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6/01 cJClRC/Dateouo.p65«p.15

F ARMER-LED SOIL CONSERVATION INITIATIVE IN A DEVELOPING
COUNTRY SETTING : THE CASE OF THE CLAVERIA LAND CARE
ASSOCIATION IN CLAVERIA, MISAMIS ORIENTAL, PHILIPPINES

By

Agustin Arcenas

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Agricultural Economics

2002

ABSTRACT
FARMER-LED SOIL CONSERVATION INITIATIVE IN A DEVELOPING
COUNTRY SETTING : THE CASE OF THE CLAVERIA LAND CARE
ASSOCIATION IN CLAVERIA, MISAMIS ORIENTAL, PHILIPPINES
By

Agustin Arcenas

In the middle of 1996, a group of 20 farmers in Claveria, Misamis Oriental, formed
an organization called the Claveria Land Care Association (CLCA) under the support and
patronage of the International Centre for Research on Agroforestry (ICRAF). The
objective of the organization was to promote the use of contour plowing through a
farmer-to-fanner approach. By the year 2000, the CLCA had members in 105 sitios while
the absolute number of adopters of contour plowing has almost doubled from the
previous number of adopters. The CLCA is credited for the phenomenal rise in farmers
that have switched to contour plowing in Claveria.

This study investigates the CLCA phenomenon by: (l) documenting the events
leading to farmer awareness of soil erosion problems .in Claveria and the options available
to combat them; (2) documenting its evolution {Tom a low-key farmer organization to a
high-proﬁle promoter of soil conservation; (3) determining the characteristics and
activities of the CLCA sub-chapters that made signiﬁcant inﬂuence on adoption of contour
plowing; (4) determining the characteristics of the farmers who perceive themselves as
members of the CLCA; (5) determining the parcel and farmer characteristics that inﬂuence
adoption; and (6) identify the future challenges that the CLCA sitio-based organizations

face.

Using primary data collected from a survey of 274 randomly-selected farmers {Tom
45 sitios in the municipality of Claveria, a probit analysis was done to determine the
statistical association between perception of membership, and the farmers’ socio-economic
characteristics, ties with the community and participation in community activities. The
probit analysis was also utilized to test the statistical relationship between adoption of
contour plowing, and the variables farmers’ socioeconomic traits, parcel characteristics
and perception of membership. The results indicate that attendance in cross-visits and sitio
meetings, and those that lived close to Claveria are more likely to perceive themselves as
members of the CLCA. Further, number of parcels tilled by the farmer, attendance in
training and sitio meetings, slope of the parcel tilled, and the area of the parcel have a
signiﬁcant statistical association with contour farming adoption.

The study also found that the CLCA lacks self-sufﬁciency in funds generation and
needs to lock down on the membership selection criteria and beneﬁts in order to sustain its
activities in the future. The CLCA’s mechanism for participatory governance and
democratic selection of its leaders is well in place.

The results and insights gained from the ﬁndings of this research paper are relevant
for policy makers and development project designers in creating programs and schemes
aimed at catching the “elusive” adopters of technology - traditional farmers from the

developing countries.

In memory of my brother Teddy and our father Guillermo. I miss you both

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To para-phrase the African adage “It takes a village to raise a child,” it took a
Village to get this research written and done, and it is the Village -- my village of family,
friends and colleagues -- whom I must express my gratitude to.

I would like to thank ﬁrst of all, the farmers in Claveria whose kindness,
graciousness, patience, and generosity humbled and reminded me that there are far more
deserving people of the blessing I have. I regret that this study could not be of more use to
you, my friends. Daghan salamat sa inyong tanan!

My profound gratitude to Dr. A] Schmid for his guidance and for constantly asking
the questions that were as perplexing as they were challenging. Thank you to Dr. Rick
Bernsten for his patience and understanding, and for the hard work he put in to get this
dissertation done right. My thanks also to Dr. Sandra Batie for her unfailing support and
belief in my work, and for her contagious optimism. Also, many thanks to Dr. Jeff
Riedinger for his valuable insights and suggestions. My gratitude to Dr. Pat Norris for her
ideas and comments, but most importantly, for agreeing at the last minute to be on my
committee. Thank you also, to Dr. Dennis Garn'ty of ICRAF, for his support and ‘
suggestions, and for making it possible for the ﬁeld survey be ﬁinded.

This study was highly capital intensive and it required the ﬁnancial support and
generosity of people and organizations that I must mention. Thank you to the International
Centre for Research on Agro-Forestry (ICRAF) for funding the ﬁeld survey in the

Claveria, the Elton R. Smith Endowment and the International Agriculture for funding my

travels to the Philippines, the Glenn and Sandy Johnson Dissertation Excellence
Fellowship for the fellowship money I used to pay for encoding the data, the Dean’s
Office for the completion fellowship money I used to pay for my expenses on campus so I
could write ﬁill-time, and the Department of Agricultural Economics at MSU, particularly
to Dr. Eric Crawford who never failed to come through for me even when the
assistantship ﬁJnds were low.

To my family, my mother who never did understand what it was that I was
working on, but was supportive nevertheless, my sister Agnes and her family, my brother
Betto and his family, and especially to my nephew Danjo who had to endure the
experience of saying goodbye each year that I went home to the Philippines to visit, thank
you all for your understanding and patience. I will be home for good soon.

I relied heavily on emotional support from my dear friends, Myra and Mark, Mel,
Greg and Raul, my “family,”who never wavered in their love and support of me. Danny
Arcenas, cousin, ﬁiend and partner in crime, whose gentle spirit and concern for my well-
being inspire me to keep going. Maia, friend-sister and now sister in faith, who forgave my
absence as a friend while I was writing. Dan Gawne, friend and encoder, who was my one-
man cheering squad and Starbucks partner. No one I know has been so lucky to count you
as my best friends. I know we will all grow old together and I look forward to it.

Thanks also to Dr. James Bonnen, my godfather in the Department, Lorie
Srivastava, Pat Eisele, Judith Dow, Jing-yi Lai, Jim and Patricia Stems, Ronald and Ching
Capule, Leah Cuyno, Lea Petrona, Aggie Legaspi, Cecilia Samonte, Ting and Dale Baker,

Will and Iva Shields, Eric Knepper, Mike Flores, Brady Deaton, who went beyond the call

of friendship to listen to my angst and take me in when I needed help during the seemingly
endless process of dissertation-writing. My gratitude to Cynthia Donovan, Cynthia
Phillips, and Frank Lupi for the valuable suggestions and comments on the econometrics
part of the dissertation. Thanks to Patrick Lauher for the rides, concern, stories, and for
sharing all-nighters with me in the computer lab. My gratitude also to Sherry, Nancy and
Marian for all the pep talk and the paper clips one could ever ask for.

I must also thank other dear ﬁiends and colleagues who were kind enough to oﬁ'er
shelter (when I was in between moves), feed me, drive me around the city and to the
airport, and help me move countless times. Thank you to Bong and Maricar Macalingcag,
the Viray family, Cathy Ragasa, Meeta, Fernando, Laila, Wolfgang, Kraig Jones, Lourdes
Martinez, Brian Hoort, Koﬁ and Gina Nouve, Dave Mather, and my other colleagues in
the Department whose name may not have been mentioned. My gratitude and appreciation
for your generosity and kindness, and apology for the stress you had to endure on my
behalf.

Thanks also to my ICRAF friends and staff, Manolo, Glo, Xanxu, Tham-tham,
Dinah, Marco, Jun, Nick, Nelson, Sam, Jojo, Maridol, May and Amy. Special thanks to
my enumerators -- my “Dream Team” -- Gil, Jimmy, Roy and Ruben who were truly
incredible people to work with, and Fern and her parents, and Mang Marcelino, the
president of the CLCA Federation. I would also like to thank the staff at the municipal
ofﬁce in Claveria for the reports and baranggay proﬁles, and all the baranggay and sitio
ofﬁcials who were very gracious to my team of enumerators and myself when we

conducted the interviews in their areas.

vii

I must mention also my friends and colleagues from the University of the
Philippines School of Economics, Joy, Tet, Noel de Dios, Noet, Tisay, Connie, Dory,
Linda, Tita Jen, Tita Baby, and the UPSE library staff for being so accommodating,
helpful, generous and most of all, for being nice!

But above all, I have my God to thank, for being there for me and leading me
to peace when I felt so alone and conﬁrsed. Never shall I forget that night in Mt.
Hibok-hibok. My hope is that one day, all might know how real and magniﬁcent you
are. They have no idea.

To all of you, members of my village, my deepest and heartfelt gratitude for

helping me ﬁnish this piece of work. The mistakes are all mine.

viii

i
£1 E
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ll

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ........................................................ xii

List of Figures ....................................................... xv
Chapter 1

Introduction ................................................... 1

1.1 Problem Statement ............................................ 1

1.2 Background ................................................. 2

1.3 Research Issues .............................................. 6

1.4 Research Objectives ........................................... 9

1.5 Organization of the Study ...................................... 10
Chapter 2

Review of Related Literature .................................... 13

2.1 The Nature of an Organization .................................. 14

2.1.1 Rationale behind group formation and collective action ........ 15

2.1.2 Organization and participatory development ................ 17

2.1.3 Organizational and Individual Goals ....................... 19

2.2 Factors that affect the farmers’ adoption of technological innovation ..... 20

2.3 Social Capital and Farmers’ Organization and Conservation Initiatives . . . . 25

2.3.1 What is Social Capital? ................................ 25

2.3.2 The Role Social Capital Plays in an Organization ............ 27

2.3.3 The Role of Social Capital in Conservation Initiatives ......... 29

2.4 Summary .................................................. 31
Chapter 3

The Evolution of the Claveria Land Care Association ................. 33

3.1 The municipality of Claveria ................................. '. . 33

3.1.1 Early History ........................................ 33

3.1.2 Demographic Characteristics ............................ 34

3.1.3 Agro-climactic environment ............................. 35

3.1.4 Agricultural Economy of Claveria ........................ 38

3.1.5 Infrastructure and Communication ........................ 40

3.1.6 Government Units .................................... 41

3.2 Soil conservation initiative in Claveria : A Historical Overview .......... 42

3.2.1 Early Conservation Promotion Efforts ..................... 42

3.2.2 IRRI’S farmer to farmer Training Program .................. 43

3.2.3 ICRAF’s Program .................................... 44

3.3. History of the CLCA ........................................ 47

ix

 

 

3.3.1 Initial Conceptualization of the CLCA ..................... 48

3.3.2 Evolution of the CLCA ................................ 49
3.3.3 Management and Partnerships in the CLCA ................ 50
3.3.4 Leadership and Membership in the CLCA .................. 52
3.3.4.1 Selection of the Chapter and Sub-chapter Leaders ..... 53
3.3.4.2 Farmer Membership ........................... 56
3.4 The Conservation Technologies that CLCA promotes ................ 57
3.4.1 The Basic Technology — Contour Plowing .................. 57
3.5 Complementary Conservation Technologies ........................ 59
3.5.1 Contour Hedgerow Systems ............................ 60
3.5 Summary .................................................. 62
Chapter 4
Characteristics of CLCA Members and Adopters of Contour Plowing . . . 65
4.1. Data Collection Methods ...................................... 66
4.1.1 The Federation ...................................... 67
4.1.2 The Chapters ........................................ 68
4.1.3 The Sub-chapters .................................... 70
4.1.4 Farmers ............................................ 71
4.2 Characteristics of farmers who considered themselves as CLCA
members .................................................. 73
4.2.1 Socio-economic characteristics .......................... 75
4.2.2 Participation in the CLCA Activities ...................... 81
4.2.3 Representations of Community Relationships ................ 83
4.3 Characteristics of the Adopters of Contour Plowing .................. 86
4.3.1 Socio-economic characteristics .......................... 87
4.3.2 Impact of CLCA on Adoption of Contour Plowing ........... 91
4.3.3 Some Indicators of the Presence of Social Capital ............ 94
4.3.4 Tenure ............................................. 96
4.3.5 Parcel Characteristics .................................. 98
4.4 Summary ................................................. 101
Chapter 5
Qualitative Response Modeling of the Farmers’ Inclination
to Join the CLCA and to AdOpt Soil Conservation Technologies ....... 103
5.1 The Theory Behind the Probit and Logit Models ................... 104
5.1.1 Maximum Likelihood Estimation ........................ 107
5.1.2 Interpreting the Probit and Logit Estimators ............... 109
5.1.3 Computing for the Marginal Effects in the Probit and
Logit models ....................................... 110
5.2 The Farmers’s Perception of Membership in the CLCA .............. 111
5.2.1 Empirical Model .................................... 112
5.2.2 Key Results - Characteristics of the CLCA members ......... 113

5.3 The Farmer’s Decision to Adopt Contour Plowing .............. I. . . . 116

5.3.1 The Empirical Model - Adoption of Contour Plowing ........ 117
5.3.2 Key Results - Adoption of Contour Plowing ............... 117
5.5 Summary ................................................. 122
Chapter 6
How sustainable is the CLCA? .................................. 125
6.1 Funding for the CLCA Operations .............................. 125
6.1.1 Present and Future sources ............................ 126
6.1.2 Self-sufﬁciency in Funding ............................. 129
6.2 Assessment of the institutions needed to sustain the CLCA sub-chapters . 131
6.2.1 Membership Selection ................................ 131
6.2.2 Institutions for Participation in the Organization ............ 135
6.2.3 Supply of Leaders and Managers ........................ 137
6.2.4 The Institution of Popular Election ...................... 138
6.2.5 The LGU’s and ICRAF’s Role in the Selection of Sub-chapter
Leaders .......................................... 139
6.3 Summary ................................................. 140
Chapter 7
Summary and Policy Implications, and Recommendations for
Further Research ............................................. 142
7.1 Summary and Policy Implications ............................... 142
7.1.1 The CLCA and the Soil Conservation Initiatives in Claveria . . .‘ . 143
7.1.2 Membership by Default? .............................. 145
7.1.3‘ The Adopters of Contour Plowing ....................... 148
7.1.4 Is the CLCA Dispensable? ............................. 153
7.1.5 Is the CLCA Experience Replicable? ..................... 157
7.1.6 Is the CLCA Sustainable in the Future? ................... 158
7.2 Recommendations for Further Research ......................... ' . 164
References ......................................................... 166

xi

 

Table 3.1:
Table 3.2:
Table 3.3:
Table 3.4:

Table 4.1:
Table 4.2:

Table 4.3:

Table 4.4:

Table 4.5:

Table 4.6:

Table 4.7:

Table 4.8:

Table 4.9:

Table 4.10:

Table 4.11:

Table 4.12:

Table 4.13:

Table 4.14:

Table 4.15:

Table 4.16:

Table 4.17:
Table 4.18:

LIST OF TABLES

Population and Household Distribution by baranggay, Claveria, .
Philippines, 1998 ......................................... 36
Topography of land by slope, Claveria, Philippines, 1998 ............ 37
Crops Planted According to Land area, Claveria, Philippines, 1998. . . . 39
Distribution of Sub-chapters by Baranggay in Claveria, Philippines,

2000 ................................................... 52
Data Collection Structure, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ............. 66
Questionnaire Sections and Data Collected, Claveria, Philippines,

2000 ................................................... 72
Variables Expected to be Associated with Perception of Membership

in the CLCA. Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ....................... 74
Descriptive statistics for the continuous variables, Claveria, Philippines,
2000 ................................................... 76
Age and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,
2000 ................................................... 77
Gender and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 77
Civil Status and Perceived Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 78
Education and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 78
Non-farm income and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 79
Place of Origin and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 79
Parcels Owned and Perceived Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 80
Participation in Training Sessions and Perceived Membership in the

CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ............................ 81
Participation in Cross-visits and Perceived Membership in the

CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ............................ 82
Attendance in Sitio Meetings and Perceived Membership in the

CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ............................ 84
Participation in Pahina and Perceived Membership in CLCA Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 86
Variables Expected to be Associated with Adoption of Contour

Plowing ................................................ 87

Age and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 . . . 89
Level of Education and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

xii

Table 4.18:
Table 4.19:
Table 4.20:
Table 4.21:
Table 4.22:
Table 4.23:
Table 4.24:
Table 4.25:
Table 4.26:
Table 4.27:
Table 4.28:
Table 4.29:
Table 4.30:

Table 4.31:

Table 5.1 :

Table 5.2 :

Table 6.1 :

Table 6.2 :

Table 6.3 :

Table 6.4 :

Table 6.5 :

Table 6.6 :

Level of Education and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 89
Non-farm Income and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 90
Parcel Tilled and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,
2000 ................................................... 90
Provincial origin and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 91
Perceived Membership in the CLCA and Adoption, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 92
Participation in Training and Adoption of Contour Plowing ......... 92
Participation in Cross visits and Adoption of Contour Plowing ....... 93
Membership in organizations aside from CLCA and Adoption of

Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 .................... 95
Participation in Pahina and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 ......................................... 95
Participation in Sitio meetings and Adoption of Contour Plowing,

Claveria, Philippines, 2000 .................................. 96
Tenure and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,

2000 ................................................... 98
Soil Fertility and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,

2000 ................................................... 99
Size of Parcel and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,
2000 ................................................... 99
Parcel Slope and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,

2000 .................................................. 100
Results of the Probit and Dprobit Estimation of the Membership

Model ................................................. 114
Results of the Probit Estimation of the Contour Plowing Adoption

Model ................................................. 118
Sub-chapter Payment Rate for the Federation dues, CLCA,

Philippines, 2000. ........................................ 126
CLCA Distribution of the Sub-chapters that Collect Membership

Dues, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ............................. 127
Sources of Funds for the Sub-chapters, CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,

2000. ................................................. 128
Methods of Recruitment Among the CLCA Sub-chapters, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000. ........................................ 132
Recognized Members’ Responsibilities Among the CLCA

Sub-chapters, Claveria, Philippines, 2000 ...................... 133
CLCA Leaders’ Perceived Beneﬁts of Membership, Claveria,
Philippines,2000 ......................................... 134

xiii

Table 6.7 : Regularity of Sub-chapter Assembly Meetings, Claveria, Philippines,

2000 .................................................. 136
Table 6.8 : Decision-makers Who Plan the Activities for the CLCA, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000 ........................................ 136
Table 6.9 : Distribution of Method of Recruitment for the Sub-chapter Leaders,

Claveria, Philippines, 2000. (N=41) .......................... 138

xiv

Figure I:
Figure 2:
Figure 3:
Figure 4:

LIST OF FIGURES

Total Area Contour Plowed, 1980-1999. .................. ' ...... 6
Location of Claveria on the Philippine Map ..................... 34
The A-Frame Used in Marking the Contour Line ................. 58
Graph of Probit and Logit Probability Models ................... 106

Chapter 1
Introduction
1. 1 Problem Statement
' Soil degradation is a chronic problem throughout the world, especially in
developing countries. Although technology is available to fully address the threat of soil
degradation, farmer adoption of soil conservation technology has been limited due to
various factors, ranging from their inability to invest in conservation innovation to
inadequate institutional structures for facilitating information ﬂow and insecurity of
property rights (Lal, 1990; Place and Hazel], 1993). This is a challenge, as well as a
problem, for policy makers in government and development groups since soil erosion and
loss of soil fertility continue to threaten the viability and productivity of agricultural land.
Ironically, it is the farmer -- widely regarded as one of the main perpetrators of soil
degradation, but whose livelihood depends on the productivity of the land - who stands to
lose everything in the end, should the problem remain unsolved.

Unless ways are found to reduce agricultural-induced soil degradation, pressure on
the natural environment will continue to grow as a result of siltation, run-off and, in the
absence of inexpensive productivity enhancing methods, the conversion of forested land
into agricultural land. The pressure on the natural environment is likely to continue as
food security remains one of the most important objectives of modern time (Fujisaka and
Garrity, 1988; Pimentel, 1995; Pimentel, 1998). It is imperative, therefore, that a solution
be found and implemented in order to arrest the continuous degradation of land.

New methods of agricultural production that merge production and inter-

generational sustainability objectives -- commonly referred to in the development ﬁeld as
sustainable farming -- can sustain the production potential of land. However, the impact
of development programs geared toward this objective will remain limited unless these
technologies are widely adopted by resource poor farmers throughout the developing
world.

This study analyzes a farmer-led initiative in a low-income nation -- the
Philippines -- that has successﬁrlly accelerated farmer adoption of contour plowing, an
effective but relatively simple technology for soil conservation. Recognizing that the
dynamics of adoption are complex, this research also explores the determinants of
adoption and test how the interplay of these forces (economic, institutions and socio-

demographics) inﬂuence adoption by poor farmers.

1.2 Background

There is ample evidence that shows that the adoption rate for soil conservation
innovations among poor farmers has been low in a number of communities in developing
nations, despite the active promotion of these innovations by policy makers, government
and international organizations. In many cases, non-adoption is attributed to the
perceived conﬂict between production and conservation. Some farmers view conservation
as too costly, relative to its short term beneﬁts, while others ﬁnd the returns on
conservation adoption as too uncertain (Lovejoy and Parent, 1982; Pampel and van Es,
1977; Nowak, 1987). Both situations have discouraged farmers from adopting

conservation farming, especially in developing countries where the majority of the farmers

live under conditions of extreme poverty (Spears, 1983).

Soil degradation, however, remains one of the most pressing environmental
problems in the world -- particularly in the humid tropics (Pimentel, 1998; El-Swaify,
1993). Furthermore, development specialists, policy makers and members of the scientiﬁc
community agree that the most serious threat to soil quality is man’s intervention (Lal,
1990), particularly by way of agricultural production activities. Studies ﬁrrther show that
soil fertility has been declining steadily, primarily as a result of continuous harvesting of
trees for trade and ﬁrel wood consumption and the conversion of forest land to
agricultural use. This has weakened nature’s ability to protect itself ﬁom natural
phenomena like wind and heavy rains, especially in the upland areas which are more
susceptible to erosion.

Because adoption of a technology is a complex process, understanding the factors
that impact on farmer adoption is an important area for research. Mainstream economics
assume that rationality dictates the action of an economic agent and, hence, is the primary
force in explaining behavior. Economic rationality suggests that an economic agent is led
into action by his desire to maximize economic returns while minimizing costs. With this
in mind, we would expect that conservation technologies would be readily embraced by
farmers, since their use assures the fertility of the land and continuous production in the
future. Being aware of the economic value of fertile soils, farmers should be open to
adopting soil conservation technologies.

However, empirical evidence suggests that farmer adoption of conservation

technologies is not simply about monetary costs and proﬁts (Nkonya et al, 1997; Feather,

1982; Swinton, 2000) . Rather, additional factors such as the farmers‘ values, perceptions
and the inter-agent relationships that are not captured in mainstream economic theories are
starting to be recognized as signiﬁcant contributors to farmers’ conservation adoption
decision.

Traditionally, the farmer's decision equation is explained by market-related
variables such as goods’ prices and input costs. However, a growing body of evidence
suggests that farmer adoption of conservation technology is oﬁen inﬂuenced by an
individual’s sentiment of civic action, and is the product of social interaction with other
members of the community. As this research will demonstrate, factors such as the
farmers’ social characteristics and farmers’ relationship with their social environment are
as relevant variables in understanding the process of adoption of conservation
technologies, as are economic considerations.

There is growing evidence that farmers in low-income societies do not base their
decisions solely on the proﬁtability or purely self-serving motives. Culture and societal
norms have a strong inﬂuence on a farmer’s value system which in turn inﬂuence his
actions. Values are important because they shape an agent’s behavior to relegate proﬁt
and personal gains to the role of minor decision variables, especially for farmers from the
developing nations whose communities are still characterized by strong traditional norms.
Because economics, social, and environmental factors all play a role in farmers’ adoption
decision, it is difﬁcult to generalize regarding which factors are most important in shaping
farmers’ decision to adopt or not adopt in a given community. This suggests that the case

study approach is required to analyze farmers’ adoption behavior. Through case study

analysis, it is possible to isolate speciﬁc qualitative factors that potentially explain farmers’
decision-making behavior, including aspects of the social environment that directly relates
to his adoption or non-adoption decisions.

This case study was conducted in the municipality of Claveria in the Misamis
Oriental province in southern Philippines. Claveria was chosen as the research site at the
request of the lntemational Centre for Research on Agroforestry (ICRAF), which recently
became involved in promoting soil conservation through community-based farmer groups.
ICRAF has been experimenting with agroforestry systems in upland communities since the
late 19805. In 1996, a group of farmers who participated in one of ICRAF’s training
sessions on contour plowing, established a farmer-led soil conservation effort which had
evolved into a farmer association known as the Claveria Land Care Association (CLCA).
ICRAF helped establish the CLCA in order to assist them to disseminate information
about contour plowing and the use of buffer crops.

The CLCA has caught the attention of development agencies and the local
government because it is considered to be one of the most successful farmer-led soil
conservation initiatives in the region of Mindanao. The CLCA model is being studied and
emulated by other provinces in Mindanao and plans are in the pipeline for its replication
on a regional level, prior to expanding it nationally.

Given its success in promoting soil conservation among resource (and investment)
-- poor farmers, the CLCA merits careful scrutiny in order to identify its unique qualities,
document what it has done to achieve its goals, and to determine how conditions that have

made the CLCA's conservation movement successful can be replicated in other areas. The

lessons to be learned from the CLCA experience will be useful to both government and
non-government agencies in planning ﬁxture grassroots programs and in determining the

role that they can play to enhance soil conservation initiatives.

1.3 Research Issues

As a result of information dissemination and extension activities conducted in
Claveria by the lntemational Rice Research Institute (IRRI) and ICRAF for the past two
decades, farmers’ awareness of soil erosion and adoption of soil conservation

technologies increased dramatically, as shown in Figure 1. Furthermore, ICRAF’S

Figure I - Total Area Contour Plowed, 1980-1999, Claveria,

 

 

Philippines
:1?
c 350
C
s: 300
8
2 250
3 200
8
5: 150
g 100
f3 so
E o
19 1930 1985 1990 1995 2000
Year

 

 

 

Source: ICRAF, 2000.

research efforts, which have quantiﬁed the economic beneﬁts of soil conservation (i.e.,
higher land productivity and additional income from the trees and crops planted on the
buffer strips) have demonstrated that soil conservation is a sound investment for farmers.

Existing literature, suggests that farmer adoption of conservation technologies is
typically low due to several factors including the relative high investment costs for the
technology, insecure land tenure (Sajise and Ganapin, 1991; Agustin and Nortcliff, 1994),
high information costs (Fujisaka and Garrity, 1989; Pakpahan, 1992), and the risk
averseness of low-income farmers. However, although these studies explain why farmers
do not adopt soil conservation technologies, they seldom address the issue of how the
constraints could be eliminated through inexpensive pro-active and farmer-led projects
that can be undertaken to promote their adoption.

In this context, the experience of Claveria is ground breaking because a growing
number of Claverian farmers are adopting contour farming, despite the presence of the
same factors that have slowed adoption of conservation technologies in many developing
countries. The Claveria experience suggests that farmer-based groups can minimize the
constraints that have a limited farmer adoption of conservation farming elsewhere.

This study focuses on four main research questions. The ﬁrst question is: what are
the reasons behind farmers’ willingness to be considered a member of the CLCA? To do
so requires investigating the following questions:

1. What are the socio-economic proﬁles of the farmer who perceive themselves as
members of the CLCA?

2. What beneﬁts can the farmer-members obtain ﬁ'om being a part of the CLCA?

Are these beneﬁts exclusive or can non-members avail also gain access to these beneﬁts?

3. What role do social relationships, bonding and kernels of commonality play in
creating a sense of belonging among members of the CLCA?

The second question: why do farmers adopt a conservation technology? Breaking
this query down, this study will investigate the following questions:

1. What are the economic costs and beneﬁts that the farmers face, should they
choose to adopt the recommended soil conservation practices?

2. What is the role of access to information in the farmers’ decision to adopt?

3. What factors determine the farmers’ motivation for adoption? What role do
social relationships and bonding -- components of social capital creation -- play in the
farmers’ decision to adopt contour plowing?

Third, this study poses the question: what role do the CLCA sub-chapter (sitio)
associations play in inﬂuencing the farmers’ decision to adopt conservation technologies?
In relation to this, the following key questions are investigated:

1. What role do the CLCA activities play in promoting adoption?

2. What are the characteristics and activities of CLCA sub-chapters that have been
instrumental in eliminating traditional constraints (1‘. e. costs of adoption) that farmers have
faced in adopting conservation farming?

Finally, this study also aims to answer the question: how sustainable are the CLCA
organizations? In order to answer this question, the following key questions must be
investigated:

1. How are CLCA leaders selected and sub-chapters members recruited and will

 

these mechanisms assure the organizations a reliable supply of leaders and members?

2. Given ICRAF’S signiﬁcant level of involvement in supporting the operations
and activities of the sub-chapters, how will these organizations continue with their
activities should ICRAF pull out of Claveria?

3. What would likely happen to the CLCA sub-chapter after most of the farmers

in the community have adopted the recommended soil conservation practices?

I. 4 Research Objectives

The objective of this study is to determine how an organization such as the CLCA
can: (1) reduce the traditional constraints to adoption of soil conservation technologies by
low-income and marginal farmers in a developing country environment; (2) sustain its
farmer-based conservation initiatives in the ﬁxture in terms of leaders, members and
resources. ‘

Achieving these objective requires six steps. First, the adoption rate in Claveria is
documented historically, focusing mostly on the events that started and promoted the
farmers’ awareness of the soil erosion as a problem, and technologies available to them.
Second, utilizing secondary data and key informant interviews, document the evolution of
the Claveria Land Care sub-chapters to their present status in order to gain insights to the
conditions that contributed to their present development. Third, using the same set of

information, identify the characteristics and activities of these organizations that have

made positive impact on the adoption rate for contour plowing in the communities. Four,

determine the characteristics of farmers who are members' of a CLCA sub-chapter,
compared to non-members. Five, determine the parcel and farmer characteristics of that
have inﬂuenced adoption of contour plowing Finally, drawing on these results, assess the
challenges that the CLCA will face in sustaining itself as a viable organization in the
ﬁrture.

Answers to these questions are necessary to determine if it is desirable to replicate
the CLCA model in other regions, and if so, ascertain what are the possible ways to
strengthen these organizations by way of government policy support and non-govemment
organizations intervention. In relation to the second reason, the answers to the above
questions will help to identify the conditions to consider in mapping strategies for enticing

resource and investment poor farmers to adopt soil conservation technologies.

1.5 Organization of the Study

This research study is composed of seven chapters. Chapter 1 identiﬁes the
research issue related to farmer adoption of conservation technologies and notes the
speciﬁc research questions and objectives that are addressed in this study.

Chapter 2 reviews the existing theories and past empirical studies that have

 

1As will be explained in the subsequent discussions regarding membership in the
CLCA, perception of membership was used as the representation of true membership in
the organization. This was a strategy in order to capture the essence of membership in a
group -- willingness to bear the costs of membership, anticipation of beneﬁts ﬁ'om
membership, and individual objectives that are in synch with the group’s objectives - for
use in later analysis. This became necessary as the majority of the CLCA members did not
go through any membership screening, nor are many of these paper members aware of
their association with the CLCA.

IO

focused on the issues of organization formation and sustainability, participatory
development, traditional factors that affect adoption of soil conservation, and the role of
social capital in technology adoption.

Chapters 3 discusses the historical, economic, and political background of
Claveria; documents the history of the soil conservation movement in Claveria and the
evolution of the CLCA; discusses in detail the evolution of the CLCA from a small
farmers’ soil conservation group into a high proﬁle farmer-based organization in Claveria;
and, describes the conservation technologies that the CLCA promotes.

Chapter 4 describes the data collection methods used in this study; discusses the
results of the cross-tabular analyses which test the inﬂuence of farmers’ socio-econornic
characteristics and their participation in community activities on the perception of
membership in the CLCA; and, discusses the cross-tabular results regarding the inﬂuence
of farmers’ socio-economic traits, parcel characteristics, and perception of membership on
the adoption of contour plowing.

Chapter 5 discusses the theory behind the probit and the logit models -- the most
widely used qualitative response models -- and how they are used in empirical studies;
discusses the results of the probit analysis to determine the effect of the farmers’ socio-
economic characteristics, and participation in community and CLCA activities, on the
probability that the farmers will perceive themselves as members of CLCA; discusses the
effects of the farmers’ socio-economic traits, participation in community and CLCA
activities, parcel characteristics, and perception of membership in the CLCA on the

probability that the farmers will adopt contour plowing.

ll

Chapter 6 describes the CLCA’s ﬁnancial ability, membership recruitment, and
selection of leaders, and presents a discussion of the CLCA’s ability to sustain its activities
in the future.

Finally, Chapter 7 summarizes and synthesizes the results and ﬁndings of the study
by: reviewing the soil conservation initiatives in Claveria and the evolution of the CLCA;
discussing the strengths and weaknesses of the CLCA in relation to its sustainability; and,
discussing the role of the CLCA in the promotion of contour plowing. This chapter also

outlines this study’s recommendations on areas for ﬁirther research.

12

Chapter 2
Review of Related Literature

This research examines three issues. First, why do farmers associate themselves
with the CLCA (i.e., what characteristics are associated with membership)? Second, why
do farmers adOpt soil erosion technologies (i.e., what factors affect the rate of adoption)?
Third, what role does social capital play in farmers’ perception of membership in the
CLCA and adopt soil conservation technologies?

Thus, the literature review centers on three themes, namely: (1) theories on
organizational formation; (2) empirical studies that identify factors that affect the
adoption of innovation by low income farmers (including group formation); and (3)
theoretical and empirical assessment of the role of social capital in organizational dynamics
and farmer adoption of conservation initiatives. In addition, this section presents an
overview of the soil conservation technologies -- contour plowing, contour strips with
natural vegetative strips (NV S),2 hedgerows,3 or trees -- that are being promoted in

Claveria.

 

2NVS is the term for grass that grows naturally on contour strips. The NVS
system was “discovered” by local farmers. Aﬁer observing its success reducing soil
erosion, ICRAF added and NVS to its package of technologies and promoted it to
farmers.

3In this study, hedgerows study refer to pineapples, leguminous trees, shrubs, cash
crops and other non-timber or non-fruit trees planted on the contour strips. Technically,
the hedgerow systems use plants on the buffer strips to control soil erosion as opposed to
rock terraces.

13

2. 1 The Nature of an Organization
North (1990) deﬁnes an organization as a group of individuals bound by a

common purpose by which objectives are to be achieved. On the other hand, Schmid
(unpublished) deﬁnes it as some boundary of people with shared institutions and mutual
recognition of opportunity sets. Davis and Weckler (1996) describe an organization as
any collection of people and activities that were formed for a speciﬁc purpose or mission,
which they identify as the reason for establishing the organization. Uphoff (1993)
distinguishes an organization from an institution by deﬁning an organization as “structures
of recognized and accepted role,” whereas institutions are “complexes of norms and
behaviors that persist over time by serving collectively valued purposes.”

Robison and Siles (1998) deﬁne an organization through its functions and purpose.
According to them, an organization exists to meet the needs of the members and, by
circumstance, also the needs of the non-members that are affected by its activities. They
suggest that while individuals join an organization to meet four needs categories --
economic (survival and physical needs), social (social interaction and sense of belonging),
validation (the need to know that one matters), and information (to understand our
environment). Organizations, according to them, vary with respect to their emphasis on a
particular need.

An organization presupposes membership. Barnard (193 8) argues that an
organization must have a membership of at least two individuals, and requires a conscious
coordination of activities. Kaufman’s (1964) deﬁnes coordination as “...ordering the

direction, volume, and timing of activities, goods, and services so that the functioning of

14

one element in a system at least does not prevent or negate or hamper the functioning of
other elements, and at best facilitates and assists, the functioning of others.” To achieve
this order within the organization, internal institutions are needed to determine the costs
and beneﬁts within an organization, and decide on the distribution of costs and beneﬁts
(Pakpahan, 1992).

Robison and Siles (1998) emphasize the central role that membership plays in an
organization. It is the membership that distinguishes one organization from another and it
is the membership requirements that express the organization’s purpose. They distinguish
between two types of organization--based on whether the organization is exclusive or
inclusive. An exclusive membership requires a trait based on birth or adoption. Such
organizations are closed to individuals lacking the inherited traits. An inclusive
organization allows for membership of individuals who can and are willing to develop or

acquire the required traits.

2.1.l Rationale behind group formation and collective action

We begin the discussion in this section by asking, “what is the objective of
individuals in seeking a collective formation?” Olson’s (1965) view is that agents
organize a group to pursue the provision of a good which would not have been otherwise
provided because of the high cost of providing the ﬁrst unit of the good, and the great
difficulty in excluding non-payers from using or consuming the good. Through collective
action, the provision of a desired good is assured through cost-sharing.

Similary, Truman (1951) hypothesizes that organizations arise as a result of

15

individuals’ shared feelings of deprivation and frustration. This implies that individuals
form an organization to produce a good--one that will end the deprivation and
disappointments -- which members of the group can consume or share with non-members.
However, Truman does not specify the mechanism by which the good could be produced.

While these authors argue that a collective good is produced in response to
members’ desire for enjoyment of this good (either individually or together as a collective
unit), other scholars describe the production of collective goods as the incentive for
membership -- which are either derived from the interaction of the organization with its
environment or from the interaction of the individual members with each other. For
instance, Ostrom, Schroeder and Wynne (1993) argue that incentives are not merely
tangible rewards and penalties, but rather the perceived outcomes that are likely to result
from particular actions taken within a set of rules in a speciﬁc physical and social context.
The motivation for pursuing these incentives within the group is based on internal values,
shared cultural values and perceptions of consequences of actions by individual agents.

Frank (1988), Morrison (1971) and, Schmidt and Soroko (1997) believe that
emotional response can take the place of selected material beneﬁts. Emotional response, as
an incentive for membership in a group, pertains to the individual members’ feeling of
goodwill for being a part of the group. To this Milgrom and Roberts (1992) add that
although the wants and needs of individual human beings that comprise an economic
organization are not necessarily material in nature, the efﬁciency of the organization is
measured in terms of how these needs and wants are satisﬁed.

Finally, the empirical ﬁndings of Macapagal and Nayal (1994) point to personal,

16

 

family and broad community welfare as the primary reasons for the rural poor’s decision
to join an organization. Among rural people, personal ties are especially strong

determinants of an individual's decision to join an organization.

2.]. 2 Organization and participatory development

The notion of participatory development was conceived during the early 19705,
as a result of the observed failures of top-down rural projects initiated by development
agencies. Although various deﬁnitions of participatory development exist, the Institute of
Primary Health Care and Canada Asia Partnership deﬁnes participatory development as a
“...continuous process of stakeholders to testaments, investments, and community
progress enhancement, responsibilities, working voluntarily and collectively towards the
goal of sustainable development” (Institute of Primary Health Care and Canada Asia
Partnership, 1994). On a functional level, Pelayo (1994) adds that participatory
development also entailed sharing of costs and risks among the stakeholders, .which in turn
lead to sustainable development.

What is the relationship between participatory development and organizations?
Reyes ( 1992) contends that true participatory development has to work through an
organizational structure which facilitates collective action. According to Reyes, building
an organization is critical in the participatory development process. While Pelayo’s (1994)
conclusion are similar to Reyes’, he adds that an organization serves as the forum for
individuals’ expression of sentiments and the avenue for action.

In the past, development and government agencies have often used the outside-

17

 

expert approach to implement their programs, relegating the rural poor -- the subject of
development and primary stakeholder in the development process -- to passive recipients
of ﬁnancial assistance or technology. Proponents of participatory development projects
argue that the outside expert development paradigm is inapplicable to the conditions of
underdeveloped countries (Macapagal and Nayal, 1994), and that a lot resources have
been spent on programs that have had minimal impact on the attainment of the
development objectives of the funding agencies. In response, scholars and project
managers began to re-assess the top-down approach and explore the idea of including the
target recipients in the formulation of programs that would beneﬁt them.

Considerable empirical evidence supports the participatory approach. For;
instance, Uphoff, Cohen and Goldsmith (1979) ﬁnd that popular participation has been a
key factor that explains the success of guerilla movements in the developing world. Morss
and Gow(1981) report that in rural development projects, the target reCipients realize
greater beneﬁts when decisions are made democratically and when the rural folks invest in
the project. Similarly, Reyes (Unpublished), who studied a health resource distribution
program in Benguet, Philippines, concludes that the rural people in that community
acquire a sense of responsibility and self-conﬁdence, if they have a personal stake in the
community health programs. She attributes this to the fact that community participation in
the creation and implementation of the project transforms the role of the community
members ﬁ'om passive recipients of development efforts into active stakeholders. She
concludes that the poor, remote, and unserved communities can, in fact, attain sustainable

development through their own initiative, if given the ability and opportunity to respond

18

to their problems.

2.]. 3 Organizational and Individual Goals

Litterer (1969), in his analysis of organizational systems, argues that an
organization’s survival depended on its ability to continually balance accomplishing its
objectives, while satisfying the needs of its members. According to him, organization goals
are served by the acts of its members and it is through the commitment and inVestment of
its members that an organization attains success in achieving its goals. Litterer adds that if
the members do not ﬁnd the objectives of the organization sufficiently attractive or not
compatible to their individual agenda, the existence of the organization will be
compromised and may in the end lead to its weakening and eventual disbandment.

Similar to Litterer’s observation, Selznick (1957) argues for an alignment of the
individual members’ and the organization’s objectives. He proposes that should there be a
disparity between the objectives of the organization and that of its members, then either
the organization must alter its objectives, or inﬂuence the objectives and values of the
members to make them consistent with the organization’s objectives. However,
accomplishing either of these two proposals, requires that the organization possess an
institution within the organization that can effect such changes, either by way of top-down
change or through participatory decision making.

In examining a framework through which development projects can be effectively

I9

implemented, Oakley and Marsden (1984) argues for the formation of local groups ‘ as
the fundamental method of soliciting community participation for an externally-created
project. He believes that the inter-relationships developed between the members of the
group are a key point in group solidarity. Group solidarity, he contends, is one of the key
bases for the group’s development which translates into the community’s continuous

participation in the project.

2.2 Factors that affect the farmers ’ adoption of technological innovation

According to Nkonya et a1. (1997), the relative importance of factors affecting
technology adoption differs across countries because of natural resources, cultural,
political and socioeconomic difference. This supports the observation of Heisey and
Mwangi (1997), who also contend that in Malawi, the factors inﬂuencing adoption depend
on location of the community.

Both these studies suggest the difficulty in identifying a priori speciﬁc factors and
variables to model the adoption behavior for farmers in general, given the complexity of
the interaction of environmental and sociological conditions and other variables which are
primary determinants of farrners’ adoption decision behavior. This is particularly true in
developing countries where traditional and cultural institutions are more dominant
factors in the decision equation -- in contrast to developed countries where self-interest

and pure economic proﬁt are the driving motives for technology adoption.

 

‘Oakley made a distinction between local groups and communities. He referred to
communities as groups of individuals with different agenda and objectives in contrast to
local groups, who are individuals who share a common agenda and objectives.

20

F eder er a1. (1985), who reviews empirical studies pertaining to technology
adoption of farmers in developing countries, reports that the major determinants of
agricultural technology adoption identiﬁed by these studies are farm size, human capital,
labor availability, off-farm income sources, tenure, supply constraints and prices of
agricultural outputs and inputs. He also notes the importance of government extension
agents in the promotion of technology adoption among small farmers. These ﬁndings are
consistent with Keregero et al’s (1992) ﬁndings regarding farmer adoption in Tanzania,
and the conclusions of Heisey and Mwangi (1993) on the role of extension services in
Eastern Africa on technology adoption.

Nkonya et a1. (1997), who also tests some of the variables mentioned in Feder et
al. ’3 (1985) research, ﬁnds that farmers’ education and the number of extension visits
signiﬁcantly affect farmers’ adoption of hybrid maize and intensity of fertilizer use in
northern Tanzania. They also conclude that farm size is positively correlated with access
to information and the opportunity to experiment, which in turn affect hybrid maize
adoption.

Sinden and King (1990), drawing on an adoption model developed by Ervin and
Ervin (1982), proposes a three-stage adoption process to analyze the factors associated
with farmer adoption of soil conservation practices. The ﬁrst stage involves identifying
the farmer’s perception of his land’s condition. The second stage involves the farmer’s
recognition and choice -- from several problems presented to him - of the problem worth
solving. Finally, the last stage involves the formation of the decision and the creation of a

plan of action to solve the chosen problem. These authors found that various personal and

21

land-related factors inﬂuenced the farmers’ perception of land condition. Further, they
conclude that personal and economic factors affect the recognition of the problem, and
that institutional (e.g. access to information) and economic factors are signiﬁcant
variables in the farmers’ decision to adopt soil conservation measures.

Cary and Wilkinson (1997), who also used the Sinden and King model (1990) in
their empirical study, ﬁnd that ﬁve general factors affect the conservation behavior of rural
Australian landholders: (1) recognition of the problem; (2) a perception that an available
solution is technically feasible; (3)a perception that the technical solution is proﬁtable; (4)
psychological motivations to act; and (5) the scale of the farm business Operation. Their
results show that farmers’ perception of long-term proﬁt is a signiﬁcant predictor of use
of a conservation practice, especially for the decision to plant trees. However,
environmental orientation -- which uses membership in the Australian Landcare ’ as a
proxy -- is found to be non-signiﬁcant predictor of the decision to plant deep-rooted
pasture grass and trees. Thus, they conclude that a pro-environmental attitude does not
necessarily translate into a pro-environment behavior, unless economic or other beneﬁts
re-enforce the conservation behavior.

Feather’s (1982) theory of behavior argues that positive or negative valences‘

 

’The Australian Landcare groups are voluntary organizations composed of people
from different professions and walks of life who are concerned about protecting the
Australian land, sand dunes, bodies of water, public reserve and other open space
(Campbell, 1994). Unlike the CLCA, the Australian Landcare groups are highly
sophisticated and organizationally developed.

6Valence refers to the resulting feeling or emotion arising ﬁ'om the recognition of
the consequence of some action.

22

arising from the farrners’ psychological environment related to the conservation decision
affect farmers’ adoption decisions. He reasons that a conservation decision is based on the
potential utility derived from the activity, assuming that conservation induces a positive
valence for farmers.

Lynne et al. (1988) develops a framework, based on Feather’s model, and
combines it with Rokeach’s (1973) and Fishbein’s (1975) theories on the fundamental
human values that dictate behavior. In their study, Lynne and his co-authors use logit
analysis and behavioral theory to determine the statistical signiﬁcance of attitudinal and
beliefs variables (e.g., willingness to take responsibility, belief in one’s ability) in the
adoption of conservation practices. They conclude that strong attitudes that favor
conservation raises the level of farmers’ conservation effort. Although economic
incentives are effort-getters, the degree of responsiveness will be enhanced by the strength
of the farmers’ conservation-related attitudes.

An empirical study by Blase (1960) in western Iowa is one of the earliest studies
that concludes that need for immediate income, perception of soil erosion as a problem,
characteristics of sample farms, and access to credit to ﬁnance conservation measures,
positively affeCt the adoption of technologies that reduce soil loss. Blase’s results suggest
that risks to current income and consumption play an important role in the decision to
adopt a conservation technology.

Ervin and Ervin (1982), in their study on the use of soil conservation practices by
farmers in Monroe County in Missouri, argue that farmers’ decision-making follows a

three sequence process: recognition of the existence of the erosion problem, assessment of

23

the problem, and choice of the course of action. Ervin and Ervin ﬁrrther reason that each
level in the decision-making process is aﬁ’ected by four categories of factors: personal,
physical, institutional, and economic factors. In their analysis, they conclude that
education, perception of the degree of the erosion problem, and cost-sharing variables
(e.g. subsidy) are signiﬁcantly and positively associated with farmer adoption of soil
conservation practices.

The Feder and O’ Mara (1981) study is signiﬁcant because it represents pioneering
research in the use of information as a factor in inducing adoption. They argue that
knowledge accumulated by farmers reduces the uncertainty they face, thereby inducing
them to adopt a relatively “risky” new technology. Thus, they conclude that information
is the key to adoption, although they do not address the issue of costs of acquiring
information that makes information gathering a risky task by itself.

The role of information in technology adoption is further explored in the study by
Feder and Slade (1986) that analyzes the role of active information accumulation in the
diffusion of a new technology in India. They differentiate active information gathering -
which entail costs -- from passive information collection in order to analyze the factors
affecting farmers’ decision regarding information acquisition itself, and relate this to the
impact of the information-collection decision of the farmers on adoption of conservation
technology. Using data from India, they conclude that information has a positive impact
on adoption, in addition to size of farm, convenient access to information, and better
endowments of human capital. They conclude that larger farmers are more likely to invest

in information acquisition than lower-income ones, and that farmers who have a higher

24

endowment of human capital (i. e. years of school) are more likely to adopt earlier than
those with less human capital. Feder and Slade predict that given the same conditions, a
greater initial stock of information will build on more knowledge acquisition in the future.
Using the same arguments that can be found in the study by Feder and Mara’s (1981),
Feder and Slade conclude that greater information will also result in a heightened

inclination for farmers to adopt new technologies.

2.3 Social Capital and Farmers’ Organization and Conservation Initiatives

While the concept of “social capital” has been growing in popularity, its meaning is
by scholars across disciplines. A key issue is how can social capital as a concept be
applied in explaining behavior and products of behavior. In the context of this study, the
relevant questions posed are “what is the role that social capital play in explaining
behavior within an organization,” and “what role does social capital play in inﬂuencing the

decision of the farmer to adopt a conservation technology?”

2. 3. 1 What is Social Capital?

The ﬁrst reference to social capital has been traced back to Adam Smith in the

following words:

“ Every man feels his own pleasures and his own pains more sensibly than those
of other people. After himself the members of his own family, those who usually
live in the same house with him, his parents, his children, his brothers and sisters,
are naturally the objects of his warmest affections. ” (quoted in Robison, Myers
and Siles (2000)).

Robison, Myers and Siles (2000), in describing the factors affecting the terms of

25

trade for farmlands, refer to Smith’s unwitting reference to social capital and deﬁne social
capital as an agent or stakeholder’s sympathy or sense of obligation for another agent or
stakeholder. Robison (1996) refers to social capital as the potential inﬂuence of
relationships, and has used theoretical models to operationalize this deﬁnition in
economics.

The Social Capital Group of the World Bank highlights three perspectives on
social capital (Grootaert, 1998). The ﬁrst perspective -- referred to as the communitarian
view -- describes social capital in the context of local level organizations (e.g., the
associations, civic groups) which cultivate the norms of reciprocity and trust that facilitate
mutually beneﬁcial collective action. The second perspective stresses the importance of
vertical as well as horizontal associations between groups and emphasizes the importance
of bridging ties to cross social divides. The third perspective - referred to as the
institutional view -- highlights the role of social and political environment in addition to
the community networks espoused by the second View.

Fukuyama (1999) deﬁnes social capital as an “instantiated informal norm that
promotes cooperation between two or more individuals.” He describes social capital
norms as ranging from one constituting reciprocity between two friends to elaborate
articulated doctrines of religion. Social capital, according to Fukuyama, leads to
cooperation in groups and is associated with honesty, commitment, reliable performance
of duty and reciprocity.

Woolcock and Narayan (1999) argue that the prevailing deﬁnition of social

capital, as described above, implies that social capital is inherently good and that it always

26

has a positive effect on the community. Furthermore, they argue that this deﬁnition
assumes homogeneity in communities, which the existing empirical literature suggest is an
erroneous assumption. Fukuyama (1999) argues that social capital can lead to undesirable
results such as hate groups, inbred bureaucracies, and even corruption. Olson (1982)
attributes Britain long-term economic decline to the long-term build-up of entrenched

interest groups -- a product of social capital -- in that country.

2. 3. 2 The Role Social Capital Plays in an Organization

The relationship between social capital and the organization is manifested through
the membership of the organization. Portes (1998), in his deﬁnition of social capital’,
alludes to the idea that social capital and an organization -- albeit not necessarily a formal
organization -- go hand-in-hand because an organization is a group of actors (with a
common purpose and activity) who in essence utilize social capital to secure beneﬁts from
other actors. Robison and Siles (1998), however, directly link social capital and
organization by graphically and analytically illustrating how social capital -- within the
membership of the organization -- determines the stability of relationships among the
members. They point to membership density as one of the determinants of the level Of
social capital in an organization. They also argue that the quality of relationship between
the organization’s members determines the organization’s ability to meet its members’

needs. . -‘.

 

7According to Portes (1998), “social capital stands for the ability of actors to
secure beneﬁts by virtue of membership in social networks or other social structures.”

27

Organizations, in order to ﬁrnction, must be able to coordinate their activities.
Coordination between members of an organization requires rules of action and collective
decision making (Schmid and Soroko, 1997). These rules of action are institutions which
Uphoff (1993) describes as “complexes of norms and behavior that persist over time by
serving collectively valued purposes.” Their functions are to facilitate action within the
members to achieve the organizational goal and to eliminate free riding in the
organization.

However, the cost of enforcement of the rules on behavior within the organization
depends on the level of social capital among the members (Fukuyama, 1999). An
individual member chooses to remain a member upon the presumption that at least one of
his or her needs is being met by the organization. However, a person who free rides places
the burden and cost of his membership on other members. Therefore, enforcement of the
membership requirements becomes necessary. We can characterize low-cost enforcement
as characteristic of an organization with a high degree of cooperation among members,
while an organization with high-cost enforcement is characterized by free-riding and
opportunistic members. Robison and Siles (1998) argue that the level of social capital
plays a critical role in determining cooperation or conﬂict in an organization. Cooperation
can be described as resulting from the presence of social capital within the actors in the
organization (Fukuyama, 1999). Frank (1988) adds that in the absence of selective
incentives, an emotional response is needed to eliminate the free rider problem. Thus,
social capital determines the degree of cooperation and adherence to the membership

requirements by the members of the organization, thereby minimizing the possibility of

28

free riding by some members.

2. 3.3 77w Role of Social Capital in Conservation Initiatives

The common pool characteristic of soil’ is the starting point from which the
literature on social capital and its role in soil conservation adoption begins. We note that
by its nature, a common property resource (such as soil) is subject to over-use as a result
of the high cost of screening out individuals who take advantage of its use without paying
for its cost and management. For this reason the management of soil -- its conservation
and protection -- can not be achieved without the involvement and commitment of all
potential users. In his address to the UN Conference on Environment and Development,
United Nations Secretary General Maurice Strong (1992) stated that resource
management -- the foundation of successful sustainable development policy - can not be
made without the full support of the community and the participation of ordinarypeople at
the local level.

Strong’s pronouncements summarizes what most empirical and theoretical studies
have concluded -- that resources such as soil can not be managed efficiently without the
cooperation of members of the community. For instance, Tobisson and Rudqvist (1992)
argue that social relationships and trust form the basis for rules for common property

management. They allude to pre-existing social capital as networks and norms of

 

'Soil as a resource has both low-exclusion cost and common pool characteristics.
It is a low-exclusion cost resource in the sense that any addition to its production capacity
can be enjoyed almost exclusively by the tiller of the land. However, it is also a ' mmon
pool resource because the fertile topsoil can washed down by wind or rain to adjoining
farms.

29

reciprocity. Similarly, Poverty Net9 (2001) cites the importance of community
organizations in preserving the environment by acting as a collective force against natural
resource degradation, and thereby providing information and political power for
environmental protection. As evidence, they cite Egan’s study (1996) in Ecuador’s
Amazon which concludes that it is the ability of the indigenous groups to form linkages
with one another that creates the political force needed to rally support to preserve the
Amazon.

A direct association between social capital and conservation initiative is tested by
Lynne et al. (1986) in their study linking attitudes and farmer conservation behavior in
three counties in the Florida “panhandle.” They report that farmers who have strong
environmental views and beneﬁcence are more likely to be conservation adopters.
According to them, this emphasizes the importance of farmer’s attitude toward
conservation relative to proﬁtability objectives. This study supports the ﬁndings of Forster
and Stern (1980) who contend that farmers place signiﬁcant value on their perceived role
as “stewards of soil.” The ﬁndings also indicate that sympathy for others, and connection
with the rest of the community,'0 can result in conservation activities.

Swinton (2000) tests the association between social capital and the adoption of
either of two soil conservation methods -- fallow and vertical furrows -- in his study of

farmers in a community in the Peruvian Altiplano (“high plain”). Using Putnam et al.

 

9Poverty Net is a World Bank website that provides information and other
resources on poverty alleviation.

loThe literature refers to sympathy and personal attachment to the community as
sources of social capital.

30

(1993) and Grootaert’s (1999) example, Swinton uses membership in local organizations
as the indicator of social capital and reports that membership is positively associated with
the adoption of a conservation technology. Although Swinton suggests more research is

needed to validate his results, he reports that the statistical results are encouraging.

2.4 Summary

The existing literature helps provide the basis for the hypothesis in this study.
Theory on organization indicates that individuals form an organization for the purpose of
securing the provision of a good which may not have been provided otherwise because of
cost or other constraints to its production. In addition, the development literature suggests
that organizations serve as a medium for participation in the community. Applying this in
the case of the CLCA, the good is agricultural land that is productive and protected from
erosion. The organization also acts as the manifestation of civic duty connected with soil
preservation, and becomes the voice of farmers who believe in conservation.

The CLCA is a unique group because despite its lack of organizational
sophistication, it has seemingly transcended this constraint and has achieved its objectives.
As the springboard in understanding the phenomenon that is the CLCA, this study refers
back to the fundamentals in organizational theory. The literature says that in order for an
organization to function well, there has to be institutions within the organization that
synchronizes the organization’s and the members’ goals. Theoretically, this study begins
the analysis by with the assumption that there is a harmony between the farmers and the

CLCA goals. The farmers wish to have a productive land -- for food security - which is

31

what the CLCA also pursues as a civic duty and legacy to the future generation.

Looking deeper, however, there are other aspects of organization that traditional
organizational theories have not explained fully. One of these is the presence and pursuit
of social capital within the context of interaction between the members of an organization.
The literature deﬁnes social capital as a bond or a relationship that drives an agent to act
that is beneﬁcial to another agent. There is theoretical evidence that attest that social
capital can reduce the cost of monitoring and determines the stability of relationship within
the organization.

The literature also indicated that farmers’ decision to adopt a conservation
technology is a result of a complex interaction of the farmers’ individual socio-economic
characteristics, parcel characteristics, farmers’ relationship with the community, andproﬁt
considerations. The farrners’ access to information was also found to be a very important
determinant of adoption. And lastly, there is evidence also that point to traditional and
cultural institutions as signiﬁcant factors in the farmers’ decision equation.

The literature indicates that social capital analysis is relevant in studying the
conservation adoption behavior of farmers. Although the empirical evidence point to
variables such as the farmers’ socio-economic characteristics, information and physical
characteristics of the land tilled as the common determinants of conservation adoption by
farmers, there is a growing evidence that cultural and social capital impact the decision of
farmers to use conservation methods. This study will investigate if social capital is also
relevant in understanding and explaining the success of the CLCA, and the dramatic rise in

adoption of contour plowing in Claveria.

32

Chapter 3
The Evolution of the Claveria Land Care Association
This chapter characterizes the municipality of Claveria, documents the history of
soil conservation in the area and the evolution of the CLCA. The chapter also describes

the soil conservation technologies that the CLCA has promoted in the municipality.

3. l The municipality of Claveria

Claveria is one of the 24 municipalities in Misamis Oriental province, Region
X." It is located 42 kilometers northeast of Cagayan de Oro City — the provincial capital
— and is bounded by the provinces of Agusan del Norte and Bukidnon on the east,
Bukidnon on the south, and several coastal municipalities in Misamis Oriental on the

north and west. (See Figure 3.1 - Map of the Philippines).

3.1.1 Early History

Claveria was originally named Ticala -- the native word for “wonder”- by a
group of Magahats'2 who had settled in the area at the turn of the century. The name
Ticala was later changed to “Claveria” by a Spanish Jesuit Missionary and curate of '

Jasaanl3 named Fr. Juan Yras, in memory of Don Narciso de Claveria, one of the most

 

”The provinces in the Philippines are grouped into 13 administrative regions.
However, local governance only extends to the provincial level.

l2Magahat are indigenous people who inhabited the area during pre-modern times.
”Jasaan is an adjoining municipality west of Claveria.

33

popular Spanish governor-generals of the Philippines during the Spanish colonial time
(1565-1898). However, Claveria did not attain the status of a municipality until 1950,
when President Elpidio Quirino issued Executive Order No. 334 granting Claveria

municipality status.

Figure 2 - Location of Claveria on the Philippine Map

 

Luzon

'Claveria

 

25'
a 4‘ Mindanao

 

 

 

Source: ICRAF, 2000

3.1.2 Demographic Characteristics

Claveria - the third most populated municipality in Misamis Oriental - has a

34

population of approximately 44,682“ (8,468 households). During the 19905, the
municipality’s population increased at a rate of 4.2 percent per year. However, Claveria
has the lowest population density in the province with 61 persons per square kilometer.
The municipality’s population distribution in its 24 baranggays, based on 1998 population
data, is presented in Table 3.1.

Income and demographic data from the Claveria Municipal Planning Ofﬁce (1998)
estimates the average size of a typical Claverian household at 5.3 persons. Sixty-three
percent of the total households earns a yearly income of less than P30,000 (equivalent to
$600") and twenty-six percent has an income higher than P3 0,000 but less than P54,000
($1,080). Given the projected poverty threshold for rural dwellers in Misamis Oriental is
roughly P62, 500 ($1,252) per year (CMPO, 1999), close to 90 percent of households in

Claveria are below the poverty line.

3.1.3 Agra-climactic environment

Situated on the average, 600 to 1000 meters above sea level with a total land area
of 82, 475 hectares, Claveria is the largest municipality (area wise) in the province. Sixty-
eight percent of Claveria’s land area is steep mountains and rolling hills, with the highest

peak reaching 2,500 meters above sea level (Mt. Kimangkil). Thirty-three percent of

 

"This ﬁgure is based on the 1998 projection made by Claveria’s Municipal
Planning Oﬂice (CMPO). All socio-demographic data from the CMPO are based on
reports from the Philippine National Census and Statistics Office.

"The exchange rate used in this study is $1 = P50.

35

Table 31- Population and Household Distribution by baranggay, Claveria, Philippines,
1998

Populationa Households

Baranggay
Poblacion
Ane-i

Mat-i

Patrocinio

Lanise

Bulahan

Gumaod
Kalam’tan

Luna

Pelaez
Plaridel

Rizal
Sta. CnIz
Tamboboan

 

Source: Municipal Planning Office, 1998.

a1998 estimated population was based on the 1990 and 1995 National Census reports

36

Claveria’s land area has a slope of 50 percent or higher. Table 3.2 summarizes the

topographical characteristics of Claveria.

Table 3.2 - Topography of land by slope, Claveria, Philippines, 1998.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Description Slope (percent) Area
In hectares Percent
Flat to low slope 0-3 2,723 3.3
Medium slope 3.1-18 23,357 28.3
Steep slope 18.1-30 15,266 18.51
Very steep slope >30 41,130 49.9
Total 82, 475 100.0

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: Municipal Agriculture Ofﬁce, 1999

In general, Claveria’s soils are well drained with moderate depth and are of
various textures. A large percentage of the municipality’s soil has a low ph, low available
phosphorous, low to moderate organic matter content and low exchangeable potassium.

Claveria experiences two types of climate, depending on the baranggays’
elevation. The highly-elevated eastern section of Claveria experiences heavy rainfall ﬁve
out of the twelve months of the year. This area has no dry season and has the most rainfall
during the months of November to January and July to August.

The municipality’s western section has a relatively mild climate, compared to the
eastern part. This area’s dry season is from November to April, while its relatively mild

wet season occurs between the months of May and October.

37

From 1997-1999, Claveria’s annual rainfall averaged 3,208 mm, with the heaviest
rainfall registering in the eastern part of the municipality between the months of
December and January. During the same period, the average number of rainy days was

271 days.

3.1.4 Agricultural Economy of Claveria

Seventy-nine percent of the households in Claveria are engaged in some type of
farm activity. Nine percent of its labor force is made up of salaried wage earners who are
employed by the municipal government, the public school system and private
establishments. Six percent of the labor force is comprised of seasonal part-time laborers,
employed by other farmers at harvest. The remaining six percent is made up of self-
employed (micro enterprises) and overseas contract workers.

Approximately 40 percent (30,130 hectares) of Claveria’s total land area is
classiﬁed as agricultural. However, data from the municipal office show that only 20
percent (6,026 hectares) is currently farmed due to widespread absentee landownership
and government ownership of tracts of land for its reforestation program.

The primary crop grown in Claveria is com, followed by cassava, tomato, coffee
and rice; In addition, some areas are planted with a variety of crops such as sweet potato,
pepper, bananas, onions, beans and other rootcrops. More than one-half of the
agricultural land is used for corn production. Fifteen percent of the total planted area is
devoted to cassava production, 10 percent to tomatoes and seven percent to rice and

coffee. A total of 88 hectares are devoted to ﬁuit tree crops such as mangoes, marang,

38

jackfruit, and lanzones. ( Table 3.3)

Table 3.3 - Crops Planted According to Land area, Claveria, Philippines, 1998.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Percent of

Crops Planted Area Planted (has) Agricultural Area 7013] Land Area

Corn 3,070 51.0 3.72
Cassava 926 1 5.4 1. 12
Tomato 615 10.2 0.75
Coffee 473 7.9 0.57
Rice’I 472 7.8 0.57
Others 468 7.7 0.57
Total 6,024 100 7.30

 

Source: Municipal Agriculture Office, 1999.

' Both irrigated and non-irrigated fields

Claveria has large rivers and lakes with potential to support fresh ﬁsh production.

Estimates from the municipal office place Claveria’s annual ﬁsh harvest to be around

1,000 kilograms. However, because its ﬁshing industry remains small, the municipality is

dependent on neighboring coastal municipalities such as Jasaan, Villanueva, Balingasag

and Cagayan de Oro City for its supply of ﬁsh. In the effort to develop Claveria’s ﬁshing

industry, the municipal government established the Inland Fisheries Development Council

in 1995, to study possible policies, plans, and programs to promote ﬁsh production.

 

3.1.5 Infrastructure and Communication

Claveria has a total road network of 438.5 kilometers ( 274.1 miles). However,
only four percent of the road network is paved with either concrete or asphalt, while 18
percent is unpaved but ﬁlled with gravel. The remaining 78 percent (344 kilometers or 215
miles) is earth ﬁlled and unpassable during the rainy season. Residents reported that roads
are acutely lacking in Claveria. People living in the remote baranggays must either cany
their crops on their heads or on horseback for sale in the market. Because the trip takes a
long time, residents in these villages complained that the local officials have neglected
their need for farrn-to-market roads.

For villages that have roads, the primary modes of transportation are public utility
jeepneys and modiﬁed motorcyles called habal-habal which can be rented. However, in
most cases, the residents still need to walk at least one-half kilometer to reach the roads
that these vehicles service. Following a heavy rain, many roads become unpassable,
requiring the residents to walk to their destination.

Only one baranggay -- the poblacion or the municipal center -- is served by the
water district. The remaining 23 baranggays rely on springs and wells for water supply.
The majority of the households in Claveria carry water into their homes and store it in
containers. The municipal office reports that only one-half of the population living in
Claveria has access to a safe and adequate supply of potable water.

Modern forms of communication are very limited in Claveria. While residents have

access to a 16-line radio transmitted telephone facilities, very few households can afford

40

phone services. Even the baranggay '6 council offices do not have a budget for telephone
services. Thus, the baranggay councils and most of the business establishments in the
municipality use two-way VHF radio transceivers.

The Misamis Oriental 11 Electric Service Cooperative Inc. supplies the power
requirements of Claveria. Only 16 of the total 24 baranggays have access to electricity.

Only 3,020 households (36 percent) have access to electric power.

3.1.6 Government Units

The municipality of Claveria is governed by a municipal board which is composed
of the mayor, vice-mayor and seven council members. The board liaises with the
baranggay leaders through the chairman of the Association of Baranggay Captains
(ABC).

The municipality is broken down into 24 baranggays, each headed by a
baranggay captain, seven baranggay council members known locally as kagawads, a
youth group chairperson, and a baranggay secretary and treasurer. Except for the
baranggay secretary and treasurer, all of the baranggrnl officials are elected by the
residents of the baranggays.

Each of the kagawads is in charge of one to three sitios (village) or puroks that
comprise the baranggays. There are seven to thirteen sitios in each baranggay,

depending on the baranggay’s area and total population. The boundaries of each sitio

 

"Traditionally, the word baranggay refers to a group of small villages (sitios). In
terms of Philippine modern governance, it is local government sub-unit directly under the
municipal government. Claveria has 24 baranggays.

41

(and hence the baranggays) are determined by proximity to a central sitio and the history"

of the area.

The municipality receives its budget from the provincial government, based on the
tax revenues generated by the municipality. However, each baranggay receives an
automatic appropriation ofP50,000 per year from the provincial government, as mandated
by the Philippines’ local government code. It is from this ﬁmd that projects and

equipment for the sitios are ﬁnanced according to the discretion of the baranggay board.

3.2 Soil conservation initiative in Claveria: A Historical Overview

There exists no written documentation of soil conservation initiatives in Claveria,
prior to the efforts initiated by the Philippine Department of Agriculture and the
lntemational Rice Research Institute (IRRI) in 1987. However, anecdotal data indicate
that some farmers used terracing and contour plowing before IRRI started its program.
Typically, according to the farmers who were interviewed for this study, farmers who
came from other islands (particularly those from the Visayan islands) and who used these

technologies before migrating to Claveria, continued to use them on their new land.

3. 2. 1 Early Conservation Promotion Efforts
According to Mercado et a1 (1999), contour hedgerows planted to pruned

leguminous trees were ﬁrst promoted by the Department of Agriculture in the early 19808

 

r’For example, one sitio used to be the estate of a landed family who had since sold
or rented out most of the land to the farmers or other landowners.

42

under the Sloping Agricultural Land T echnolog/ (SALT) project. This initiative was
designed to help the farmers in Claveria arrest soil erosion, provide organic fertilizer to the
companion annual food crops, supply fodder for ruminants, and restore water quality in
the watersheds.

The early 19805 were turbulent times for the residents of Claveria. During those
years, several areas in Claveria were considered insurgents “hot spots”-- referring to the
proliferation of armed anti-govemment activities by the New People’s Army, especially in
remote baranggays. Consequently, the residents were constantly moving to avoid being
in the cross-ﬁre between the rebels and the government soldiers. During those times,
hence, it was virtually impossible for the government to implement its extension and
conservation projects. It was not until the mid-19805, when the government operatives
gained ground in driving the rebels away out Of Claveria, that the peace and order
environment in the municipality improved sufficiently to foster additional extension and

conservation initiatives.

3. 2. 2 IRRI ’s farmer to former Training Program

Hafner (1996) reported that in 1987, IRRI began a farmer-to-farmer training
program in Claveria that promoted contour hedgerows system. This project was initiated
in 1985 as part of the upland rice cropping program that IRRI undertook in collaboration
with the Department of Agriculture Regional Office in Northern Mindanao. Based on
interviews with farmers, Hafner concluded that this was the ﬁrst structured initiative to

promote soil conservation in the municipality and which raised the farmers’ general

43

awareness of contour farming in Claveria."

Under the farmer-to-farmer training program, IRRI selected six farmers for
training (in the province of Cebu) on how to create contour hedgerows including how to
use an A-frame to establish contour lines, construct earth bunds by double plowing with
animal draﬁ, strengthen bunds, and form ditches using shovels, and how to plant
hedgerows composed of single row of grasses (Hafner, 1996).

Fujisaka (1993) reported that between 1987 to 1989, six farmers in turn, trained
175 farmers in seven farrner-to-farrner training sessions. During this period, the DA
worked closely with IRRI, especially in the selection of the fanner-participants.

While IRRI’s training approach was lecture-based, it also incorporated farrners’
testimonials regarding their positive experience with contour hedgerows and hands-on
farmer training. By 1989, over 200 farmers had been trained (Fujisaka, 1993) and by
1990, 71 farmers had established hedgerows, 64 of whom had adopted the method aﬁer
observing their neighbor-farmers (Hafner, 1996). Fujisaka (1993) estimated that 71 to 80

farmers had adopted the technology by late 1992."

3. 2.3 ICRAF ’s Program
The lntemational Centre for Research on Agroforestry (ICRAF) became involved

in fann-research in Claveria soon after the collaborative program between ICRAF and

 

l'Key informant interviews conducted as part of this study support Haﬁrer’s
ﬁndings.

”Hafner (1996) noted, however, that there were contradicting accounts of the
number of adopters because different researchers used different deﬁnitions of “adoption.”

44

Philippine Council for Agriculture and Natural Resource Research and Development
(PCARRD) was forged in 1993 (ICRAF, 1997). In partnership with the Misamis Oriental
State College in Agriculture Technology (MOSCAT), ICRAF launched research activities
to develop conservation farming practices that were suited to small-scale farmers who
cultivated sloping lands. In effect, this initiative took over IRRI’S experiment station and
on-farrn research program on contour hedgerows, which was winding down in Claveria.

From 1993 tol996, ICRAF primarily conducted research. However, as the farmers
became increasingly aware of the on-going research on contour hedgerows and in
response to requests from these farmers, ICRAF became increasingly involved in training
and information dissemination on soil conservation technologies. In 1996, ICRAF
identiﬁed a low-cost alternative to hedgerows -- natural vegetative strips (NV S) - and
established an extension team to promote this. Garrity et al (1998) reported that this
team was created to formulate strategies to effectively diffuse NVS technology to a large
number of interested farmers and to develop linkages with public sector research and
extension institutions.

The ICRAF extension team--formally known as the Contour Hedgerow Extension
Team (CI-IET) -- was composed of an NVS farmer-adoptor, a DA extension agent, and an

ICRAF technicican. The CHET adopted Chamber’s (1989) idea of “triangulation”20 as a

 

20Chambers deﬁned triangulation as “...seeking multiple perspectives through
different methods, analysts, entities sampled, locations, points in a distribution, sources of
information, and/or disciplinary perspectives, leading to cross-checking, successive
approximation and/or appreciation of ranges of variance.” Once the “triangulation mode ”
was institutionalized, ICRAF and the Federated CLCA officers began an aggressive
information and recruitment campaign.

45

guiding principle, in order to avoid extensionists’ bias and to maximize knowledge within
the extension team (Mercado, 1998). The members of the CHET were conceptualized to
be on equal authority so as to allow information to ﬂow linearly from the researcher
(ICRAF and farmer) via extensionist (DA and farmer) to the target farmers. ICRAF
ﬁrnded the compensation for the ICRAF personnel and the farmer-volunteer, while the
Municipal Agricultural Office shouldered the DA technician’s salary and Operating
expenses.

An interview with a former CI-IET member2| indicated that the team’s activities
initially targeted individual households in the baranggays in order to promote the new
technology and conducted demonstrations on contour farming and agro-forestry.
However, this'approach proved to be too time consuming to be practical. Subsequently,
each team was assigned to concentrate on a particular area. Eventually, the DA
representative dropped out and only the ICRAF technician and the partner farmers
continued to participate in the information campaign.

Mercado, et al. (1998) reported that farmers’ interest in soil conservation
technology grew at a faster rate than ICRAF had anticipated. After a short period of time,
training requests from farmers increased at such a high rate that CI-IET shiﬁed ﬁ'om
individual training to group training and added training on the theory and practice of soil
conservation. While encouraging the CHET-trained farmers to share the information and
knowledge that they had gained with other farmers, CHET also conducted more group

sessions with approximately 20-25 invited participants per session.

 

2'Mr. Nicanor Paday, who is currently one of ICRAF’s Land Care coordinators.

46

At one of these training sessions in 1996, 20 farmers proposed the idea of
creating a farmer self-help organization to unite and assist farmers to learn how to use soil
conservation technologies. Thus, the principles that guide what is now known as the
Claveria Land Care Association -- self-help, voluntary, self-goveming, and focused on the
problem solving within the community -- grew out of ICRAF’s early experiences in

promoting soil conservation technologies and farrners’ desire to promote their use.

3.3. History of the CLCA

The Claveria Land Care Association (CLCA) was established in 1996 by a group
of 20 farmer leader-participants who of a two-day training seminar that was facilitated by
the CI-IET and sponsored by ICFRAF. While the organization’s formation was
spontaneous, it was not entirely farmer initiated. Anecdotal information from key
informant interviews22 indicated that aﬁer a training session, one of ICRAF’s facilitators
casually suggested to the farmers that information sharing among farmers in the
community would be best served by an organization that was committed to promoting the
contour hedgerow system. The farmers were quick to respond and with the assistance and
encouragement of ICRAF personnel, 25 farmers formed an organization which they 1

named the CLCA,23 and elected an executive board consisting of the president, the vice-

 

22This ﬁnding was based on interviews with Mr. Agustin Mercado, ICRAF-
Claveria Research Coordinator and Mr. Nicanor Paday, another ICRAF personnel.

”Farmers adopted the word “Landcare” from the name written on the ICRAF
vehicle used to provide transportation for farmers to the ﬁeld during ﬁeld Visits and hands-
on training (Mercado et al., 1998).

47

president, treasurer, auditor, public relations officer and secretary.

3. 3. 1 Initial Conceptualization of the CLCA

The CLCA Federation was originally conceptualized by its founding members as a
municipality-wide farmers organization that would have sub-units in the baranggays in
order to attract more members. Upon the advise of ICRAF, it was registered with the
Philippine Securities Exchange Commission (PSEC) in 1996 as a non-proﬁt farmers’
organization, with the objective of promoting environmental conservation to help its
members in improving productivity. The CLCA leaders explained that CLCA’s
registration with the PSEC gave CLCA the legal identity required to apply for ﬁnancial
assistance from government and non-govemment institutions.

The baranggay-based CLCA (referred to as chapters) was established because the
leaders of the Federated CLCA acknowledged that CLCA chapters in the baranggays had
better chances of attracting members since farmers in each baranggay were well known to
each other. The plan was to have the baranggay-level CLCA’s disseminate the
information to the individual sitios about both soil conservation and the organization
itself. This paradigm represented a modiﬁed version of the CHET approach with farmers
taking the lead but relying on ICRAF for technical and logistics support.

A few months aﬁer the establishment of the ﬁrst CLCA chapter in 1996, the
Federation officers, with the help of ICRAF and the chapter ofﬁcers, started to establish
the ﬁrst sitio-based CLCA known as sub-chapters. The rationale for the creation of the

sub-chapters was the same for the CLCA chapters -- to promote the CLCA and

4s

disseminate information on soil conservation to the farmers and their households in the

villages.

3. 3.2 Evolution of the CLCA

The partnership between ICRAF and CLCA grew as ICRAF assisted the
organization in many aspects of training, recruitment and administration. In addition to
conducting training sessions in the sitios and baranggays, ICRAF arranged cross-visits“
between the baranggays to enable the farmers to observe ﬁrst hand how to establish
contour hedgerow and agroforestry technologies. and to convince potential adopters of
the ease and “proﬁtability” of their use. Both ICRAF and CLCA officials also used cross-
visits to recruit members and gather support for the organization. Typically, right after one
of these training sessions, farmers decided to organize a new CLCA chapter or sub-
chapter.

Efforts to establish new CLCA chapters and sub-chapters became a priority as the
CLCA sought to attract more attention to its conservation movement and solicit support
from the local governments. The CLCA officers campaigned vigorously among barangay
and municipal leaders, as well as among the residents.

Initially, local government officials in Claveria were suspicious of the motivation

behind ICRAF’s efforts to promote soil conservation. Some thought that Mr. Agustin

 

2‘A cross-visit is another name for a farrn-demonstration activity where farmers
from one area go on a ﬁeld trip to interact and observe farmers in another area that has
successful conservation adoption. In many cases, a cross-visit is informative as well as a
social activity.

49

Mercado -- the ICRAF-Claveria coordinator -- was using the CLCA to pursue the
mayoralty seat in Claveria. To allay these fears, ICRAF solicited the support of these
ofﬁcials -- speciﬁcally the baranggay captains, members of the municipal council and the
president of the Association of Baranggay Captains in Claveria -- by involving them in
meetings and selected activities of the organization. When the local officials witnessed
ﬁrst hand what the organization was attempting to accomplish, support for the CLCA
followed. With the involvement of the local government units (LGU’s), the

“triangulation” of what would be the Landcare movement was completed.

3. 3. 3 Management and Partnerships in the CLCA

The local government, through the baranggays’ discretionary budget allotment for
their Human and Ecological Security (HES)? provides limited ﬁnancial support for
CLCA’s activities -- particularly for constructing seedling nurseries and for activities that
the CLCA engages in with sitio officials.

At this point, the CHET model was virtually abandoned in favor of a sectoral
partnership between the CLCA, ICRAF and the baranggay government. This was to

become a modiﬁcation of the “triangulation model” wherein an alliance between the three

 

2"The I-IES budget is 20 percent of the total development ﬁrnds of the baranggay.
Currently, the municipal government of Claveria has an annual budget of P50,000
($1,000) for each baranggay

50

groups of stakeholders was forged.26 Through the baranggay leadership, the Federated
CLCA and ICRAF jointly promoted the formation of baranggay-level CLCA. Each
chapter had its own set of leaders27 who were independent of each other but were jointly
monitored by the Federated CLCA leadership and the baranggay captain. At the chapter
level, the three ICRAF personnel who are designated to assist the CLCA served as
advisers to the chapters, especially in training and livelihood” programs.

The smallest management unit of CLCA is the sitio-based sub-chapter. Following
the hierarchy” the sub-chapterscomprised the chapters. The sub-chapters, in turn, are
made up of farmer-members living in the sitio. Similar to the chapters, the sub-chapters
are independent from each other and in practice enjoy autonomy from the Federated

CLCA. The participation of ICRAF had the greatest impact at the sub-chapter level,

 

2"The idea was for each of the groups to assist each other to promote soil
conservation. The CLCA became the channel of technical information about contour,
ICRAF provided the information through its research activities, and the local government
units were being tapped for the promotion of the CLCA and for ﬁnancial assistance.

2"Interview with the CLCA Federation president, Mr. Marcelino Patindol, indicates
that majority of the CLCA chapter officers are elected from the officers of the sub-
chapters that comprise the chapter. However, there are cases when the barangay '
council appoints the chapter officers from among the sub-chapter leaders in cases where
the sub-chapter officers are still incomplete or in the process of election themselves

2"“Livelihood” programs referred to projects that gave out assistance and training
on backyard enterprises. These were intended to supplement farm income.

2”The Federated CLCA is the municipal-wide organization which has chapters as
members. The chapters, in turn, have sub-chapters as members while the sub-chapters are
composed of farmer-members. Chapter ofﬁcers attend the Federated CLCA gatherings
while the sub-chapter officers participate in chapter activities. Community activities,
which occur at the sitio level. Farmer-members of the sub-chapters participate in each of
the sub-chapter activities.

51

primarily because of the smaller size of the group and the higher degree of familiarity of
the stakeholders with each other. However, based on the interviews with the CLCA
leaders on all levels. Logistic support for the baranggay government was weakest at the

sub-chapter level.

3. 3. 4 Leadership and Membership in the CLCA

Data collected from ICRAF and from interviews with CLCA chapter leaders,
show that the CLCA has (as of February 2000) 16 chapters (baranggay-level), 105 sub-
chapters (sitio-level), and approximately 800 farmers in its membership base. Table 3.4
shows the distribution of the CLCA organizations in each baranggay. This indicated that
the CLCA’s rules and criteria for leadership and membership selection varied among the
chapters and sub-chapters, although ICRAF had tried to guide the organizations toward a

common ground.

Table 3.4 - Distribution of Sub-chapters by Baranggay in Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number 4
Baranggay CLCA Chapter? SW03 5115911312135
Ane-i Yes 8 8
Aposkahoy No 9 0
Bulahan No 7 0
Cabacungan Yes 6 5
Gumaod Yes 6 6
Hinaplanan Yes 8 8
Kalawitan Yes 3 3

 

 

 

 

 

 

52

Table 3.4 - Cont’d

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Lanise Yes 10 10
Luna Yes 4 4
Madaguing Yes 7 7
Malagana No 6 0
Mat-i Yes 1 1 1 l
Minalwang No 6 0
Panampawan Yes 3 0
Pannbugas No 4 0
Patrocenio Yes 11 11
Pelaez No 6 0
Plaridel No 7 7
Poblacion Yes 8 8
Punong Yes 4 4
Rizal Yes 6 6
Sta. Cruz Yes 5 2
Tamboboan Yes 5 5
Tipolohon No 3 0
Total 16 with chapters 153 sitios 105 with sub-chapters

 

Source: Municipal Planning Office, 1999.

3. 3. 4. 1 Selection of the Chapter and Sub-chapter Leaders

Key informant interviews with the leaders of the 16 chapters and 41 sub-chapters
identiﬁed signiﬁcant variability in the way that chapter and sub-chapter leaders were
selected. First, selection of leaders on the on both chapter and sub-chapter levels was

mostly done through popular election but the appointment of leaders by the barangay

53

leadership -- either by direct appointment by the baranggay captain, or by the electoral
choice of the baranggay council members -- was more likely at the chapter level. Six
chapters and nine sub-chapters reported that their leaders were appointed by the
baranggay council compared to 10 chapters and 32 sub-chapters that indicated that they
held elections to select their leaders.

Second, there were two cases when chapters were formed after the establishment
of the baranggay sub-chapters. In these instances, the chapter leaders were elected by the
sub-chapter leaders. The latter was, according to the chapter and sub-chapter leaders
interviewed, the preferred situation, even if appointment of the chapter leaders by the
baranggay council was acceptable to the Federated CLCA, as well as the rest of the
constituency of the organization.

The way that the sub-chapter leaders were selected also varied between the sub-
chapters. In eight sub-chapters, the officers were the concurrent sitio Ofﬁcers. This often
created conﬁision among community residents, as most thought that the CLCA was a
program of the baranggay leadership that was being implemented in the sitios. Key
informants interviewed in these sitios reported that a majority of the residents in their
community did not regard the CLCA as an organization, but rather, as a program akin to
an extension program with ICRAF personnel serving as the extension agents.

Even in the 37 sitios where the CLCA sub-chapter officers were not sitio officers,
the community generally considered the CLCA as an organization that was attached to the
sitio government. Residents generally regarded the CLCA ofﬁcers and the sitio leaders as

one group with the sitio officials as the leaders. In almost all of the sub-chapters

54

interviewed, the sitio residents Observed that the CLCA sub-chapter president sought
the approval from the sitio leader before the CLCA planned and engaged an activity. This
perception was reinforced because rather than holding separate meetings, the CLCA held
their meetings as part of the regular sitio meetings, with the sitio head presiding over the
meeting.

However, there were ideal cases where the sitio government and the CLCA were
viewed by the community as two independent but associated groups working to promote
of soil conservation. Eight of the CLCA sub-chapters had well-deﬁned Objectives and
clear set of rules on membership, regular monthly meetings separate from the sitio
meetings, and regular organization activities30 such as fund-raisers and weekly pahinas. In
these instances, the residents generally perceived the CLCA sub-chapters as active and
well-organized farmer groups with exclusive membership.

However, in all of the of the 45 sub-chapters and 16 chapters studied, the CLCA
was generally viewed as a group created by ICRAF and supported by local government
units, rather than as a farmer-led entity. Furthermore, interviews with the sub-chapter
leaders indicated that they generally perceived the CLCA to be ICRAF-led. This
perception was due to the active participation and involvement of ICRAF’s Landcare

staff in establishing CLCA chapters and sub-chapters in the baranggays and sitios.

 

”Key informant sub-chapter and baranggay leaders, and ICRAF personnel,
observed that the identity of the CLCA sub-chapters emanate from the baranggay council.
This had occurred because the baranggay council, through its promotion and association
with the CLCA, inadvertently shaped the image of the CLCA organizations to the
community as a new government institution speciﬁcally created to promote soil
conservation, although this was not the original intent.

55

3. 3. 4. 2 Farmer Membership

The Federated CLCA president, who was one of the key informants interviewed
for this study, insisted that farmer members were selected according to whether or not
the prospective member had adopted contour farming, or was planning to adopt it in the
near future. In addition, membership in the CLCA supposedly required prospective
members a one time payment of P1 5 ($0.3) for dues and to ﬁll out a personal data sheet.

However, as with the selection of officers in the CLCA chapters and sub-chapters,
individual farmer’s membership selection (or assignment in a number of cases) also varied
from sitio to sitio, due to the absence of enforceable uniform rules of membership." As a
result, in 31 sub-chapters, the leaders used their discretion in establishing membership
policies, while in nine cases, the existing members set these rules.

For example, eleven sub-chapters extended automatic membership to farmers who
had attended at least one meeting or one activity. In18 sitios, all residents living in the
sitio were automatic members. In only eight sub-chapters had members joined on their
own volition and understood the responsibilities of membership. In the remaining six sub-
chapters, members joined in response to the invitation from baranggay officials. In this
last case, membership is likewise automatic for those who were invited.

It must be noted that the automatic membership in the CLCA renders any analysis

and conclusion regarding the farmers’ membership in the CLCA invalid unless the

 

3|According to the Federated CLCA, individual membership in the sub-chapter
requires a member’s personal data sheet form and make a one time payment of P15 (30.3)
to the Federation. However, only approximately 10 percent of total farmer-members
have actually ﬁrlﬁlled these requirements.

56

deﬁnition of membership is re-deﬁned. Since membership in a group -- in the real sense of
the word -- presupposes an individual’s desire to be part of the said group and his
willingness to pay for the costs of membership, it follows that for the CLCA, the true
members are those who regard themselves as part of the organization and its activities.
This will be discussed further in the cross-tabular and probit analyses in the Chapters 4 and

5.

3.4 The Conservation Technologies that CLCA promotes

Traditionally, farmers plow their ﬁelds using an oxen to cut furrows that run down
the slope Of the ﬁeld. This practice results in severe soil erosion, due to heavy rainfall
during the growing season. Three types of soil conservation technologies have been

promoted in Claveria -- contour plowing, natural vegetative strips, and hedgerows.

3. 4. l The Basic Technology — Contour Plowing

Contour plowing involves plowing the ﬁeld so that the furrows are perpendicular
to the slope of the hill or mountain. Before plowing, farmers must establish contour lines
in the ﬁeld using either an A-frame or by the “cow’s back method.”

The A-frame (a tripod) is made of wood or bamboo stick nailed or tied together in
the shape of the letter “A” with a string and stone dangling from the top of the frame. The
string is 10-20 centimeters long the stone must be heavy enough to prevent it from
swinging. The A-frame is held where the string passes exactly at the midpoint mark on the

cross bar of the frame and where both of frame’s legs touch the ground (Figure 3.). This

57

position, which indicates the ideal contour location, is marked by driving a stake into the
ground at the left leg of the frame. By pivoting on the right leg of the frame, the A-frame
is moved to determine the next contour position, using the same procedure described
earlier. This level-ﬁnding process is repeated until the stakes have been laid out on a

single line across the entire ﬁeld.

Figure 3. - The A-Frame Used in Marking the Contour Line

 

 

 

 

 

 

The ﬁrst contour line is established across the middle of the slope -- halfway
between the top and the bottom of the ﬁeld. If the slope is 25 percent, the succeeding

contour lines are established ﬁve to seven meters above or below. This distance will create

58

a vertical interval of one to two meters between each contour line.

After laying out all of the contour lines, the ﬁeld is ready for contour plowing. To
plow following the contour lines, a farm animal must be used, since a tractor can not be
maneuvered well to make soft turns of the contour line.

Recently, ICRAF developed a simpler method for contouring ﬁelds. Referred to
as the “cow’s back method,” it is a less precise but a less expensive method of establishing
contour. Using the top of the cow’s back as a guide, the farmer estimates the curve of the
slope of the land by peering through the cow’s back to follow the contour of the land.
Farmers prefer this method because it is simpler and easier to employ -- compared to the

A-frame.

3.5 Complementary Conservation Technologies

To level the contoured area, farmers must either plant hedgerows on the contour
strips or create rock walls to catch the soil that runs down the slope when rain falls or
strong wind blows. Gradually, the contoured land will form step-like terraces which the
farmer can till with minimal risk of erosion.

The complementary technology that this study refers to is the system used to
create terraces. Some farmers use rock walls -- as in the case in the northern areas in the
island of Luzon -- to catch the soil. However, in Claveria, the farmers prefer contour
hedgerow systems over rocks for economic reasons. Contour hedgerow systems are
excellent barriers against erosion, and also provide extra income for farmers, building

materials, or feed for farm animals. The choice of complementary technology as used in

59

this study, therefore, refers to the type of hedgerow that farmer-adopters prefer to use on

the contour strips they establish.

3. 5. l Contour Hedgerow Systems

To plant leguminous tree hedgerows or fodder grasses on the contour lines, the
farmer must plow two rows along the contour lines» marked with sticks --to make two
to three feet wide contour strips. Once planted, the contour plants block the water
running down the slope of the ﬁelds during rains, and catch the soil that erodes from the
higher areas. By the second season, natural terraces would be discernible and theland
gradually ﬂattening between the contour lines. With continuous contour plowing, the land
in between the contour lines will be completely flat in six to nine seasons, depending on
the steepness of the parcel’s slope.

Garrity (1995) reports that the contour hedgerow system is the main conservation
farming practice prescribed for open-ﬁeld cultivation systems in Southeast Asia, especially
the practice of planting of leguminous trees on the contour strips. Data from the
lntemational Board for Soil Research and Management (IBSRAM) indicated that
hedgerow systems can reduce annual soil loss by 70 to 99 percent (Sajjapongse and Syers,
1995). Garrity estimates that in Claveria, hedgerows reduce erosion by 50-90 percent.

However, despite increased yields of annual crops grown between hedgerOws of
leguminous trees, farmer adoption of these systems is low, due to competition between the
hedgerow perennials and the crops, inadequate phosphorous cycled to the crop in pruning,

and the additional labor needed to prune the hedgerow crops (Garrity, et al., 1999).

60

Among these three factors, labor was cited as the biggest constraint for hedgerow
adoption. ICRAF (1996) found that farmers’ labor investment to prune their leguminous-
tree hedgerows averaged 31 days per hectare, which increased the total labor cost for
upland rice and corn farmers by 64 and 90 percent, respectively.

For this reason, ICRAF has been developing alternatives for the leguminous-tree
hedgerows that would be effective in arresting soil erosion but would not entail as much
cost. Currently, ICRAF recommends that farmers plant crops such as pineapples or fruit
trees in the strips of contoured land, instead of leguminous trees.

Natural Vegetative Strips (NV S) are an inexpensive type of contour hedgerow
system. To establish NVS, the farmer, after laying out the contour lines, simply leave
unplowed 50 centimeters of land space on both sides of the contour lines. Eventually,
grass and wild herbs grow in these areas and create a natural vegetative barrier against soil
movement in the way as do contour hedgerow crops.

Fujisaka et al. (1994) found that farmers who regarded soil erosion as a problem
were more interested in natural vegetative barrier techniques than hedgerow systems
because they required less labor. NVS required signiﬁcantly less pruning and maintenance
than fodder grasses or tree hedgerows, and competed less for nutrients with the farrners’
annual crops than introduced species (Ramiaramanana, 1993). Research has demonstrated
that NVS were as effective in minimizing soil loss as hedgerows (Agus, 1993), and did
not cause greater weed problems for the annual crops (Moody,1992). Furthermore,
establishing NVS required virtually no labor investment.

However, NVS does not enhance the nutrient mix of the planted annual crops, as

61

do leguminous trees. Thus, farmers using NVS must apply fertilizer to maintain soil
fertility. To address this disadvantage, ICRAF recommends that farmers prune their NVS
from time to time and place the cut grass below the contour strips. The grass serves as

organic fertilizer for the planted annual crops.

3. 6 Summary

Claveria is one of the 24 municipalities in Misamis Oriental, Philippines. It’s
economy is traditional agriculture based with 79 percent of its households engaged in a
some type of farm activity. However, only 20 percent Claveria’s agricultural land is
actually used for production. The rest is idle from absentee landownership or under the
government’s reforestation program.

The municipality is low income with most of its residents earning below the
poverty level. Due to the steepness of its topography, Claveria is highly susceptible to
erosion, especially during the rainy season, making income opportunities for its residents
signiﬁcantly limited.

The soil conservation initiative in Claveria had started even before the 19805 when
the Department of Agriculture initiated the SALT program. Emigrating farmers from
other islands brought with them knowledge on terracing and contour plowing that they
had learned from their home islands.

In 1985, the lntemational Rice Research Institute (IRRI) collaborated with the DA
to initiate farmer-to-farmer training on contour hedgerow systems under IRRI’s upland

rice cropping program. This was to be the ﬁrst structured initiative to promote soil

62

conservation in Claveria and raise the general awareness on contour farming in the
municipality.

In early to mid-19905, the lntemational Centre for Research on Agroforestry
(ICRAF) began farm research in Claveria and soon after established a partnership with the
Misamis Oriental State College in Agriculture and Technology (MOSCAT) to develop
conservation farming practices for small-scale farmers who cultivated sloping land. In
1996, ICRAF established the extension team called the Contour Hedgerow Extension
Team (CI-IET) to promote contour farming and agroforestry and to disseminate
information regarding conservation technology use by targeting individual households in
the baranggays. CI-IET, however, could not keep up with the demand for its services and
ICRAF sought an alternative to this extension program.

The breakthrough in soil conservation promotion came in 1996 when a group of
20 farmers who were participants in an ICRAF-sponsored training on erosion, banded
together to create a farmer self-help organization to unite and assist farmers to learn how
to use soil conservation technologies. This group later on became the Claveria Land Care
Association (CLCA) and has been instrumental in the promotion and propagation of
erosion control practices in Claveria. ’

The CLCA became one of three partners in the modiﬁed version of Chamber’s
“triangulation” model. The other two were the local government units (LGUs) -
composed of the baranggay and municipal officials -- that provided ﬁnancial and logistical
assistance, and ICRAF, which provided the technical expertise.

The CLCA is composed of three levels of administrative units: the Federation, the

63

chapters (16), and the sub-chapters (105). The Federated CLCA is the umbrella
organization under which the chapters and the sub-chapters belong. The chapter is
baranggay-based while the sub-chapter is sitio-based. Although the CLCA units share
common objectives and perform similar community and conservation activities, their
membership and leadership institutions vary. In general however, membership in the
CLCA is automatic which led this study to re-deﬁne membership as perception of
membership. Perception of membership carries with it the recognition of the duties of a
member and entitlement to beneﬁts and incentives for members.

It was also found that among the CLCA groups, the level of support from the
different barahggay LGUs was found to be highly variable and depends mostly on the
LGU’s discretion. As such, it can be concluded that the institutional support for the
programs and activities of the CLCA is still in the primary stage of development.

The CLCA promotes contour plowing (the base technology) and the use of either
of three complementary terracing alternatives. These three are natural vegetative strips
(NV S), leguminous-tree hedgerow systems, and cash crops such as pineapples or fruit

"665.

64

Chapter 4
Characteristics of CLCA Members and Adopters of Contour Plowing

Key objectives of this study are to determine what factors are associated with the
farmers’ perceived membership in the CLCA and their decision to adopt contour plowing.
To address these objectives, a two-step approach to data analysis is used. First, a cross-
tabular analysis is done to assess the signiﬁcance of the relationship between
membership/adoption, and categoric variables hypothesized to be associated with farmers’
membership/adoption decisions. Second, the farmers’ status as members and their decision
to adopt (or not adOpt) contour plowing (the basic conservation technology) in their
parcels is analyzed using a probit model.

This chapter is composed of three sections: (1) description of the data collection
methods and the type of data collected; (2) discussion of the characteristics of the farmers
that are associated with the farmers’ (perceived) membership in the CLCA; and,
(3)discussion of the characteristics which are signiﬁcantly associated with adoption of
contour plowing, including the farmers’ socio-economic characteristics, the social
institutions that the farmers live under, and the physical characteristics of the parcels that
the farmers till. i

This chapter discusses the results of the cross-tabular analysis that was carried out
to evaluate the probabilities of signiﬁcant relationships between: (1) the CLCA
membership status of the farmers (farmers considering themselves members or not
members); (2) the farmers’ adoption of contour plowing (adoptor, non-adoptor); and (3)

with categorical variables (i. e., socio-economic status, access to information, and sense of

65

community). Tables are generated to show the number of cases in each of the cross-
tabulated categories and to derive the probability that the resulting distribution would have
occurred, if no relationship existed. From these results, proﬁles of the CLCA members

and adoptors of contour plowing are drawn.

4. I. Data Collection Methods

Data for this study were collected through key informant interviews and a survey

of farmers (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1 - Data Collection Structure, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Instrument Level Sample Size
Leader Interview ' Federation 1
Leader Interview Chapters 15 of a total of 17
Leader Interview Sub-chapters 3 per chapter
(Total = 45)
Individual Interviews Farmers 6 per sub-chapter, plus 4
additional farmers

 

 

 

 

 

(Total = 274)

Key informant interviews were conducted at three levels--with the leaders Of the
CLCA Federation, leaders of 15 chapters and leaders of 45 sub-chapters. The sample Of
274 farmers, which was selected from among the farmers living in 45 sitio-locations which

had sub-chapters, included approximately the same number of adopters and non-adopters

66

of contour plowing.

4. 1. I The Federation

The CLCA Federation is the umbrella organization that manages all of the CLCA
sub-units in Claveria. The Federation leadership interacts with the local government
Officials and plans with ICRAF the activities of the chapters and sub-chapters. The
Federation is also the governing body that decides on the requirements for membership,
and incentives.

The CLCA Federation leader was interviewed to Obtain information regarding the
history, development and Objectives of the Federation. The Federation, the ﬁrst CLCA
organization established, originally included the founding members who were the farmers
who had participated in the ICRAF-sponsored training in 1996 that started the CLCA.

From the rapid appraisal, which was conducted during the early stages of the
ﬁeldwork, it was discovered that the president of the Federation, Mr. Marcelino
Patindol,32 was the only person among the current roster Of Federation Ofﬁcers who had
been with the organization from its inception. In addition, only Mr. Patindol had been
consistently involved in the CLCA’s activities and its development. The rest of the
officers (the vice-president, secretary and auditor) were part-time managers because of

their distance from the ICRAF office, which served as the headquarters for the

 

32Although the Federation has a complete set of officers, only Mr. Patindol was
interviewed because he was the only officer who has been active in the Federation
activities, and hence, was the only person in the Federation leadership that was in a
position to talk about the tOpics of the interview.

67

Federation. Mr. Patindol’s background as a baranggay captain (in baranggay Sta. Cruz in
1996 before running and losing for municipal council ofﬁce) made him uniquely qualiﬁed
to comment on the relationship between the CLCA and local government units. 1

To obtain the information needed, the interview with Mr. Patindol was structured
(with a questionnaire), but open questions were included to allow him to interject his ideas
and insights on the topics covered during the interview. The Federation questionnaire
focused on seven topics: (1) the events that lead to the establishment Of the CLCA; (2)
objectives and ﬁrnctions of the CLCA Federation; (3) membership policies and
requirements; (4) responsibilities of the chapters and sub-chapters; (5) resources of the

Federation; (6) institutional linkages, ; and (7) problems and plans of the Federation.

Results of these interviews were reported in Section 3.3 in Chapter 3.

4.1.2 The Chapters

From the interview with the president of the CLCA Federation, it was determined
that the chapters and the sub-chapters -- although part of the Federation -- are
autonomous CLCA organizations. Thus, in order to understand the connections between
all the units of the CLCA, it was necessary to also interview the leaders of the chapter and
the sub-chapters. The objectives of these interviews were to determine the parallel
development of the sub-units, focusing on their history, development, objectives,

institutional linkages.

68

Fifteen of the 17 chapters were targeted for the key informant interviews.” A
uniform questionnaire was developed for all of the chapter interviews. The questionnaire
focused on nine topics : l) the events that lead to the establishment of the chapter; 2)
Objectives and functions Of the chapter; 3) membership policies and requirements; 4)
responsibilities of the sub-chapters to the chapter; 5) responsibilities of the chapter to the
Federation and to the baranggay leadership; 6) selection process and qualities of the
chapter leaders; 7) resources available to the chapter; 8) institutional linkages; and 9)
problems and future plans.

In addition, baseline information was collected on the characteristics of the
baranggay in which each chapter was located and, upon the request of ICRAF, questions
were added to assess the leaders’ sentiment regarding the suggestion that penalties be
imposed on farmers for non-adoption of contour plowing. Results of these interviews

were for ICRAF’s use and were not reported in the text of this study.

 

3’The choice Of chapters ( and the baranggays) to exclude was based on the two
considerations. First, baranggay Panampawan, was excluded because it was a dormant
chapter. Except for the president, all Of the chapter officers in this baranggay had
resigned because of time constraints, and there have been no chapter activities since the
time of its establishment. The president had also expressed his desire to leave so he can
tend to his farm and his other commitments. Second, baranggay Poblacion, was
excluded list of chapters for interview because it was an outlier in terms of infrastructure,
proximity to the municipal officials, institutional linkages (the baranggay captain is the
mother of the governor of Misamis Oriental), and access to resources. Barangay
Poblacion is the center of the municipality and is more urban than the other barangays.
Thus, since this chapter was not representative of the existing conditions that other
chapters faced, the insights and information obtained from interviewing its leaders would
refer to its unique situation.

69

4.1.3 The Sub-chapters

The sub-chapters are the sitio-based CLCA organizations, through which the
services, activities and programs of the CLCA offers are channeled. Sub-chapters form the
membership base of the chapters in the same way that the chapters are the members of the
Federation. Thus, the key informant interviews with the sub-chapter
leaders focused on obtaining the information needed to assess the speciﬁc characteristics
of the sub-chapters that had an impact on the delivery of information and other services to
the community, social capital formation between the organization and the farmers, and the
link between the CLCA and the farmer’s decision to adopt. Forty-ﬁve of the sitio sub-
chapters were targeted“ for key informant interviews. The key questions focused on nine
topics: (1) the events that lead to the establishment of the sub-chapter; (2) objectives and
functions of the sub-chapter; (3) membership policies and requirements; (4) responsibilities
of the farmer-members to the sub-chapter; (5) responsibilities of the sub-chapter to the
Federation and to the baranggay leadership; (6) selection process and qualities of the
sub-chapter leaders; (7) resources available to the sub-chapter; (8) institutional linkages;
and (9) problems and future plans.

In addition baseline information were collected on the characteristics of the sitio in
which the sub-chapter was located and questions were added to assess to the leaders’
sentiment regarding the suggestion that penalties be imposed on farmers for non-adoption

of contour plowing. The results of these interviews were not reported directly in this study

 

34The sub-chapters were chosen by randomly selecting three sitios (ﬁ'om where
these sub-chapters were based) from each of the 15 baranggays included in the study.
There are a total of 105 (as of 1999) sub-chapters in Claveria.

70

but were used by ICRAF internally.

4.1.4 Farmers

The farmer survey was conducted to collect data to identify the socio-economic,
environmental and institutional factors associated with farmers’ adoption of soil
conservation technologies, and factors associated with membership in the CLCA sub-
chapter.

The sample of 274 small farmers was distributed across the 45 sitios in which
leader interviews were conducted. From each baranggay, three sitios were randomly
selected using a random numbers table. In each sitio, a list of the all the farmers were
obtained ﬁom the sitio secretary and divided into adopters and non-adopters of contour
plowing. Using a random numbers table, three adopters and three non-adopters were
selected as respondents for each sitio.

The farmer questionnaire collected data that are hypothesized to be associated
with farmers’ perceived membership in the CLCA and adoption of contour plowing. Each
of the sections in the questionnaire and all the data collected in each section are shown in

Table 4.2.

71

Table 4.2 - Questionnaire Sections and Data Collected, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

Section Data collected Measurement

Household Age years

Characteristics Gender male or female
Education years of school
Number of children number
Non-fann income pesos

Land use and Farm Number of parcels owned number

Production Area of each parcel hectares
Years used number
Tenure for each parcel choose from list
Slope degrees of inclination
Soil quality scale for soil fertility
Adoption with or without
CrOps technology
Production choose from list

‘ kilograms
Credit Amount of loan pesos

Reason for loan
Collateral

Months to repay

Late payment penalty

choose from list
choose from list
number

choose from list

 

Use of Conservation
Technology

Advantages and disadvantages of each
technology

Labor requirement to contour plow

Year NVS was established

Kinds of trees planted

Reasons for adoption or non-adoption of
technology

choose from list
labor days
number

choose from list
choose from list

 

Technology Information
Sources and Assessment

Source of info on contour plowing, NVS,
planting trees, A-frame. cow’s back method,
and the CLCA

choose from list

 

Participation in the
CLCA

Frequency of participation (in 1999) in CLCA
training, cross-visits. pahina, and sitio
meetings

Reason for joining or go; joining CLCA
Beneﬁts of membership

Responsibilities of a member

Compliance with CLCA requirements

number

choose from list
choose from list
choose from list
yes or no

 

 

 

 

Problems with Adoption Problems with contour plowing, NVS, trees choose from list
of Conservation Ways CLCA can help solve these problems choose from list
Technology

 

72

 

Table 4.3 - Cont’d

 

 

Qualities of CLCA Most important qualities of CLCA leaders choose from list
leaders Most important qualities of leaders in general choose from list
Problems of the CLCA choose from list
Ways the CLCA can be strengthened choose from list
Penalties for non- Agree or disagree with penalties yes or no
conservation Reasons for choice choose from list

 

 

 

 

 

4. 2 Characteristics of farmers who considered themselves as CL CA members

The objective of this section is to highlight the characteristics of farmers that are
signiﬁcantly associated with their perception of membership in the CLCA. “Perception” of
membership was used in the analysis, since the majority of the members on the roster of
the CLCA did not go through a formal membership screening process. In the course of the
key informant interviews, it was discovered that most of the CLCA “members” were
automatically included in the roster simply because they lived in a sitio in Claveria or were
associated with the CLCA officers or LGU officials. Many of the farmers who were
interviewed did not even know they were part of the CLCA until they were informed prior
to the interview. As such, it was more accurate to depict the “true” members of CLCA as
those who did not object to being a member of the CLCA and who were willing to
participate in the CLCA activities such as meetings and pahinas. Using this criterion, the
sample included 113 farmers who considered themselves as non-members and 161 who
regarded themselves as members. The categoric variables hypothesized to be associated

with the perceived membership are grouped into three categories: socio-economic

73

characteristics, participation in the CLCA activities and social capital. Since chi-square

analysis requires categoric data, in some cases continuous variables have been converted

to categoric variables. Table 4.3 lists the category and type of variable included in the

analysis.

Table 4.3 - Variables Expected to be Associated with Perception of Membership in the
CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable Type of Hypothesis
Variable“

Age of farmer continuous Younger farmers are more likely to perceive themselves a member of a
conservation oriented organization because they have access to more
information and interaction with the members.

Gender categoric Men are more likely to perceive themselves as members of the CLCA
because women have additional responsibilities in the household and
do not have time to socialize.

Civil status categoric Single farmers are more likely to perceive themselves as members of
the CLCA because they have more free time than the married farmers,
and can interact with the other members of the organization more
freely.

Years of continuous Farmers who have more years in school are more likely to perceive

School themselves as members of the CLCA because years of education
makes farmers more Open to civic duties, and interaction with other
people.

Frequency of continuous Fanners who have more participation in training in the village are

attendance in more likely to feel part of the CLCA because they are more likely to

training have better infomtation about the CLCA and more interaction with the
members during the training and feel they are members of the
organization.

Frequency of continuous Farmers who have more participation in cross-visits are more likely to

attendance in regard themselves as members of the CLCA because they are more

cross-visitsb likely to have more interaction with the current members during the
cross-visits. and feel that they are part of the organimtion.

Frequency of continuous Farmers who have more participation in pahina are more likely to

attendance in regard themselves as members of the CLCA because are more likely to

pahina‘ interact with the members and feel that they belong in the

organization.

 

74

 

Table 4.3 - Cont’d

 

Frequency of continuous Farmers who have attended more sitio meetings are more likely to

 

attendance in regard themselves as members of the CLCA because these are the

sitio meetings members of the community who would share the civic objectives of the
organization.

Total non- continuous Farmers who have more non-fann income are more likely to perceive

farm income themselves as members of the CLCA because they have are more able

to afford the costs of being a member.

 

Total number continuous Farmers who have more parcels are more likely to perceive themselves
of parcels as members of the CLCA because they are more likely to take
advantage of the free seedlings and information on controlling
erosion.

 

Previous categorical Farmers who have lived closer to Claveria in the past are more likely to
residence perceive themselves as members of the CLCA because they know
more likely to know more members of the CLCA. and feel part of the
organization.

 

 

 

 

 

Continuous vanable converted to a categoric variable for this analysrs. For the probit
gnalysis in the next chapter, the continuous variables were used instead of categoric.

Cross-visits are exposure trips for farmers to observe other farms that have adopted
contour plowing
c . .

Local term for community work-shanng.

4. 2. l Socio-economic characteristics

Seven socio-economic traits were cross-tabulated with perception Of membership:
age, gender, civil status, years in school, off farm-income, residence before Claveria, and
number of parcels owned (Table 4.4). The chi-square test (at 10 percent conﬁdence level)
indicated only the variable “residence before Claveria” was statistically signiﬁcant. All the
other variables had very low chi-square statistic as shown in Tables 4.4 - 4.10. To be
statistically signiﬁcant at the 10 percent level, the chi-square computed value must be

greater than the 360,, value.

75

From the results of the cross-tabular analysis, we conclude that the farmer-

members of the CLCA are mostly from the province of Misamis Oriental. This is not

surprising as it is likely that Misamis Oriental natives who have settled in Claveria were

easier to attract to join a rural association that aimed to promote and care for their native

area. These farmers were more likely to join the CLCA (i.e., consider themselves as

members of the organization), which anecdotal data indicates is due to a sense of loyalty

and attachment to the family living in the area, and to their heritage.

Table 4.4 - Descriptive statistics for the continuous variables, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable Minimum Maximum Mean Standard

Value Value Deviation
Age of Farmer 21 76 44 11.7
Years in School 0 23 7 3
Frequency of training 0 10 0.4 1.1
Frequency of cross-visits 0 3 0.3 0.6
Frequency of pahina 0 43 5 6.7
Frequency ofsitio meetings 0 46 4 5.5
Total Non-farm Income (P per annum) 0 54000 4133 8744.8
Area of parcel 0.22 14 1.7 1.5
Number of parcels owned 1 4 l 0.5

 

76

 

Table 4.5 - Age and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Perceived member of CLCA? Row
Ch t ' t' Avera e
arac ens Ic Not Member (N = l 13) Members (N = 161) 3

Age of 5 30 10.6% 15.5% 13.5%
Farmer

between 30

and 50 yrs 54.9% 54.0% 54.4%

old

3 50 34.5% 30.4% 32.1%

All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% |

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 1.537 d.f. = 2 36,11 = 4.60

Table 4.6 - Gender and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,
2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. . Perceived member of CLCA? Row
Characteristic Not Member (N = 113) Members (N = 161) Average
Gender Female 15.9 % 17.4% 16.8%
iMale 84.1% 82.6% 83.2%
[All 100.0% ' room/TE“== 100.0% l
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.102 d.f. = 1 x20, = 2.70

77

Table 4.7 - Civil Status and Perceived Membership in the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2000
Perceived member of CLCA? Row
Characteristic Average
Not Member (N = 113) Members (N = 161)
Civil Single 5.3 % 4.3% 4.7%
Stat
Married 94.7% 95.7% 83.2%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.557 d.f. = 2 x2“ = 4.60

Table 4.8 - Education and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2000
. . Perceived member of CLCA? Row
Characterrstrc Not Member (N = 112) Members (N = 158) Average
Education Elem 66.4% 64.0% 65%
Secondary 23.9% 23.6% 23.7%
College 8.8% 10.6% 9.9%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0“;II=E
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.693 d.f. = 3 X201 = 6.25

78

Table 4.9 - Non-farm income and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Perceived member of CLCA? Row
Characteristic Average
Not Member (N = 113) Members (N = 161)

Non- None 65.5% 62.7% 63.9%
farm <P5000 13 3°/ 13 00/ 131°/
Income - ‘ ' ° ' ° ' °

2 P 5,000 21.2% 24.2% 23.0%

a
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.339 d.f. = 2 x20, = 4.60

Table 4.10 - Place of Origin and Perception of Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

Perceived member of CLCA?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Characteristic Row
Not Member (N = l 13) Members (N = 160) Average

Previous Native of

Residence Misamis 82.3 % 90.1% 86.9%
Oriental
Visayan 17.7% 9.3% 12.8%
region
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 4.815 d.f. = 2 X201 = 4.60

79

Table 4.1 1 - Parcels Owned and Perceived Membership in the CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

Perceived member of CLCA?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Characteristic Row
Not Member (N = l 12) Members (N = 160) Average
Number 1 72.3% 66.2% 68.8%
f P 1
° me 5 2 18.75% 25.6% 22.7%
2 3 8.9% 8.1% 8.4%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 2.976 d.f. = 5 X204 = 9.24

To verify the result of the chi-square test, a two-tailed t-test for comparing sample
means was performed on two variables -- age and years of school -- as these two socio-
economic characteristics were consistently cited in the literature as determinants of farmer
adoption of a new technology. The results conﬁrmed the chi-square test results. The
computed t-value (0.094) for the mean age of the farmers who considered themselves
members and non-members was lower than the critical value of 1.960 (272 degrees of
freedom) at the ﬁve percent conﬁdence interval. Similarly, the t-value of the mean number
of years in school for those who regarded themselves as members and those who did not
consider themselves as members was 0.59, which again was lower than 1.960. Therefore,
it is very likely that the difference between the mean age and education of the farmers
who perceived themselves as CLCA members and those who did not, is not statistically

signiﬁcant.

80

4. 2.2 Participation in the CLCA Activities

Two variables that measured farmers’ participation in CLCA activities were cross-
tabulated with perceived membership: participation in training and cross-visits. The chi-
square test (at the 10 percent conﬁdence level) indicates that the amount of training and
participation in cross-visits are statistically associated with the perception of membership
in the CLCA, as shown in Tables 4.12 and 4.13.

Table 4.12 - Participation in Training Sessions and Perceived Membership in the CLCA,
Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

Perceived member of CLCA?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Characteristic Row
Not Member (N = 1 13) Members (N = 161) Average

Participation None 92.0 % 75.2% 82.1%
in training

At least 8.0% 24.8% 17.9%

1 time

All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% l

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 12.883 d.f. = 1 x10”, = 6.64

81

Table 4.13 - Participation in Cross-visits and Perceived Membership in the CLCA,
Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

Perceived member of CLCA?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Characteristic Row
NOI Member (N = I 13) Members (N = 161) Average
Participation None 91.2% 72.0% 79.9%
in cross-
1 time
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 15.099 d.f. = 1 x20,” = 6.64

Nearly 25 percent Of the farmers who considered themselves as CLCA members
have received training in soil conservation” compared to only eight percent of those who
did not, even if membership was not a prerequisite for participating in training. Anecdotal
data and key informants point to the fact that farmers who did not regard themselves as
members of the CLCA were reluctant to participate in training sessions in the villages
because they believed that only members of the organization could participate. Even when
assured that these sessions were open to anyone, some farmers either felt that it was
shameful -- nakakahiya sentiment -- to participate in someone else’s group activity, or
suspicious that they would be recruited to join the CLCA if they participated in the
training. However, the latter reason was not entirely without basis as key informants

revealed that sometimes farmers who participated in these sessions were actively recruited

 

3’Soil conservation training includes practical training in the use of the A-frame,
contour plowing and tree seedling preparation, and lectures on suitable trees that can be
used as hedgerow plants.

82

to contour and join the CLCA by the members and officers of the organization.

While one would expect that those who regarded themselves as members would
be more likely to participate in training activities, it is striking that such a low number of
these individuals have participated in at least one training session. One complaint that
farmers and leaders raised during interviews was the limited number of opportunities for
livelihood training in the communities. From the interviews, it became clear that rather
than investing their time in participating in soil conservation training, some farmers would
prefer to learn more about income-generating methods.

Similar results were obtained when the relationship between perceived membership
and cross-visits was evaluated. Only 28 percent of the members interviewed had
participated in cross-visits. Although this percentage was larger than the 8.8 percent
participation by non-members, the number was still low -- given that cross-visits
represented an educational and socialization opportunity that were available to farmers
free of charge. Group interviews, conducted to ﬁnd out why the participation rate was so
low, indicated many farmers felt that the opportunity cost of cross-visits was higher than
their perceived beneﬁts. Cross-visits were often viewed as too time consuming, especially

during the land preparation time of the season.

4. 2. 3 Representations of Community Relationships
The variables that measured an attachment to the community were cross-tabulated
with perceived membership: participation in sitio meetings and pahina (scheduled

community work). Attendance in sitio meetings and pahina reﬂect the farmers’ sense of

83

connection with the rest of the community -- commonly referred to as “kernels of
commonality” in the social capital literature -- which give rise to what is termed as
“bonding” social capital. Farmers’ participation in sitio meetings and pahina build
solidarity which manifests itself in joining the CLCA -- an organization that is viewed
favorably in the community.

The chi-square test indicates that participation in sitio meetings was statistically
associated (at the 10 percent level of conﬁdence) with perceived CLCA membership
(Table 4.14). Eighty-seven percent of these farmers had attended at least one sitio meeting
in 1999. In contrast, only 47 percent of those farmers who did not regard themselves as
CLCA members had attended at least one sitio meeting. These results indicate that farmers
who have a stronger connection with the rest of the community are more likely to consider
themselves as members of the CLCA than those who are less connected. This supports
what the CLCA leaders and the local government officials interviewed for this study have

said, that the farmers who participate in community activities are easier to recruit to join

Table 4.14- Attendance m Sitio Meetings and Perceived Membership In the CLCA,
Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Perceived member of CLCA? Row of
Characteristics Average
. Not Member (N = 113) Members (N = 161)

Attendance None 54.0 % 13.0% 29.9%
in Meetings

At least

1 time 46.0% 87.0% 70.1%

All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% I

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 53.065 d.f. = 1 x20,” = 6.64

84

the CLCA than those who are not active in community gatherings and activities.

This association between perceived membership and participation in sitio meetings
may be related to the farmers’ strong cultural pre-disposition to be associated with the rest
of the community. The local word for this cultural sentiment is palrikisama.36 In most
cases, the sitio meetings are attended by local government ofﬁcials -- especially the
baranggay kagawad -- who actively promote the CLCA. Out of respect for these local
Ofﬁcials’ standing in the community and out of the pakikisama, farmers who are asked to
join the CLCA almost never decline the invitation, although they may not necessarily
follow through with adoption of contour plowing.

From the key informant and group interviews, the author found that since most of
the members regarded the CLCA as a part of the local government, they also perceived
the sitio meetings as CLCA meetings. Hence, farmers who regarded themselves as
CLCA members considered attending the sitio meetings as part of their responsibilities as
CLCA member. This was true even in sitios that held two separate meetings» one for the
sitio and one for the CLCA.

The chi-square analysis also showed a statistically signiﬁcant relationship (ﬁve
percent conﬁdence interval) between “participation in pahina” and perceived
membership in the CLCA (Table 4. 15). Close to 88 percent of the farmers who regarded

themselves as CLCA members had attended at least one pahina in 1999, compared to 51

 

36Palrr'lrisama, literally translated, means “to be one with the group.” This is a
Filipino cultural trait where a person engages in an action to be part of the group.‘ In some
literature, pakikisama can be referred to as a cultural capital -- a form of social capital that
is rooted in a person’s cultural upbringing.

85

percent of those who had not. Farmer-“members” cited attendance in both CLCA’s and
sitio-sponsored pahinas (community or group work) as one of their responsibilities as a
CLCA member -- despite the fact that members are only required to help out in the
CLCA-sponsored pahinas. This further suggests that farmers who have a strong sense Of
bonding with the rest of the community are more likely to join the CLCA than those who
are not as attached. However, the signiﬁcance of this statistical association still has to be
tested in the probit analysis in the next chapter before any conclusion on the importance of
social relations and decision to join a group can be drawn.

Table 4.15 - Participation in Pahina and Perceived Membership in CLCA, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Perceived member of CLCA?
Row of
Not Member (N = 113) Members (N = 161) Average
Participation None 48.7 % 12.4% 27.4%
in Pahina
At least 51.3% 87.6% 72.6%
once a
year
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% i
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 43.890 d.f. = 1 120.01 = 6.64

4.3 Characteristics of the Adopters of Contour Plowing

This section identiﬁes the characteristics of farmers that are signiﬁcantly associated
with adoption of contour plowing. The sample consists of 165 non-adopters and 108
adopters. The list of variables is presented in Table 4.16. In addition to socio-economic

characteristics and the farmers’ relationship with the rest of the community, three variables

86

are included that characterize the farmers ﬁeld namely, the parcels’ fertility and slope, and
the tenurial arrangement. For those farmers that tilled several parcels, a single parcel was

selected at random for inclusion in the analysis.

4. 3. l Socio-economic characteristics

Five socio-economic characteristics were tabulated with adoption: age, years in
school, off farm-income, residence before Claveria, and number of parcels tilled. At the
10 percent level of conﬁdence, the chi-square test indicated that none of these traits were
signiﬁcantly associated with adoption of contour plowing. All of these variables registered
very low chi-square statistics, as shown in Tables 4.17 - 4.21.

Thus, the results of the cross-tabular analysis fail to prove signiﬁcant relationships
between these sociO-economic indicators and adoption of contour plowing. This suggests
that the farmer-adopters in Claveria are inﬂuenced by external factors in their decision to

adopt contour plowing.

Table 4.16 - Variables Expected to be Associated with Adoption of Contour Plowing

 

Variable Type ofa Hypothesis
Variable

 

Age of farmer continuous Younger farmers are more likely to adopt contour plowing because
they are more likely to experiment with new methods than older

 

 

farmers.
Civil status categoric Married farmers are more likely to adopt contour plowing because they
think of the next generation more than single farmers.
Years of continuous Famrers who have more years in school are more likely to adopt
School contour plowing because they more likely to have more information

 

 

about the problems of erosion and the benefits of contour plowing.

 

 

 

87

Table 4.16 - Cont’d

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frequency of continuous Fanuers who have more participation in training in the village are

attendance in more likely to adopt contour plowing because they are more

training knowledgeable about the beneﬁts of contour plowing and the ways set
up the contour.

Frequency of continuous Fanners who have more participation in cross-visits are more likely to

attendance in adopt contour plowing because they have witnessed the beneﬁts of

cross-visitsb contour plowing from other fanners.

Frequency of continuous Farmers who have ruore participation in pahina are more likely to

attendance in adopt contour plowing because they have more interaction with

pahina‘ farmers who contour plow, and have more access to seeds for the
contour strips.

Frequency of continuous Fanners who have attended more sitio meetings are more likely to

attendance in adopt contour plowing because of they are more likely to have more

sitio meetings interaction with other farmers who contour plow.

Total non- continuous Famrers who have more household non-fann income are more likely to

farm income contour plow because they have income to compensate for the decline
in area for production as a result of establishing contour strips.

Total number continuous Fanners who have less number of parcels are more likely to contour

of parcels plow because they would tend to protect their fanu more from erosion
since they have no other source of income.

Size of parcel continuous Farmers who till larger parcels are more likely to contour plow because
the ratio of area for lost for production and total area of parcel would
be less.

Previous categorical Farmers who have lived closer to Claveria in the past are more like to

residence contour plow because they have more attachment to their land.

Membership categorical Farmers who are members of the CLCA are more likely to contour

in the CLCA plow because they have more access to information and seedlings.

Soil fertility categorical Fanuers whose parcel are less fertile are more likely to contour plow to
let the soil regain its fertility.

Slope of categorical Farmers whose parcels are steeper in slope are more likely to contour

parcel plow to prevent erosion of their parcels’ topsoil.

Tenure categorical Farmers who have secure rights on their farm are more likely to

 

 

contour plow because they are more secure that they will get the return
on their investments. '

 

a . . . .
Contmuous vanable converted to a categonc variable

88

 

Table 4.17 - Age and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?
Row of
N0 (N = 165) Yes (N = 108) Average
Age of <30 12.1% 15.7% 13.6%
Farmer
between 30 55.8% 51.9% 54.2%
and 50 yrs old
> 50 32.1% 32.4% 32.2%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.816 d.f. = 1 x201 = 2.70

Table 4.18 - Level of Education and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,
2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?
Row of
No (N =163) Yes (N =106)

Average

Education Elem 65.0% 66.6% 66.2%
Secondary 25.2% 21 .6% 23.8%

College 9.8% 10.4% 10.0%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.608 d.f. = 3 x201 = 6.25

89

Table 4.19 - Non-farm Income and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2000
AdOpted Contour Plowing? Row
Average
No (N =165) Yes (N =108)
Non- None 65.5% 61.1% 63.7%
farm 0 5 7°/ 3 2°/
Income < P 5,000 115/1: 1 . o l . o
> P 5,000 23.0% 23.1% 23.1%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 1.077 d.f. = 2 x201 = 4.60

Table 4.20 - Parcel Tilled and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row
Avera e
No (N= 163) Yes (N=108) 3
Number 1 68.1% 69.4% 68.6%
of Parcels
2 25.8% 18.5% 22.9%
> 3 6.1% 12.0% 8.5%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 4.175 d.f. = 2 x201 = 4.60

90

Table 4.21 - Provincial origin and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines,
2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row
Average
No (N =165) Yes (N =107)
Previous Native of
Residence Misamis 88.5 % 85.0% 87.1%
Oriental
Visayan 1 1.5% 15.0% 12.5%
region
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% l
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 2.216 d.f. = 2 120.1 = 4.60

To verify the results of the chi-square test, a two-tailed t-test for two variables --
age and years of school -- was done to compare these two variables’ sample means. The
results supported the chi-square test results: At 10 percent level of conﬁdence, the
computed t-value of 0.752 for the mean age of adopters and non-adopters was lower
than the critical value of 1.960 (272 degrees of freedom). Similarly, the mean number of
years in school for adopters and non-adopters registered a t-value of 0.588, which was

lower than 1.960.

4. 3.2 Impact of CLCA on Adoption of Contour Plowing

Three CLCA-related variables were cross-tabulated with adoption: perceived
membership in the CLCA, frequency of attendance in training, and frequency of
participation in cross-visits. The chi-square test (10 percent conﬁdence level) indicated

that all three variables were statistically associated with adoption of contour plowing. The

91

results are shown in Tables 4.22 - 4.24.

Table 4.22 - Perceived Membership in the CLCA and Adoption, Claveria, Philippines,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2000
Adopted Contour Plowing? Row
Average
No (N=165) Yes(N=108)
Member of No 46.1 % 34.3% 41.4%
CLCA?
Yes 53.9% 65.7% 58.6%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 3.747 d.f. = 1 x201 = 2.70

Table 4.23 - Participation in Training and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row of
Avera e
No (N=165) Yes(N=108) 8
Participation None 89.1 % 71.3% 82.1%
in training
At least 1 10.9% 28.7% 17.9%
time
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% I
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 14.035 d.f. = l x2001 = 6.63

92

 

 

Table 4.24 - Participation in Cross-visits and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row of
Average
NO (N = 165) Yes (N=108)
Participation None 84.2% 74.1% 80.2%
in cross-
visits At least 1 15.8% 25.9% 19.8%
time
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 4.253 d.f. = 1 x2005 = 3.84

Close to 66 percent Of adopters considered themselves to be members of the
CLCA, compared to 34 percent who did not. On the other hand, 54 percent Of non-
adopters perceived themselves as members of the CLCA, compared to 46 percent of the
farmers who regarded themselves as non-members. The noticeable difference in the ratios
indicate the signiﬁcant association between perceived membership and adoption. Farrner-
“members” are more likely to adopt than non-members because of several factors
including higher interaction with other farmers who have adopted, better access to
information about conservation technology, and access to seedlings and other
conservation materials.

The chi-square test results also indicate a negative association between the
frequency of attendance in training and adoption. This is inconsistent with other empirical
studies that show a positive relationship between training (more training indicates greater
information access) and technology adoption. However, while these results are

unexpected, key informant interviews revealed that information sharing among farmers

93

reduced the need for attendance in the formal training sessions -- which possibly explains
the negative relationship between attendance in training and the farmers’ decision to
adopt. This supports the reports by CLCA leaders, as well as the ICRAF Land Care
extension personnel, that information about contour plowing is primarily disseminated
through word of mouth. It can be deduced from the ﬁndings of this study that the
information gathered from training sessions is efﬁciently disseminated to non-attendees
through informal channels.

A signiﬁcant statistical relationship (albeit a positive one) is also obtained between
frequency of cross-visits and adoption. The positive and signiﬁcant association between
these two variables support lCRAF’s ﬁndings that that demonstrations -- which is the
principle behind cross-visits -- enhance information exchange between farmers especially
on topics such as contour plowing. Cross-visits allow for hands on experience and
informative testimonials on the beneﬁts from contour plowing, which encourages farmers

to adopt it.

4. 3. 3 Some Indicators of the Presence of Social Capital

The three social capital indicators -- membership in other organization (aside ﬁ'om
the CLCA) in the community, attendance in sitio meetings, and participation in pahina -
are cross-tabulated with adoption. The chi-square tests indicate that there is no signiﬁcant
association (at 10 percent conﬁdence level) between these variables and adoption of

contour plowing (Tables 4.25 - 4.27).

94

Table 4.25 - Membership in organizations aside from CLCA and Adoption of Contour
Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Row
Yes (N = 160) Yes (N = 106) Average
Member Of No 72.5% 65.1% 69.5%
another
organization At least 1 27.5% 34.9% 30.5%
time
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 1.651 d.f. = 1 x201 = 2.70

Table 4.26 - Participation in Pahina and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,

Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?
Row
NO (N = 165) YCS (N = 108) Average
Frequency of None 27.9 % 26.9% 27.5%
Pahina
At least 1 72.1% 73.1% 72.5%
time
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% I
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 0.35 d.f. = 1 120.1 = 2.70 i

95

Table 4.27 - Participation in Sitio meetings and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?
Row of
N0 (N = 165) Yes (N = 108) Average
Participation None 32.7 % 25.9% 30.0%
in Meetings
At least 1 67.3% 74.1% 70.0%
time
—
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 1.437 d.f. = 1 x20] = 2.70

The results indicate that, although culturally the farmers of Claveria are pre-
disposed to community work (as manifested in pahina) and strong social and community
ties, they do not view adoption as a manifestation of these ties. Although one could argue
that prevention of soil erosion affects the whole community, anecdotal data indicates that
adoption of contour plowing is considered an individual decision by the farmer that affects
only his family and himself. The farmers consider the beneﬁt of good soil to be higher
income for himself and a good future for his children. Interviews with the farmer leaders
suggest that although many regarded adoption as good for the community, it is hardly a
consideration in the individual farmer’s decision to adopt contour plowing. At the most,
some farmers agree to “experiment” with contour plowing out of reverence for baranggay

ofﬁcials or even ICRAF personnel who are held in high esteem in the community.

4. 3.4 Tenure
The chi-square test supports the prevailing theory that tenure status has a

96

signiﬁcant relationship with a farmer’s decision to adopt. As shown in Table 4.28, 41
percent of the adopters of contour plowing are farmers who are tilling their farm under the
Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program, compared to 27 percent of the farmers who
have not adopted. Interestingly, the percentage of land-owners with titles and who are
also adopters are close to identical with owners who are non-adopters (20.4 and 20.0
percent respectively).

Key informants reveal that farmers who have government-issued land rights are
farmer-beneﬁciaries of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). Under the
program, the right of the farmer to the land is secure and binding, which means that the
risk of improving the land and then it being taken away later on is virtually non-existent.
However, since the farmers are not ﬁill owners of the land, they believe that investing on
the land and adopting conservation technology (which is encouraged by the government)
improve their chance of being titled-owners under the CARP. This explains why non-

owners but CARP beneﬁciaries are more likely to adopt than full-ﬂedge owners with titles.

97

Table 4.28 - Tenure and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row
Average
No (N = 165) Yes (N =108)

Tenure owner with 20.0% 20.4% 20.1%
title
gov’t issued 27.3% 40.7% 32.6%
rights
leaseholder 27.3% 21.3% 24.9%
caretaker 25.5% 17.6% 22.3%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 6.378 d.f. = 3 x201 = 6.25

4. 3.5 Parcel Characteristics

Three parcel characteristics-- soil quality, parcel size and slope -- are cross-
tabulated with adoption. The chi-square test (10 percent conﬁdence level) indicate that
level of soil fertility (based on the farmers’ assessment) and parcel size are not statistically
associated with adoption of contour plowing (Table 4.29 and 4.30). However, at the same
conﬁdence level, the chi-square test shows that slope is signiﬁcantly associated statistically

with adoption (Table 4.31).

98

 

Table 4.29 - Soil Fertility and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?
Row of
NO (N = 165) Yes (N = 108) Average

Soil Not fertile 28.5% 29.6% 28.9%
Fertility

Somewhat 47.9% 53.7% 50.2%
Level ,

fertile

Fertile 23 .6% 16.7% 20.9%

All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 1.99 d.f. = 2 120.1 = 4.60

Table 4.30 - Size of Parcel and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing?

Row of
N0 (N = 165) Yes (N = 108) Average
Size of <1 23.0% 19.4% 21.6%

Parcel 0 o 0
(ha) 36892 594/6 546/11 57.5/o
>2 17.6% 25.9% 20.9%
All 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 2.826 d.f. = 2 120.1 = 4.60

99

Table 4.31 - Parcel Slope and Adoption of Contour Plowing, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adopted Contour Plowing? Row Of
Average
No (N =164) Yes (N =108)
Slope of < 10 degrees 6.7% 0.0% 4.0%
arcel
p 10 < slope < 20 degrees 72.0% 69.4% 71.0%
20 < slope < 30 degrees 14.6% 27.8% 19.9%
> 30 degrees 6.7% 2.8% 5.1%
h
All 100.0% 100.0% 100
Chi-Sq. Computed Value = 14.921 d.f. = 3 x2001 = 11.34

The non-signiﬁcance of the association between soil fertility and adoption is

attributed to the farrners’ use of fertilizers to compensate for the loss in soil nutrients

arising from erosion. As such, farmers who consider their land to be infertile are not

necessarily more inclined to adopt contour plowing than farmers who till more fertile

parcels. Although, according to the key informants, farmers prefer to contour plow a

parcel with a bigger area than a smaller parcel, the cross-tabular results indicate a non-

signiﬁcant association between the variables parcel size and adoption. For the variable

“parcel slope,” however, there is a signiﬁcant statistical association with adoption of A

contour plowing -- which is consistent with the notion that steeper slopes increase the

incidence of erosion. Thus, farmers who till steeply sloped parcels are more likely to

adopt contour plowing to prevent the erosion Of the topsoil.

100

4.4 Summary

The results indicate that farmers who perceive themselves as members Of the
CLCA are those originally from Misamis Oriental and who probably have known the
other farmers in Claveria for a long time. They also tend to have a strong attachment to
their community and are active participants in community-related work.

The cross-tabular results also show that farmers who regarded themselves as
CLCA members are more likely to participate in training sessions and cross-visits than
non-members, the reason being that these two activities are viewed as “exclusive” to
CLCA members, even if in reality they are not. However, even with the statistically
signiﬁcant association between perceived membership and attendance in training and
cross-visits, “members’ ” participation in these two activities is low.

There are no socio-economic characteristic that pre-dispose farmers to adopt
contour plowing. Instead, the results indicate that perceived membership in the CLCA,
greater access to information and parcel characteristics, signiﬁcantly impact farmer
adoption. Perceived membership in the CLCA allows farmers to freely (without “hiya” or
shame) interact with adopters who share their positive experience with adoption.
Likewise, as “members” of the CLCA, the farmers gain access to information about
conservation technologies, and seedlings for trees and crops that they can plant on the
contour strips. Not surprisingly, attendance in cross-visits -- a source of information on
the problem of erosion and methods of conservation adoption -- also had a signiﬁcant
effect on adoption since this an activity that members can participate in.

The results also indicate that parcel characteristics -- particularly, tenure and slope

lOl

of the parcel -- signiﬁcantly inﬂuence farmers’ adoption of contour plowing. Security of
tenure frees the farmers from any apprehension that any investment they make on the land
will be taken away later on. Farmers who are beneﬁciaries of the government’s agrarian
reform program are more likely to adopt because they believe that investing in the land
they till strengthens their application for titled ownership under the CARP. Similarly,
farmers who till parcels with steeper slopes are more likely to adopt to prevent the soil in

their parcel from eroding.

102

Chapter 5
Qualitative Response Modeling of the Farmers’ Perceived Membership in the
CLCA and to Adopt Soil Conservation Technologies

The results presented in Chapter 4 identify several variables associated with the
perceived membership and adoption of contour plowing. In this chapter, the probit
analysis is used to conﬁrm the cross-tabular results in Chapter 4.

The nature of the research problems in this study (determinants of perception Of
membership in the CLCA and adoption of conservation practice) requires the use Of
qualitative response (QR) models, as opposed to linear regression models. In the QR
models, the dependent variable is a discrete outcome that renders the conventional
regression methods inappropriate because regression coefficients misrepresent the
marginal effects of changes in discrete outcomes. Qualitative response models can specify
a relationship between the independent variables and the discrete dependent variables in
the same essence as regression models. Using one of the two most widely used QR
models, -- the probit model -- this study analyzes what variables are statistically associated
with the farmers’ perception of themselves as members of the CLCA, and with the
farmers’ decision to adopt contour plowing. The choice of the probit model -- as Opposed
to the logit model, the other most commonly used QR model -- is a matter of convenience
as both probit and logit models arrive at the same conclusion. A discussion on the theory
behind these two QR models and the rationale of why probit was used in this study, is

presented in the next section.

103

5. I The Theory Behind the Probit and Logit Models

The approach taken by QR is in the general framework of probability models
speciﬁed as follows:

Prob (event j occurs) = Prob ( Y=j )

The literature groups probability models into two broad categories, namely,
binomial and multinomial, depending on whether the outcome is a choice between two
alternatives or more than two discrete choices. From the theoretical point of view, the
multinomial cases are extensions of the binomial models.

In discrete choice theory, two of the most widely used probability models are the
logit and the probit models. These two models produce predictions that are consistent
with the general framework of probability models speciﬁed above. For a given regressor
vector, we would expect

lim Prob (Y = 1) =1
B'X —~ +°°
and
lim Prob (Y =1)= 0
15'! _. '°°
where [3 reﬂects the impact of x on the probability, and B'x = [30 + lel + + Block

If a normal probability distribution is used, then we have the probit model of the

form:

13’):
Prob(Y=1)=f tp(t)dt

104

= ID (B’X)

Many economists, however, use the logistic distribution (shown below) instead of

the normal distribution, purely for mathematical convenience.

Prob(Y=1)= e

A (13'!)

The restriction on (p and A taking on values strictly between 0 and 1 for all real
numbers ensures that the estimated response probabilities are strictly between 0 and 1 for
all values of the parameters and x k'

The probit and logit models bear similar statistical results because the logistic
distribution is similar to the standard normal cumulative distribution, except in the tail. The
logistic distribution has a slightly flatter tail than the standard normal distribution, as
shown in Figure 5.1.

This suggests that the probit curve approaches the axes more quickly than the
logistic curve. However, the use of either one will result in the same statistical conclusion,

even if the underlying assumptions regarding the distribution Of the cases and the error

term differ. Probit is more commonly used in economics because economists generally

105

Figure 4 - Graph of Probit and Logit Probability Models

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: Gujarati, 1995

favor the normality assumption of this model. The assumption of normality makes
speciﬁcation problems associated with statistical analysis easier to analyze and interpret
than with the standard logistic distribution (Wooldridge, 2000). However, since the logit
model is more readily available in computer software programs, it is preferred by many
researchers (Gujarati, 1995). The choice between the two, in most cases, is a matter of
mathematical convenience. Greene (1997) reports that for intermediate values of 8’:
(between -1.2 and +1.2 for example), the two distributions tend to give similar
probabilities. However, the logistic distribution gives a larger probabilities to y = 0 when

B'x is very small and smaller probabilities when B’x is very large, than the normal

106

distribution. For large samples, we can expect extremely similar predictions. The probit
and logit models generally arrive at the same conclusion, but their coefficients differ in
magnitude due to the difference in the basic assumption about the distribution of cases.
The choice of one over the other is often based on arbitrary preference or computational
convenience rather than on theoretical grounds. For the purpose of this study, the probit
model is used to analyze the binary choices of membership in the CLCA, and of adoption

of contour plowing.

5.1.] Maximum Likelihood Estimation

‘ Both of these models uses the maximum likelihood estimation (MLE)” of the link
ﬁrnction (i. e., the probability distribution function) for the dependent variable in contrast
to conventional regression model’s use of least squares estimation of the dependent
variable. For the probit model, the link function used is the inverse of the standard normal
cumulative distribution function, and for the logit model, the link ﬁinction used is the
natural log of odds-ratio.

The principle behind the MLE is explained by Wackerly, et. a] (1996) through an

illustration. Suppose a box contains three balls which are either all red, all white, or a
combination of the two colors. A random sampling of two balls would yield either all red

or all white, or one red and one white. The probability of obtaining two red balls (without

 

37Due to the non-linear nature of the of the maximization problem, there is no
formula for maximum likelihood estimates. However, the general theory of (conditional)
MLE for random samples suggests that the MLE is consistent, asymptotically normal and
efficient under general conditions (Wooldridge, 2000).

107

knowing how many of the three balls are red) from a sample of two could either be 1/3 (if
there are two red balls and one white) or 1 (if all the balls are red). If we ask what the
maximum probability is that our sample would be two red balls, then it would be 1. This
simpliﬁed example illustrates a method for ﬁnding an estimator that can be used in
different cases. The technique of selecting estimated values of parameters that maximize
the likelihood” of the observed sample is the MLE.

To obtain the MLE conditional on the explanatory variables, we assume a random
sample size n and the density of yi given xi as:

flyl x. ;l3)= [G(X;B)1’[1-G(xl 13)]1". y = 0. 1
where y is the dependent variable and xi is the vector of explanatory variables.

The MLE involves the estimation of the unknown parameter such that the
probability of observing the given y’s is as high as possible. The Object of the MLE
method is to ﬁnd the maximum of the likelihood ﬁtnction.

From the above, we can see that if y = 1, then the equation is reduced to G( xi [3).
When y = 0, then we get [1 - G( Xi [3)]. The log-likelihood function for observation i is a
function of the parameters, and the data ( xi , y) and is obtained by taking the log of the

density function of y, expressed as:

I14(13)= Y1 10g [(3( X1 13)] +(1 - y,) 10g [1 - C309 13)]-

 

3'Referred to in statistics as the joint probability function or joint density function
and has the general form: L (y,, y; ..... yn | 0,, 92....0k ).

108

Since G(- ) is strictly between zero and one, I, (B) is well-deﬁned for all values of
B. The log-likelihood for sample size N is derived by summing up the log of the density
ﬁinction 1,. (B) across all observations. The MLE of B - denoted by B — maximizes the
said log-likelihood ﬁmction. In the probit model, G( - ) is assumed to be of the standard
normal cdf form, thereby making B the probit estimator. On the other hand, the logit

model, G( - ) is of the logistical distribution form which makes B the logit estimator.

5.1.2 Interpreting the Probit and Logit Estimators

In the linear regression (LR) model, the coefficient B of a regressor measures the
unit effect of the regressand for a unit change in the value of the regressor. Since the
probit and logit models deal with the probability of some binary event (0, 1) occurring,
the interpretation of the slope coefficient B is not as straightforward as those obtained
from LR.

In the Linear Probability Model (LPM), the slope coefficient directly measures the
change in the probability of an event occurring resulting from a unit change in the
magnitude of the regressor. However, for the probit and logit models, the rate of change
in the probability of an event occurring is not measured by the B coefficient, but instead is
measured by Bi (p (2,) where 1p ( ° ) is the density ﬁinction, and where Zi = B, + B2 X23 +
+ B3 X3, is the regression model used in the analysis.

The coefficients generated in probit and logit analysis are not interpreted the same
way as the B coefficients are interpreted in the OLS model. The B5 in the probit and logit

estimates are not measures of the rate of the partial effects of each xi on the response

109

probability. Instead, the probit coefficients indicate the effect of a change in the
independent variable based on either the inverse of the standard normal CDF (for the
probit model), or the logistic distribution (for the logit model). However, the sign of both
the probit and logit coefficients indicate the direction of the change in the response
probability for the change in each x, and are expected to be the same direction for both

models.

5.1.3 Computing for the Marginal Effects in the Probit and Logit models
In both the probit and logit models, the coefficients -- being a non-linear regression
-- are not the marginal effects that conventional linear regression estimates.

(Greene,l997). Consider the probability model as speciﬁed below:

ElY|X1=0[1-F(B'X)]+l[F(B'X)]
=1:(13'X)

Computing for the marginal changes, we obtain the following expression:

 

m1 fillil 13
8x d(B'x)
=f(B'X)l3

where f (-) is the density function that corresponds to the cumulative distribution F (-). For

the normal distribution, the cumulative distribution is

110

aElylx}
6x

= tp (B’X)B

 

where (p (t) is the standard normal density. For the logistic distribution, the marginal effect

is expressed as

aElylx}
8x

 

= MP'XH 1 - MB'X) 113

For computing marginal effects, Greene (1997) recommends that the expressions
be evaluated at the sample means of the data or evaluate the marginal effects at every

observation and use the sample average of the individual marginal effects.

5.2 The Farmers ’s Perception of Membership in the CLCA

This section presents the statistical model used to identify the factors associated
with the farmers’ perception of membership in the CLCA and discusses the empirical
results. The probit model was used to determine the relationship between the perception
of membership in the CLCA (the dichotomous response variables (0=not member,
l=member)) and the independent variables. The perception of membership was used as
the proxy for the decision to become a member since more than one-half Of the members
in the CLCA roster were automatic members, by virtue of residence in the sitios.

Perception of membership (or non-membership) signiﬁes a farmer’s non-objection to being

111

regarded as a member of the CLCA and willingness to undertake the basic costs of

membership such as attendance in the CLCA meetings and participation in pahinas.

The probit estimators were also calculated using the principles explained in the

section on marginal effects. One tailed t-tests on the computed probit estimators was

utilized to determine signiﬁcance of statistical relationship between the explanatory

variables and the response variable.

5. 2. 1 Empirical Model

The empirical model for the farmer’s perception of membership in the CLCA is as

follows:

MCLCA = f (age, gender, cvilstat, yrs_sch, freqtrai, freqcros, freqpahi, ﬁ'eqmeet,
tot_nfy, tot _par, rec_resi)

where MCLCA
age
gender
yrs_sch
freqtrai
freqcros
freqpahi
freqmeet
tot_nfy
tot _parc
rec_resi°

 

a categorical data
b continuous data

perceived membership in the CLCAa

= age of the farmerb

gender of farmer"

years in formal schoolb

frequency of participation in training in 1999b
frequency of participation in a cross-visit in 1999b
frequency of participation in pahina in 1999”
frequency of attendance in a sitio meeting in 1999”
average non-farm income in a year ‘
total number of parcels owned

farmer’s residence before Claverian

° The farmer’s residence before Claveria was a scale variable with 0 = native of
Misamis Oriental (including Claveria),gl = from other parts of Mindanao, 2 = from
the Visayan region, and 3 = from the Luzon region.

112

14

5. 2.2 Key Results - Characteristics of the CLCA members

Forty-one percent of the farmers surveyed perceived themselves as members of the
CLCA. The results of the membership model estimation are presented in Table 5.1. One-
tailed t-tests were used to test the signiﬁcance of the estimated coefﬁcients since the
direction of the relationship was also hypothesized. As mentioned, the probit-estimated
coefficients do not indicate the change in the probability of membership given a one-unit
change in the corresponding independent variable. Instead, the probit coefficients show the
effect of a change in an independent variable on the inverse of the standard probability
distribution. However, the signs of the coefficients are consistent with the direction of the
change. The relative impact of the change in an independent variable on the probability of
membership was calculated by taking the derivative of the probit ﬁmction, as shown in
column 3 in Table 5.1 (i.e., Dprobit coefficient).

At the ten percent level Of conﬁdence, the frequency of attendance in cross-visits,
frequency of attendance in sitio meetings, and residence before living in Claveria, were
signiﬁcantly associated with perceived membership in the CLCA. At the same signiﬁcance
level, the results indicate that age, gender, education, non-farm income, parcels tilled, and
attendance in training and pahina were not signiﬁcant factors in perceived membership in
the CLCA. The model correctly predicted the farmer’s perceived membership in the

CLCA 67 percent of the total cases.

113

Table 5.1 - Results of the Probit and Dprobit Estimation of the Membership Model

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable Probit Dprobit 2 P - value
Coefficient Coefficient
(%)*
Age of fanner 0.0072 0.3 0.96 0.399
Gender of farmer 0.2427 8.8 1.08 0.281
Civil status of farmer 0.0636 2.3 0.21 0.832
Years of formal school attended 0.0234 0.8 0.82 0.409
Frequency of attendance in training sessions 0.1321 4.8 0.89 0.375
Frequency of attendance in cross-visits 0.3655 13.2 1.97 “0.049
Frequency of attendance in pahinas 0.0237 0.8 1.02 0.308
Frequency of attendance in sitio meetings 0.1709 6.2 4.88 "0
Total Non-farm income 0 0 0.16 0.873
Total number of parcels 0.0226 0.8 0.3 0.764
Residence prior to living in Claveria -0.244 -8.8 -1.93 "0.054

 

 

N = 274
Predicted probability of perceived membership = 0.67
*Signiﬁcant at the 10 percent level of signiﬁcance if P-value < 0.1
"Results indicate the variable is signiﬁcantly associated with perceived membership in the
CLCA

As expected, the farmers who attend more cross-visits were more likely to regard
himself or herself a member of the CLCA. Attendance in a cross-visit is an Opportunity for
a farmer to be acquainted with other farmers who were members of the organization.
Through this interaction, bonding between the farmers is established which possibly
translates into a sense of belonging into the group. It also gave the farmer more

information about the CLCA in a more intimate manner, which enhances their sense of

belonging with the organization. Statistically, the results indicate that attendance in cross-

114

visits increased the probability of perceived membership by 13 percent.

Farmers who attended sitio meetings were also more likely to perceive themselves
as members of the organization because these meetings provided information about the
CLCA, and they acquainted the farmer with the organization’s activities and members.
This knowledge about the organization and its activities, and the bonding with the other
farmers, makes it easier for a farmer to regard himself or herself as part of this group. The
result also indicated that attendance in the meeting increased the probability of perceived
membership by six percent.

The farmer’s previous residence before settling in Claveria had a negative impact
on perceived membership in the CLCA. The farther the farmer had lived previouslyfrom
Claveria, the less likely he was to voluntarily associate himself with the CLCA. This is
probably because farmers from other areas were less likely to know the farmer-members
of the organization and, therefore, less likely to have a strong attachment to the local
community. The results indicate that the previous residence variable affects the probability
that a farmer would perceive himself or herself a member of the CLCA by nine percent.

These signiﬁcant statistical association between perceived membership in the
CLCA, and the frequency of cross-visits, frequency of attendance in sitio meetings, and
residence prior to living in Claveria, are consistent with the results of the cross-tabular
analysis in Chapter 4. However, the probit result in this chapter is inconsistent with the
cross-tabular result that reﬂect a signiﬁcant statistical association between perceived
membership and frequency of attendance in pahina. The discrepancy lies in the effects of

the other independent variables included in the probit model (that were not included in the

115

cross-tabular analysis in Chapter 4) on perception of membership that was not taken into
account when the cross-tabular analysis was done. Further investigation revealed that the
attendance in pahina has a high correlation with sitio meetings attendance. In the cross-
tabular analysis on perceived membership and attendance in pahina, the effect ofsitio
meetings was ignored which exaggerated the effect ofpahina attendance on perceived
membership. As such, the frequency ofpahina attendance registered a signiﬁcant
statistical association when it was likely to be reﬂecting the impact ofsitio meetings on

perceived membership.

5.3 The Farmer’s Decision to Adopt Contour Plowing
This section presents the statistical model used to identify factors associated with
the farmers’ decision to adopt contour plowing and discuss the empirical results.

The probit model was utilized to test the relationship between the dichotomous
response variable “adoption" (0=not adopt, 1= adopt) of contour plowing and the
independent variables. The Dprobit was estimated and used-to determine the change in
the probability of adoption of contour as a result of a change in the independent variables.
The one-tailed t-test was used to determine the signiﬁcance of the statistical relationship

between the independent variables and the farmers’ decision to contour plow.

ll6

5. 3. 1 The Empirical Model - Adoption of Contour Plowing

The empirical model for the farmer’s decision to adopt contour plowing is:

DC = f (age, cvilstat, yrs_sch, tot _par, freqtrai, freqcros, freqpahi, freqmeet,
memberlc, squa_rec, tot_nfy, slope, rec_tenu, parcelar)

where

DC

age
cvilstat
yrs_sch
tot _parc
freqtrai
freqcros
freqpahi
freq meet
memberlc
squa_rec
tot_nfy
slope
rec_tenu
parcelar

 

a .
categoncal data
continuous data

. . a
decrsron to adopt or not adopt
age of the farmer

. . a
= crv11 status b
= years in formal school

total number of parcels owned b
frequency of participation in training in 1999

= frequency of participation in a cross-visit in 1999

frequency of participation in pahina in 1999
frequency of attendance in a sitio meeting in 1999
perceived membership in CLCAa

soil fertility3 b

average non-farm income in a year

slope of randomly chosen parcela

tenure for the parcel8 ,
area of parcel in hectares

5. 3. 2 Key Results - Adoption of Contour Plowing

The results of the contour plowing adoption model estimation are presented in

Tables 5.2. Since the direction of the relationships were hypothesized, the one-tailed t-test

was used to test the signiﬁcance of the estimated coefficients. Forty percent of the farmers

surveyed were adopters of contour plowing. The results indicate that perceived

membership in the CLCA is not a signiﬁcant determinant of adoption of contour plowing

(at the 10 percent conﬁdence level). In contrast, ﬁve variables - total parcel tilled,

117

frequency of attendance in training, frequency of attendance in sitio meetings, slope of the
parcel, and the parcel area -- were signiﬁcantly associated with the probability of farmer’s
adoption of contour plowing. The model correctly predicted farmers adopting contour

plowing 39 percent of the time.

Table 5.2 - Results of the Probit Estimation of the Contour Plowing Adoption Model

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Variable Probit Marginal z P-value

Coefficient Effect

(‘70)
Age -0.008-l -0.3 -l.15 0.252
Civil status of farmer -0.0419 -1.6 -0.15 0.879
Years of formal school attended 0.0129 0.5 0.46 0.647
Total number of parcels -0. 1543 -5.9 -1.97 ”0.049
Frequency of attendance in training sessions 0.1625 6.2 1.74 l”0.081
Frequency of attendance in cross-visits 0.1452 5.6 0.96 0.335
Frequency of attendance in pahinas -0.0235 -0.9 -1.38 0.168
Frequency of attendance in sitio meetings 0.0352 1.4 1.77 I"0.077
Perceived membership in the CLCAa 0.1607 6.1 0.88 0.377
Quality of soil in parcel -0.0564 -2.2 -0.75 0.452
Total Non-fann income 0 0 0.33 0.744
Slope of parcel 0.1379 5.2 1.99 "0.047
Tenure -0.1044 -4 -1.29 0.197
Area of parcel tilled 0.1043 4 1.78 “0.074
constant -0.1 175 - -0.186 0.853

N = 272

Predicted probability of adoption = 0.39

’T he marginal effects coefﬁcient for dummy variables measures the discrete change from 0
to 1

’Signiﬁcant at the 10 percent level of signiﬁcance if P-value < 0.1

“Results indicate the variable is signiﬁcantly associated with adoption of contour plowing

118

As expected, the signiﬁcance of the impact of training was consistent with the
hypothesis that farmers with more training are more likely to adopt contour plowing The
results showed that training increased the probability of adoption by six percent. As
training provided more opportunity for the farmer to learn how to contour plow, a farmer
who had attended more training sessions is more likely to be aware and convinced of the
long term beneﬁts of contour plowing than a farmer who had attended fewer training
sessions.

The results also supports the hypothesis that attendance in sitio meetings has a
positive effect on adoption of contour plowing. They indicate that attendance in these
meetings boosted the probability of adoption by 1.3 percent. These meetings -- which is
often a social activity for the farmers -- serve as a forum for the advocates of soil
conservation in the community to convince other farmers to adopt conservation, and are
venues for information exchange regarding conservation. Once more, the role of .
information is highlighted in inﬂuencing farmers to adopt a conservation technology.

However, the sitios meetings are not only avenues for greater access to
information, but also as a way for farmers to either establish a relationship or enhance an
existing relationship with respected people in the community. The key informant
interviews indicated that it is easier to convince farmers to try contour plowing if the
baranggay captain or someone in the community who is held in high esteem, suggests it to
the farmer. This suggests that the adoption of contour plowing is a way for some farmers
to create social capital either with a speciﬁc individual or with the community itself, by

using adoption as the means to connect with other farmers, leaders, or extension agents.

119

This social capital created between the farmers and the community is borne of hiya or the
Filipino sentiment of self-image. However, ﬁrrther investigation is needed to verify this
since it is equally possible that the farmers who are pre-disposed to conservation are also
pre-disposed to participating in civic activities such as town meetings.

The statistical results also reﬂect a positive association between the slope of the
parcel and adoption of contour plowing. The implication of this result is straightforward:
the steeper the slope of the parcel, the more likely the farmer will adopt contour plowing
to counteract the parcel’s vulnerability to erosion. The slope variable increased the
probability of adoption by ﬁve percent.

In addition, the size of the parcel affected adoption of contour plowing by four
percent. Key informants indicated that one of their main concerns about contour plowing
is that establishing the contour strips would take area away from production. Thus,
farmers who tilled larger parcels are more likely to adopt contour plowing because the
impact of the decline in area resulting from the establishment of contour strips was less
than for those who till larger parcels of land.

On the other hand, farmers who farmed more parcels of land were less likely to
adopt contour plowing than those who farmed fewer parcels. Farming fewer parcels.
increased the probability of adoption by seven percent. While this result did not agree with
the hypothesis that the number of parcels and adoption were positively related, in
retrospect, this result may be due to the possibility that farmers who farmed fewer parcels
are more concerned about the decline in productivity (due to erosion) because they are

more dependent on fewer parcels.

120

The probit analysis results are somewhat different from the results presented in
Chapter 4. The cross-tabular analysis results indicate that perceived membership in the
CLCA, frequency of attendance in training and cross-visits, tenure status, and slope of the
parcel all have signiﬁcant statistical association with adoption of contour plowing. The
probit analysis also shows that attendance in training and the slope of the parcel are
signiﬁcantly associated with adoption of contour plowing. However, the results do not
reﬂect a statistical association between adoption and attendance in cross-visits, nor with
tenure status such as what the cross-tabular analysis results show in Chapter 4. In
addition, the probit analysis also found the farmers’ total number of parcels tilled, area of
parcels, tilled, and the frequency of attendance in sitio meetings, are all statistically
associated with adoption of contour plowing, all of which were found non-signiﬁcant in
the cross-tabular analysis.

This occurrence is likely due to the statistical correlation between the variable
attendance in cross-visits and attendance in training sessions, and between tenure and the
total number of parcels. Frequency of attendance in training sessions is statistically
associated with adoption. The correlation between cross-visits and training sessions
masked the non-signiﬁcance of cross-visits in the cross-tabular analysis but was revealed
in the probit analysis. This is also true for tenure which was found to be signiﬁcant in the
cross-tabular results in contrast to the probit analysis which found this variable to be not
statistically associated with adoption of contour plowing. The statistical correlation
between tenure and total number of parcels -- a variable which the probit results indicate

to be statistically associated with adoption -- exaggerated the impact of tenure on

121

adoption as reﬂected in the cross-tabular analysis.

The discrepancy in the probit and cross-tabular analyses results also underscore the
importance of the interaction of the independent variables. It is not uncommon for the
partial effect of an independent variable with respect to the dependent variable to depend
on the magnitude of the effect of another independent variable in the model (Wooldridge,
2000). This is known as the interaction effect and is estimated by taking the ﬁrst-order
derivative of the regression equation with respect to an independent variable. If the
coefficients of the other independent variables are not equal to zero, then there is an
interaction effect between some of the independent variables. The interaction effect is not
captured in cross-tabular analysis but is demonstrated in the probit results. This is due to
the fact that the probit model measures the effects of different variables that are interacting
with each other on adoption, whereas the cross-tabular model examines the effect of each
individual variable on adoption without accounting for the interaction among the

independent variables.

5.5 Summary
This chapter discussed the principles behind the probit model which were used to
analyze the statistical relationship between socio-economic, institutional and the parcel

variables, and the farmers’ perception of membership in the CLCA,” adoption of the

 

3”Since a signiﬁcant number of the farmers were automatic members of the CLCA,
“membership” was not an accurate representation of the farmer’s decision to gain
membership in the organization. Perceived membership was used in this study to indicate
a farmer’s non-Objection to be considered a member of the CLCA, and his willingness to
attend some of its activities.

122

basic technology, and their choice of complementary technology after they have adopted
contour plowing.

The probit analyses indicated that the frequency of participation in cross-visits and
the number of times a farmer attends sitio meetings were signiﬁcantly associated with the
farmer’s perception of membership in the CLCA. Further, the individual farmer’s
familiarity with the other residents of Claveria and his personal attachment to the
municipality (represented by the variable “residence prior to Claveria”) were found to be
statistically related also with his perception of being a member of the organization.

The statistical results also indicated that total number of parcels tilled by the
farmer, area of the parcels tilled, frequency of attendance in training on conservation and
town meetings, and the slope of the parcel tilled, were signiﬁcantly associated with the
adoption of contour plowing. These results suggest that information and the farmers’
relationship with the other members of the community are important variables in farmer
adoption of contour plowing in Claveria. The total number of parcels tilled discouraged
adoption for the reason that it gave the farmers the short term production and
consumption security which dimmed the attractiveness of the long term beneﬁts derived
from the prevention of erosion. On the other hand, a larger-size parcel was more likely to
be contour plowed because it lessened the impact of the decline in the area for planting as
a result of the establishment of the contour lines.

Training sessions gave the farmers access to information that highlighted the merits
of conservation technology and how to use it efficiently. It is reasonable to conclude,

therefore, that the number of times a farmer attends training sessions increases his stock of

123

knowledge on contour plowing which in turn lessens the uncertainties associated with its
use.

Town meetings are also fora for the promotion of contour plowing. Aside from
the discussion of the community’s activities, government and ICRAF extension agents
attend these meetings to talk about conservation programs. The information and the
farrners’ personal connection with the community officials and extension agents may well
explain the signiﬁcant statistical association between the attendance in town meetings and
the probability of adOption of contour plowing. However, the link between town meetings
and contour plowing needs to be studied further. It is likely that the those who attend
town meetings are pre-disposed to conservation, which explains the statistical results.
Further investigation is needed to clarify this issue.

The parcel’s slope -- which indicated the vulnerability of the parcel’s soil to
erosion-- was also signiﬁcantly associated with the probability that a farmer would decide
to contour plow. A steeper slope implies more vulnerability to erosion and hence, a farmer
who owns a steeply sloped parcel is more likely to be open to the idea of contour plowing

his land.

Chapter 6
How sustainable is the CLCA?

This chapter assesses the likelihood that the CLCA sub-chapters will be able to
continue their operation in the future. The analysis will center on the institutions that these
organizations have established to sustain and expand their membership base and
organizational activities -- focusing on four crucial determinants of an organization’s
continued operation, namely funds generation, membership, mechanism for membership

participation, and the supply of leaders and managers.

6. I Funding for the CLCA Operations

A key issue is whether or not the current and future sources of ﬁmds for the
CLCA sub-chapter activities will be adequate to sustain the organizations. A CLCA sub-
chapter’s basic budget is estimated‘0 to be P2,440 ($50) a year. According to the leaders,
the farmers Often make do with the resources they have by asking for in-kind or cash
donations from members. For instance, to provide refreshments for the meetings, some
members have previously donated extra corn from their harvest. The community also helps

by donating whatever it can to support the nursery or by providing some office supplies.

 

”The breakdown is as follows:

Refreshments for meetings P 720 ($15)
Maintenance of the nursery P 500 ($10)
Office supplies P 250 ($5)

Transportation to attend
Federation monthly meetings P 250 ($5)
Refreshments for pahina P 720 ($15)

 

 

Total P 2,440 ($50)

125

The basic question this study poses is whether or not sub-chapters have the ability
to ﬁnancially support their operations without relying on donations to meet their current
objectives. Among the sub-chapters that are ﬁnancially able to sustain their operations,
what are key characteristics of these sub-chapters? The data for this section are derived
from the key informant interviews of sub-chapter leaders from the 45 sub-chapters

selected for analysis in this study.

6.1.] Present and Future sources

Present sources of funding for the sub-chapters are membership dues“ (which
vary in frequency of collection), voluntary contribution from members, baranggay
allocation, contribution from the sitio officers and other fund-raising activities. Table 6.1
shows the sub-chapter payment rate for the P5 Federation dues, and Table 6.2 shows

how many of the sub-chapters have their own membership dues.

Table 6.1 - CLCA Sub-Chapter Payment Rate for the Federation Dues, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sub-Chapter Distribution
Degree of Fee Payment
Number Percent
No one has paid 12 27
Half of the members paid 15 33
More than half have paid 18 40
Total 45 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

"The membership dues referred here pertain to the annual fee paid to the sub-
chapter. This is in addition to the one-time P5 fee paid to the Federation for its
emergency assistance fund.

126

Table 6.2 - CLCA Distribution of the Sub-Chapters that Collect Membership Dues,
Claveria, Philippines, 2000.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Existence of Sub-Chapter Distribution
Membership Fee

Number Percent
With Fee 10 22
Without Fee 35 78
Total 45 100

 

 

 

These data show that over three-fourths of the CLCA sub-chapters sampled do
not collect a membership fee, which could serve as a source of ﬁmding for their activities.
The interviews with chapter leaders revealed that the primary reason was because the
leaders feared that a membership fee would be too burdensome for poor farnrers thereby
discouraging them from joining the CLCA. The leaders also commented that it was
difficult to extract ﬁnancial commitment from poor farmers without the promise of
ﬁnancial assistance in the ﬁrture.

How do the sub-chapters generate ﬁtnds for their activities? Table 6.3 shows that
most of the sub-chapters rely on voluntary contributions from members and ofﬁcers, as
their primary source of ﬁmds. These contributions are made during activities when the hat
is passed around to pay for reﬁ'eshments. In most cases, the officers shoulder these costs.

Only three of the 45 sub-chapters have regular ﬁrnd-raising activities which the
organization could draw on to pay for refreshments at meetings, social functions, pahina,

repairs for the purok house‘2 small loans and other expenses. Interview with leaders of

 

”A place where the members hold their meetings or just to chat with each other.

127

these three sub-chapters indicated that these sub—chapters generated from P300 to P2,500

($6 to $50) per year from these fund-raisers.

Table 6.3 - Sources of Funds for the Sub-Chapters, CLCA, Claveria, Philippines, 2000.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sources of Funds Sub-Chapter Distribution
Number Percent

NO funds 5 11
Members fees 10 22
Voluntary contributions 23 51
Local government 4 9 .
Fund raising activities 3 7
Total 45 100

 

 

 

 

Although the local government (LGU) has resources available to support activities
that sustain the environment, it has not yet made a hill commitment to ﬁnancially support
the CLCA sub-chapters. Interviews with baranggay ofﬁcials, as well as sitio leaders,
indicated that the local government allocates funds to environmental projects, as required
under the budget code.‘3 However, since the deﬁnition of an environmental project is
vague, the local government can allocate these funds to anything that has to do with
environment or re-forestation. In most cases, the different baranggay councils Opt to
allocate their money to build or repair the nurseries for tree seedlings or to purchase

seedlings and plastic bags for seedlings for the sitios. Since the CLCA is not a government

 

“The Budget Code requires that baranggay councils allocate 20 percent of its
total budget for HES. Under the HES, each sitio stands to receive Pl,000 ($25) to
P2,000 ($50) per year for environmental and health projects.

128

unit, the sub-chapters are not legally entitled to funds for their own projects. However,
through collaboration and a strong relationship with the sitio governments, a few CLCA
sub-chapters have managed to secure a minimal share in the budget allocation for their
sitios. These leaders reported that they received a few hundred pesos a year from the

LGU’s, mostly to purchase supplies for the nurseries.

6. 1. 2 Self-sufficiency in funding

In order for the CLCA organizations to persist in achieving its operation and
expand in the future, each sub-chapter must be able to secure a regular source of ﬁmds.
The data gathered indicate that since each sub-chapters generally do not impose a
membership fee of its own, the sub-chapter leaders and a few members take on the
ﬁnancial burden of sustaining the sub-chapter. However, since they too are low-income
farmers, their ability to continue doing this is very limited.

The local government -- which in the “triangulation” idea is supposed to provide
the ﬁnancial support for the CLCA organizations -- provides sporadic funding to the sub-
chapters. This is not to imply that the LGU’s do not recognize the importance of the sub-
chapters. On the contrary, from the interviews with the LGU officials, the importance and
prominence of the CLCA is growing. Rather, there is insufficient money in the municipal
government budget to guarantee a ﬁxed allocation of funds for the sub-chapters.
Interviews with the baranggay and sitio officers indicate that currently, the LGU budget is
even insufﬁcient to pay for repairs in the baranggay halls or the purok house, and to
purchase equipment (e.g., two-way radios) and basic supplies. Often, the local leaders rely

on pahina and donations to bridge the funding gap. In some cases, the barangay

129

officials have had to re-align their budget to pay for some of the basic needs of the
baranggay.

The only realistic ﬁnancing option for the sub-chapters is for them to generate
money for the organization through creative fund-raising strategies. The potential for this
is promising. Interviews with the sub-chapter leaders of the three sitios that engage in
fund-raising projects said that they have raised money for their sub-chapters to pay for
social activities and to purchase supplies. Although these sub-chapters still receive
personal and voluntary donations both from members, ICRAF staff, and local government
ofﬁcials, the sub-chapter leaders say that their self-sufficiency attracted donations from
other sectors. In addition, the fund-raising projects that they implement help boost
membership rapport and solidarity, which in turn attract more members to join the ,
organization.

A key issue for the future is whether or not CLCA sub-chapters that have relied
on voluntary contributions and some ﬁnancial assistance from the local government, will
be able to sustain their activities with only ﬁrnds from these sources. It is highly unlikely
that these donors and benefactors can be the base of the sub-chapters’ ﬁnancial source. If
the sub-chapters were to rely on donations as a funding source, then they must constantly
tap new sources of voluntary contribution, or potentially face a situation of “donor
fatigue.” However, the chances of identifying new sources of contribution is remote, since
sitios are made up of peasant farmers who, in most cases, have very few, if any, ﬁnancial
resources to spare.

Can the sub-chapters rely on the LGU ﬁnancial support? As the interviews

indicated, the LGU’s simply do not have the ﬁnancial ability to extend its already limited

130

resources to support the sub-chapters. Since it is unlikely that the ﬁnancial situation of the
local government will improve in the near future, the local government can hardly be relied

on as a the regular source of funds for the sub-chapters’ operations and activities.

6.2 Assessment of the Institutions Needed to Sustain the CL CA sub-chapters

This section examines three CLCA sub-chapter activities to determine if they are
sufficient to sustain the organizations. To attain their objectives and continued
independent existence in the future, sub-chapters must recruit members, encourage

participation, and recruit leaders.

6. 2. 1 Membership Selection

An organization is only as strong as its membership base. The success of the
CLCA hinges upon the cooperation and cohesion of its farmer-members. In order to
achieve this, it- is important that the sub-chapters continue to attain the basic purpose of
membership, and that the members’ achieve their individual objectives, as well as their
collective goals.

The individual objectives of members was assessed by looking at the kinds of
members that the CLCA sub-chapters have, as indicated by the way they were recruited
into the organization. From the sample of 45 sub-chapters, information about how
members were recruited, was collected to determine why the members joined the CLCA.
Table 6.4 shows that the CLCA sub-chapters have no clear criteria for recruiting and

screening members. This poses a potential problem, since a sub-chapter could accept

131

 

members who seek access to its frail resources with minimal commitment to the goals of

the organization.

Table 6.4 - Methods of Recruitment Among the CLCA Sub-Chapters, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sub-Chapter Distribution

R '1 t M th d

ecrur men e 0 Number Percent
Automatic membership 3] 69
By invitation by CLCA 8 18
members or officers
By invitation by local 6 13
government officials
Total 45 100

 

 

 

 

 

Thirty-one of the 45 sub-chapters (69 percent) gave automatic membership to
either all residents in the community, participants in a sub-chapter activity, to individuals
who were a personal acquaintance of a member, or of an LGU official. In all of these
cases, the process of membership was virtually costless, although the cost of being a
member of good standing was relegated to those who paid the P5 Federation membership
fee.

The absence of a clear institution for membership fostered a sentiment of
indifference in most of the CLCA sub-chapters in the sample. This is evidenced by the low
compliance of the members with their responsibilities (see Table 6.5). The sub-chapter
leaders reported that approximately only 10 percent (on the average) of the members

actually had complied with the contour plowing adoption requirement and paid the

132

Table 6. 5- Recognized Members’ Responsibilities Among CLCA Sub- Chapters, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

Members’ Responsibilities Distribution of Sub-chapters Approximate
that consider these as Compliance rate
member responsibilities (%)
Number %
(N=45)
Must contour plow his or her farm 1 1 24 10
Participate in pahina, meetings and 45 100 20

other activities

 

Share with other farmers information 8 18 no estimate
on conservation technologies

 

Recruit new members 2 4 no estimate

 

Payment of Membership dues 2 4 10

 

 

 

 

 

 

Federation membership fee. Approximately 20 percent of the members in the various sub-
chapters actively participated in pahina, meetings and other activities. While the leaders
do not have a clear idea as to the number of members who actually share information on
conservation technology with other farmers and recruit members for the organization, they
contend that members informally share information they learn with other farmers through
casual conversations among friends and neighbors. -
Without a commitment from members to participate in helping the organization
achieve its objectives, it is very probable that the sub-chapters will be unable to continue
their activities in the coming years. In the short run, the consequence of the lack of
commitment from the members places a heavier burden on the sub-chapter leaders, as they
strive to cany the organization’s agenda on their own. In the long run, this situation is

not sustainable as the sub-chapter leaders -- who are resource-poor farmers as well - can

133

 

not be expected to continue to shoulder the cost of keeping the organizations together
without some return on their time and personal resources. Thus, it is likely that the
leaders will withdraw their commitment to the organization once the long-term cost of
their commitment exceeds the gain from heading the organization.

Members’ compliance to their responsibilities would likely improve, if there were
clear and exclusive beneﬁts they could derive from the costs of their membership.
However, currently, the beneﬁts of membership are ambiguous. As shown in Table 6.6, by
the sub-chapters leaders’ own admission, the prospect of ﬁtture access to ﬁnancial
resources to ﬁmd-livelihood assistance projects -- as a beneﬁt of farmers’ membership in

the CLCA — was something uncertain but they believed could be realized in the ﬁiture.

Table 6.6 - CLCA Leaders’ Perceived Beneﬁts of Membership, Claveria, Philippines,
2000

 

Sub-chapter distribution

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Membership Beneﬁts Number (N=45) Percent
Access to information 10 22
Access to ﬁrnds and 32 71
livelihood assistance

Access to free seedlings 36 80
Opportunities for social 1 1 24
interaction

 

 

In addition, the sub-chapter leaders concede that none of the beneﬁts listed above were
available exclusively to CLCA members. Rather, any member of the community could

have access to these “beneﬁts.” This situation muddled the distinction between members

134

 

and non-members, which in turn lessens the members’ full commitment to the CLCA sub-
chapters.

In summary, the fact that CLCA membership requirements were weak and often
vague, the future ability of the CLCA sub-chapters to function as strong organizations is
in doubt. To strengthen CLCA sub-chapters, there needs to be clear, binding and
enforceable membership rules and policies, which in turn must be backed by exclusive
beneﬁts to membership in order to create an incentive for members to actively support the

sub-chapters’ programmatic agenda. .

6. 2. 2 Institutions for Participation in the Organization

Participation in an organization provides feedback to the leadership, so it can
ascertain whether or not the organization and its members are in synch with respect to
their Objectives and direction. It is through participatory governance that an
organization’s managers learn about the issues and problems within the group, and for the
group to agree to support the solutions to address these issues.

In this study, the indicators of opportunities for participation in the organization
are sub-chapter leaders’ answer the questions: (1) are general assembly meetings held
regularly; (2) who in the organization decide on what activities the sub-chapter should
carry out; (3) and who decides what training the organization would seek. The results are

shown on Tables 6.7 and 6.8.

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Table 6.7 - Regularity of Sub-chapter Assembly Meetings, Claveria, Philippines, 2000

 

 

 

 

 

Distribution Among Sub-Chapters
When are meetings held? Number (N=44) Percent
No meetings 9 20
Meetings are held regularly 26 , 59
Meetings only when needed 9 20

 

 

 

 

 

Table 6.8 - Decision-makers Who Plan the Activities for the CLCA, Claveria, Philippines,
2000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Distribution Among the Sub-Chapters

Decision maker Number (N=45) Percent
Assembly 17 37
Sub-chapter officers 8 18
Outside Stakeholders 12 27
No activities done 8. I8

 

 

 

More than one-half of the sub-chapter leaders included in the study indicated that
they held regular meetings, while nine of the 45 reported that their sub-chapters met Only
when it was necessary. As to be expected, the total number of sub-chapters that were
active was similar to the number of the sub-chapters that met at least on a “per need”
basis. All of the eight sub-chapters that indicated they did not have any activity, also said
that they had never met as an organization, except when the organization was formed.

According to them, any information (e.g., seedling availability or livelihood opportunities)

136

 

that needed to be passed on to their members was done by word of mouth or through sitio
leaders.

The relationship between participation and “activeness” of an organization is not
directly established in the data presented, since the sample is too small to make any
statistical inference. It is possible that organizations that meet regularly are still “inactive.”
However, it is more likely that organizations that do not meet are not active, as meetings
are necessary to plan a group activity. Both theory and empirical studies support the idea
that member participation is crucial for an organization to survive. This participation can
not be generated and harnessed without a meeting of the minds where ideas can be
exchanged and commitment made.

From the interviews, the leaders do recognize the importance of participation in
organizational management. As shown in Table 6.8, 17 (of the 37 sub-chapters that had
engaged in activities) sub-chapters engage in activities that are decided by their assembly,
while only eight reported that their activities have been chosen by the leaders. The
author’s observation is that farmers in Claveria -- like other farmers in the Philippines -

possess a democratic mind set that fosters participation in governance.

6. 2. 3 Supply of Leaders and Managers

The other side the organizational sustainability equation -- cooperative members
being on one side -- is the selection of leaders to manage the organization. Conventional
wisdom dictates that the most efficient way of recruiting ofﬁcers for an independent and
voluntary organization is through a democratic election. This selection method fosters

cooperation among members, which in turn minimizes the cost of team building. Popular

137

election also demonstrates the independence and sovereignty of the organization, which
thereby solidiﬁes its identity as an organization. Both of these components are very
important in the continuity of the organization’s existence and expansion in the future, as

the objectives of the members and the organization undergo natural changes.

6. 2. 4 The Institution of Popular Election
This section examines the mechanism that the CLCA sub-chapters use to select
their leaders and managers. Are these leaders selected by popular election, and if not, is
the current selection process as effective (if not more effective) than the elective process?
Table 6.9 shows that on average, more than one-half of the sub-chapters included
in this study (41 sub-chapters) elected their ofﬁcers, while the rest have ofﬁcers that had

been appointed by the baranggay or sitio officers, or chosen by ICRAF staff.

Table 6.9 - Distribution of method of recruitment for the sub-chapter leaders, Claveria,
Philippines, 2000 (N=41)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Elected Appointed by LGU Selected by ICRAF Total
President 21 (51%) 9 (22%) 11 (27%) 41 (100%)
VP 22 (54%) 8 (20%) 11 (27%) 41 (100%)
Secretary 21 (51%) 8 (20%) 12 (29%) 41 (100%)
Treasurer 21 (51%) 9 (22%) 10 (24%) 41 (100%)
PRO 20 (49%) 9 (22%) 10 (24%) 41 ( 100%)
Average 21 (51%) 9 (22%) 11 (24%) 41 (100%)

 

The data show election was the most common method for the selecting sub-

chapters ofﬁcers. However, about one-half of the remaining sub-chapters were split

I38

 

between their officers being appointed by LGU officers or by ICRAF staff. This would
not necessarily be a disadvantage if the sub-chapters were attached organizations of a
larger group, whose leaders enjoyed popular mandate. However, the CLCA sub-chapters’
effectiveness in disseminating the conservation movement in Claveria lies in its sovereignty
and participatory nature. To attract farmers to use a new conservation method entails
convincing them that CLCA’s drive to promote adoption of conservation technologies is
for the beneﬁt of their community and not part of a hidden agenda. The farmers’ past
experience with outsiders and politicians have made them suspicious of the intentions of
groups associated with outsiders, such as ICRAF and LGU’s.“ As such, the leaders of
the sub-chapters must enjoy the mandate of the members, not only to gain the members’
support, but also to maintain its image of independence and self-management. To achieve

this, a sub-chapter must select their leaders through an (popular) elective process.

6. 2.5 The LGU 's and ICRAF ’5 Role in the Selection of Sub-Chapter Leaders

The data clearly show that the LGU’s and ICRAF play a signiﬁcant role in the
selection of some, if not most, of the sub-chapter leaders. Interviews with the LGU and
ICRAF staff provided contrasting reasons behind their participation in sub-chapter leaders
selection. The LGU’s revealed that they appointed the sub-chapter leaders to make sure
that these leaders were reliable people who had the the support of the baranggay council.
On the other hand, ICRAF said that their participation in the selection of leaders was one

time, and they only appointed the sub-chapter leaders to facilitate the speedy establishment

 

“This was revealed in the interviews with some farmer leaders who have expressed
their suspicions that organizations like ICRAF and politicians are using the CLCA to
advance their agenda which have little to do with the farmers’ welfare.

139

of the CLCA sub-chapters in the sitios. However, all the officers chosen by ICRAF have
remained in office long after the sub-chapters were established. Subsequent to their
appointment, no election had been held to give these chosen officers a popular mandate.
Data gathered from interviews with some sub-chapter members revealed that the reason
behind this was that the members felt that the officers were doing a good job and that if
ICRAF had chosen these people, then the baranggay council members would support 1
them. 1

When asked if it was difficult to lead the sub-chapters as appointed ofﬁcials, the
leaders answered that it was hard to be a leader unless the person was someone who had
sitio or baranggay leadership experience. Furthermore, they reported that it wasdiﬁicult
to obtain support from members who could argue that they did not participate in the
selection process. At the same time, the baranggay or sitio Ofﬁcers likely feel that the
appointed leader was beholden to them and, hence, would not regard his leadership on
equal footing with theirs. Thus, the support that baranggay leaders give an appointed
CLCA leader would not be due to a feeling of partnership, but out of patronage. In such a
situation, the organization ceases to be an independently functioning entity. Rather, its

objectives and existence become intertwined with issues and objectives other than its own.

6.3 Summary
This sustainability of the CLCA sub-chapters is determined by its ability to
generate ﬁmds for its activities, maintain mechanisms for membership recruitment and

membership participation, and recruitment new leaders.

140

 

Most of the sub-chapters rely on voluntary contributions from members and
officers for funds. Presently, the local government units -- which were initially envisioned
to ﬁnancially support the CLCA activities -- can not provide the funds that the sub-
chapters need to carry out their activities, due to lack of funds. Since most of the sub-
chapters do not impose a sub-chapter membership fee on top of the mandatory P5
contribution to the Federated CLCA emergency fund, the limited ﬁnancial resources of the
sub-chapters will be drained in the future unless they engage in fund-raising activities.

The data indicate that most of the CLCA sub-chapters grant automatic
membership to all residents of their sitios, and they do not offer clear and exclusive
beneﬁts to their members. This has resulted in the members’ low commitment to the sub-
chapters’ objectives and activities.

The majority of the active sub-chapters practice participatory decision-making in
choosing the sub-chapter activities. For most sub-chapters, the forum for participation is
the regular sub-chapter meetings. The key informant interviews also revealed that. the
farmer-members are inclined toward participatory governance.

About one-half of the sub-chapters have officers who are elected, while the other
half is split between their officers being appointed by baranggay officers or by ICRAF
staff. Elected officers enjoy the mandate of the members, which place them above any
suspicion that they are advancing the agenda of outsiders, such as local government units,
or ICRAF. In the future, sub-chapter leaders must be selected through an elective
process, if CLCA and sub-chapter leaders are to be perceived by the community as

independent of outside groups’ inﬂuence and as promoting it’s own objectives.

141

 

 

Chapter 7
Summary and Policy Implications, and Recommendations for
Further Research
7.] Summary and Policy Implications

Despite the presence of constraints to farmer adoption common in developing
countries, -- such as high initial investment costs with low short run returns and limited
access to information -- the number of farmers who adopted soil conservation
technologies in Claveria, Misamis Oriental, has risen dramatically since 1996. ICRAF
credits this success to the farmer organization, Claveria Land Care Association (CLCA),
which ICRAF has been working with since it was established in 1996 to promote contour
plowing in Claveria.

Most empirical studies of adoption in rural communities have focused on
proﬁtability as the main criteria for a farmer’s decision whether to adopt or not adopt
conservation practices. Few studies have investigated the impact of farmer organizations
on low-income farmers’ decision to adopt conservation technologies and their role inf
promoting adoption of conservation practices. The success of the Claveria Land Care
Association provides the opportunity to investigate the relationship between farmers’
collective initiative and adoption of conservation technologies.

The objectives of this study are to determine how‘an organization like the CLCA
can minimize the constraints faced by low-income farmers in adopting soil conservation
technologies, and how farmer-led soil conservation initiatives can be sustained in the

future. This is done by: (1) documenting the events that started and promoted the farmers’

142

 

awareness of the soil erosion problem and the technologies available to them; (2)
investigating how the CLCA sub-chapters evolved from a small farmer group committed
to promoting erosion control technologies, to a high-proﬁle organization that has become
synonymous with soil conservation technology adoption; (3) identifying the characteristics
and activities of the CLCA sub-chapters that have made signiﬁcant impact on the adoption
rate of contour plowing in the sitios; (4) determining what the characteristics are of the
farmers who perceive themselves as members of the CLCA compared to those who do
not; (5) determining the farmer and parcel characteristics that inﬂuence adoption; and, (6)
identifying the challenges that the CLCA sitio-based organizations face in the ﬁrture.

Data analyzed in this study was obtained through interviews of leaders of the
CLCA Federation, leaders of 15 (of the 17) chapters, and leaders of 45 randomly selected
sub-chapters (from the 15 chapters). In addition, data were collected through a survey of
274 farmer-respondents. In each of the 45 sub-chapters, a random sample of three

contour-plowing adopters and three non-adopters were selected

7. I . I The CLCA and the Soil Conservation Initiatives in Claveria

The conservation initiative in Claveria began in the 19805 under the SALT
program of the Department of Agriculture. However, many farmers in Claveria had some
prior knowledge of soil conservation practices, especially those who emigrated to Claveria
from various areas in the Philippines where terracing and contour plowing had been
promoted.

Structured programs for soil conservation training and information dissemination

I43

 

 

began in 1985, when IRRI initiated the seven-year farmer-to-farmer training on contour
hedgerows under it’s upland rice program. After the IRRI project ended in 1992, ICRAF,
-- in partnership with the Philippine Council for Agriculture and Natural Resource
Research and Development (PCARRD) and later with the Misamis Oriental State College
in Agriculture and Technology (MOSCAT) -- launched research activities to develop
conservation farming practices in upland areas such as Claveria. In 1996, ICRAF launched
its own soil conservation extension programs by establishing the Contour Hedgerow
Extension Team (CI-IET) to promote contour farming and agro-forestry, and to
disseminate information on soil conservation technologies. A

CHETs were composed of a farrner-adopter, a Department of Agriculture
extension agent, and an ICRAF technician who targeted individual farmers - teaching
them about conservation methods, particularly about contour plowing and natural
vegetative strips (NVS). Although this initiative proved to be effective adoption-wise, it
soon became apparent that the CI-IET strategy was too time consuming and could not
meet the growing demand for training. In time, the DA extension worker was recalled by
the Department, leaving the ICRAF technician and the partner farmer to continue the soil
conservation promotion campaign. Eventually, as the time commitment became too much
for the farmer involved, ICRAF replaced the individual farmer sessions with group
sessions with approximately 20-25 invited participants.

In 1996, after one of these group training sessions on contour plowing and other
soil conservation methods, a group of participants banded together (with encouragement

and assistance from ICRAF) and formed a farmer self-help organization to unite and assist

144

farmers on learning how to use and promote soil conservation technologies. This
organization, initially composed of 20 members, became what is now known as the
CLCA.

Data from ICRAF show a dramatic rise in the number of parcels that have been
contour plowed since the CLCA was established -- increasing from approximately 75
hectares in 1996 to more than 300 hectares in 1999. Although ICRAF provided signiﬁcant
technical and logistics assistance and guidance, the local government units, farmer leaders
and ICRAF credit the CLCA’s farmer to farmer information drive to promote of soil
conservation awareness, training, community and demonstration activities for the increase

in interest in the adoption of soil conservation methods in Claveria.

7.1.2 Membership by Default?

From the time of its inception, the membership in the CLCA has been structured
on paper, but informal in practice. The organization membership policies, as reﬂected in its
by-laws, require that only farmers who have contoured their land, ﬁlled out the
membership form and paid the one-time P 5 CLCA Federation dues can be members of
the CLCA. In addition, the individual CLCA sub-chapters -- which are the CLCA
organizations that actually recruit individual farmer members -- have other discretionary
requirements such as sub-chapter membership dues and attendance in the sub-chapter
activities.

A closer look at the membership of the CLCA revealed that the membership

criteria were loosely enforced. Thirty-one of the 45 sub-chapters reported that farmers in

145

their areas were granted automatic membership in the CLCA based on: (1) residence; (2) a
one-time attendance in a meeting or pahina; or (3) by personal reference by a member or
LGU official. However, in most instances, many of these farmers were not aware that
their participation in pahina gave them automatic membership, or that some were

recommended by an LGU to be included in the roster of members in the CLCA. This

 

explains why many of the farmers interviewed for this study could not Drecall if they were

‘1

CLCA members or not.

Given this scenario, this study re-deﬁnes membership to mean that the farmer
perceived himself to be a member of the CLCA, instead of actually going through the
process of applying for membership. Farmers who consider themselves to be a member of
the CLCA are willing to be identiﬁed with the organization and more than likely, share the
objectives of the CLCA. In addition, the farmers’ perception of membership is most
probably based on the fact that the farmers have either participated in the organization’s
meetings and pahina sessions, paid the membership dues, ﬁlled out the membership form,
or fulﬁlled other requirements that the sub-chapters have laid out. Most likely, farmers
who have not been involved at all in the CLCA activities do not regard themselves as

members of the organization. In this case, perception of membership is a better indicator

 

of CLCA membership than whether or not an individual’s name is on the roster of a sub-
chapter.

Using the probit method, this study found that attendance in the CLCA cross-visits
and sitio meetings are the most signiﬁcant determinants of perceived CLCA membership.

Cross-visits provide farmers a ﬁrst hand look at the activities of the CLCA and the

146

opportunity for interaction with the members of the organization -- hence, contributing
immensely to the farmer’s perception that he or she is part of the group. In the same
manner, sitio meetings provides the opportunity for a farmer to interact with the CLCA
members who more than likely are active members of the community also. The sitio
meetings also give the farmers the chance to hear about the activities and beneﬁts of
membership in the organization and to ask questions about the CLCA, which inadvertently
increases his or her awareness about the organization. Awareness and knowledge about
the organization increase the farmer’s familiarity with the organization’s activities and the
personalities within the organization. Although the biggest contributor to the perception of
membership is interaction and familiarity with the members and leaders of the CLCA,
knowledge about the organization solidiﬁes this perception.

The statistical results also show that farmers who lived close to Claveria before
settling in the municipality are more likely to perceive themselves as a member of the
organization than those who had lived in other provinces prior to settling there. This
demonstrates the importance of social relationships in organization membership and group
formation. Farmers who have previously lived in Claveria are more likely to have a
personal relationship with the members of the CLCA either by friendship or familial ties. It
is then not difficult for these farmers to associate themselves and be comfortable being
referred (even informally) to as a member of the CLCA since they have ties with the
organization through their personal association with the some of the members. This level
of comfort increases as the farmers know more CLCA members which is likely if they

have lived longer in Claveria. Further, the strength of the bonds of these relationships is

147

naturally partly determined by the length of time that a farmer has lived in the municipality.
As such, it is easy to understand that the personal relationships between the farmers and
the farmer-members of the CLCA -- as represented by residence prior to living in Claveria
-- is an important variable in determining a perception of association and membership in
the CLCA.

For the most part, the probit results are consistent with the chi-square analysis
ﬁndings which indicated that the frequency of attendance in cross-visits, sitio meetings and
pahina and residence prior to living in Claveria are statistically associated with the
farmers’ perception of membership in the CLCA. The probit analysis, however, found
attendance in pahina as not statistically associated with perceived membership. The
discrepancy is likely due to the statistical correlation between the explanatory variables
attendance in pahina and in sitio meetings. Since the attendance in sitio meetings is
statistically associated with the farmers’ perception of membership, the effect ofpahina
attendance on perception of membership was exaggerated in the chi-square analysis

results.

7. I . 3 The Adapters of Contour Plowing

The results of the probit analysis at the ten percent level of conﬁdence point to a
signiﬁcant positive statistical relationship between the probability of adoption of contour
plowing and physical characteristics of the parcel tilled (slope and area of the parcel),
information access, and personal ties forged between farmers in the community. The

results also indicate a signiﬁcant negative relationship between adoption and the number of

148

parcels tilled by the farmer. Formally, this study found a signiﬁcant positive statistical
association between adoption of contour plowing and frequency of attendance in training
sessions on soil conservation, frequency of attendance in sitio meetings, slope of the parcel
being tilled and the area of the parcel tilled by the farmers.

We can surmise from the results that farmers who own more parcels of land are
less likely to adopt contour because the urgency of rescuing a parcel from erosion is
diminished with the possibility of farming other parcels. Since land is the indicator of
wealth for farmers in the Philippines, the ﬁnding of this study illustrates the role of wealth
and the farmer’s total productive potential, in the decision to conserve soil. Almost all of
the farmers who were interviewed for this study demonstrated awareness of the long term
beneﬁts of conservation. The core value of conservation to the small farmers is that
conservation lessens the threat to their households’ consumption. The urgency of action to
prevent the threat to consumption is mitigated by the farmer’s larger production frontier
brought about by more parcels. In a similar vein, farmers who till more parcels can
distribute production among the parcels which lessens the pressure on the productive
capacity of the soil for each parcel. This situation diminishes (for the farmer) the urgency
of soil conservation measures for any one parcel tilled by a farmer.

Interestingly, this study found that the size of the parcel a farmer tills has a
positive statistical association with adoption of contour plowing. The response of the
farmers to the question regarding what the primary disadvantage of contour plowing is
sheds light on the reason behind this ﬁnding. According to the farmers, the reduction of

the area available for planting is the major reason why other farmers -- even if they have a

149

 

strong civic awareness -- reﬁise to contour plow their parcel. This cost associated with
contour plowing is greater if the relative size of the parcel of the land is considered.
Farmers who till smaller parcels would be less inclined to contour plow than those with
larger parcels to till, because the relative size of the area they have to allot for the contour
lines and the hedgerows is greater than those who have larger parcels.

An interesting footnote to both of the ﬁndings regarding the relationship between
the number of parcel tilled and parcel area, and adoption of contour plowing, is that the
signiﬁcance of association does not extend to the (sum) total of the area of all the parcels
that a farmer tills. This implies that the individual characteristics of the parcels are
important considerations in the decision to adopt a soil-conserving farming methods, and
these can outweigh the effect of total parcel area to consumption risks faced by the
farmers’ households.

This study also found that farmers who have had more opportunities to observe
the beneﬁts of contour plowing during cross visits, are more likely to adopt the technology
than those who have less chances. Further, farmers can effectively access the information
on contour plowing as well as interact with adopters during the sitio meetings, leading to
their adoption of contour plowing.

Information access is an important variable in adoption. This study found that
farmers who attend more training sessions on conservation practices are statistically more
likely to adopt contour plowing. The implication is that the level of information that a
farmer obtains reduces the misconceptions about contour plowing, which in turn leads to

adoption of the technology. Likewise, the more information about contour plowing and

150

 

other conservation technologies a farmer has, the more likely he will know how to adapt
the technology to suit his parcel’s speciﬁc conditions.

However, the role of training sessions in Claveria in the farmers’ adoption of
contour plowing goes beyond supply and access to information. The training sessions -
as observed during the actual sessions -- are both structured and informal thereby
facilitating information exchange, camaraderie and social bonding among the participants
and leaders of the training sessions. Given this setting, the training sessions also facilitate
social capital formation between farmers and leaders that gradually lead to the non-users
of contour plowing method agreeing to consider contour plowing their land. It was
observed that the training sessions are an excellent Opportunity for proponents of soil
conservation methods to prod farmers who initially are indecisive whether to contour
plow or not, to at least experiment with contour plowing. The more training sessions a
non-adopter farmer attends, the greater the likelihood that he will be interacting with the
people that promote the use of contour plowing. This continuous interaction between the
farmer and the promoters of sOil conservation methods leads to greater familiarity and
bonding, resulting in trust and sympathy. It is very likely that the farmer who. has bonded
with soil conservation adopters will be less resistant to the idea of contour plowing since
he has the testimonial of his farmer friends whom he trusts.

This is a similar explanation for the signiﬁcant statistical association between the
farmers’ attendance in sitio meetings and adoption of contour plowing. The sitio meetings,
like the training sessions and cross-visits, serve a dual purpose of information

dissemination and social interaction. Often, the sitio leaders are heavily involved in the

151

 

activities of the CLCA and hence the organization is readily represented and promoted in
the meetings. The sitio meetings are also fora for which the village elders, LGU officials
and ICRAF personnel can interact with the farmers in the community. This interaction
often leads to personal relationships that foster bonding. In time, as the farmers continue
to attend the sitio meetings, the bonds become stronger and tighter. The proponents of
the social capital theory teaches us that bonding is one of the pillars of social capital
formation. With sufficient positive social interaction from attending the sitio meetings, the
bond between the attendees will be enough to generate trust and desire to establish
goodwill. Given such a scenario, the farmers will be more willing to at least experiment
with contour plowing for the reason that the other farmers -- with whom they have
become ﬁiends -- who have contour plowed their land, attest to the technology’s
usefulness, and serve as a reminder of every farmer’s role as stewards of the land. Add to
this, the natural clout of village elders and LGU officials -- arising ﬁom hiya and
pakikisama, the Filipinos sense of shame and one-ness with the group, respectively - in
the community, and the suggestion of adoption attains a much stronger impact on the
farmers.

Parcel characteristics also have strong statistical association with adoption. The
farmers’ awareness of the beneﬁts from contour plowing and the farmers’ recognition of
the vulnerability of their parcels to erosion, are both manifested in the positive association
between steep slopes and adoption of contour plowing. The results indicate that steeper-
sloped parcels are more likely to be contour plowed than those that are less steep. This is

consistent with the response of the farmers in the survey that indicates that farmers

152

recognize that contour plowing can arrest the erosion of fertile soil from their parcels.
This also shows the farmers’ recognition of the importance of conservation initiatives and
their adoption -- despite the costs -- if the parcel characteristics makes the soil of the
parcel susceptible to erosion.

It must be noted however, that the chi-square analysis results are not consistent
with the probit results. The chi-square analysis indicate a signiﬁcant statistical association
between adoption of contour plowing and the independent variables perception of
membership in the CLCA, attendance in training and cross-visits, tenure status, and slope
of the randomly selected parcel tilled by the farmers. Among these variables, only
attendance in training and slope of the parcel tilled by the farmer came out statistically
associated with adoption of contour plowing in the probit analysis. The difference in these
two results, are likely to be due mainly to the interaction effect between the independent

variables in the adoption model that were not captured in the chi-square analysis.

7.1.4 Is the CLCA Dispensable?

Clearly, this study found that the CLCA provides valuable service to the
municipality of Claveria. The organization, through the training sessions and cross-visits,
provides farmers an inexpensive access to information on conservation technologies.
The CLCA’s activities serve as venues for farmer-to-farmer interaction and community
participation which is potentially useful in mobilizing the community to undertake
community projects through pahina and other community-organized activities.

Equally important is that the CLCA, through its strong presence in the community,

153

 

is an important promoter of conservation among farmers. Through the town meetings,
informal exchanges between farmers belonging to the CLCA and the other members of the
community, the CLCA has effectively heightened the municipality’s awareness of the
threats of erosion, and the urgency of aCtion to address this problem.

But the question remains: are these functions exclusive to the CLCA? Can
government or any other organization replicate the CLCA’s functions and services more
efficiently? The answers will determine if the CLCA should receive support ﬁ'om the local
government and agencies and larger non-govemment agencies such as ICRAF - which to
this day, remains the most consistent supporter of the organization.

The regional office of the Department of Agriculture provides extension service to
the province of Misamis Oriental, but mostly in production technology and institutional
support relating to farm production. The Department of Environment and Natural
Resource through its ﬁeld office, provides limited extension service to farmers - although
its function is broad and it does not have the mandate and resources to regularly conduct
training and demonstration sessions in the municipalities. In addition, none of these
government agencies can reach the farmers on a personal level as well as the CLCA.
Rather, farmers, who run the CLCA, are the most effective deliverers of the message of
soil conservation and erosion control.

The effectiveness of participatory approach -- the members of the community are
participants in the planning and implementation of community programs and not merely
passive recipients -- is well documented and evidence of its superiority over the “outside

expert” approach in developing country settings is abundant. However, in the past, this

154

method has not been readily acceptable to funding agencies for several reasons. First, it
requires a leap of faith that the community has expertise that the “outside experts” do not
have -- something that some agencies do not readily accept. Second, the participatory
approach takes the control of a development plan from the “outside experts” and puts it
in the hands of the community and its leaders. In this situation, the accountability for the
money that ﬁnances the community initiatives is diluted and hard to track. Thirdly, the
participatory approach can be expensive and time consuming because it requires
continuous community consultation and joint planning.

The positive attitude of the local government officials in Claveria towards the
CLCA signiﬁes that they recognize the value of this approach and are willing to embrace
it. Unfortunately, the local government has limited resources available to initiate and
sustain the CLCA’s programs. Thus, given that soil erosion is a threat to the viability of
agriculture in Claveria, the local community has taken on the initiative and shouldered the
cost.

ICRAF played the role of initiator, when it recruited farmers and extension agents
to join its own technicians to promote and teach about contour plowing. The farmers
responded and created the CLCA to actively involve the community in soil conservation.
By doing so, conservation became a movement in Claveria, which is gradually spreading
to the most remote baranggays in the municipality.

Participation in the CLCA has now become the mark of civic duty. Farmers and
other residents in the community -- from the sitios to the poblacion or town center -

recognize the term “landcare” as synonymous with contour plowing - the backbone of

155

farmers’ erosion control. By having a farmers’ organization that carries the task of
conservation as its objective, the responsibility of erosion control and soil conservation has
institutionally been given to the community.

How the CLCA was able to achieve such success can be attributed to several
factors. First, using its image as a respected international organization and its relationship
with the provincial and municipal government units,qICRAF has created a social capital
base for the CLCA to draw on to secure assistance from both the government and non-
govemment sectors. ICRAF has also provided limited resources and technical assistance,
which the CLCA in turn passes on to the farmers in the community.

Second, the leaders of the CLCA are unique in terms of their commitment of time
and their own resources. Foremost among the CLCA leaders is the president of the
Federation, Mr. Marcelino Patindol, who is a former baranggay captain and farmer, and
who -- because of his former ofﬁce in government -- is a recognizable ﬁgure in Claveria.
His dynamic personality and his ability to devote time and energy in visiting the sitios and
baranggays are more than the average farmer can spare. These visits link the CLCA
movement with the community and encourages sitio leaders and other farmers to
participate and promote training and cross-visits.

Finally, the sub-chapter leaders -- the consistent direct link of the organization with
the farmers in the sitio -- are also critical in the efﬁcacy of the CLCA. While Mr.
Patindol’s presence is a boost in the promotion of the conservation movement and the
presence of the CLCA in the community, the sub-chapter leaders bring the farmers

together and, in the end, they are the leaders that the farmers listen to and interact with.

156

 

 

Many of these sub-chapter leaders are exceptional in their commitment to spread the
sentiment of soil conservation to the community. After working on their land, it is not
uncommon to observe the sub-chapter leaders going house-to-house to invite the residents
to attend a training on conservation technologies, or to participate in a pahina devoted to
bag seedlings for distribution. Thus, the time and voluntary effort that the sub-chapter

leaders commit to the CLCA is the backbone of the achievements of the CLCA.

7.1.5 15 the CLCA Experience Replicable?

Many factors contribute to the success of an organization, some of which are
unique and are beyond the scope of this study. However, in the case of the CLCA, this
study identiﬁes three basic ingredients that are crucial to its success and successful
duplication

First, the institution must provide a mechanism for regular interaction among the
farmers such as community meetings, cross-visits or informal training. From the
experience of the CLCA, the farmer-to-farmer interaction was crucial in creating a
perception of membership and willingness to participate in the activities of the
organization. It is through these interactions -- the creation of bonding social capital -
that information about the organization and the soil conservation movement was
disseminated most effectively._

Second, a strong relationship must be forged between the local government units,
an organization like ICRAF, and the leaders of the farmer organization for a soil

conservation movement to be launched and sustained. In Claveria, the conservation

157

movement is a “triangular” partnership between the organization, the local government
units, and ICRAF. Each partner has made a signiﬁcant contribution to pushing the
movement forward. In the case of the CLCA, ICRAF provides the technical support and
shares its reservoir of social capital with political ﬁgures to the CLCA to gain access to
assistance from regional and national government offices. The local government units (i.e.,
the municipal and baranggay officials) provide direct ﬁnds and assistance to the
organization to supplement its activities. But it is the CLCA which is in the center of all
these tasks and efforts. It is the venue by which the community can take part in the
conservation movement.

Finally, the organization must have committed and resourceﬁrl leaders. This is the
most difficult of all, since leadership in an organization like the CLCA requires a large
amount of time and resources that the average farmer may not have an abundance of. The
CLCA is fortunate to have found a charismatic leader like Mr. Patindol, who because of

his background, can devote time and resources to the organization.

7.1.6 Is the CLCA Sustainable in the Future?

The contribution of the CLCA in promoting contour plowing has been established.
The organization is now synonymous with protecting the threatened soil in Claveria. The
question remains: Is the CLCA sustainable, as it faces changes and challenges to pursue its
objectives?

Past empirical studies have shown that an organization’s continuous existence

depends on its ability to meet its objectives and the objectives of the members. This

158

ability, in turn, depends on sufﬁcient resources to fund the organization’s activities, proper
management of the organization, and the support of committed members. Given these
criteria, this study examines the ability of the CLCA to be a “sustainable” organization.

A key objective of the CLCA is to promote sustainable farming, through the
promotion of contour plowing. This is done by conducting training sessions, organizing
cross-visits, informal and unstructured farmer-to-farmer discussions in the sitios, and by
recruiting farmers in the municipality to join the organization. All these activities require
funds and resources to which the farmer leaders and member of the CLCA do not have
independent access.

Currently, ICRAF assists the CLCA in these activities by providing transportation,
seedlings, use of equipment, communication and extension agents. The local government
units help out through the baranggay budget by providing refreshments and meals for the
CLCA general assembly, providing limited amount of seedlings and plastic bags, and by
providing the venues for the organization’s meetings. All other expenses are personally
shouldered by the CLCA leaders, as the organization has virtually no cash to draw on.

Is this arrangement likely to continue in the future? ICRAF has plans to gradually
wean the CLCA from its dependence on ICRAF by reducing its involvement with the
organization and concentrating on technology research and general extension work. The
LGU’s ﬁnancial assistance, on the other hand, is limited and is not consistent across
baranggays. In the future, it is not expected that ﬁnancial assistance from the LGUs will
increase (given the slow down of the Philippine economy, which affects tax collection) and

may in fact decline, if the worldwide recession continues.

159

 

This leaves the CLCA’s leaders with the responsibility to voluntarily ﬁnance their
own transportation to attend meetings, to pay for supplies and to provide their own meals
when they are in the ﬁeld representing the organization. Currently, there is the weakly
enforced P 5 membership fee, but the pooled money is intended as emergency assistance
to CLCA members who have been struck by personal loss or hospitalization. Furthermore,
the CLCA’s self-generated ﬁmds are quite low (approximately P 200 or US$ 5) and the
leaders can not draw on this money.

To date, the CLCA sub-chapters have not identiﬁed a reliable source of funds to
ﬁnance their activities. The majority of the sub-chapters do not impose a membership fee
and rely mostly on voluntary contributions from their officers. This situation undermines
the ﬁnancial ability of the CLCA to continuously pursue its current objectives, and to
expand their activities in the ﬁtture. With very limited income, the farmer leaders will not
be able to consistently use their household’s money to pay for their commitment to the
CLCA. This might even discourage potential leaders from assuming ofﬁce in the
organization. In order to survive in the future, the CLCA -- from the Federation down to
the sub-chapters -- must engage in its own hind-raising activities and relieve the leaders of
the burden of paying to lead the organization.

The CLCA’s ability to be independent and be participatory in nature also relies on
its ability to be ﬁnancially self-sufficient. However, funding self-sufficiency will not be
enough. Although it has not happened yet, the CLCA must also learn how to manage its
own ﬁinds efﬁciently, and not compromise its activities because of the possibility of -

although it is unlikely -- funds mismanagement which all organizations potentially face.

160

To address this concern, the CLCA could beneﬁt from outside assistance. Currently,
ICRAF and the Spanish government have a joint project that focuses on providing training
to farmers in Claveria in any area that they identify as critical. This is a possible solution to
the potential issue of ﬁmds management that the CLCA might face in the ﬁiture.

A ﬁnal determinant of organizational sustainability is its membership. An
organization requires membership and without members, an organization can not pursue
its objectives and will cease to exist. The question now becomes: can the CLCA assure
itself of sufficient number of active members in the future?

This study discovered that the membership structure of the CLCA is vague. The
survey had to be re-designed to investigate perception of membership, rather than actual
membership because formal membership in the CLCA is an image, rather than a reality.
Currently, the membership criteria are not consistent across the sub-chapters, leaving the
leaders and the “members” at a loss as to what constitute membership. In more than one-
half of the sub-chapters, automatic membership for all the residents in the sitio is ‘
implemented. Some farmers become members because of their affiliation with active
members, leaders of the sub-chapter, or the local government officials. Although the
CLCA leaders themselves make a distinction between formal members and informal
members (based on who have paid the membership fee and have contour plowed their
land), this is an ad hoc distinction and does not separate the two “kinds” of membership
in practice. If any, it creates a division between the members who paid their dues, and
those who are’in effect, free riding members. The practice of automatic membership for

sitio residents diminishes the value of membership and also opens up the possibility that

161

the members’ objectives will not be in synch with the organization’s objectives. Based
on the experiences of other organizations that do not have exclusive membership, this
situation will most likely result in a decline in the membership base, thereby jeopardizing
the ﬁrture of the CLCA.

Furthermore, membership beneﬁts are not clearly laid down. At ﬁrst impression,
the members of the CLCA enjoy exclusive beneﬁts such as access to free training, cross
visits, and free seedlings. However, closer inspection indicates that the sub-chapter leaders
do not discriminate between members and non-members in terms of who can participate in
the programs of the CLCA. This poses a problem for the organization because without
clear and exclusive membership beneﬁts, the CLCA sub-chapters have low commitment
from their members to participate in the organization's activities. Once again, the future of
the organization’s membership base will be seriously compromised if this non-exclusion
persists because free-riding becomes a lesser cost Option.

As far as organizational strengths are concerned, the CLCA rates strongly in the
areas of: (1) institutions for consensus and participatory decision making; and (2)
leadership selection.

Drawing from the key informant interviews of sub-chapter leaders, this study
concludes that the CLCA sub-chapters are inclined toward participatory governance. The
use of sub-chapter meetings to provide the venue for members’ participation in the choice
of activities for the organizations has been institutionalized within the organization. The
members suggest and vote on the choice of activities that the organization will take on.

This works well, given the predisposition of small farmers toward democratic and

162

participatory processes. Finally, since the CLCA sub-chapters are small in size (limited by
the number of residents living in the sitios), participation and consensus building is not
costly in terms of time, and is efficient because it eliminates the possibility of dissent while
maximizing possible participation.

The democratic institution of leadership selection is also well-established in the
CLCA. Although the LGU’s (e. g., the baranggay leaders) tendency is to use their
political inﬂuence in the sitios to appoint leaders of the CLCA sub-chapters, the sub-
chapter members have successfully defended the institution of popular election in selecting
their leaders -- either by appealing to the LGU’s, or by temporarily accepting these
appointments, and later on, holding an election wherein the appointees have to run against
other possible candidates. Although critics may argue that some appointments will most
likely persist, appointees are almost always installed in office only when the sub-chapter is
initially established. Subsequently, the voting members validate their appointment either
by an election (where other members are free to run for the position), or by a show of
hands during an organizational meeting to ratify the appointments. This places the CLCA
Officers above suspicions of harboring hidden agenda that serve the interest of the LGU’s
and not that of the organization's. Further, an elective process ensures the independence
and sovereignty of the CLCA sub-chapters from outside groups, which thereby allows
them to pursue their objectives creatively and effectively according to their ability.

In the end, this study concludes that based on the above mentioned criteria, the
CLCA rates fair in sustainability. The two weaknesses of the organization are major -

membership recruitment and ﬁmding -- and must be addressed immediately while its

163

activities and objectives are still relatively simple, inexpensive and straightforward.
However, its system of participatory governance is sound, and its leadership selection
process is ﬁrmly in place. There are of course other areas that determine an organization’s
ability to adapt to changes in the ﬁiture, but these are beyond the scope of this research
study. The four assessment points mentioned in this study are the most crucial and basic

for simple organizations such as the CLCA.

7.2 Recommendations for Further Research

The results indicate that the CLCA’s sitio-based activities - particularly cross-
visits and training sessions -- and not membership per se that signiﬁcantly contribute to
adoption of contour plowing in Claveria. Further, the study observes that attachment to
the community and to the other farmers in the community are also factors to be considered
in formulating village-based adoption strategies.

This suggest that social capital is an important component of farmer membership
and adoption of conservation technologies. However, the analysis of the role of social
capital in these activities was limited to the use of the variables membership in CLCA and
participation in pahina as measures of social capital created between the stakeholders.
Clearly, social capital is created and used to move farmers toward adoption of contour
plowing during the cross-visits and training sessions. However, there is a need to more
closely investigate the signiﬁcance and amount of social capital that is generated during
these farmer-to-farmer interactions. Further research and analysis of the impacts of these

training and cross-visits in strengthening a community’s consciousness and sentiment of

164

civic duty in the form of conservation, and how these can harnessed to effect action, are
therefore, suggested.

This study concludes that in many aspects, the CLCA is still an infant organization.
This has implications in terms of the support it needs to help it mature into a sustainable
organization in the future. To fully assist the CLCA institutionally and logistically, further
study is needed to examine its strengths and weaknesses as a functioning but extremely
unique organization.

Finally, this research focused on the activities of the sitios that currently have
CLCA presence, but did not investigate the remote sitios in Claveria that currently do not
have sub-chapters. There are reports that some farmers ﬁom these sitios have adopted
conservation farming on a limited scale. Clearly, without the services of the CLCA, these
areas have relied on other institutions to mitigate the problem of information access and
other constraints to adoption. Future research in these areas would contribute to further

understanding the dynamics behind the farmers’ adoption of conservation technologies.

165

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