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Jewish women in the United States:
A qualitative study of their Ashkenazi secular
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Freda Ruth Ginsberg

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Ph.D. Counseling Psychology

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JEWISH WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THEIR
ASHKENAZI SECULAR IDENTITY AND EXPERIENCES OF ANTI-SEMITISM

By

Freda Ruth Ginsberg

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Educational Psychology,
Counseling Psychology, and Special Education

2002

ABSTRACT

JEWISH WOMEN IN THE UNITES STATES: A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF THEIR
ASHKENAZI SECULAR IDENTITY AND EXPERIENCES OF ANTI-SEMITISM

By

Freda Ruth Ginsberg

This study examined the unique nature of Jewish women’s identity and their
experiences of anti-Semitism. Twelve Jewish women were recruited for participation in
the study from a Mid-Western city in the United States based on their self-identifying as
Ashkenazi, secular, and over thirty years of age. The study utilized a Jewish feminist
epistemology to inform its qualitative integrative methodology. (Sinacore, in progress)
Mechanisms were put in place to address the researcher’s reflexive stance and subjective
frame, thus, creating the researcher’s data. The participant data were gathered using a
structured interview format (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Both the participants’ and
researcher’s data were analyzed for recursive themes and sub-themes (Dey, 1993). The
primary findings of this study. were that Jewish women’s identity was complex and multi-
faceted. Jewish women’s identity was informed by multiple sources and was fundamental
to how they understood themselves and the world. Jewish women played a unique role in
the Jewish culture and religion, and experienced gender bias and sexism in traditional
Judaism. Jewish women were directly affected by both covert and overt anti-Semitism,
and made decisions about how to behave based on these experiences. Jewish women
were directly affected by the events of the Holocaust and construct their Jewish identity,

in part, based on these events.

 

Copyright by
FREDA RUTH GIN SBERG
2001

 

To the loving memory of my father, and the strength, compassion, and endurance of my
mother.

iv

 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

There are several people, without whom, this dissertation would never have
reached completion. For their dedication throughout, and their belief in my ability as a
scholar, I am forever indebted. In particular, I would like to thank my family, who stood
by my side through the thick and thin of graduate school. Without my parents’ and
sister’s unwavering support, I would not have completed my Ph.D.. I am especially
grateful to my mother, the most important Jewish woman in my life.

I have also been most fortunate to have a mentor and friend for an advisor. Dr.
Linda Forrest took me graciously under her wing as a budding doctoral candidate, back in
the days when I was completely naive to the rigors of graduate school. Linda gently and
patiently guided me, and above all else, always asked me to be true to myself. Linda’s
ongoing faith in me allowed me to be proud of becoming a psychologist.

Without my partner, Ada Sinacore, I would have never finished this dissertation.
Ada insisted that I study a tOpic that has always been my first love, Judaism. Ada’s
encouragement allowed me to reflect deeply on my Jewish identity and to benefit
immeasurably from this study. As a scholar herself, Ada brilliantly taught me how to be a
researcher, an incredible feat, given that I have always been a harsh critic of science.

Ada spent countless hours discussing my dissertation with me, and saw me through many
days when I did not want to finish.

Similarly, without our daughters’ neverending encouragement and good humor, I
would not have finished my dissertation sanely. Luisa and Sarah were always around to

cheer me on and to remind me how important it is to do well in school. There were many

 

days when their high spirits and insistence that I not avoid doing my homework kept
things in perspective and kept me moving.

Finally, I would like to thank my participants, for their willingness to share their
stories. By sharing their experiences with me, this dissertation became possible. I would
also like to thank my judges, Lauren Weitzman and Ozge Akcali, who spent endless
hours reading my transcripts and providing me with reams of feedback and input. I am
also grateful to Natalie Crespo, my research assistant, and Dr. Lisa Flores for their
dedicated technical assistance. Lastly, I am indebted to the College of Education, at

Michigan State University, for the generous dissertation fellowship I was awarded.

 

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1
Introduction .....................................................................................
Judaica ..................................................................................
Feminist Judaica ......................................................................
Expanding Feminist Judaica .................................
Organization of the Literature Review ..............................................
Researcher’s Standpoint ....................................................
Location of the Literature ..................................................
Types of Literature Reviewed .............................................

CHAPTER 2
Literature Review ..............................................................................
Central Themes in the Literature Review .........................................
Jewish Women’s Identity ............................................................
Jewish Women’s Ethnicity ..........................................................
Expression of Judaism in Women’s Lives ........................................
The religious woman ........................................................
The secular woman ..........................................................
The Israeli, the Zionist ......................................................
The lesbian ...................................................................
Jewish Women’s Worldview, Ethics, and Values ................................
Jewish Women and Anti-Semitism .................................................
Summary ..............................................................................
Research Questions ..................................................................
Researcher’s Underlying Assumptions ............................................

CHAPTER 3
METHOD SECTION .........................................................................
Epistemology ...........................................................................
Feminist epistemologies .....................................................
Jewish Ways of Knowing ..................................................
Jewish women’s voices ......................................................
Jewish feminist epistemology .............................................
Methodology ..........................................................................
Method ........................................................................
Design ........................................................................
Participants ...................................................................
Recruitment ..................................................................

Instruments ...................................................................
Demographic information sheet ..................................

Semi-structured interview protocol ..............................
Data Collection ..............................................................

vii

9

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10
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II
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l3
14
I4
15
17
19
I9

20
20
20
21
22
23
23
23
24
25
26
27
27
27
27

 

29

Researcher’s Data ...........................................................
Data Analysis ......................................................................... 29
Data Preparation ............................................................. 29
Data Analysis Procedure ................................................... 29
Auditor ........................................................................ 30
Judges ......................................................................... 32
Member Checking ........................................................... 33
Summary of the Method ............................................................ 33
CHAPTER 4
Results .......................................................................................... 35
Introduction ........................................................................... 35
Participant’s Data ..................................................................... 35
Description of Participants .......................................................... 35
Concepts, Themes, and Sub-Themes ................................................ 37
The Concept of Jewishness ................................................. 37
Jewish Ethics and Morality ................................................ 40
The Jewish People .......................................................... 44
Jewish childhood and the Jewish family ........................ 44
The Jewish Community ........................................... 49
Jewish Discourses ........................................................... 54
Orthodox versus Reform discourse .............................. 54
Chosen people discourse .......................................... 58
Jewish Women in Judaism ................................................. 61
How being female informs Jewishness .......................... 6]
Jewish women in Jewish life ...................................... 63
Otherness ..................................................................... 67
Being a minority in a Christian country ......................... 68
Visibility and invisibility .......................................... 75
Non-Jews ............................................................ 79
Dating and marrying non-Jews ................................... 82
Anti-Semitism ............................................................... 85
Stereotypes .......................................................... 88
Personal experiences of anti—Semitism .......................... 91
Responding to anti-Semitism ..................................... 94
Holocaust ..................................................................... 95
Effects of the Holocaust ........................................... 97
Responses to the Holocaust ....................................... 100
Data Analysis for Interview Process ............................................... 103
Researcher’s Data .................................................................... 103
Researcher’s Log ............................................................ 103
Analysis of Data for Researcher’s Underlying Assumptions ......... 105
CHAPTER 5
Summary And Conclusions .................................................................. 1 14
The concept of J ewishness ................................................................... l 14

viii

 

 

115

Jewish worldview .....................................................................
Jewish ethnicity ......................................................................... l 16
Secularism .............................................................................. 1 17
Christian Society ...................................................................... l 19
Anti-Semitism ........................................................................ l 20
The Holocaust ............................................ _ ............................ 12]
Limitations and Implications for Future Research ............................... 122
Concluding Remarks ................................................................. 125

APPENDIX A

Glossary of Hebrew, Yiddish and non-English Terms ................................... 127

APPENDIX B

Demographic Information Sheet ............................................................ 133

APPENDIX C

Semi-Structured Interview Protocol ......................................................... 136

APPENDIX D

Informed Consent Form ...................................................................... 141

APPENDIX E

Data Analysis Summary for Participants ................................................... 143

APPENDIX F

Letter to Judges ................................................................................ 153

REFERENCES ................................................................................ 154

ix

 

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Ma

The literature on Judaism, referred to as Judaica, is substantial and has longstanding
historical roots. This literature is comprised of a multitude of written works covering the
history and culture of the Jewish people. J udaica also contains the central Jewish religious
texts including the: T orah“ (first five books of the Old Testament) and Talmud
(interpretation of the Torah) which contains the Mishna (Jewish law), Gemara (commentary
on the Mishna), and Aggadah (non-legal rabbinical material). Albeit comprehensive, this
literature is not without its limitations. A defining feature of Judaica is that it is
predominantly written by men, and as such, almost exclusively records their intellectual
ideas and achievements (Baskin, I991; Biale, 1995). Judith Plaskow (1990) explained that
in any given period, Jewish history, religion, and culture are the creation of a small,
educated male elite, and it is upon the works of this group that the entire Jewish religion and
culture are based. Similarly, Rabbi Lynn Gottlieb (1995) noted that the lack of women's
voices in Jewish texts and in constructing Jewish life has been extraordinary: “Our names
have been unrecorded, glossed over, or suppressed. Our contributions have been devalued or
forgotten” (p. 4). Since Judaica is male-authored and male-defined, it solely reflects a man's
perspective on Judaism and fails to acknowledge the presence 'of Jewish women's realities.

As such, Judaica ostensibly purports that Jewish life, past and present, is not gender-based

(Cantor, 1995), when in fact it is clearly gender-defined.

Note: All italicized Hebrew, Yiddish, and non-English terms are defined in the glossary (See Appendix A).

 

Feminist Judaica

In response to the historical patriarchal position in Judaica, a noteworthy feminist
critique and reinterpretation have recently emerged (see Adler, 1998; Cantor, 1995;
Davidman & Tannenbaum, 1994; Heschel, 1983; Peskowitz & Levitt, 1997; Plaskow,
1990). Jewish women have begun to create a body of literature that explores what it means
to be Jewish from a woman's perspective both historically and currently.

Woman-authored Judaica sheds new‘light upon the myriad ways that Jewish women
understand themselves and reconsiders women’s traditional role in Jewish religion and
culture. Since historically Jewish men have been the arbiters and historians of Jewish life

(thus defining Jewish women's realities for them), this woman-authored literature marks an

important departure from this patriarchal trend.

Expanding Feminist Judaica

Woman authored Judaica is a recent development. As a result, there are many areas
in it that still need to be defined. One discipline where this literature has only recently begun
to develop is psychology. Rachel Josefowitz Sega] and Ellen Cole (1991), editors of the first
book of its kind, Jewish women in therapy: Seen but not heard, argue that psychology fails
to. acknowledge the influence that Judaism has on the lives of Jewish women clients and
therapists. Kayla Weiner and Arinna Moon (1995), editors of the second and only other
book of this kind, Jewish women speak out: Expanding the boundaries of psychology,
likewise contend that psychology has only just begun to address Jewish women's issues and

special concerns. Clearly there is a call for a better understanding of Jewish women in

psychology.

 

 

Given this call, why is it that so little has been written in psychology on this topic,
especially by Jewish women psychologists? Evelyn Torton Beck (1995) offered three
possible explanations for this phenomenon. First, she believed that despite the
disproportionate and highly visible number of Jews in psychology who are theorists,
researchers, and practitioners, many are not strongly identified as Jews in their professional
circles, nor do they address Jewish issues in their work. When Jewish psychologists do
address Jewish issues in their work, they often focus on the psychological effects of the
Holocaust. According to Torton Beck, it may be easier for Jewish psychologists to focus on
Jewish issues from the past, rather than focus on the more threatening issues Jews face in the
present, such as the existence of antivSemitism in North America. A second explanation for
this phenomenon is that many Jews, “walk around with a subliminal fear of anti-Semitism,
the way women walk around with a subliminal fear of rape” (Torton Beck, 1995, p. 19).
Thus, to be visible professionally as a Jew, a psychologist must be able to combat this
subliminal fear. Moreover, Jewish women psychologists must be able to combat the fears of
being both visible as a woman and a Jew if they are to address Jewish women's issues in
their work. As such, many Jewish women psychologists may choose to remain invisible as a
means to protect themselves from sexism and anti-Semitism. Finally, Torton Beck
contended that the dominant discourse in multicultural psychology renders Jewish women's
issues invisible in that it only identifies minority status and oppression by one's membership
in one of four arbitrary racial groups (e.g. African American, Caucasian, Asian American,
and Latino). Since most Jewish women do not belong to one of these four groups, and are
considered White by this definition, the impression is given that their concerns do not

matter. As a result, the multicultural discourse in psychology may result in Jewish women

3

 

feeling excluded fiom discussions about oppression, as if Jewish concerns are unimportant,
or not as critical as those of racial minorities.

Therefore, to answer the “call” for a better understanding of Jewish women’s
psychological concerns and to address the problem of Jewish women’s invisibility in
multicultural psychology, I believe it is imperative to support the emergence of Jewish
women’s issues in the literature and scholarship in psychology. To this end, I would like to
outline the following study that has been conducted. This outline will provide the reader
with (a) a review of the current literature on Jewish women written by Jewish women, (b) an
epistemology, methodology, data analysis, and results of this study, and (c) a discussion of
the implications this research holds for the field of psychology.

Organization of the Literature Review
The literature review is divided into five sections: (a) the standpoint by which the
literature was reviewed, (b) the location of the literature, (c) the type of literature reviewed,

(d) the literature review categorized according to its central themes, and (e) a summary of the

literature.

Researcher’s Standpoint

In reviewing this literature, a Jewish feminist standpoint was assumed. The rationale
for assuming this standpoint is based on the Jewish feminist standpoint offered in the

literature reviewed, as well as, my identity as a Jew and a feminist. In addition, this

standpoint can be derived from Jewish women's oral tradition. Oral tradition can be described
as follows. Stories are the vehicles through which Jewish culture and religion have been
transmitted and maintained through the ages (Frankel, 1996). This oral tradition is

particularly salient given that Jews have had to survive centuries of exile and persecution

4

 

(Baumel Joseph, 1998). Honoring this Jewish oral tradition and adhering to the imperative
zakhor, meaning to remember the stories that tell of Jewish struggle and survival throughout
history, has kept the Jewish people unified and strong (Silberstein Swartz, & Wolfe, 1998).
Yet, the Jewish oral tradition and its companionwritten tradition (Mishnah) have been
fundamentally devoid of women’s voices and stories. It is only very recently that women’s
oral and written traditions have been introduced into the longstanding discourse on Jewish
life (Bach, 1999). Chava Weissler (1998) noted that historically, Jewish women were rarely
allowed formal education. Thus, there is almost no formal Jewish women's legacy or spiritual
heritage to be passed along. Naomi Shepherd (1993) likewise pointed out that, “What is
notably absent is Jewish women’s testimony about themselves” (p. 22).

In my experience as a Jewish American/Israeli woman, there is a lived reality
resulting from the profound absence of women’s voices in Jewish tradition and culture. This
reality has left me with a struggle to find my place in Judaism, both in Israel and in the
United States. Nonetheless, my commitment to my identity as a Jew has remained constant.
Therefore, to reconcile my struggle with the patriarchal worldview embedded in Jewish
religion and culture I have attempted to locate a place for myself in Jewish tradition by
learning about Jewish culture from Jewish women. My experience is consistent with that
described in the woman-authored literature on Jewish women. That is, I hold to the same
core value of tikkun 01am, also known as Jewish social action. My personal tikkun olam
includes working to create a better world for all, as well as a commitment to creating a better
place for Jewish women within Jewish culture. As such, one goal I hold for this research is

to remain true to this value system.

 

Further, as a feminist, I am also committed to ending the exploitation and oppression
of women. As such, I am primarily focused on confionting patriarchal structures and ways
of being in the world and believe that is important with regard to Jewish women. As is
argued by Jewish feminists, I, too, believe that Jewish women’s voices must be re-
introduced into the mainstream Jewish discourse that has been active for the past several
thousand years (Frankel, 1996). Sarah Silberstein Swartz (1998) likewise maintained that it
is the task of Jewish feminists to reinterpret Jewish legacy through a feminist lens so that we
can, “reconcile our heritage with the authentic experience of our own lives” (p. 9). A Jewish
feminist standpoint allows for Jewish women’s voices to become vocal and heard in the
ongoing discussion of Jewish identity and tradition. Thus, out of respect for my Jewish and
feminist identities, the literature was reviewed through these lenses and as a result,
incorporated both positions.

Location of the LiteraM

The vast majority of woman authored Judaica is produced and housed in the
disciplines of Women’s Studies and Jewish Studies. Upon review of the mainstream
literature in psychology and multicultural psychology (i.e. Ponterotto, Casas, Suzuki, &
Alexander, 1995; Sue & Sue, 1990), almost no works are dedicated to Jews, let alone to
Jewish women. Only one work is dedicated to the intersection of Jewish life and
psychology. This one exception is McGoIdrick, Giordano, & Pearce (1996), Ethnicin &
Family Therapy. This book contains three chapters on Jewish families in North America,
although within those three chapters only one half of a page is dedicated to Jewish women.

Further, when reviewing the literature in feminist multicultural psychology (i.e.

Jordon 1997; Landrine, 1995), almost no works are dedicated to Jewish women’s issues. In

6

 

the Jewish feminist psychology literature there are currently two small edited books on the
topic of Jewish women, one exploring issues related to Jewish women in psychotherapy
(Josefowitz Siege] & Cole, 1991) and the other on Jewish women and psychology as a
discipline (Weiner & Moon, 1995). There is also one article, which discusses anti-Semitic
and sexist stereotypes of Jewish women (Josefowitz Siegel, 1986).
Types of Litgrm Reviewed

The literature reviewed can be discussed in terms of six genres: narrative, historical,
religious, theoretical, literary, and feminist. The defining factor for choosing literature was
not its genre, but the fact that it was written by Jewish women. In the literature that was
reviewed, a variety of Jewish women’s perspectives are represented. This literature offers
both secular and religious perspectives, Ashkenazi and Sephardr' ethnic worldviews, and
Israeli and Diaspora women’s standpoints (Adler, 1998; Gottlieb, 1995; Torton Beck,
1989). The central topics that this literature covers are: Jewish women’s history (Baskin,
1991; Ofer & Weitzman, 1998), Jewish women’s spirituality (Bronner & Nimrod, 1992;
Weissler, 1998), women and Jewish Law (Biale, 1995), women in the Torah (Bach, 1999;
Frankel, 1996), and modern Jewish women (Josefowitz Siege] & Cole, 1997; Schiffman,
1999). Clearly there are many important topics in this literature, which have been covered in
great detail. The majority of these works however, have not utilized a psychological
perspective.

Although newly developed, the Jewish feminist literature in psychology has begun
to address topics relevant to Jewish women’s lives. The main areas discussed therein are: (a)
the psychological impact of being a Jewish woman in Christian North America, (b) the
psychological impact of anti-Semitism, (c) Jewish women’s visibility and invisibility as a

7

 

minority group in North America, ((1) Jewish women’s identity as defined from within
Jewish culture, and (e) Jewish women’s issues in therapy (Josefowitz Sega], 1986',
Josefowitz Sega] & Cole, 1991; Weiner & Moon, 1995). These authors' works are all
theoretical, experiential or clinical in their approach to these topics. In fact, in the past fifty
years in psychology there have been no data based studies (as could be identified in this
search) that address Jewish women’s experience in North America. Further, the discussions
about Jewish women’s identity, anti-Semitism, and Jewish women’s visibility are very
broad and are largely informed by the individual perspective of each author. Although this
literature has initiated the consideration of Jewish women's lives from a psychological
perspective, there are still many areas that require further exploration. These areas will be
discussed in further detail below.

In summary, in psychology there is clearly a paucity of literature addressing the
issues of Jewish women. Moreover, there is a strong need for psychological studies of
Jewish women designed to supplement the existing theoretical and experiential literature
that already exists. To lay the groundwork for such a psychological study on Jewish women,

the following section contains a review of the existing literature.

 

CHAPTER 2

Literature Review

Central Themes in the Literature Review

A careful review of the existing literature on Jewish women can be organized into
the following three over-arching themes: Jewish women’s identity, Jewish women’s
worldview, ethics, and values, and Jewish women and anti-Semitism. Although these topics
are covered in mainstream Judaica, for the purpose of representing Jewish women’s voices,
only women authored Judaica is presented here.

JeMomen’s Identity

The composition of Jewish women’s identity is a central topic in the literature about
Jewish women written by Jewish women authors. According to Jewish law, Jewish identity
is bestowed upon a baby girl at birth (Adler, 1998). As such, if a baby girl is born unto a
Jewish mother, she is naturally considered a member of the Jewish people (Shepherd, 1993).
Judaism, thus, is matrilineal. Evelyn Torton Beck (1989) explained that “being born a Jew”
(p. xviii) automatically initiates a girl into this ancient religious and cultural group.

Yet, Jewish women scholars agree that a Jewish woman's identity, or her
Jewishness, is based on more than the practice of the Jewish religion. Jewish women
consider themselves to be members of a Jewish people and not merely co-religionists
(Smith, 1991). According to Melanie Kay/Kantrowitz (1991), Jewish women’s identity is
comprised of part peoplehood, part culture, part shared history, and part ethnic identity.
Moreover, being Jewish is fundamental to a Jewish woman’s internal sense of herself. Laura

Brown (1991) explained that above all else, her primary awareness of herself is as a Jew. “It

9

 

is my first identity, the core around which all else has been built and shaped” (p. 41 ). Rachel
Josefowitz Siegel (1991) echoed Brown’s sentiment, “And yet I know, as deeply as I know
anything, that I am a Jewish woman" (p. xv).

There is no typical Jewish woman (Weber, 1997). In fact, Jewish women do not
comprise a homogenous group; rather they are diverse and hail from all nationalities, races,
and socioeconomic classes (Torton Beck, 1989). Jewish women also maintain affiliations
with all political parties and as a group hold a great variety of beliefs. The diversity of
Jewish women’s opinions is reflected in the famous Jewish saying, “three Jews, four
opinions” (Brown, 1991, p. 49). This saying supports the value placed in the Jewish culture
on diversity of opinion and dialogue.

Je_wr_°_sli Women’s Ethnicity

A distinction made in the literature is that all Jewish women are members of one of
two ethnic groups: Sephardi or Ashkenazi. The Jewish woman who is Sephardi, (which
literally means Spanish), is one whose descendants were Spanish expellees or those who
lived in Southern EurOpe, the Balkans, and Turkey, and whose language was predominantly
Ladino (Cantor, 1995). Sephardi Jews are also those from North Africa and other Arab
countries, whose language is predominantly Judeo-Arabic (Cantor, 1995). The Jewish
woman who is Ashkenazi, (which literally means German), is one whose descendants were
from Central and Eastern EurOpe and whose language was predominantly Yiddish (Baskin,
1991)

The vast majority of American Jews are Ashkenazi, and the American Sephardi
Jewish community is much smaller in proportion. In fact, Sephardi Jews in America are less

than three percent of the entire American Jewish population (Baker, 1993). Moreover,

10

Sephardi American Jews and Ashkenazi American Jews have distinct cultural backgrounds,
are frequently members of their own synagogues and communities, and adhere to different
Jewish traditions (Baker, 1993). These fundamental differences that distinguish Sephardi
and Ashkenazi Jews originate from the various cultural traditions of the various countries
from which these Jews came.
Expresgons of Judaism in Women’s Lives

Although Jewish women can be discussed with regard to two ethnic heritages,
Sephardi and Ashkenazi, the literature also offers four main ways of being or living as a
Jewish woman that vary in both these ethnic groups. These are the religious woman, the
secular/assimilated woman, the Israeli/Zionist, and the lesbian. As such, these four ways of
being are not exhaustive, nor mutually exclusive, nor do they entirely capture the
complexity of Jewish women’s lives, they do offer a springboard for understanding the
variety of ways in which Jewish women can be understood in context.

The mligiguswom

The religious Jewish woman symbolizes and upholds Jewish tradition. In North
America, religious women predominantly live in insular Jewish communities and interact
with the secular Jewish and non-Jewish world only out of necessity (Baker, 1993).
Halakhah (Jewish law) defines the religious woman’s status and conduct and prescribes a
lifestyle wherein her community is to be valued above her individuality and wherein the
nature of her worship, diet, economics, family life, appearance, and interaction with the non-
Jewish world are determined by religious doctrine (Shepherd, 1993). An observant Jewish
home is one in which Halakha is strictly followed and where men’s and women’s roles are

gender based, usually relegating child rearing and household duties to women (Weiner,

11

 

1991). Since a religious woman’s primary obligation is to her family and household, there
are clear distinctions between the religious expectations of men and women regarding
obligations for worship and religious study (Biale, 1984). Jewish law does not obligate or
condone women reading or studying Torah and Jewish law, nor will it count women among
the ten participants necessary for a minyan (prayer quorum) (Baker, 1993). Thus, the
religious woman is valued in her role as wife, mother and homemaker, and not for her
abilities as a scholar or sage.

The secular woman.

 

In contrast to the religious woman, the secular Jew is one who does not rely on
Halakhah and Jewish religious practice to inform her Jewish identity. In addition, the
secular Jewish woman interacts freely with non-Jews and does not rely solely on the Jewish
community for her daily survival (Baker, 1993). As a result, that which informs a secular
women’s Jewishness varies, and these women are described as assimilationists, tending to
adapt to the cultures they live in. As such, Laura Levitt (1997) explained that to become
acculturated and secular, a Jewish woman must give up the language and tradition of her
parents and grandparents so she can fit in to the larger non-Jewish culture. Secularism, thus,
can be described as a way for a woman to not stand out as Jewish, and thereby deter
unwanted anti-Semitic sentiments (Kaye/Kantrowitz, 1989). Irena Klepfisz (1989) theorized
that by inheriting a legacy of anti-Semitism, secular Jewish women have concluded that
their Jewishness is fundamentally dangerous and to be hidden rather than accentuated. The
survival strategy of becoming secular is in direct opposition to the survival strategy
employed by the religious woman who immerses herself in Jewish culture and religion to

ensure her safety.

12

 

The Israeli, the Zionist.

The Israeli woman is a native born in the Jewish homeland of Israel. Israeli women
have only recently begun to immigrate to North America and obtain American citizenship
(Fogelman, 1996). Unlike other Jewish immigrants to America, most Israelis do not divorce
themselves from the country they have left, and maintain their primary identification as
Israeli citizens, settling in America largely for economic and personal reasons (Fogelman,
1996). Therefore, Israeli women’s Jewishness is based in her national identity, regardless of
whether she is religious or secular.

Israeli women are nicknamed the Sabrit, or in English the desert cactus, one who is
tough and thorny on the outside, and sweet and tender hearted on the inside (Hazelton,
1995). Native-bom Israeli women and those who have made Aliyah (immigrated to Israel),
are typically Zionists, women who believe that the survival and safety of the Jewish pe0ple

is dependent on the existence of the State of Israel (Horvvitz, 1989). Israeli women are often

 

portrayed in history and in the media in their roles as soldiers in the Israeli army, farmers on

the kibbutz (socialistic agrarian society), or city dwellers in Israel’s major metropolitan areas

 

(Shepperd, 1993). Popular myth about the Israeli woman contends that she is an equal to her
Israeli brother, as evidenced by her military service and role in tuming Palestine, the desert
and swarnpland, into the modern Jewish State of Israel (Plaskow, 1990). Despite popular
belief about the Israeli woman’s liberation, this equality is a myth rather than a fact
(Hazelton, 1977). In reality, the Israeli woman is equally influenced by her ability to enjoy
freedom of expression as a Jew in a Jewish state as she is by the sexism of Israeli culture and

society.

13

 

The lesbian
Jewish lesbians are not valued in the Jewish religion and culture nor are they
welcomed in the Jewish homeland of Israel (Alpert, 1997; Balka & Rose, 1989). Although
Jewish law does not explicitly ban lesbianism, sexuality is only condoned within the
confines of heterosexual marriage and thus, lesbianism is rendered problematic (Biale,
1984). Moreover, lesbian sexuality is not valued by traditional Judaism for it cannot fulfill
the Biblical procreative commandment, “to be fruitful and multiply” (Lipstadt, 1998). As is
the case for any Jewish woman who does not bear children, the childless lesbian is
fundamentally devalued in Jewish culture. Therefore, given that heterosexuality is
considered normative in Judaism, lesbians are viewed as deviants (Baker, 1993).
m Women’s Worldview, Ethics, and Values
Jewish women authors have described the common threads that are woven

throughout Jewish women’s worldview. Although these authors caution that Jewish women
are not a homogenous group (Baker, 1993), most agee that there are common aspects of
Jewish women’s beliefs and life philosophies that nonetheless cut across their differences.
Central to what is described by these authors is a fundamental adherence to a Jewish value
system and code of ethics (Torton Beck, 1989). Paramount to this ethos is a commitment to
tikkun olam, or working toward the establishment of social justice in the world. T ikkun 01am
is achieved by living a just and righteous life and by doing mitzvot (good deeds) (Biale,
1995; Brown, 1991). Jewish women commonly believe in the tenant of tzedakah, which
literally means charity, but actually refers to “a whole notion of community, based on social
action" (Segal, 1998, p. 278). Rachel Weber (1997) explained that in Judaism, the concept

of tikkun 01am allows Jewish women to understand that the world is fundamentally “flawed

14

and in need of fixing” (p. 185). Similarly, Chaya Shoshana (1989) maintained that Jewish

women are obligated to “repair the world” (p. 93). Moreover, Hannah Lerman, (1997)
explained that the most basic underpinning of her devotion to social activism is her duty as a
Jew to help make the world a better place in which to live. This commitment to tikkun olam,
tzedakah, and doing mitzvot, essentially requires that Jewish women have a strong
appreciation for suffering and its alleviation in the world (Brown, 1991). Therefore, Jewish
women often have an ongoing and heightened awareness of the suffering of others and the
ways this suffering can be alleviated.
JewishWommd Anti-Semitism

I A discussion of Jewish women is incomplete without elaborating upon the impact

that anti-Semitism has on their identity (Gilman, Tregebov, & Kirsch, 1998). Given the
reality of anti-Semitism in North America, Jewish women must contend with prevalent anti-
Semitic stereotypes that claim to portray their true nature. Among others, the stereotype of a
woman who is too aggressive, pushy, bossy, tense, driven, difficult, and loud is the most
popular (Kay/Kantrowitz, 1991). According to Rachel Josefowitz Sega] (1986), this
stereotypical image of the Jewish woman is merely “a sexist caricature of the limited
traditional role assigned to women, presented in an anti-Semitic package” (p. 249). For
example, the anti-Semitic caricature of the Jewish mother, derived from the image of the
religious Jew, portrays a woman who is overbearing, overprotective, and self-sacrificing, as
she constantly puts her husband’s and children’s needs above her own and commits her life
efforts to their success (Josefowitz Sega], 1986). Similarly, the anti-Semitic image of the
J.A.P, or the Jewish American Princess, portrays the over-assimilated Jewish woman, one

who has over accommodated capitalism and a Westem appearance (Torton Beck, 1991).

15

The J.A.P., however, unlike the Jewish mother who is self-sacrificing for her family, is
portrayed as selfish and exploitive (Josefowitz Sega], 1986). What is noteworthy about both
these stereotypes, though, is that they mock Jewish survival strategies (i.e. religiosity or
secularism) and the requisite personality qualities that ensure these strategies’ success, thus
allowing Jewish women to survive centuries of persecution. In fact, these survival strategies
are only rendered problematic when viewed from an anti-Semitic perspective.

Therefore, Jewish women scholars largely agree that a woman’s identity as a Jew is
inextricably linked to her awareness of herself as a member of a persecuted minority group
both currently and historically (Cantor, 1995). Greta Hofmann Nemiroff (I 998) explained
that a woman’s Jewishness is solidly linked to a shared history of oppression in what she
terms “the ever present possibility-of-pogrom”(p. 100). The pogroms to which Nemiroff
refers are those that took place throughout Eastern Europe at the turn of the twentieth
century where an organized massacre of the Jews took place. As a result, this awareness of a
constant lack of safety is a central component of the Jewish woman’s mindset (Weiner,
1991). Further, Rachel Weber (1997) explained that Jewish identity is at its very core
founded on a long historical trend of being dominated and discriminated against. Likewise,
Norma Baume] Joseph (1998) explained that to identify as a Jew, a woman must identify
herself with thousands of years of historical pain and injustice. This notion of identifying
with historical persecution and suffering is ritualized in the Woman’s Haggadah, which is
recited during the Passover Seder; “I have been in Egypt. I have been in the desert. I have
learned our history” (E.M. Bronner, 1982, p. 216). In addition, Lisa Schiffman (1999)
theorized that she and all modern Jewish women are “post-Holocaust Jews” (p. 85). That is,

modern Jewish women have a direct association with the Holocaust and Jewish tragedy,

l6

regardless of whether or not they actually lived through these tragedies. Therefore, for
Jewish women, an awareness of an enduring anti-Semitic world is constant. One who said it
well is Sarah Silberstein Swartz (1998), who explained that the memory of Jewish
persecution throughout history and an understanding of the vastness of past suffering allow
Jewish women to know what their place is in the world today.

Summgy

In the past twenty years, as evidenced by this review, the literature on Jewish
women, authored by Jewish women, has been growing. Arising as a response to the absence
of women’s perspectives in mainstream J udaica, the development of this literature began a
tradition wherein Jewish women could define their lives for themselves, rather than having
Jewish men defining their lives for them. In addition to centralizing Jewish women’s voices,
this literature is written in a variety of genres, represents a diversity of Jewish women’s
perspectives, and covers a variety of topics. Two overarching areas covered in this literature
are the nature of Jewish women’s identities and Jewish women and anti-Semitism.

In addition, a noteworthy fact about this woman authored Judaica is that the majority
of it has been produced in the disciplines of Women’s Studies and Jewish Studies and is
theory not data based. To date, psychology has only begun to address psychological topics
central to Jewish women’s lives. Likewise, there are almost no works on Jewish women in
the rapidly growing multicultural psychology literature. As a result, a psychological
perspective on Jewish women remains limited. Given that Jews are major consumers of
psychotherapy (Herz & Rosen, 1982), and comprise a disproportionately high number of
professionals in psychology (Torton Beck, 1995), this fact is problematic. The first reason

this is problematic is because it indicates that although Jewish women may be seen

17

frequently in psychotherapy, therapists may not have the requisite psychological resources
or training to provide culturally sensitive services (Weiner & Moon, 1995). Second, the
reason these psychological resources are lacking might be because Jews do not feel safe to
pursue scholarship on Jewish t0pics in their own discipline (Torton Beck, 1995). Either way,
the lack of psychological research on Jewish women needs to be addressed.

Further, regarding the paucity of literature on Jewish women in psychology, the
approaches taken to discussing the topics covered therein have been mainly theoretical,
experiential, or clinical in nature. What is absent from this literature is both a data-based
exploration of these topics and a more specific examination of the psychological experience
of Jewish women in North America. For example, Jewish women’s identity is theorized to
be comprised both of components that are universal (i.e. commitment to tikkun 01am) and
those that are individual (e.g. ethnicity). However, data on Jewish women’s identity have
never been gathered, nor have clear distinctions been delineated regarding the uniqueness
and complex nature of Jewish women’s ethnicities, identities, worldviews, and ways of
expressing Jewishness. Moreover, no systematic studies exploring how Jewish women
experience their Jewishness in Christian North America and its psychological effect have
been conducted. In addition to a discussion of Jewish women’s identity, anti-Semitism is
written about in this literature as having a major influence on Jewish women’s experiences
and the shape of their identities, but no research is provided to further an understanding of
this experience. Given this, a study of the psychological impact of anti-Semitism on Jewish
women would prove beneficial for a more in-depth understanding of this phenomenon and
the effect that the resulting anti-Semitic stereotypes have on Jewish women. Therefore,

given the overall paucity of data based studies on Jewish women in psychology and

I8

multicultural psychology as a sub-specialty, the proposed study is an important step toward
filling this gap, by providing data that supplements the current theoretical writing on Jewish
women. Therefore, below is described the epistemologies and methodology that will be
I utilized to address the following research questions. The researcher’s underlying
assumptions are also listed below and will be analyzed as well.

Research Questions.
I. What is the nature of Jewish women’s identity, ethnicity, worldview, and their ways of
expressing Jewishness?
2. How do Jewish women experience their Jewishness in a Christian society and what is the
psychological effect of this experience?
3. How do anti-Semitism and its related stereotypes influence Jewish women
psychologically?

Researcher’s Underlying Assumptions.
1. There is a unique entity called Jewishness, which is fundarnenta] to a Jewish woman’s
view of herself and her life.
2. Being a secular Jew is a simple notion and secularism serves as a distinct defining factor
in how the Jewish women understand themselves.
3. A distinction in Jewish ethnicity, (Ashkenazi as opposed to Sephardi), is meaningful in
terms of how women make sense of their J ewishness.
4. Jewish women’s personal and family lives are influenced by their being Jewish.
5. Jewish women have specific ways of coping in a non-Jewish/Christian environment.
6. Having Semitic features and “looking Jewish” contribute to women’s experience of
being Jewish.

l9

CHAPTER 3

Method Section

Epistemolfl

Feminist Epistemologies

The dominant epistemological paradigm in psychology is positivism (Fine, 1994).
Positivism, originating in the natural sciences, asserts that reality can be known empirically,
when measured and quantified through an inquiry method of objective observation (Kirk &
Miller, 1986). The basic assumptions of positivism are that human behavior parallels
behavior in the natural world, that truth that can be observed and measured separate of
individuals, and that human behavior can be studied without acknowledging context (Riger,
1992). Positivism has been critiqued by feminists because it does not acknowledge that
research supports patriarchal political assumptions, ignores the subjectivity of the research
process, and fails to recognize women’s ways of knowing (Hubbard, 1988). As a result,
many feminists in psychology question positivist assumptions and empirical methods and
have replaced them with methods of qualitative and natural inquiry (Denzin & Lincoln,
1994). As such, feminist psychologists recognize the importance of studying women’s lives
in context while acknowledging the subjective nature of the research process (Reinharz,
1992). Likewise, feminists maintain that the person of the researcher, that is the researcher
as “knower,” directly influences the outcome of research (Fine, 1994). In contrast to
positivism, a feminist epistemological standpoint promotes a focus on women’s lives as well
as those of other oppressed groups (Lather, 1991). Thus, a feminist epistemological

standpoint maintains that this focus can “correct traditional masculinist distortions” (Tirosh-

20

Rothschild, 1994, p. 91). Therefore, given the importance of acknowledging the person of
the researcher, a study conceptualized and conducted about Jewish women, conducted by a
Jewish feminist researcher would naturally be influenced by both feminist and Jewish ways
of knowing.
Jewish Ways of Knowing

There are several key components comprising a Jewish standpoint on knowing.
There is no solitary Jewish standpoint, however, given that ethnicity, national origin, and
other factors can vary the nature of Jewish identity. Given that Ashkenazi Jews are the
predominant ethnic group in North America, for the purpose of this discussion, I will largely
describe that perspective. As such, the first feature that influences an Ashkenazi Jewish
standpoint on knowing is the communal nature of the Jewish people (Baker, 1993). In
addition, a major influence on Jewish knowing is halakhah (Jewish law) that dictates that
Jews come to know God collectively. More specifically, halakhah instructs that to know
God, Jews must pray communally in a minyan (a quorum of ten men) (Gottlieb, 1995). In
contrast, Jewish law does not provide equivalent communal determinants for women’s
prayer (Biale, 1984).

A second component of the collective nature of Jewish culture is that being verbal
in one’s community is highly valued (Rosen & Weltrnan, 1996). That is, the importance of
being able to express one’s knowledge to one’s community is held in high regard.
Similarly, Jewish culture values those who possess the ability to engage in critical thinking
and to articulate insight gained from critical thinking in discussion with others (Rosen &
Weltman, 1996). For example, eloquent verbal expression is thought to evidence a learned

man’s ability to explore the intent of ancient texts and the arguments therein, and to present

2]

his understanding of these texts and their arguments to his community (Brown, 1991). It is
noteworthy though, that there is an absence of a defined role for women who wish to present
their knowledge to the community. In fact, historically, the presentation of women’s
knowledge has been generally discouraged (Shepperd, 1993). Yet, according to the Mishha
(book of Jewish law), the highest level of spirituality and scholarship is evidenced through
this kind of shared knowledge and discussion (Cantor, 1995). That is, to be able to explore
God’s intent in the Torah, in a community of one’s peers, is considered one of the highest
mitzvot (good deeds) an individual can perform (Cantor, 1995).
@1511 Women’s Voices

Through the knowledge gained from centuries of discourse and debate in the beit
midrash and Yeshiva, Jewish learned men and rabbis have created the Jewish religion, law,
and culture that exists today (Plaskow, 1990). As such, Jewish law is based on men’s
discussions and debate, whereas women historically have been excluded from formal study
and thus could not engage in this meaningful dialogue (Shepherd, 1993). Moreover,
historically, Jewish women were not consulted to give input into matters that specifically
relate to their lives, and the laws that govern their existence (Gottlieb, 1995). In other words,
Jewish women have been historically forbidden from interpreting and defining their own
existence as Jews (Heschel, 1995). As a result, Jewish women’s realities are not expressed
in traditional Judaica. Given the absence of Jewish women from the development of Jewish
law, communal prayer and study, this researcher believes that is important for scholars to

address women’s voices when studying Jewish life.

22

Jewish Feminist Epistemology

In response to this patriarchal tradition, Jewish feminist scholars have begun to
introduce a Jewish feminist epistemological standpoint to the study of Jewish women’s
lives. A Jewish feminist epistemology can be defined as one that centralizes Jewish
women’s voices while respecting the traditions of Jewish women (Tirosh-Rothschild, 1994).
Similarly, a Jewish feminist epistemology allows Jewish women’s realities to be defined by
Jewish women, while also allowing Jewish women to critique the Jewish patriarchy without
being anti-Semitic (Tirosh-Rothschild, 1994). As such, a Jewish feminist epistemology
allows Jewish women’s voices to come to the foreground in discussions regarding the nature
of Jewishness and Jewish life. Further, by assuming a Jewish feminist epistemological
stance in this proposed study, the research outlined below serves as a form of tikkun olam, in
that it offers a process that could recognize the knowledge of Jewish women. Finally,
employing a Jewish feminist standpoint in this study will hopefully create an environment
where Jewish women feel safe to discuss key topics in their lives, namely their Jewish
identity and anti-Semitism.

W
MA]

Feminist researchers have argued that methodology must be informed by
epistemology (Reinharz, 1992). As such, this study integrates both feminist and Jewish
feminist epistemologies to inform its qualitative methodology. According to Denzin &
Lincoln (1994), qualitative methods are beneficial in that they allow the researcher to
capture the participants’ points of view, gather contextual data on participants’ lives, and

offer rich descriptions of the phenomenon being studied. Thus, I employed an integrative

23

qualitative methodology that would allow participants’ points of view and experiences to be
central (Sinacore, in progress). To integrate a feminist epistemology into the qualitative
methodology, I put mechanisms in place to address my reflexive stance and subjective
frame. To integrate a Jewish feminist epistemology into the methodology, I employed
techniques to analyze my own Jewish fiarne. This process resulted in my employing an
integrative qualitative method (Sinacore, in progress). This integrative methodology is
described below.
996—8ng

For this study I used a semi-structured interview format (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994).
For these semi-structured interviews, I met individually with 12 Jewish women. My goal for
the semi-structured interviews was to allow participants to explore general topics covered in
the literature on Jewish women as outlined in the study’s interview protocol (see Appendix
C). I followed each research question in the interview protocol with the overall topic in the
question to be explored. I followed each overall topic with the key concepts that comprised
that topic. I followed these concepts with the initial interview prompt that I gave to the
participant to facilitate their exploration of the topic. I followed the initial interview prompt
with a list of more detailed prompts related to the topic and its key concepts. At the end of
the protocol, I listed several process questions. I used these questions to elicit the
participants’ overall experience of the interview and to help them debrief.

I used the list of key concepts in the interview protocol solely as a checklist to ensure
that participants fully explored the topic. If the participant naturally covered these key
concepts, then I took the role of an “active listener” and provided no additional prompts

following the initial one. If the participant did not fully address the key topic’s concepts,

24

then I used a more detailed prompt to ensure that these concepts were addressed. Thus, I
utilized the interview prompts to facilitate the participant’s exploration of the key concepts if
needed. I did not intend these detailed prompts to be a strict guideline for the discussion,
rather as previously stated, a means to ensure that the key concepts were discussed.

Given that I came to the interview with an awareness of the topics and items to be
explored, I focused primarily on facilitating participant exploration, however, where
appropriate, I utilized a feminist research strategy, whereby I entered into dialogue with the
participant by introducing my subjective frame, if I suspected it would help facilitate the
participant’s exploration of the topic (Reinharz, 1992).

Participants

Since there is no data-based literature on Jewish women, I believed that it would
have been impossible to study the complexity of this group in one study. To allow for an in-
depth study of one segment of Jewish women in America, and in light of the fact that the
majority of Jews in America are Ashkenazi, I determined that the participants in this study
would be Ashkenazi Jewish women, aged thirty and older, who self-identified as secular, or

non-observant, meaning, “those who identify as Jews - who feel Jewish - yet who have no

 

religious affiliation” (Baker, 1993, p. 92). I chose to explore secular identity because the
nature of secular Jewish identity is elusive and often varies.

Given that religious Jews often live in insular communities and only interact with
the secular Jewish world out of necessity, this group of Jewish women would not have been
an accessible group to be studied by a secular Jew, such as myself. As a result, the
participants in this study were secular, as they were more familiar to me and congruent with

my standpoint as a researcher. Likewise, since Israeli American Jews constitute a unique

25

segment of Jewish America and derive their identity primarily from their national origin
(Israel), I determined that it would be best to study them separately.
Recruitment

I recruited participants through networking and word-of-mouth in a small Mid-
Western city. When appropriate, I made contact with individuals in my professional circle
that knew of potential participants, and asked them to provide these potential participants
with a brief description of the study, which was excerpted from the consent form, to inform
them of the nature of the study. (see Appendix D). Once these potential participants received
this information, my original contacts asked them to contact me directly by phone or e-mail
to indicate their interest in participating. No parties helping to recruit participants were ever
informed by me of an individual’s decision to participate.

I recruited twelve participants, in total, in the order that they responded, assuming

they self-identified as Ashkenazi and secular and were thirty years of age or older. I chose

 

the number of research participants in accordance with Hill, Thompson, and Williams’
(1997) recommendation for qualitative research in the field of counseling psychology. These

authors recommended utilizing a “large enough sample” (p. 532), such as eight to fifteen

 

participants, so that the results of the data analysis can be determined to be relevant only to
one or two of the participants or the majority. Finally, I did not use selection criteria for
participation based on marital status or sexual orientation. I did not need to compile a
waitlist, as the first twelve participants who expressed interest in the study participated.

There was no dropout from the study.

26

We

Demogr_aphic information sheet.

To gather the necessary demographic information about the participants, I designed
a demographic sheet for this study. This sheet gathered background information about the
participant’s age, ethnicity, race, religious affiliation, marital status, sexual orientation, etc.
(See Appendix B).

Semi-structured interview protocol.

To facilitate the semi-structured interviews, I designed an interview protocol. This
protocol contained a list of the questions and other items put forth to participants for their
consideration. The main topics covered in this protocol included items regarding Jewish
women’s identity, living as a Jew in Christian North America, anti-Semitism, Jewish
culture, and women’s role in Jewish religion (See Appendix C).

Data Collection

The procedure I followed for data collection was as follows: First, I identified
research participants either by word-of-mouth or networking. Once potential participants
indicated their interest in participating to me either by phone or e-mail, I made an initial
contact with them by phone to directly discuss the nature of the study and the details of
informed consent. The discussion I had with participants regarding informed consent
appraised the participant of: the premise of the study, the study’s specific nature and design,
the general topics to be covered, the general nature and timing of the questions and
interview items, the option to participate in member checking, the time involved, the nature

or role of the researcher in the interview, the location of the study, and the fact that they

27

could withdraw from the study at any time without repercussion. I also informed
participants that there was no financial incentive for their participation (See Appendix D).

If a potential participant expressed interest in being involved in the study at the end
of the initial phone contact, I provided her with an informed consent and demographic sheet
via the mail. After reading the informed consent and demographic sheet, I asked participants
to contact me by phone or e-mail to schedule a time to meet and be interviewed based on
convenience and scheduling options. When I met the participant for the interview, I
provided them with an overview of what was to occur again. Next, I asked the participant to
sign and date the informed consent and complete the demographics sheet.

Once the participant signed the consent form and completed the demographic sheet,
I conducted the semi-structured interview. That is, I offered the participant topics on Jewish
life and Jewish women’s role in Jewish culture, various questions, key Jewish maxirns, and
statements from Jewish text for their consideration. After I provided the prompts the
participant explored the meaning of the item at hand. Further, I tape-recorded all interviews.
Finally, interviews lasted between 60 and 90 minutes.

When the interviews were over, I conducted a short debriefing (See Process
Questions at the end of Appendix C). During the debriefing, I asked the participants if they
had experienced any discomfort from participating in the study or by discussing the research
topics. No participants indicated that they had experienced such discomfort, but I
encouraged all to contact me, nonetheless, if needed at any time after the interview. I offered
future contact with me to ensure that no harm came to participants as a result of the research

process.

28

Resegher’s Dag

Consistent with feminist epistemologies, I took the following steps to maintain a
reflexive stance and understand the interactive effect of my subjective position on the
research process. First, to document my experience as a researcher, I kept a log before and
after each data collection session. I also kept an ongoing log throughout the study as needed,
noting how my participation in the study affected the overall process and the specific
progression of my personal awareness of the t0pics being studied. Second, as I analyzed the
data, I took process notes to keep track of my thoughts, feelings, and questions and concerns
to discuss with the auditor. Third, along with the log I kept during the course of the study, I
also took notes before the study commenced to clarify the research assumptions I was
bringing to the process. Finally, I followed a procedure to analyze my initial research
assumptions upon completion of the study.

2W

Qarta Preparation

Upon completion of data collection, I had all tapes from the interviews transcribed. I
secured Fellowship monies from the College of Education, at Michigan State University to
pay for the services of an outside transcriber. Utilizing an outside transcriber allowed me to
maintain some distance from the data and increased my ability to self-observe my process in
the research.
Data Analysis Procedure

I did not begin the formal data analysis until after all data were collected. I did this to
minimize my interaction with the data while participating in the data collection process.

Following data collection and transcription, I reviewed and analyzed the transcripts. The

29

overall data analytic procedures I utilized were consistent with those outlined in Dey (1993).
In addition to employing these procedures, I utilized member checking (J anesick, 1994) and
employed two judges and an auditor (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997; Sinacore, in
progress). These procedures are described in detail below.

First, I read each transcript separately in their entirety and took notes on my overall
impressions. Next I re-read the transcripts attending to one impression at a time. That is, I
re-read the transcript and identified data units to support each impression. For each
transcript, I created an impression sheet, wherein I identified a general impression and noted
the data units, with page and line numbers of the sections of the transcript that corresponded
to those data units.

Second, I examined and clustered irnpressions and their corresponding data units
based on similar topic areas. That is, I clustered data into focus points. Once I decided upon
focus points, I re-read the individual transcripts attending to each focus point separately to
identify any additional data units that supported that focus point. After I completed this
process, I re-exarnined the focus points and re-grouped them to develop categories. Next, I
decided upon categories and analyzed across all transcripts for themes and sub-themes. I
employed this same data analytic procedure for both the participants’ and researcher’s data.
Audlm

To check for my researcher assumptions and to maintain the integrity of the analysis
I employed an auditor (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). I did not use specific criteria

for selecting the auditor other than her willingness to take on this cumbersome task, and her
general knowledge of counseling psychology and topics related to those being studied

herein. The auditor in this study was female, Catholic, Italian American/Canadian,

30

Caucasian, forty-one years old, held a Ph.D. in counseling psychology, was eight years post-
Ph.D., and was an Associate Professor and active researcher in a University in Canada. The
auditor also had expertise in qualitative research, women’s issues, feminist psychology,
religion, spirituality, diversity, and multiculturalism.

In accordance with the verbal agreement I established with this auditor at the
commencement of the study, her role in both the data analysis and writing process was to
challenge my views, interpretations, and biases and play the “devils advocate.” To
accomplish this, I had a weekly one to two hour meeting with the auditor either in person or
by phone, fiom the onset of the data analysis process through to the end of the formal data
analysis and write-up. As the auditor questioned my assumptions and impressions, she also
raised questions about the data units, focus points, themes and sub-themes I had identified in
both the participant’s and researcher’s data. As such, the auditor provided me with verbal
feedback on each transcript, across transcript analysis, analysis of researcher’s log, and
analysis of researcher’s assumptions.

The results produced by using an auditor were that I was required to continually
examine my internal process and reasoning and to remain open to hearing how this sounded
to an outside reviewer. This process was a critical component of the quality of the data
analysis, as well as, the study itself. This process also resulted in my being able to examine
my process, biases, impressions, and subjective frame more deeply. The use of an auditor
also ensured that the data analysis was thorough and well thought through. In the end, this

resulted in my continually reassessing and reviewing the overall data analysis for accuracy.

31

 

Judges

According to Porter (1999), no matter how careful one tries to be in the application
of qualitative methods, one cannot escape from “the eye-of-the-beholder phenomenon” (p.
62). To account for my subjective view embedded in the data analysis, I used two judges as
a means for validating or invalidating the impressions and themes that I identified upon
completion of the data analysis. Likewise, the judges’ responses facilitated my ability to
question my general descriptions of the data and overall experience of the participant’s
frame. I did not decide upon specific criteria for selecting the judges other than their
willingness to take on this cumbersome task, and their general knowledge of counseling
psychology and topics related to those being studied herein. As such, one judge was
Muslim, Turkish/Canadian, Caucasian, and thirty-four years old. The other was Jewish
American, Ashkenazi, Caucasian, and forty-two years old. Both of the judges were female
and held Ph.D.s in counseling psychology. One judge was one year post—Ph.D. and the
other was seven years post-Ph.D.. Both judges were practicing clinicians; one practiced

in a university counseling center and the other in a private practice. Both judges had

 

expertise in qualitative research, women’s issues, feminist psychology, religion,

spirituality, diversity, and multiculturalism.

 

To gather feedback from the judges, I sent them both copies of the transcripts and a
letter of instruction asking them to read the transcripts and take notes on their impressions
and the recursive themes that came to their attention. I also instructed the judges not to
engage in a formal data analysis process (See Appendix F). After the judges provided me
with their notes, I compared my general impressions I found in the data with those of the

judges, assessing for similarities and inconsistencies. In the end, the judges’ feedback was of

32

very high quality and very useful and in total the judges generated fifty pages of comments.
Both judges took a great deal of time in reviewing the transcripts and in note taking.
Likewise, both judges provided me with valuable insight into both the overall interview
process and the specific content of the interviews. On the whole, the judges strongly
validated my impressions and the related themes 1 had identified. Although the judges
commented on various details in each transcript, overall, their feedback was continuing of
my final analysis.

Member Checking

 

After the initial data analysis was complete, I provided participants with a summary
of the analysis for member checking (Janesick, 1994). The process of member checking
allowed for each participant to review the data analysis summary to ensure that the
responses they gave were accurately reflected in the overall analysis. For this purpose, all
twelve participants were emailed a summary of the results (See Appendix E). If a

participant wanted to clarify a point they had made, I invited them to do so at that time. Of

 

the twelve, eight participants responded. All eight participants who responded thought the
results summary was an accurate representation of what they had generally said in the

interview.

 

Summary of the Method

 

As a result of this process, I created a data-based understanding of Jewish women’s
experiences. I assumed a Jewish feminist epistemological stance, which helped participants
give voice to their experiences, beliefs, and thoughts both as Jews and women. To gather
data, I utilized a qualitative methodology employing semi-structured interviews. Upon

completion of all data collection, I created and analyzed the transcripts and gave participants

33

the opportunity to participate in the process of member checking. I read the transcripts
repeatedly and analyzed them for general impressions, data units, focus points, overarching
themes and sub-themes. I analyzed both the participants’ and researcher’s data in this
manner.

To fully describe my standpoint and assumptions, I kept an ongoing researcher’s log
throughout the study. Likewise, I involved two outside judges and an auditor in the data
analysis process to explore my subjective frame. I included a summary of impressions, from
both the researcher’s log and the judges’ and auditor’s observations in the final write-up of
the study. Finally, upon completion of the data compilation and analyses, I presented an

overarching conceptual understanding of Jewish women’s lives.

 

34

CHAPTER 4

Results

new

The results section is divided into two main sections: (a) participants’ data, and,
(b) researcher’s data. The participants’ data contains the: (a) description of participants,
(b) participants’ concepts, themes, and sub-themes, and, (c) data analysis for the research
process questions. The researcher’s data contains a: (a) data analysis of researcher’s log, and
((1) data analysis of the researcher’s underlying assumptions.

Participant’s Datp

Description of Pprticipants

The recruitment process resulted in the inclusion of 12 participants who self-
identified as Ashkenazi, secular and Caucasian. The participants in the study were
predominantly heterosexual, with only one being lesbian. The participants’ ages were as
follows: one was 31, one was 32, one was 39, one was 42, three were 44, two were 46, and
one was 53. Eight participants were married or partnered, 2 were dating, 1 was single, and 1
was divorced. Of the married/partnered group, 6 were married to a person who was Jewish,
the other 2 were not. Further, 6 of the participants had 15 children whose ages ranged from 7
to 25. Eleven of the participants were able-bodied; one had a physical disability.

Six of the participants identified themselves as living in a suburban residence and
six identified themselves as living in an urban residence. As for the participant’s affiliation
with a particular branch of Judaism, 8 identified as Reform, 2 as Conservative, l as

Reconstructionist and 1 had no affiliation. Also, 6 of the 12 participants held a synagogue

35

 

membership. Moreover, 5 participants noted that they were raised in a secular home, 3 in a
Reform home, 2 in a Religious/Orthodox home, and 1 in a Conservative home. Participants’
described their grandparents’ Jewish identity as varying: 2 were Reform, 2 were secular, 1
was a cultural Jew, l was anti-religious, and 6 were Orthodox.

As for the nationalities of the participants, all of their families hailed from Westem
and Eastern Europe, and all were born of American born parents. All participants identified
English as their mother tongue. Eight participants indicated they spoke at least one
additional language including: Spanish, French, Yiddish, Hebrew, Italian, and Portugese.
Participants’ parents were all English speakers and eight spoke at least one additional
language including: German, Spanish, Yiddish, Italian, French, Hebrew, Russian, and
Czech. Participants’ grandparents’ nationalities varied, and participants did not know all of
the exact places of their births. Participants’ grandparents were reported to come from the
following locations: Poland, Hungary, Germany, Latvia, Ukraine, Russia, Eastern Europe,
and the United States. Six of the participants’ grandparents were reported to speak English.
All of the participants reported that their grandparents spoke additional languages including:
Polish, Hungarian, German, Latvian, Russian, French, Spanish, and Yiddish.

As for educational status, all of the participants had at least a bachelors degree, 7 had
a masters degree, 2 held doctorates, and 2 held juris doctorates. In addition, 6 participants
’ held full-time positions, 5 held part-time positions, and 1 was retired. Regarding socio-
economic status, 6 participants identified as middle-class, 4 as upper-middle class, and 2 as
lower-middle class. As a group, the participants held a myriad of professional positions
including: psychotherapist, author, child advocate, graduate student, administrator, art

consultant, quality analyst, novelist, professor, entrepreneur, and psychology intern.

36

Other factors the participants reported to have influenced their Jewish identity were:
socialist/communist parents or grandparents, Zionism, Jewish summer camp experiences,
trips to Europe and Eastern Europe, growing up in an anti-Semitic environment, and the
impact of the Holocaust on family members. ’

Corgepts Themes,aflSub-Themes
The Concepf of Jewishness

A central area of inquiry in this study was Jewishness. The results of this study
indicated that being Jewish or theconcept of J ewishness was central to how the
participants in this study understood whom they were and how they viewed the world.
Jewishness was also a complex and multi-dimensional concept and was described by the
participants in a myriad of ways. One participant described the multi-faceted nature of
this concept, “I would say that being Jewish means having been raised Jewish, having a
connection with one’s Jewish family, feeling Jewish, feeling a connection with the Jewish
community, participating in religious observation, and feeling connected with Jewish
history.” Speaking to this further, another participant added, “My Jewishness is about
identifying with Jewish culture, the larger Jewish population, with Israel, with Jewish

foods, with Jewish history, and with Yiddish folklore.”

 

Participants also discussed the unique facets that comprised their J ewishness. The
two aspects most commonly mentioned by participants were Jewish law and personal
identification. First, many participants referred to Jewish law as a foundational piece. For
example one participant stated, “There are the Jewish laws. So, if you are born of a Jewish
mother, you’re Jewish.” Second, participants referred to the notion of personal identification

as a component of J ewishness. One participant explained, “I think that there’s identification.

37

Like someone who identifies themselves as being Jewish, even if technically they wouldn’t
be considered Jewish.” Another participant echoed this idea, “What makes Jewish women
Jewish? 1 think it’s clearly how we view ourselves. You know, it’s our identity. It’s notjust
religious.”

Participants discussed how a Jewish childhood and the Jewish community and
culture informed their Jewishness. When speaking of a Jewish childhood, one participant
believed, “I think Jewishness actually comes from childhood, our upbringing, some of that
early nurturing, and some of the over-protectiveness of our mothers.” Participants also
recognized that being members of the Jewish community was another contributing factor.
For example, one participant explained, “It means I’m part of the community. Being Jewish
means I feel that I’m part of something much bigger, just as the minyan is important. It’s a
communal religion and we don’t normally pray alone.” Lastly, participants considered the
role Jewish culture played in their Jewishness, and one participant stated, “A lot of what I
am comes from my Jewish culture.”

Participants articulated the role that Jewish tradition and Jewish history played in
the make-up of their Jewishness. As illustrated by one participant, Jewish traditions were
understood as being central, “The first thing that comes to mind is matzo-balls, Hanukkah
and all the traditions.” Another agreed, “It’s having Shabbat on Friday night, lighting the
candles, and eating the hallah.” Participants also emphasized the importance of Jewish
history and a legacy of anti-Semitism as being part of their Jewishness. One participant
shared,

My family and I have been Jewish all the way back through all of our

connections. We are Jewish and our history is important. There’s been oppression

38

 

and there’s been anti-Semitism in quite severe degrees up through the Holocaust.

So, maintenance of Jewish history is important. Jews should not deny that history

but should affirm it.

Along with Jewish tradition and Jewish history, Jewish ethics and Jewish values
were both described as aspects of Jewishness. Participants explained that being raised
with Jewish values, participating in a Jewish ethical tradition, and being a good person,
all contributed to their Jewishness. One participant noted how being raised with Jewish
values was an important aspect, “I think being brought up with Jewish values makes you
Jewish.” Other participants referenced the Jewish ethical tradition as a facet of their
Jewishness. One participant explained, “I feel deeply Jewish partly because I’m
participating in an ethical tradition.” Still other participants explored the role of being a
good person and the way this informed their Jewishness. As stated by one participant,
“What it means to me to be a Jewish woman, a Jewish friend, a Jewish wife, a Jewish
mom, a Jewish person is really just being a good person.”

Finally, all of the twelve participants discussed how their Jewishness was
fundamental and central to whom they were and how they saw the world. Participants also

described the permanence of Jewishness in one’s identity. First, participants discussed the

 

essential and core nature of their Jewishness. One participant said, “It’s almost who we are
innately,” and another added, “I put Jewish before even I put woman. So it’s that much a
part of my identity. ” Similarly, a third participant explained, “It’s very important to me, it’s
in my psyche all the time. I always think, ‘I’m Jewish’.” Second, participants explained that

Jewishness was a lens through which they viewed life. One participant noted, “My

39

Jewishness informs how I view the world.” Lastly, participants thought that Jewishness was
a permanent entity. To illustrate this point, one participant described a friend of hers,

Her parent’s were concentration camp survivors and she was raised without religion.

She knows nothing about Hebrew school or Sunday school. She doesn’t know about

any of the holidays. She doesn’t know about Shabbat candles or Hanukkah because

her parents, although they were very Jewish, Jewish enough to be put in a

concentration camp, rejected God, because what kind of God could do this? In my

opinion though, she’s still Jewish. You can’t take the Jewishness out.

In summary participants explained that Jewishness was a multi-faceted construct
comprised of many elements and was integral to the way in which they understood who they
were a people and how they interacted with the world. As such, a more comprehensive
analysis of the data with regard to how participants understood their Jewishness resulted in
the emergence of seven themes: (a) Jewish ethics and morality, (b) Jewish people,

(c) Jewish community, (d) Jewish women in Judaism, (e) othemess, (f) anti-Semitism, and,
(g) the Holocaust.
Jewish Ethics pn_d Morajpg

The first major theme that emerged from the data was Jewish ethics and morality.
Most of the participants explained that Jewish culture, history, and religion provided them
with an ethical tradition to which they could adhere. To support this idea, one participant
stated, “I feel like Judaism has a terrifically sound ethical tradition.” Another participant
echoed this view, “It’s just a way of fiaming the doing of good things, good deeds, good
acts, in a Jewish framework. This is particularly stressed in a Jewish tradition.” Participants

also described the nature of this Jewish ethical tradition. One participant said,

40

 

Jewish morality seems to be rooted not in a notion of divine retribution, but in
ethical debate, you know, that we must discern for ourselves the meaning of good
and evil and it is incumbent upon us to do that rigorously through study of the
Torah.
Similarly, participants explained that Jewish ethics instructed them on how to act and be a
good person. One participant offered her view,
I have a sense of how I believe people are supposed to be. I think that somewhere
along the line I got that idea that there is a way to be in the world and that you take
care of other people who are less well off than you are. This is especially Jewish and
I do think that there is a Jewish ideal of charity and fulfillment of duty. I think of this
as part of Jewish culture because that was how I was taught and what I absorbed.
Though participants agreed that there is a Jewish ethical tradition, some participants
indicated that having an ethical code is not unique to Judaism. These participants believed
that morality was a universal notion. One participant stated, “I don’t feel like anybody has a
monopoly on it, I feel like that is true for all human beings, you know, regardless.” Another
participant shared this position,
I guess with any religious community I would hope they would have sort of moral
principles that correspond. They may have different ways of expressing their
political orientation than the ways that I think about it, you know, inequity, race, and
gender roles and the like, but I would hope they would have some humane ethical
principles. I guess I don’t see that as strictly a Jewish identity issue.
Similarly, regarding the ideal of being a good person and its source, one participant
explained,

41

I don’t think that there’s really something that makes a Jewish woman a good
women versus just a woman or a man or a person a good person. I think there
definitely are values that you can learn in any religion and it seems that they’re sort
of the same, you know, throughout Judaism, Catholicism, and a lot of the religions
that I’ve encountered. Love others as you’d love yourself; try to do your best; don’t
step on other people’s toes.

As such, these participants indicated there is a moral tradition in all religious belief systems

and the Jewish moral tradition is just one among many.

Participants also shared their thoughts about the unique composition of the Jewish
ethical tradition. In particular, participants described this tradition as being comprised of
four components: (a) being a good person, (b) doing good deeds (mitzvot), (c) doing
charitable acts (tzedakah), and, (d) participating in social action (tikkun 01am). The
composition of a Jewish ethical tradition was illustrated by one participant who said, “I
think so much of halakhah and moral code in a nutshell is talking about how to be a good
person, do tzedakah and work to repair the world,” and another explained, “Tikkun olam
and mitzvot, it’s just how I live my life and because I’m Jewish, they are the Jewish
words connected with that.”

As for being a good person, participants mostly believed that how one learns to be
good comes from being Jewish. As one participant put it, “I guess for some reason I feel
a responsibility to be the best person I can be. But then, I feel a responsibility to be even
better than that because I’m Jewish.” Next, participants described their understanding of
the role of doing good deeds (mitzvot) in Jewish morality. One participant gave an

example from her life,

42

 

We shovel the driveway of the woman across the street. My daughter and I do

those things and that’s really important. My husband and my daughter sing in

nursing homes, you know. Those are active little things. Those are things that are

really important. And, I think it’s vital. I think that’s part of our Jewish teaching.
Likewise, participants explored the idea of Jewish charity (tzedakah). One participant
shared her view, “I think it’s not only doing tzedakah but it’s also giving of yourself. To
me, that was like really important and very Jewish.”

Lastly, participants gave their opinions about the Jewish tradition of social action
(tikkun 01am). One participant shared what this idea meant to her, “You have to leave the
world a better a place than it was when you got there.” Participants not only emphasized the
need to improve the world but also to speak out about injustice and the oppression of all
people. One participant emphasized this point,

I feel very, very, strongly about social justice, equality, inequality, helping people,

and not just Jewish people. I do think that it is a part of the Jewish community even

starting in youth. There’s always a lot of social action, and so you learn that that’s a

part of being in the Jewish community.
Another participant echoed this sentiment, “For me being a Jew is to see injustice and to
own it, not to wait for someone else to do something about it.” And a third agreed that for
Jews there must be a, “willingness to side with the underdog, whether we are the ones who
are the underdog, at that time, or not. I see this as deep, you know, kind of rooted in
Judaism.”

Thus, most participants explained that being a good person, doing good deeds,

and participating in social action were all key components of their Jewishness. In

43

 

addition, many stressed the importance of raising Jewish children to do the same. One
participant explained,

When I think about passing something on to my children, I want them to have a

sense that they need to give back to the world, help make the world a better place,

that they’re benefiting from people who’ve left things for them and they have a

responsibility to take care of that for the future.
Another participant also emphasized the importance of passing along Jewish morality,
“When I have children I feel very strongly about raising them in a Jewish tradition
because I feel like it’s the best means by which to sort of defend ourselves against moral
relativism.” A third participant added to this discussion and stressed the value of being an
ethical role model, “One of the most important things for me is being a good example for
your children, raising good children and being kind to people and being compassionate
and loving.” As such, participants indicated who they are ethically is inseparable from
their experience of themselves as Jewish.
The Jewish People

The second major theme that emerged from the data was the Jewish people. ’
Participants described the concept of the Jewish people and discussed it in two ways: (a)
Jewish childhood and the Jewish family, and (b) the Jewish community.

Jewish childhoocL and the Jewish family.

Two areas that informed participants’ concept of Jewishness were their childhood
experiences and their current family lives. Participants reported that how they were raised to

be Jewish, their childhood Jewish homes, their relationship with their mothers and

44

 

grandmothers, and their intergenerational experiences growing up, all informed who they

were as a Jews today. When discussing her Jewish childhood, one participant explained,
I was bom Jewish so my indoctrination (laugh) or my whole formative years with
my parents was in a Jewish household. So that was just very natural for me. I never
really questioned whether or not I wanted to be Jewish. If I was trying to figure out
who I am, perhaps how observant or non-observant was more the question, not
whether or not I wanted to remain Jewish.

Other participants focused on the effect growing up in a Jewish home had on them. One

participant illustrated this,
My mother created a Jewish oasis within our home because we were living in an
incredibly non-Jewish world. Within the walls there was Shabbat and we attended
synagogue. All the holidays were at our house, Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur,
Passover and there were always lots of people and, you know, lots of other Jewish
people invited to our home and it was always positive. There was always food and
music.

Other participants specifically discussed the influence their mothers had on their
Jewishness. One participant explained, “My mother had the most powerful impact on my
Jewish identity of anybody.” A second participant spoke of her mother’s influence as a
role model,

To me what a Jewish woman is, is what I saw in my mother. She volunteered like
crazy and she was the president of the Sisterhood for fifteen years. And my mom

just lived this beautiful existence, you know, of charity and tzedakah and

45

 

generosity and welcomeness into our home, and tolerance and forgiveness and
integrity.
Another participant spoke more specifically about a struggle in her relationship with her
Jewish mother,
I think I got lots of mixed messages partly because of my mom’s attitude because
of hgr is_sr_r§ having grown up in an Orthodox family. Her negative messages sort
of carried over a little bit. Her anger at the sexism of Judaism that she got as a
child got projected a little bit onto me, like I wasn’t given choices about what to
do for my bat-mitzvah.
Similarly, participants described the ways their grandparents contributed to their
Jewishness. One participant offered her understanding of this,
My sense of J ewishness comes from my grandmother. There’s a pretty typical
division that I absorbed. She took care of the children and my grandfather
brought home the money working at this terrible job and he was gone all the time.
He was out of town regularly and she was the person that held them together. In a
Jewish family the woman holds things together and the man wasn’t responsible
for the family. In the classical Jewish family, the man needs to be devoted to his
work and study.
Another participant spoke of the legacy she was handed by her grandparents,
All my grandparents had Jewish values and being Jewish was very important to
them. My grandmother talked to me about coming over in steerage and, you
know, trying to make a life in America. The values that I’ve learned from all of

my grandparents were: you work hard; you do your best; you get an education;

46

and, you follow your Judaism. So I think that was definitely strongly handed

down to me.

Next, participants described the meaning of intergenerational family experiences and
learning about Jewish culture and religion from one’s family. One participant highlighted
the importance of intergenerational continuity,

To me being Jewish is every Friday night when I light the Shabbat candles that I

know my mother does, my grandmother did, my great-grandmother did, her

grandmother did, her grandmother did all the way back. We all lit Shabbat candles

and to me when I see my children lighting the candles, it’s a continuum, it’s a

continuum of thousands of years.

Further, many participants described the childhood experiences that they participated
in their families regarding Jewish traditions, rituals and activities. Some participants
explained the importance keeping kosher (observing Jewish dietary laws) was given in their
homes growing up. For example, one participant noted, “I was raised in a kosher home and
my mother had to drive 124 miles to get kosher food, so it was that important to her to keep
kosher and to raise us Jewish.” Others spoke about Jewish holidays, “We celebrated the
High Holy Days like Rosh Hashanah.” Still others spoke about the Jewish ritual of bat-
mitzvah, the rites of passage ceremony issuing a Jewish daughter into adulthood in the
Jewish community. One participant shared, “I guess it was important to have a bat-mitzvah,”
and another added, “I was also the oldest, so I was the first one, and I was proud to be bat-
mitzvahed.”

Finally, being involved in the broader Jewish community was an important influence

in the participants’ childhoods, and included activities such as, attending Hebrew school,

47

joining Jewish youth groups, and going to Jewish summer camps. One participant said, “I
went to Sunday school and I was extremely involved in Jewish youth movement.” Another
added, “We went to Hebrew school. I probably learned a lot about Jewish values through
what I was taught in Hebrew school. We also went to Rarnah camp.” As previously
mentioned, these participants indicated that their childhood and family experiences have
influenced their current choices about being Jewish in their homes, families and community.
As such, participants discussed how they have come to make choices about how
they are currently Jewish in their lives and homes and how they believe children should be
raised. Overall, participants emphasized the importance of cultural preservation and passing
along Jewishness to their children. One participant explained,
So if my children say, “I’m going to choose to not be Jewish.” I would say, “Well
that’s not really an option for us right now. You’re Jewish; your grandparents were
Jewish; your great, great, great-grandparents were Jewish; and, it’s very important
for us. We’re still around for a reason and you have a responsibility to perpetuate
that”
Many participants also described the importance of having a Jewish home and what that
entailed. One said,
I loved when my husband and I were looking for a house together. I had very few
requirements but the very first one I had was a dining room that’s large enough that
it also could expand into the family room so that we could do Passover and Shabbat
and Jewish Holidays. That was a foundational thing that I was looking for.

Another described what having a Jewish home meant to her,

48

 

 

What I mean by a Jewish home is since my kids have been little we’ve talked about
anti-Semitism, prejudice and what it means to be Jewish. We celebrate Hanukkah,
Passover, you know, not like maybe Orthodox Jews do but we do.

Thus, each of the participants’ childhood experiences and current choices were very
different. All, however, emphasized the importance of these areas in their understanding of
themselves as Jewish women today.

The Jeyjsir community.

Participants described their myriad experiences in the Jewish community. For
most participants, the Jewish community was a familiar and affirming place to be a
member. As one participant described,

To be very honest when 1 meet somebody Jewish there’s a, there is a sense of

familiarity already so I think I have an underlying assumption that they get my

culture. So, I feel more at ease. When I say the word Passover, they knew what I

meant because I trusted in that they would have at least a similar cultural sense of

what it means to be a Jew.

 

Other participants echoed this sentiment. For example, one participant stated that she felt,
more myself, a little more at home because I grew up in a Jewish community and

I grew up with Jewish a_n_d non-Jewish friends. I notice with Jewish friends I seem

 

to be a little more open. It’s like a comradery or a feeling of being home when I’m
with Jewish friends.
Yet another agreed, “I’m very comfortable in the non-Jewish world but I need my Jewish
world to come back to. That’s my home base. That’s my rock.” Finally, some

participants also described the safety they felt in the Jewish community, “When I’m

49

outside the Jewish community, I feel anti-Semitism.” This experience of anti-Semitism
emerged as a general theme in the data and will be discussed in detail below.

In addition to sharing their general sense of comfort and safety in the Jewish
community, participants also conveyed their beliefs regarding their ability to identify
other Jews. One participant explained,

Can I tell who is Jewish? About 80% of the time, some people you just know, you

know, you talk, you just know. I don’t know how. Some people have a map of

Israel face. It’s just from conversation; you just feel it. You feel it or you, you just

know.

Another participant shared a story her mother told her about identifying other Jews and
her thoughts about that, ’

My mother said, “Someday you’re going to go off to college and you’re going to

be in a room full of people and there will be another Jewish person fiom across

the room and I can not tell you how you are going to know that that person is

Jewish but somehow, some way, instinctively, intuitively you are going to know.”

And I thought it’s like the experience of water seeking its own level and being

drawn towards someone similar to you, and she was absolutely right. That’s

exactly what I experienced. I could be in a room full of fifty people and if there
were two Jewish people I’d find them and I don’t know why. I have no idea why
and sure enough it happened, and I went to a university where only 2-3% of the

population was Jewish.

50

Participants also shared what they believed to be commonalities among Jews.
Most focused on Jews as being successful, hardworking, hi gh-achieving, and valuing
education. For example, one participant explained,

We’re successfirl, you know. My grandmother always said, ‘if you’re going

to be Jewish, you have to be successful. If you want to be a burn, you got to

be the best bum there is.’ So, education is so important and I think that’s a

Jewish value. I really do. You will go out, you will learn and you will pass

on what you learn to others. Teaching is a value. I mean the words to teacher

is the same as for your rabbi so that’s a leader and that’s an honored position

and a lot of non-Jewish cultures don’t have that value.
Another participant added humorously, “There’s a lot of j oking around how every Jewish
family has to have a doctor or lawyer you know.” And finally, a third emphasized that Jews
pass these social norms onto their children, “I think that the culture of valuing a very
particular kind of success, a high achievement and of nurturing one’s children into the
highest place possible, I think that goes very deep into our culture.”

Participants also explored the notion of Jews as a nation of people spread throughout
the world and in Israel. Participants described how they felt themselves to be a part of this

nation. One participant said, “I think nationality. For me, it’s like I’m part of a people.”

 

Another participant elaborated upon this idea,
It’s being one person whose part of a larger whole. I feel really connected with Jews
around the world. There’s something really solid about when I go into a synagogue,

regardless of where it’s located, that I’m going to know basically what’s going to

SI

happen. It might vary a little bit and the tunes might not be identical, but they’re a
part of my extended family if you will.
A third participant also shared these views,
I was thinking to myself, ‘that’s not a problem for me because I’m Jewish; there
is always a Jewish community. So, it doesn’t matter where in the world I go.’
That’s just an illustration of feeling I can be okay anywhere there’s an Israeli
Embassy, or a synagogue.
As such, the participants described how they felt they were part of an international
community of Jews.
Many participants also emphasized the importance of preserving Judaism and the
Jewish people. Most participants mentioned their commitment to cultural preservation. One
participant explained what this meant to her, “I can understand people wanting to preserve
tradition just for the sake of preserving tradition. So, choosing to do Jewish things, to
observe things J ewishly is about cultural preservation for me.” Another participant described
what cultural preservation meant to her as well, “And I do think that a lot of Jews feel an
obligation at whatever level, to keep it going. I mean, I want to see it going on in whatever
small way I can.” As part of the discussion about cultural preservation participants

specifically shared their concerns about the survival of the Jewish people. One participant

 

described her hopes in this regard,
I think that I am concerned about the maintenance of the Jewish community, and
from that point of view, I hope that people are identified enough with their
J ewishness, their Jewish identity and the Jewish community, that the Jewish

community won’t die off. The struggles of intermarriage and lack of formal

52

affiliation with the community that the Jewish community confronts, that are clearly

part of the modern world in this country, make me nervous. That the community

itself has the potential, across not that many generations now, to totally collapse. I

guess that I would be hopeful that people would participate and identify in a way

that increases participation that will allow the community to survive.

Many participants discussed the importance of the Jewish State of Israel.
Specifically, participants described how Israel has contributed to their Jewishness and how
its existence ensures the survival of the Jewish people. One participant explained how living
in Israel affected her, “I would say living in Israel for a year really strengthened my Jewish
identity and I am much more verbal about it now.” Another participant also conveyed the
impact of her experiences in Israel, “For me I think my attitude about being Jewish really
changed after I went to Israel. When I came back I sort of stopped being quiet about being
Jewish.” Further, several participants emphasized the necessity of the existence of the State
of Israel for Jewish safety and survival. One participant believed, “I think that the creation of
an Israeli State and a Jewish State is a very good and important thing and it has saved the
Jews.” Another participant echoed this view,

I felt as an American Jew our standing and safety and security is very much based on

a strong Israel. I think it’s okay in America as long as I’m treated okay as a minority.

I’m okay with that, but again, if Israel weren’t there, I don’t know how okay with

that I would be.

Finally, some participants described their personal commitment to Zionism, the political
movement asserting the need for a Jewish homeland to ensure the survival of the Jewish

people. For example, one participant explained what being a Zionist means to her,

53

I think people would probably describe me as more Zionistic in terms of my identity

with Israel being very, very important to me. Israel’s survival, its survival issues. I

don’t want it wiped out. Like not getting wiped out by Iran or Iraq.
Jewish Discourses

A third major theme that emerged from the data was that of Jewish discourses. A
careful analysis of this theme indicated two sub-themes, each a major Jewish discourse:
(a) Orthodox versus Reform discourse, and (b) the chosen people discourse.

Orthodox versus Reform discourse.

Participants shared their varied opinions regarding two major streams the Jewish
community, namely, Orthodox and Reform. Overall, participants explored the various
tensions existing between these two different sects. To illustrate this tension, one
participant told this story,

When I came to town X, I would be invited to people’s homes and I can

remember hearing Reform people saying awful things about Orthodox people and

Orthodox people saying terrible things about Reform people and I was shocked. I

was absolutely shocked. You know, if we’re going to fight with one another, I

mean forget it, you know, it’s hard enough to live in the world, being a Jewish

person, let alone fighting among ourselves.

On the whole, participants elaborated upon their struggle with Orthodox Judaism.
Generally, participants expressed both their inability to understand the Orthodox lifestyle
and their belief that Orthodoxy was antiquated. Only one participant expressed her respect

for Orthodox Jews,

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I happened to become very friendly with people who were shomer shabbas, black
hat, very Orthodox, religious folks and I came to adore and respect and applaud what
it is that they were doing and even considered a life of that for myself. I realized it
was not for me but I certainly learned a lot from them and gained a deeper
appreciation for folks who have made that incredible, incredible commitment to
themselves, to God, to Judaism, to their children, it’s a beautifirl thing.
In contrast, most participants described a lack of comprehension of Orthodox Judaism. As
one participant illustrated,
I would say that in the modern world being a religious Orthodox Jew, I don’t
understand, but would I call that too Jewish? Well again that’s personal choice, but I
have a really, really hard time understanding it in this day and age. I don’t
understand. How you could possibly want to follow the strict religious tractates that
seem to have no apparent logical meaning other than to maintain a separate
community?
Other participants echoed these sentiments and conveyed concerns that Orthodoxy was out
of date. For example, one participant shared,
I never felt comfortable with the Orthodox way of life. Like growing up in
Brooklyn, you see the Hassidim. There was a Yeshiva right around the comer from
my great-grandmother’s house and the kids with the pair, and I used to think, ‘Get
real, this is the 20th century. Come on.’ So, I never felt that they were in touch with
what I thought religion could be.
Further, many participants noted that they resented how Orthodox Jews claimed to

be the only legitimate authority on Jewish life. As one participant explained,

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There are people who seem to me to be members of an old religious faith, who seem
to be performing the trappings of cultural or religious identity more than giving a
damn about the content or the substance, like where the style eclipses the substance.
I feel like, who made you the arbiter of Judaism? You know in Diaspora, there are a
lot of traditions. There are a lot of ways of keeping Judaism alive and so I am
offended by people who racialize Judaism and who claim to sort of have of it under
lock and key.

Similarly, other participants felt judged by the Orthodox community,
Sometimes around Orthodox Jews I’m more uncomfortable. I’m okay. I just sense
that they’re not okay. Like, when my dad was visiting and he wanted to go to an
Orthodox Temple for a yortzeit. When I walked in, it was clear that I wasn’t
comfortable there but I was okay with bringing him but I didn’t want to hang out. I
felt like if I just stood in the lobby am I breaking a rule here?

And finally, some participants said they felt discriminated against by Orthodox Judaism.

One participant elaborated,
When somebody is so Jewish that they can’t see other ways, to me it is absolute
prejudice in reverse. I know some Jewish people that are as crazy as the religious
right [Christian], the people that are of the religious right and I have a real problem
with that. The division that wonies me the most is those people that I’m talking
about that are, you know, “too Jewish” don’t see me or Reform Jews as being Jewish
enough.
Finally, many participants shared their struggle with Orthodox Judaism’s views of

of women. One participant exemplified the views of many other participants when she said,

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It’s sad. It’s extremely offensive. I mean, I feel very strongly that women should not
be a problem. I don’t understand about Orthodox Jewish women, you know, in a
world that we have today, accepting the second class citizen role both religiously
and socially. It’s beyond me. I find it’disdainful and I find it hard to believe that
when I see young, educated women, it’s very hard for me to see this. Probably partly
that I wished it didn’t exist. How do they find acceptable in this world today? Why
do they choose a religious or social structure that rests upon extraordinary gender
inequality?
Some participants also described their beliefs and opinions about Reform Judaism.
On the whole, most participants felt that Reform Judaism made the most sense to them,
relative to the other streams of Judaism. Many described the ways that they felt supported
and affirmed as women by Reform Judaism. In addition, several participants directly
addressed the issue of gender equality in Reform Judaism. One participant described her
feelings on this subject,
It would be disrespectful, I’m sure, to very Orthodox Jews, but I choose to belong
to a place where the Amidah for us is having the mothers listed as well as the
fathers and it’s just natural for me. I know that when there are other Jews that are
more religious or more observant than I and when they come to my environment
they’re like, “What’s this goyisha thing?” I don’t really care because I do think
that I shouldn’t be passive, so I choose to treat my religion in some ways as a
smorgasbord because I don’t want to be a part of that kind of hierarchy, like the
mechitzah thing, ugh, I can’t do it. I want to pray and I want to be connected in

this way and I want to be with other people who want to do that too.

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Another participant continued to describe her experiences regarding gender equality in
Reform Judaism,

We went to a Reform Temple so the men and the women sit together and women

learn the Torah. I actually read from the Torah. So there wasn’t that type of

division. We had a female rabbi. My aunt runs the Temple, my grandmother is

president of her Hadassah so there’s a lot of involvement of women in my family.
Still another participant reflected the same view, “I didn’t like the sexist nature of prayer
and I’m thrilled that we have a gender sensitive service, we don’t refer to God in the male
sense in our synagogue and that’s very, very important to me.”

Chosen mople discourse.

Participants wrestled with the notion of being part of a chosen people. Many
shared their beliefs about what it meant to be chosen as Jews and the related requirement
of being “a light unto the nations.” On the one hand, some participants explained that
being part of the Chosen people was personally meaningful and relevant for them. On the
other hand, some participants thought that the idea of being chosen was exclusionary and
distasteful. Some participants shared their sentiments regarding the view that Jews were
chosen by God to be an example of tolerance and morality, or “a light unto the nations.”
One participant elaborated,

I struggle with the chosen people idea. I like the ‘light unto the nations’ idea

though. I think as a belief, it’s kind of a nicer idea in terms of being a role model,

being a good example, and I think that that’s something good thing to strive for.

There’s always a need for good, strong leaders and mensches in the world. Soto

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be a light unto others, I’ll probably take that, you know. If somebody treats you

badly don’t treat them badly, instead show them a better way of being.
Another participant added her Opinion on the topic,

I look at us as needing to do the right things because that’s what we’re supposed

to do, but not because we have to teach other people how to do it. But, I do think

it’s important to try to be ethical and moral. I think being judged as a light unto
the nation is very, very difficult and I don’t care for the double or triple standard
that Israel has to be held up to in the press.

Further, participants hypothesized that the Jewish people had been chosen in
history to suffer. One participant put it succinctly, “I feel like we were marked as the
Jews, you know? And sometimes that wasn’t always positive.” Another participant
agreed and explained in more detail,

We’re the chosen people. We choose, even if you make us suffer, to stay Jews. I

think we’re chosen to suffer. I think that something deep inside me says, “Yes we

we’re chosen, otherwise why would have been doing this long and under such
adverse conditions.”
Similarly, a third participant offered her understanding of how Jews were marked
historically,

I don’t feel like we’re a chosen people. I think that we’re marked as a people.

Marked in that historically, maybe like the Tamil in Sri Lanka, that we’re a small

well educated mobile group that can tend to be the focus of antagonism when

disenfranchised mobs begin to organize against power and power wants to

respond.

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Participants described how being considered chosen was either a positive or
negative experience for them. On the positive side, one participant said,
You know, I hate to admit but I actually do have a sense of the truth of that
generally. I don’t know. A lot of religious groups feel the Jews are the chosen
people. It doesn’t make any sense that I would think of us as the chosen people.
But I think I do feel that.
Another participant agreed,
Maybe because I’m Jewish, I like being thought of as the chosen (laugh).” And a
third participant felt the same way, “I think we’re all chosen. 1 think it’s amazing
that we’ve survived and I just interpret it in a way that’s positive. It makes me feel
special.
On the negative side, participants also shared their views. One participant shared
her concerns with regard to being viewed as chosen,
I’m kind of embarrassed when non-Jewish people come up to me and ask me if I
think that I’m one of the chosen people. That almost embarrasses me, like who am
I to think that I get a get out of jail free card (laughs), just because I’m Jewish,
you know. It’s kind of a double edge sword in a weird way because there’s this
pressure to be the very best person you can possibly be, to have this very high
standard and expectation for your own behavior, especially publicly, but on the
other hand, when it comes to the idea of being the chosen people, I’m kind of
embarrassed like, I’m just another person. I’m just an ordinary person, you know,
who am I to think that I’m a chosen person just because I happened to have been

born Jewish?

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Still other participants strongly objected to the idea of being chosen. For example one
participant explained,

It wasn’t until I was an adult that I realized how actually of all the things about

being Jewish in Jewish learning, that that is the most offensive. It’s most

offensive. It’s destructive to world harmony and it is very upsetting to me
actually. I understand it and know where the Biblical origins are. I understand
what that’s about but I find it just horrible actually.
And finally, a third participant said, “I’m sorry. I actually kind of cringe when I hear
that, when I hear Jews talk about being the chosen ones because some of the creates
isolationism, creates elitism, and I don’t like that at all.”
Jevyishfi Women in m

A fourth theme that emerged from the data was Jewish women in Judaism. This
theme can be broken into two sub-themes: (a) how being female informs Jewishness, and
(b) Jewish women in Jewish life.

How bmferrgle informs Jewishness.

Participants offered their opinions about who a typical Jewish woman was. In
considering this idea, one participant indicated, “Jewish women are raised strong. I think
Jewish women are raised in a confident manner.” Another participant added, “Probably she
just has an out-goingness, is more expressive and you know, just very open and loving.”
Similarly, another participant shared, “Jewish women are bright, we have fire in our eyes,
we don’t settle.” Participants also shared what they believed was common to Jewish

women’s lives. One participant believed, “I think Jewish women are in charge of faith, or in

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charge of most things in Jewish life,” and another noted, “Jewish women generally are the
ones in charge of raising the kids.”

In addition to sharing what they believed was typical of a Jewish woman,
participants discussed their understanding the concept of eshet chayil, or “a woman of
valor,” and the gender role image embedded in this traditional poem. In particular,
participants described their experience of hearing the eshet chayil poem and whether or not
the ideal of “a woman of valor” had meaning for them. One participant shared a positive
view,

I think it is just a symbolic saying that has meaning to pe0ple. People in my family

have used it at very Opportune times to describe women of my parents’ generation.

This poem was read at my aunt’s funeral. It’s a symbolic thing and that’s the beauty

of the poetry that describes sort of a wise and moral woman. It’s community and

family oriented.
Another participant shared more critical thoughts about this Jewish female ideal,

We read the saying eshet chayil at the holidays or when going to a funeral. But

women have changed so much since my mother’s and grandmother’s day. What was

good for Abraham’s wife is certainly not good for me. I’m not going to give up
everything. I think I’m a strong woman but I don’t know if I would go to the Biblical
sense of being “woman of valor.”

Finally, another participant shared her struggle with the concept,

I think the way the prayer eshet chayil is, is rather taking care of the needs of your

husband and your family, rather than your own. Part of my identity as a Jewish

woman is saying to my children, “You know what, mommy has needs too, and for

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mommy to be happy as a whole person includes more than children and abba. It

means that I travel sometimes for my work and that I always miss you when I’m

gone, but I have to have my own destiny.” So, I don’t resent being boxed in and I

think that an eshet chayil is boxed in. i

In addition to discussing the concept of eshet chayil, participants also gave their
opinions about the poem Jewish men say every moming when they pray, “Thank God 1
wasn ’t born a woman.” Most participants found this prayer very offensive. As one
participant put it, “I remember when I first learned about that, ‘ Thank God I 'm not a woman
thing’ from when I was a child. It really made me angry and it still does.’ Another
participant also illustrated the general view participants had of this prayer,

When my father and brothers say, “Thank god 1 ’m not a woman,” I think, “You’re

not really saying that?” I think, “What you’re saying is, I’m happy to be a man and

have this obligation. I’m glad this one is for me.” Not, “I’m glad I wasn’t born a

woman.” That’s what you’re saying but that’s not what you mean. (laughs) Right, is

it?’ Because I have to believe that it’s not, that women are not a less than thing, you

know. It’s just like I have this opportunity, how wonderful for me, but I think if a

woman wants to do that, that she can do that and would never say, “Thank God I

wasn’t born a man.”

Jewish women in J ewislg life.

Participants described the gender role expectations they believed the Jewish
culture held for them as women. As such, participants conveyed their thoughts about
what they. believed the Jewish culture held up as an ideal for them to achieve. One

participant explained, “There were things I understood made for a good Jewish woman in

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a good Jewish home, you know, lighting Sabbath candles on Friday night. You know

most of it had to do with maintaining the Jewish domestic sphere.” Further, another

participant explained what she learned as a child about this ideal,

The messages were be good, good meaning keep kosher, don’t do anything on the
Sabbath that would embarrass us. And, that I would most likely be manied in a
traditional Jewish wedding, I would have Jewish children and I would be a Jewish

wife. Those were the messages.

A third participant had similar ideas,

Well to be good, you married within the Jewish faith, you are fruitful and
multiply, raised your children with a Jewish identity, study the Torah, you truly
understand the meaning behind the mitzvot, life cycle ceremonies, and traditions.
And, when you didn’t behave in those ways then you dilute and hurt the group.

Participants also described the messages they got from their Jewish families and the

Jewish community about being female. Many participants described the gender-based role

expectations that were taught to them. One participant exemplified this idea as she told this

story,

What I learned from my community and my family, the way we were raised in a lot
of ways, is that women serve the men. You know I still remember the day when my
dad said to my mother, “Is there more coffee?” and he stuck out his coffee cup and
she said, “I think so, and when you get yours would you get me some?” We left the
room. We knew that something was gonna fly, because my mother catered to my
dad tremendously. So,‘ we learned that that’s what you’re supposed to do and that

men are special.

Similarly, another participant shared what she was taught,

I’ve definitely gotten a lot from the Jewish community and my family, that women

are pretty and should find themselves a good man, which has driven me absolutely

crazy throughout my whole life. I’m pretty much the only granddaughter in my
family, and all the boys would get accolades on their intelligence and their successes
in life. I’d always been told ‘Oh, you’re so beautiful,’ ‘You should be a model,’

‘Have you found a husband?’

Participants in this study also described their personal experiences with women’s
role in the Jewish religion. Specifically, they offered their views on women’s traditional role
in the synagogue and regarding religious training for girls. As women considered the role of
women in the synagogue, many agreed that women were still not equal to men. One
participant explained,

Women aren’t allowed to do anything really. In my old synagogue, the ritual

committee had decided that women could read from the Torah but no one yet had. I

also think a lot of congregations may have like a couple of rows at the front where

only men can sit.
Another participant echoed this opinion, “I don’t even like it when you walk into a
synagogue and the women are one side and the men are on the other. It’s just something
that bothers me.” Further, a third participant spoke about women’s role in the synagogue in
more detail,

It bothered me to think that a woman could not walk upon the bimah because she

was a woman. God forbid she might be menstruating, you know. I mean if that has

anything to do with her ability to read Hebrew you know, or to make a contribution.

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Even though I have had it explained to me many times and I can respect that other

people have made that choice, it really was some of the rules about being a woman

in the Jewish religion that bothered me and made me make the choice not to become

a traditionally religious Jew.

Participants offered their views about the religious training offered to them and other
Jewish girls. One participant stated outright, “I had no religious training. The boys went to
Hebrew school, the girls did not.” Another participant agreed,

No one ever pushed Sunday school and all I can remember is never being taught

about what Jewish girls do because there’s no religious training for girls. I remember

the holidays when the girls would like to dress up and stand around outside, we

couldn’t do anything, we were in party shoes and dresses and we didn’t have to go to

synagogue.
More specifically, participants described the expectations held for them regarding bat-
mitzvah. One participant noted, “My brothers were told that they were supposed to have a
bar-mitzvah and I was the one given a choice.” Another participant shared a similar story,

I was the only female and so both my brothers went to religious school, they went to

a Jewish day school and they had bar-mitzvahs that were like weddings. When I was

coming up, girls just started having bat-mitzvahs in our Temple, and it was a Friday

night kind of thing and it was definitely more low-key.

Finally, participants gave their opinions as to whether or not one could be a failure
or success as a Jewish woman. In particular, participants discussed being a success or failure
as a Jewish woman relative to traditional gender role expectations. One participant

explained,

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If any woman is behaving in a way that makes her feel good, truly, it’s their choice

to practice the way they’re practicing. If they’re measuring up because their father,

the rabbi, or their husband expects them to be a certain way, then that’s different.
Some participants agreed that there was no such thing as being a failure as a Jewish woman.
For example, one said,

If you’re saying to me, because I am actively involved in the Jewish community, do

I look at another Jewish woman who’s not actively involved and consider her a

failure? Absolutely not. Do I consider somebody who doesn’t go to shul on Rosh

Hashanah or Yom Kippur a failure? No. Is it a choice that I would make? No. But,

I’m me and that’s a choice that somebody else has made so I don’t judge it.
Other participants did have particular ideas about what being a failed Jewish woman meant.
One woman talked about living up to the ideal, “I think the failure end would be if you don’t
have a family, don’t have a career, I mean I think that the expectation is to do as many of
those things as possible." Another participant focused on Jewish morality as a determining
factor in a Jewish woman’s success, “I feel like we fail our tradition when we fail to act
ethically and we fail to sort of act beyond self interest, beyond consumerism.” In summary,
the notion of Jewishness, or being Jewish, was central to how these women experienced
themselves, defined their lives, made moral decisions, and interacted with others both
locally and in their communities.
Otherness

A fifth major theme that emerged from the data was otherness. Otherness was
described by participants to be the ways Jewish women experience themselves as being

different from the majority in the United States. Otherness was also described by

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participants as being the ways this majority see Jewish women as being different from
them. In particular, participants discussed otherness as being the ways Jewish women live
outside of the mainstream in the United States, and specifically, Christian society in
' America. When considering being different from the majority, one participant explained,
Well, I think I definitely have always felt a sense of otherness. I guess part
of it is that I do have a very strong Jewish identity, whatever that may be,
however poorly I describe it. An Afiican American friend of mine said she
doesn’t think of me as White, because I have a strong ethnic identity. I
thought that was very interesting, and I think that it’s true. I don’t feel or

see myself as part of that larger culture really. Sure I know that culture and

I speak the language, but I still think there’s a sense of othemess.
Another participant echoed this sentiment, “I feel that things about me are interpreted

differently.”

As such, the theme of otherness was comprised of three sub-themes: (a) being a
minority in a Christian country, (b) visibility and invisibility, (c) non-Jews, and, ((1)

dating and marrying non-J ews. These four components of otherness will be fully

discussed below.
Being a minority in a Christian country.

Participants offered their views about what being a minority in the United States
was like for them. Most were clear that they were members of a minority group. Many
participants made statements like, “I’m definitely a minority.” Another participant

qualified her response on this topic, “I would say that I’ve experienced being a minority

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in terms of being a small group and very often not understood.” A third participant

explained what being a minority meant to her,

I always feel like I’m a minority. When you are surrounded by Jewish people, you

don’t feel like a minority. But the truth of the matter is when you are out in the

world, like in the work world, where by far the vast majority of the people that

I’m working with are not Jewish, I know I’m a minority.

As such, participants described their general views about the nature and status of

Jews as a minority group. One participant noted her Opinion about the influence Jews have
in America,

Look at all the Jews in the movie business. We reach out. Jews reach out and really
make a difference in a lot of different ways. It’s not only good, but Jews are very
involved in the public. Jews are very involved in social work and psychology and

there’s lots of different ways that Jews reach out for being 2 l/2°/o of the population.
We really infiltrate in a lot of public matter.

In contrast, another participant believed that Jews are not always prominent or understood to
be minorities, “I struggle with all my friends of color because university X has an Ethnic
Diversity Affairs committee and their mission is primarily to recruit, retain and support
people of color. I would argue with them that I’m also minority.”

Although participants acknowledged their minority status as Jews, they did suggest
that there were geographical differences in how they experienced this. For example, one
participant explained, “I think being a Jewish woman in the United States is very different
geographically. Growing up in California was a very different experience than going and

living in Israel, or living in Chicago.” Another participant added her thoughts,

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I think it is different depending upon where you live in the United States. Having
lived in a small Jewish community, a place where we could fit every Jewish person
in our town in our house, and now in a place like city X, which is a reasonably sized
Jewish conununity, and then, having lived in New York where there’s an enormous
Jewish community and so many people are Jewish, there’s nothing really notable
about it. It really depends.
And a third participant agreed,
I think if you live in certain metrOpolitan areas where a large percentage of people
know Jewish people, or know from what Jewish is, you’re more in the majority. If
you don’t live in New York or Chicago, for example, Judaism is relatively invisible.
Finally, participants shared how their status as a minority in North America
helped them identify more closely with the experience and concerns of other minorities.
One participant explained her understanding of this,
I always feel like a minority and it’s not bad thing. I actually like it. I think it’s
made me more of a compassionate person. I have envy and jealousy in my bones
too, but not to demean other people. And when I am more aware and know it’s
happening it helps me be a little bit more sensitive to other minorities.
Another participant gave her opinion as well, “For me, I feel that you gotta choose. There
is no way to stay of outside of history. We had better choose to stand with the underdog
whoever they are.”
Participants also discussed the ways they saw the United States as having a majority
Christian culture. On the whole, participants acknowledged that the predominance of

Christianity in the United States was the main factor in determining their minority status.

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One participant noted, “I really recognize that we live in a Christian society and as such I am
a minority in that society.” Another concurred,

Yeah it’s a Christian world. This is a Christian country and when people are saying

“God” in this country they’re saying the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost.

They’re not saying “God.” Yes, I think it’s a Christian country.

A third participant agreed,

Especially having grown up in the States, where it really is a Christian culture and

it’s not recognized, there’s something really important and valuable in no longer

being a minority. Like I remember the first time I rode the bus on Friday in Israel
and the bus driver said, “Shabbat Shalom” and I was just like, “Whoahhh! !”

When thinking about the United States as a Christian country, participants also
noted how many non-Jews are not aware of the predominance of Christianity in America.
One participant explained, “This is clearly a very Christian society and being Jewish, is
not understood as not being part of the Christian tradition by most non-Jewish people, no
matter how Open-minded they are.” Another participant shared her views on this
phenomenon in greater detail,

Being Jewish in the US. is very different than being Jewish in Israel. I strongly

believe that and one of the things that I’ve done is help my friends to understand

the subtle ways in which we live in a Christian society, which they’re not aware
of. For example, a simple thing as the lack of respect for Yom Kippur and Rosh

Hashanah across all levels of educational settings unless you live in a super

Jewish area or attend a Jewish school. And this came up at work the other day.

Good Friday and Christmas, those aren’t religious holidays? But we get them off.

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Hello, what’s up with that? I think a lot of my friends are unaware of how

Christian society it is.

Finally, participants shared that the lack of recognition of the predominance of
Christianity in the United States was troubling for them. One participant exemplified this
sentiment, “We are supposed to have a separation of church and state and it really scares
me that we really don’t.” And another added, “I think we’re bombarded with Christianity
in really subtle ways and anti-Semitic ways.”

Participants noted the specific impact that living with a Christian calendar had on
them. Participants elaborated upon how the Christian calendar and unrecognized
Christian reality gives no attention to Jewish holidays and traditions. Likewise,
participants discussed how living with a Christian calendar keeps Jewish life on the
margins. One participant described how she understood this issue,

This becomes most apparent around Jewish holidays. Most visible for the world is

Hanukkah for whatever silliness it is relative to its importance in Judaism you

know. The High Holidays are another prime example of how this comes out.

People do not understand that these holidays are important, that these are distinct

religious holidays.

Another participant echoed this thought, “Holidays are always a choice. Do I go to work
or do I go to Temple? How come it’s not a choice about Christmas? I’m not going to
show up then because work’s closed.”

Participants spoke of how public institutions, schools, and universities in
particular, support the marginalization of Jewish life. Many participants shared their

stories about this problem. For example,

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I hear many, many, many stories because calendars are made in public schools
and they are not made with Jewish holidays in mind, even though they all are
informed of this way in advanced. They’re all informed through central
institutions but that does not stOp them from having something that would make a
Jewish child feel awful for missing it happen on Yom Kippur. This has not
stopped them.

Another participant concurred,

I always find insensitive things like planning big events on Jewish holidays.

There’s no excuse for that. When university X schedules classes to start on Yom

Kippur, it’s like, “Oh come on. That’s blatant. Do you schedule classes for

Christmas?”

As such, participants discussed how Christmas was a central focus in American
society. As a result, many participants agreed that the Christmas season was a particularly
difficult and challenging time for them. Many participants shared their Christmas stories.
One participant said, “When I went to buy stamps in December, all they had were Christmas
stamps and I said, ‘Don’t you have anything else?’ And they said, ‘No, this is the holidays.’
And I said, ‘Actually it’s one of the holidays.’ You know I can get really resentful that
way.” Another participant shared a story about her daughter,

In kindergarten they had a Christmas party and my daughter wrote a letter to ask the

principal to change it to a holiday party because she didn’t feel included. You know

she’s resentful because they required her to sing Christmas songs.

A third participant described how she dealt with Christmas as a child,

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I’ve told more than one Christian child that there was no such thing as Santa Claus
because I was annoyed that they asked me too many times, “What are you getting
for Christmas?” or “What are you asking for for Christmas?” Usually at first I would
say, “I’m Jewish, we don’t celebrate Christmas.” But, if they asked me three or four
times, I just shattered their illusions, which was kind of cruel. But even now, I still
think they deserved it for being an obnoxious child and unaware of anyone else’s
reality. It’s so insensitive.

Participants shared their views about the political influence Christianity has had in
the United States. In particular, participants referenced the Christian Right and believed
that this group had no tolerance for anything non-Christian. Participants shared their
concerns about the Christian Right. For example, one participant shared “I think the
Christian Right is very insensitive to Jews and to all the other religions that aren’t
Protestant or Christian. You know, if you’re not White and male and Christian, you ain’t
American.” Another participant added her concerns about the Christian Right and
women’s rights,

Well, the Christian right is what concerns me because of how it affects women.

The Christian Right’s view is very different from the Jewish Right. I mean in

Judaism, the woman’s life always comes first before the life of the fetus.

A third participant agreed,

The Christian Right is a real concern for me in terms of women’s rights. You’re

also more threatened as a Jew in your community and I don’t like an Office of

Religious Affairs. I believe very strongly in the separation of church and state.

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Very, very, very, very strongly because it protects all minorities and personal
rights and freedom. The separation of church and state is very important.
Visibility aLnd invisibility.

Participants discussed the concepts of visibility and invisibility and described
them in several ways. When speaking of visibility, the first idea participants considered
was how they were identifiably Jewish to others. One participant shared, “No, I’m not
invisible as a Jew because I identify so Jewishly and I make it known. I’m not invisible. I
tell people I’m Jewish. I’m very open about it and I’m heard.” Another participant
agreed, “I don’t avoid talking about being Jewish with my non-Jewish friends. I mean,
pretty much everybody knows I’m Jewish.” The second idea that participants spoke about
regarding visibility was their Jewish pride. One participant said, “The fact that I’m
Jewish is something that is just pretty out there. I mean it’s never a secret. I don’t wear a
big sign but I’m very proud to be who I am; and, I don’t hide it.” Another participant
echoed this view, “A question I often get from people who are non-Jews is, ‘Oh well,
were you born Jewish?’ And I’ll say, ‘Yes I was that lucky.”’

In addition to discussing their Jewish pride, participants discussed their concerns
about being too visible as Jews or being seen as too Jewish. In particular, participants
described the ways they felt they stuck out because of the differences between Jewish
cultural norms and those of the mainstream society. Along these lines, one participant
shared her professional experience,

I think it’s easy to be too Jewish. 1 think that a lot of times I’ve been considered too

Jewish. I think that I had a hard time finding a law job because I was too Jewish. I

was told that I had too many Jewish things on my resume by some, and I said I

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wasn’t going to take the job because I didn’t want to work for somebody who

wouldn’t hire someone who had Jewish things on their resume.

Other participants described the concerns they had when they knew their actions would let
others know they were Jewish. One participant explained,

There might be people who think, “Oh, I don’t really want it to come out that I’m

Jewish because I’ve heard non-Jews say something negative.” Or when I was

traveling I was thinking, “Should I change my passport? Should I change my

name?”
And another participant told this story,

This summer when my husband and I went on our honeymoon, we went to Anne

Frank’s house in Amsterdam. Going through Anne Frank’s house I wanted to wear

shirts with Jewish stars all over it and just let people know that I’m Jewish. Then at

the end of the tour I’m like, “I’m Jewish, I’m Jewish,” but then suddenly I’m like,

“Well no one needs to know because that can be also a negative.” So, it was really

confusing for me either being noticed or being invisible.

As participants considered their opinions about how visible to be as Jewish women,
many described their ambivalence about sticking out. One participant explained, “I didn’t
talk about my Judaism right away. I made sure somebody knew me long and well before
they knew I was Jewish.” Similarly, a second participant shared this view,

I don’t feel a need to advertise who I am or what I am to everybody around me. I

don’t wear a Jewish star. I don’t feel a need for people to know me that way. If

somebody asked it’s not something that I would hide. I’m a pretty open person but I

don’t advertise everything about me.

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A third participant explained why being visible as a Jew was a concern for her,

There are days when I think, “Do I want to wear my Jewish star earring? Do I want

to wear my menorah necklace? Will someone have a judgment about that, that I

can’t control? Do I care about that today?” So, when I pick out my Jewish jewelry I

think about that. I think that’s a product of feeling oppressed because I don’t think

about this (points to clothes) but I think about if I’m going to put my Jewish star on.

Second, many participants described their experiences with feeling invisible.
Overall, participants explored the ways they felt non-Jews did not recognize that they
were Jewish or what being Jewish meant. For example, one participant said, “I think most
people outside of limited number of metropolitan areas have not contact with Jewish
people. They don’t know Jewish is from a hole in the wall.” Another participant agreed,
Very, very, very often in town X, I was the first Jewish person that they had ever met and
it was not like an occasional experience. It was a very often experience. I also
experienced people who, you know, practically were looking in my hair for horns, you
know, had never been exposed to a Jewish person before.

Further, participants explained that being invisible meant not being seen or
identified as different. One participant illustrated this, “I know that there’s definitely not
one way that I can be identified as Jewish because when I’ve traveled around the world,
you know, people have thought that I was everything from Italian to Turkish, to
Spanish.” Another participant agreed,

Sometimes people look at me and often they think I’m Greek or Italian.

Everybody would say to me, “Well what are you? What’s your nationality?” And

I would say, “I’m American.” And they would say, “No, what are you?” “An

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Xian I would say.” And they would say, “No, what were your grandparents?” And

I would say, “Ukrainian.” And they would say, “Oh well why do you look the

way you look?” And I would say, “Oh, I’m Jewish.”

Participants also reported that invisibility meant not being understood as to how
one was different religiously in ways that differ from Christianity. Moreover, participants
shared their stories of dealing with the anti-Semitic stereotypes people held due to their
lack of exposure. One participant shared,

I had taken over this Girl Scout troop of junior high girls and they were all talking

about Christmas and kept asking me, “What are you going to do for Christmas?”

And I was like, “I don’t celebrate Christmas?” And they would be shocked and

say, “What do you mean you don’t celebrate Christmas? Even if you don’t go to

church you celebrate.” And I said, “No, I’m Jewish. Jewish people don’t celebrate

Christmas.” And they said, “Do Jewish people have horns?” And they had a real

anti-Semitic stereotypical idea of what a Jew was, and they couldn’t believe I was

a real person and I was Jewish, and I didn’t have horns and a tail like the devil.
Another participant shared a similar story about a girl in her class,

This one girl came up to me afterwards and she said, “If you don’t believe that

Jesus died on the cross for your sins you are going to go to hell and I was just

wondering if you were worried about that.” And I asked, “Where did you learn

that?” And she said, “That’s what they taught us at church.” In her church she
had been taught that.

Finally, a third participant recalled,

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When I lived in Spain, people would ask me, “So are you Catholic?” And I would
say, “Well, actually I’m Jewish.” And they would gasp and say, “Oh my God.”
And they would say, “You don’t believe in God, you’re part of the devil.” They
had no idea what being Jewish was about. Of course they didn’t know Jews since
1492. They didn’t know Jews, you know. I
W
Participants discussed non-Jews generally. Noteworthy was that when giving
specific details about non-Jews, Italians and Catholics were most often discussed. Italians
were viewed as being most similar to Jews culturally. Some participants described the
similarities they noticed in the mannerisms shared by Italians and Jews. For example, one
participant said, “It’s just that Jewish people have this tendency to be more open and
expressive and use their hands and love strongly. That’s just the way they are, just like
Italians.” Another participant added, “I don’t put up with shit ever. I also grew up with
families who were Italian Catholic who had female heads of the household and they
embodied most of those same traits.” Other participants described what they thought Italians
and Jews had in common regarding parenting styles,
I don’t think it’s something you can necessarily stick your finger on and say
everybody who does this is Jewish. I think that there are values that when you see
them tend to make you think, “This is a Jewish mother.” But, often it’s a nice Italian
mother. Putting your children at a certain level of importance, nurturing and valuing
education, those are Jewish mother criteria, but I think you see that in Italian
mothers too. I think you can say there is a tendency toward similarities.

Lastly, a third participant agreed,

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That’s not just for Jews. I mean my neighbor who lives across the street is Italian
and she wonies about her kids too much too. I think it’s cultural that they were
always taught the mother is the nurturer for the family. A lot of our neighbors who
were Italian Roman Catholics were especially like us.

Next, several participants reported their experiences with Catholics. Some
participants described positive feelings for this group. For example, one participant said, “I
feel a strong affinity for Catholicism which is of no part of my family tradition. I think I
admire how bodied that religion is.” Another participant agreed, “In particular I love
Catholic writers, you know, that kind of artistic representation is very compelling to me.” In
contrast, other participants had less positive stories to tell about Catholics. One participant
shared,

I had an instructor in Law School who was more than insensitive, somewhere in

between insensitive and anti-Semitic in her reaction, when I requested an extension

for turning something in because of the way the Holidays fell that year. I even
explained to her that these are very important Jewish Holidays and that I don’t do
school work on Jewish Holidays because I go to Synagogue. Later, someone in my
class who is Catholic asked for an extension for another paper because she was
engaged and she had to go to some sort of Catholic retreat class over the weekend,

that same instructor, who also was Catholic said, “Oh, I understand totally, it’s not a

problem.”

Similarly, another participant told her story,
I’m standing at the Pentagon and these men kept saying, “You guys this and you

guys that.” And I’m like, “Time out, you guys is me guys, we guys, we guys

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together are American.” And I asked him, “What’s your religion?” And he says,

“Well, I’m Catholic.” And I said, “Yeah, I’m Jewish. If you are American, I’m

American too.”

Some participants reported that in some ways they found it difficult to trust non-
Jews in general. Some participants said that they did not reveal that they were Jewish until
finding out whether or not a non-Jew was anti-Semitic. For example one participant said,
“I’m not going to go against a compatriot, you know, but if it’s somebody who is outside of
my culture, they don’t have any investment in me, why should I trust them?” Another
participant concurred,

There are women at the school who have anti-Semitic feelings, and knowing that

and having heard those voiced I try not to push being Jewish in their face because it

will taint how they treat my kids. I have learned to be very careful when I’m in a

new group to feel out how the feelings are about Jews.
A third participant agreed,

It’s not something I usually ask a person up front so I tend not to be friends with

people who aren’t tolerant of anybody. Usually, if they’re not tolerant of one group

they’re not tolerant of most groups so I kind of scope that out.

Other participants, however, were not naturally distrustful of non-Jews. One
participant explained,

I think that I never ever heard the expression don’t trust the goyim. It wasn’t until I

grew up and was exposed to more Jewish families outside of my family. And then, I

was like, “What are you talking about?” Then it sounded ridiculous to me when I

heard it. It was so clearly as ugly a prejudice as what I experienced other people

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putting upon me because I was Jewish. I was absolutely appalled because weren’t

we supposed to be at a higher level of and more evolved human being to? I mean,

weren’t we supposed to behave better than that? It was very shocking to me.
Similarly, another participant held the same view, “To me, that’s more of like a Jewish
ghetto mentality, you know, they’re dangerous, you can’t trust them. I don’t know. It seems
to belong to a different era.”

Further, participants also reported their experiences of having to educate non-Jews
about Jewish life. For example, one participant had a positive view, “I’m happy to explain. I
think it’s good for everybody to learn more about more things. Education is good.” Another
participant was more realistic,

Generally I find people pretty receptive when I start talking to them about Jewish

issues. I understand that it doesn’t necessarily mean that they want things to change

though. So, when I say, “Today’s a holiday,” and their response is, “Oh why don’t

we have off Hanukah?” I say, “Well, frankly Hanukah isn’t a religious Jewish

holiday.”

Dating and marrying non-Jews.

Participants’ views varied regarding the issue of dating and marrying non-Jews.
Many participants believed that most Jews feel that is better not to marry non-Jews. For
example, one participant said, “I think that probably most Jewish parents, they would prefer
that their child end up with someone who is Jewish.” Moreover, most participants explained
that they felt intermarriage with non-Jews was not right for them and might weaken the
fabric and preservation of the Jewish people. As such, one participant explained why she felt

this way,

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My fear about intermarriage and the children of intermarriage is that interfaith
marriages end up with kids not knowing anything about Judaism. So, it ends up that
you’re losing people from the community totally. So, I worry about the continuity of
the community, the survival of the community.
Another participant agreed with this view,
If I don’t marry a Jewish man, it will be very easy for my children to assimilate and
lose their Jewish identity and the faith. So, I see how easy it would be to assimilate
and just disappear. I can’t tell you why I feel so strongly about it but it’s just a real
deep unconsciousness psyche core in the genetic code issue.
Similarly, a third participant felt the same way, “People realize that when their child marries
someone who is not Jewish that their potential grandchildren, most likely won’t be Jewish in
reality. Whether they are technically or not, in reality they won’t be.” And lastly, a fourth
participant concurred,
I have strong feelings in my heart because I see it among the families of my Temple,
that when you have a non-Jewish parent, unless you make those clear delineations
that this is a Jewish family, the Judaism does get lost.
Some participants, however, were not as clear about intermarriage being a
detrimental choice. One participant said,
I will understand if my children don’t marry Jewish men. But, it might be a
disappointment because I realize what it means for having Jewish family. It might
be a disappointment. I wouldn’t be mad at them. I wouldn’t not understand it.
Similarly, other participants addressed the way some Jewish families disown children

who interrnarry. One participant shared,

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What about the daughter in “Fiddler on the Roof?” You know the daughter who
found love with somebody who wasn’t Jewish. Why did her father completely
reject her? How can a father reject a child? To me, it was about a father rejecting

a child not about a parent insisting upon Judaism or wanting to preserve our faith

that is dwindling and assimilating so quickly. It was just about a parent rejecting a

child as far as I was concerned.

Finally, many participants shared the views given to them by their families regarding
this issue. Some described the impact these views had on them. A few explained that their
parents did not pressure them to marry Jews. For example, one participant recalled, “I dated
some Jewish guys but it’s interesting that I went out with a lot of non-Jewish guys too. My
parents never really seemed to be bothered by that.” Another participant’s experience was
similar, “Nobody in my family would ever consider sitting shiva for someone who married
someone who wasn’t Jewish.” In contrast, most participants were taught not to intennarry.
For example, one participant shared what her family told her, “It’s just as easy. Christian
boys are just as nice as Jewish boys. It’s just as easy to fall in love with a Christian boy, so
date Jewish boys.” And another participant described the same idea, “Marry inside the faith
was a very, very, very strong, a very strong message.” Likewise, a third participant shared,
“I was told to date Jews, not non-Jews. That was pretty strict.” A fourth participant
described her grandmother’s beliefs on the subject, “My grandmother had the point of view
that so many Jewish people were killed during the Holocaust that to perpetuate our people
you would need to marry other Jewish people.” Finally, one participant described her

father’s extreme views,

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My father made it very, very clear to me before the age 10, that if I ever manied
outside the faith he would shred his clothing, he would sit shiva; he would not
acknowledge me as his daughter anymore. I would be dead to him.
Anti-Semitism

The sixth major theme that emerged from the data in this study was anti-
Semitism. This theme was comprised of three sub-themes: (a) stereotypes, (b) personal
experiences of anti-Semitism, and, (c) responding to anti-Semitism. All participants
offered their definitions of what anti-Semitism was and why it existed. As for what anti-
Semitism was, one participant explained, “I think it would encompass overt acts and hate
crimes, obvious anti-Semitism, as well as, bias rooted in ignorance or insensitivity.”
Another participant added, “I would define that as the hatred of people based on a
perception of their Jewishness, you know, or certain traits attributed to Jews.” Another
participant continued illustrated what anti-Semitism looked like to her,

There’s lot of examples, It might be as silly as someone saying, “Show me the
receipt,” trying to somehow prove that I really did spend the right amount of
money. And I know that that comes from a stereotype. Or, I could be with people

and they say, “Oh, I ‘Jewed’ that person down.” Or, “You don’t look Jewish.”

Further, a third participant explained in detail how she recognizes something is anti-
Semitic,
Sometimes I feel anti-Semitism because I just know that’s what it is. And
sometimes it’s people making judgments, having negative things to say, and using
my Judaism as a way of trying to make me feel bad. Sometimes it’s true lack of

information and stereotypes, and peOpIe just feel uncomfortable to ask, and don’t

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realize that they’re being insensitive. So, being treated poorly because I’m Jewish
is not something that I can necessarily prove but boy I can taste it. It’s like
whenever anybody uses a tool to exercise power over you, that’s what anti-
Semitism feels like.
Participants theorized about why anti-Semitism exists. As such, some participants
offered historical reasons. For example, one participant explained,
In the time of the bubonic plague, Jews didn’t catch it as much because if you take a
bath every Friday, like Jews did for Shabbat, you’re less likely to have fleas on you.
But they didn’t know that then. They just knew that Jews didn’t die of it as much or
get the plague as much so they would be suspicious. It was deeply rooted, irrational
suspicion.
Another person offered her understanding of why anti-Semitism existed in the past,
Historically, Jews had been positioned as the handmaiden to the aristocracy, sort of
this second tier in a hierarchy. So, it’s been convenient for those with supreme
power, when the mass without the power rebels, to turn that rebellion against a
privileged minority like the Jews.
Furthermore, other participants explained that anti-Semitism was caused by jealousy
and resentment. One participant hypothesized, “I think its jealousy. In history when people
had things that other people didn’t have, they would say, ‘Jews are chosen and they think
they’re so great and we’re going to teach them their lesson.’ You know that’s jealousy.”
Another participant concurred, “Because they believe we’re the chosen people of God and

we’re the favorites, God’s favorites, and everybody else is not the favorite. Therefore, let’s

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just destroy the favorites so somebody else can become the favorite.” And a third participant
believed it was due to Jews not accepting Christianity,
I think pe0ple resent that the fact that we don’t want to be Christians. I remember
reading some book about Jews in America and it said why. Why do people resent

us? Well for centuries when they said you have to be Christian, we said, “No way”

and peOple resent that.

Other participants described the cause of anti-Semitism as being rooted in hatred.
One participant explained, “Hatred. I think that it’s people being hated for something that
they identify with, you know, hatred of a particular group. So, anti-Semitism would be a
hatred of the Jewish people.” Still others believed that anti-Semitism existed because non-
Jews believed Jews had too much power. For example, one participant shared her thoughts,
“They have it in their heads that the Jewish people are trying to run the world or the Jewish
people are taking over.” Another participant agreed with this view,

The concern that there’s a Jewish conspiracy, that Jews own Hollywood, and we
now own the political process as well. People are scared of anybody who’s different.
Everybody needs to blame somebody when there are problems. We’re vocal and

organized and we have a lot of leadership and power for such a small minority. We
can look at the sheer numbers for the power and clout we have as a community. It is

pretty amazing. I mean we’re like one percent of the population yet we have impact

and we are organized and I think that’ s threatening to people.
Finally, one participant said humorously, “Because we’re different? We’re a minority?
We’re identifiable? We have strong families? Many are successful? Education is always

important? Jealousy factor? We killed Jesus? Who knows why?”

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Stereo 5.

Participants also described the nature of common anti-Semitic stereotypes and how
these affected them. Several participants shared what they thought was common to Jewish
stereotypes. One participant said, “Well, they would say that Jews are selfish, conceited,
think they’re better.” Another participant added, “I think in other people’s eyes that Jews are
in general financially pretty successful. We’re hard workers, but I think a lot of it comes out
in materialism.” Further, a third participant believed,

The rich Jew and the loud pushy mother and the JAP, but I don’t think that non-Jews

actually have any cognizance of the Jewish American Princess although they hold

the stereotype of Jews being rich. I think that is the common stereotype of Jews.
More specifically, participants discussed the two most common stereotypes of
Jewish women, namely, the Jewish American Princess (J AP) and the Jewish mother.
One participant described the stereotype of the J AP, “She’s a materialistic, gotta have the
new car and the jewels and gotta go out to dinner three times a week kind of woman.”
Another participant added, “Materialist, incapable, nudgy, nudniks.” A third also said, “She
is polished, has a nasal way of speaking and tends to say, ‘doll’ a lot.” In addition to sharing
their thoughts about the Jewish American Princess, participants described the stereotype of
the Jewish mother. One participant thought about the negative aspects, “Let’s see, bossy,
overbearing, raise mommas boys, constantly feeding you, the ultimate martyr, the guilt trips,
big, overweight.” Another participant shared both the positive and negative aspects,
I think a stereotypic Jewish mother is a mother who nags, who is overprotective of

her sons, who is strong. In a negative light, she’s aggressive rather than assertive. In

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a positive light, she will do anything to protect her family, strong sense of moral

compass, and her value system is clear and directive.

Finally, a third participant shared both the positive and negative aspects as well,

Worrying. I think that would be the biggest thing. Being involved in your kids’ life

to the point where you wony about them too much. That to me is what I think of as

a Jewish mother in a negative sense. In a positive sense, a Jewish mother is

welcoming everyone into my home. So in the positive way a Jewish mother is that

you nurture, you take care of your kids.

When considering the Jewish American princess and Jewish mother stereotypes,
some participants validated the reason for their existence, even though they believed they
were exaggerated. In contrast, others asserted the negative, anti-Semitic, and sexist nature of
these images. On the one hand, several participants believed that these stereotypes were
somewhat based in reality, “I think there’s always a grain of truth in pretty much any
stereotype, but I don’t think that’s the be all and end all and I think they’ve been greatly
exaggerated.” Another participant concuned,

I think there’s validity to any stereotype. I mean, you wouldn’t have them otherwise.

I’ve known spoiled Jewish women, teenagers from Long Island and in some ways

they just fit the stereotypes, but that doesn’t mean that their non-Jewish neighbor

wasn’t just as spoiled.
Similarly, a third participant explained,
The truth is in any stereotype. Cliches wouldn’t exist if they weren’t true and we all

know Jewish women with long fingernails and hen-peeked husbands and you know,

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closets full of rninks and plenty of plastic surgery. I mean it exists, but you know, its

one piece of the total picture.

On the other hand, several participants found the Jewish American Princess and
Jewish mother stereotypes problematic. One participant explained why she didn’t like the
idea of a JAP,

I hate the stereotype of the JAP. I say, you know, I know Christians who are more

Jappy, you know, so maybe that’s Long Island, maybe that’s Beverly Hills. I think

that’s a socio-economic phenomenon rather than a Jewish one. So, I resent the J AP

stereotype but it is there. I see it. But, I really resent the JAP stereotype.
Another participant agreed, “What I don’t like about the JAP stereotype is the shallowness it
portrays.” Likewise, a third participant shared her similar views, “I hate it when people use
the word J .A.P., I really don’t like that term. Although I think of myself as a Jewish mother
and I make jokes about it, I say it in a loving way.”

In addition to giving their opinions regarding the stereotypes about Jewish women,
several participants described how they felt when they saw Jews behaving in ways that
confirmed Jewish stereotypes. One participant expressed her concerns,

I have to admit that there are times when I’ve been out in the really Jewish section

and I see somebody behaving the epitome of the American Jewish stereotype and

it’s really hard. I want people to understand there’s more to us than that and

sometimes it gets lost in the snapshot. We are individuals of people and we have
strengths and weaknesses and there are bad Jewish people and there are good Jewish
people and there are the Jewish people that follow similar to the stereotypes and

there are those of use who don’t but we’re not all this image.

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Another participant felt the same way, “When I lived in town X and I saw somebody Jewish
behaving obnoxiously or rudely it totally embarrassed me. I wanted to wear a flashing neon
sign that said, ‘We’re not all like this’.”

Moreover, several participants described the ways that they actively try to disprove
common Jewish stereotypes. One participant explained, “One of the things that I like about
being out there in the non-Jewish world as a Jewish woman is I can bust through a lot of
myths and stereotypes and that’s important for me.” Another participant recalled how her
parents had raised her regarding this issue,

My parents put loving pressure on us to be good, to behave well, because they had I

experienced people as having preconceived notions of what a Jewish person from

New York was like. I think that they had very high expectations for our academic

performance, our sportsman-like conduct, and in the level of respect that we showed

teachers. A higher standard, actually, because we had a lot of stereotypes to rise
above and anything that we said could be considered just being a loud mouth Jew
from New York. So, therefore, we had to be really, really kind and good because it’s
almost like it was a hard job to break that stereotype.

Perso_narl experiences of anti-Semitism.

All of the participants shared the diverse ways they had experienced anti-Semitism
in their lives. One participant confirmed, “There were lots of ways that we were
discriminated against growing up.” A second participant also stated, “All kinds of anti-
Semitic stuff happens. Yeah, every day, all the time. It happens a lot.” A third participant
agreed, “I am very aware of anti-Semitism. I’m not trying to make it a problem, although]

have had quite a few things to happen to me over my life.” Similarly, a fourth participant

9l

said, “I’m always sensitive of anti-Semitism. I know that I might not be accepted now
everywhere I go.”

Several participants described the stories that they had heard from others. One
participant exemplified this point, “I definitely hear stories all the time.” Another participant
spoke of what her father had told her, “My dad told us stories of anti-Semitism in the army
and how he kept losing rank in the army because he was Jewish.” A third participant
recalled the stories a woman she knew had told her,

A woman I met in Israel told me her story. She had a sister who was a secretary for

the head SS Nazi guy, until they figured out she was Jewish. She told me that they

made her watch as they cut trees down on her children and husband and then killed
her.

Next, participants described the various ways they had experienced anti-Semitism
themselves. First, some spoke of how they felt they had been stereotyped. One participant
illustrated this idea, “I’ve experienced more negative comments about looking Jewish,
which I know is a way to stereotype me.” Another participant spoke of the stereotype of
Jews being like the devil,

When I was twelve, I was the only Jew at camp and when this girl heard I was a

Jew she said, “Can I see your horns?” I had never run into anything like that

before. It was a seminal moment for me.

Likewise, a third participant explained her experience dealing with the stereotype of Jews
being stingy and obsessed with money, “I was very conscious of being Jewish there
because there were no Jewish people and I remember that was the first time I had ever

heard the expression ‘Jew you down’.”

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Second, participants described their experience with being called names and
having been the victim of anti-Semitic vandalism. One participant told this story about
being called names,

My boss to be in Huston looked me right in the eye and said, “I’m not going to

have a kike on my staff.” And I heard a lot of things like that even in the

Pittsburgh area like, “Oh, I ‘Jewed’ him down,” and, “Jews this, and Jews that,”

and “Hey Jew girl,” they would say to me.

Another participant added, “Growing up we were called lots of names, negative names,
like dirty Jew and kike.” A third participant had a similar experience, “When I was in
elementary school I had one girl call me a dirty Jew and it was someone who was in my
circle of friends.” Further, a fourth participant shared, “I was called ‘bagel girl,’ and
‘matzoh ball.’ They mostly used Jewish words and food in a derogatory way. Oh yeah,
and the occasional kike, the occasional ‘he Jewed me’ and that really pissed me off.” In
addition to being called names, participants described how they had experienced anti-
Semitic vandalism. One participant shared, “Oh like a swastika on the driveway,
swastikas were painted on my Temple, and I had swastikas painted on my locker in high
school.” Another participant had a similar experience, “There were swastikas and various
anti-Semitic what nots painted on the different Temples I have been a member of.”

Third, participants described experiences with anti-Semitism that were more severe
including being accosted, being beaten up, and drive-by shootings at their synagogue. One
participant told her story,

I was accosted on campus by a Libyan and Iraqi student who didn’t like what I had

said in a class. They came up to me and they each took me by the arm and said,

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“You’re coming with us,” and I was pretty scared because I knew how they felt

about Jews.

Another participant described how she was beaten up for being Jewish,

One day I was chased and beaten up by girls from a Roman Catholic school and the

experience was so terrifying but so bizaare because it was clearly it was a religious

incident. I’d never even heard the epithets before. I had no idea that such a thing
could happen. I remember it very well as a seminal event. It is still a profound,
immediate, tangible experience for me.
And finally, a third participant said, “There were always the drive by shootings at my
synagogue.”

Responding to anti-Semitism.

Overall, participants’ strategies to addressing anti-Semitism varied. Some
participants responded to anti-Semitism by educating their children. One participant
explained, “Since my kids have been little we’ve talked about anti-Semitism.” Other
participants choose to do nothing and just feel sad. For example, “There are other times I
just cry. I just feel sad. I’m just hurt and I just have an emotion. I can’t change the way
other people view me or think and that’s very sad.” Other participants explained that they
speak out about anti-Semitism. One participant shared,

There were different times and different situations that I made different choices

but I always ended up feeling so much better about the choice of standing up and

saying something then not saying something. I’ve just learned how to say in a

more tactful way because I think that you have to be m careful not to embarrass

the person. An embarrassed, prejudiced person is a very dangerous thing.

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Further, other participants engaged in social action to respond to anti-Semitism. One
participant gave an example,
When the Ku Klux Klan was planning a march here for Rosh Hashanah, I went
ballistic. I couldn’t understand how the organized Jewish community wasn’t
going ballistic. And I thought, “Why won’t the KKK march through Harlem?
Because they will get their butts kicked and they don’t think the Jews are going to
kick their butts.” And I thought they needed to understand, “Oh, yes we will.” I
wanted to go with a baseball bat. But my husband said, “You can’t be at City Hall
with a baseball bat.” So, I organized something. On my own I organized a
program. I figured okay, I’m going to use the energy that the Klan is generating
to raise money for Friends of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). And I raised about
$10,000 for Friends of the IDF at a private dinner called, “Zero Tolerance for
Terror and Hate.”
Holocaust
The seventh theme that emerged from the data in this study was the Holocaust. As
such, there were two sub-themes: (a) effects of the Holocaust, and, (b) responding to the
Holocaust. All of the participants offered their theories of what the Holocaust was and why
it happened. In regard to what the Holocaust was, one participant explained, “My
understanding of what took place there was that Hitler, the Nazis and the all people who ran
the show there at that time considered it a cleansing, which meant the destruction of the
Jewish people.” A second participant gave her opinion,
The Holocaust was Hitler’s systematic attempt to eliminate anyone who was non-

Aryan, the largest proportion of which was Jews. Jews were the main targets, but not

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the only ones. There were lesbians and Gypsies and others. Hitler systematically
tried to eliminate the Jews from the face of the earth by use of the work camps and

the death camps and crematoriurns and science experiments.

Likewise, a third participant offered her understanding, “Hitler and the Nazis got rid of the

Jews and the Catholics and the gays and everybody who wasn’t what he said was perfect.”

Moreover, in regard to why the Holocaust happened, participants offered several

explanations. One participant explained,

Hitler was able to come to power initially because he told people what they
wanted to hear, that they had a problem and he knew the cause of it and he was
able to get stupid downtrodden people, like they were after the First World War in
Germany, to feel better about themselves. These people believed him and he was
able to get enough of a following and attract enough of the folks to put fear in

everybody’s heart.

A second participant added her view,

Why did he get away with it? Because people didn’t have instant news like we
have today and people didn’t get the message out faster and the Germans didn’t
even believe it. It was happen in their backyard and they didn’t believe it. So, if
they didn’t believe it why would they tell anybody? He got away with it for a
long time because nobody knew and then when they did know everyone said, “It

can’t be.”

Likewise, a third participant believed, “My understanding is also that most of the world

stood by and watched and let it happened, denied reports or refused refuge when the few

Jews who tried managed to get out of Germany.”

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In theorizing about why and how the Holocaust happened, other participants did
not have such clear explanations. One participant remarked,

Who can explain the Holocaust? (sighs) I (sighs) as a human being am kind of

fatalistic and believe usually that everything happens for a reason. We don’t

always know the reason. We may never know the reason but I still nevertheless
think that there is a bigger plan and that there is a reason for everything, but I just
don’t know that I could ever extend that to the Holocaust because it was just so

inhumane and barbaric and brutal and I mean they actually haven’t invented a

word to describe the Holocaust.

A second participant felt the same way, “I’ve been to Dachau twice and have been to
Israel and I don’t have any more answers than I did before.”

Effects of the Helocaust.

Many participants reported that they had known survivors and that this had
affected them. Some reported having Holocaust survivors in their family. For example,
one participant explained, “My nanna had lots of friends who had come to the States as
survivors. So, we kind of took them into our family, adopted them into our family as
survivors of the Holocaust.” Another participant also said, “A very good friend of my
grandmother’s was in the Holocaust and I remember she was coming over to my
grandmother’s house and she would have the concentration camp numbers tattooed in her
arm.” A third participant had a similar experience, “You know, I grew up with many
children survivors of the Holocaust.” Similarly, a fourth participant stated, “Well, I know
a lot of Holocaust survivors.” Further, some participants explained that they had

Holocaust survivors in their family and described the impact that had on them. One

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participant talked of her grandfather, “My grandfather came to the United States after
Kristalnacht from Germany, and there was always that shadow.” Another participant also
spoke of her grandfather,
The Holocaust helped to create the man that he was and how he raised his son and
how his son then turned around and help raised me. My personality was molded
because of the Holocaust and I see, very, very clear direct connections from it.
Furthermore, all of the participants reflected on the Holocaust deeply and had
much to say. Most participants reported that the Holocaust had a profound and
unchangeable effect on them personally, as well as, on the Jewish people. One participant
explained how she understood this,
Jews are hugely affected by the Holocaust. I think emotionally as a people we are.
In my experience all Jews know about the Holocaust. I mean we fly know
about it, at least as adults. We have visited a Holocaust Museum, or have known
concentration camp survivors or have been somehow directly connected to some
part of it.
Another participant echoed this sentiment, “The Holocaust changed the world and it
changed the way the next generation of Jews, who descended from those survivors, will
ever see the world.” Similarly, a third participant believed, “I think the Holocaust affects
being Jewish, especially as an American Jew. The way the Holocaust is taught in the
United States is basically learning about the six million being led to the slaughter.”
Moreover, participants described how the Holocaust affected them personally. One
participant shared, “The Holocaust impacts me to the core of who I am as a human being.”

Another participant added, “When I think about the Holocaust it’s not from an objective

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point of view. It’s from a subjective point of view in that it happened to me. It happened to

my family kind of a feeling.” Another participant described the effect the Holocaust had on
her,

So how it impacts me is I’m not going to change my name on my passport. I’m
going to identify myself as a Jew and I’m going to take this risk whatever it is
because it pales in comparison to what my ancestors did 50 or 60 years ago. I’m
very lucky and fortunate that no one in my immediate family was a part of that to
my knowledge. But in reality, I feel like my immediate family was.

Further, other participants shared their experiences. One explained, “I’ve been in
crowded situations, where I think, ‘God, is this what it was like in the cars?’ I have these
kinds of visions.” Another participant added, “I think that those are seminal images. I think
for a long time my body was informed by images of nude, young women in trenches.”
Finally, a third participant shared,

After seeing ‘Shindler’s List’ I couldn’t speak for two days. And I remember

thinking that I wanted to drop being Jewish. I wanted to move someplace where

someone didn’t know us, some little town where there were no Jews. We could
learn about Christianity, so that my children could have a good, full life doing
positive mitzvot in a Unitarian Church or in a Methodist Church. We didn’t really

have to believe in Jesus. I just never wanted my children or my grandchildren or
their children to suffer what I saw in that movie.

In addition, several participants described that distrusting Germany and the German

people was another effect the Holocaust had on them. One participant explained,

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If somebody is German, I will say they don’t like Jews. If somebody’s German, they
don’t like Jews so I don’t like them. I know it’s really not a good way to be. It’s a
prejudiced way on my part to think but I can’t help it. We all have our prejudices.
Other participants shared stories of recent trips they had made to Germany that also
illustrated this distrust,
Last year, when we went to Germany, my mom and I couldn’t wait to get out. The
first time I heard a siren, an ambulance, or a cop car, was really scary, and I knew
that my mom felt the same way. It’s not that people weren’t friendly, because
basically everybody was friendly. But, the siren especially, hearing that siren. I just
wanted to leave.
A third participant told a similar story about her trip to Germany,
I traveled through Germany one time and there was a woman I had met on the train
who was so nice She didn’t know I was Jewish, and at one point she had said there
was a game that they used to play where they would drive around the city and they
would try to pick out the Jewish people by like who had big noses or who had
certain hair. And I was completely offended. And I said to her, “Well I’m Jewish.
Would you have pointed me out I mean, what does that mean?” She Was taken
aback. She didn’t think of it as anything bad. But I just thought it was a sort of a
strange game for someone German to be playing who wasn’t Jewish.
Resppnses to the Holoccptsi
Participants offered three responses to the Holocaust namely: never forget, it could
happen again, and never again. First, some participants believed that if people forget why

and how the Holocaust happened than there is nothing to ensure that it wouldn’t happen

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again. A few participants also reported that it was important to never forget because there
were some non-Jews who didn’t believe the Holocaust ever happened. One participant
explained, “One thing that I agree with that I hear all the time is that the Holocaust shouldn’t
be forgotten.” Another participant agreed, “I think it’s very important not to forget. ] think
that Holocaust survivors are dying off and it’s going to be very easy to forget.” A third
participant echoed this sentiment, “A post Holocaust society needs to not forget.”

A few participants also explained that there are some people who want the world to
forget the Holocaust ever happened. For example, one participant shared what happened to
her, “When I was growing up, the history teacher claimed the Holocaust was a ruse. We
never got to study it in school because it didn’t happen.” Another participant told a similar
story, “My daughter came home from school last week and one of her classmates had told
her that the Holocaust had not happened.” A third participant concurred, “A lot of people
don’t even think the Holocaust ever happened.”

The second response to the Holocaust described by participants was the notion
that it could happen again. Many participants were certain that Jewish persecution was a
given in the world and that it is just a matter of time until the next atrocity happened
again. One participant said, “It probably can happen again. I don’t think you would have
to have a unique historical situation, like with Hitler, because it didn’t come from him
alone. So, I think that it can happen again.” Another participant agreed, “There’s
probably some immigrant or second generation American post-Holocaust thing of, well
you can’t ever get too comfortable because you never know when it will happen again.”

A third participant concurred,

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I think that this could happen again. I read things that are happening in Germany,
not just in Germany but all over. The young kids who were shot at one of the
schools and there were swastikas. It seems like so many of these shootings or so
many of these crimes, behind them is anti-Semitism in our country. I think it
could happen again.

And finally, a fourth participant shared her view,

I’m a student of history and as a Jew it is only good for so many generations in

any place. For a while, it was great in Poland. Sometimes where you think it’s the

best is where you can have the worst destruction and it can happen in a heartbeat
and I’m very aware of that. It doesn’t matter if you don’t consider yourself a Jew
and you want to assimilate somebody else will see you as a Jew and that will be
that.

Finally, the third and last response participants had to the Holocaust was to never
let it happen again. The concept of “never again” was a stance of resistance and defense
against anti-Semitism. As one participant explained,

I think it would be awfully nice to have more of the Israeli resistance stance on

the Holocaust. That includes more about resistance. I learned that in Israel they

don’t focus on the six million so much, they focus on fighting back.
Another participant had a similar opinion,

When I think about the Holocaust, I think about the heroes and I want to think

about the heroes and the survivors and the risks they took. The people that came

and fought against oppression and lost their lives because they valued life and

fought back.

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Data A_rr_alvsis for Interview Process

At the end of each interview participants were asked questions in relation to how
they experienced the interview process. The specific process questions asked were:
(a) What was this process like for you?, (b) What was helpful about the discussion?/What
was not?, (c) What was meaningful about the discussion?/What was not?, (d) Was
anything important missing from the discussion?, and ( e) Would this process have been
different for you if I (the facilitator) wasn’t J ewish?/lf so, how?. In response to these
questions, participants reported that they found the researcher easy to talk to because she
was Jewish, and that her being Jewish helped create an openness and sense of trust.
Further, participants explained that the cultural familiarity shared with the researcher
facilitated the ease in answering the interview questions. Participants also reported that
the benefits of the interview were that it was interesting and thought provoking.
Moreover, participants did not report that the process was at all distressing. In addition,
participants were very generous with their time and offered to help contribute to this
research effort as it unfolded. Finally, some participants reported that while they enjoyed
the individual interview, they would have liked to have direct contact with the other
participants so they could know what they had to say.

Researcher’s Data

Researcher’s Log

As is described in the methodology section of this document, over the course of data
collection and data analysis, I kept a researcher’s log to record my subjective frame. My
analysis of the researcher’s log resulted in the emergence of three insights unique to my

process as a researcher. First, I indicated in the log that I became more comfortable and

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skilled with regard to the interview process over time. This occurrence was also noted by
one of the judges who said,
It seems as though the interviews got more complex as you went on. You got all the
answers in the earlier ones, but, somehow the answers were shorter and more to the
point. I’m wondering if this reflects your own interaction with the subject matter as
you went on, increased comfort, warming up to the topic. It could be just where the
women were at developmentally. Somehow, I was more engaged with the later
interviews, even though the first ones had some relevant important stuff to say.
The researcher’s log I kept confirms this judge’s impression that I was more confident and
more aware of finer nuances in the later interviews. I also noted in the researcher’s log that
the early interviews were thorough and produced meaningful results.
second, I indicated in the researchers log that I found the interview format
challenging, especially for interviewing Jewish women. Overall, I struggled to work in a
cultural fiame that was not Jewish, in style, as I understood it. That is, the formality of the
interview structure, and the necessity to adhere to a sequential question and answer format
felt overly rigid to me. I described these feelings frequently in my log, even though I
employed the feminist strategy of inserting my subjective frame as the interview process
warranted. I also noted in my log that several of the participants felt equally fi'ustrated with
the formality of the interview. In part, I described this phenomenon as being influenced by
my personal experience of interacting with Jews in ways that are less formal, more
interactive, and that do not comply with standard rules of politeness regarding interrupting,
taking tums when speaking, and staying focused on the speaker. I noted in my log that the

participants also commented on these issues. This is not to say that a focus on the

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participant’s frame was not the overall goal of the research. It does indicate, however, that
there may be a Jewish style of interaction that I am accustomed to that for whatever reason
did not lend itself naturally to the interview process. Thus, this raises the question as to
whether I would have experienced a more congruent style differently and would have
elicited different information from the participants.

Third, throughout the interviews, I found myself reflecting upon the participants’
responses based on how I might have answered the questions. This awareness helped me
to keep my potential responses to the questions from guiding the interview. I aimed to be
true to the protocol of a structured interview format and bracketed my answers to the
questions in my mind, as I listened and attended to what the participants had to say. I
recorded these bracketed thoughts in the researcher’s log in between interviews. In
summary, through the use of a log, I was able to be aware of my assumptions, subjective
frame, and responses to the interview questions to keep from overly imposing them on
the participants’ process.

Analysis of Data for Researcher’s Underlying Assumptions

As previously discussed, the researcher entered into this project with six
underlying assumptions. The existence of these six assumptions operating throughout
the study was supported upon completion of the data analysis of both the researcher’s
log and the feedback provided by the auditor and judges. Upon completion of the
general data analysis looking for themes and sub-themes, the data was analyzed once
again to assess whether or not these six assumptions were tenable. The results are of

this specific analysis of the researcher’s assumptions are discussed below.

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The researcher’s first assumption was the notion that there is in fact a unique
entity called Jewishness, which is fundamental to a Jewish woman’s view of herself
and her life. This assumption was indeed supported by the data in that all of the
participants in this study reported in detail how they understood and maintained their
internal and external Jewish worlds. As such, participants provided descriptions of how
they understood their Jewishness. For example, many participants shared this view, 9
“It’s who we are innately.” Similarly, participants echoed the notion that their inner
Jewish world was reflected in their outer Jewish life. When discussing their external
Jewish lives, many participants made comments like, “I think the history, the culture,
the religion, the Jewish community, and a Jewish home, all work together to form one’s
Jewish identity.”

The second researcher’s assumption underlying this study was that being a
secular Jew was a simple notion and that secularism would serve as a distinct defining
factor in how the participants understood themselves as Jewish women. Simply stated,
this was not found to be the case. Interestingly, women were required to identify as
secular to participate in the study, and all did so both during the initial screening phone
conversation and on the study’s demographic sheet. When asked to discuss their
understanding of the role secularism played in their lives during the interview, all the
participants struggled with this concept. One participant illustrated this struggle,

I I feel very Jewish, spiritually, but I don’t necessarily practice it so does that
make me secular? We do light Shabbas candles though on Friday night if we’re
home and do other Jewish things. I guess maybe I really don’t know what

secular means. I know I’m not very religious, but I’m still Jewish.

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Another participant added,
I really had trouble with what the secular/religious distinction means. While I
participate in the Jewish community and in religious things, I don’t feel like I
have very strong religious beliefs. So, I guess in most ways I would be defined
as a secular Jew, but I feel like I’m part of the religious community. I think the
dichotomy is a problem when it comes to being Jewish.
A third participant agreed, “I struggle with that because sometimes secular means
assimilated, so I tend to prefer non-practicing versus secular. Or culturally identified
perhaps? But I did check off secular.” Further, a third participant explained,
Secular to me implies no religion or the things that people think their religion
isn’t affected by. I’m secular, but I think everything] do is affected by my
Judaism. Jewishness is so deeply ingrained in me and that it’s just a part of who
I am and how I express myself. I guess it doesn’t make sense to me.
Furthermore, many participants identified themselves as secular, but
qualified what this meant to them. For example,
I see Jewishness as more of a complex continuum. I think being religious or
secular are amorphous ideas and don’t really exist. I just pick and choose
how I want to be Jewish. Some of that is secular, some is not.
A second participant shared her thoughts,
How ] interpreted it is that I think as a Reform Jew, I am religious as a
Reform Jew, and religion and the future of my faith is important to me. But, I

am secular too. What I do when I’m not with other Jewish pe0ple is secular,

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but I don’t feel that compartmentalized. I checked secular, but I could have
also checked religious.

Still other participants reported being confused about the idea of being a secular Jew
and others did not even understand what being secular meant. For example, “I guess
it’s been how I live my life, I don’t know because I am Jewish. I don’t know. I’m not
sure. I’m going to have to come back to that.” Another participant also said, “I’m
Jewish but I’m a non-believing Jew. Does that make me secular?” Finally, one
participant shared,

It’s funny because if I had a dictionary I would look that word up. I don’t

really know what that means. I guess that’s where I fit in, but on a secular

versus not doing anything at all having to do with Judaism level, that’s not

me.
Therefore, given the complex ways participants understood their Jewishness, the
term secular as a way of identifying as a Jew was found to be useful in name only.
As such, the concept of secularism as understood by the researcher, was not
supported by the data gathered in this study.

A third research assumption underlying the study was that a distinction in
Jewish ethnicity, (Ashkenazi as opposed to Sephardi), was meaningfirl in terms of
who the participants were and how they made meaning of their Jewishness. A
selection criterion for the study was that women had to be a member of the
Ashkenazi ethnic group. All participants in the study met the criteria. When asked to
describe the meaning of being Ashkenazi, however, almost all of the participants

described the technical aspects of their background and did not speak to how their

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ethnic heritage affected them more deeply. Some participants did not even know
what it meant to be Ashkenazi at all. For example one participant said, “I don’t know
what is typical. There is nothing very unique about being Ashkenazi for me.”
Another participant added, “Not that I’m aware of. I mean, I’m sure there are things
and maybe they’re a part of who I am. I just don’t know what’s unique to being
Ashkenazi.” A third participant stated simply, “I wish I knew more.”

Further, many participants provided concrete descriptions of the kinds of
food they might eat, where previous generations of their family had lived in the
world and technical aspects of how one spoke that were a product of their Ashkenazi
ethnic heritage. Some participants spoke of food. For example, “Oh, you know, the
cooking. I don’t know how to do the Sephardi cooking, you know. I like the matzoh
balls. I like blintzes, I like Ashkenazi gefilte fish better than Sephardi gefilte fish.
Another participant added, “Probably certain foods that I prepare traditionally, but I
don’t necessarily think, ‘Gee, this is an Ashkenazi recipe versus a Sephardic way of
cooking.’ But, it nevertheless probably is.” In addition to mentioning Ashkenazi
food, participants also spoke of where their families had come from that identified
them with this Jewish ethnic group. One participant stated, “I think part of it is the
immigrant tradition in my family.” A second participant agreed, “Well I guess
Ashkenazi means Jews that settled in European areas.” A third participant explained,
“Well, I know that my background is German and French and that’s where the
people who came before me were from.” And finally a fourth participant said, “My
mom’s parents were immigrants. I’m not sure where exactly in Eastern Europe or

Russia they’re from. I think Polish-German-Russian.” Lastly, participants explained

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the technical linguistic aspects of their Jewish culture that were derived from their
Ashkenazi heritage. For example, one participant said, “My mom’s parents spoke in
Yiddish.” Another participant added, “I think I noticed a difference in how the
Hebrew letter T of is pronounced like an S.” A third participant concurred, “I know
certain little things about the pronunciation of Hebrew.”

Thus, being Ashkenazi did not appear to have a major effect on how
participants understood themselves as Jews. As one participant explained, “It doesn’t
play any major role in my psyche or consciousness other then where people come
from.” Another participant agreed, “I don’t think that I have, you know, this pride over
being Ashkenazi versus being Sephardic.”

A fourth researcher’s assumption underlying this study was that a Jewish
woman’s personal and family life would be influenced by her being Jewish. As such,
this assrunption was found to be the case, as was indicated in the data analysis. The
construct of J ewishness that emerged, and in particular the sub-theme of the theme
the Jewish people, namely, Jewish childhood and the Jewish family, support this
assumption. These sections of the data analysis speak to this thoroughly. In general,
though, it was common for participants to make comments like, “I think Jewishness
is a part of who we are and part of that heritage is sharing it with our children or
family and the others in our lives.” Likewise, a second participant added, “What I
feel is really important is living in a Jewish home and values. We have a Jewish
family life.” Similarly, a third participant agreed, “Living in a Jewish home, which
means to me that you talk to your children about being Jewish, you celebrate

Hanukkah, you celebrate Passover and that is very important.”

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A fifth assumption underlying this study was that Jewish women would have
specific ways of coping with being Jewish in a non-Jewish/Christian environment. As
supported by the data analysis, this assumption was found to be the case. As such, the
two major themes of otherness and anti-Semitism, elaborate upon this in great detail.
Overall, participants described the various ways they have coped with being Jewish in a
Christian society, and in particular how they dealt with anti-Semitism. The first way
that participants c0ped with being Jewish in a non-Jewish country was by choosing to
be visible. For example, one participant explained, “I’m not shy about my Jewishness,
and I’ve found that the higher you hold your head, the more respect you command.”
Another way participants coped with being Jewish in a Christian society was choosing
to be invisible. Another participant stated, “I’m not going to walk up to somebody in
the KKK and say, ‘Hey guess what, I’m Jewish.’ I’m not looking for trouble.” Further,
a third way participants coped with being Jews in a non-Jewish country was by not
interrnarrying. One participant shared her view, “I think marrying Jewish makes having
a Jewish family life, in which the identity of being Jewish is unquestionable, central,
and much easier.” A fourth way participants reported coping with living in a non-
Jewish country was reflected in how they responded to anti-Semitism. One participant
illustrated this point,

There are different ways of responding to anti-Semitism. It depends on the

situation. If I’m not in danger of being physically threatened then I will

confront it directly. If I’m in a situation where it’s dangerous to me, then I will

escape, even by not saying anything. If somebody who said something anti-

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Semitic is unaware or ignorant, then I can educate or open a dialogue about it

and if nothing else tell them how that made me feel.

A six assumption underlying this study was that Semitic features and “looking
Jewish” contributed to women’s experience of being Jewish. As such, this assumption
was only supported somewhat, as some participants reported they did not find women
attractive who looked like a Jewish stereotype. Likewise, some participants described
how they felt having a stereotypical Jewish nose, curly hair, or larger body size affected
them. As such, one participant shared how she feels about Jewish women who
resemble the stereotype of the Jewish American Princess, “Personally, the most
unattractive Jewish women that I’ve ever met are the ones that are dolled up and have
lots of jewels.” Another participant reported how she felt about her nose and curly hair,

I’ve totally given up on straightening my hair um, not that I wouldn’t be happy

to wake up tomorrow with straight hair; that would be fine. I’ve never wanted

to get my nose fixed although I’m not crazy about having my pictures taken in
profile. If I accidentally got my nose broken, I would want them to straighten it
out a little bit.
Likewise, a third participant spoke about Jewish women and body size, “There is
always a pressure to be thin and to meet that sort of Barbie stereotype, which of course
most Jewish women are even farther away from than the average person.”

In contrast, several participants did not feel that appearance was a particularly
Jewish issue. One participant explained,

From a psychological viewpoint, I think that beauty issues aren’t specific to a

particular people. There are certain things that I think Americans are trained to

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think that are beautiful. If those things come out in a person who is Jewish then
they would be considered beautiful in the same way that someone of a different
group of people would be considered beautiful.
Finally, a second participant agreed, “As a Jewish woman? I would say probably
similar to my standards of attractiveness regardless of religion. Jews come in all sizes,

shapes, colors all races. I probably have less stereotypical view of that.”

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CHAPTER 5

Summary and Conclusions

As indicated in the literature review, the writing on Jewish women is theoretical in
nature. Further indicated in the literature is the paucity of data based studies on Jewish
women in psychology. Thus, given that this is the first data based study of Jewish women of
its kind, I will first focus on the comparison of the overall findings of this study with the
broad theory in the literature looking for similarities and differences. Second, I will consider
the implications this study holds for psychology. Third, I will provide a discussion of the
limitations of this study and suggestions for future research.

The Concept of Jewishness

Theoretical writings suggest that a woman’s Jewishness is multi-faceted. As such,
Jewish identity is matrilineal (Adler, 1998) and is comprised of part peoplehood, part
culture, part shared history, part ethnic identity, and is based on more than just the practice
of the Jewish religion (Smith, 1991). The literature also indicates that a woman’s Jewishness
is informed by a variety of nationalities, races, socio-economic statuses and political
positions (Torton Beck, 1989). As was indicated by the results of this study, Jewishness was
found to be a complex and multi-dimensional concept, thereby supporting existing theory.
Participants reported that having a Jewish mother certainly contributed to their being Jewish,
but that the nature of their Jewishness was far more complicated than that. Participants
described the fundamental nature of their Jewishness and how it related to how they were
raised, who they were, how they thought, how they interacted with both Jews and non-Jews,

and how they made decisions in their lives.

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It is important, therefore, for psychologists to understand that being Jewish is far
more complex for women than their identification with a particular religious group.
Psychologists need to understand that a woman’s Jewishness may even be more central to
her experience of herself than her ethnicity, nationality, race, or gender. This view of
Jewishness may depart drastically from current reductionist understandings held by
psychologists regarding religious identification in general, and of Jewish women in
particular who may be seen simply as co-religionists (Smith, 1991). Similarly, this
understanding of Jewishness, as being a predominant identity above all others, may conflict
with a current focus in psychology on race and ethnicity as the main sources of identity and
experience. As most Jewish women in the United States are Caucasian, psychologists might
oversimplify their understanding of this group based on their racial identity. Thus, if Jewish
women clientele present for services and the attending clinician is unaware of the possible
centrality of a woman’s Jewishness, misdiagnosis, inaccurate conceptualization, and
misunderstanding are likely to ensue. It is therefore incumbent upon psychologists to
broaden their understanding of Jewishness and to begin to see Jewish women’s concerns in
a more comprehensive and holistic light.

Jewisflorldview
Theory indicates that fundamental to a Jewish woman’s worldview is a Jewish value
system and code of ethics (Torton Beck, 1989). Paramount to this ethos is a commitment to
establishing social justice in the world (tikkun 01am), living a just and righteous life, doing
good deeds (mitzvot), upholding the tenant of tzedakah, and having a strong appreciation for
suffering and its alleviation in the world (Brown, 1991). The results of this study support the

conceptual understanding that Jewish values and ethics do, in fact, inform a Jewish woman’s

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worldview. Participants described the nature of their Jewish morality and values in detail
and provided myriad examples as to how this was reflected in their lives.

Some psychologists currently acknowledge the importance of understanding client’s
Values and worldview. In support of this tradition, an appreciation of the unique nature of
Jewish women’s ethics and values would prove invaluable in providing “culturally
sensitive” services to this population. In addition to a Jewish woman’s obligation to do
mitzvot, tzedakah, and tikkun olam, psychologists need to understand that the values of
maintaining a Jewish home, supporting the Jewish community, raising Jewish children,
participating in Jewish culture and tradition, and preserving Judaism may be central to how
Jewish women understand their lives and how this may vary. Likewise, psychologists need
to appreciate that the values of being well educated, educating others, being successful, high
achieving, and hard working, may well be part of the contextual fabric of a Jewish woman’s
life. Moreover, psychologists need to understand what failing to or being unable to live up to
these standards may mean to a Jewish woman. A lack of appreciation of the predominance
of this worldview for Jewish women can only result in poor service provision and possible
misinterpretation of the motivating factors in these women’s lives.

Jewish Ethnicifl

The theoretical literature on Jewish women’s ethnicity indicates that Jewish women
are members of one of two distinct ethnic groups: Sephardi or Ashkenazi, each having
unique customs, traditions, and ways of understanding Judaism. The data of this study,
collected from Ashkenazi women, however, indicated that ethnic identity was not
particularly salient to how participants understood their Jewishness. Participants did provide

technical information about their ethnicity such as, family lineage, cuisine, and language

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(e.g. Yiddish). Yet, this discussion was very limited and not all participants were well
informed about the nature of their Ashkenazi heritage. As such, this occurrence may be an
artifact of how ethnicity is treated in the United States and the assirrrilationist (e.g. melting
pot) tradition imposed upon most of its immigrants. This occurrence might also be a bi-
product of anti-Semitism in the United States and a Jewish response style of minimizing
differences in the face of this prejudice.

Psychologists, at minimum, need to be aware of the existence of these two distinct
Jewish ethnic groups and what differentiates them. Moreover, most Jewish women in the
United States are Ashkenazi, and therefore, largely Caucasian. This, however, distinguishes
these Jewish women from other Caucasian women in the United States, in that their families
are predominantly from Eastern Europe and Germany, and who came to the Unites States
due to a need to flee severe anti-Semitism in their countries of origin. Many parents or
grandparents of Ashkenazi Jewish women are Holocaust survivors, pogrom survivors, or
refugees of anti-Semitism in Eastern Europe. As such, these women’s family histories may
be quite different fi'om those of other Caucasian women. When working with Jewish
women, psychologists may wish to clarify the ethnic origins of these clients, and learn the
relevant questions to ask which would provide salient information about immigration
histories of anti-Semitism and the effect this history has on a client’s personality, coping
strategies, and worldview.

Salim

The theoretical literature that discusses secularism suggests that secular Jews do not

rely on halakhah and religious practice to inform their Jewish identity. Further, it suggests

that the secular Jews interact freely with non-Jews and that they do not rely largely on the

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Jewish community for daily survival (Baker, 1993.) Moreover, some literature hypothesizes
that secularism exists as a survival strategy. As such, Klepfisz (I989) theorized that secular
women, who have inherited a legacy of anti-Semitism, have concluded that their Jewishness
is fundamentally dangerous and needs to be hidden and not accentuated. The results of this
research indicated that the theories about Jewish women and the concept of "secularism" are
problematic or oversimplified. The results of this study indicated that even participants who
identified themselves as secular, still felt that the tenants of Judaism were integral to how
they acted in the world and how they understood themselves. These “secular” participants
did not directly explain that being secular was a firnction of their experiences and awareness
of anti-Semitism either. They did, however report many anti-Semitic experiences. Although
these participants described the styles they employed to respond to anti-Semitism, they did
not specifically explain that “being secular” was a way to cope with anti-Jewish prejudice,
nor did they believe that they were trying to hide or not accentuate their Judaism. They
reported that they were just choosing one way of being, Jewish among Jews.

Psychologists, therefore, need to understand that the phenomenon of secular
Judaism in the United States is complex, and may indicate far more than merely the
personal choice not to practice a religion. Psychologists may want to consider that a
woman’s choice to identify as secular may be the product of how Jewish women
negotiate sexism and the “old world” nature of Orthodox Judaism, which is seen as
“religious” Judaism. Psychologists might also consider that a Jewish woman who chooses
a secular identity may be responding to anti-Semitism on some level, but not necessarily.

Simply stated, to understand a secular Jewish woman’s relationship to Judaism and the

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Jewish people, psychologists would benefit from an exploration of the role and meaning
of secularism in a Jewish woman’s life.
Christipn Society

The theoretical literature on Jewish women does not specifically address what it
means for Jewish women to live in a Christian society per se. Although, the literature
does discuss anti-Semitism and Jewish stereotypes, it ignores the overall psychological
implications of being Jewish in a society that is structured around a Christian value
system, calendar, politic, and religion. The data of this research indicated that living in a
Christian country had a strong effect on participants and is, in fact, a key variable in how
Jewish women experience their lives and surrounding environments.

Psychologists need to understand that Jewish women experience themselves as
“being other,” as do other racial and ethnic minorities, and that being Jewish is what
defines this otherness. Psychologists need to understand that due to their experience of
“being other” Jewish women may have a strong identification with other oppressed
groups. Jewish women may strongly identify with other minorities who have suffered
extreme prejudice and have been the victims of attempted cultural annihilation. Given
that current psychological multicultural thought is largely focused on race and ethnicity
as defining experiences of marginalization and oppression, psychologists should consider
that being Jewish may also create experiences of marginalization, even though many
Jewish women in the Unites States are Caucasian. Psychologists need to explore how
Jewish women experience themselves as being visible or invisible in their worlds and
what is required of them to “be out" as a Jew in a Christian world. In particular,

psychologists need to understand that for some Jewish women, being Jewish puts them at

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risk in society with regard to anti-Semitic violence. Likewise, non-Jewish and Christian
psychologists need to appreciate that many Jewish women do not inherently trust non-
Jews of all racial groups. This fact is critical as it can directly affect a working
relationship with Jewish women in therapy and other service provision settings. Christian
psychologists, in particular, need to be aware of how their assumption of Christianity and
Christian frame may impact a Jewish woman client.
Anti-Semitism

The theory- based literature indicates Jewish women must deal with covert and overt
forms of anti-Semitism. The literature also explains that for Jewish women, an awareness of
an enduring anti-Semitic world, both currently and historically, is constant. The results of
this study support the literature in that participants described in detail the ways they had
experienced all forms of anti-Semitism, including: hearing about the oppression of Jews in
their community, being called names, being stereotyped, experiencing violent acts against
them, and having their property vandalized. In addition, participants discussed their
understanding of institutionalized anti-Semitism in schools, politics and the media.

Psychologists may need to deepen their appreciation of the anti-Semitic reality in the
United States and the historical tradition of anti-Semitism, as well, and the ways this affects
Jewish women. Psychologists can provide “culturally sensitive” services to this population
only if they appreciate the nature of anti-Semitism in North America and the ways Jewish
women have chosen to cope with it. Since psychology and psychological intervention is
aimed, in part, toward understanding stress and coping, realizing the demands that anti-
Semitism places on Jewish women will certainly contribute to more thorough

conceptualizations of their lives and presenting problems. If psychologists do not appreciate

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anti-Semitism as a real influence and ongoing stressor causing fear in some Jewish women’s
lives, they may misdiagnose or misinterpret Jewish women’s personalities as being neurotic
and paranoid. Likewise, psychologists need to explore their personal and familial beliefs
about Jews and any stereotypes they may have about Jewish women in particular.
Psychologists need to consider how they interpret Jewish women and if they misattribute
characteristics to Jewish women that are more a product of their own unacknowledged anti-
Semitism, than those belonging to Jewish women themselves.

The Holocaust

 

The literature explains that all modern Jewish women are “post-Holocaust Jews”
(Schiffrnan, 1999; p. 85). That is, modern Jewish women have a direct association with the
Holocaust regardless of whether or not they actually lived through it. Consistent with this
theory, the participants in this study all discussed the intense impact that the Holocaust has
had on their lives. Participants explained that the Holocaust confirmed for Jews that they are
not safe in the world and that the ethnic cleansing of the Jews could happen again.
Participants explained that the Holocaust was vicariously traumatic for them and it was as if
they had lived through it themselves and that it had happened to their families. Several
participants also reported that the Holocaust left them feeling unsure of their safety in the
United States. ’

Psychologists need to appreciate how the historical trend of anti-Semitic violence
and most recent occurrence of the Holocaust affect the Jewish woman’s psyche.
Psychologists need to understand that Jewish women inherit the legacy of the Holocaust and

that this legacy impacts their worldview, experience of non-Jews, and sense of overall safety

in the world. In working with Jewish women clientele, psychologists can incorporate a

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conceptualization of vicarious trauma into their understanding of Jewish women’s

worldview and life strategies. Most importantly, psychologists and service providers need to

appreciate that for many Jewish women, events like the Holocaust are a common thread in

the familial and community fabric that these women are a part of. As such, living in the

shadow of the Holocaust creates a unique experience for the modern Jewish woman; and,

this imique psychological reality should not be underestimated by psychologists.
Limitations and Implicjations for Future Research

As with all research, there are several limitations of this study that need to be
addressed by future scholarship. Specifically, these limitations are related to the research
sample, the epistemology and methodology, the subjective stance of the researcher, and the
unresolved t0pical issues that arose from this study.

The first limitation of this study is that it utilized a convenience sample, generated
by word of mouth, which was small in size. Given that this is one of the first studies of its
kind, firture research on this subject would be beneficial in that it would add to the volume
of voices informing our awareness on this topic. Similarly, this study is also limited by the
fact that the participants were all from a small Mid-Westem town and from middle to upper
middle class socio-economic statuses. Likewise, the study’s participants comprised a fairly
homogeneous group with regard to education, race, age, and sexual orientation. As such, it
is possible that this study is only reflective of the reality of this small sector of Jewish
women in the United States. Women from larger cities, where there is a larger Jewish
population, may provide different types of responses to the questions asked in the
interviews. Also, further data on Jewish lesbians, poor Jewish women, non-Caucasian

Jewish women, etc., need to be collected to help stratify the information available on this

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unique population. Future research could benefit the data base on Jewish women if it could
increase our understanding of the unique ways that sexual orientation, class, and race vary a
Jewish woman’s identity.

Further, the participants in this study were only Ashkenazi Jewish women, whose
families had at one point immigrated to the United States. The exclusion of non-American
Ashkenazi, religious, Sephardic, and Israeli Jewish women, among others, makes these
results relevant only to this particular group. Given that the world’s commrmity of Jewish
women is quite diverse, this study could be replicated with different types of Jewish
participants. That is, Jews from different sects of Judaism (e.g. Conservative, Orthodox),
different ethnic groups (e.g. Sephardi), different nationalities (e.g. Israeli), and with different
types of commitment to Jewish identity (e. g. cultural Jews, non-believing Jews, Orthodox
feminists, Zionists), could be studied to understand the similarities and differences within
the Jewish community, thus, painting a more complex picture of this population.

The second limitation of this study is the specificity of the Jewish feminist
epistemology with which I chose to frame this study. As a Jewish woman, quite immersed
in my Jewish identity and very involved in the Jewish community, both in North America
and in Israel, I brought a very idiosyncratic frame to this research. To account for my
subjective position, I employed an integrative qualitative methodology, whereby, I put
mechanisms in place to help explore and describe my reality and to allow the reader to
understand the ways my beliefs may have affected the data as both a researcher and Jewish
woman. Further, as described in the discussion of the researcher’s log, the data collection
method chosen for the study (6. g. interviews) had both pros and cons for me. On the one

hand, one-on-one interviews allowed me to focus exclusively on the reality of the woman I

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was interviewing. On the other hand, many participants echoed my sentiments regarding the
solitary nature of the interview process. As such, a more traditional qualitative methodology
might be reconsidered in future studies. Possibly, future research might combine a group
data collection method, along with one-on—one interviews. Altematively, unlike the
approach where the participant is interviewed, future research could employ the use of
interviews for data collection, but could shift the interview format to a dialogue between
interviewer and interviewee, thus creating a more interactive form of data gathering.
Likewise, future research could utilize a group data collection method alone to ascertain the
nature of data gathered as the bi-product of group dialogue. Given that this study is one of
the first of its kind, a variety of researcher standpoints, epistemologies, and methodologies
Would possibly generate different types of data and this would be kneficial to a more
complex and varied understanding of the lives of Jewish women.

Third, as is true with any study, the results of this research are largely inconclusive.
That is, many t0pics theorized in the literature were explored herein and the results of that
exploration can serve only as an initial foray into this vast urrstudied topic. In particular,
several findings of this study offer future researchers interesting topics to explore. Among
others, the unique nature of secular Judaism, the complexity of various Jewish discourses,
and the potentially unrecognized effect of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust on Jewish lives
could be studied to offer psychology a deeper understanding of this p0pulation. In addition,
this study was designed to only focus on those questions that came directly out of the
existing literature. Future research could choose to generate new areas of inquiry related to
Jewish women’s lives that heretofore have not been considered. For example, future

research could examine the unique relationship that North American Jewish women have

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with Israel and the myriad ways that the political reality in Israel affects how Jewish women
negotiate their identity with non-Jews. Likewise, firture research could explore the ways that
Jewish women’s experience of themselves as ethnic minorities is both similar and dissimilar
to that of other ethnic minorities. That is, future research could explore how the emotional
impact and c0ping strategies of being a minority vary between Jewish women and those of
other ethnic groups.
ConcludingRempr_k_s

As a new psychologist, this study has opened many doors for me. In pursuing a
research topic with great personal meaning, I have reconfirmed my interest and dedication
to expanding the literature base in this area. Conducting a study so “close to home” was not
without its challenges. In so doing, I attempted to produce a quality study, while remaining
true to the spirit and nature of my Jewishness. At times, the means to this ends was obvious,
at others, it was not. Scholarship and science, as it is currently defined, does not always lend
itself easily to the finer nuances of studying culture and religion. At the conclusion of this
work, I am left with many new questions. For example, how can the reality of Jewish
women’s lives inform the current multicultural theory used by psychologists? How do non-
heterosexual Jewish women negotiate their Jewish identities? What role does the political
reality in Israel play in Jewish women’s lives? In summary, as a new psychologist, this
study has renewed my interest in scholarship, and has deepened my commitment to
exploring my Jewish identity and that of other Jewish women. Ultimately, I h0pe that as
research on Jewish women is pursued by a growing group of scholars, and that prejudice

toward this group will be replaced with knowledge, understanding, and familiarity.

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Finally, in studying any marginalized minority, such as Jewish women, it is
important to note that I am aware that the results of studies, such as this one, could be used
by those so inclined to reinforce common anti-Semitic stereotypes. As the investigator in
this study, I am well aware that there may be individuals reading this document searching
for ways to prove that Jewish women do, in fact, live up to their stereotypes. For example, if
these data report that Jewish women describe themselves as embodying certain stereotypical
traits, then perhaps anti-Semitic views of Jewish women are, in fact, true? To anyone
reading this document intent on using these results to perpetuate anti-Semitism in such a
way, take heed. Not only are the results, herein, elaborated upon in order to complexify
pe0ple’s understanding of Jewish women, they are also intended to demonstrate the fallacy
inherent in reducing Jewish women to particular stereotypical traits which they may
embody. I would like to directly caution any reader choosing to use the results of this study
to promote anti-Semitism. Misusing the data in this way is unethical and ultimately reflects
upon the ignorance of the person doing so. Anyone using this study to work toward the
ongoing marginalization and oppression of Jewish women is misrepresenting the spirit of
this work. It is my express h0pe as a researcher that this study does not support anti-
Semitism, and that the results herein will be contextualized and used to improve

psychologists’ awareness of this unique population.

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APPENDD( A
Glossary of Hebrew, Yiddish and non-English Terms
Abba - Hebrew word for father.

Aggadab - Also known as midrash aggadah, it is the genre of non-legal rabbinical
commentary that expands and explicates biblical text. Aggadah is comprised of the sayings,
homiletic interpretations, historical information, legends, anecdotes, and folklore of rabbinic
literature. (Biale,1984, p.288; Heschel,]995, p. 283).

Aliyah - Jewish immigration to Israel. The term also designates the calling up to the altar to
read from the Torah (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 324).

Amidab — Prayer said in a Jewish religious service. Different sects of Judaism have
different practices regarding the arnidah.

Ashkenazi - The term specifically denotes German Jewry and their descendants in other
countries. From the fifteenth to the sixteenth centuries, the center of Ashkenazi Jewry shifted
to Bohemia, Poland and Lithuania. In Slavonic territories, the Ashkenazi's use of Yiddish
became prominent. After the Chmielnicki massacres in 1648, Ashkenazi Jewry spread
throughout Western Europe. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, Ashkenazi Jewry
massively emigrated fiom Eastern Europe. Before World War II, ninety percent of the
world's Jewish population was Ashkenazi (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 324).

Bat/Bar Mitzvah - Literally meaning “Daughter or Son of the Commandments.” This
rite of passage indicates the coming of age in Jewish culture and is thus marked with a
ceremony. Girls come of age at the age of twelve, boys at thirteen (Balka & Rose, 1998,
p. 283).

Bimah - The raised section of the synagogue where the leader stands to lead prayers and
where the Torah is read (Balka & Rose, 1989 p. 283).

Blintzes — Jewish crepes, filled with sour cream and fruit, typically of the Ashkenazi
tradition.

Conservative Judaism - One of four streams in American Judaism. Less pure in its
observance of Jewish law, but less liberal and more rooted in Jewish norms than Reform
Judaism. Conservative Jews tend to follow some, not all of the laws and commandments,
and may not do so consistently (Brown, 1991, p. 52).

Dachau — The name of a concentration camp used by the Nazis.

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Diaspora - The lands of the Jewish dispersion, or all lands outside of Israel (Torton
Beck, 1989, p. 326).

Esbet Cbayil — Traditional Hebrew prayer that praises women and her accomplishments
in the domestic sphere.

Gefilte Fish — A Jewish specialty consisting of ground cod or white fish mixed with
eggs, matzoh meal, boiled in broth, and served with horseradish (Torton Beck, 1989, p.
326).

Gemara - The Talmudic commentary on the Mishnah (Biale, 1984, p. 287).
Goyisba — Something that is characteristic of gentiles (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 326)

Hadassab — An international Jewish woman’s organization focused on social action and
charitable affairs. '

Haggadah - Collection of hymns, tales, psalms, etc. read during the Seder on the first two
nights of Passover (Kaye/Kantrowitz & Klepfisz, 1989, p. 348).

Halakha - Literally, “The way of walking.” A term which refers to the rules and norms of
Jewish law. If something is “halakhically " correct,” it is precisely within the lines of Jewish
law. Halakhah encompasses both the written Torah and the oral tradition (Brown, 1991, p.
51; Heschel, 1995, p. 284).

Hallah/Cballab - Braided egg-bread traditionally served on Shabbat and other holy days
(Josefowitz Seigel & Cole, 1997, p. 314).

Hannukab — Jewish festival of lights commemorating the Jewish rebellion and victory
over the Romans (Josefowitz Seigel & Cole, 1997, p. 315).

Hassidim —‘ People who belong to a specific branch of Orthodox Judaism.

High Holidays — The ten days observed as the beginning of the Jewish New Year,
beginning with Rosh Hashanah, the new year, and concluding with Yom Kippur, a day of
fasting and atonement (Balka & Rose, 1998, p. 284).

Holocaust - Literally means the burning. Attempted genocide of the Jewish people in
Germany & Eastern Europe by the Nazi party.

Jewish Star/Magen David — The six-pointed star associated with the Jews and the State
of Israel (Balka & Rose, 1998, p. 285).

Judeo-Arabic - Language of the Sephardi Jews and their descendants fiom North Afiica
and other Arab countries (Cantor, 1995, p. 159).

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Kibbutz - Collective agricultural community in Israel where childcare and eating
arrangements are collectivized and where socialized principles govern (Torton Beck, 1989,
p. 327).

Kristalnacht — German word meaning the night of broken glass. Kristalnacht was a chain
of events (a pogrom) in German and Austrian towns and cities, where Jewish institutions,
synagogues, businesses, homes were vandalized, burned to the ground, and destroyed. Many
people were also killed, tortured, and harassed in these pogroms.

Kosher — Something is kosher that pertains to, or is in accordance with, the Jewish
dietary laws.

Ladino - Hispanic language written in Hebrew characters developed at the end of the
Middle Ages. After Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492, various dialects of Ladino
crystallized in the new lands of settlement: North Africa, Balkan States, Turkey, the Middle
East, and later in the United States and Latin America. The first printed book in Ladino
appeared in Constantinople in 1510; widespread literature developed in subsequent
centuries. Ladino is also referred to as Judeo-Spanish, Romance, Judezmo, and Spaniolish
(T orton Beck, 1989, p. 327).

Light Unto the Nations — Biblical directive from God to the Hebrew people to have
them represent the Ten Commandments and monotheism to the world.

Matzob Balls — Jewish soup dumplings made with the meal of the unleavened bread used
for Passover.

Mecbitzah— The physical barrier used to separate men and women in a traditional prayer
service (Balka & Rose, 1998, p. 285).

Menorah — The candelabrum lit during the festival of Hannukah (Balka & Rose, 1998,
p.285)

Menscbe(s) — A good person/people.

Minyan - A quorum of ten men required by Jewish law for a proper religious service
(T orton Beck, 1989, p. 328).

Misbna - The oral tradition codified in 200 CE. under the direction of Rabbi Judah Ha-Nasi
(Biale, 1984, p. 288).

Mitzvot - Commandments, usually referring to good deeds, such as helping one in distress;
of the 613 mitzvot listed in the Bible, 248 are positive commands (Torton Beck, 1989, p.
329)

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Nudnik/s - The Hebrew word for someone who is a pest and bothers you in a negative
fashion.

Orthodox Judaism - Stream of Judaism that adheres to the letter of the Jewish law.
Considered the strictest and most traditional stream of Judaism. Within Orthodox
Judaism there are various sects as well, who vary in their degree of strictness.

Passover - English for Pesach, the festival for commemorating the liberation of the Jews
from their bondage in Egypt. It lasts seven days, and during the first two nights, a ritual meal
(Seder) is held, where the story of the bondage and liberation is recalled. A particular set of
dietary laws governs food consumption during this week (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 329).

Peis/Peyes - Long uncut locks of hair which Orthodox Jewish males grow in front of
their ears in accordance with the Biblical prescription, “They shall not cut the corners of
their beards” (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 329).

Pilpul - Techniques of Talmudic disputation utilizing subtle differentiations in arguments;
sophistry (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 329).

Reconstructionist Judaism - One of four streams in American Judaism. Less pure in its
observance of Jewish law, and considered the most liberal sect in Judaism.
Reconstructionism adheres to a historical consciousness or civilization of the Jewish people
(Heschel, 1995, p. xliii).

Reform Judaism - One of four streams in American Judaism. Less pure in its observance
of Jewish law than Conservative and Orthodox Judaism. Reform Judaism lays claim to the
idea or spirit of Judaism and Jewish law (Heschel, 1995, p. xliii).

Rosh Hashanah - The Jewish New Year.

Sabarit - Female of the Hebrew word Sabra, nickname for the native Israeli, referring
metaphorically to the cactus (“prickly pear”): prickly exterior and tender heart (Torton Beck,
1989, p.330).

Seder - The religious home service/evening ritual meal recounting the liberation from
Egyptian bondage, and celebrated arrridst festivity on the first and second nights of Passover
(Torton Beck, p. 330).

Sephardi - A descendent of Jews who lived in Spain or Portugal before their expulsion in
1492. Sephardim (pl.) established communities of numerical, economic, and scholastic
importance in North Africa, Italy, the Near East, Westem Europe, America, and the Balkan
states (especially Constantinople, Salonika, Izmir). The distinctive language of the
Sephardim is Ladino. Together with other non-Ashkenazi Jews, Sephardim constitute
seventeen percent of world Jewry and approximately half of the population of Israel (but the

130

term refers to all Arab and Oriental Jews). Three percent of the Jewish population in the
United States are Sephardi (Torton Beck, 1989, p. 330).

Shabbat/Sbabbas —- Jewish sabbath beginning at sundown Friday night and ending on
sundown Saturday night.

Shabbat Shalom — a typical greeting to give on Shabbat meaning “Have a good and
peaceful Sabba .”

Sbomer Shabbas — Literally meaning, abiding by the laws of Shabbat. According to Jewish
law, there are many special rules of conduct for Shabbat and one’s behavior on that day.
People called shomer shabbas are committed to following these laws exactly.

Sisterhood/Brotherhood -— The governing body of women/men in a synagogue, typically
in charge of coordinating synagogue cultural and volunteer affairs.

Sitting Shiva/To Sit Shiva - Seven day period of mourning following a death where
loved ones sit together to grieve.

Talmud - The literature containing the Mishnah and Gemara, and the discussion of the
Mishnah. This body of teaching comprises the commentary and discussions of the meaning
of the Torah (Heschel, 1995, p. 287; Torton Beck, 1989, p. 33]).

Thank God I wasn’t born a Woman - Traditional prayer said every morning by
observant Jewish men. The intention of the prayer has been debated. Some claim that is a
man’s way to be thankful that he has the honor of serving God. Others believe that it is a
sexist prayer intended to point out the superior status of men in Judaism.

Tikkun 01am - The Jewish communal ethic of activism in the world (Shoshana, 1989, p.
94).

Torah - A parchment scroll containing the first five books of the Old Testament (Torton
Beck, 1989, p. 331).

Tzedakab - Charity or acts of justice; Jewish law obligates the community not just to give
tzedakah, but to provide community services to meet the basic physical and spiritual needs
of community members. The Talmud states that a Torah scholar can only live in towns that
have a communal fund for tzedakah. Jews are obligated to give tzedakah to gentiles as well
as other Jews, though the commandments surrounding charity to Jews are more strict (Segal,
l998,p.282)

Yeshiva - Literally meaning academy. Yeshiva is the traditional Orthodox Jewish institution
where men devote themselves to the study of Talmudic law (Schiffman, 1999, p. 284).

I31

Yiddish - Written in Hebrew characters, Yiddish is the Language of medieval German
origin used by Ashkenazi Jews over the past thousand years. Began in the tenth century in
Middle Rhine region, and spread with Jews in their wanderings throughout Europe. By
1939, there were 11 million Yiddish speakers. However, the forces of the Holocaust, Soviet
anti-Semitism, anti-Yiddish forces in Israel, and assimilation throughout the world have
drastically reduced the number of Yiddish speakers in the world (Torton Beck, 1989, p.
332).

Yom Kippur — The final day of the High Holy Days, observed through fasting, prayer,
self-examination, and redirection (Balka & Rose, 1998, p. 287).

Zakhor - The Biblical commandment to remember, zakhor has been a fundamental
responsibility of the Jewish people throughout history. It is enshrined in the Ten
Commandments by association with the Sabbath (Exodus 20:8) and liturgically elevated
through the yizkor memorial prayer for the dead (Baumel Joseph, 1998, p. 178).

Zionist - Modern political movement for the return of the Jewish people to Zion, the old
prophetic name for Palestine. This movement began in the 19th century with the thinking
and writings of a number of men in various parts in Europe, and was followed by the
founding of several Jewish agricultural settlements in Palestine. Zionism received its
political form from the work of Theodore Herzl and its clearly defined program at the First
Zionist Congress, held in Basel, Switzerland, in 1897 (Schreiber, 1998, p. 292).

132

APPENDIX B

Demographic Information Sheet

Please answer all of the following questions by circling the appropriate response/s. Please
fill in additional information where necessary.

1) Year of birth:
2) Relational status:
a) Married
b) Single and dating
c) Single and not dating
d) Partnered
e) Cohabitation
f) Divorced/Separated
g) Other

3) Is your partner, husband, or person you are dating Jewish? If you are not currently
involved with someone, do you date non-Jews?

a) Yes
b) No

4) Do you have children?
a) No
b) Yes - If yes, number and ages of your children

 

5) Sexual Orientation:
a) Heterosexual
b) Lesbian
c) Bisexual
d) Transgender
e) Other

6) Residence:
a) Rural
b) Urban
c) Suburban

I33

7) Highest educational degree obtained:
a) High School
b) Bachelor's
c) Master’s
(1) Doctorate
e) Other

8) Current occupation:

 

9) Employment status:
a) Full-time (35 or more hours per week)
b) Part-time (less than 35 hours per week)
c) Unemployed
. d) Other

 

10) Please describe your socio-economic status:

 

11) Race:
a) White
b) Black
c) Native American
(1) Asian/Pacific Islander
6) Latina
D Other

12) Ethnic background:
a) Sephardi
b) Ashkenazi

13) Country of origin

 

Nationality/ies

 

Languages you speak

 

14) Parents’ country of origin

 

Parents’ nationality/ies

 

Languages your parents’ speak

 

15) Grandparents’ country of origin

 

Grandparents’nationality/ies

 

Languages your grandparents’ speak

 

134

 

16) Jewish identity:

a) Secular
b) Religious
c) Other

 

17) Jewish affiliation:
a) Reconstructionist
b) Reform
c) Conservative
d) Orthodox
e) Other

 

l8) Synagogue membership:
b) No
a) Yes - If yes, name and type of synagogue

 

19) What type of Jewish home were you raised in?
a) secular
b) religious
c) other

 

20) Describe your parents’ and grandparents’ Jewish identity:
Parents:

 

Grandparents:

 

21) Other faCtors influencing your Jewish identity
a) child of Holocaust survivors
b) parents or grandparents socialist/communists
c) Zionism
d) other

22) Any other relevant information:

 

135

 

APPENDIX C
Semi-Structured Interview Protocol

Below are the research questions that will be explored in the semi-structured
interviews. Semi-structured interviews utilize an open format allowing for the participant to
explore broad topic areas. In this protocol, each research question is followed by the specific
overall topic in the question to be explored. Each overall topic is followed by the key
' concepts that comprise that topic. These concepts are followed by the initial interview
prompt that will be given to the participant to facilitate their exploration of the topic. This
initial interview prompt is followed by a list of more detailed prompts related to the topic
and its key concepts. At the end of the protocol, a list of process questions are provided.
These questions will be used to elicit the participant’s overall experience of the dialogue and
to help them debrief.

The list of key concepts will be used by the researcher solely as a checklist to ensure
that participant fully explores the topic. If the participant naturally covers these key concepts
then the researcher will take the role of “active listener” and will provide no additional
prompts following the initial one. If the participant does not address the key topic’s
concepts, then the researcher will use a more detailed prompt to ensure that these concepts
are addressed at some point in the interview. Thus, interview prompts are provided to
illustrate what might be utilized to facilitate an exploration of the key concepts if needed.
These detailed prompts are not intended to be used as a strict guide for the discussion, but as
previously stated a means to ensure that the key concepts are discussed.

Research question #1

How can one understand the relationship between Jewish women’s identity, ethnicity,
worldview, and their ways of expressing Jewishness?

Topic A - Jewishness
Key Concepts: meaning of J ewishness, description of Jewishness, expressions of Jewishness

Initial Prompt: What makes Jewish women Jewish?

Detailed Prompts:
Describe what it means to be Jewish.

Describe your way of being Jewish in the world.

Describe what makes a woman Jewish.

Describe how you can tell that a woman is Jewish.

Describe how Jewish women express their Jewishness to other Jews.
Describe how Jewish women express their Jewishness to non-Jews.

Topic B - Models of Jewish women
Key Concepts: ideals and types of Jewish women

136

 

Initial Prompt: Who are Jewish women?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe an ideal Jewish woman.

Describe the typical Jewish woman.

Describe your understanding of the expression “a woman of valor” (eshet chayil).
Describe a successful Jewish woman.

Describe what makes a Jewish woman a failure.

Describe what makes a woman “Jewish enough,” “not Jewish enough,” or “too Jewish.”
Describe the model of being a Jewish woman you ascribe to.

Topic C - Expectations of Jewish women from Jewish religion and culture
Key Concepts: farme expectations, community expectations, gender role expectations

Initial Prompt: What does Jewish religion and culture expect from Jewish women?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe what you were taught about Jewish women from your family?

Describe what you were taught about Jewish women from your Jewish community?
Describe what this traditional prayer means to you “Thank God I wasn’t bom a woman.”
Describe your understanding of Jewish women’s obligation to study Torah, worship and
pray.

Describe your understanding of what Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus meant when he said, “It is
better to burn the Torah than to teach it to your daughter?

Topic D - Secularism
Key Concepts: meaning of secularism, expressions of secularism, role of secularism

Initial Prompt: What is secular Judaism?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe what being secular means to you.

Describe what makes a Jewish woman secular

Describe how you came to identify as a secular Jewish woman.
Describe the specific influences on your secular identity.
Describe yorn' understanding of why Jewish women are secular.
Describe how you tell if a Jewish woman is secular.

Topic E - Ethnicity
Key concepts: nature and expression of ethnicity

Initial Prompt: What makes a woman Ashkenazi?
Detailed Prompts:

Describe a typical Ashkenazi Jewish woman.
Describe what is unique about being Ashkenazi.

I37

 

Describe your understanding of Ashkenazi traditions.

Tmric F - Jewish ethics:
Key Concepts: Jewish values, Jewish virtues, Jewish worldview

Initial Prompt: Describe what you understand about Jewish morality

Detpil_ed PromJts:

Describe what makes a Jewish woman a good person.

Describe what makes a Jewish woman a bad person.

Describe your understanding of the notion “the chosen people.”

Describe your understanding of the of the notion of being “a light unto the nations.”
Describe what values you hold that you feel come fiom being Jewish.

Describe what doing mitzvot means to you.

Describe what doing tzedakah means to you.

Describe what believing in tikkun olarn means to you.

Describe what Rabbi Hillel meant when he said:

“If I am not for myself, who am I? If I am only for myself, what am I? If not now when?”

Research question #2

How do Jewish women experience their Jewishness in a Christian society and what is the
psychological effect of this experience?

Topic A - Being Jewish in the United States
Key Concepts: experience of being Jewish in the US, minority experience, visibility issues

Initial Prompt: What is it like to be Jewish in the United States?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe your experience of Jewish women in the United States.
Describe your experience of the majority culture in the United States.
Describe your experience of being a minority woman in the United States.
Describe your experience of Jewish visibility in the United States.
Describe your experience of Jewish invisibility in the United States.

Topic B - Being Jewish i_np Christian Socipty
Key Concepts: expression of J ewishness to non-Jewish society, experience of Jewishness in
Christian society, Jewish survival strategies in Christian society

Mm What is it like to be Jewish in a Christian society?

Detailed Prompts:
Describe how you express your J ewi shness to non-Jews.

138

 

Describe how you express your Jewishness to Jews.

Describe how Jewish women experience being Jewish in a Christian society.

Describe the impact of being Jewish in a Christian society.

Describe how Jewish women are affected by being in a Christian society.

Describe the benefits, limitations and challenges of being Jewish in a Christian society.
Describe your understanding of why parents tell their daughters not to trust goyim/non-
Jews.

Describe your understanding of why parents want their daughters to marry Jews.

Research question #3

How does anti-Semitism and its related stereotypes influence Jewish women
psychologically?

Topic A - anti-Semitism

Key Concepts: definition of anti-Semitism, experience of anti-Semitism, expressions of anti-
Semitism

Initial Prompt: What is anti-Semitism like in North America?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe your definition of anti-Semitism?

Describe your experience of anti-Semitism in North America.
Describe how you know something is anti-Semitic.

Describe your understanding of how non-Jews dislike Jewish women.
Describe your understanding of why non-Jews dislike Jewish women.
Describe your experience of Jews being blamed for societal problems.
Describe your response anti-Semitism

Topic B - The Holocaust/Historical persecution .
Key Concepts: effect of the Holocaust on modern woman, effect of legacy of persecution

Initial Prompt: How are Jewish women today affected by the Holocaust and the history of
Jewish persecution?

Detailed prompts:
Describe what you understand about the Holocaust.

Describe how the Holocaust affected you.

Describe your understanding of the historical persecution of Jews.
Describe how you were raised to understand Jewish persecution.
Describe your understanding of the expression “never forget.”

Topic C - Stereotygs of Jewish women

Key Concepts: types of stereotypes, impact of stereotypes

139

Initial Prompt: How are Jewish women stereotyped?

Detailed Prompts:

Describe how you see Jewish woman portrayed in the media?

Describe how you see Jewish women being stereotyped?

Describe what it means to be 3 “JAP.”

Describe what it means to be a “Jewish mother.”

Describe your understanding of the validity of stereotypes about Jewish women.
Describe how stereotypes about Jewish'women have impacted you.

Describe the stereotypical traits of Jewish women that you embody.

To ic D - Jewish women and a arance
Key Concepts - Meaning of looking Jewish

Initial Prompt: Describe what a Jewish woman looks like.

Detailed Prompts:
Describe what makes a Jewish woman beautiful.

Describe what makes a Jewish woman unattractive.

"Process Questions

What was this process like for you?

What was helpful about the discussion? What was not?

What was meaningful about the discussion? What was not?

Was anything important missing from the discussion?

Would this process have been different for you if I (the facilitator) wasn’t Jewish? How?

140

 

 

APPENDIX D
Informed Consent Form

Please read this form carefully and if you decide to participate in this study, sign and
date this form at the end.

Title of Study: Jewish women in North America: A qualitative study of their Ashkenazi
secular identity and their experiences of anti-Semitism.

Investigator: Freda Ruth Ginsberg, M.A.
Doctoral Candidate in Counseling Psychology, Michigan State University
Department of Educational Psychology, Counseling Psychology & Special
Education, 443 Erickson Hall, East Lansing, MI, 48824
Tel.: 517-355-8502/e-mail: rosenb30@pilot.msu.edu

Supervisor: Linda Forrest, Ph.D.: Tel.: 517—355-8502

University Committee Chair
for Research on Human Subjects: Dr. David E. Wright - Tel.: 517-355-2180

Investigator’s Statement

I invite you to participate in this study of Jewish women’s secular Ashkenazi
identity and their experiences of anti-Semitism. The results of this study will provide
information to psychologists and other mental health care professionals who research, teach,
train, or provide therapy to Jewish women. This study is being conducted for the fulfilhnent
of the researcher’s Ph.D. dissertation requirements in Counseling Psychology at Michigan

State University.

PURPOSE AND BENEFITS

PROCEDURES

You were identified to participate in this study through word of mouth and contact
with Jewish women’s organizations and synagogues. Anyone else interested .in learnrng
more about the study can contact the investigator by mail, telephone or e-marl. To protect
your confidentiality, no one involved in recruiting you will be apprised of your rnvolvement
in the study. Jewish women 30 years of age or older, self-identifying as Ashkenazr and

secular, are being invited to participate.

You will be asked to complete a demographic sheet regarding personal background
information (i.e. age, synagogue membership, ethnicity, etc.).. You Will be scheduled for an
interview according to your convenience and scheduling optrons. The rntervrew questrons
you will be asked will cover the topics of Jewish identity, Jewrsh relrgron and culture, and

141

 

 

anti-Semitism. Your interview will be held in a confidential and private location, will last
for approximately 60-90 minutes, and will be tape recorded for the purposes of transcription.

Upon completion of your interview, a short debriefing will occur. Following the
debriefing, you will be reminded to contact the investigator via telephone, e-mail, or regular
mail, if you have anything to discuss about the research process over the course of the week
following data collection. Although it is unlikely, you are hereby informed that personal
discomfort may come from your participation in the study from discussing the research
t0pics. You will be asked to identify a source of personal support to use in case you need to
talk at length about this discomfort. The investigator will provide you with a professional
mental health referral if needed. You may refuse to answer any question or stop
participating at any time during the interview. You may also contact me after the interview
if you want to have any of your information removed from the corpus of the data

Your name will not be given to the transcribers to protect the confidential nature of
your participation. If your name is on the audiotape, it will be replaced with a code ntunber
on the transcription. Transcripts and audiotapes will be kept in a locked file until the
completion of the study. Transcripts will be analyzed using a qualitative methodology and
results will be analyzed for thematic content and then written up in the form of a
dissertation. You will be given the option to read a summary of the initial data analysis. If
you would like to share your impressions of the analysis, you may do so at that time. The
results of this study may be re-analyzed in the future. This study may be presented at
professional conferences or written up in the form of a scholarly article and submitted to a
professional journal for publication.

Before joining this study, you need to sign this informed consent form below,
signifying that your participation in this study is voluntary and that you will not be
remunerated for your participation. No harm is intended to come to you as a result of your
participation. All data will be presented to protect the confidentiality of participants and your
privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

By signing below, I affirm that I understand and consent to all that is written

 

 

 

 

above.

Participant’s Signature: ‘ Date:
Investigator’s signature: Date:
Investigator’s signature: Date:

 

 

142

 

APPENDIX B
Data Analysis Summary for Participants - Jewish women: A qualitative study of their
Ashkenazi secular identity and experiences of anti-Semitism
Themes all Sub-themes

The data analysis in this study resulted in the emergence of four major themes:
Jewishness, Otherness, Anti-Semitism, and The Holocaust. Each of these themes and their
sub-themes are discussed below.
J ewishness

The first major theme emerging from this study was the concept of Jewishness. All
of the twelve participants discussed how their Jewishness was central and fundamental to
who they were, how they saw the world, how they gave meaning to their experiences, and
how they were viewed by others. As such, participants discussed Jewishness in the context
of three specific sub-themes: (a) Jewish Ethics and Morality, (b) The Jewish People, and
(c) Jewish Women.
J eulsjfiithics and MoralJity

Most of the participants explained that Jewish culture, history, and religion provided
them with an ethical tradition to which they could adhere. Only two indicated that their
sense of morality was not specific to Jewish culture. The ethical tradition described by all
was comprised of five components: (a) being a good person, (b) treating others well, (c)
doing good deeds (mitzvot), (d) doing charitable acts (tzedakah), and (e) speaking out
against injustice to make the world a better place (tikkun 01am). Thus, most participants
explained that the quality of who they were as a person should be reflected in how they treat

others, specifically through good works and volunteering. Participants emphasized the need

143

to improve the world they lived in and, in particular, to speak out about injustice and the
oppression of all people. As such, most participants indicated that who they were ethically

was inseparable from their experience of themselves as Jewish.

 

The Jewish People

Participants described the concept of the Jewish pe0ple and discussed it in five
ways: (a) Jewish Childhood and the Jewish Family, (b) Jews in Their Local Jewish
Community, (c) Jews as a Nation in the World and Israel, ((1) Jews as The Chosen
People, and, (e) Jewish Women.

Jewrfl childhood and the Jewish family.

Two areas that informed participants’ concept of J ewishness were their childhood
experiences and their current Jewish family situations. Participants reported that how they
were raised to be Jewish and how the experiences they had growing up as Jews informed
who they were as Jews today. The childhood experiences that they discussed were from
within their immediate families and homes, as well as, from their participation in Jewish
traditions, rituals, and activities. With regard to their families, participants stressed the
importance of a Jewish home and described the impact of intergenerational family
experiences with parents, grandparents, and siblings. In each of these areas, participants
discussed Jewish cultural traditions such as keeping kosher and how their Jewishness was
linked to celebrating Jewish holidays, observing Jewish traditions, and participating in rites
of passage, such as, bat-mitzvah. Finally, being involved in the broader Jewish community
was reported to be an important influence on their childhood and included: attending

synagogue, Jewish youth groups, and Jewish summer camps.

144

Participants indicated that their childhood experiences had influenced their current
choices about how to be Jewish in their homes, families, and community. In discussing their
current home life, most participants indicated the importance of it being Jewish. Participants
also shared their opinions regarding the nature of their current families and thoughts they
had about raising Jewish children. Finally, participants discussed how they had come to
make choices about attending synagogue, observing Jewish holidays and traditions, and
practicing Jewish rites of passage. Although participants’ childhood experiences varied, and
their current choices of how to practice Judaism were different, all emphasized the influence
of Judaism, Jewish family life, and the Jewish community in their understanding of
themselves as Jewish women today.

Jews in their local Jewish communim

The discussion of local Jewish communities included participants’ thoughts,
feelings, and critiques of the various sects of Jewish practice, with a particular focus on the
practice of Orthodox and Reform Judaism Many participants were strongly identified with
their local Jewish communities and synagogues and described the nature of that
involvement. Participants also explained the importance of bringing children into the Jewish
community and supporting its existence.

Jews as a nation in the world and in Israel.

Participants explored the notion of Jews as a nation of people spread throughout the
world and in Israel. Participants described the ways they did or did not feel part of this
nation. Participants emphasized the importance of preserving the world’s Jewish
community and the Jewish people, specifically due to the Holocaust and history of Jewish

persecution.

145

Many participants discussed the importance and necessity of the existence of the
State of Israel. They indicated that Israel was necessary for the safety and survival of the
Jewish people. Some explained that Israel provided them with a sense of security and
possibly a place of refuge if needed. Further, some participants described their general
loyalty to the Jewish State whereas others described their commitment to Zionism.

Jew/53s a choseryreople.

Participants wrestled with the notion of being part of a chosen people.
Participants provided their understanding of this concept and some hypothesized that the
Jewish people had been chosen to suffer. Others thought that the Jews were chosen to be
an example of tolerance and morality. Further, some participants explained that being
part of the chosen people was personally meaningfirl and relevant to them. Others thought
that the idea of being chosen was exclusionary and distasteful.

Jewish women.

Participants explained how being female informed their experience of being Jewish.
Participants discussed the gender role expectations they had known from within Judaism
and their Jewish communities and families. Specifically, participants offered their opinions
about the idea of a typical Jewish woman, which they described as talkative, nurturing,
family oriented, and in charge. In addition they shared their views regarding the concept of
eshet chayil or a woman of valor. Finally, participants gave their opinions as to whether or
not one could be a failure or success as a Jewish woman, and many felt conflicted or
frustrated regarding the standards of Orthodox Judaism.

In summary, the notion of Jewishness, was central to how these women experienced

themselves, defined their lives, made moral decisions, and interacted with others.

146

Otherness .

A second major theme that emerged in this study was that of Otherness. Otherness
was defined by participants as one being significantly different from others and experiencing
oneself as living outside of mainstream American society because she is Jewish. Participants
also described themselves as being other within Jewish religion and culture because they
were women. As such, the theme of otherness was comprised of four components: (a)
visibility and invisibility, (b) being a minority in a Christian country, (c) non-Jews, and,

(d) sexism and misogyny from within Judaism.

Visibilifl and invisiblitL

Visibility was defined in two ways. First, participants described visibility as being
identifiably Jewish and proud of that fact. Participants also discussed visibility relative to
their concerns about being too Jewish and sticking out because of differences between
Jewish cultural norms and those of mainstream Christian society. Some explained how
sticking out in these ways left them feeling unsafe and at risk of experiencing
discrimination.

On the other hand, participants explained that being invisible meant not being seen
or identified as different. For example, participants reported that people might not know that
they were Jewish or what that meant. Others reported that invisibility meant not being
understood as to how one was different ethnically or religiously in ways that differed from
mainstream Christianity or American society. Participants reported being asked questions
such as, "Who or what are you?" or "What is a Jew?" Depending on the context, participants
reported experiencing these questions in two ways: a) as an invitation for conversation; or,

b) as a sign of anti-Semitism or ignorance.

147

Being a minorig in a Christian country

Participants offered their views about being a minority in America. Many
participants explained that Jews were a unique and influential minority. Some suggested that
there were geographical differences in how they experienced their minority status. All
participants acknowledged the reality of Jews as a religious and ethnic minority in North
America. Some participants shared how their status as a minority helped them identify more
closely with the needs and concerns of other minorities.

Participants discussed the ways that they saw America as having a majority
Christian culture, with a predominantly Christian politic, calendar, morality, and value
system. All described the impact this had on them. Specifically, participants noted the
impact of living on a Christian calendar, which gives no attention to Jewish holidays and
traditions. Many participants discussed how Christmas was a central focus in American
society and that this focus left Jews and Jewish life on the margins. Many participants
agreed that the Christmas season was a particularly difficult and challenging time for them.

Further, participants discussed their concems about the Christian Political Right and this
group’s lack of tolerance for anything non-Christian.

Non-Jews.

Participants gave their opinions about non-Jews, recalled their experiences of
interacting with them, and offered their beliefs about dating and marrying outside of
Judaism. Some participants reported that in some ways they found it difficult to trust non-
Jews and some did not reveal that they were Jewish until finding out whether or not a non-
Jew was anti-Semitic. Participants also reported either being committed to or weary from

educating non-Jews about Jewish life.

148

For the most part, participants discussed non-Jews generally, but when giving
specific details, Catholics and Italians were mentioned the most. Protestants were discussed
less, and some reported a lack of familiarity or trust toward Protestants and fundamentalist
Christians. Many participants also reported growing up in neighborhoods where they
interacted regularly with Catholics and Italians. Some participants reported feeling positive
toward Catholics. Others experienced blatant anti-Semitism from this group. In general,
Catholics were somewhat of a familiar group, and thus, participants used them as a
reference point when discussing non-Jews. Italians were also mentioned frequently by
participants. Italians were viewed as being most similar to Jews in their mannerisms, family
values, ways of thinking, and parenting styles.

Qati_ng_and marrying non-Jews.

Participants’ views varied regarding the issue of dating and marrying non-Jews.
Some participants, either currently or in the past, had dated or married non-Jews. Others
explained that they felt this practice was not right for them, and some even felt that this
weakened the fabric and preservation of the Jewish pe0ple. Participants shared the views
given to them by their families regarding this issue and the impact these views had on them.
Some discussed their beliefs about raising children in inter-faith marriages. Some
participants, currently in inter-faith marriages, discussed the ways they felt judged by the
Jewish community for their choice to marry outside of Judaism, whereas others explained

that they did not experience this judgment.

149

Anti-Semitism

A third major theme in this study was anti-Semitism. This theme was comprised of
five sub-themes: (a) nature of anti-Semitism, (b) stereotypes of Jews, (c) stereotypes of
Jewish women, (d) experiences of anti-Semitism, and, (e) responding to anti-Semitism.

Regarding the nature of anti-Semitism, all participants offered their definition of it
and an explanation as to why it existed and how it functioned. Further, participants also
described the nature of common Jewish stereotypes and how these affected them. Some
reported trying "to not live out the stereotype" whereas others explained how they tried to
"break the stereotype" as a way of combating anti-Semitism and keeping themselves safe.
Similarly, participants discussed common stereotypes of Jewish women, such as the JAP
(Jewish American Princess) and the Jewish mother. Some participants validated the reality
of these stereotypes, while others asserted the anti-Semitic and sexist nature of these images.

Participants also described their many personal experiences of anti-Semitism. Some
experiences reported included: being stereotyped, name calling, vandalism, and harassment
in the workplace. Other experiences reported were quite severe and included: aggressive and
violent acts such as being beaten up and gang attacks. Finally, participants reported the ways
in which they had chosen to respond to anti-Semitism both as it occurred in their personal
lives and in the broader society. Participants’ responses to anti-Semitism included: educating
their children, speaking up as it occurred, and direct social action at the community and
national level. Some participants’ responses to anti-Semitism also included a belief in
Zionism. All found that living with and responding to anti-Semitism was a challenging,

discouraging, and psychologically exhausting endeavor.

150

Holocaust

A fourth theme that emerged in this study was that of the Holocaust. All of the
participants in the study reflected on the Holocaust deeply having much to say. Most
reported that it had a major effect on their lives, their view of the world, and their existence
as Jews. Participants discussed the Holocaust in three ways: (a) theorizing about why and
how it happened, (b) describing how it affected them personally, and, (c) responding to the
Holocaust.

In theorizing about why and how the Holocaust happened, participants largely
agreed that the occurrence of this event was unfathomable, regardless of existing historical
explanations. Participants did explain, however, that evil, severe anti-Semitism, jealousy,
and the dark-side of humanity were all contributing factors. Many concun'ed that while the
Holocaust was the most tangible Jewish atrocity they knew of, the vast array of others (e. g.
pogroms, the Crusades, the Inquisition) were important to remember.

All participants concurred that the Holocaust had a profound and unchangeable
effect on them, the world, and specifically on the history of the Jewish people. Some
participants indicated that the Holocaust left them feeling at risk and not safe in the world as
Jews. Some explained that while they were currently American citizens, their primary
identification was as a Jew, and that they would not be surprised to frnd themselves living
elsewhere when American anti-Semitism becomes more intense. Some did not believe that
anything close to the Holocaust could ever occur in America. Many participants described
feeling a general lack of trust towards Germany and German people. Some participants

shared their stories of recent trips to Germany and the unnerving impact these had on them.

151

Many participants explained that the Holocaust increased their commitment to
preserving Judaism and addressing injustice and hate in the world, as well as, how they
raised their children. Participants offered three responses to the Holocaust namely: never
forget, it could happen again, and never again. Some theorized that if people forget why and
how the Holocaust happened, than there is nothing to ensure that it won’t happen again.
Others were certain that Jewish persecution was a given in the world, and that it was just a
matter of time until the next atrocity happened again. Finally, others described the Israeli
position of, never again, whereby one takes a defensive position toward protecting Jews and
Jewish life and anticipates anti-Semitic events.

Data Analysis for Interview Process

At the end of each interview participants were asked questions in relation to how
they experienced the interview process. Participants reported that they found the researcher
easy to talk to because she was Jewish, and that her being Jewish helped create an Openness
and sense of trust. Further, participants explained that the cultural familiarity shared with the
researcher facilitated the ease in answering the interview questions. Participants reported
that the benefits of the interview were that it was interesting and thought provoking.
Participants did not report that the process was at all distressing. In addition, participants
were very generous with their time and offered to help contribute to this research effort as it
unfolded. Finally, some participants reported that while they enjoyed the individual
interview, they would have liked to have a group interview instead so that they could know

what other participants had to say.

152

APPENDIX F

Letter to Judges

July 11, 2001
Dear Judge,

Thank you for volunteering to act as a judge in my dissertation study. Your input is an
invaluable component of the data analysis. The goal of your involvement in this process is to
validate the themes that have been identified via the formal data analysis, and to check the
researcher’s underlying assumptions with regard to the themes. Therefore, please be
cautious not to provide a data analysis, per se. Instead, I ask you to simply be attentive to
recursive themes that seem to be coming up in each transcript. To complete this process,
please follow three steps while working with each transcript:

I) Read the transcript to familiarize yourself with it. Do not take detailed notes as you
read, rather jot down your first impressions either as you read or when you are done.

2) Read each transcript for the second time more thoroughly and identify the major
themes that seem to be catching your attention. Please take note of these themes. If
possible, note the page/line numbers where these themes seem most prevalent

3) Return all your notes for each transcript. If it is easier, you can send me your notes
via an e-mail attachment if you have access to Microsoft Word. Also, if you have
access to a paper shredder, feel free to shred the transcripts when you are done. If
not, please return the transcripts with your notes.

Let me know in advance how long you think it will take to complete this process. Thank you
again for your assistance. Your feedback is certain to make this study richer and more
interesting.

Sincerely,

Freda Ginsberg, M.A.
Doctoral Candidate
Counseling Psychology
Michigan State University

153

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