issues of how to plan and implement a multicultural program of study which is liberatory and relevant to today’s students. Afrocentric/multicultural education can potentially improve the quality of schooling for all students. This dissertation sought to understand how the teacher incorporates personal beliefs and curriculum goals to shape classroom instruction on Afrocentric topics. Nieto’s model covers a broad range of levels. There is no excuse for anyone to be not to be able to commit to some level of multiculturalism. Many diverse groups have blended to make American culture. Students must be challenged with well developed critical thinking activities, primary sources, and people resources which will enable them to construct their. own meanings and draw their own conclusions. All students must be culturally literate in order that they might be more knowledgeable of the diversity that makes. up America and the world. RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT This study also draws upon a third body of literature regarding racial identity development to determine the extent to which racial identity shapes curriculum 54 development and pedagogical practices in a Black history class. Racial identity theories were developed by a small pool of psychologists who identified several discernible features which are characteristic of African Americans as they heighten their self-awareness and gain a better understanding of the role of race and racism in shaping their life experiences. The evolution of racial identity can best be described by William Cross’ nigresence model, known as the Negro-to-Black Conversion Experience. This process was described in detail in his book, Shades of Black: Diversity in American Identity (1991). Cross identified five stages of development, which include the Pre-Encounter stage, the Encounter Stage, the Immersion-Emersion stage, the Internalization stage, and the Commitment stage. The Pre-Encounter stage is a stage of innocence wherein little is known about racial issues. The Encounter stage is generally marked by some eye opening experience that forces an individual to accept the fact that racism exists. The Immersion-Emersion stage is an intense period where an individual begins to reject her old uninformed identity in order to take on a new more radical identity. Hypersensitivity to issues of race is generally characteristic of this stage. The Internalization and Commitment stages are overlapping stages. During these stages, individuals are able to channel their frustrations into productive self-reflective activities and rethink the notion that “all Whites are evil.” This stage is similar to the initial encounter stage in the sense that individuals are able to rejoin society.and appreciate racial and cultural diversity. It is during these stages that individuals can become dedicated to bringing about social justice within the Black community. Becoming aware of the stages of racial identity development has provided a fundamental understanding of how my life and racial self-concept have affected my teaching practices. 55 While the nigresence models by Cross (1991) and others are useful in explaining modifications in racial attitudes over time, the within group variability reflected in the consciousness of African Americans poses some limitations. More specifically, while these models suggest that they are process oriented, their “development over-time” focus is usually prevalent in the late adolescence and early adulthood period of the life cycle. The stages suggested by Cross identify how a person’s racial identity could change from one stage of life to another during late adolescence/early adulthood periods. However, they fail to detail how various stages of racial identity may be revisited throughout the life cycle. White and Parham (1990) offer a life cycle nigresence model based on an adaptation of the Cross’ stages. Parham sought to determine the earliest possible stage of life that a person might experience racial identity development. Cross surmised that anything prior to late adolescence is likely to be nothing more than an imitation of parental attitudes and beliefs. Perhaps the most profound issue Parham raised is not so much that aspects of the initial nigresence episode vary with age, but that once nigresence is completed, the pressures of adulthood make it likely for a person to recycle through the stages. According to Parham, recycling does not mean the person reverts to the old (pre-encounter) identity and then traverses all the stages. Rather, he was inclined to believe that the challenge or trauma acts as a new encounter episode that exposes small or giant gaps in a person’s thinking about blackness. The person recycles in order to fill such gaps (White and Parham, 1990, pp. 51-52). Like Parham, I believe that stages of racial identity can be revisited. I also believe that one can actually navigate between the stages at will rather than simply wait for some catalyzing experience. In this way, teachers who are aware of their 56 racial identity can reacquaint themselves with developmental stages as they serve as a guide for their adolescent students. Parham raised another valuable point which suggests the encounter stage does not necessarily have to be prompted as a reaction to an oppressive experience. I concur with Parham’s position that “African American cultural identity is an entity independent of socially oppressive phenomenon” (White and Parham, 1990, p. 52). This distinction is relevant to my research because I believe that studying Black history can promote an evolution in racial identity. The nigresence models discussed here pertain specifically to the Black experience; however, other minorities may also experience a similar transformative experience. Following is a Racial/Cultural Identity Development Model (R/CID) which can be applied to any racial/ethnic. Table 2.2: Racial/Cultural Identity Development Stages .Of . Attitude Toward Attitude Toward . Minority Attitude . Attitude Toward Others of the Same Others of Different . Development Toward Self . . . . Dominant Group Minority Minority Model Stage 1 - Self— Group-depreciating Discriminatory Group-appreciating Conformity depreciating Stage 2 - Conflict Conflict between Conflict between Conflict between Dissonance between self- group-depreciating dominant-held views of group-appreciating depreciating and and group- minority hierarchy and and group- appreciating appreciating feelings of shared depreciating experience Stage 3 - Self— Group-appreciating Conflict between Group-depreciating Resistance appreciating dominant-held views of and minority hierarchy and Immersion feeling of shared experience Stage 4 - Concern with Concern with nature Concern with Concern with the Introspection basis of self- of unequivocal ethnocentric basis for basis of group- appreciation appreciation judging others depreciating Stage 5 - Self- Group-appreciating Group-appreciating Group-appreciating Integrative approaching Awareness 57 This model provides a useful framework for understanding how racial identity develops and evolves. It defines five stages of development that oppressed groups experience as they struggle to understand themselves in terms of their “own culture, the dominate culture, and the oppressive relationship between the two cultures: conformity, dissonance, resistance and immersion, introspection and integrated awareness” (Sue and Sue, 1990, p. 96). These stages can be defined in the following manner: Conformity Stage: In stage 1, minority persons are distinguished by their unequivocal preference for dominant culture values over their own. (p. 96) Dissonance Stage: In stage 2, no matter how much an individual attempts to deny his/her own racial/cultural heritage, he or she will encounter information or experiences inconsistent with culturally held beliefs, attitudes and values... The individual is in conflict between disparate pieces of information or experiences that challenge his or her current self-concept. (p. 101) Resistance and Immersion: In stage 3, the culturally different individual tends to completely endorse minority-held views and reject the dominant values of society and culture. The person seems dedicated to reacting against White society and rejects White social, cultural, and institutional standards as having no validity for him or her . (p. 103) Introspection Stage: In stage 4, the individual begins to discover that the intensity of feelings (anger directed toward White society) is psychologically draining and does not permit one to really devote more crucial energies to understanding themselves or to their own racial group... A need for positive self definition in a proactive sense emerges. (p. 104) Integrative Awareness: In stage 5, the minority individual has developed an inner sense of security and now can own and appreciate unique aspects of their culture as well as those in U.S. culture. Minority culture is not necessarily in conflict with White dominant cultural ways. (p. 106) 58 This study examined the extent to which an African American educator’s racial identity/self concept shaped what went on while she was teaching an American Civil Rights unit to African American middle school students. Likewise, this model can be helpful in assisting teachers to understand the attitudinal changes that students might experience as a result of exposure to Afrocentric curriculum. Equipped with the knowledge of racial identity development, teachers are in a much better position to help students make a healthy transition between the five stages of racial identity development. AFROCENTRICITY AND CULTURALLY RELEVANT PEDAGOGY A brief discussion of Afrocentricity is relevant to this study because I classify myself as an aspiring Afrocentric educator. Afrocentricity is a term used by African American scholars to describe the African-centered view as it can be applied to education. This view of education draws upon the strengths of African and African American culture without discrediting the contributions of any other culture. Afrocentricity focuses on the study of African and African American history and reveals the contributions of African descent in virtually all disciplines. The discussion of Afrocentricity herein is coupled with an exploration of culturally relevant pedagogy. This pairing is appropriate because discussions of Afrocentricity focus primarily on curricular content, while it is equally if not more important to understand the pedagogy of African-centered content. Long before the term Afrocentricity was coined, African American scholars created a blueprint from which modern day representations of Afrocentricity are fashioned. In the United States, scholars such as Cheikh Anta Diop, Martin Bernal, Carter G. Woodson, and W.E.B. DuBois, laid the foundation upon which many contemporary scholars have built 59 the case for Afrocentricity. Today, the works of scholars such as Maulana Ron Karenga, Leonard Jeffries, Molefi Asante, Frances Cress Welsing, and Yosef Ben-Jochannen fuel the fires of controversy over Afrocentricity. Critics have accused them of promoting historical inaccuracies and of being guilty of the same ethnocentric/extremist academic misconduct as the Eurocentric scholars that they criticize (Schlesinger, 1998; Bloom, 1987; Lefkowitz, 1996). The aforementioned scholars repudiate the legitimacy of these criticisms. They further assert that their aim is not to denigrate any other racial/ethnic group. Rather, they claim merely to seek to elevate Africans and their descendants to their rightful place of honor in world history. Asante suggests that “Afrocentricity is ‘not’ a Black version of Eurocentricity. Eurocentricity is based on White supremacist notions whose purposes are to protect White privilege and advantage in education, economics, politics and so forth. Unlike Eurocentricity, Afrocentricity does not condone ethnocentric valorization at the expense of degrading other groups’ perspectives” (Asante, 1991a, pp. 111-112). Molefi Kete Asante is perhaps the most widely known and highly quoted among contemporary Afrocentric authors (Howe, 1998). Asante currently chairs the African American Studies Department at Temple University. He was also instrumental in the establishment of Afrocentric school curricula throughout the United States. The works of Asante, The Afrocentric Idea (1 98 7) and Afrocentricity (1988), suggest that an Afrocentric perspective can serve as a corrective for an educational system which is failing Black youth. Despite his assurances, Asante has not offered educational models to support his assertions. 60 In looking for concrete examples of “Afrocentricity in action,” I discovered that Afrocentricity has been most active as a theme of scholarly debates. According to Walter Gill (1991) of Morgan State University, The Afrocentric perspective can be traced to several psychologists who recognized the importance of broadening the context of mental health for persons of African descent (Akbar, 1974). Proponents of Afrocentric and multicultural education, from Woodson (1933) to Hilliard (1978, 1991) to Asante (1991), generally have emphasized the infusion of the traditional curriculum with more information about non-European ethnic and cultural groups. Holistic perspectives such as those offered by Banks (1990), Comer (1985), Edmonds (see Bates 86 Wilson, 1989), Hare and Hare (1991), Hill (1989), and Hilliard (1988), which suggest ways the nation’s public schools might be overhauled to facilitate the socialization, self-concept, and educability of students of African descent, have received a great deal more attention in recent years. (Gill, 1991a) There have been initiatives to create Black Male Academies, Independent African American Institutions, and African Immersion Schools which implement an Afrocentric curriculum. Much of the evidence that reports the outcomes of these schools is ethnographic, with a focus on student self-esteem and academic success. Indeed, there are Afrocentric programs which have been successful but these programs step outside the traditional mode of instruction. Gill (19913) highlighted one such program, saying, One Afrocentric program in the public schools, an alternative public high school called Ujamaa Institute, has been proposed to be situated on the campus of New York City’s Medgar Evers College (Bradley, 1991). The Afrocentric program of familyhood and communalism in an attempt to instill the values of responsibility and caring in its students... The goals of Afrocentric curricula in schools like Ujamaa is to provide African American children with a “duality of socialization” (Hale, 1982) such that they can effectively come to grips with the dual social and personal consciousness of self alluded to by DuBois (1903). 61 If the positive aspects of these Afrocentric schooling initiatives are to be emulated in other school settings, it is imperative to have teacher narratives that delineate their experiences in delivering a Black Studies curriculum. Rather than restate the arguments in favor of and against Afrocentricity, for the purposes of my research it is more useful to ask the question, “What purpose does Afrocentricity serve?” Asante suggested that we have yet to see the best that Afrocentricity has to offer. He envisioned the ultimate impact of Afrocentricity to be far reaching and said, “What is revolutionary is the movement from the idea (conception stage) to its implementation in practice, when we begin to teach teachers how to put the African children at the center of instruction. In effect, students are shown how to see with new eyes and hear with new ears” (Asante, 1991 p, 174). Asante’s rhetoric is inspiring and compelling. What teacher would not want to be able to inoculate Black youth with an instant cure, resulting in their school success? Unfortunately, Asante has not explained how the teachers of Black youth will put them at the center of instruction other than by prescribing them with an Afrocentric curriculum. Asante further asserted, “If African American children were taught to be fully aware of the struggles of our African forebears, they would find a renewed sense of purpose and vision in their own lives” (Asante, 1991a, p. 177). Asante may well be correct in his assertion; Afrocentricity holds much promise. Despite its potential, when placed within the context of real school settings, the problematic aspects of Afrocentricity are revealed. As with any academic movement, there is a broad range of philosophical beliefs. Likewise, when one examines the proponents of Afrocentrism a great deal of diversity exists in what might fall under the umbrella of Afrocentricity. Howe suggested that 62 “Afrocentrism may, in its looser sense or more moderate forms, mean little more than an emphasis on shared African origins among all “Black” people, taking pride in those origins and an interest in African history and culture - or those aspects of New World cultures seen as representing African “survivals” - and a belief that Eurocentric bias has blocked or distorted a knowledge of Africans and their culture” (Howe, 1998, p. 1). This moderate definition of Afrocentricy best represents the version that I espouse as I try to teach in a manner that is informed by Afrocentric theory and philosophy. Culturally relevant pedagogy is equally as instrumental in engaging Black youth in the educational process as is an Afrocentric curriculum. Ladson-Billings suggested that there is pedagogical knowledge that has been mastered by successful teachers of Black students. This knowledge is manifested in culturally congruent instructional approaches, which signify the ways in which the teachers alter their speech patterns, communication styles, and participation structures to resemble more closely those of the students’ own culture... The primary aim of culturally relevant teaching is to assist in the development of a “relevant black personality” that allows African American students to choose academic excellence yet still identify African American culture. (Ladson- Billings, 1994a, pp. 16-17) Few people would argue against the likelihood that youth thrive in an environment that reflects their culture. The following diagram, Figure 2, was created by Agyei Akoto, Executive Director of National House Positive Action Center. 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